Letters of Sincerity: The Raffles Collection of Malay Letters (1780-1824), A Descriptive Account with Notes and Translation 9789679948455, 9679948455

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LETTERS OF SINCERITY: THE RAFFLES COLLECTION OF MALAY LETTERS (1780–1824) A Descriptive Account with Notes and Translation

Ahmat Adam

Monograph 43 2009

Published by The Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society from its office and repository at 4B Jalan Kemuja, Bangsar 59000 Kuala Lumpur Malaysia Email: [email protected] URL: www.mbras.org.my

8 MBRAS 2009 Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia

Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

Ahmat Adam Letters of sincerity: the Raffles collection of Malay letters (1780-1824) / Ahmat Adam (MBRAS monograph no. 43) Includes index Bibliography: pp. 393-406 ISBN 978-967-9948-45-5 1. Raffles, Sir Thomas Stamford, 1781-1826, 2. Malay letters. I. Title. II. Series. 899.23 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be transmitted or stored in a retrieval system in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopy, recording or otherwise, without the prior written consent of the Council of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.

Printed by Academe Art & Printing Services Sdn. Bhd. No. 7, Jalan Rajawali 1A, Batu 8, Jalan Puchong, Bandar Puchong Jaya, 47100 Selangor ii

TO ADI, ANA & AYU

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CONTENTS Page Foreword by Dr John Bastin Preface Acknowledgements Abbreviations Glossary Note on orthography

vii xiii xv xvii xviii xxi

Introduction

1

PART I: Letters from the Malay Peninsula I. The Kedah Letters II. The Penang Letters III. The Perak Letter IV. The Pedas and Rembau Letters

35 35 58 83 88

PART II: Letters from the Johor-Riau-Lingga Kingdom V. The Johor and Singapore Letters VI. The Riau Letters VII. The Lingga Letters

101 103 110 120

PART III: Letters from Sumatra VIII. The Siak Letters IX. The Jambi Letter X. The Palembang Letters XI. The Aceh Letter

137 137 224 227 277

PART IV: Letters from Kalimantan XII. The Pontianak Letters XIII. The Sambas Letter XIV. The Banjarmasin Letter

286 286 298 302

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Page PART V: Letters from Java XV. The Banten Letters XVI. The Cirebon Letters XVII. Haji Mohali’s Letter

305 305 312 318

PART VI: Letters from Bali XVIII. The Bali Letters

320 320

Appendices Bibliography Index

353 394 408

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FOREWORD PROVENANCE OF THE RAFFLES MALAY LETTERS

I

n 1969, following negotiations with Mr J. R. F. Drake, acting on behalf of his mother, Mrs M. Rosdew Drake of ‘Inshriach’, Aviemore, Inverness-shire, Scotland, it was agreed to place the family’s collection of Raffles’ letters, papers and other materials, including his collection of natural history drawings, on permanent loan in the India Office Library, London (now part of the British Library). In correspondence with Mrs Rosdew Drake earlier in the year, I had raised the question of her depositing the collection in the Library, and in reply to a letter I wrote to her in March 1969 informing her of the likely purchase and presentation to the Library of the Raffles-Minto collection of manuscripts,1 I received the following letter from Mr Drake dated 3 April: ‘I was exceedingly interested to hear of the proposed sale of the Raffles [Minto] documents and of your efforts to get them for the India Office Library. This has set me thinking. With each succeeding generation the interest in Raffles and his letters grows less immediate, and I feel that the time is fast approaching when we should consider parting with them. My mother and I have discussed this a number of times and had vaguely thought of offering them to the British Museum who already have been presented with the bulk of such items as native masks, weapons and the like. But your mention of the India Office Library sounds a much better idea for the letters, especially if you succeed in obtaining the Minto collection for them. … In addition to the letters, there are a number of portfolios containing original drawings and paintings by native artists of the flora and fauna of the Raffles area, some of which are exceedingly beautiful. These we might also consider parting with.’ During the following month, I visited ‘Inshriach’ and was able to make a detailed examination of the collection which contained, among other items, Raffles’ letters to his sister, Mary Ann Flint; the 11th Duke 1 Bastin, John (1969), Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles with an Account of the RafflesMinto Manuscript Collection Presented to the India Office Library on 17 July 1969 by the Malaysia-Singapore Commercial Association, Liverpool: The Ocean Steam Ship Company Limited.

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and Duchess of Somerset; the orientalist, William Marsden; and his friend, William Brown Ramsay, who served alongside him as a clerk in the Secretary’s office of the East India Company in London. There were also in the collection Lady Raffles’ letters to Charlotte, Duchess of Somerset, as well as letters to her sister-in-law, Mary Ann Flint, all of which threw an entirely new light on Raffles’ personal life. This extensive collection of letters had been brought together originally by Lady Raffles when she was writing the Memoir of the Life and Public Services of Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles, F.R.S. &c. (London, 1830), and was bequeathed by her on her death in 1858 to her niece, Jenny Rosdew Mudge, the daughter of her sister, Alice Watson Hull, and LieutenantColonel Richard Zachariah Mudge of the Royal Engineers. During my visit to ‘Inshriach’ in May 1969, I was able to secure the agreement of Mrs Rosdew Drake and Mr Drake to deposit this large collection of Raffles’ letters in the India Office Library, and I informed the Librarian, Mr Stanley Sutton, of the decision immediately on my return to London. He wrote to Mr Drake on 29 May: ‘Dr Bastin has told me that you are willing to deposit on permanent loan here the collection of the papers of Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles in your possession. I am delighted to learn of this most generous decision, and am very grateful to you for it. … [T]he deposit of your papers will mean that virtually the whole of the official and private papers relating to Raffles will be assembled in one place.’ After further correspondence concerning the conditions governing the deposit of the collection, Mr Drake himself brought most of the letters and the natural history drawings to London by train and they were delivered on the morning of 24 July to the Library at its former address at 197 Blackfriars Road. During lunch on that day, he explained that some of Raffles’ letters and other papers still remained in Scotland, and it was arranged that I would collect them from ‘Inshriach’ and bring them to London for deposit in the Library. This visit was postponed because of the death of Mr Drake’s parents, but after he informed me on 24 October 1970 of a number of interesting discoveries he had made while sorting his parents’ possessions, including ‘more treasure trove’ relating to Raffles and Lady Raffles, I immediately arranged to visit ‘Inshriach’, which I found in the throes of being cleared of furniture and unwanted household items preparatory to its sale. During the afternoon of the second day of my visit, Mr Drake casually placed before me an old green-velvet covered document case which, he said, he had found in the attic, and which, as it

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had once belonged to Raffles, might contain some items of interest. I can still remember the excitement I felt on opening the box and finding beneath other papers three neatly bound bundles of Malay letters written in Jawi script, some of them still in their original yellow silk covers, apparently unopened for a century and a half.2 The discovery of these Malay letters, which for most part were addressed to Raffles by the Malay and Indonesian rulers in 1810–11, at last resolved the problem of what had become of this part of his correspondence during the period he served at Melaka as Agent to the Governor-General with the Malay States. Like everyone else, I had assumed that he had brought the letters with him to England when he left Java in 1816, and then taken them to Bengkulu where they had been destroyed with his other papers and possessions in the fire on the ship Fame on 2 February 1824. This assumption was now clearly mistaken, and it remained to determine what had actually happened to the letters after they reached London in 1816. During his stay at Melaka as Agent to the Governor-General with the Malay States, Raffles was responsible for enlisting the assistance of the Indonesian and Malay rulers in support of the British invasion of Java. He was also given the task of collecting as much information as possible from his agents and local traders about the political and economic conditions in the Dutch-held Indonesian islands in order to secure a safe passage for the British invasion fleet. These tasks, he claimed, kept him occupied for ten hours a day, and in order to reduce the burden of work he sent a number of the Malay letters he received to his friend John Leyden in Calcutta to translate for the information of the Governor-General, Lord Minto.3 These particular letters were presumably still in Leyden’s possession when he arrived at Melaka with Lord Minto in May 1811 in his official role as Malay translator. Other letters were doubtless acquired by him as he worked alongside Raffles corresponding with the Indonesian rulers, a task he found somewhat onerous: ‘I have had a very heavy affair of the Malay[,] Javanese & Bali letters[,] translating those which have arrived, dictating proclamations to send forward in all these lingos & so on.’4 The various letters were taken by 2 Bastin, John (1971), ‘Found: The “Lost” Raffles letters’, New Nation, 10 February 1971, p. 9. 3 Bastin, John (2003), John Leyden and Thomas Stamford Raffles, Eastbourne: Antony Rowe Ltd., pp. 50–1. 4 Ibid., p. 60.

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him to Java where, after his death at Jakarta on 28 August 1811, they were recovered by Raffles who had direct access to his papers.5 The Malay letters were subsequently kept by Raffles at 23 Berners Street, London, after he arrived from Java in 1816; but in the following year, when he was preparing for his voyage to Bengkulu, he decided to leave them behind, not, as might be supposed, with the bulk of his possessions at the Duke of Somerset’s house in Park Lane, Mayfair,6 nor with the ‘great many Boxes of Books and some odds and ends’ he left with his Uncle William at 14 Princes Street, Spitalfields,7 but with William Marsden, whose house, ‘Edge Grove’, near Watford in Hertfordshire, he visited with Lady Raffles and his sister, Mary Ann Flint, in October 1817, shortly before sailing for west Sumatra. That the Malay letters were left with Marsden is indicated in an invitation he extended to Raffles on 26 October 1824 to again visit ‘Edge Grove’: ‘I shall then have the pleasure of shewing you your Chest of Manuscripts, in perfect security, but, I am ashamed to say, not much handled – my literary pursuits having carried me in a different direction.’8 Marsden had published in London in 1812 A Dictionary of the Malayan Language and A Grammar of the Malayan Language, with an Introduction and Praxis in two quarto volumes, so that, apart from their general interest, the Malay letters were probably left with him in the expectation that they would prove useful in preparing a second edition of the two works. Marsden, however, was diverted from Malay studies to other fields of interest, notably his oriental coin collection,9 which he 5 Ibid., pp. 61–70. 6 In a letter to the Duke of Somerset dated 20 October 1817, Raffles apologised for ‘the manner in which I have lumber’d Park Lane House’ (BL:MSS.Eur.D. 742/25). 7 Raffles to the Reverend Dr Thomas Raffles, 21 October 1817 (private collection). 8 BL:MSS.Eur.D.742/2. After his Christmas visit to Marsden, Raffles returned to his house at 104 Piccadilly, London, on 29 December 1824, and the Malay letters would have been kept there until February 1825, when he purchased 23 Lower Grosvenor Street. The letters were probably removed to his country house, ‘Highwood’, in Middlesex, sometime during the second half of 1825, and placed in the Library, where they remained until Lady Raffles’ death in 1858, apart, possibly, for a short period between 1830 and 1834, when ‘Highwood’ was leased to a Mr Knight while she was travelling on the Continent. 9 Marsden, William (1838), A Brief Memoir of the Life and Writings of the late William Marsden …, London: J. L. Cox and Sons, for private circulation, p. 145, note.

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described in Numismatica Orientalia (London, 1823–5), and his books and manuscripts, which were listed in his Bibliotheca Marsdeniana Philologica et Orientalis (London, 1827). Clearly, by the time Raffles arrived back in England in 1824, the Malay letters were no longer of interest, and they were returned to him at Christmas of that year when he and Lady Raffles spent ‘a few days … very pleasantly’ with the Marsdens in Hertfordshire.10 Raffles appears to have been generally lax in reclaiming his other possessions, as it was only after his death that Lady Raffles recovered his books from Spitalfields,11 and the two sets of Gamelan and other objects from the Duke of Somerset.12 The Malay letters remained at ‘Highwood’ in Middlesex until her death in 1858, when they were inherited, along with her other property, by her niece, Jenny Rosdew Mudge, wife of the Revd. William Charles Raffles Flint. He was the son of Singapore’s first Master Attendant, Captain William Lawrence Flint, R.N., and Raffles’ sister, Mary Ann Flint, and had been adopted by Raffles and Lady Raffles after the death of four of their own children in Sumatra. The letters then passed by descent to Mrs Rosdew Drake, and on her death to her son, Mr J. R. F. Drake, who, in turn, arranged for them to be placed on permanent loan in the India Office Library, together with the other items, including a model of the bust of Raffles by Sir Francis Legatt Chantrey.13 His generosity in placing ‘this wonderful historical 10 Lady Raffles to Mary Ann Flint, 26 December 1824 (BL: MSS.Eur.D.742/15). 11 Lady Raffles to the Reverend Dr Thomas Raffles, 24 October 1829 (private collection). 12 The Duke of Somerset stated in a letter to Michael Faraday on 7 February 1828, in answer to his enquiry about a loan of the gongs of the gamelans for his experiments on vibrations: ‘There were two very fine gongs at my house for many years. I kept them for Sir Stamford Raffles during his last voyage to India. But last year I returned them to Lady Raffles. I will see what I can do as to obtaining the loan of them for the Royal Institution.’ Lady Raffles agreed to the gamelan instruments being lent to Faraday for one of his Friday Evening Discourses, and in 1828 he published his ‘General Account of vibrations producing sound’ in the Quarterly Journal of Science, Vol. 25, p. 173 (James, Frank A. J. L. ed. (1991), The Correspondence of Michael Faraday, London, Vol. I, Letters 346 and 347, n. 4). 13 Bastin, John (1971), ‘Raffles in Marble & Bronze’, The Straits Times Annual for 1972, pp. 58–63; ‘The Bust of Sir Stamford Raffles’ in Mildred Archer and John Bastin (1978), The Raffles Drawings in the India Office Library, London, Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press, pp. 10–14.

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material in the Library’ was acknowledged by Mr Sutton in a letter to him dated 10 November 1970.14 It was fortunate that at this time Professor Ahmat Adam was a postgraduate student at the School of Oriental and African Studies in London. He immediately undertook the translation of the letters into English, the work being submitted as a thesis to the University of London in 1971 in part fulfilment for the degree of Master of Arts (History). It was expected that, when revised, his translation and commentary would be published in London, but, as he explains in the Preface, the revision had to be postponed due to heavy demands of university teaching and administration. It now appears in an expanded form and will be welcomed as an important contribution to our knowledge of Raffles’ relations with the Indonesian and Malay rulers during a critical period of political change in South-East Asia. John Bastin

14 The Raffles Family Collection remained on permanent loan in the India Office Library, and thereafter the British Library, until 2007, when Mr Drake’s heir agreed to its sale to the British Library. The funds for the purchase of the collection were raised by public subscription, the principal contributions being made by the Heritage Lottery Fund, The Art Fund, and Friends of the British Library. The fund-raising campaign was organised by Dr Annabel Teh Gallop, Head of the South and Southeast Asia Section of the British Library, who had previously reproduced and translated a number of Raffles’ Malay letters in her book, The Legacy of the Malay Letter Warisan Warkah Melayu, London, 1994: The British Library for the National Archives of Malaysia.

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PREFACE

T

his work is based on an M.A. long essay that I submitted to the University of London more than three decades ago. Due to the pressure of work both in teaching and administrative work at the universities in Bangi (1975–1995 and Kota Kinabalu (1995–2005), the intention to have the collection of Malay letters published was put aside until there was an opportunity to make the necessary revisions. It was only in recent years that I was able to give more attention to the study of the Malay letters. The final work has, alas, only been completed after I retired and was subsequently appointed as a guest scholar at the Institute of Malay World and Civilization, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia in 2007. The intervening years since the translation of the letters was first undertaken have in many ways helped me to ponder and reflect on the work and, in so doing, I have made some changes to improve on the previous translation of the letters. Transliterating the original version of the letters into Rumi Malay has been very challenging, not only because of the inconsistencies in the Jawi orthography employed by some of the scribes, but also due to the poorly written Jawi script which is, at times, indecipherable. Needless to say, the translation into English has even been more demanding. Nonetheless, over a period of time a clearer understanding began to be acquired of early 19th-century Malay philology, especially in regard to recognizing and interpreting certain words and phrases and comprehending the historico-cultural aspects of the Malay epistolary art and of Malay cultural values for that period. It is hoped that this modest piece of work will be of value to historians and those interested in the field of Malay studies. While only the letters written in Jawi Malay have been culled from the Raffles collection of Malay letters discovered in Aviemore, Scotland, in 1970, there is, however, one letter from Sultan Mahmud Syah at Lingga, dated 5 January 1811, and one from his chief, Sayid Zain al-Kudsi, written the following day, which are not in the said collection, but are closely related to the issue raised by some of the 1811 letters included in this book. The only original draft of a letter in English found in the Raffles Malay letters collection—though without the original Malay copy— xiii

which has also been included in this book, is a copy of an English translation of a letter sent by Raffles to the Raja Muda of Riau on 6 March 1811. For the purpose of providing a clearer picture of the so-called affair of the Palembang massacre, several of the early letters written by Raffles to Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin have been included in the Appendices. A Balinese letter written on a lontara that was sent to Lord Minto is also included in Appendix IX. In order that the translations from the original letters can be verified, I have included the Malay originals that have been transliterated from the original Jawi into Rumi Malay. The transliterations from the original Malay manuscripts are meant to help the reader not only to compare their contents with the English translations, but also to provide an insight into the literary art of Malay letter writing. Although many past writers have discussed the various aspects of Malay epistolary, not all, I believe, have been able to provide a clear understanding of this area of Malay literary culture. The letters have been categorized under the headings of the kerajaan where they were written or the state of origin of the writers or senders of the letters. Thus all letters dispatched by Tunku Pangeran Kusumua Dilaga have been put under the Siak letters, with the exception of one that was written in Lingga. It is needless to stress the importance of this translation of Malay letters, for they are extremely useful for historians to resolve a number of outstanding questions relating to the history of the Malay Archipelago in the early 19th century. Ahmat Adam Kajang 7 May 2008 (1 Jamadilawal 1429 AH, Year of Dal Awal)

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

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he production of this book in its present form would not have been possible without the help, co-operation, and encouragement of many people. I am indebted especially to Dr. John Bastin, himself an avid scholar of Raffles and the Malay Archipelago, who first drew my attention to the collection of Malay letters discovered in Aviemore, Scotland in late 1970. It was Dr. Bastin who encouraged me to publish these letters, which will undoubtedly help to remind historians of island Southeast Asia of the significance of Raffles in shaping the history of the Malay-Indonesian world. I am very grateful that Dr. Bastin agreed to write a foreword to this book. In transliterating the Arabic sentences as well as translating the Quranic verses and Islamic religious concepts, I am very much indebted to Dr. Zaini Othman of the Institute of Islamic Thought and Civilization whom I met during my sabbatical leave at the University of Wisconsin at Madison in 1986, and Dr. Ibrahim Abu Bakar of the Islamic Faculty, Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia. I would also like to record my appreciation and thanks to former colleagues and other individuals, in particular Dr. Mahayuddin Yahya, now with the Universiti Brunei Darussalam, and Dr. Annabel Gallop, Curator of the British Library, whose assistance given in the course of my researching and writing have contributed towards the completion of this study. To the many librarians in several universities, and cities, I would especially like to mention those of the School of Oriental and African Studies, the British Library, the India Office Library, which was once located at Blackfriars, London, the Bodleian Library at the University of Oxford, the libraries of both the KITLV and Leiden University, the Perpustakaan Nasional in Jakarta and, of course, the Perpustakaan Negara in Kuala Lumpur and the Perpustakaan Tun Seri Lanang of Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, Bangi. I would also like to thank Universiti Malaysia Sabah and Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia, the former for making it possible for me to spend some time in the Netherlands doing research at both the University of Leiden and the KITLV, and the latter for giving me the opportunity to complete the writing of this book during my sojourn as Guest Scholar at xv

the Institute of Malay World and Civilization. Thanks are also due to the Ministry of Culture, Arts and Heritage of Malaysia which, through the good offices of the then Honourable Minister, Dato’ Seri Utama Dr. Rais Yatim, enabled me to make a brief visit to Oxford in late 2005. Last, but not least, I would like to record my everlasting appreciation to my wife, Aysha, whose patience, love, tolerance and persistent encouragement have helped tremendously towards the completion of this book. A. Adam

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ABBREVIATIONS AH

Anno Hegirae

AJ

Anno Javanico

BKI

Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, Leiden

BL

British Library

CE

Christian era

f.

folio

JIAEA

Journal of the Indian Archipelago and Eastern Asia (Singapore)

JMBRAS

Journal of the Malayan [Malaysian] Branch Royal Asiatic Society, Singapore, Kuala Lumpur.

JRAS

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society

KITLV

Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde (Royal Institute for Linguistics, Geography and Anthropology)

MSS

Malay Manuscripts

Mss. Eur.

European Manuscripts, British Library, Oriental and India Office Collections, London.

MSRI

Malaysian Sociological Research Institute

TBG

Tijdscrift voor Indische Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde uitgegeven door het Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen (Jakarta)

VKI

Verhandelingen van het Koninklijk voor de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde [van Nederlandsch-Indie]

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GLOSSARY abjad adat Anno Hegirae

Anno Javanico Basmallah Benggala budi

daulat daur fiqh hikayat huruf Jawi kepala surat kerajaan kitab tarasul lebai likur maha mulia makhdum marhum nakhoda

Arabic alphabet custom year of Prophet Muhammad’s departure from Mecca to Medina which marked the commencement of the Muslim calendar Javanese calendar year In the name of God the old Bengal presidency qualities of mind and heart especially based on kindness to others; budi also implies graciousness, prudence and discretion the divine element in kingship chronological cycle the dogmatic theology of Muslims narrative prose romance; history letter (of the alphabet) Malay script using the Arabic alphabet headings on Malay letters which always carried Quranic phrases in Arabic government, state or domain of a raja; also the condition of having a raja manuals on Malay letter-writing title for one who shows religious inclination a numeral suffix that adds twenty to its numeral; e.g. dua likur means twenty-two eminently magnificent; sublime title usually given to men of religious learning to mean ‘Master’ the deceased, the late ship-master xviii

negeri orang kaya laksamana paduka panembahan pangeran pangeran adipati anum pangeran anum pangeran ratu panglima pantun

city, town; a country; province; district nobleman associated with the position of Warden of the Coast; in Perak he ruled the estuary a form of address for a sultan; an affectionate epithet; beloved; dear one to whom homage is paid; ruler or sovereign prince, noble crown prince

young prince reigning prince (used in Palembang and Java) war-leader Malay quatrain in which the first and third, and the second and fourth lines rhyme and often possess a pleasing assonance in addition to the requisite balance pemayang a type of boat with outriggers pemuras a blunderbuss; musketoon pencalang lookout-ship; also a trading ship penjajab Bugis warship; a light vessel used by the Bugis pikrama or pekrama an honorific prefix to the names of chiefs puji-pujian elaborate introductory compliments in Malay letters raden prince; princess (used in Java and Palembang) ratu title for reigning prince rial the old Spanish real (dollar) Rumi the use of the Roman alphabet; hence ‘Romanised’ or Latin script salawat invocations in God’s name for the Prophet Muhammad sampan pukat dinghy used with nets seri paduka an honorific prefix to the names or descriptions of royal personages; honorary non-royal titles of the highest rank xix

Seri Sultan sireh Sufism Sunna

surat chap tahun Tambi

Tengku/Tunku tuan

ulama ulueebalang vakeel or wakil warkat al-ikhlas windu Yang Dipertuan

Yam Tuan Yam Tuan Besar Yam Tuan Muda zauk

name or description of royal personage betel-vine or betel-leaf Islamic mysticism; also known as tasawwuf term used in Islam to express the custom or manner of life; hence the tradition which records either the sayings or doings of the Prophet Muhammad letter of authority usually conferred by royalty; document which bears the ruler’s seal year term used when addressing a young Tamil; also title given to a Keling (Southern Indian, usually of Tamil-born) Malay prince or princess master; lord; a title used by 19th-century Malays when addressing Europeans, Sayids and Hajis. The word is ancient and very honourable Islamic theologians or religious scholars Acehnese territorial chiefs par excellence; lords of the country agent; deputy; attorney letter of sincerity cycle of eight years in the traditional Javanese calendar king; he who is tuan, i.e. lord or master of the state or country; the title was also applied to the governor-general king; monarch; a popular variant of Yang Dipertuan the chief Yam Tuan underking intuitive feelings in Sufism

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NOTE ON ORTHOGRAPHY

I

n transliterating the letters from the original Jawi into Rumi Malay I have tried to adhere to the official orthography of both Malaysia and Indonesia, except where the original in Jawi does not change the meaning of words when the consonant [h] is dropped such as saja, dulu, and baru. However, where certain words are spelt consistently in a particular way, the original Jawi spelling is retained, thus rendering words like the standard kerana to be transliterated karena or karna, and syahdan retained as syahadan. The transliteration of bari and dakat has also been retained according to their original Jawi spelling. Likewise, the spelling of the name of the place, Mentok or Muntok and the spelling for Tengku or Tunku have also been retained in accordance with the original Jawi which at times is rather inconsistent. In certain cases where the Arabic words and phrases need transliteration the rules of transliteration authorized by the Encyclopaedia of Islam have generally been conformed to. Nonetheless, diacritical marks have not been strictly followed, and some degree of flexibility is observed. Words that used to be spelt with the Jawi letter ‘ayn, using the apostrophe, are also retained, and rendered in the Rumi transliteration with the apostrophe as in waba’adah, Rabi’-ul-akhir, ‘aib, ma’al, and the like. European names are also spelt according to their Jawi rendition, e.g. Gilbatlet for Gilbert and Rafols for Raffles. Words which should be written with the initial h in standard Malay, but instead have the h omitted—such as abis, ati—have also been retained in their original form. In the transliteration of words which, in the reading and interpretation of their meanings, remain unclear or uncertain, the Jawi consonants and vowels (where alif is transliterated as a, waw as w and ya as y, or if it is at the end of a word, i) are given, separated by hyphens.

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INTRODUCTION

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he discovery of Malay letters written in Jawi script with dates ranging from 1780 [1194 AH] to 1823 [1239 AH] at Inshriach House in Aviemore, Scotland, was an important find for both historians of the Malay Archipelago and scholars of Malay studies. These Malay manuscripts, now finally in the possession of the British Library,1 have brought to light many new and exciting historical facts about the course of events in the Malay Archipelago in the early 19th century, especially in the years 1810 and 1811, when most of these letters were written. The manuscripts of no fewer than 78 originals2 in all, together with some Javanese and Dutch manuscripts were thought to have been lost when the ship Fame, on which Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles and his wife were returning to England from Bencoolen, caught fire and sank off West Sumatra in February 1824. The emergence of these original Malay letters has resolved the problem of piecing together certain factual details relevant to the history of the Malay-Indonesian region because a number of copies of the letters that Raffles wrote to the Malay and Indonesian rulers and chiefs in the archipelago are already held by the British Library together with some of the translations of the replies that Raffles received. When the then India Office Library acquired 48 volumes of Lord Minto’s papers in 1969 questions were raised as to the whereabouts of the original Malay letters which Raffles had sent to the GovernorGeneral to be translated by John Leyden in Calcutta. It is now clear that these letters addressed to the Governor-General must have been handed back to Raffles, probably at the request of Raffles himself, for while he was at Malacca John Leyden was working with Raffles with his own Malay scribes.3 The interchange of letters would have occurred because

1 The British Library successfully bought the collection from the descendant of the Drake family in 2006, the collection having hitherto been on permanent loan. 2 This excludes one manuscript, which is not a letter but a one-folio genealogy of the rajas of Siak (aturan raja-raja Siak), which this writer hopes to work on and publish in the immediate future. 3 See John Bastin, John Leyden and Thomas Stamford Raffles, printed for the Author, Eastbourne, 2003, pp. 59–60.

1

Raffles was very interested in collecting and copying Malay manuscripts, including letters.4 Among these letters are the correspondence of the indigenous rulers with Lord Minto, letters of Malay rulers and chiefs, Malay agents and clerks working for Raffles, letters addressed to the governors of Penang, Philip Dundas and Andrew Bruce, and letters from them to the Malay rulers. There is also one letter to Sultan Ratu Muhammad Bahaudin from the Dutch Governor-General, Reynier de Klerk, dated 1780. There are also English translations of some of the Malay letters by John Leyden. All of these were collected by Raffles and taken to England when he left Java in 1816. He then left them with his books and other documents when he left England for Bencoolen in 1817. On his death, these letters were passed to his widow, Lady Sophia Raffles who, in turn, on her death bequeathed them to her niece, Jenny Rosdew Flint, wife of the Rev. William Charles Raffles Flint, who was the eldest surviving son of Captain William Flint, Singapore’s first Master Attendant,5 and Mary Ann (1789–1837),6 Raffles’ favourite sister.7 Although the English letters addressed to Raffles became generally known, the Malay letters remained unnoticed when Mrs M. Rosdew Drake, a descendant of Lady Raffles and successive owner of the letters, moved with her family from London to Scotland during World War II.8 The green velvet-covered document box containing the Malay letters was placed in the attic of Inshriach House, Aviemore, in Scotland.9 It was only after the death of Mrs. Drake in 1970 that her son, Mr. Jack Drake, invited Dr. John Bastin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, London, to examine the letters, and later placed them on permanent loan in the India Office Library. The letters were written on European-manufactured paper, but there was one Javanese manuscript and a Balinese one written on palmyra leaf. As mentioned earlier, most of the letters were written in 1810 and 4 Ibid., pp. 31–32. 5 Flint was with Raffles in Java and became Master Attendant on 24 April 1820, in place of the Acting Master Attendant, F. J. Bernard, Farquhar’s son-in-law. William Flint died on 3 October 1828. 6 Mary Ann married Capt. William Flint in 1811 following the death of her first husband, Q. D. Thompson (whom she married in 1805), in Penang in 1809. 7 See the report by John Bastin, ‘Found: The ‘lost’ Raffles letters’, New Nation, Singapore, 10 February 1971, p. 9. 8 Ibid. 9 Ibid.

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1811. They were replies to the letters that Raffles sent from Malacca, appealing for the support and assistance of the indigenous rulers of the archipelago in the projected British invasion of Java, particularly requesting sailing vessels and supplies of food and livestock for the British invasion force. Thomas Stamford Raffles was born on 6 July 1781. He entered the service of the East India Company in 1795 as a clerk in the Secretary’s office in London. He was appointed Assistant Secretary of the Presidency Government of Penang and arrived on the island on 19 September 1805. It was around this period that he became interested in the study of the Malay language and began collecting copies of Malay letters.10 On 22 March 1807 he was appointed Secretary to the Penang Government. In addition to his normal duties in the secretariat, he served as Licenser of the Press, Malay Translator to the Government, and in 1808 as Clerk of the Recorder’s Court. In 1810, Raffles’ fortune began to change. Lord Minto, the Governor-General of India, was contemplating invading Java, which was only nominally under Dutch rule since the Netherlands was already annexed by France. Under Napoleon Bonaparte France had declared her intention to seize India and the Eastern countries and to destroy British commerce in the East. By 1810 Napoleon Bonaparte had successfully interfered with British shipping by using French bases east of the Cape of Good Hope. As a reprisal, Lord Minto had sent expeditions against the French islands of Bourbon and Mauritius. But he was especially interested in taking Java, which was seen as very important for the safeguarding of British commercial interests in the archipelago. In 1808, Willem Daendels had been sent to Java to strengthen its defence and secure Holland’s interests. In his determination to send an expedition to Java, Lord Minto found his candidate in Raffles who, because of his vast knowledge of the ‘Malay nation’ and the archipelago, was identified as the most suitable person to be given the task of planning the forward operation. Thus on 19 October 1810 Raffles was appointed Agent to the Governor-General with the Malay States. His task was to leave for Malacca and plan for the sending of the expeditionary forces that would take Java. 10 Raffles continued to look for Malay letters and texts while he was in Malacca. Munsyi Abdullah mentioned that Raffles wanted to buy old Malay letters and texts. See Abdullah bin Abdul Kadir, The Hikayat Abdullah (annotated and translated by A. H. Hill), Oxford University Press, Kuala Lumpur, 1970, pp. 74–75.

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Malacca was occupied by British forces in 1795, following the signing in May of that year of the Treaty of the Hague, by which the French and the Batavian Republic concluded an offensive and defensive alliance. The occupation was undertaken in the name of the Dutch Stadhouder, who had fled to England early in 1794 with the aim of preventing the port of Malacca from being used as a base for French attacks on British shipping in the Strait. This ‘arrangement’ was only to serve as a temporary measure; Malacca was returned to the Dutch in September 1818. Raffles arrived in Malacca from Penang on 4 December 1810. Within a short time he had established an intelligence network in Malacca. Having recruited native spies who acted as his vakeel (plenipotentiaries), Raffles turned Malacca into his base of operations11 from December 1810 until the departure of the British invasion fleet in June 1811. Through men such as Sayid Zain (Tunku Pangeran Kusuma Dilaga) of Siak, Haji Mohali of Java, Tengku Raden Muhammad and Sayid Abu Bakar Rum of Palembang, Raffles was able to gather intelligence not only regarding the military strength of the Dutch in Java and their influence in the island states, but also the state of affairs in the indigenous kerajaan in the archipelago. Between December 1810 and June 1811 Raffles had sent out, besides to the Malay rulers in the peninsula, letters to the rajas of the states of the Malay Archipelago—Riau-Lingga, Siak, Pontianak, Banjarmasin, Sambas, Jambi, Palembang, Cirebon, Banten, Bali, Madura, Sumenep, Surakarta, and Mataram—all with the request for their co-operation and assistance in the coming conflict with the Dutch.12 From some of the rulers Raffles asked for supplies of food, from others he sought their friendship and a pledge of loyalty to the British East India Company and to dissuade them from showing any friendship to the Dutch. With the Sultan of Palembang Raffles opened direct negotiations in order to persuade the Sultan to drive the Dutch out 11 It has been asserted that it was Raffles who put into Minto’s mind the idea of capturing Java from the Dutch. However, this is disputed by Bastin, who argues that such a contention is not proven by contemporary documents. See John Bastin, Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles, The Ocean Steamship Co. Ltd., Liverpool, 1969, p. 9. 12 There is no evidence that the letters addressed to the last four states brought any replies, or that they ever reached the rulers concerned at all. But in the Bali letters the Raja did inform Raffles that he had conveyed them. See the Bali letters below.

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of his territories.13 In addition, Raffles sent spies to Java to collect details about the state of Java, the number and composition of the military forces on the island, the position of the enemy’s fortifications and the defensive plan of the Governor-General, Herman Willem Daendels, and his successor, Jan Willem Jansens.14 Through his naval agents—Greig, Macdonald, Smith and Scott—he learnt the possible sea-routes and the best passage to Java. From his correspondence with some of the Malay rulers he was not very successful in procuring supplies of food and livestock, but he was particularly successful in establishing cordial relations with most of them, who for their own personal reasons were only too willing to receive the promise of English assistance and protection.15 Raffles left Malacca on 18 June together with the expeditionary force of some 11,000 men with a mission to invade Java. The expedition was led by Lieutenant General Sir Samuel Auchmuty as Commander-inChief; he was accompanied by the Governor-General of British India, Gilbert Elliot, Lord Minto.16 The attendant naval forces of 100 ships, including four battleships of the line, fourteen frigates, seven sloops and eight East India Company cruisers, were placed under the command of Commodore William Broughton.17 13 See the Palembang letters below. 14 Bastin, Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles, p. 10. 15 See the Pontianak letters, below. The Sultan of Pontianak was involved in intrigues with the neighbouring rajas, particularly with the Sultan of Sambas and the chiefs of Muntok. He therefore wanted English protection against his neighbours who terrorized his kerajaan and port by their acts of piracy. In another instance, the Raja of Bali expressed his desire for English protection to get rid of the Dutch who were occupying the districts of Blambangan [or Purwa] Peninsula and Banyuwangi, which he claimed as the territories of his forefathers. See the Bali letters, below. 16 The expedition from Malacca set off on 11 June 1811 with fifty-seven transports. The ships were sent off in small divisions, each in charge of a frigate accompanied by small sailing boats and cruisers. The divisions were made small to enable them to pass through the narrow straits and difficult passes with fewer hazards. The ship HMS Modeste that accommodated Minto and Raffles was, nevertheless, not attached to any division. See C. E. Wurtzburg, Raffles of the Eastern Isles, Hodder and Stoughton, London, 1954, pp. 157–158. 17 John Bastin, ‘Introduction’ in Major William Thorn, Memoir of the Conquest of Java; with the Subsequent Operations of British Forces in the Oriental Archipelago, London, 1815 (Reprinted by Periplus Editions Ltd., Singapore, 1993).

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The letters written in Jawi script by the scribes of the indigenous rulers in the Malay Archipelago reveal one important fact: the period of the early 19th century had witnessed the dwindling of the indigenous polity. To the rajas of the Malay Archipelago the presence of the Europeans, be they British or Dutch, was a political reality of having to recognize the emergence of other new contending powers, however foreign they might be perceived, who had come to share not only the territories in the archipelago but had also acquired the ‘sovereignty’ of their ‘governments’ or administrations. The ability of the new European powers to command respect both in demonstrating their shrewd business and commercial acumen and no less the superiority of their guns and ships-of-war vis-à-vis the indigenous kerajaan, had convinced the rajas and chiefs of the archipelago that the Europeans had to be dealt with in a manner that would safeguard their immediate interests. Thus, by way of diplomacy through their letters, they were eager to win the friendship of the English and the Dutch depending on the needs of their kerajaan and presumed benefits derived from their association with the Europeans. The Raffles’ collection of Malay letters clearly shows how indigenous Malay–Indonesian diplomatic intercourse was conducted with Europeans around the first decade or so of the 19th century. To the rulers of the archipelago, Raffles, as Agent to the Governor General with the Malay States, was, like them, a raja but one who was more powerful and thus to be respected, feared and coveted for his friendship, as Sultan Mahmud Ri’ayat Syah of Lingga was to learn. Likewise, the Sultan of Kedah tried, though with little success, to attract both Raffles’ and Lord Minto’s attention and sympathy over his disillusionment with the British East India Company’s attitude towards Kedah and her predicament with the Siamese.

Traditional Malay Royal Letters Letters and royal signs were a vital medium for the communication of royal authority.18 Letter-writing as such was an important aspect of diplomacy between rajas. Since royal letters would reflect the magnificence, honour and dignity of the rulers, the culture of letter-writing received special attention in the Malay courts. Apart from the decorative 18 Jane Drakard, A Kingdom of Words: Language and Power in Sumatra, Oxford University Press, New York, 1999, p. 117.

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layout, beautiful script and tidy formatting of such letters with correct and proper placing of the royal seal, the court scribe had to also ensure that the proper language of etiquette was used, and the preamble employed would, as much as possible, reflect the raja’s identification with the religion of Islam, and the veracity of his words. These were elements of great importance to be taken into account by the court scribe when writing Malay royal letters of diplomacy. Traditional Malay letter-writing required the ruler to employ able and qualified scribes whose reputation hinged on their mastery of literary Malay, good handwriting in the Arabic script (Jawi) and, not least, their knowledge of the Arabic language and Islamic religion. Of equal importance to a Malay scribe was his mastery of the rules of letter-writing as prescribed by the kitab tarasul (manuals on Malay letter-writing). A scribe’s skilfulness in the art of Malay epistolography was therefore determined by his ability to impress upon the receiver of such royal letters the magnificence, dignity and high status of his raja while also extolling the virtuous qualities of the addressee, all of which were to be reflected in the language of the compliments (puji-pujian).19 The royal scribe, as pointed out by Newbold, was indeed “looked upon as a litterateur of some rank”.20 It was important for the scribe to be generous in his compliments to the receiver who, if he was a brother ruler or a European of superior position, such as Raffles, was lavished with personal attributes, often perceived as exaggerated, to reflect his authority and power. In order to emphasize the good name of his raja, a skilful scribe, when writing royal letters of diplomacy, would also associate his raja with religious attributes by interspersing Arabic words, phrases, and Quranic verses in the royal letters. A good example of such compliments is found in the letter of the Sultan of Aceh which was addressed to Raffles. But the scribe also had to be aware of the traditional heritage in the art of writing manuscripts, such as wherever possible to name the year of the Hegira by appending a huruf (Arabic letter) to it. Malay letter-writing has a history of at least 500 years. References to letters have often been made in Malay hikayat with elaborate description of the custom of receiving and reading of royal letters in the courts, 19 Ahmat Adam, ‘Islamic Elements in the Art of Malay Traditional Court LetterWriting’, Manu, no. 3, 1999, pp. 29–30. 20 T. J. Newbold, British Settlements in the Straits of Malacca, Oxford University Press, Kuala Lumpur, 1971, Vol. 2, p. 337.

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an indication that letter-writing and the receiving of royal letters were important aspects of Malay court life. Numerous tarasul had been copied and passed down though the ages to provide guidelines to scribes writing all sorts of letters, especially royal ones. Malay texts such as the Tajus-Salatin and the Sejarah Melayu also abound with descriptions of how Malay court etiquette was strictly observed on the receiving and reading of royal epistles.21 In his comments on Malay letters, G. W. J. Drewes remarked, “Oriental epistolary style requires that a letter or petition open with a florid and flattering introduction of some length, in particular when courting the favour of temporal potentates.”22 While the statement is generally true on the surface, the scribes of Malay letters, nevertheless, were bound by certain rules and guidelines when writing letters. However, the late Prof. Drewes was quite correct in saying that the elaborate introductory compliments (puji-pujian) are not something circumstantial, but they act as an opening for the subject to be broached by the sender of the letter which is the “real incentive for writing the letter”.23 The kitab tarasul used by the scribes of Malay letters are unanimously agreed that the most important part of the Malay royal letter is the puji-pujian; it is from the puji-pujian that the finesse and dignity of the Malay raja are reflected. It was also by his way of wording the puji-pujian that the scribe of the royal Malay letter tried to extrapolate the Malay concept of ‘budi’.24 Thus the opening complimentary address was adapted by the scribe not only to suit the different ranks and grades of men who received the letters, but also to the various degrees of relationship between the sender and the addressee. But were these puji-pujian mere concoctions of the scribes? While much has been written on the Malay epistolary art, few writers have really made a study of the connection between the art and the Islamic religious values passed 21 The Sejarah Melayu mentioned that when the letter from the emperor of China arrived at the port of Malacca during the reign of Sultan Mansur Syah, the royal epistle was received with pomp and grandeur. Sejarah Melayu or Malay Annals, transl. C.C. Brown, Oxford University Press, Kuala Lumpur, 1983, p. 87. See also Annabel Teh-Gallop, The Legacy of the Malay Letter, British Library, London, 1994, p. 13. 22 G. W. J. Drewes, ‘Further Data Concerning ‘Abd al-Samad al-Palimbani’, Bijdragen, 132(2/3), 1976, p. 268. 23 Ibid. 24 Qualities of mind and heart, especially those based on kindness to others.

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on from earlier generations to the tarasul writers and the scribes. Indeed, few have questioned why the Arabic quotations applied by practitioners of the Malay epistolary craft have in reality been shrouded by mystical elements of religion—Islamic Sufism—even though the scribes themselves may not have been Sufi adherents From the 17th until the mid-19th century when the presence of European settlements and centres of power increasingly brought intrusions into the indigenous polity of maritime Southeast Asia, letterwriting by Muslim scribes did not really undergo drastic changes, whether in form, style or formatting. The Islamic elements in the art had, at best, only to be adjusted with the ‘new age’ because of the need to send diplomatic missives to non-Muslim recipients. Since there were different categories of letters, when writing letters addressed to nonMuslims the scribes had to take care to choose the right compliments to be paid, bearing in mind the position, status and authority of the recipient; quite often, the authors of tarasul would remind scribes that excessive compliments could be interpreted as improper, or might even be perceived as an insult to the receiver.25 When writing the reply to a letter, the scribe had to remember that the compliments should be equal to those of the letter being replied to, although a slight excess of puji-pujian was allowed.26 The puji should include flattering remarks about the character of the receiver and salutations of goodwill from the sender. The sender was duty-bound to mention his good intentions—to foster friendship and brotherly affection with the receiver, who was of course a European official occupying the highest position in the administrative hierarchy of a settlement or country whose standing was perceived as equal to that of a raja. The opening of a Malay royal letter addressed to a European dignitary such as Raffles or Minto, besides offering the highest salutations to God and His Prophet, would include words and phrases which were intended as a way of showing Malay modesty and diplomacy, the vital components of the Malay budi. The allegorical expressions used included ‘a letter of sincerity’, and idioms like ‘whiteness of the heart’, and ‘without limit and duration’ for friendship, and even went to the extent of quoting the allegorical Ma’al [Water of] Kawthar27 from a Quranic 25 See Kitab Tarasul, Leiden Cod. Or. 1764. 26 Ibid. 27 Kawthar means ‘abundance’. In one of the Traditions, Prophet Muhammad is said to have explained Kawthar as being one of the rivers in Paradise or, as

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sura28 all point to the fact that Malays, as Muslims, theoretically place very high value on piety and religiosity. As shown by the Raffles Malay letters, in the context of forging diplomatic relationships with the Europeans, albeit their being non-Muslims, the Malay chiefs and rajas never failed to indicate the Islamic moral code of conduct as the basis of all relationships.29 The Quranic injunction that all men are subservient to God was indeed the basis of all relationships. While the opening puji-pujian of a royal Malay letter may appear superfluous and was often ignored by Europeans receiving such letters, it nevertheless reflected the intention of the sender to demonstrate his sincerity of heart in the establishment of relations. As this writer has mentioned elsewhere, “To the Malay, the heart (hati) is the most important symbol of one’s sincerity. A good person is perceived as one having a ‘pure and lucid heart’.”30 This corresponds with the definition of the Sufi as one ‘who is pure in heart’.31 In the Malay Islamic worldview the heart is also the key to all virtuous acts. It is the pure and lucid heart that brings one closer to his Creator.32 Thus when the scribes of Malay letters in the early 19th century placed greater emphasis on the ‘whiteness of the heart’ or ‘limpid and lucid heart’ they were, to all intents and purposes, influenced by the Islamic Sufi teaching that places emphasis on the heart. That the qualified scribe of Malay letters favoured the Sufi use of imagery of the heart as the basis of all relations is evident from several writings on Sufism. As stated by Martin Lings, “Sufism is the ‘heart-wakefulness’.”33 According to Sufi teachings, the heart is the centre of the soul, which itself is the gateway to a higher heart, namely the spirit. The heart corre-

28 29 30 31 32 33

narrated by al-Tabari, one of the scholars of the Tafsir, that it was a pool intended for the Prophet and shown to him on his ascension to Paradise. See Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam, ed. H. A. R. Gibb and J. H. Kramers, E. J. Brill, Leiden, 1953, “Kawthar”, p. 231. The Quran, sura 108. Ahmat, ‘Islamic Elements in the Art of Malay Traditional Court Letter-Writing’, p. 33. Ibid., p. 34. Reynold A. Nicholson, The Mystics of Islam. An Introduction to Sufism, Schocken Books, New York, 1975, p. 8. Hamka, Tasauf, Perkembangan dan Pemurniannya, Penerbit Yayasan Nurul Islam, Jakarta (first published in 1952), 8th impression, 1980, p. 129. Martin Lings, What is Sufism?, University of California Press, Berkeley, 1977, p. 48.

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sponds to the centre of the Garden of Heaven, the point where grows the Tree of Life and where flows the Fountain of Life.34 In describing the basic character of the Sufi, Lings said “the Sufi is he who keeps his Heart pure”.35 Sufi teaching also places strong emphasis on modesty, and this greatly influenced Malay values and thinking (budi) as evident from the large corpus of Malay proverbs and pantun. Failure to understand this aspect of Malay culture impelled some Western scholars to jump to the conclusion that when a Malay chief ‘depreciated’ himself in his letter by using expressions such as ‘without resources and means’ or ‘one without means’, it was an admission of inferiority. On the contrary, when a 19th-century scribe used such expressions as ‘tiada sepertinya’ (not as it should be) in the letters that he wrote, and qualified his stand by words such as ‘our brother should know better’, he was actually trying to demonstrate on behalf of his ruler a sense of humility and modesty which, in the Malay perspective, was part of the virtuous character, the embodiment of the budi, which conformed with the Sufi teaching that humility is comparable to piety.36 Richard Wilkinson, the very famous scholar of Malay studies, used to wonder why Malays placed so much importance on using what he called ‘an Arabic formula’ for the heading of Malay letters. Like most Europeans and non-Muslims in general, Wilkinson failed to recognize the impact of Islamic Sufism on traditional Malay intellectual culture. The so-called ‘headings’ (kepala surat) which always carried Quranic phrases in Arabic in Malay epistolary art should be understood in the context of Sufi mysticism, whose elements had penetrated into the literary culture and also influenced the art of Muslim letter-writing. Even though the scribes of the rulers or the rajas may not have themselves been practising Sufis or adherents of Islamic Sufism, the Sufi elements, nevertheless, had greatly influenced and shaped the Malay literary court 34 Ibid., p. 50. 35 Ibid., p. 77. 36 Syeikh Abdul Qadir Jilani, Futuh al-Ghaib (The Revelations of the Unseen), transl. M. Aftab-ud-din Ahmad, Sh. Muhammad Ashraf, Lahore, 1967 (new impression), p. 208. As expounded by this great 12th century Sufi mystic, in his seventy-eighth discourse, “It is with this trait [being humble and modest] that the station of the servant is raised high and his position made lofty and his honour and eminence made perfect in the sight of God (glory be to Him) as also in the sight of the people …”.

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culture and, over a period of time, became part of the Malay literary tradition, including letter-writing, which, despite the presence of these elements in the kitab tarasul, was never fully explained by the authors of their mystical secrets. Thus when a scribe began writing a letter, certain Islamic phrases were chosen as the heading. The Quranic ‘formulas’ most often used by the Malay court scribes were ‘Qawluh u’l-Haqq’37 (Saying of the Absolutely Real Truth), ‘Nur u’l-Syams wa’l Qamar’ (Light of the Sun and the Moon) or its variant, ‘Wa’l-Syams wa’l Qamar’ (By the Sun and the Moon),38 ‘Ya ‘qadiyya al-Hajat’ (O Fulfiller of Wishes) and the ninety-nine names of God. These words and phrases should be viewed in terms of their religious meanings. Many of the phrases are related to the names and attributes of God. Al-Haqq, for example, refers to the Creator; it is the name of God, the absolutely real and permanent.39 Others such as ‘al-Fat-h’ [Victory]40 or Ya Fattahu [O God, the Great Opener], Ya Ghaffaar Rahim [O God, Most Merciful],41 al-Hamdulillah [Praise be to God] were also favourite choices for headings. These were popular expressions used by Sufis. The very popular Sufi expressions Qawluh u’l-Haqq and Wa Kalamuhu as-Sadq42 (meaning His Words are the Real 37 Al-Haqq is the attributive term applied to Allah, whose lordship is fixed, permanent and real. His everlasting divinity is contrasted with that of the false Gods, which is batil, meaning vain or unreal. 38 This phrase is taken from the first two verses in sura 91 of the Quran entitled Shams [the Sun]. The pair, i.e. the sun and the moon, represent God’s work in nature; they complement each other. While the sun is the source of light, and physical life, the moon that follows or acts as second to the sun illuminates the world. According to Newbold, this heading was generally chosen by scribes when writing letters to non-Muslims. Newbold, British Settlements in the Straits of Malacca, Vol. 2, p. 338. 39 God is fixed or permanent in His divinity and therefore it is by Him that all things become realities. See Shorter Encyclopaedia of Islam, “al-Haqq”, pp. 126–127. 40 See Quran, sura 48. 41 See Quran, sura 9, verse 5. 42 This is a Sufi quotation. See Syeikh Abdul Qadir Jilani, Jala Al-Khawatir (The Removal of Cares): A Collection of Forty-five Discourses, transl. Muhtar Holland, Al-Baz Publishing, Inc., Houston, Texas, 1997, second discourse, (reprinted by S. Abdul Majeed & Co., Kuala Lumpur), p. 17. Says Abdul Qadir Jilani, “When the heart acts in accordance with the Book [of Allah] and the Sunna [of the Prophet], it draws close [to the Lord], and when it has drawn close it acquires knowledge. It can now discern what rightfully belongs to it and is required of it, what belongs to Allah and what belongs to others apart from Him,

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Truth and His Address is Veracity), for example, have their meanings manifested in sura 69 of the Holy Quran. The gist of the sura expounds the eschatological argument that ‘the Absolute Truth cannot fail’.43 The Sufi expression of Huwa Allahi Ta’ala (He is God the Exalted) was also a popular choice for headings, as shown by its usage in the Acehnese royal letters.44 While the use of headings and the writing of the preamble in Arabic in Malay letters may be traced to “a common heritage shared with epistles in Arabic, Persian and other Islamic languages which used the Arabic script”,45 it would be quite misleading to generalize that Malay scribes in the courts had copied the art of writing letters from others in toto. Indeed, while the common heritage would more correctly be attributed to the original source—Islam —it is also true that even though the way an introduction written in the prosaic style had first developed during the Abbasid caliphate period—and gained further advancement in terms of design, illustrations, use of symbols and stylization during the Safawid in the Mamluk dynasty—its application and practice in island Southeast Asia were definitely the result of the common religious belief of all Muslims, wherever they may be. The ulama and adherents of Sufism also shared a doctrine which had its origins in the Holy Quran and the Sunna of the Prophet Muhammad. Thus it was to be expected that between the 15th and 17th centuries, the kind of Sufism that grew and developed among Muslims in the Arab world, Turkey, Persia, and the Indian sub-continent also gained adherents in Southeast Asia.46 The spread of the Sufi orders in the Malay world also spread its influence to the field of Islamic literature—the indigenous literary and religious works produced, including Muslim epistolography. Thus the mysticism of Ibnu’l-‘Arabi, whose core doctrine was the Wahdattu’l-

43 44

45 46

what belongs to the Truth [Haqq] and what belongs to falsehood [batil]. Since the believer [mu’min] is endowed with a light by which he can see, how could it not be so in the case of the champion of truth who is drawn near [as-siddiq al-muqarrab] people …?”. See the translation of sura 69 in the Holy Quran. Annabel Teh-Gallop has misconstrued this as an attempt by the Sultan of Aceh to adopt elements of Turkish or Persian and Mughal epistolary practice. See Annabel Teh-Gallop, ‘Gold, Silver and Lapis Lazuli: Royal Letters from Aceh in the 17th Century’, First International Conference on Aceh and Indian Ocean Studies, 24–27 February 2007, p. 21. Gallop, The Legacy of the Malay Letter, p. 21. See Hamka, Tasauf, Chapter 12, pp. 216–221.

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wujud (‘Unity of Existence’), found adherents among Malay and Indonesian Sufis. This pre-20th century development had, over the centuries, produced a unique feature in indigenous literary culture.47 Based on the principle of total submission to God, the Islamic Sufi elements have been shown to have shaped the literary art of writing, including Malay epistolography. Even in the early tarasul, the scribe was reminded that when writing letters to royalty he “should first begin the letter by praising God and then extend the salawat or benedictions on the Prophet Muhammad and members of his family, followed by his close companions and then only the receiver of the letter”.48 Such a practice did not come from Persia or India, but from the traditions of the Prophet himself. The Islamic creed that came to Southeast Asia was no different from that of those countries.49 According to the tarasul, if a letter had begun with praises to God the appropriate heading to be used would be the Basmallah.50 If the contents of the letter revealed a special request of the sender then the correct heading would be another Sufi statement, “Huwa al-Ghani Subhanahu” (Only God is Bountiful Who is without Need). One needs only to look at the introduction of a Malay manuscript or text such as the Bustanul Salatin, Sulalatus Salatin or the Tuhfat al-Nafis in which the Basmallah and the salawat (invocations in God’s name for the Prophet Muhammad) are clearly displayed.51 Thus the ‘shapes and forms’ of the letters could easily be explained if the Quranic verses, quotations or so-called ‘formula’ were understood in the context of Islamic religious beliefs. In this regard, there is no better way of understanding them than by studying the way the Malays perceived Islam, and how Sufism had made an impact on Malay literary culture in the courts of the Malay rulers and chiefs.

47 The doctrine of Wahdattu‘l-wujud nevertheless had increasingly declined by the end of the 19th century following the incessant debate among ulama of fiqh about the alleged practice of pantheism among Sufis who propagated the doctrine. The decline indirectly affected the adoption of the Muslim calendars using the mystical huruf to name the Hegira year. 48 Kitab Tarasul, Leiden, Cod. Or. 1921 (written in 1859 at Surabaya). 49 See Hamka, Tasauf, pp. 232–233. 50 Leiden Cod. Or. 1921. 51 Even in modern-day semi-religious books by pious Muslim authors this features prominently.

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Sufism was probably introduced to the Malays simultaneously with the introduction of Islam in the Malay Archipelago.52 As has been pointed out by several writers, the Sufis themselves were responsible for the propagation of Islam in the Malay world. It was the mysticism inherent within the principal doctrine of Sufism that had attracted people in the Malay world. The central core of the teachings of the Sufis that gained popularity was the doctrine of the Wahdattu’l-wujud (‘Unity of Existence’).53 Intertwined with the mystical aspect of Sufism was the role of symbolism that the Malays and others in the archipelago who were acquainted with the Sufi orders became attracted to, thus influencing their religious thoughts, everyday life and literary culture. Such symbolism was also reflected in the choice of headings for Malay letters. Certain headings, with their underlying meanings, were considered suitable for certain types of letters. The Quranic word or phrase chosen was then written in a stylized manner forming a triangular shape or design, the apex of the triangle symbolizing the unqualified paramount position of God and the broader base of the triangle representing His creation. Symbolism and Malay designs could also be seen in the shapes and forms of the royal seals used on the letters. According to the tarasul, the seal of a raja to another fellow raja must always be placed at the top right-hand side of the letter, “with the edge of the seal nearly touching the top of the writing”.54 The shape of the seal of the Rajas of Pedas and Rembau was of lotus leaf design.55 The Acehnese cop sikureueng (ninefold seal) literally means that the seal is, numerically, one less, i.e. not a complete ten, a symbolic number.56 Indeed, among the Malay Muslim 52 It is not possible to give an exact date when Sufism was established in the Malay Archipelago. However, the makhdum (Master) who came to the southern Philippines in the 14th century and Malacca in the 15th century to carry out Islamic conversion of the people were probably Sufis. See Syed Naguib al-Attas, Some Aspects of Sufism as Understood and Practised among the Malays, MSRI Ltd,, Singapore, 1963, pp. 21–22. 53 Ibid., p. 10. 54 Gallop, The Legacy of the Malay Letter, p. 49. 55 The shape is certainly not based on the Islamic art form, but rather influenced by the Hindu-Buddha art form inherited by the Minangkabau noble house. Another scholar who has studied the letters of Minangkabau believes that the shape is based on the lotus leaf. See Drakard, A Kingdom of Words, p. 72. 56 The number 9 in Malay-Indonesian mysticism is believed to be a number of power and strength. When multiplied by any number it always produces nine—

15

mystics letters in the Arabic alphabet and the numbers in the science of numerology are also perceived as having mystical character.

The Importance of the Surat Chap An important element in royal Malay epistolary craft is the royal seals. Seals called cap,57 a derivation of the Hindi ‘chap’, are impressions stamped in lamp-black, ink or wax (usually red) on manuscripts, letters, treaties and other documents.58 Other than the royal seals, cap were also made by individuals involved in trade or commerce. Since a royal letter or document is a delegation of royal powers,59 it must necessarily bear the royal seal. It was for that very reason that when Raffles sent Tengku Raden Muhammad to negotiate a treaty with the Sultan of Palembang the sultan was perceived by Raffles as dragging his feet in the matter for it looked as though he was in no hurry to ratify the agreement. Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin had even expressed his dismay to Raden Muhammad for not providing the surat cap (letter of authority or seal) to prove his credentials as the plenipotentiary of Raffles. In the eyes of a Malay raja, the seal was a privilege that ought to be conferred only by royalty.60 The failure of Tengku Raden Muhammad to display the seal which he should have been given by Raffles, the ‘English dignitary in Malacca’, had posed a hindrance in his negotiations with the Sultan of Palembang, Mahmud Badaruddin. In writing Malay letters, the ability to display artistic skill in the Jawi calligraphy was undoubtedly an asset to all scribes. Beautiful

57

58

59 60

such as 3 x 9 is 27, but 27 is actually 2 plus 7, which is nine. It is usually associated with the war-leaders (panglima). Among the Javanese mystics, nine— which represents the number of exits found on a man’s body, i.e. counting from his pairs of eyes, ears, nostrils and his mouth right up to the other parts of the body, to include his navel and the anus—symbolizes majesty and power. Also called ‘cob’ or ‘meterai’ (from the Tamil word muttirai; also from the Dutch matterij). The word meterai was used synonymously with cap, and appears to have been used by the author of the Tajus-Salatin, a work written in Aceh in 1603. For more information on the Malay seal see the exhaustive study by Annabel Teh-Gallop titled “Malay Seal Inscriptions: A Study in Islamic Epigraphy from Southeast Asia”, Ph.D. thesis, School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London, 2002. Ibid., p. 154 Newbold, British Settlements in the Straits of Malacca, Vol. 2, p. 338. Though there might be occasions when unscrupulous individuals would encroach upon this privilege. See Drakard, A Kingdom of Words, pp. 174–175.

16

handwriting depended on the type of tools chosen. A good scribe would normally use a pen made from the hard straight twigs of the enau or kabong palm.61 However, the stem of the forest fern called resam (Gleichenia linearis) could also be used to make pens although they might not be as good as the twigs of the enau due to their brittle quality. Nevertheless, when used by a skilful scribe the handwriting produced by either tool could be as beautiful as possible. The black ink used by the scribes was made from the oily soot of a burnt resinous tree mixed with honey or gum obtained from the cashew tree (Anacardium occidentale).62 Also, lamp-black could be obtained from lamps or the soot from the moistened bottom of earthenware pots which were suspended over a burning lamp.63 The lamp-black was mixed with egg-white to make the ink. Another method for making ink was to pound the cinders of burnt charcoal into dust and mix with coconut oil. Coloured ink was produced by using the purplish-carmine flowers of the water-hyacinth (Eichhornia crassipes). The source for red ink came from the kesumba tree (Epiprinus malayanus) which yielded a yellowish-red dye. The outer skin of the mangosteen was used to make brownish ink.

The Dating of Letters As was commonly practised by Malay scribes of literary works, the writers of royal letters would, towards the last part of their writing, normally provide a date by mentioning the cycle or name of the Hegira year, although not all the Raffles Malay letters bear the name of the Hegira year to conform with the Malay-Indonesian calendrical system.64 61 Also known as the sugar-palm (Arenga saccharifera). From the enau palm fresh palm-sap called nira could be tapped by cutting off the mayang (palm-blossom). This was used to make sugar (gula kabong) or the alcoholic toddy called tuak. 62 See Wan Ali Wan Mamat, ‘Persiapan untuk Kerja Menulis Manuskrip’ in Warisan Manuskrip Melayu, Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur, 2002, pp. 30–31. 63 See W. Marsden, The History of Sumatra, London, 1811; reprinted by Oxford University Press, Kuala Lumpur, 1966. p. 182. 64 Among the Europeans, it was Stamford Raffles who first pointed out the cycle in Malay dating. In a letter to John Leyden, dated 24 May 1806, he wrote: “Were you aware that the Malays ever used a Cycle …? On this [?] I made such rapid discoveries that I expected to have been enabled to send you their whole Chronology—but it was like the Mountains in labour & produced little or

17

Where the name of a particular year was given, the Arabic letter representing the cycle may at a first glance seem not to conform to either the Malay or Javanese calendrical cycle, thus confounding many a reader. While the important work of Ian Proudfoot65 has attempted to solve this problem, the author nevertheless failed to consider the important aspect of Islamic mysticism in the Malay-Indonesian Muslim calendrical systems in pre-20th century Southeast Asia. The indigenous Islamic calendrical system in Southeast Asia was based on the 8-year cycle with a letter from the Quranic alphabet assigned to each of the years in the cycle. In explaining the method of determining the signature for a particular year, a late 19th-century Malay manuscript explains: Not knowing the year that is to be assigned with the alphabet [abjad]66 you should take [the figure] of the year of the Prophet (p.u.h.), cast off eights, until the Hegira year is used up. Having obtained the remainder, begin by taking the Hegira 1282 as the Alif year and 1283 Hegira as Ha year, 1284 Hegira as Jim year, 1285 as Zay year, 1286 Hegira as Dal year, 1287 Hegira as Ba year, 1288 Hegira as Waw year and 1289 Hegira as Dhal year [sic, Dal Akhir].67

The naming of a particular Hegira year after a certain letter in the Arabic alphabet has been a practice since at least 1590 CE.68 While the

65 66 67

68

nothing[.]” Raffles nevertheless thought that the Malays had borrowed their calendrical system from the Siamese, and informed Leyden that they used the “Names of the years without knowing their meanings or why they were established …”. See Bastin, John Leyden and Thomas Stamford Raffles, p. 39. See Ian Proudfoot, Old Muslim Calendars of Southeast Asia, Brill, Leiden & Boston, 2006. The abjad is the alphabet arranged according to the numerical values of the letters. See Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia, MSS 2578 ‘Takwim’. Cf. Proudfoot, Old Muslim Calendars of Southeast Asia, p. 101. Syed Naquib Al-Attas is wrong to suggest that the eighth letter is Dhal (which has a numerical value of 700) instead of the latter Dal (Dal akhir) which has a numerical value of 4. See Syed Muhammad Naquib Al-Attas, The Oldest Known Malay Manuscript: A 16th Century Malay Translation of the ‘Aqa’id of Al-Nasafi, Department of Publications, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, 1988, pp. 29–30. This is clearly indicated by the date of the ‘Aqa’id of Al-Nasafi, See Al-Attas, The Oldest Known Malay Manuscript, p. 9.

18

source for adoption of the 8-year Malay, Javanese or Acehnese calendrical systems by the Muslims of island Southeast Asia has for a very long time remained unexplained,69 an equally intriguing question for many is why certain letters in the Arabic alphabet were chosen for the 8-year calendar. Sources from the Malay manuscripts have not been very clear about the reasons for the choice of the letters, but it is a well-known fact that the letters in the Quranic alphabet have been perceived by the Muslim mystics in Southeast Asia as having the mystical qualities that define the divine attributes of God. This brings us to inquire whether they were adopted for usage in the 8-year cycle because of the inherent mystical or magical character as stipulated by the science of the secrets of letters.70 In the Bayan al-Alif wa Huruf al-Hija’iyya, an old Malay manuscript which describes the mystical symbolism of the twenty-eight letters in the Quranic alphabet, there is an enumeration of the Sufi interpretation of the letters as having mystical religious attributes.71 Each letter is stipulated as being endowed with a martabat (grade) that represents the Absolute Essence of Unity and Oneness of God and His manifestations through divine attributes. Through the symbolism of the huruf (letters) in the Quranic alphabet, the phenomenal world is shown to appear in a series of seven grades or emanations, proceeding from Ahadiyya, Wahda and Wahidiyya, ‘Alam al-Arwah (the World of Spirits), ‘Alam al-Mithal (the World of Ideas), ‘Alam al-Ajsam (the World of Corporeal Body) to ‘Alam al-Insan (the World of [the Perfect] Man). Wahda and Wahidiyya, together with Ahadiyya, represent God’s Absolute Unity. The above grades, according to the Bayan al-Alif wa Huruf al-Hijaiyya, are represented by the Quranic alphabet of thirty letters. But there appear to be only seven letters chosen for tabulating the 8-year cycles. These seem to reflect the seven grades that encompass the 69 As pointed out by Proudfoot, while the 8-year cycle was commonly used in Southeast Asia before the 20th century, this form of the Islamic calendar is not very well known elsewhere in the Muslim world. See Proudfoot, Old Muslim Calendars of Southeast Asia, p. 1. 70 Among Muslim mystics, the Arabic alphabet of 28 letters is believed to have been connected with the 28 stations of the moon. See Annemarie Schimmel, Islamic Calligraphy, E.J. Brill, Leiden, 1970, pp. 12–13; Thomas Patrick Hughes, Dictionary of Islam, Adam Publishers & Distributors, New Delhi, 2003, pp. 73–74; Gabriel Mandel Kahn, Arabic Script (transl. Rosanna M. Giammanco Frongia), Abbeville Press Publishers, New York & London, 2001, p. 27. 71 See the section on Huruf Hijaiyya in Perpustakaan Negara Malaysia, MSS 2488.

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doctrine of Wahdattu’l-wujud (Unity of Existence).72 For example, the grades of Wahda and Wahidiyya are represented by the letter Ha, which signifies the grade of the One-ness of God at which all existing things are united under the name Allah.73 The letter Alif, which is the grade of non-determination [la ta’ayyun], symbolizes the Absoluteness of God’s Essence, while Wahda—referred to as the treasure chest of God’s Being—which contains the aspect of unity in all the particulars of existence, is represented by the letter Ba. It is also known as the grade of Reality that is Muhammad.74 Wahidiyya, which is represented by the letter Waw, is the grade of Fixed Prototypes and the Reality of Man. It is the object of God’s knowledge and contains the essences of all existence. These four are the fixed essences of the World of Spirits, the World of Ideas, the World of Corporeal Bodies and the World of the Perfect Man (Insan al-Kamil).75 The manifestation of these huruf in symbolism is based on the Sufi school of Wahdattu’l-wujud which, in the eyes of certain Muslims—those who adhere strictly to the legalistic fiqh school—borders on pantheism. These seven grades (martabat tujuh) that followers of the Wahdattu’l-wujud espouse in their Sufi beliefs were popular among the Malays [as well as Acehnese and Javanese] of island Southeast Asia in the 16th and 17th centuries. The doctrine formed the basis of the mystical teachings of the metaphysical principles of the Essence of Unity and the Oneness of God. Indeed, prior to the 20th century, it formed the core belief of the alleged pantheistic creed, Wahdattu’l-wujud.76 72 The propagator of the doctrine was Ibnu’l Arabi who based his thinking on Zauq Sufism. In its essence, the doctrine stipulates that the existence of the Universe is the existence of God. God is the hakikat (reality of the Universe). See Hamka, Tasauf, pp. 145–149. 73 Descriptions of the principles of the seven grades are based on the work of A. H. Johns, ‘Malay Sufism’, JMBRAS, 30(2), 1957 and Perpustakaan Negara, MSS 2488. 74 According to this principle the One-ness and Absoluteness of God is the true and real Existence. His Light (Nur) is part of his Essence which emanates the Reality that is Muhammad (Hakekat Muhammadiya). From this existence (Wujudiyya) emanates the four Essences in all the grades. 75 For a more detailed exposition of Sufi teachings in the Malay world see Johns, ‘Malay Sufism’. 76 On the controversial creed, see, for example, Syed Naquib al-Attas, The Mysticism of Hamzah Fansuri, University of Malaya Press, Kuala Lumpur, 1970; also by the same author, Raniri and the Wujudiyyah of 17th Century Aceh, MBRAS Monograph 3, MBRAS, Kuala Lumpur, 1966 and Johns, ‘Malay Sufism’.

20

Interestingly, the seven letters chosen for the 8-year Malay and Javanese calendrical cycles seem to coincide with the martabat tujuh. As explained earlier, the adherents of the seven martabat who belonged to the Wahdattu’l-wujud strongly espoused the principle of God’s Unity and His omnipresence in the Universe. Muslim mystics have always believed that the Quranic alphabet carries certain meanings of the signs of God’s attributes. The letter Jim is said to signify divine beauty [jamal], i.e. qualities of forgiving, knowing and leading aright that characterize God; and the letter Dal signifies that there is no explanation or proof to convey God’s perfection of knowledge in regard to His Essence. Zay signifies one’s enhancement in dignity when one is bestowed with God’s mercy to embrace faith and guidance in Islam. Heaven is the reward for those who are blessed by God. In a man’s being would congregate the four elements: firstly, faith in God; secondly, the religion of Islam; thirdly, the doctrine of God’s Unity; and fourthly, the wisdom of Holiness (intuitive knowledge). The letter Waw, on the other hand, signifies the duties of a Muslim who is reminded of his constant loss if he neglects to pray, fast and perform all other obligations to God. According to the ilm al-huruf—the science of the secrets of the letters of the Arabic alphabet (also known as the ilm al-abjad)—each letter bears one of the four elements: Earth (turab), Water (ma’), Air (hawa) and Fire (nar).77 In Islamic Sufism these are elements of man’s physical body. Earth symbolizes the Being of God, under the name of the Wise, Water His Being under the Giver of Life, Air His Being under the name the Strong, and Fire His Being under His name the Mighty.78 Symbolism of the letters in the Quranic alphabet, as pointed out by the renowned Prof. Annemarie Schimmel, is indeed well-known among Muslims in mystical circles.79 They believe that each of the letters used in the Holy Quran possesses symbolic meanings and represents a certain numeral.80 77 The mystics believe that the four elements are in possession of the twenty-eight letters which, when divided into four categories, would correspond to the four elements; this makes each element possess seven letters. Al-Attas, Some Aspects of Sufism, p. 45. 78 According to the mystics in [Shi’ite] Sufi thought, Man’s physical body is identical with the Being of God as revealed under the above names. See Johns, ‘Malay Sufism’, p. 26. 79 Schimmel, Islamic Calligraphy, p. 12. 80 According to the science of the secrets of the letters of the Arabic alphabet, the letter Alif, whose shape resembles the numeral 1, symbolizes the unity and

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Looking at the Arabic letters used in the 8-year cycle as used by manuscript writers in the Malay Archipelago, it is now clear that the choice of certain letters in the Arabic alphabet made by Malay, Javanese, Acehnese and other Southeast Asian Muslim scribes suggests that it was the mystical symbolism which the letters represent that led to the invention of the calendrical system based on the 8-year cycle. The seven letters chosen to signify the year do reflect, interestingly enough, the seven grades of mysticism mentioned earlier. As for the 8-year cycle, the number eight in Persian literature symbolizes the eight paradises that Muslims believe in.81 That the number eight has been chosen as the cycle (daur) by both the Malays and Javanese is interesting, for eight is indeed an auspicious number for both Shi’ite Islam and Buddhism. In each cycle of a Javanese windu82 (eight years), the first of Muharram falls consecutively, beginning with Alip [Alif], which has a numerical value of one, followed by He [Ha] (5), Jimawal (3), Je [Zay] (7), Dal (4), Be [Ba] (2), Wawu [Waw] (6) and Jimakir [akhir] (3) with He, Je and Jimakir denoted as kabisat (leap years);83 whereas in the Malay and Acehnese octennial calendars, the letters representing each cycle are in the order of Alif, Ha, Jim, Zay,

selfness of God. Alif also represents the number one and belongs to the element of fire. The letter Ha (the 26th letter), which symbolizes the orientation to God, belongs to the element of fire and represents the number 5. On the other hand, Jim which represents number 3, belongs to the element of water. Likewise, the letter Zay, which represents number 7, also belongs to the element of water. Zay symbolizes achievement. The letter Dal, however, symbolizes the equilibrium of all things created; it belongs to the element of earth and represents the number 4. The letter Ba, which symbolizes mediation, introduction and representation, belongs to the element of air and represents the number 2. Waw, which represents the number 6, also belongs to the element of water. For the Sufis this letter symbolizes the mystical promise of total assent to God. See Kahn, Arabic Script, pp. 27, 31, 39, 41, 45, 51, and 83. 81 Ibid., p. 187. Incidentally, the number eight in Buddhist teachings also reflects cosmic equilibrium as propounded by the 8-fold path of Buddhism. 82 From Sanskrit vindu. The original meaning of vindu is a drop of water taken as a measure; also, a kind of measure (as in music: vindu malin). See M. MonierWilliams, Sanskrit-English Dictionary, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pty Ltd., 1999, p. 731. 83 See Irfan Anshory, ‘Mengenal Kalender Hijriah’, Pikiran Rakyat, 28 January 2006.

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Dal awal,84 Ba, Waw, and Dal akhir.85 These letters representing the years also convey the nature of each year whereby letters representing certain years could indicate weather patterns which may influence health conditions and daily lives of the people. Thus, Alif, Ha, Zay and Waw years are said to be years of heat, whereas Jim, Ba and the two Dal are years of rain.86 All the octennial cycles (be they Malay, Javanese or Acehnese) also share a similarity when the total numerical values of the seven letters are added, excluding the last letters Dal akhir (for the Malay and Acehnese cycles) and Jimakir (for the Javanese windu). When the numerical values of the letters are added together they total 28, which—according to the science of numerology—is a perfect number. Muslim mystics connect the 28 letters of the Arabic alphabet in which the Holy Quran is written with the moon that wanders through the 28 lunar mansions to complete its four phases.87 As practised in the epistolary craft of the Malay world since the 16th century, the designation of each year in the calendrical daur system was based mainly on the 8-year cycle.88 The system is called by its Malay term, daur89 kecil (little daur) which distinguishes it from the daur besar (larger daur) (cycle of 120 years). The years in this cycle are divided into groups of eight.90 Nevertheless, even though the larger daur 84 Dal awal, like the Javanese Jimawal, is the proper designation of the letter. See the introduction for the Sejarah Melayu, Raffles MS. No. 18, edited by R.O. Winstedt, JMBRAS, 16(3), 1938, p. 42. 85 Or Dal akhir. See C. Snouck Hurgronje, The Atjehnese, transl. A. W. S. O’Sullivan, Vol. 1, E.J. Brill, Leyden, 1906. p. 197. Syed Naquib is wrong to assume that the letter is Dhal [pronounced Zal]. See Al-Attas, The Oldest Known Malay Manuscript, pp. 22, 28 and 29. 86 Proudfoot, Old Muslim Calendars of Southeast Asia, pp. 24–25. See also S. Resowidjojo, Almanak Gampang, Dinas Penerbitan Balai Pustaka, Djakarta, 1959, p. 122. 87 The Quran names 28 prophets before Muhammad and, like the full moon, the last Prophet of Islam completes the prophecy of God. For an elaboration on the significance of the number 28, see Annemarie Schimmel, The Mystery of Numbers, Oxford University Press, New York, 1993, pp. 238–239. 88 Skeats erroneously regards the cycle as a Malay borrowing from the Arabs. See Walter William Skeats, Malay Magic, Dover Publications Inc., New York, 1967, p. 554. 89 Named after the Arabic dawr, meaning chronological cycle. 90 The 120-year cycle, which has 15 periods of 8 years (windu), is named kurup by the Javanese. In pre-Islamic times the years within a windu had the following

23

was known to the Javanese, Malays, and Acehnese, it was the little daur that was most commonly used.91 In the middle of the 17th century the Javanese began to adopt the 8-year cycle (little daur) as practised by the Malays.92 Even though the Javanese windu93 continued to use the Saka era when Sultan Agung officially introduced the Islamic calendar in 1633 CE,94 the naming of the year by using the Arabic huruf indicated the Islamic year despite the presence of the Saka year.95 For example, the Anno Hegirae of 1043 which coincided with Anno Javanico 1555,

91 92

93

94 95

names: harsa, haruwarsa, jimantra, duryanta, dharma, pitaka, wahyu, dirgawarsa. When this larger cycle was first introduced with letters of the Arabic alphabet, it began on a Friday (Jumuwah legi) and thus was known as kurup Jamngiah (i.e. the year of Alip [f] began on Jumuwah legi, thus creating the Friday cycle (AJ 1555/ 1043 AH/ 1633 CE–AJ 1674/ 1162 AH/ 1748 CE). The second cycle (AJ 1675/ 1163 AH/ 1749 CE–AJ 1794/ 1282 AH/ 1865 CE) was called kurup Kamsiah (Alip-Kemis-Kliwon), meaning the Thursday cycle. The first year of every windu within the 120-year period begins on Wednesday, thus the Alip year (1) indicates the Wednesday, Ehe [Ha] (5) indicates Sunday, Jimawal (3) indicates Friday, Je [Zay] (7) indicates Tuesday, Dal (4) indicates Saturday, Be [Ba] (2) indicates Thursday, Wawu [Waw] (6) indicates Monday and Jimakir (3) indicates Friday. The windu in which the first year of the cycle commences is known as the huruf Arba’iyyah cycle (the Wednesday letter cycle). However, since the Raffles letters fall within the period 1780–1824, only the Thursday cycle (kurup Kamsiah) is relevant in the present discussion. In his work British Settlements in the Straits of Malacca, Vol. 2, p. 356, Newbold also mentioned about the larger daur though without much elaboration. On the Javanese windu, see Manfred Kudlek, ‘Calendars and Chronologies’ in Christian Freksa et al. (eds.), Foundations of Computer Science: Potential, Theory, Cognition, Springer, Berlin-Heidelberg, New York, 1997, pp. 212–213. See Al-Attas, The Oldest Known Malay Manuscript, pp. 27–32. As early as 1590, the 8-year cycle was already in use in the Malay calendrical system, as evidenced by the dating of the ‘Aqaid Al-Nasafi’. See ibid., p. 20. See also J. G. de Casparis, Indonesian Chronology, E.J. Brill, Leiden/Koln, 1978, p. 39. The windu are grouped into a cycle of four: Windu Adi, Windu Kunthara, Windu Sengara, and Windu Sancaya. In discussing the dating of the Raffles letters, however, as far as the letters from Java and Bali are concerned, the Windu Sancaya covers the years of 1810–1811. The practice had already been in use even eight years earlier, i.e. in 1625. See below. Thus it is not quite correct, as claimed by Ricklefs, to say that the Anno Hegirae was not adopted by Sultan Agung when he allowed the Anno Javanico to be used. See M. C. Ricklefs, Modern Javanese Historical Tradition, School of Oriental and African Studies, London, 1978, Appendix 1, p. 232.

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that was inaugurated on Friday, marked the first cycle called Alip, although it is aligned to the letter Jim in the Malay daur. The Malay daur kecil differs from the Acehnese daur and Javanese windu only in terms of its arrangement of the huruf. Both the Malay and Acehnese octennial calendars nevertheless differ from the Javanese cycle in that the last huruf of the cycle for both is Dal akhir (latter Dal) while in the Javanese windu it is Jimakir. Table I shows the three cycles, in which the different arrangements of the letters in each cycle distinguish one from the other. TABLE I The Octennial Cycles and the Numerical Values of the Huruf Numerical Remainder Malay Value after being Daur Divided by 8

Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Ba Waw Dal

1 5 3 7 4 2 6 4

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 0

Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Ba Waw Dal Akhir

‫ا‬  ‫ج‬ ‫ز‬ ‫د‬ ‫ب‬ ‫و‬ ‫د‬

Javanese Windu

Acehnese Daur

Waw Jimakir Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Ba

Waw Dal akhir Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Ba

‫و‬ ‫ج‬ ‫ا‬  ‫ج‬ ‫ز‬ ‫د‬ ‫ب‬

‫و‬ ‫د‬ ‫ا‬  ‫ج‬ ‫ز‬ ‫د‬ ‫ب‬

In the little daur practised by Malays and Acehnese, each year in the cycle is represented by the huruf Alif, Ha, Jim, Zay, Dal, Ba, Waw, and Dal. Both the Malay and Acehnese daur systems nevertheless differ from the Javanese windu, which has a slight difference in the sequential order of the letters. In the Javanese windu, the Arabic huruf denoting a particular Hegira year are arranged in the following order: Alif, Ha, Jimawal, Zay, Dal, Ba, Waw and Jimakir (the latter Jim). In both the Malay (including Acehnese) and Javanese calendrical systems, whenever the 8-year cycle was completed the letter Alif would again be used to indicate the beginning of another cycle. Each cycle began from year one of the Hegira. The Javanese way of determining the year, however, was based on the general assumption that the first cycle commenced

25

from the Hegira year of 1035 (1625 CE).96 This date coincided with the conquest of Surabaya by Sultan Agung in the Javanese Caka year of 1547 [Anno Javanico]. Since the year 1035 AH marked the beginning of the Javanese windu, its first cycle must have begun with Alif.97 The table in Appendix X shows the differences between the Malay, Acehnese and Javanese 8-year cycles, as indicated by the alignment of the letters in the three cycles. The table has been constructed based on the date of the Aqaid Al-Nasafi (the earliest dated Malay manuscript available) which is used as the starting point for determining the cycle, bearing in mind that the Aqaid was written in the year of Ba in 998 Hegira. TABLE II The Numerical Order of the 8-Year Cycles According to the Huruf (Using Alif as the First Cycle) Malay

Javanese

Acehnese

1. Alif 2. Ha 3. Jim 4. Zay 5. Dal 6. Ba’ 7.Waw 8. Dal 1. Alif 2. Ha 3. Jim

1. Alif (1035 AH/ AJ 1547/1625CE) 2. Ehe [Ha] 3. Jimawal [Jim Akhir] 4. Je [Zay] 5. Dal 6. Be [Ba] 7. Wawu [Waw] 8. Jimakir [Jim Akhir] 1. Alif

1. Alif 2. Ha 3. Jim 4. Zay 5. Dal Awal 6. Ba 7. Waw 8. Dal Akhir 1. Alif

96 According to Resowidjojo, the year 1035 AH corresponds to the Windu Adi 1 (first cycle of the windu); or 1547 Caka year (Javanese Muslim calendar) or 1625 CE. See Resowidjojo, Almanak Gampang, p. 151. 97 Some Javanese, however, say that Sultan Agung officially changed the Javanese calendar to an Islamic lunar year in 1633 CE, which corresponded with the Javanese Caka year of 1555 and the Hegira year of 1043. The year coincided with his pilgrimage to the holy grave of Sunan Bayat at Tembayat. This date also marked the beginning of the 8-year cycle of the windu, commencing with ‘Kuntara 1’. See M. C. Ricklefs, ‘Islamising Java: The Long Shadow of Sultan Agung’, paper read at the 15th IAHA Conference, Jakarta, 27 August–1 September 1998, p. 4.

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In both the Malay and Javanese systems the calculation for finding a Hegira year is done by dividing the figure representing the year by eight, and the remainder is then applied to the mnemonic phrase ahjaz dabuda (ahjaz dabuja for the Javanese windu); thus the Hegira year of 1035, for example, will have the letter Alif as the name of the year.98 But in the Acehnese 8-year cycle the method of determining the name for the Hegira year is slightly different; the calculation is also done by dividing the year by eight, but the year-letters are instead counted off in the above order, beginning with Waw to the number of the remainder. Thus if the remaining figure is four, the Hegira year will be, after counting four places from Waw, the year of Ha. Looking at the dates on some of the Raffles letters written in various parts of the Malay Archipelago, which have dates complete with their huruf signatures, one finds that the letters written in 1810 [1225 AH] and 1811 [1226 AH] have conflicting huruf as their signatures. The letters written in 1811, for example, seem to have the letters Jim, Ba, Zay, Waw and Dal to signify the year. While the Penang letters seem to describe 1811 as the year of Jim, one of the Kedah letters describes it as the year of Dal, while the Acehnese letter bears the letter Ba, and the Bali letters indicate that 1811 was a Zay year. It becomes even more confusing when Raffles’ scribe wrote 2 Jim [the second or latter Jim] for the letters sent from Malacca to the Sultans of Palembang and Lingga in December 1810. The two letters from Penang dated 1225 Hegira [1810] also describe the year as a Zay year. The discrepancy in the designation of the appropriate Arabic huruf for the cycles could only mean that there was no uniformity in the application of the daur and windu systems throughout the Malay Archipelago.99 While normally the method for the identification of the abjad (alphabet) for most years could be made by relying on the table for the Malay, Javanese and Acehnese 8-year cycles,100 the case of the Raffles 98 When divided by eight, the figure 1035 will give a remainder of three. This number is represented by Jim according to the Malay 8-year cycle; but Jim is aligned to Alif in the Javanese windu. 99 Most scribes, however, would find it easier to designate an Arabic letter for a windu cycle if they knew the letter given in the preceding year, since the order of the eight letters in the cycle was fixed. 100See Appendix X. I imagine that for purposes of convenience, scribes would normally refer to a table that would help to indicate the letter for a particular cycle, be it for a Javanese windu, Acehnese or Malay 8-year cycle.

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Malay letters clearly shows that there is no single way of identifying the huruf of particular years. For example, when divided by eight the Hegira year of 1225 would give a remainder of one which, if based on the logic of the windu and daur formula,101 should be designated as the year of Waw for the Javanese windu and Alif and Waw for the Malay and Acehnese systems respectively.102 But Raffles’ letter to Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin in 1225 AH, on the contrary, has 2 [the second] Jim as the name of the year cycle,103 while the letter from Haji Mohali to Raffles, which is also dated 1225, has Waw as the name of the cycle. Haji Mohali appears to have chosen Waw because this huruf, which represents the seventh cycle in the Javanese Sancaya Windu, is aligned to the letter Alif, which is the first cycle in the Malay daur.104 The designation of a huruf to a Hegira year in a particular cycle could very well depend on the choice of the cycle made by the scribe. If the Javanese or Acehnese windu was adopted, the scribe’s calculation would have to take into account factors such as the weekly cycles, or the application of the Arba’iyyah or the Khamsiyah [Javanese: Kamsiah] cycles105 or whether a certain year was a leap year (tahun kabisat).106 101 See Appendix X. 102 Proudfoot’s explanation that several documents from Penang, all dated 1225, had variously been named as the year of Zay, Waw, and Jim because the scribes “had no interest in regulating the Muslim calendar” is rather simplistic. As I have tried to show below, the naming of the year with a huruf very much depended on the interpretation of the scribe when using the principles set much earlier by the Sufi syeikhs. 103 The phrase ‘Tahun 2 Jim’ in Jawi does not mean ‘Tahun-tahun’, as understood by both Gallop and Proudfoot, but rather ‘the year of the second Jim’. 104 See Appendix X. 105 Thus the Arabic letter assigned to a particular year could also differ because of this factor. Raja Ali Haji, the author of the Tuhfat al-Nafis, also made a distinction between the Arba’iyyah and Khamsiyah counts which, when attempting to name the Hegira year of 1158 which, when divided by eight, gives a remainder of six, could either give the year of Ba for the Arba’iyyah count (Ba being the sixth huruf in the order of the Javanese and Acehnese 8-year cycles) or Alif for the Khamsiyah year-count. In choosing Alif, the author was using the numerical value of six which is possessed by Waw as his rationale, for Alif happens to be aligned to Waw. But by choosing Alif the author was entering the next 8-year cycle. See Tables I and II. See also Virginia Matheson-Hooker, Tuhfat al-Nafis, Sejarah Melayu Islam (translated with introduction by Ahmad Fauzi Basri), Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Kuala Lumpur, 1991, p. 266. Cf. Hurgronje, The Atjehnese, pp. 199–200.

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Besides using a computed table in which either or both the Javanese and Malay sequential orders of the Hegira dates are displayed, which would make it easier for a scribe to refer to when he needs to ascertain which letter would qualify a certain year, the numerical value of a particular huruf could also be used when the excess figure is obtained after the figure for the year is divided by eight. For example, for the Hegira year of 1236, which is signified as the year of Jim, the excess of four is viewed by the scribe as in agreement with Dal akhir, which has a value of four. However, Dal akhir is in the eighth position in the order of the Malay daur; but another huruf, also in the eighth rank, is Jimakir in the Javanese windu (see Table II). The scribe then decides to name 1236 AH as the year of Jim (although he is silent on whether it is the former or later Jim. Likewise, for the year 1225 AH, which when divided by eight has a remainder of one, the scribe has named the year as Jim. Now according to the normal rule of the Malay 8-year cycle, the remaining figure one should be regarded as an Alif year. But Alif is also aligned to the letter Jim, even though Alif is in first position of the Javanese windu and Jim is in third place in the Malay daur. So the letters written in Malacca and Sambas in 1225 AH have the year designated as the year of Jim by the scribes. The same Hegira year has also been described as a Waw year. If the table for the Malay and Javanese dates is used, then obviously the huruf assigned for this year is also correct, for Waw is the derived huruf in accordance with the Javanese windu, which is aligned to the Alif year in the Malay daur. The application of Zay can be explained by looking at the position of the abjad (alphabet) in the Javanese windu and the Malay daur (see Table I) and then refer to the following quotation from another Malay manuscript: To find the name of a year in the Arab Hijrah era, you take the figure of the year, cast off eights, and inspect the size of the remainder; if the excess is one, the year is a ha year; if the excess is two, the year is jim; if the excess is three, the year is zai; if the excess is four, the year is dal; if the excess is five, the year is ba; if the excess is six, the year is waw; if the excess is seven, the year is jim; if the excess is eight, then the year is an alif year… ,107 106 For further discussion on the Javanese calendrical system, see Casparis, Indonesian Chronology; Soebardi, ‘Calendrical Traditions in Indonesia’, Madjalah Ilmu-Ilmu Sastra Indonesia, 3, 1965; and Resowidjojo, Almanak Gampang. 107 Leiden Cod. Or. 2805, f.29r. as quoted by Proudfoot, Old Muslim Calendars of Southeast Asia, p. 101.

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Table III The Numerical Order of the 8-year Cycle According to the Huruf (Using Ha as the First Cycle) Malay

Javanese

1. Ha 2. Jim 3. Zay 4. Dal 5. Ba 6. Waw 7. Dal Akhir 8. Alif 1. Ha 2. Jim

1. Ehe [Ha] 2. Jimawal 3. Je [Zay] 4. Dal 5. Be [Ba] 6. Waw 7. Jimakir 8. Alif

Acehnese

1. Ha 2. Jim 3. Zay 4. Dal Awal 5. Ba 6. Waw 7. Dal Akhir 8. Alif

Ha, as shown by the above quotation and Table III, is designated as the huruf for the Hegira year that gives a remainder of one when divided by eight. Since Ha in the Javanese cycle is aligned to Zay in the Malay daur, the date of 1225 AH, therefore, could also be named as the year of Zay. Thus, 1225 AH has several huruf to qualify it as a year. The year 1226 AH has also been designated variously as a Ba year by an Acehnese scribe, a Zay year by the scribe in Bali, and as Dal year by the scribes in Malacca and Kedah; the letter from Cirebon gives the date as a Jim year. The figure 1226 when divided by eight gives a remainder of two. The ‘traditional’ computed calendrical table which I have constructed108 based on the chronological order of the 8-year cycles using Alif as the first cycle would apply the letter Jimakir to the year. Thus the letter from Cirebon is correct in the huruf. However, the Acehnese scribe Pucut Kaya bin Muhammad Hassan has named the year as a Ba year. The letter Ba was chosen, I believe, because it has the numerical value of two. The huruf also signifies the mystical grade (martabat) of Wahda, which is the first grade to which any description [of God] can be applied.109 Wahda is also referred to as the treasure 108 See Appendix X. 109 Perpustakaan Negara MSS 2488, ‘Bayan al-Alif wa Huruf al- Hijaiyya’.

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chest of God’s being which contains, under the aspect of unity, all the particulars of existence which exist particularized at the grade Wahidiyya.110 The Bali letters, on the other hand, have Zay as the huruf for the year. Zay, which is fourth in the order of the Javanese windu, is actually aligned to the huruf Ba in the Malay daur (see Table II). So, the scribe in Bali saw no error in the choice of Zay for naming the year 1226. In applying Dal awal to the said year, the Malacca and Kedah scribes were merely relying on the instruction given in the manuscript quoted by Proudfoot. According to the instruction, “if the excess is two the year is jim”. However, Jim [awal] in the Javanese windu is aligned to the huruf Dal awal in the Malay daur.111 Having seen how the huruf were selected by the scribes of Malay, Javanese and Acehnese letters and also the Bali letters when attempting to name a particular Hegira year, it cannot be dismissed that the methods used were mainly based on the intuitive feeling that Sufis strongly advocate in their action in life.112 While this does not mean that the scribes were all Sufis, the tradition, nonetheless, was inherited from the Islamic mystics. However, not every scribe was conversant with the dating system; in some cases, the scribe failed to designate the correct Arabic letter for a particular year. The above discussion has shown that it is indeed futile to explain the mechanism of Muslim dating in Southeast Asia through any other means. The Islamic elements in the art of Malay epistolary culture and literary writings certainly need to be studied. Their source is undoubtedly Sufism. It would also seem reckless to dismiss as ‘not valid’ the description and instructions provided by the original authors of most, if not all, Malay manuscripts who were presumably either Sufis or adherents of some form of Islamic Sufism, particularly in regard to the methods of calculating the dates and the naming of the Hegira year.113

110 Johns, ‘Malay Sufism’, p. 23. 111 See Table I. It was therefore not unusual that Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin’s letter to Raffles was dated as the year of Dal awal. See Kedah II. 112 Sufism is not, and never has been, a doctrine based only on logical thinking or the rationale of the mind. Uppermost in the Sufi mind is the application of zauq (intuitive feelings) when reaching a conclusion in an undertaking. See Hamka, Tasauf, p. 129. 113 See Proudfoot, Old Muslim Calendars of Southeast Asia, p. 102.

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Raffles’ scribes For his correspondence with the rajas and chiefs of the Malay Archipelago, Raffles employed several clerks and copyists during his short stay in Malacca. When he arrived from Penang in December 1810 he had engaged a certain Mr. Merlin to undertake the work of a copying clerk for documents in English.114 But as Agent to the Governor-General with the Malay States his work in Malacca required him to employ more Malay scribes. In this he was assisted by Ibrahim son of Kandu,115 a Tamil Muslim who had served him as a clerk or scribe during his sojourn in Penang. His other scribes were the Malacca-born Tamil Muslims Tambi Ahmad bin Nina Merikan, Ismail Lebai116 and his brother Muhammad, who were uncles of Abdullah bin Abdul Kadir Munsyi.117 These scribes appear to have played a very important role in presenting Raffles’ diplomatic approaches to the indigenous rulers of the archipelago and were responsible for the .manner in which the message of diplomatic language was relayed. Looking at the collection of Malay letters one cannot help feeling that Stamford Raffles was fortunate to have employed clerks who were not only professionally skilled in the Malay epistolary art, but were also like local intellectuals of the period who were genuinely interested in collecting Malay manuscripts, a hobby that Raffles himself was personally committed to. Ibrahim son of Kandu, whom Raffles had known since his days in Penang, was himself a known copyist and collector of Malay manuscripts. From December 1810 until Raffles’ departure for 114 Abdullah, The Hikayat Abdullah, p. 73. 115 Ibrahim, towards the end of 1810, was already thirty years of age; he was born in Kedah in 1780. His father Kandu, a Chulia merchant, had moved to Penang during Francis Light’s time. On Ibrahim Kandu, see C. Skinner, ‘The Author of the Hikayat Perintah Negeri Benggala’, Bijdragen, 132, 1976, pp. 201–205. See also Ahmad Rijaluddin’s Hikayat Printah Negeri Belanda (ed. and transl. C. Skinner), Bibliotheca Indonesica, KITLV, The Hague, 1982, especially Appendix 6, ‘An Account of Bengal, and A Visit to the Government House, by Ibrahim, the son of Candu the Merchant’, pp. 188–192. 116 From the Telugu word ‘labbi’. Lebai is used to refer to a class of persons of Southern Indian descent connected by family association with religion. A person could be dubbed ‘lebai’ if he showed religious inclination in behaviour. See R. J. Wilkinson, A Malay-English Dictionary, Part 2, Macmillan & Co. Ltd., London, 1959, pp. 663–664. 117 See Abdullah, The Hikayat Abdullah, p. 75.

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Java in June 1811, Ibrahim was his principal scribe and copyist. As a man of literature of the time, it was also Ibrahim who gave his copy of the Sejarah Melayu which he had obtained in Malacca to John Leyden in Calcutta, who then used it to produce a translation of the Malay ‘classical’ work into English. It was through the contacts of clerks such as Ibrahim that Raffles was able to collect numerous Malay manuscripts of various kinds in several of the Malay kerajaan.

The Emissaries It is worthwhile to note that Raffles’ network of intelligence and ‘patronising’ diplomacy towards the rajas and chiefs of the Malay kerajaan would not have achieved much success without the co-operation and loyalty he received from his trusted captains who, as the emissaries of the East India Company, impressed the native rulers and chiefs when they came in their large European ships to accompany the native agents when visiting the various Malay states. It was people like David Macdonald,118 John Scott,119 Charles Tait,120 William Greig,121 and 118 Macdonald was commissioned to the Indian navy in December 1809. He rose to the rank of Captain and became Commander of the H[onourable] C[ompany’s] cruiser Ariel. Together with Tengku Raden Muhammad, Macdonald was sent by Raffles to Palembang to deliver his letter to Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin, but was not allowed to stay beyond 48 hours. Macdonald was assigned by Raffles to provide intelligence on the Dutch forces in the Lampung country and the vicinity of Palembang. Raffles described him as “the best nautical authorities available”. Raffles to Edmonton, 31-1-1811, MSS Eur. F 148/4. See Captain Macdonald’s Narrative of his Early Life and Services Embracing an Unbroken Period of Twenty-two Years, 3rd edn, Cheltenham, c. 1840, p. 335. 119 John Scott, son of country-trader William Scott, served as Raffles’ Assistant upon the recommendation of John Leyden. Scott accompanied Tunku Pangeran in the HC cutter Arethusa [also spelt Aruthesa] on his mission to Lingga, Muntok and to Banten, Cirebon and Mataram. Raffles’ attitude towards Scott was, however, one of disdain. In a letter to John Leyden, he wrote, “I fear I shall never get any thing out of John Scott—in truth but in confidence he is not worth his Salt—I have as yet got nothing from him but trouble and I have my doubts how far he may be capable …”. See Bastin, John Leyden and Thomas Stamford Raffles, p. 49. 120 Captain Charles Tait, who was a free merchant with the agency house of John Palmer & Co., Calcutta, was commander of the country ship Thainstone. He was the emissary sent by Raffles to Riau. Ibid., p. 106. 121 William Greig commanded the 200-ton country brig Lord Minto, built and

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Lieutenant Smith122 who served Raffles well in ensuring the success of his mission. It was they, together with Raffles’ appointed accredited agents—Sayid Zain (more popularly known as Tunku Pangeran) of Siak, Tengku Raden Muhammad, a near kinsman of the Sultan of Palembang, Sayid Abu Bakar Rum, Haji Muhammad Mohali, Syeikh Ali,123 and Tambi Ismail124—who gave their undivided loyalty to Raffles in carrying out the missions entrusted to every one of them. These were the people who mattered in Raffles’ attempt to establish relations with the native rulers and it was they who ensured the successful conveyance of the letters of European diplomacy which in the Malay diplomatic jargon were called ‘letters of sincerity’.

registered in Calcutta. In the plan to invade Java, the ship was placed by Minto under Raffles’ orders. In early 1811, Greig was sent out by Raffles on a mission to Bali. Upon returning from Bali, he was sent to Lingga and Pontianak. It was Greig who was responsible for determining the route that the ships of the invasion force would take to Java, which was between the Caramata Passage and the coast of Borneo. See Bastin, John Leyden and Thomas Stamford Raffles, p. 113. 122 Before William Greig was sent to Bali, Lieutenant Smith had already been on a mission in the Arethusa (the cutter which was previously under the orders of Capt. Macdonald) to meet the Balinese rajas. Lady Sophia Raffles, Memoir of the Life and Public Services of Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles, Oxford University Press, Singapore, 1991, p. 31. 123 He was sent by Raffles to visit the court of the raja of Sambas. See the Sambas letter below. 124 Tambi Ismail was sent to meet Raja Ali of Pedas.

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PART I LETTERS FROM THE MALAY PENINSULA

I. THE KEDAH LETTERS

T

he following Kedah letters reveal an interesting aspect of the state’s relations with Siam in the late 18th and early 19th centuries. These letters complement what Rollins Bonney tried to show in his book1—that the Sultan of Kedah, being harassed by Siam, had tried to find a way out of his problems with Siam by approaching the East India Company for assistance. A Thai scholar, Dr. Kobkua Suwannathat-Pian, has in her writings overzealously claimed that “Kedah-Siam relations were harmonious, with Bangkok apparently allowing the Sultan a free hand in the internal affairs of Kedah.”2 She has also dismissed the sources advanced by Bonney and other scholars who used Anderson and Burney as “woefully unreliable and baseless”.3 The letters from Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin to Raffles and Lord Minto nonetheless support Bonney’s thesis that Siam was genuinely posing a threat to Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin of Kedah, despite Kobkua’s dismissal of it as pure concoction by the Sultan, to use as a pretext to entice the British to help him. The letters also do not in any way indicate the Sultan’s attempt to cover up his fear of the threat from his near relatives or to hide his anxiety over the security of his own throne during the said period.

1 See R. Bonney, Kedah 1771–1821 The Search for Security and Independence, Oxford University Press, Kuala Lumpur, 1971. 2 Kobkua Suwannathat-Pian, ‘A Brief Moment in Time: Kedah-Siam Relations Revisited’, JMBRAS, 72(2), 1999, p. 84. 3 Ibid., p. 87.

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KEDAH I Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio, 30 x 36.5 cm Letter of Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin Halim Syah ibni al-marhum Paduka Sri Sultan Abdullah Mukarram Syah Without seal (this is the copy of the original that was submitted to Raffles) Addressed to the Governor-General of Bengal Endorsement verso in Raffles’ hand: “December 1810 / Raja of Quedah” An epistle of sincerity, with varied gifts, which is written with reverential veneration, a wholesome heart and in unison with candour and mutual affection that is everlasting so long as the heavenly sphere, the sun and the moon shall continue to revolve, from us, Paduka Sri Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin Halim Syah,4 son of the deceased Paduka Sri Sultan Abdullah Mukarram Syah,5 who owns the government of the country of 4 Based on the date on the royal seal, Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin Halim Syah, formerly known as Tunku Pangeran, succeeded his uncle, Sultan Diya’uddin Mukarram Syah, in 1219 AH (1804). But his ascendancy to the throne was not without the assistance of the Siamese. In 1801–1804 he made himself almost the tributary ruler of Siam by making obeisance at the Siamese court. To please the Siamese he went further, by increasing the value of the bunga emas and bunga perak. Sultan Diya’uddin, whose rule of Kedah was brief (1798–1804), had abdicated on being pressured by the Siamese king, Rama I, who ordered him to step down. He died in 1845. On the political intrigue within the court of Kedah and the struggle between Sultan Diya’uddin and Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin, which involved the British and the court of Siam, see Bonney, Kedah 1771–1821, pp. 103–127. 5 Sultan Abdullah Mukarram Syah was the son of Sultan Muhammad Jiwa Zainal Abidin Mu’azzam Syah with his gundik (unofficial wife). Finding himself too old to govern, Sultan Muhammad Jiwa abdicated in 1770 in favour of his son, Tunku Abdullah. But Sultan Abdullah had to face opposition from many quarters immediately after he became sultan. A rebellion broke out in 1771 in which the Bugis under the command of Raja Haji also participated in the factional war started by the opponents of Sultan Muhammad Jiwa and his son. The Bugis inflicted untold damage when they destroyed property and sacked the royal capital, Alor Star. It was during this period that Sultan Muhammad Jiwa wrote to the British East India Company to ‘reinstate him in the possession of his Country’ and to assist in ridding Kedah of the Bugis invaders. He then contacted the English merchants at Aceh and invited them to come to Kedah to forge some form of co-operation. It was Francis Light who came in April 1771, as agent of the merchant Francis Jourdain. Light promised to help on condition that a trading licence was issued to

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Kedah. May the Lord God of all the world cause it to be delivered to our friend, the Tuan General [sic] who administers the government of the province of Bengal, the abode of prosperity; who also holds jurisdiction in every land, leeward and windward, whichever is under the control of the beherma6 of the European Company; he is one who is extremely prudent in his deliberations, full of perfection in his governance which is proper, and whose famous name is mentioned with loud voices of adoration by both the distinguished and the humble people; he is furthermore praiseworthy and highly reputed for his bravery in war as well as standing security for his office and fiefs over districts under him; and further, his name is celebrated for helping friends and associates whose aspirations are correct; in this age he is peerless. The circumstance is, may it be known to our friend, that in 1200 AH [1784 CE], when our father was still alive, Mister Laik [sic, Light]7 who Francis Jourdain, his employer, and that the British merchants were allowed to set up an agency house at Kuala Kedah. The Sultan and Jourdain’s firm were to share two-thirds of the profits derived from the trade in Kedah equally between them; the other third of the revenue would be used to pay the wages of the sepoys and for the maintenance of the agency house. In return, Light promised to provide 100 sepoys to keep out any enemies of the Sultan. Following that a contract was signed, making it the first defensive agreement ever signed by a Malay ruler with the English. See Bonney, Kedah 1771–1821, pp. 30–35. 6 B-h-r-m-a [beherma, bihrama, behrama, bahrama, beharam or behram], probably a corruption of pikrama or pekerma from the Sanskrit, vikrama, meaning courage, heroism; also name of a minister of Mirgakan-datta; in Malay, ‘Pikrama’ is an honorific title. See M. Monier-Wlliams, Sanskrit English Dictionary, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pty Ltd., 1999, p. 955. See also the Penang Letters, fn 23. 7 Francis Light, an employee of the Madras firm of merchants Jourdain, Sullivan & Desouza, was posted by the company to Kedah, where he attained an influential position with the Sultan of Kedah. From 1771 Light was involved in cajoling Sultan Abdullah Mukarram Syah to cede the island of Pulau Pinang to the British since a station for repairing British ships was much needed. In 1786, the Sultan of Kedah agreed to cede Penang in exchange for the East India Company’s protection plus an annual payment of $6000 a year. An agreement was then signed and Light was appointed first Superintendent of the new British colony of Pulau Pinang when it was occupied by his forces in July 1786. Light did not abandon his role as a principal merchant even though he was the administrator of the island. Pulau Pinang was christened Prince of Wales Island. However, the speedy growth in prosperity of Penang as a trading port soon eroded the revenues of Kedah and he therefore demanded additional compensation for his loss. Light died on 21 October 1794. By the time of his death the population of Penang had

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was obeying the command of the European King [sic], and instructed by the Governor-General of Bengal, Cornwallis, came to see my late father bearing precious gifts of splendid articles. According to him, the European king and the [Governor-] General of Bengal had instructed him to request Pulau Pinang as a place for the purpose of repairing shipsof-war, and he extolled the greatness of the splendour, power, wisdom and good character of the supreme king in dispensing assistance to friends and associates and he also praised the benefits gained that keep the English Company prosperous and those who govern in friendship with the Company. He further mentioned that whatever thing our father required that the great king and the General [sic] of Bengal could possibly provide, they would assist, and every enemy of the country of Kedah would as far as possible be prevented from cimmitting crimes against Kedah. Help would be given to rectify any shortages; also, a land rent of 30,000 rial per annum would be paid for the island of Penang; and [in] several clauses there were also undertakings given. And our father was in concord with all the ministers that the country of Kedah is adjacent to Siam and Burma. Both are superior to Kedah; and considering that the king who is in possession of the government in the European continent is bigger and much more powerful than Siam or Burma, it would be more prudent to be in concordance with the English company since the white man is correct in governance, nothing other than straight and conforming to the adat. If Siamese or Burmese aggression were to come, which is contrary to the adat, the Company’s power could be employed as shelter to acquire strength to repulse the peril. And our father was glad to have the Company’s officials as friends with the expectation of taking shelter under the Company’s power for strengthening the state of Kedah. This is the dispatch from all of us much later because the country of Kedah is very small and does not have much power and if possible would like to depend on the Company’s power to repel the threat of Siam or Burma. Thus it is with a sincere and lucid heart that we wish to forge a friendship with the Company and so the island of Penang is given according to the request of Mr. Light, the vakeel of the former General [sic] at Bengal. A letter of agreement with the Company was then drafted in accordance with the wishes of our late father. It was given to Mr. Light to be risen to almost 6,000. The population census taken in 1797 indicated that, exclusive of the Europeans and the troops, there were 6,937 people on the island. John Bastin, ‘Historical Sketch of Penang in 1794’, JMBRAS 32(1), 1959, p. 8, note 10.

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conveyed to the General [sic] of Bengal. After quite some time Mr. Light returned to meet our father, bringing along sepoys with the intention of occupying Penang Island. He told our father that, as requested by our father, the General [sic] of Bengal had consented. and he had assigned the people who were to stay for good in Penang Island to come first. As for the letter that our father had given, he said, the General [sic] of Bengal had already sent it to Europe to inform the European [English] king and to obtain the seal [sanction] that was to be given to our father. In six months it would come back hither. And so our father gave permission for the occupation of [Penang] and clearance of the woods for the purpose of establishing a settlement in Pulau Pinang. Our father even instructed the rakyat to help with the work and sent chiefs to assist in guarding the settlement so that bad people would not be able to create trouble during the early period of clearing the land. Such was his preliminary command. And he waited for the letter from Europe; and after six to seven months had passed still no letter had come. After one year had gone our father demanded the letter, but Mr. Light was still putting it off, asking for an extension of time. But after having waited for six years and there was still no letter from Europe, it became apparent that there was nothing tangible to hold on to. The only thing our father received in one year was 10,000 rial [dollars]. The rest of the undertakings were not fulfilled by Mr. Light. Since our father insisted on having the letter, a little quarrel between Kedah and Penang broke out.8 Then [they] reconciled. An agreement was made at that time.9 Following that, several people came and a Governor was appointed by the Company to rule in Pulau Pinang. And then our father died without receiving any letter from Europe or from the General [sic] of Bengal. After the demise of our father, our uncle10 became the ruler of Kedah in 1215 Hegira [1799 CE], the year when Sir George Leith became Lieutenant Governor ruling over Pulau Pinang.11 He demanded 8 Referring to the attempt made by Sultan Abdullah to get the island back by launching an armed invasion, which failed. 9 The treaty that was concluded in 1791 with the East India Company entitling the Sultan to receive an annual sum of 6,000 Spanish dollars for as long as the British occupied Penang. 10 Sultan Diya’uddin, the brother of Sultan Abdullah Mukarram Syah who succeeded the latter following his death in 1798. 11 Sir George Leith was appointed Lieutenant-Governor and Commander-in-Chief of Penang on 20 April 1800.

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the coastal land lying opposite Pulau Pinang.12 His excuse was Penang was too small and it was impossible for the Company’s men to look for timber to do their work and to rear cows and buffaloes. And our uncle, well aware of the need to avoid giving problems to the Company, agreed to give the coastal land strip with the border and boundary determined, all in the hope of getting dependence on the power of the Company for the purpose of strength in order to be protected from the threat of enemies. And Sir George Leith gave an undertaking as stipulated in fourteen clauses and made it one spread. All previous and latter-day promises were already written in the Company’s books. From the time our father was ruler until during the reign of our uncle there was no major trouble or disturbance. Moreover, there was not a single agent or anyone who was willing to help in delivering the treaty document to the European king or to the one who was the General [sic] of Bengal. It was all very quiet until an option was made with whoever became Governor to rule Pulau Pinang. This is the outcome of duty and an assessment of the affairs of government between Kedah and Penang. It is not possible to receive a decisive decree from Europe. And so there is no authorized place for us to hold on to that is definite in anything. And during the period of our reign over the state of Kedah when the old Siamese king13 was still alive, he was a good ruler as he ruled in accordance with the adat [custom]; always consistently, until his death. But when his son14 succeeded him in the year 1225 Hegira15 [1810 CE], Siamese aggression against the country of Kedah became visible. He made demands from us much in excess of the ancient adat. Moreover, we could no longer bear it. For ages the situation between Kedah and Siam had seen the demands of the Siamese being obeyed by past rajas according to what was proper and in accordance with the adat of government. 12 Referring to Seberang Perai (Province Wellesley). The cession of this territory took place on 15 July 1800 (1217 Hegira) with a compensation of 2,000 Spanish dollars paid to the Sultan of Kedah. 13 The old Siamese king referred to was Rama I. 14 Referring to King Rama II. 15 This is the date written in the original Jawi letter. But the date given by Anderson is 1215. Obviously the scribe was more correct in his date, even though according to several sources Rama II only ascended the throne in 1809 (1224 AH). See J. Anderson, ‘Political and Commercial Considerations Relative to the Malayan Peninsula and the British Settlements in the Straits of Malacca’, JMBRAS, 35(4), 1962.

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For the sake of protecting the country, there is no desire to be at war with them because they are more numerous than the Kedah population. Their demands have become increasingly more excessive, and the work imposed on us is burdensome, for they ask for things which do not conform to the ancient adat of governance, and still we obey to the extent that is bearable to protect the people and to avoid evil, so as not to create enmity with them. We have done some things that were never done by the ancient rajas, and we have disbursed much expense to realize their wishes. And yet there they never seem to be satisfied; we have no respite from them. And we are not able to be rid of endless problems and hardship. They are trying to find ways of putting the blame on us and also they do not trust us, accusing us of conspiring with the Burmese, because this year they are at war with the Burmese. The intention of Siam to find means of attacking Kedah is because it wants to rule over Kedah. We have tried to find ways to free [ourselves] from the enmity with Siam but we failed and there appears to be no virtue to it. We have mentioned everything regarding our affairs with Siam to the Governor of Pulau Pinang, asking for his help in making a decision and we have requested the assistance of the Company, as was hoped with confidence by our father because Kedah and Pulau Pinang are but one spread, like the situation of one being. Whenever Kedah experiences difficulty or trouble so also does Pulau Pinang. The Governor‘s advice was for us to find ways not to sever the affection with Siam. He said it was not possible to get authority to assist us because the beherma of the European Company has issued a decree that it was forbidden to render assistance to a [Malay] raja in the business of war. To our mind it might apply to other negeri, but not to Kedah because Kedah and Pulau Pinang are of one entity. The people have been much troubled and afflicted with difficulties. Every undertaking and effort to avoid enmity with Siam has exhausted us, in trying to find ways and means of not severing affection with Siam. There is no longer strength within us to acquiesce to the demands that exceed the ancient adat. Since our father had pleaded for help from the Governor of Pulau Pinang, the authority for the Company, we can reject the demands of the Siamese because our father had forged the affection that placed the stake of friendship with the Company. And thus it gave the impression of weakness in the strong power of the great raja in the continent of Europe who is well-renowned as a paramount ruler and one who is more powerful than any other.

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To our mind, between Kedah and Pulau Pinang the situation is of one existence. This is to remind the great king and our friend if it is still not well-understood. For that reason, in case the Governor of Pulau Pinang is unable to obtain authority to assist us, if it is already made known then the country of Kedah should not be perceived differently from Pulau Pinang. This is why we are asking for a decree from you and imploring you to help us convey this information to the great king in the continent of Europe as well as to the superiors of the Company, everything about our affair as mentioned in the letter; we have solicited for a decree to be granted as was previously agreed upon by Mr. Light with our father because we are no longer a man with authority and what is more our country is small. The name bestowed by the king of Europe will give an equitable and bounteous name and we shall be able to thank the great king for lavishing his royal bounty. And we beg to be sheltered under the daulat of power of the great king of Europe in taking sanctuary from every threat of enemies who wish to inflict injustice and aggression over the country of Kedah. We beseech the king of Europe to shower affectionate love on us as would be the situation for the followers of the great king himself. We pray that a command be issued to the person who will become the Governor-General in Pulau Pinang with authority to render assistance in anything that causes us trouble or problems and be consistent in whatever decree is issued by the king of Europe so as to let Kedah and Pulau Pinang exist as one entity. Further to that, to the best of our power we too shall not stay quiet over whatever problems faced by Pulau Pinang. We also request a letter of command from the king of Europe and yourself so that we can keep it as an assurance of confidence of being under the shelter of the power of the king of Europe until the time of our great-grandchildren who live in the country of Kedah. It is our fervent hope to be able to receive kindness and help from our friend regarding all matters. There is no gift for our friend that is suitable for the pleasure of the eyes, except a dagger in a gold-plated casing together with a pair of brass [wares],16 and a mongkal [sic, bongkal] of gold,17 things worn18 by 16 It is not clear what object of tembaga (Malay for brass or copper) is being referred to. It could be objects such as a pair of brass trays, platters or containers, or perhaps the term merely refers to a pair of bar-copper (tembaga lantak). It is worth noting that the Malay word tembaga is in fact a generic term. See R. J. Wilkinson, A Malay-English Dictionary, Macmillan & Co. Ltd, London, 1959, Vol. 2, pp. 1191–1192. 17 Measure of weight of gold, equivalent to 16 mayam or 53.9 grams.

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Malays, which is not as it should be; like the proverbial flower.19 May it be of some use. Please, by any chance, do not dishonour it. Letter is written on the twenty-sixth of Dzulqaedah 1225 Hegira [23 December 1810 CE].

Kedah 1 Warkah Paduka Sri Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin Halim Syah ibni almarhum Paduka Sri Sultan Abdullah Mukarram Syah, satu lembar, 30 x 36.5 sm Tiada cop mohor Dialamatkan kepada Gabenor Jeneral Benggala Warkat al-ikhlas watuhfat al-ajnas20 yang termaktub di dalamnya ta’azim yang salim serta muafakat tulus dan ikhlas berkasih-kasihan 18 “Pakaian” means anything worn; whether clothes, weapons, harness or jewellery. See Wilkinson, A Malay-English Dictionary, Vol. 2, p. 830. 19 Translation for ‘seperti sekuntum bunga’, an old idiomatic expression for ‘like a young girl’. Malays, as testified by several of their proverbs and pantun, are fond of using ‘flower’ as an idiomatic reference to girls or young women in general. Flowers are naturally beautiful and generally fragrant, but they nevertheless do not last forever, for they wilt or fade, just like the beauty of a woman over a period of time. When a Malay scribe of royal letters ended his letter with such an expression as ‘not as it should be’ he was merely being polite and humble to the recipient to indicate that the ‘varied gifts’ that would usually accompany the letter were but the raja’s sincere expression of modesty and that such gifts were like the proverbial flower or sekuntum bunga (literally, ‘a flower’), which should be accepted. Rejection would incur in the giver a sense of ‘malu’ (feelings of shame). For Malays, to be put to shame is to be in an abominable situation of being ‘aib (dishonoured). This is the negative aspect of the essence of the Malay budi. See Lim Kim Hui, Budi as the Malay Mind: A Philosophical Study of Malay Ways of Reasoning and Emotion in Peribahasa, PhD thesis, University of Hamburg, 2003. See also R. J. Wilkinson, ‘Malay Proverbs on Malay Character’ in his Papers on Malay Subjects: Malay Literature (Pt. 3), F.M.S. Government Press, Kuala Lumpur, 1907, pp. 1–20. 20 The Arabic phrase wa tuhfat al-ajnas means ‘and with varied gifts’. Commonly used in official Malay letter-writing as part of the compliments, the letter was considered incomplete unless some complimentary present was sent along with it; however, even if no gifts were being sent this expression would still be used in the opening part of a letter. See Wilkinson, ‘Malay Proverbs on Malay Character’, p. 22. See also his A Malay English Dictionary, pt. 2, p. 1242 under ‘tuhfat’.

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yang tiada berputusan selagi ada perkitaran cakrawala, matahari dan bulan, daripada beta Paduka Seri Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin Halim Syah ibni al-Marhum Paduka Seri Sultan Abdullah Mukaram Syah, yang mempunyai kerajaan negeri Kedah. Barang disampaikan Tuhan sarwa sekalian alam ke hadapan sahabat beta, Tuan Jeneral yang mentadbirkan kerajaan negeri Benggala darul makmur, lagi memerintah di atas segala negeri yang di atas angin dan di bawah angin; barang yang dalam pekerjaan pegangan Beherma Kompeni Eropah; lagi sangat bijaksana akal bicara sangat sempurna perintahnya patut, masyhur, bahana dikasih oleh mulia dan hianya [sic, ianya] lagi kepujian serta kebilangan masyhur berani di dalam peperangan; lagi menanggung martabat dan pegangan beberapa negeri yang di bawah tangan, lagi sangat masyhur namanya pada menolong sahabat handainya pada barang maksud atau sepatutnya; pada zaman ini sukar taranya. Ehwal, barang ta’arif21 kiranya sahabat beta, adalah pada 120022 sanah tahun, masa ada hayat ayah beta, mari Mesteri23 [m-s-t-r-y] Laik [Light] menyunjung [sic] titah daripada Tuan Raja Eropa [sic] dan disuruh Jeneral [sic] Benggala iaitu Kornal Walis [sic, Cornwallis] serta dengan hadiah mata benda yang indah-indah, mari mendapat ayah beta paduka marhum. Katanya Tuan Raja Eropa [sic] dan Jeneral [sic] Benggala suruh pinta tempat Pulau Pinang itu hendak buat tempat baiki kapal perang; serta dipuji kebesaran perhiasan dan kuasa dan baik budi pekerti Tuan Raja yang maha besar pada menolong handai sahabat, dan dipuji pula faedah yang menaruh Kompeni Inggeris dan segala yang memerintah di dalam bersahabat dengan Kompeni; dan lagi katanya, barang kehendak ayah beta yang boleh Tuan Raja yang maha besar dan Jeneral [sic] Benggala adakan sematanya hendak dia tolong dan segala seteru negeri Kedah sematanya tiada dibenarkan berbuat atas negeri Kedah. Barang yang berkurangan hendak ditolong; serta hendak diberi sewa tanah Pulau Pinang itu pada setahun tiga puluh ribu rial; dan beberapa fasal pula diberinya janji. Maka ayah beta muafakat dengan segala menteri akan negeri Kedah berhampir dengan negeri Siam dan negeri Burma. Keduanya lebih kuasa daripada negeri Kedah. Pada hemat akan Tuan Raja yang 21 To make known. 22 Anderson put the year as 1199. See Anderson, ‘Political and Commercial Considerations Relative to the Malayan Peninsula’, p. 75. 23 From Portuguese ‘mestre’.

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mempunyai kerajaan benua Eropa ada lebih besar dan beberapa kuasa, terlebih daripada Siam dan Burma itu hendak buat kekerasan dan aniaya. Terlebih baik muafakat dengan Kompeni Inggeris karna [k-a-r-n] orang putih ada betul perintah, sematanya dengan jalan dan adat. Jika datang kekerasan Siam dan Burma yang bukan adat, boleh ambil kuasa Kompeni, berlindung buat kekuatan menolak bahayanya itu. Maka ayah beta sangat suka, boleh orang Kompeni jadi sahabat. Diaharapkan hendak tumpang bernaung ambil kuasa Kompeni buat kekuatan negeri Kedah. Ini kirim beta sekalian yang masa kemudian karna negeri Kedah ini kecil sangat, serta tiada banyak kuasa boleh, hendak bergantung pada kuasa Kompeni menolak daripada bahaya Siam dan Burma itu. Jadi, ikhlas putih hati hendak bersahabat dengan Kompeni, maka diberi Pulau Pinang itu; turut seperti pinta Mesteri Laik [Light], Wakil Jeneral [sic] Benggala yang dahulu. Maka diperbuat surat janji seperti maksud ayah beta pada Kompeni. Diberi pada Mesteri Laik [Light] bahawa sampaikan pada Jeneral [sic] Benggala. Maka beberapa lama Mesteri Laik [Light] mari mendapat ayah beta serta membawa supai, hendak duduk di Pulau Pinang itu. Katanya pada ayah beta seperti kehendak ayah beta pinta itu sudah suka Jeneral [sic] Benggala. Itulah diberi orang yang hendak tetap duduk di Pulau Pinang mari dahulu. Akan surat yang ayah beta beri itu, katanya, sudah Jeneral [sic] Benggala hantar ke negeri Eropa maklumkan pada Tuan Raja Eropa hendak ambil cap beri akan ayah beta. Di dalam enam bulan boleh sampai balik mari. Maka ayah beta pun benar beri pergi duduk tebas tebang buat tempat di Pulau Pinang itu. Serta ayah beta beri rakyat tolong buat kerja dan orang besar pergi tolong tunggu jaga; jangan orang jahat boleh buat haru-hara di dalam masa mula menebas itu; demikianlah perintah awalnya. Maka dinanti surat dari Eropa. Cukup enam tujuh bulan tiada datang. Sampai setahun, ayah beta pinta surat itu Maka Mesteri Laik [Light] bertangguh juga, pinta nanti; jadi enam tahun tiada dapat surat dari Eropa. Maka tiada boleh sesuatu yang tentu ada pegang, hingga yang dapat ayah beta terima pada satu tahun sepuluh ribu rial. Janji-janji yang lain tiada Mesteri [sic] Laik [Light] turut seperti yang dikata. Maka daripada sebab ayah beta kehendaki juga surat seperti kehendak ayah beta itu, maka jadi berkelahi sedikit Kedah dengan Pulau Pinang. Kemudian baik, muafakat pula. Diperbuat satu janji masa itu. Kemudian beberapa orang mari Gunador24 [sic, 24 G-w-n-d-r (Jawi: ga-waw-nun-dal-ra); from the Portuguese, ‘gubernador’.

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Gabenor] yang diletak Kompeni memerintah di dalam Pulau Pinang. Maka ayah beta pun mangkat. Tiada dapat sesuatu surat dari Eropah atau daripada Jeneral [sic] Benggala. Maka peninggal ayah beta bapa saudara beta memerintah negeri Kedah pada 1215 Sanah tahun. Ketika itu Sir George Leith Baronet, Leftenen Gunador [sic], memerintah di Pulau Pinang. Dipinta pula tanah daratan yang bertentang dengan Pulau Pinang. Kata Pulau Pinang kecil sangat; jadi kesakitan orang Kompeni hendak cahari kayu buat kerja dan pebela [sic, perbela] kerbau lembu. Maka bapa saudara beta hemat, jangan beri kesakitan orang Kompeni. Diberi oleh bapa saudara beta tanah daratan; tentua [sic, tentu] dengan hingga dan perenggannya, sebab harapkan hendak bergantung pada kuasa Kompeni, buat kekuatan boleh berlindung daripada bahaya segala seteru; dan Sir George Leith beri janji pula empat belas fasal, serta jadi suatu hamparan. Maka segala janji dahulu dan kemudian sudah ada di dalam buku Kompeni. Maka selama ayah beta memerintah negeri, kemudian bapa saudara beta memerintah, negeri tiada apa kesakitan dan kesusahan yang besar. Lagi pula tiada wakil seorang yang mau [mahu] menolong sampaikan surat teriti kepada Tuan Raja Eropa dan kepada yang jadi Jeneral [sic] Benggala. Jadilah terdiam sahaja sehingga berikhtiar dengan siapa-siapa yang mari jadi Gurnador25 memerintah Pulau Pinang. Inilah daripada sebarang kerja dan kira perintah antara Kedah dengan Pulau Pinang. Tiada boleh dengar hukum yang tentua [sic] dari Eropa. Maka tiadalah tempat kekuatan beta boleh dipegang yang tentua [sic] sesuatu pun. Maka di dalam masa beta pula memerintah negeri Kedah ini masa ada lagi raja Siam yang tuha [tua] dahulu itu. Baik perintahnya, menurut adat tetap bagi selama-lamanya juga. Sampai sudah mati raja tuha itu naik anaknya pula jadi raja ganti. Maka pada tahun 1225 Sanah ini datang kekerasan daripada Siam itu atas negeri Kedah. Dikehendaki atas beta yang berlebih-lebih daripada adat dahulu-dahulu lagi. Tiada tertanggung oleh beta. Maka daripada beberapa zaman sudah keadaan negeri Kedah dengan Siam itu diturut oleh raja-raja dahulu-dahulu kehendak Siam itu atas sepatutnya; tentua [sic] dengan adat perintahnya. Sebab hendak memelihara negeri tiada kuasa berperang dengan dia karna ia orang lebih banyak daripada orang negeri Kedah ini. Maka sampai pada masa beta ini memerintah maka makin bertambah-tambah 25 G-w-r-n-d-r.

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lebih kehendaknya dan berat kerjanya yang ditanggungkan atas beta; yang bukan adat perintah dahulu-dahulu. Maka itu pun beta turut juga mana yang tertanggung oleh beta sebab hendak memelihara isi negeri, menolak kejahatan, jangan berseterua [sic] dengan dia. Beberapa kerja yang tiada pernah dikerja oleh raja dahulu-dahulu sudah beta kerjakan; dan beberapa belanja beta adakan, menghasilkan segala kehendaknya. Maka tiada juga timbul kebajikan kepadanya. Dan tiada dapat kesenangan dan tiada boleh lepas daripada kesusahan dan kesakitan yang tiada berputusan. Maka sebagai juga ia mencari jalan hendak bubuh salah atas beta serta tiada pula ia percaya akan beta; kata hendak muafakat dengan Burma; karena pada tahun ini ia berperang dengan Burma. Maka kehendak Siam hendak buat jalan mau [mahu] pukul negeri Kedah ini. Ia hendak memerintah sekali atas negeri Kedah ini. Maka beberapa beta cahari [sic] hemat hendak melepaskan daripada berseteru dengan Siam itu. Maka tiada beta peroleh dan tiada kelihatan sedikit pun kebajikan daripadanya. Maka segala perintah antara beta dengan Siam itu segala perkaranya sudah beta nyatakan pada Gurnador Pulau Pinang, pinta tolong ikhtiar; dan beta pinta tolong kuasa daripada Kompeni seperti yang telah diharap oleh ayah beta karena antara Kedah dengan Pulau Pinang suatu hamparan. Keadaan suatu ujud [sic]; apakala susah dan kesakitan Kedah maka tiada lain daripada Pulau Pinang. Maka ikhtiar daripada Gurnador, suruh beta cahari jalan, jangan berputus kasih dengan Siam itu. Kata Gurnador, tiada dapat kuasa hendak menolong beta karena Beherma Kompeni Eropah sudah keluarkan hukum tiada boleh kuasa menolong seorang raja-raja [sic] di dalam kerja berperang. Maka hemat beta, bersalahan segala negeri yang lain daripada negeri Kedah ini karena Kedah dengan Pulau Pinang itu satu. Maka rakyat isi negeri sangat kesakitan dan kesusahan. Segala kerja hendak menolak daripada berseteru dengan Siam itu sudah habis daya upaya beta hendak mencahari [sic] jalan jangan berputus kasih dengan Siam itu. Maka tiadalah kuasa beta hendak menurut kehendaknya yang berlebih-lebih daripada adat dahulu-dahulu itu; sebab ayah beta pinta tolong pada Gurnador Pulau Pinang kuasa daripada Kompeni boleh beta tolak kehendak Siam itu kerana ada ayah beta sudah perhubungkan kasih taruh sahabat dengan Kompeni. Maka jadi seolah [sic] beta memberi lemah kekuatan kuasa Tuan Raja yang maha besar di benua Eropa yang masyhur, raja yang amat besar dan yang terlebih kuasa daripada segala negeri. 47

Pada hemat beta akan antara Kedah dengan Pulau Pinang keadaan satu ujud [sic] ini; kalau-kalau tiada sampai maklum baik-baik kepada Tuan Raja yang maha besar dan sahabat beta. Sebab itu kalaukalau Gurnador Pulau Pinang tiada dapat kuasa menolong beta jika sampai maklum maka tiada patut lainkan negeri Kedah ini daripada Pulau Pinang. Maka inilah beta pinta hukum daripada sahabat beta serta tolong beta sampaikan maklum pada Tuan Raja yang maha besar di benua Eropa dan Beherma Kompeni segala hal beta yang di dalam surat beta. Pohonkan hukum dikurniakan seperti yang telah dijanjikan Mesteri Laik [Light] yang dahulu dengan ayah beta sebab beta orang yang tiada penguasaan, lagi negeri kecil. Dengan nama kurnia daripada Tuan Raja Eropa, menimbulkan nama adil dan murah; boleh beta terima kasih Raja yang maha besar melimpahkan kurnianya serta beta pohonkan hendak bernaung di bawah daulat kuasa Tuan Raja Eropa, berteduh daripada segala bahaya musuh sekalian yang hendak menganiayai buat kekerasan atas negeri Kedah ini. Pohonkan Tuan Raja Eropa pegang limpahkan kasih atas beta seperti keadaan orang Raja yang maha besar sendiri. Pohonkan diberi titah pada yang mari jadi Gurnador di Pulau Pinang, boleh kuasa menolong sebarang hal kesakitan dan kesusahan beta dan tetap barang karunia26 [sic] hukum daripada Tuan Raja Eropa; biar jadi suatu ujud [sic] antara negeri Kedah dengan Pulau Pinang. Demikian lagi beta pun tiada berdiam; barang kesusahan Pulau Pinang atas kadar kuasa beta; serta beta pohonkan suatu surat titah daripada Tuan Raja Eropa dan sahabat beta. Boleh beta taruh jadikan keteguhan menetapkan hati bernaung di bawah kuasa Tuan Raja Eropa sampai pada anak cucu beta yang mengdiam [sic] di dalam negeri Kedah ini. Maka besarlah harap beta akan menerima kasih penolong daripada sahabat beta segenap perkaranya. Maka tiadalah suatu hadiah beta kepada sahabat beta yang patut, jadi permainan mata; hanyalah badik berterapang sebilah, dan tembaga sepasang, semungkal [sic, bungkal]27 emas, pakaian orang orang Melayu,28 tiada dengan sepertinya, seumpama sekuntum bunga29 adanya. Akan jadi barang gunanya; maka jangan kiranya di‘aibkan. Buat surat pada enam likur haribulan Dzulkaedah 1225, Sanah. Tamat. 26 27 28 29

K-a-r-n-y-a. Weight of 53.9 grams. Worn by Malays, such as weapons, harness or jewellery. Malay idiomatic expression, meaning ‘like a young girl’.

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KEDAH II Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio, 31.6 x 39.3 cm Top-centre of folio: Al-mustahaqq Letter of Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin Halim Syah of Kedah, with red seal Addressed to Raffles at Malacca, with endorsement verso in Raffles’ hand: ‘April 1811 / Rajah of Quedah’ A letter of unlimited affection and sincerity so long as the heavenly bodies, the sun and the moon still revolve, that is from Paduka Sri Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin Halim Syah who owns the throne of government of the country of Kedah. May God, lord of the worlds, convey it to my friend Mr. Raffles, who is wise and prudent in showing the path of advantages and of spiritual needs and ever affectionate to every friend and acquaintance and who presently resides in peace in the country of Malacca, the city of prosperity. Following that, let it be known to our friend that we have received news which specifically mentioned that our friend has come from Bengal, and is holding office as vakeel [agent] to the Governor-General of Bengal [in order] to deliberate on all matters of government with the Malay rajas in every negeri. When we heard the news there arose in our heart feelings of rejoicing and anxiety to make acquaintance with our friend. And never for an instant did we forget or neglect to place expectations on you. From the very day that we heard of your holding the office, we have much desired to ask you a favour, but you have sailed away for Malacca. Thus our hopes were dashed and until today we hear you are still not back in Pulau Pinang. There is no solace for our heart’s feelings, for we wish to relate all our anxieties to you to explain about everything that matters and all our troubles and hardship to be conveyed to the Governor-General. With regard to your station, like the Governor-General of Bengal, there is no difference since you have become agent. This is why we wish to make known to you everything about Kedah and our problems. We have also sent a letter to the Governor-General of Bengal informing him of everything about Kedah and our desires as well as our misery; but we have yet to receive a reply. This year we are faced with difficulty in governing Kedah on account of the actions of the Siamese, more excessive than the ancient customs. We have even abided by the non-ancient ones for the sake of protecting the country, and in order to avoid conflicts with them. We have no wish to bring hardship to the 49

people, and so we obeyed their bidding as required by them. Yet they are still not satisfied, and consequently we are placed in a worsening situation and their intentions are also evil, wanting to confront us; and they have become even bolder. Now they have called us to go to Siam, accompanied by the men who were sent to fetch us. This—their demand—is too much, and so we find it difficult to comply. All these demands have been mentioned to the Governor of Pulau Pinang and we have also mentioned everything in our dispatch to the Governor-General of Bengal. Herewith is the transcript of our letter to the Governor-General. We are sending a copy to you. We fervently hope that you will help us in conveying our desires—everything that was stated in our dispatch addressed to the Governor-General of Bengal—for you are agent to the Governor-General. Presently we are very much tyrannized by Siam, but we have no more wish to follow the customs which were never practised in ancient times; even if force were to be used we would rather face it. In our opinion, if we do not meet any of their demands we are certain they will be offended because the Siamese are by nature arrogant and they think there is no power mightier than theirs. If we do not obey their command they will surely attack Kedah. Moreover, we have heard and seen their war preparations. When we refused to answer their call [to go to Siam] they threatened to attack [us] because of their suspicion that we have conspired with the Burmese.30 Nevertheless, we are resigned to the fact that, come what may, if we were to comply with their demands more than we have done previously it will bring shame to our name. What is more, it would appear as though we lack faith in the power of the Company for, surely, with it we have forged an alliance. Such is our exasperation. The situation between Kedah and Pulau Pinang is one of a single entity and no less. When one is brought pain and trouble then both must share the anguish. Now our hope is that our friend will give a thought to Kedah because it is not different from Pulau Pinang. The Siamese are numerically greater than the people of Kedah. Our hope is that the Company will come to our assistance through our friend’s counsel. Thus this is what we wish to make known.

30 This was in reference to the Burmese invasion of Ujung Salang [Thalang] in 1809–1810.

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Letter is written on the 6 likur [twenty-sixth] day of Rabi’ul-awal 1226 Hegira [20 April 1811 CE] in the year of Dal Awal. Finis.

Kedah 2 Warkah Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin kepada Raffles, 1 lembar, 31.6 x 39.3 sm Surat kasih sayang tulus ikhlas yang tiada berkesudahan selagi ada perkitaran cakrawala matahari dan bulan daripada Paduka Seri Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin Halim Syah yang mempunyai takhta kerajaan negeri Kedah; barang disampaikan Tuhan sarwa sekalian alam kiranya kepada sahabat beta Mister Raffles yang amat arif bijaksana dan pandai pada menunjuki [sic] jalan yang kebajikan dan fakih, tetap kasih sayangnya pada segala handai dan taulan, yang ada pada masa ini istirahat al-kahir dalam negeri Melaka, bandar yang makmur. Kemudian daripada ini barang tahu kiranya sahabat beta adalah beta beroleh khabar yang khususnya mengatakan sahabat beta datang dari Benggala memegang perintah menjadi Wakil Gunador Jeneral [sic] Benggala membicarakan segala perintah dengan raja-raja Melayu pada segala negeri. Maka tatkala beta menengar [sic] khabar yang demikian itu maka terbukalah pintu hati beta penuh dengan kesukaan serta sangat berkehendak akan memandang wajah sahabat beta. Maka tiadalah daripada nama lupa dan lalai daripada mencita-cita kepada sahabat beta. Maka daripada hari beta sudah dapat khabar sahabat beta datang memegang pekerjaan demikian maka beta hendak menyuruh kepada sahabat beta. Di dalam itu sahabat beta pun berlayar ke negeri Melaka. Maka jadi putuslah harap pada hati beta. Maka sampai hari ini beta dengar belum sahabat beta balik ke Pulau Pinang. Jadi tiada tersabar hati beta daripada menyampaikan kehendak beta kepada sahabat beta menyatakan halnya sekalian; dan segala kesusahan beta yang hendak diadukan kepada Gunador [sic] Jeneral Benggala. Maka keadaan sahabat beta bagaimana Gunador [sic] Jeneral Benggala tiadalah lain lagi; kerana sudah jadi Wakil. Maka inilah beta menyatakan kepada sahabat beta segala hal negeri Kedah ini dan kesusahan beta. Maka kepada Gunador [sic] Jeneral Benggala pun sudah beta perbuat surat mengkhabarkan segala hal negeri Kedah dan kehendak serta kesusahan beta. Maka belum lagi beta dapat surat balas. Maka sekarang perintah negeri Kedah pada tahun ini terlalulah susah 51

diperbuat oleh Siam; bertambah-tambah lebih daripada adat dahulu kala; yang bukan adat dahulu ada juga beta turut sebab hendak memeliharakan negeri dan menolongkan daripada berselisih dengan dia. Tiada suka beta menyakiti isi negeri maka beta turut juga diperbuat [sic] kerjanya mana yang disuruh seperti kehendaknya. Maka itupun tiada juga boleh senang; jadi sebab itu makin bertambah-tambah susah dan jahat pula hendak datang kepada beta dan bertambah-tambah berat maksudnya. Maka sekarang dipanggilnya pula beta suruh pergi ke benua Siam bersama-sama pergi dengan orang yang disuruhnya mari memanggil ini. Maka jadi besar sangatlah kehendaknya tiadalah beta terturut. Maka segala perintah ini sudah habis beta nyatakan pada Gurnador [sic] Pulau Pinang dan sudah habis beta sebutkan dalam surat kepada Gunador [sic] Jeneral Benggala. Maka inilah rencana surat beta yang diberi akan Gunador Jeneral [sic] Benggala. Beta salin beri pergi kepada sahabat beta. Maka sangat harap beta kepada sahabat beta menolong sampaikan seperti kehendak beta segala yang tersebut dalam surat beta adukan pada Gunador [sic] Jeneral Benggala ini karena [sic] sahabat beta Wakil Gurnador [sic] Jeneral Benggala; maka sekarang ini makin sangat dikerasinya oleh Siam atas beta. Maka betapun barang yang bukan adat dahulu-dahulu tiadalah kuasa beta turut lagi. Jika bagaimana mau datang kekerasannya pun beta syukurlah. Maka pada fikir beta jika tiada beta turut sebarang kehendaknya tentulah ia marah sangat kerana perangai Siam membesar kepada dirinya; disangkanya tiadalah siapa lebih kuasa dan lebih besar daripadanya. Tatkala beta tiada turut kehendaknya tentu ada pukul negeri Kedah. Lagipun sudah beta dapat khabar dan lihat kelengkapannya. Apakala beta tiada mau pergi ia panggil ini, ia hendak pukul karena [sic] dicemburunya, kata beta muafakat dengan Burma. Maka beta kabullah jika hendak jadi apa sekalipun. Maka beta hendak turut yang berlebih-lebih daripada dahulu pun jadi terlalulah ‘aib nama laki-laki, pula seolah [sic] beta mengurangkan kuasa Kompeni karena [sic] tentu beta ada sahabat dengan Kompeni. Maka jadi susah hati beta. Maka keadaan negeri Kedah dengan Pulau Pinang ini suatu ujud [sic] adanya. Tiada lain; maka tatkala sakit dan susah salah suatu maulah [sic] pada kira-kira sakit keduanya. Maka harap beta akan sahabat beta mengira-ngirakan atas negeri Kedah ini sama karena [sic] tiada lain dengan Pulau Pinang. Maka orang Siam ia lebih banyak daripada orang Kedah; harap beta akan penolong daripada Kompeni dengan pekiraan [sic] sahabat beta.

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Ehwal inilah beta nyatakan perbuat surat pada enam likur haribulan Rabi’ul-awal 1226 Sanah tahun Dal Awal ‘am.31 Tamat.

KEDAH III Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio, 33 x 26 cm Letter of Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin Halim Syah of Kedah with red seal, inscribed with Arabic script at right-hand corner of paper addressed to Raffles at Malacca Heading: ‘Qawluh u’l-Haqq’ Endorsement recto, top left-hand corner of paper in Raffles’ hand: ‘From the Raja of Kedah / to / Thos. Raffles Esqr. With the / same terms as the letter to Ld. Minto / of the same date’ Letter of sincere affection and love without end for as long as the universe, sun and moon are in revolution, from His Highness Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin Halim Syah who owns the government of the country of Kedah; may it be conveyed by the Lord God of the universe to my friend Mister Raffles, who is agent to the Governor-General of Bengal, and ruling over every Malay raja, yet wise and prudent, intelligent and judicious in every perception and action, and famous for [his] distinction in this age, who presently reposes in the settlement of Malacca. The circumstance is that, in this month of Rabi’ul-akhir, the Governor-General of Bengal has arrived at Pulau Pinang. When we heard the news, on that very day we left Kedah to meet the GovernorGeneral but when we reached Pulau Pinang the Governor-General had already sailed away from Penang a day earlier, and so we missed seeing him. We were so disheartened because we wished so much to meet the Governor-General face-to-face, to relate to him our wishes and desires, as is proper; unfortunately, now it has not been fulfilled by God. Because of this we wrote a letter to the Governor-General mentioning our arrival in Pulau Pinang and we are hoping for your kindness and assistance in conveying our wishes as stated in the contents of the letter we sent to the Governor-General heretofore, which [copy] we are now dispatching to you.32 Our hopes are so high and we wish to thank you, our friend. 31 ‘Am is Arabic for Anno. 32 The Sultan sent to Raffles the copy of the letter he wrote to Lord Minto. See Kedah IV below.

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We hereby state that this letter is written on Monday, 26th of the month of Rabi’ul-akhir, 1226 Hegira [20 May 1811 CE], Finis.

Kedah 3 Warkah Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin Halim Syah kepada Raffles, satu lembar, 33 x 26 sm dengan meterai lilin merah Surat kasih sayang tulus ikhlas berkasih-kasihan yang tiada berkesudahan selagi ada perkitaran cakrawala matahari dan bulan daripada Paduka Seri Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin Halim Syah yang mempunyai kerajaan negeri Kedah; barang disampaikan Tuhan sarwa alam kepada sahabat beta Mister Raffles yang jadi wakil Gurnador Jenderal [sic] Benggala memerintahkan atas segala raja-raja Melayu, lagi arif bijaksana pandai pada segala fikiran dan pekerjaan termasyhur kepujian pada zaman ini; yang ada pada masa ini istirahat di dalam negeri Melaka. Ehwal adalah di dalam bulan Rabi’ul-akhir ini sampai mari Gurnador Jenderal Benggala ke Pulau Pinang. Maka apakala beta dengar khabar pada hari itulah beta keluar dari Kedah mari mau [sic] berjumpa Gurnador Jenderal. Maka beta sampai ke Pulau Pinang Gurnador Jenderal sudah dahulu sehari berlayar dari Pulau Pinang. Maka jadi tiadalah beta sempat berjumpa dengan Gurnador Jenderal. Seperti putus asa hati beta dari kerana sangat bermaksud beta memandang muka Gurnador Jenderal serta mau [sic] menyatakan segala kehendak beta yang patut sekarang tiada disampaikan Tuhan Allah pada sekali waktu ini. Maka inilah beta perbuat satu surat kepada Gurnador Jenderal menyatakan beta sampai ke Pulau Pinang; serta harap beta akan kasih sayang dan penolong sahabat beta menyampaikan maksud beta; seperti rencana surat beta yang sudah beta mengkhabarkan kepada Gurnador Jenderal dahulu itu beta hantar pergi kepada sahabat beta. Maka terlalulah harap beta menerima kasih daripada sahabat beta. Ehwal inilah beta nyatakan perbuat surat pada hari Ithnin, enam likur bulan Rabi’ul-akhir, 1226 Sanah.

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KEDAH IV Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio, 32.5 x 41.5 cm Letter of Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin Halim Syah of Kedah with red seal inscribed in Jawi: ‘al-Azizu dzu al-Maliq / al-Qadir al-Ghalib ghairi / al-Maghlub al-Sultan khalaqa Allahu / ‘ala Daerah Kedah wa huwa al-Sultan / Ahmad Tajuddin Halim Syah / ibn al-Sultan ‘Abdullah Mukaram Syah / 121933 Addressed to Lord Minto at Bengal, with endorsement verso in Raffles’ hand: ‘1811- / dated / [blank] / received—King of Quedah / to the Right / Hon’ble the Gov. / General at / Malacca 29 May’ Heading: ‘Qawluh u’l-Haqq’ An epistle of sincerity, with varied gifts, written with reverential veneration, candour and affection, so long as the heavenly sphere, the sun and the moon, shall continue to revolve, from us, Paduka Sri Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin Halim Syah, son of the deceased Paduka Sri Sultan Abdullah Al-Mukarram Syah, who owns the kingdom of the country of Kedah. May by the Lord God of all the worlds cause it to be conveyed to our friend the Governor-General, who runs the government in the country of Bengal and holds jurisdiction in all lands above34 and below the wind35 that are under the control of the Company; who is wise and prudent, and his name is celebrated with voices of adoration; he is renowned for his benevolence and also compassion towards friends and associates; he now lives in repose and rectitude in the settlement of Malacca. Following that, be it known that when we heard news of your arrival at Pulau Pinang36 we were very delighted for we wanted to meet face-to-face with you and to express our desires as we have mentioned in our previous letter. We left Kedah on Monday, the nineteenth of Rabi’ul-akhir, but upon arrival at Pulau Pinang we discovered that you 33 Arabic inscription on seal: “The possessor of authority / the powerful / the victorious / the undefeated / the Government / God brings forth / the district of Kedah / and he who becomes Sultan / Ahmad Tajuddin ibni Al-Sultan Abdullah Mukaram Syah / 1219”. 34 Above the wind = leeward. 35 Below the wind = windward. 36 Lord Minto arrived at Penang from Calcutta with part of the force destined to invade Java on 8 May 1811.

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had left a day earlier.37 We were so disappointed at not being able to achieve our aim. Due to our bad fortune we were not fated by God to meet [you] this time. And this is what we wish to make known to you. The administration in Kedah is presently very much troubled by Siam. They have commanded us to do things that are contrary to the customs of ancient times and consequently we and the whole country suffer.38 We therefore place our high hopes on your assistance to give protection to the country of Kedah, as we have stated in our previous dispatch to you, in order that we shall be relieved of this severe oppression by Siam. We appeal to you to look after the country of Kedah just like Pulau Pinang because both are of one spread. We hereby state that this letter is written on Monday, the twenty-sixth of Rabi’ul-akhir 1226 Hegira [20 May 1811 CE]. Kedah 4 Warkah Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin Halim Syah kepada Gabenur Jenderal di Benggala bertarikh 26 Rabi’ul-akhir 1226, satu lembar, 32.5 x 41.5 sm berukir39 Warkat al-ikhlas wa tuhfat al-ajnas yang termaktub di dalamnya takrim yang salim serta tulus ikhlas yang tiada berkesudahan selagi ada perkitaran cakrawala matahari dan bulan daripada beta Paduka Seri Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin Halim Syah ibn al-Marhum Paduka Seri Sultan Abdullah al-Mukaram Syah yang empunya kerajaan negeri Kedah; barang disampaikan Tuhan sarwa sekalian alam kehadapan sahabat beta Gurnador Jenderal yang mentadbirkan kerajaan negeri Benggala 37 Minto and his entourage left Penang for Malacca on 18 May 1811. 38 In January 1811, Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin was summoned by the King of Siam to furnish him with a contingent of perfectly equipped and armed boats to assist the Siamese in their war against the Burmese. He was also asked to send tribute to Siam. On these matters he had confided in Mr. Bruce, the Governor of Penang at that time. James Low, ‘An Account of the Origin and Progress of the British Colonies in the Straits of Malacca’, JIAEA, 4, 1850, p. 14. 39 The powerful who is the possessor of authority /the ordainer who is victorious / the unvanquished government that God created over the territory of Kedah and he is the Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin Halim Syah, son of Sultan Abdullah Mukaram Syah, 1219.

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dan memerintah atas segala negeri di atas angin dan di bawah angin yang di dalam pegangan Kompeni; lagi amat arif bijaksana, masyhur bahananya, kepujian dan kebilangan pada nama yang kebajikan lagi sangat mengasehani handai sahabat; yang ada sekarang istirahat al-khair di dalam negeri Melaka. Kemudian daripada itu, barang takrif kiranya ehwal ada tatkala beta menengar [sic] khabar sahabat beta sudah sampai ke Pulau Pinang. Maka terlalu suka hati beta mau [sic] berjumpa mata pandang muka sahabat beta serta boleh menyatakan kehendak beta seperti yang sudah beta beri surat mengkhabarkan kepada sahabat beta dahulu itu. Beta sudah keluar dari Kedah berlayar mari pada hari Ithnin sembilan belas bulan Rabi’ul-akhir; beta sampai ke Pulau Pinang maka sahabat beta sudah berlayar dahulu sehari. Maka jadi seperti putus asa hati beta dari kerana tiada mendapat seperti kehendak daripada tiada untung beta; jadi tiada dipertemukan Tuhan Allah pada ketika ini. Maka inilah beta mengkhabarkan kepada sahabat beta: Adalah perintah negeri Kedah sekarang terlalulah diharu hara oleh Siam, diperintahnya dengan yang bukan adat dahulu kala. Maka jadi terlalulah susah beta dan isi negeri Kedah ini. Maka tertinggilah harap beta akan penolong daripada sahabat beta memeliharakan negeri Kedah ini seperti surat yang sudah beta mengkhabarkan kepada sahabat beta dahulu itu; supaya lepas daripada aniaya kekerasan Siam itu. Beta pinta sahabat beta pandang tilek atas negeri Kedah seperti Pulau Pinang kerana suatu hamparan adanya. Ehwal inilah beta takrifkan perbuat surat pada Ithnin, enam likur haribulan Rabi’ul-akhir 1226 Sanah. Tamat.

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II. THE PENANG LETTERS PENANG I Malay letter, Jawi script; 1 folio, 20.2 x 31.1 cm, with red-wax seal; addressed to Mr. Erskine Endorsement verso Malay letter in Raffles’ hand: ‘Sudagar 9 [?] April’ Endorsement verso: ‘Malay letter’ Heading: ‘Nur u’l-Syams wal-Qamar’1 A letter of sincerity along with brotherly love and affection from me Seri Maharaja Saudagar;2 may it be delivered, I pray, to my friend Mr. Erskine3 who is wise and prudent towards helping friends and companions and those marred by misfortune; celebrated and renowned everywhere. And so following that, regarding the sail-cloth that my friend delivered through your men who arrived by the Company’s boat, it has already reached me. I thank you for that. And so they have taken the 20 1 Light of the sun and the moon. 2 The title of Maharaja Saudagar, with the holder being in possession of his own seal, seems to refer to the Indian Saudagar Raja or the King’s merchant, discussed by Barbara Andaya. He was the single person authorized to conduct trade on behalf of the Malay raja. According to Dr. Andaya, the institution was already known in Kedah in the 17th century, or earlier. He was personally responsible for delivering the Sultan’s goods to the purchaser and for the collection of payment. It would appear that the title of Maharaja Saudagar must have been used to replace the title of Saudagar Raja. Like its predecessor, the office was likely to have been dominated by Indian Muslims, whether Tamil or Malabar. For further information on the Saudagar Raja, see B. W. Andaya, ‘The Indian Saudagar Raja (the King’s Merchant) in Traditional Malay Courts’, JMBRAS, 51(1), 1978. 3 John James Erskine was appointed as Assistant to the Superintendent of Marine and Store Keeper at Penang in 1805. Based on the above letter, Erskine must have been dealing with the purchase of timber with Seri Maharaja Saudagar. As the Assistant to the Superintendent of Marine and Store Keeper he was allowed to take a commission of two per cent on the goods he handled. See John Bastin, John Leyden and Thomas Stamford Raffles, Anthony Rowe Ltd, Eastbourne, 2003, p. 114, note 161.

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logs of gong4 timber; previously it was four logs, thus making it 24 logs. As for the types of logs, they are both large and small; 150 logs are still with me. I shall need a favour from you, though. Please have a boat sent to fetch the logs. If my friend feels that you are not pleased with them, please sell them to someone who wants them. [They are] only for work on small boats. I beg you to help me, for otherwise I shall suffer losses as I have not the means to send them for sale in Pulau Pinang. Please indicate the type of timber you desire for work on large boats for the Company5 to my man who carried the timber for the crossbeams, and decide on its size as well as the names of the timber and within how many days you want them. Please decide on the cost. Then I can ask my companions to look for them and bring them back to be kept at my place. My friend can then send a boat to fetch them. There are two raft-loads of crosstree timber for the oars; there are thirty and a half logs. You may have them at whatever price is considered proper. The money that you gave, i.e. 20 rial, for buying the fowls, I have, where possible, used for the purchase. I have already instructed your man. My friend may order your man to take them. Further, I have sent my companions to go and look for more. It is all done; I shall have them sent to you, along with the inventory of purchase for the chickens. Under the circumstances I make known that this letter is written on the eleventh of Muharram, 1221 Hegira [31 March 1806 CE].6 Finis. 4 The scientific name is Helicia petiolaris or Xerospermum laevigatum. The present Malay name for the former is putat tepi; the latter is currently known as rambutan pacat. 5 In 1806, shipbuilding was undertaken in Penang; the authorities realized the problems faced in acquiring both skilled shipbuilders and sufficient timber of durable quality. Nonetheless, three ships were planned for construction. According to Stubbs Brown, a large ship was designed at Penang in 1806 to be built using local timber. This letter that was addressed to J. J. Erskine must have been the response to the query made regarding the effort to procure the local timber. See Appendix A (M. Stubbs Brown, The Failure of Penang as a Naval Base and Shipbuilding Centre) in John Bastin’s ‘Historical Sketch of Penang in 1794’, JMBRAS, 32(1), 1959, pp. 30–32. 6 The conversion made by the Gregorian-Hijri converter is 1 April 1806. However, the next letter was dated 1222 Hijrah. It seems that the scribe had made an error in the Hegira year, most probably in this letter, for J. J. Erskine only became Superintendent of Marine in 1807. The conversion from the Anno Hegirae to the Gregorian calendar for the date in the next letter would be 21 March 1807.

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Pulau Pinang 1 Warkah Seri Maharaja Saudagar, tulisan Jawi, satu lembar, 20.2 x 31.1 sm Surat tulus ikhlas serta kasih sayang daripada beta Seri Maharaja Saudagar; barang disampaikan Tuhan sarwa sekalian alam apalah kiranya kepada sahabat Mister [m-s-t-r] Askin [Erskine] yang arif bijaksana pada hal menolong andai [sic] taulan, hina; gah mashur [sic] ke mana-mana. Ama ba’adah kemudian daripada itu ehwal kain sel sahabat beta beri mari pada orang sahabat beta yang mari dalam bot Komponi [kompeni] itu sudahlah sampai pada beta. Beta terima kasih daripada sahabat beta; maka ia terima ambil kayu gong dua puluh batang; dahulu empat batang, jadi dua puluh empat batang. Maka macam kayu itu ada kecil besar seratus lima puluh batang lagi pada beta. Maka minta tolong sama sahabat beta; maka kayu itupun sahabat betalah suruh bot mari terima ambil. Jika sahabat beta tiada berkanan [sic] kayu itu, dengan penolong sahabat beta, jual pada orang berkehendak; hendak kerja kapal kecil sahaja. Beta minta tolong jika tiada sahabat beta tolong jadi rugi beta, karena [k-a-r-n] beta tiada ada menaruh kuasa mengantar [sic] kayu itu jual di Pulau Pinang. Maka barang kayu sahabat beta berkehendak, hendak kerja kapal besar Kompeni itu boleh sahabat beta tunjuk macam kayu itu pada orang beta, bawak [sic] peragi [sic] kayu rakit7 beta ini, serta sahabat beta tentukan kecil besar kayu itu, serta nama kayu itu dan dalam berapa hari sahabat beta ma[h]u kayu itu. Dan tentukan harga kayu itu. Boleh beta suruh teman-teman pergi cahari [sic] bawak [sic] mari himpun taruh di tempat beta. Boleh sahabat beta suruh mari terima ambil. Maka kayu bam8 [b-a-m] kapal beta dua rakit; banyak kayunya tengah tiga puluh batang;9 mana patut harga boleh sahabat beta terima ambil. Maka rial, sahabat beta beri mari dua puluh rial, suruh beli ayam itu; mana boleh, beta beli; sudah beta suruh pada orang sahabat beta. Boleh sahabat beta suruh bilang terima ambil.

7 Generally, rakit refers to raft. But rakit could also mean floor planking or crossbeams. 8 Crosstree of paddle-rudder and of certain types of oars. 9 I.e., twenty-five.

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Lagi, beta suruh teman-teman peragi [sic] cahari [sic]; sudah boleh habis, beta beri peragi [sic] dengan daftar beli ayam itu. Ehwal inilah beta ta’arifkan. Diperbuat surat pada sebelas haribulan Muharram. Tamat 1221 [sic, 1222?].

PENANG II Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio, 19.5 x 20.5 cm with red wax seal, 2.5 dm; inscribed in Jawi: ‘Seri Maharaja / Merchant / in Kedah’ Addressed to Mr. Erskine Endorsement verso: ‘Malay letter’ Heading: ‘Nur u’l- S[y]amsu wa’l-Qamar’ A letter of sincerity along with love and affection from me Seri Maharaja Saudagar reaching my friend Mr. Erskine who is wise and prudent in the matter of helping friends and companions and people of humble disposition and who is renowned everywhere. Following that, regarding my friend’s request for people who could show the different kinds of timber, I have already dispatched Tengku Kulang together with ten logs to be delivered to you for you to see the types of timber you would like to have. My friend may indicate the kind of timber you want and quote the price. As I am your man, whatever you assign me here on this land across the water10 I shall execute it. As for my 150 logs of gong11 timber, I beg you not to incur me losses. Concerning the timber that you require, please decide on the price. I shall then ask for them to be searched for and have them piled; you can then ask for them to be fetched. I am now in the forest; there is nothing that I can find. Still, I am sending you a fowl, and some watermelons, tapioca and some sireh leaves. What I am giving you is not as it should be, as I am but a poor man. Please accept them and please do not put me to shame. Under the circumstances I wish to make known that this letter is written on the seventeenth of Muharram 1222 AH [21 March 1807 CE]. Finis.

10 Seberang Perai (Province Wellesley). 11 Name of a tree, Helicia petiolaris or Xerospermum laevigatum.

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Pulau Pinang 2 Warkah Seri Maharaja Saudagar, satu lembar, 19.5 x 20.5 sm Surat tulus ikhlas serta kasih sayang daripada beta Seri Maharaja Saudagar sampai kepada sahabat beta Mister Askin [sic, Erskine] yang arif bijaksana pada hal menolong andai taulan hina dina, gah masyhur ke mana-mana. Amaba’dah kemudian daripada itu ehwal sahabat beta pinta orang, hendak tunjuk macam kayu itu. Maka sudah beta beri peragi [sic] Tengku Kulang serta dengan kayu sepuluh batang; suruh hantar kepada sahabat beta serta suruh lihat macam kayu yang sahabat beta berkehendak itu. Boleh sahabat beta tunjuk macam barang kayu yang sahabat beta berkehendak serta tentukan harganya. Maka beta ini orang sahabat beta. Barang kerja sahabat beta suruh di tanah sebarang [sic, seberang] ini beta kerjakan. Maka kayu gong beta seratus lima puluh batang ini jangan sahabat beta beri rugi beta. Maka kayu sahabat beta kehendaki itu boleh sahabat beta tentukan harganya. Boleh beta suruh cahari [sic]; himpun taroh. Boleh sahabat beta suruh mari ambil. Maka beta ini duduk di dalam hutan. Tiada apa boleh beta cahari [sic]. Maka inilah ayam dan buah tembikai, dan ubi, dan sireh sedikit. Beta beperagi [sic, berperagih] tiada dengan sepertinya. Karena [k-a-r-n] beta orang miskin. Boleh sahabat beta suruh terima ambil. Jangan sahabat beta ‘aibkan beta. Ehwal inilah beta takrifkan: diperbuat surat pada tujuh belas haribulan Muharram 1222. Tamat

PENANG III Though Penang was formally occupied by the British on 11 August 1786, the problem of maintaining order was not resolved until 1807 when a charter was promulgated. Before that date, the partial administration of justice was delegated to the various headmen of the different communities—kapitan for the Chinese, Malays and Chulias. Nominated by the Superintendent of the island of Penang, these kapitan adjudicated in petty civil cases of their own particular communities. Matters concerning domestic disputes and the recovery of debts were under their jurisdiction if such cases did not exceed 10 dollars; if the debt exceeded that amount they could only adjudicate in the capacity of arbitrators. In 1805, following the elevation of the status of Penang to a Presidency, with the Governor and Council appointed, the jurisdiction of 62

civil and criminal matters was transferred to the Police Magistrate under the orders of the Governor and Council.12 The following letter involving the civil case of several Chinese, which was probably written in 1806 or 1807, shows the plaintiff making his complaint to the Governor and requesting the latter to intercede on his behalf.

Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio, 21.3 x 31.5 cm Letter of the Chinese Lim To, addressed to the Governor of Penang Your Lordship’s servant, Chinaman Lim To, writes with obeisance to the Tuan Raja regarding my son, Chinaman Ki Hok [k-h-k] who died in the previous year on the twenty-fifth of the twelfth month [December?]. During that time Chinaman Lim Chan Chun stayed together with him while working as a coolie for my son, Chinaman Ki Hok. At the time of my son’s death I was not in the settlement of Pulau Pinang. I was away travelling by sea. Then Cik Busu wrote me a letter making it possible for me to know of my son’s death. And so I made haste to return to Pulau Pinang. I went to make inquiries with Chinaman Chan Chun as to how much property my son had left, and also the amount of the expenses incurred upon his death, and how much money people owed him, and where the collection [of money] and all [marks of] the palms of hands13 of people who owed my [son] money were, as well as how much my son was in debt to others. I went to enquire from Chinaman Lim Chan Chun, but he refused to inform me; subsequently he went to conspire with Chinaman Lim Tang. Now, the Chinaman Lim Chan Chun is not a sibling of Chinaman Ki Hok. He told lies when he claimed that he is the sibling of Chinaman Ki Hok. He then acquired power of attorney as if a will was made by Chinaman Ki Hok, although Chinaman Ki Hok never ever gave him such a document. The Chinaman Lim Chan Chun concocted his own document of power of attorney. And further, he had kept secret all those people who owed money to Chinaman Ki Hok. And he kept hidden the gold and silver accessories belonging to Chinaman Ki Hok. Subsequently, I enquired from 12 See Tan Soo Chye, ‘A Note on Early Legislation in Penang’, JMBRAS, 23(1), 1950, pp. 100–107. 13 I.e., their signatures.

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Chinaman Ong; he told me that there is a chest containing Chinaman Ki Hok’s belongings. In that chest are all the articles of gold and silver. As for the chest, Chinaman Lim Chan Chun and Lim Tang have already taken and hidden it. It is these two people who have made away with other people’s property These two people are the people [sic]. Then Chinaman [Lim] To further [informed] Chinaman Ong about each and every one of the belongings. As stated by Chinaman Ong, all that is correct. There is no mistake whatsoever. And further, there were strangers there when Chinaman Lim Chan Chun carried away all the property from the house of Chinaman Ki Hok. Somebody saw it, and he wants to be witness to it. Regarding this, I thought he wanted to make a complaint to the Head of the Court. But the Ahya14 Chinaman refused to allow me to enter to see the Head of the Court because the Ahya Chinaman has already been bribed by Chinaman Lim Chan Chun, on one account, by making payment of opium costing 10 rial [dollars], and hard cash of 20 dollars. There is a witness, the Chinaman Ang Tab, to these two instances of bribery, amounting to 30 dollars. On another matter, by the 16th day I heard news that Chinaman Chan Chun has offered a pledge of hard cash amounting to 350 rial [dollars] to the Chinese chief of the liquor-farm since he wants to acquire it in order to sell it to someone else. That money is also Chinaman Ki Hok’s. And now because of the two men, the farm will also be sold for less than the purchase price. If he ever comes there will be witnesses. As for his farm, [acquired] from the head of the liquor-farm, that too he has closed as he couldn’t bear the losses. The cash value that he offered as security to the chief of the liquorfarm was 350 rial [dollars] after having deducted the losses. Other than that, he had received 115 rial. And so the liquor-farm’s case was settled. To my mind this is very disquietening. The wrongdoings of Chinaman Chan Chun have emerged. Your lordship’s servant can vouch for that. Furthermore, the evil intention of Chinaman Chan Chun is the desire to cause the loss of all my son’s property. And so your lordship’s servant comes to seek help from you Tuan Raja [Governor], to summon Chinaman Chan Chun in order to investi14 The Ahya, like the Keh, belonged to the Macao group of Chinese. The Ahya were natives of Fukien and came from the province of Quangtung on the borders of Fukien. See J. R. Logan, ‘Notes on the Chinese of Pinang’ in J. R. Logan (ed.), The Journal of the Indian Archipelago and Eastern Asia, 8, 1854 (Kraus Reprint, 1970), p. 14.

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gate who is the guilty party and who is the innocent one: your lordship’s servant or the two men. My lord will then know the truth of the matter. [Undated]

Penang 3 Warkah Cina Lim To kepada Gabenor Pulau Pinang Hamba Tuan, Cina Lim To [l-m-t-w] maklumkan sembah kepada Tuan Raja. Ehwal adalah anak hamba Tuan, Cina Ki Hok [k-h-k] itu mati pada tahun dahulu, pada dua puluh lima hari bulan dua belas itu ia mati. Maka pada ketika itu Cina Lim Chan Chun itu ada, ia duduk bersama-sama jadi kuli pada anak hamba Tuan, Cina Ki Hok. Maka pada ketika anak hamba Tuan mati itu, maka hamba Tuan tiada di dalam negeri Pulau Pinang ini. Hamba Tuan pergi berlayar. Kemudian Cik Busu buat surat kirim beri pergi pada hamba Tuan; maka boleh hamba Tuan ketahui ia mati itu. Maka hamba Tuan pun segera balik mari ke Pulau Pinang ini. Maka hamba Tuan pergi periksa pada Cina Chan Chun beberapa banyak ada ditinggal harta anakku; dan lagi beberapa banyak sudah belanja tatkala matinya itu; dan lagi beberapa banyak orang berhutang pada dia, dan mana dapat-dapat itu; dan segala tapak tangan orang berhutang pada [anak] aku itu, dan beberapa banyak anak aku itu berhutang pada orang. Hamba Tuan periksa pada Cina Lim Chan Chun. Maka tiada ia mau [sic] beri tahu pada hamba Tuan. Kemudian ia pergi pakat [p-k-t] dengan orang Cina Lim Tang. Maka akan Cina Lim Chan Chun itu bukan adik-kakak pada Cina Ki Hok itu. Maka Cina Lim Chan Chun itu buat bohong, kata dirinya adik-kakak pada Cina Ki Hok itu. Maka dia buat suatu surat wakil15 seperti surat Cina Ki Hok buat beri, tetapi tiada Ki Hok buat beri surat itu beri [sic] padanya. Maka akan Cina Lim Chan Chun ini buat ambil sendirinya mahu surat wakil itu. Dan lagi segala orang berhutang pada Cina Ki Hok itu pun ia sembunyi buang, dan pakaian emas dan perak pun ia sembunyi buang. Kemudian hamba Tuan pergi tanyakan pada Cina Ong; maka ia khabarkan pada hamba Tuan ada suatu peti harta Cina Ki Hok itu. Maka di dalam peti itu ada pakaian segala emas dan perak. Maka akan peti itu Cina Lim Chan Chun dan Lim Tang itu ambil sembunyi. Maka dua orang itulah makan harta orang. Maka kedua orang ini orang [sic]; 15 Power of attorney.

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kemudian Cina [Lim] To itu [sic, beritau?] lagi pada Cina Ong suatusuatu jenis. Maka seperti kata Cina Ong itu semuanya ada betul tiada salah suatu pun; dan lagi ada orang-orang luar pun ada pada ketika Cina Lim Chan Chun ambil bawak [sic] segala harta-harta daripada rumah Cina Ki Hok itu ada orang lihat. Maka akan orang itu ia mau [sic] jadi syaksi [sic] kemudian kerja ini. Hamba Tuan fikir mau [sic] pergi adukan pada Tuan Kepala Bicara. Maka orang Cina Ah Yau [a-y-w, sic, Ah Ya] itu tiada mau beri masuk pergi mengadu kepada Tuan Kepala Bicara karana [sic] sebab Cina Ah Yau itu sudah ia makan upah16 pada Cina Lim Chan Chun; suatu fasal ia beri upah candu harganya sepuluh rial dan mata rial17 dua puluh rial, maka maka [sic] ada saksinya Cina Angtab; tatkala itu beri upah dua fasal itu, jadi tiga puluh rial. Ini lagi suatu fasal pulak sampai pada enam belas hari ini hamba Tuan sudah dengar khabar akan Cina Chan Chun itu ia cagar mata rial tiga ratus lima puluh rial pada Cina Tuan Pajak Arak karana [k-a-r-a-n] ia mau pajak arak hendak dijual di tempat lain. Maka akan rial itupun rial haknya Ki Hok juga. Maka sekarang ini karana [sic, k-a-r-a-n-a] berdakwa ini, maka akan pajak itu pun ia jual akan kurang daripada harga dia beli itu. Kalau-kalau ia mari maka ada dengan syaksinya [sic]. Maka akan pajak dia pada Tuan Pajak Arak itu itu [sic] pun sudah ia selesaikan, di[a] ta[k] tahan rugi. Maka di dalam rial dia cagar pada Tuan Pajak Arak itu tiga ratus lima puluh itu, dia tolak rugi; lain daripada itu dia terima ambil seratus lima belas rial. Maka sudahlah selesai daripada pajak arak itu; maka pada hati hamba Tuan ini banyak susah; salah Cina Chan Chun itu timbul boleh hamba Tuan beri saksinya. Lagi pada perintah jahat Cina Chan Chun itu hendak diperhilangkan segala harta anak hamba Tuan ini. Maka inilah hamba Tuan mari pintak [sic] tolong kepada Tuan Raja; pintak [sic] panggil Cina Chan Chun itu periksa siapa salah dan siapa benar, hamba Tuan, apa kedua orang ini; boleh tuan tahu benar salahnya itu. Ehwal inilah hamba Tuan mari maklumkan kepada Tuan Raja, di perbuat surat ini. [Undated]

16 Taken a bribe. 17 Hard cash.

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PENANG IV Malay letter, 1 folio, Jawi script, 33.4 x 20.2 cm, with red wax seal, addressed to the Yang Di Pertuan of Kedah Endorsement verso: signature of Philip Dundas, Resident-Governor [sic] of Penang Heading: ‘Qawluh u’l-Haqq’ Your Highness, Sultan most respected in existence; peace and with sincerity and candour, of brotherly love and affection from us the Honourable Philip Dundas, the President [sic] Governor of Penang Island.18 After [that] it is laid before our friend the Yang Di Pertuan of Kedah, the abode of peace, His Highness who is wise and prudent, and whose praiseworthiness spreads near and far. And following that, concerning our agent, Mr. Syen [sic, Erskine?], he has already left for Kedah to look for the large timbers which are needed for the building of ships-of-war, since he knows what kind of timbers, whether large or small sizes, we require. Owing to this we are sending a letter to our friend so that our friend could provide your trusted man to accompany our agent, Mr. Syen [sic], to go in search of places where the larger timbers are available. And further, whatever Mr. Syen [sic] wants, our friend may state the price. This will enable Mr Syen [sic] to take various types of timber and he can smoothly conduct the deliberations on our behalf with our friend. And whatever is wanted by Mr Syen [sic] our friend may give it to him. Subsequently we shall send [payment] for the cost of what has been taken by Mr. Syen [sic] from our friend.

18 When Penang was made a Presidency in 1805 in the hope that it would serve as the leading trading centre of the island group, Philip Dundas was appointed Governor of Pulau Pinang with a council. When he first arrived in Penang Dundas had a scheme to build a dockyard, but he realized that Penang did not have the necessary hard timber. To import timber from Burma would be a costly affair and so the project was abandoned. However, when shipbuilding was undertaken by the Company, Dundas sent his officials to look for timber across the Prai and Kedah. Despite his efforts to develop Penang, Dundas nevertheless met sudden death on 8 April 1807, after barely eighteen months’ service as governor. H. P. Clodd, Malaya’s First British Pioneer, the Life of Francis Light, Luzac & Co. Ltd., London, 1948, pp. 144–146.

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The letter is written on the fifth of Muharram [1222?], on Sunday [15 February 1807 CE?].19 Finis. Pulau Pinang 4 Warkah20 Philip Dundas, Presiden-Gabenor [sic] Pulau Pinang, satu lembar, 33.4 x 20.2 sm . Tuanku Sultan Yang terhormat al-maujud; salam serta dengan tulus adan [sic] ikhlas, kasih-berkasihan daripada beta Mihrama21 [m-h-r-m-a] Philip Dundas, Presidan [sic] Guanor [sic]22 Pulau Pinang. Setelah terletaklah kehadapan sahabat beta Yang Di-Pertuan Kedah Zarul [sic] Aman, Yang Maha Mulia serta dengan harif [sic] bijaksana setelah termasyhurlah kepujian sampai ke mana-mana. Waba’adah kemundian [sic] dari itu, ehwal maka adalah wakil beta Mister Syen [sic, Erskine?] ia pergi ke Kedah serta ia hendak 19 The year is not given; however, it is possible that this letter was written in March 1807 just about a month before Dundas died. The date 5 Muharram 1222, if correct, was a Sunday (15 March 1807). 20 Certainly a very badly written letter. The Malay language used is of poor quality. It reflects that either the clerk was not a proficient Malay scribe or the letter was dictated by Philip Dundas himself, whose grasp of the Malay language was extremely poor. 21 Correctly b-h-r-m-a [Behrama]; but the phonemes [m], [p] and [b] are quite often interchangeably used in the Malay language. Thus it is possible that the writer had erroneously missed the dot for the Jawi letter ‘ba’ [b] and instead caused it to be replaced by the letter ‘mim’ [m], thus rendering the word to be spelt ‘Mihrama’. In other Penang letters or those addressed to the Governor of Penang during this period, the term Bihrama, Bahrama or Bihirma is used. This term of address to a [European] man of noble rank is possibly a corruption of the honorific ‘Pekerma’, an ancient title that originated from Sanskrit Vikrama which corresponds with ‘Beherma’. Marsden, in his The History of Sumatra, used ‘Pikaram’ and ‘Vikaram’, which when written in Jawi could also be read ‘Pekrama’ or ‘Pikrama’. Note that only in the Penang letters written before 1810 was the word used. In Jawi it could be read as ‘Beharam’, ‘Beherma’ or ‘Behrama’, when the consonants [p] and [k] in ‘pikrama’ are replaced by the consonants [b] and [h] respectively. See H. C. Klinkert, Nieuw Maleisch-Nederlandsch Woordenboek, met Arabische Karakter, vijfde druk, E.J. Brill, Leiden, 1947, p. 221; R. J. Wilkinson, A Malay-English Dictionary, Macmillan & Co. Ltd, London, 1959, Vol. 2, p. 902; and W. Marsden, The History of Sumatra, London, 1811, p. 327. 22 Governor of the Pulau Pinang Presidency.

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melihat kayu yang besar-besar yang hendak perbuat kapal perang itu kerana [k-r-a-n] ia ketahui seperti kehendak beta ini kecil besar kayunya. Maka inilah beta beri surat pada sahabat beta, boleh sahabat beta beri orang harapan sahabat beta bersama-sama dengan wakil beta ini, Mister Syen [sic], pergi melihat mana tempat kayu yang besar-besar; lagi mana kehendak Mister Syen [sic] itu boleh sahabat beta beri akan belanjanya. Maka akan boleh Mister Syen [sic] ambil macam kayunya, dan boleh Mister Syen [sic] buat bicara beta dengan sahabat beta baikbaik. Dan lagi mana kehendak Mister Syen [sic] itu boleh sahabat beta beri kepada ia; kemudian boleh beta antar [sic] pergi mana ambilan Mister Syen [sic] pada sahabat beta itu harganya. Perbuat surat ini pada lima haribulan Muharram hari Ahad [without the year]. Tamat.

PENANG V Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio, 20.5 x 32.2 cm, without seal Letter of Philip Dundas [copy?] President [sic]-Governor of Penang to Tunku Bisnu A letter of sincerity and mutual affection that is without end so long as the revolution of the sun and the moon continues, that is from us the Honourable Philip Dundas, President [sic]-Governor, raja of Pulau Pinang; may it be conveyed by God, Lord of All the Worlds, to our friend Tunku Bisnu,23 who is wise and prudent; his praiseworthy name is renowned everywhere owing to his mutual assistance among friends and companions near and far. Following that, we thus make it known that two months ago, Captain Scott, our vakeel, made an agreement with our friend [in which] 23 The younger brother of Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin of Kedah. Although this letter is undated it must have been written before Dundas’s death in 1807. Tunku Bisnu was, during this period, probably no longer the Raja Muda of Kedah as the letter from Dundas did not address him as the Raja Muda. According to one source, Tengku Bisnu relinquished the post of Raja Muda to Tunku Ibrahim, who succeeded him in around 1807–1808. See Kobkua Suwannathat-Pian, ‘Kedah–Siam Relations’, JMBRAS, 72(2), 1999, p. 67, n. 3 and pp. 81, 83. Cf. Muhammad Hassan bin Dato’ Kerani Muhammad Arshad, Al-Tarikh Salasilah Negeri, Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Kuala Lumpur, 1968, p. 129.

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an undertaking was given to you for the purchase of 1,000 logs for the purpose of building a large boat, a man-of-war. As for the price of the timber, Captain Scott has already promised to pay our friend in accordance with the customary price. However, presently the captain is on another assignment in the settlement of Pulau Pinang. Because of that we wish to establish friendly terms between us. We have received news that our friend is most happy and shows whiteness of heart towards us, and is keen on mutual friendship. Likewise, we also have whiteness of heart towards our friend. For this we are sending this letter to our friend. Our intention is to strike an accord with our friend similar to what Captain Scott had undertaken with our friend previously. Further, to our mind it is better that we and our friend jointly carry out any undertaking and negotiate any agreement directly, based on all the regulations. Let there be no intermediary; to our mind such things are not good. And further, in Captain Scott’s letter of undertaking with our friend previously, it was mentioned that there are timbers other than the 1,000 logs. Now, we would like to have those other timbers as well. So we are ordering our man of trust, Hakim Ibrahim,24 to go and present himself before you, and convey this letter of ours and to discuss whatever is good with regard to the issue, that is to deliver all the various types of timber, in accordance with the Company’s ruling, to him. And further, should there be any discussion from our friend, our man the Hakim may provide the interpretation. We trust our friend will help giving instructions to look after our man accordingly. And further, after having felled all the timbers please take them to the edge of the water. Could our friend please write us a letter. And we shall send a boat to fetch the timber. As for the price of the logs, our friend may negotiate with the captain of the vessel. He will pay according to the customary cost. And further, should the timber be available in the not too distant future, please give a reply to this letter of ours. [Unsigned and undated]

24 Son of Sultan Abdullah (1778–1798). The title ‘Hakim’ was used for notaries, whose duties were to keep registers of marriages, deaths, slaves and sales of land and houses. T. Braddell, ‘Notices of Penang (extracts of Captain Light’s dispatches dated 1792)’, JIAEA, 4, 1850, p. 656.

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Pulau Pinang 5 Warkah Gabenor Pulau Pinang kepada Tunku Bisnu, satu lembar, 20.5 x 32.2 sm Surat tulus ikhlas serta kasih sayang yang tiada berkesudahan selagi ada perkitaran cakrawala matahari dan bulan daripada beta Bahrama [b-h-r-m-a] Philip Dundas, Presidan [p-r-s-y-d-a-n, sic]-Gurnor [g-w-r-n-r], Raja Pulau Pinang, barang disampaikan Tuhan sarwa sekalian alam ke hadapan sahabat beta Tunku [t-n-k-w] Bisnu yang ‘arif bijaksana setelah termasyhurlah nama kepujian sampai ke mana-mana daripada tolong menolong handai taulan gharib dan ba’id. Waba’adah kemundian [sic] dari itu beta maklumkan ehwal adalah dua bulan dahulu Kapitan Askot [a-s-k-t] wakil beta yang sudah dibuat perjanjian sama dengan sahabat beta; maka sudah dibuat janji sama dengan sahabat beta hendak beli seribu kayu akan buat kapal besar, kapal perang. Akan beta, maka akan harganya kayu itu sudah Kapitan Askat [sic] berjanji hendak bayar kepada sahabat beta seperti mana ‘adat harganya. Maka sekarang ini adalah kapitan itu ada lain kerjanya di dalam negeri Pulau Pinang ini. Maka dengan sebab itu, beta mau [sic] menjadi sahabat bersahabat antara beta dengan sahabat beta. Maka ada beta sudah dapat khabar mengatakan sahabat beta terlalulah banyak suka dan putih hati di atas beta, mau [sic] menjadi sahabat bersahabat. Maka beta pun demikian juga putih hati akan sahabat beta. Maka inilah beta beri pergi suatu surat kepada sahabat beta; harab [sic] beta mau [sic] buat janji sama dengan sahabat beta, seperti mana yang sudah Kapitan Askat [sic] buat janji sama dengan sahabat beta dahulu itu; seperti itulah sekarang pun beta mau [sic] ikut. Dan lagi kepada fikir beta terlebih baik beta sama dengan sahabat beta sendirinya membuat barang sesuatu pekerjaan dan perjanjian pada segala perintahnya. Jangan orang lain menggalang [m-ng-g-a-l-ng] sama tengah; pada fikir beta tiada juga baiknya seperti itu. Dan lagi di dalam surat Kapitan Askat [sic] itu yang sudah ia berbuat janji sama dengan sahabat beta dahulu itu, ada lain kayu daripada kayu yang seribu itu. Maka kayu sekalian itu pun beta mau [sic] ambil juga. Maka inilah beta suruh orang harapan daripada beta, Hakim Ibrahim itu, pergi mengadap sahabat beta membawa surat beta ini serta buat bicara apa yang baiknya di atas itu, dan memberi segala macam kayu-kayu itu seperti hukum Kompeni kepadanya.

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Dan lagi barang apa ada bicara daripada sahabat beta boleh orang beta itu Hakim Ibrahim memberi hartikan [sic]. Maka harab [sic] beta boleh sahabat beta tolong suruh perbelakan orang beta itu dengan sepertinya. Dan lagi maka apabila sudah ditetak segala kayu-kayu itu boleh bawak [sic] ketepi air. Maka boleh sahabat beta beri suatu surat akan beta. Maka boleh beta suruh satu kapal pergi ambil; akan harganya kayu itu boleh sahabat beta bicara sama dengan kapitan kapal itu. Boleh ia bayar seperti mana ‘adat harganya. Dan lagi jika tiada berapa lama lagi boleh dapat kayu-kayu itu, boleh sahabat beta beri balas akan surat beta ini.

PENANG VI Malay letter, 1 folio, 20.5 x 17 cm Letter of Tunku Long with small seal on the right-hand side Addressed to Raffles at Penang Letter’s heading: ‘Qauluh u’l-Haqq’ A letter of sincerity and mutual affection that is endless, so long as the heavenly sphere, the sun and the moon still revolve, from us, Tunku Long.25 May it be delivered by God, lord of the universe, to our friend Secretary Mr. Raffles, whose intelligence and wisdom are well known and his praiseworthiness celebrated everywhere. In the circumstances, Tunku Sulaiman26 is already prepared to go and reside in Kuala Perai as we already mentioned earlier. We have therefore come along in order to send off the Tunku. With regard to the Tunku, all of us do not really understand the customs and regulations of the Company pertaining to denials and repudiations and the bringing of the Tunku to meet face-to-face with the Raja [Governor] of Pulau Pinang. And therefore this Saturday we shall all stop in the estuary of the Merbok. We shall let Nakhoda [Ship-master] Bapu27 convey the letter to 25 Tunku Long refers to Tunku Long Puteh, the brother-in-law of Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin. Towards the end of April 1810 he was sent by Sultan Ahmad to see Charles Andrew Bruce, who had been appointed Governor of Penang in March 1810. See Bonney, Kedah 1771–1821, p. 118. 26 He was the brother of Tunku Ahmad Tajuddin from a different mother (Che Bonda). According to Bonney, Suleiman moved to Kota, on the Sungai Perai, near the border with Province Wellesley. Ibid., p. 114. 27 The name suggests he was a Tamil.

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the Raja of Pulau Pinang. As soon as it arrives please give a reply to it. We shall all depart then. And so this is our request to Pulau Pinang. Could our friend please take Nakhoda Bapu to see the Raja and wait for the letter of reply along with his decision so that it will be easier for us to deal with this matter. This is our statement. Letter is written on the 20th of Rabi’ul-awal, on Saturday; finis. [Without year; 1224? = 1809?]28 Pulau Pinang 6 Warkah Tunku Long kepada Raffles, satu lembar, 20.5 x 17 sm Surat tulus ikhlas kasih berkasihan yang tiada berputusan, selagi ada perkitaran iaitu cakrawala matahari dan bulan, daripada beta Tunku [t-n-k-w] Long. Barang disampaikan Tuhan sarwa sekalian alam kepada sahabat beta Sekridari [sic, Secretary] Mister Raffle[s] yang akal bijaksana gah masyhur wartanya yang kepujian sampai ke manamana. Ehwal adalah Tunku Sulaiman bersiap pindah hendak pergi duduk di Kuala Perai menurut seperti kira [k-y-r-a] bicara dahulu itu. Maka betapun mari bersama-sama hendak mengantar [sic] Duli Tunku ini. Dengan hal Tunku-Tunku ini dan beta apa semua tiada harti [sic] cara ‘adat hukum dalam Kompeni; pada perintah singgah-menyinggah, dan bawa turun Tunku ini pergi berjumpa muka dengan Raja Pulau Pinang; jadilah beta apa semua pada hari Sabtu ini masuk berhenti kedalam Sungai Merbok, diberi Nakhoda Bapu pergi bawa surat akan Gurnador Raja Pulau Pinang dahulu. Apa ka[la] sampai mari balas surat itu, beta semua keluar berlayar pergi. Maka inilah beta pinta dengan Pulau Pinang, sahabat beta bawa Nakhoda Bapu ini berjumpa Raja, terima surat balas dengan ketentuannya mari supaya jadi kemudahan beta apa semua turut Hal inilah beta menyatakan. Perbuat surat pada 20 haribulan Rabi’ul-awal, hari Sabtu; tamat.

28 This letter from Tunku Long appears to be a follow-up to Tunku Sulaiman’s first communication with the Governor of Penang, dated 23 November 1808 in which he expressed his intention to move to Kuala Perai. See Bonney, Kedah 1771–1821, p. 114.

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PENANG VII Malay letter, with enclosure, Jawi script, 1 folio/ folded, 41 x 33 cm Letter of Sayid Husain Abdul Rahman Aidid, with red-wax seal, addressed to Raffles Endorsement verso Malay letter in Romanised script: ‘November 1810 / Syde Hussain’ Endorsement in Jawi script: ‘This letter is from Tengku Sayid Husain / on the twenty-sixth of the month of Syawal’ Heading: ‘Al-Mustahaqq’29 A letter of sincerity and affection from me, Tengku Sayid Sharif Husain bin Abdul Rahman Aidid30 who resides in Pulau Pinang, to reach my 29 To Him [God] all rights are due. 30 Tengku Syarif Sayid Husain bin Abdul Rahman Aidid, a wealthy Arab merchant, was the grandson of an Arab trader who had settled in Aceh at the beginning of the 18th century and then married one of the daughters of Sultanah Kamalat Syah, the last of the four queens of Aceh, who ruled from 1641 to circa 1700. Sayid Husain was born in Aceh, but had left the country and gone to reside in Kuala Selangor. He settled in Penang around 1790 and soon rose to become one of the richest merchants in the colony. It was reported that in the 1790s his ships were travelling as far as Susu on the Acehnese west coast to purchase pepper. Because of his reputation as a wealthy trader he became an influential personality in commercial circles in Penang. He was well known to the native chiefs with whom he dealt in commerce; among them were Sultan Mahmud of Lingga and Sultan Jauhar Alam Syah of Aceh. But the special privilege awarded to him in not having to pay the usual customs duties in Aceh was withdrawn by Jauhar Alam in 1809 due to the Sultan’s suspicion of his involvement in the dispute regarding the succession to the Acehnese throne. In mid-1815 the three panglima sagi in Aceh claimed that they had elected Sayid Husain as Sultan of Aceh in place of Jauhar Alam, but he instead proposed that his son be made sultan. Despite the Penang government’s refusal to allow him to send armed ships for purposes of war in Aceh, Sayid Husain, under the pretext of sailing to Aceh with his second son to perform certain rites at the tombs of his ancestors, and needed protection against pirates, managed to sail with an armoury consisting of 35 cannons, some muskets, pistols, ammunition, and swords and other such weapons. When he reached Pedir, his son was duly proclaimed as the new Sultan of Aceh with the name Sultan Saif al-Alam Syah. Although Jauhar Alam Syah sailed for Penang to seek British help he was forced to return to Aceh in April 1816 without much success. See C. A. Gibson-Hill, ‘Raffles, Aceh, and the Order of the Golden Sword’, JMBRAS, 29(1), 1956, pp. 11–12. See also Lee Kam Hing, The Sultanate of Aceh: Relations with the British 1760–1824, Oxford University Press, Kuala Lumpur, 1995, p. 79.

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friend His Excellency Thomas Raffles, vakeel of the Company and the Tuan General [sic] Lord Minto, Raja of Bengal, the honourable, who is intelligent and prudent, and whose name is renowned everywhere for mutual assistance among friends and companions. The circumstance is, now that my friend has become agent to the Raja of Bengal to look into the affairs of all the Malay countries, I would therefore like to represent my case, to solicit help from my friend in connection with my business with Tuan Sultan Mahmud.31 It is with regard to my ketch having previously been confiscated by Tuan Sultan Mahmud. [The loss of] my ketch with all its laden goods was reported in the past. The Admiral and the Tuan Raja [Governor] of Pulau Pinang then sent a war-boat to Riau to procure the ketch together with a few assets. [But] according to the accounts in the inventory there is still a remaining sum of 25,672.75 rial32 with Sultan Mahmud. Out of this, Tuan Sultan Mahmud’s share is calculated by dividing it by eight, as is the custom of the English. One share will amount to 5,021 rial and 5 kupang33 and 9 duit.34 This is the remainder that is left with Tuan Sultan Mahmud until today. The assets of Tengku Sayid Husain’s ketch amount to 20,651 rial and 16 duit (20651.16). Such has been the settlement reached by the Admiral and the Tuan Raja of Pulau Pinang. And the Tuan Raja of Pulau Pinang’s letter has also been dispatched to Sultan Mahmud together with the account asking for the remaining rial. Tuan Sultan Mahmud replied that at this time he doesn’t have the money because he has spent it on expenditure for the fortress and other things. “If the Tuan Raja of Pulau Pinang still wants the sum we can pay it later,” says Tuan Sultan Mahmud. That is why I am seeking help from my friend. Through my friend’s assistance it may be possible to procure my possessions from Tuan Sultan Mahmud. That is why I leave it to His Excellency Thomas Raffles because my friend presides over the deliberations of all the Malay countries in the east and the west. It is hereby stated that this letter is written on the twenty-sixth of Syawal, in the year of Zai, 1225 Hegira [24 November 1810 CE]. Finis. 31 32 33 34

Sultan Mahmud Syah at Lingga. Spanish dollars. Ten cents. A quarter cent (Spanish).

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Enclosure in Sayid Husain’s letter. 1 folio, 20 x 32.9 cm This is the inventory of payment received [from]Tuan Sultan Mahmud, His Excellency of Riau-Lingga

Rial

Duit

The total cargo in the ketch of Tuanku Sayid Husain bin Abdul Rahman Aidid, resident of Pulau Pinang, taken by Tuan Sultan Mahmud is to the amount of thirty-three thousand and seven hundred and twenty-three and three-quarter rial being the price of the merchandise

33 723

75

Further, the ketch compounded by the Tuan Raja of Pulau Pinang is valued at five thousand five hundred rial

5 500

And further, received in possession by the Tuan Sultan four iron cannon, the weight of the cannon balls being six pounds each costing four hundred rial

400

And four iron cannons the weight of the canon balls being four pounds costing two hundred and sixty rial

260

Four cock blunderbuss (musketoons) costing one hundred rial

100

Two pairs of pairing musketoons costing sixty rial

60

Three guns costing twenty-four rial

24

Three kegs of gunpowder costing one hundred and fifty rial

105

Total number of deliveries taken by Tuan Sultan

40 172

76

75

Rial

Duit

The total number of deliveries [shipments?] that includes the share of Tuan Sultan being nineteen thousand five hundred and twenty-one rial and five kupang, nine duit.

19 521

59

The remaining property, i.e. the ketch of Tuanku Sayid Husain, left with Tuan Sultan Mahmud is twenty thousand, six hundred and fifty-one rial sixteen duit

20 651

16

In the meanwhile, what has arrived from Tuan Sultan Mahmud, sent through the warship is a sum of one thousand rial………...….....….1000 The delivery made through a ketchload of one thousand piculs of pepper worth eight thousand rial.............................................................. 8000 The delivery for the price of the ketch as based on the previous price is five thousand five hundred rial …….....................…….…… 5500 Total sum of deliveries of the three items being fourteen thousand five hundred rial .................................................................. 14500 And further, minus the portion for Tuan Sultan Mahmud in accordance with the English custom which is divided by eight, one portion being five thousand twenty-one rial and five kupang and nine duit................................................. 5021.59

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Pulau Pinang 7 Warkah Sayid Husain bin Abdul Rahman Aidid, satu lembar, 41 x 33 sm Surat tulus ikhlas serta berkasih-kasihan daripada Tengku Al-Sayid Al-Syarif Husain bin Abdul Rahman Aidid yang duduk di Pulau Pinang sampai kepada sahabat beta Tuan Paduka Seri Thomas Raffles, wakil Kompeni Tuan Jenderal Lord Minto, Raja Benggala yang mulia; yang akal bijaksana lagi masyhur nama kemana-mana daripada tolong menolong daripada handai sahabatnya. Ehwal maka ini sahabat beta sudah menjadi Wakil ganti Raja Benggala memeriksa di atas segala negeri Melayu; sebab itulah beta mengadukan hal pinta tolong kepada sahabat beta akan hal pekerjaan beta dengan Tuan Sultan Mahmud. Daripada pekerjaan keci beta diambil oleh Tuan Sultan Mahmud dahulu; keci dengan segala harta itu telah bicara dahulu. Tuan hadmiral [Admiral] dan Tuan Raja Pulau Pinang antar [sic] pergi kapal perang ke Riau mengambil keci dengan harta sedikit. Ada kira-kira di dalam daftar; tinggal baki lagi kepada Tuan Sultan Mahmud dua puluh lima ribu enam ratus tujuh puluh dua rial. Tiga suku di dalam ini ditolakkan bahagian Tuan Sultan Mahmud; dibahagi dua lapan, seperti adat Inggeris; satu bahagian lima ribu dua puluh satu rial lima kupang sembilan duit. Tinggal baki lagi kepada Tuan Sultan Mahmud sampai kepada hari ini. Harta keci Tengku Sayid Husin dua puluh ribu enam ratus lima puluh se rial enam belas duit— 20651.16. Demikian sudah diputuskan hukum Tuan Hadmiral [Admiral] dan Tuan Raja Pulau Pinang. Maka surat Tuan Raja Pulau Pinang pun sudah antar [sic] kepada Sultan Mahmud serta dengan segala kira-kira. Pinta rial baki lagi itu. Maka jawab Tuan Sultan Mahmud, “Waktu ini tiada hadzir rial itu karena sudah habis buat belanja kota dan apa-apa. Jikalau Tuan Raja Pulau Pinang kehendaki juga boleh beta bayar kemudian.” Demikianlah jawab Tuan Sultan Mahmud. Maka itulah beta pinta tolong kepada sahabat beta dengan penolong sahabat beta; keluarkan harta beta itu kepada Tuan Sultan Mahmud. Maka itulah beta wakilkan kepada Tuan Paduka Seri Thomas Raffles kerana sahabat beta memegang bicara di atas segala negeri Melayu di bawah angin, di atas angin. Ehwal inilah dinyatakan: perbuat surat kepada enam lekor haribulan Syawal, 1225 Sanah, tahun-tahun [sic] Zai. Tamat. 78

Lampiran kepada warkah Sayid Husain, I folio 20 x 32.9 sm Inilah daftar Ambilan bayaran/Tuan Sultan Mahmud, Yang Mulia Riau Lingga.

Rial

Duit

Jumlah muatan yang di dalam keci Tengku Sayid Husin bin Abdul Rahman Aidid yang duduk di Pulau Pinang itu yang diambil oleh Tuan Sultan Mahmud. Maka banyaknya tiga puluh tiga ribu tujuh ratus dua puluh tiga rial tiga suku harga dagangan

33 723

75

Lagi keci itu sudah dihukum Tuan Raja Pulau Pinang sudah dinilai harga keci itu lima ribu lima ratus rial

5 500

Dan lagi yang diambil oleh Tuan Sultan meriam besi empat pucuk berat pelurunya enam paun harganya empat ratus rial

400

Dan lagi meriam besi empat pucuk empat pucuk berat pelurunya empat paun; harganya dua ratus enam puluh rial

260

Pemuras35 cakup36 empat pucuk; harganya seratus rial

100

Pemuras dua pasang-dua pasang; harganya enam puluh rial

60

Senapang tiga pucuk; harganya dua puluh empat rial

24

Ubat bedil tiga tong; harganya seratus lima rial Jumlah ambilan Tuan Sultan empat laksa seratus tujuh puluh dua rial tiga suku

35 Musketoon; blunderbuss. 36 Bell-mouthed pistol.

79

105 40 172

75

Rial

Duit

Jumlah wasil dengan bahagian Tuan Sultan sembilan belas ribu lima ratus dua puluh se rial37 lima kupang sembilan duit.

19 521

59

Tinggal bakinya kepada Tuan Sultan Mahmud harta keci Tengku Sayid Husain dua puluh ribu enam ratus lima puluh se rial enam belas duit

20 651

16

Maka di dalam ini yang sudah wasil Tuan Sultan Mahmud yang dikirimnya di dalam kapal perang semata rial seribu rial 1000 Wasil antar mari di dalam keci ladah [sic] seribu pikul, harganya dualapan ribu rial 8000 Wasil harga keci seperti bubuh harga dahulu itu lima ribu lima ratus rial 5500 Jumlah sudah wasil tiga fasal ini empat belas ribu lima ratus rial 14 500 Dan lagi ditolakkan sebahagian Tuan Sultan Mahmud seperti adat Inggeris bahagi delapan satu bahagi lima ribu dua puluh satu rial lima kupangsembilan duit 05 021.59

37 Se-rial is one real; thus dua puluh serial means twenty-one rial (Spanish dollars).

80

PENANG VIII Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio/folded, 37.4 x 23.5 cm Endorsement verso Malay letter in Romanised script: ‘December 1810 / Syde Hussain’ Endorsement in Jawi script: ‘This is Tengku Sayid Husain’s letter / on the fourth of Zulkaedah’ Heading: ‘Al-Mustahaqq’ A letter of sincerity from me, Tengku al-Sayid al-Sharif Husain bin ‘Abdul Rahman ‘Aidid who is resident in the town of Pulau Pinang; may God deliver it to my friend, His Excellency Thomas Raffles, the honourable, intelligent and prudent. The circumstance is, with regard to my friend’s request for the letter concerning Palembang, I have already given it to Tunku [t-n-k-w] Raden Muhammad. As to how my initiative can be for the good has already been mentioned in the letter. If my friend desires to open the letter as well as inspect it, you may open and peruse it. The circumstances are such, this is what is stated. The letter is written on the fourth day of Dzulkaedah, 1225 Hegira in the year of Zai [1 December 1810 CE]. Finis. Signature [of] al-Sayid Husain ibni ‘Abdul Rahman ‘Aidid Pulau Pinang 8 Warkah Tengku Sayid Syariff Husain bin Abdul Rahman Idid, satu lembar, 37.4 x 23.5 sm Surat tulus ikhlas daripada beta Tunku [t-n-k-w] Al-Sayid Al-Syarif Husain bin ‘Abdul Rahman ‘Aidid yang ada julus38 di Bandar Pulau Pinang. Barang disampaikan Allah kepada sahabat beta Tuan Paduka Seri Thomas Raffles yang mulia, yang ‘akal bijaksana. Ehwal maka daripada hal sahabat beta pinta surat akan 38 Resides.

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Palembang itu sudah beta beri kepada Tunku [t-n-k-w] Raden Muhammad; bagaimana ikhtiar beta boleh jadi baik itu sudah tersebut di dalam surat itu. Jika surat itu sahabat beta hendak buka lihat pun boleh sahabat beta buka lihat. Ehwal inilah dinyatakan. Perbuat surat kepada empat haribulan Zulkaedah 1225 Sanah, tahun Zai. Tamat. Alamat al-Sayid Husain ibn Abdul Rahman Aidid

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III. THE PERAK LETTER PERAK Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio, 32.1 x 40 cm Letter of Sultan Mansur Syah of Perak. Black chop Addressed to Raffles at Malacca Endorsement verso Malay letter in Raffles’ hand: ‘Rajah of Perak / Recd 9 Apl 1811 / [unintelligible] / supplies in / undecipherable & / undecipherable’ Heading: ‘Qawluh u’l-Haqq’ An epistle of sincerity and varied gifts, that has enclosed within it uprightness and candour with affection and concord that is without bounds so long as there exist the heavenly sphere, sun and moon, be it night or day, from the Yang Di-Pertuan,1 most illustrious, who sits on the throne of government in the country of Perak Dar al-Ridzwan [the abode of Paradise] who possesses jurisdiction over all its districts. May it be delivered, we pray, to the presence of our friend, His Excellency Thomas Raffles Esquire, who resides in the country of Malacca Dar al-Aman [the abode of Peace], who rules over all its districts; whose praiseworthiness is widely known to all and who is wise and prudent in bringing enjoyment and welfare to every friend and companion near and far. Following that, be it known to our friend that the letter conveyed by Yahaya has reached us together with its gifts in perfect condition. So we took it in hand with all gladness of heart and when it was unfolded its every line was carefully examined. We have understood everything that

1 This letter, unlike all other Malay letters in the collection, does not mention the name of the Sultan. However, during this period, most of the sources are agreed that Sultan Abdul Malik Mansur Syah was the ruler of Perak. He ascended the Perak throne in 1806 after the death of his father, Sultan Ahmaddin Syah (‘Marhum Bongsu’). He was dethroned in October 1818 following the successful invasion of Perak by Kedah. Sultan Abdul Malik Mansur Syah died in 1825. See R. Bonney, Kedah 1771–1821: The Search for Security and Independence, Oxford University Press, Kuala Lumpur, 1971, pp. 155, 157. See also R. O. Winstedt and R. J. Wilkinson, ‘A History of Perak’, JMBRAS 12(1), 1934, p. 128.

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is mentioned in it, such as that our friend desires to invade the land of Java. Furthermore, regarding the request for the various foodstuffs2 of Perak, such as cows, geese and pigs,3 they have never been reared in Perak. Further, the buffaloes and goats have been plagued by an epidemic only recently. With regard to rice, some is only beginning to be harvested. In the meantime we shall try to discuss its procurement to the extent of our ability. With regard to rice and other available food we shall make arrangements with our elders. The Orang Kaya Laksamana4 wishes to discuss the possibility of getting the junk of a Cantonese Chinese. The Chinese in Perak do not own junks. Chinese who enter Perak are transient merchants [Cina berdagang]. All the same, we shall discuss it if they agree with what is mentioned in our friend’s letter. We may be able to send them [the supplies] later. Furthermore, it is not possible to ask our subjects now because even at this moment Perak is under threat of being invaded by the people of Kedah5 together with Tengku Long Puteh.6 His letter has reached the 2 The gist of many of Raffles’ letters to the Malay rulers was about securing supplies of food for the British invasion force. 3 See note 10 below. 4 Orang Kaya Laksamana is the title of one of the eight great chiefs (orang besar delapan) of Perak. He takes precedence after the first of the four great chiefs (orang besar empat or orang empat di balai, the Big Four or the Court Four). Winstedt and Wilkinson say the full title is Orang Kaya-Kaya Laksamana Raja Mahkota. He was the one in authority of matters pertaining to rivers and the sea coast. His authority extended “up-river as far as the tide can reach, down-river to the line where the surf breaks on the bar and the grey mullet come to surface”. The duty of the laksamana was to guard against foreign enemies and to assist those in trouble at sea. He worked in concert with the syahbandar and examined incoming and outgoing ships. See Winstedt & Wilkinson, ‘A History of Perak’, pp. 146–149. 5 Ever since the time of Sultan Ahmaddin’s reign Perak had been plagued by the wars with Kedah. It would appear that soon after Sultan Abdul Malik Mansur Syah succeeded his father, Perak was again threatened by Kedah. From the Thai sources we are informed that Kedah under Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin Halim Syah invaded Perak in 1812. Sultan Mansur was once again threatened with invasion by Kedah in 1815–16 when Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin was pressed by Rama II into attacking Perak. Ahmad Tajuddin himself had given his undertaking to the Siamese that he would ensure Perak submitted to the authority of Siam by the end of 1815. On the politics of Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin vis-à-vis the Siamese and as well as his anxiety over Perak’s refusal to submit to the latter, which compelled

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Orang Kaya Laksamana, asking us to be prepared during these three months, for they will be coming. Some of them are already positioning at Krian.7 There are about 1,000 men. That is why we make it known to our friend so as to plan a perfect strategy. If it is true then we wish to send an emissary to you, the Raja of Malacca8 to seek advice and request assistance. Concerning the intention of the great English raja to invade the land of Java, God willing, we shall join in prayers to ask God to grant an easy victory over the Dutch. In the circumstances, with regard to the provisions, whatever is available, God willing, if Perak is not in distress, and there is great desire, we shall have them speedily delivered to our friend. Following that, there is nothing that could be sent except a load [bahara]9 of tin, nine earthenware water jars decorated with a big fretted pattern which, including the Shanghai jar, makes ten altogether. May our friend accept them with whiteness of heart. Under the circumstances we hereby state that this letter is written on the eighth of Rabi’ul-awal, on Tuesday, in the year 1226 Hegira [2 April 1811 CE].

6

7 8

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him to seek assistance from the East India Company, see Bonney, Kedah 1771–1821, pp. 128–155. Tengku Long Puteh, a Siak chief, was the brother-in-law of Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin of Kedah. Winstedt labelled him as the ‘pirate husband’ of Tengku Jamjam, the Sultan’s sister. Krian lies in the north of Perak, near the border with Kedah. The reference would appear to be Raffles himself. However, the term Raja Malaka was commonly used by Munsyi Abdullah to refer to Major W. Farquhar, the British Resident of Malacca. Wilkinson wrote that at the turn of the 20th century one bahara was about 460 lb., and added that this might not have been the case in the earlier period. R. J. Wilkinson, A Malay-English Dictionary, Macmillan & Co. Ltd, London, 1959, Part 1, p. 65.

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Perak Warkah Sultan Perak [Mansur Syah] kepada Raffles, satu lembar, 32.1 x 40 sm Warkat al-ikhlas wa tuhfat al-ajnas yang disertakan dalamnya tulus ikhlas kasih sayang, muafakat yang tiada berkeputusan, selagi ada cakrawala matahari dan bulan fi ‘lail wal ayyam iaitu daripada Yang Di-Pertuan Yang Maha Mulia semayam di atas singga[h]sana tahta [sic] kerajaan dalam negeri Perak Dar al-Ridzwan yang mempunyai perintah pada segala daerahnya; barang disampaikan Tuhan sarwa sekalian alam apalah kiranya kehadapan majlis sahabat beta Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles Esquire yang istirahat dalam negeri Melaka Dar al-Aman yang memerintahkan pada segala daerahnya telah masyhurlah kepujian itu sampai ke mana-mana serta dengan arif bijaksana kepada melakukan kesukaan dan kebajikan pada segala handai shabatnya yang qarib dan ba’id Amin. Waba’adah kemudian daripada itu barang mafhum kiranya sahabat beta akan warkah yang dibawa Yahaya itu telah sampailah pada beta dangan [sic] bingkisannya serta sempurnanya. Maka beta sambutlah dengan suka hati serta dibuka daripada lipatannya maka ditabatlah [sic, ditatablah] segala satarnya [sic]; telah fahamlah beta segala yang tersebut didalamnya itu, sahabat beta hendak melanggar ke Tanah Jawa. Syahadan menghendaki segala makanan dalam negeri Perak seperti lembu dan angsa, babi [b-a-b-i]10 selamanya pun tiada ada orang memelihara dalam Perak. Syahadan seperti kerbau kambing baharu lagi kena awarkan [sic, hawarkan] seperti beras padi setengah baharu hendak menuai lagi kena awar [hawar] akan seperti beras di setengah bahru [sic] hendak menuai. Dalam pada itu pun sebolehbolehnya beta bicarakan mana yang ‘alai [sic] kadarnya; seperti beras dan makanan mana yang ada hadhir muafakatlah kita dengan orang tua kita. Orang Kaya Laksamana hendak bicara menyuruhkan tongkang Cina Hai11 yang didalam Perak, tiada ada yang menaruh tongkang. Akan Cina yang masuk ke Perak Cina bedagang [sic]. Itupun kita 10 Although the Jawi spelling is “ba-alif-ba-ya” (babi) it could have been a spelling error for ‘bebek’ [ba-alif ba-kap] to denote ‘ducks’. It is quite common to use the phrase ‘itek bebek’ to refer to ducks in general. 11 Referring to Chinese of the Cantonese clan.

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bicaralah. Jikalau dia suka seperti mana yang tersebut dalam surat sahabat beta itu boleh kita suruh antar [sic] kemudian. Syahadan hendak beta suruhkan anak negeri masa ini negeri Perak pun dalam susah; hendak dilanggar orang Kedah dengan Tengku Long Puteh. Suratnya pun sudah sampai pada Orang Kaya Laksamana suruh siap dalam tiga bulan ini dia hendak datang setengah-setengah ada sudah dia menanti di Kerian. Ada seribu orangnya. Itulah kita bilang pada sahabat beta, hendaklah ikhtiar dengan ikhtiar yang sempurna. Jikalau sungguh seperti itu beta pun hendak menyuruh juga kepada sahabat beta raja Melaka minta bicara seperti serta tolong pada sahabat beta akan hal seperti raja Inggeris yang maha besar hendak melanggar ke Tanah Jawa itu. Insya’Allah sertalah doa kita minta tolong kepada Tuhan Allah supaya menang daripada Belanda dengan sejahteranya. Ehwal, seperti makanan itu barang yang mana ada hadhir; insya’Allah jikalau tiada susah negeri Perak ada aradh12 [sic, arap; harap?] yang basar [sic] beta menyuruh antarlah [sic] kepada sahabat beta dengan segeranya. Kemudian daripada itu tiada apa yang dipesertakan; inilah timah sebahara kempit13 bekarawang [sic] besar sembilan biji; sepuluh dengan kempit nuja. Boleh sahabat kita terima dengan putih hati. Ehwal inilah kita nyatakan; diperbuat surat dua lapan haribulan Rabi’ul-awal, hari Thalatha, pada 1226 Sanah tahun.

12 The Arabic word ‘i-r-a-dha’ (in Arabic script: ‘ain-ra-dhat) could be from ‘iradhat’ or ‘iradhah’ to mean ‘desire’ or ‘will’. However, the word could also be a short form for ‘redza’ meaning ‘consent’ or ‘willingness’. In the context of the above sentence in the letter, however, ‘desire’ is more likely. 13 An earthenware water-jar with a fretted pattern.

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IV. THE PEDAS AND REMBAU LETTERS

T

he following letter written by Raja Ali of Pedas is of historical importance. Not only does it shed new light on the person of Raja Ali and the district of Pedas but, more importantly, it illuminates the relationship between Pedas and Rembau in the early 19th century. Written sources available on the history of Rembau and the chiefs of the ‘states’ of Johol, Sungai Ujong and Naning have been mostly based on the writings of Begbie and Newbold, who wrote what they witnessed or learned around 1831–32 and 1838–39 respectively. Historians have generally agreed that following Raja Ali’s failure to dislodge Raja Asil from his throne as the Raja of Rembau he sought temporary refuge at Sungai Nipah. But the following letter shows that as early as 1811 he was already based at Pedas, not Sungai Nipah. Newbold himself described Raja Ali’s ‘stockaded house’ in 1833, and mentioned that he was already the Yang Dipertuan Besar in 1832.1 Both the Tuhfat al-Nafis and Hikayat Johor mentioned that Pedas had been a base for the Bugis chiefs since the mid-18th century.2 In late 1756, Daeng Kemboja and Raja Haji sought refuge in Pedas after their defeat at the hands of the Dutch in Malacca when they waged war against the latter with the collaboration of the Rembau chiefs. After the 1756–57 Bugis war with the Dutch, Bugis influence in Rembau became increasingly significant, and Pedas became their point of congregation until the early 19th century. Time and again the Bugis princes congregated at Pedas. Even when the Raja Di Baroh3 (Sultan Abdul Jalil Muadzam Syah) died in Selangor in January 1761, his body was first taken to Pedas, where Daeng Kemboja was resident, and only then taken to Riau for burial.

1

T. J. Newbold, British Settlements in the Straits of Malacca, Oxford University Press, Kuala Lumpur, 1971, Vol. 1, p. 120. 2 See Virginia Matheson Hooker, Tuhfat al-Nafis: Sejarah Melayu Islam, Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Kuala Lumpur, 1991, p. 406; ‘Hikayat Johor’ in R. O. Winstedt, A History of Johore, MBRAS Reprint No. 6, Kuala Lumpur, 1979, pp. 214–216. 3 Raja of the lower lands or the land below.

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Raja Ali of Pedas, the author of the following letter, was himself half-Bugis. His father was Raja Haman, the brother of Sultan Ibrahim of Selangor. The ‘war’ declared by the Raja of Rembau in 1811, as mentioned in the Pedas letter, implies that the enmity between Raja Ali and the Raja of Rembau (probably his uncle Raja Asil)4 must have begun much earlier—even earlier than 1812. According to Newbold, Raja Asil was driven out of Rembau in 1812 by the penghulu and suku of the ‘state’ with the collaboration of Raja Ali.5 This early history of Negeri Sembilan is still in darkness in the sense that the absence of sources has made it almost impossible for historians to provide a clear picture. The sources provided by Western writers such as Newbold and Begbie have become invaluable because of the absence of other reliable sources. Although attempts have been made to combine both Western and Malay sources in the reconstruction of Negeri Sembilan history, generally historians have not been able to give a convincing picture of its history as, heretofore, neither the written nor oral sources were contemporary reports of any of the events. Before the discovery of the Pedas letter, nowhere in the many sources known to historians has Raja Ali been named as the Tunku Besar of Pedas. Interestingly enough, the seal6 used by Raja Ali—despite the illegibility of the inscribed words—clearly mentions the name of Sultan Abdul Jalil.7 On another seal, undated but claimed by some to be Raja Ali’s seal when he was Yang Dipertuan Besar of Rembau, the name 4 Begbie mentioned him as the grandfather [grand-uncle?] of Raja Ali. P. J. Begbie, The Malayan Peninsula, Oxford University Press, Kuala Lumpur, 1967, pp. 138–139. 5 Newbold, British Settlements, Vol. 1, p. 120. 6 Following the shape of the Minangkabau seal in Sumatra, the seals used by Pedas and Rembau are both in lotus leaf [sic] design. See Jane Drakard, A Kingdom of Words: Language and Power in Sumatra, Oxford University Press, New York, 1999, pp. 154, 163. 7 This writer has attempted to decipher the words on the seal, with great difficulty. However, the legible words inscribed are: ‘Sultan Abdul Jalil yang mempunyai tahta kerajaan dalam negeri [Sultan Abdul Jalil who owns the throne of government of the country of] __ [Minangkabau?] mengaku anak kepada [who confesses being son to] Sultan Abdu[l] Muhiruddin[?] yang mempunyai tahta kerajaan negeri [who owns the throne of government of the country of] __ [?] zillu’lah fi ‘l-‘alam’. See facsimile of the Rembau seal in Newbold, British Settlements, Vol. 1, facing p. 194. The name Abdul Jalil Muazam Syah appears to be the favourite royal title of Malay and Minangkabau kings.

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inscribed was: ‘Sultan Abdul Jalil Muadzam Syah’.8 Until now no historian has known that Raja Ali—who was later to become the Yam Tuan Muda9 of Rembau and much later the Yam Tuan Besar—was already using the title of Tunku Besar, rendered in the Jawi script as ‘t-w-n-kw’ (‘tunku’ or ‘twanku’).

PEDAS I Malay letter with enclosures; Jawi script, 1 folio, 29.6 x 44.4 cm Letter of Raja Ali, the Tunku Besar of Pedas, with black seal, addressed to Raffles at Malacca Heading: ‘Ya Qadiyy al-Hajat’10 Endorsement verso Malay letter in Raffles’ hand: ‘January 1811- / Rajah Ali of Pedas’ Endorsement in Jawi script: ‘This letter is from Raja Ali of Pedas / on the sixteenth day of the month of Safar’ This letter of sincerity with a pure white heart from Raja Ali11 viz the Tunku Besar12 [principal prince] who resides in the land of Pedas13 with 8 It is still unclear which Sultan was being referred to. While the Minangkabau ruler in the early 19th century was also called Sultan Abdul Jalil Muadzim [sic] Syah (Drakard, pp. 158, 163–164), Sultan Sulaiman’s heir to the throne of Johor, also known as Raja Di Baroh, was titled Sultan Abdul Jalil Muadzam Syah (1760–1761). He was supposed to have succeeded his father as the Yang Dipertuan Besar of Johor-Riau, but died soon after his father’s death in 1760. See R. J. Wilkinson (ed.), Papers on Malay Subjects, Oxford University Press, Kuala Lumpur, 1971, pp. 292–293. 9 A popular variant of the title ‘Yang Dipertuan’. ‘Yam Tuan Muda’ means the Underking. 10 O fulfiller of wishes. 11 Raja Ali was the son of Raja Haman, a Bugis whose title was Daeng Alampaki, brother of Sultan Ibrahim of Selangor. His mother was Tengku Putih—also known as Tengku Puteri—the daughter of the Minangkabau prince Raja Itam. Raja Ali, according to Newbold’s description, circa 1835, was “about fifty years old, low in stature, dark in complexion, of a forbidding and rather ferocious aspect”. Newbold says, in disposition he was “crafty and determined, taciturn and deliberate in council; but prompt and decided in action”. An ambitious man, Raja Ali exploited a crisis that had culminated in a family feud between Raja Asil and the penghulu of Rembau. Asil’s son Raja Haji, having been refused consent to marry his sister-in-law by the penghulu of Rembau, had carried her off with force. Raja Ali, whose help was sought by Raja Asil, had instead conspired with the

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trouble due to all kinds of matters; may it be extended by God Most High to our friend His Excellency Thomas Raffles Esquire who is stationed in the fortified town of Malacca, that is who owns command of the seat of government and greatness of station of His Excellency Gilbert Lord Minto, the Governor-General. May the greatness of station be in excess and a mark of distinction in this world. Amen. Following that, we then make it known to our friend regarding the epistle that was sent by our friend accompanied by the complimentary gift of European gilded cloth together with a keg of gunpowder, and also Tambi Ismail and his four companions, have all arrived to us in the land of Pedas. We had taken in hand the epistle in accordance with the customs of the great rajas whom we honour; we opened the letter and we noted [the contents] inside it mentioning that our friend desires the Laws of Perpatih Sebatang as well as the hikayat of tales of ancient men. The one that is available to us, to the best of our means, namely our statutelaw that is being practised, we are able to relate orally but it must be together with the penghulu and there is the explanation. We have sent a messenger to summon him, and we have also ordered the hikayat to be taken from our relatives because the country of Pedas was invaded by the Yang Di-Pertuan Muda at midnight, which is not customary for rajas. Due to that, all the people of the country have left. If it had not been for that, on the very day our friend’s letter arrived we would have conveyed [our friend’s] request. Hence we are sending this epistle to our friend chiefs and usurped the office of the Yang Dipertuan Muda. In this letter Raja Ali addressed himself as the Tunku Besar. Newbold mentioned him as the Yang Dipertuan Besar. Tunku Besar is currently the title of the territorial chief of Tampin, the territory bordering Malacca and Negeri Sembilan. See T. J. Newbold, British Settlements, pp. 115–116. See also R. O. Winstedt, The Malays: A Cultural History, Routledge & Kegan Paul, London, 1950, pp. 84–86. 12 It appears that the title Tunku Besar as chief of a district was already in use. This letter shows that Raja Ali was the territorial chief of Pedas before becoming Yam Tuan Muda of Rembau. Later, the title was inherited by his son-in-law Raja Sha’aban when he became Tunku Besar of Tampin in 1834. 13 Pedas or Padas was named after a small stream that had its confluence with the longer river, Batang Penajis, about a quarter of a mile nearer Sempong. Pedas, one of the three principal posts of Rembau, was situated on the right bank of the Batang Penajis about five or six miles further up. Newbold described Pedas as two or three miles “in advance of Ramuan Cina Kecil”. Raja Ali’s stockaded house was situated on the hill facing the river. There is no mention of Raja Ali being ruler of Pedas in R. O. Winstedt, ‘Negri Sembilan: The History, Polity and Beliefs of the Nine States’, JMBRAS, 12(3), 1934.

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until we receive news about the man we sent as messenger. As for Tambi Ismail, who says that he wished to return within six days, we restrained him because since our friend’s desire has not been fulfilled, what use is it for him to return? There isn’t any souvenir as token of purity of heart except for a long kris used by ourself. Written on the sixteenth day of the month of Safar 1226 AH [12 March 1811 CE].14 Finis. And one other thing. If it is possible on our friend’s part, we would like to request a screw-barrelled gun used by our friend, with grooves inside the barrel. Pedas 1 Warkah Raja Ali, Pedas kepada Raffles, dengan meterai hitam, satu lembar, 29.6 x 44.4 sm Ini surat tulus dan ikhlas serta suci putih hati daripada Raja Ali iaitu Tunku [t-w-n-k-u] Besar yang ada duduk semayam dalam tanah Pedas yang [sic] dan dalam kesusahan daripada sekalian hal ehwal; barang disampaikan Allah ta’alai [sic, ta’ala] kepada sahabat kita Seri Paduka Tamas Rafles Askoyar yang ada terhenti di dalam kota negeri Melaka iaitu yang punya akan [sic] perintah tahta [sic] kerajaan dan kebesaran Tuan Seri Paduka Gilbatlat Ladr [sic] Minto, Gurnor Ceneral15 [sic]; barang berlebih-lebihan kebesaran dan kemuliaan dalam negeri dunia ini, Amin. Waba’adah kemudian daripda itu maka kita khabarkan kepada sahabat kita akan hal surat yang dikirimkan sahabat kita dengan bingkisan kalamkari16 Eropah dengan ubat bedil suatu tempat dan Tambi Ismail dengan kawan-kawannya empat orang telah sampailah kepada kita dalam tanah Pedas. Maka kita sambut surat itu seperti adat raja-raja yang besar-besar; kita hormatkan. Maka kita buka surat itu; maka kita lihat di dalamnya mengatakan sahabat kita berkehendakkan Undang-Undang Perpatih Sebatang dengan hikayat-hikayat cerita 14 Note that the date endorsed by Raffles is different from the date given by the scribe. 15 G-w-r-n-r Ch-n-r-a-l. 16 A type of fabric.

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orang dahulu-dahulu. Yang mana ada kepada kita sekadar undang kita yang dipakai itu boleh kita kata dengan mulut kita, tetapi maulah dengan penghulu serta kita; di situlah kenyataannya. Maka kita sudah suruh panggil kepadanya dan kita suruh ambil hikayat-hikayat kita kepada saudara kita sebab negeri Pedas sudah dilanggar oleh Yang DiPertuan Muda tengah malam. Maka tiada dengan istiadat raja-raja; dari itulah habis isi negeri keluar. Jikalau tiada demikian itu sehari sampai surat sahabat kita sehari itu jua boleh kita antarkan. Dari itulah maka kita berkirim surat ini kepada sahabat kita, sampai datang khabar orang yang kita suruh. Darihal Tambi Ismail mengatakan hendak pulang dalam enam hari, kita tahankan dia, sebab belum boleh dapat maksud sahabat kita. Apa faedahnya pulang? Suatupun tiada tanda suci hati hanyalah keris panjang pakaian kita. Tersurat pada enam belas bulan Safar 1226 Sanah. Tamat. Dan sebagai lagi, jikalau boleh pada sahabat kita, mintak senapang terkul17 pakaian sahabat kita, berpesegi dalamnya.

PEDAS II Malay letter, Jawi script; 1 folio, 44.5 x 30.4 cm [Enclosure in letter of Raja Ali to Raffles, 12 March 1811]. Without seal Addressed to Raffles at Malacca, with endorsement verso in Raffles’ hand: ‘Enclosure in letter / from Rajah Ali / of Pedas -’ This is to explain all matters that have been ordered by the Tuan from Malacca to carry a letter to Raja Ali at Pedas. After three days and nights on the journey together, four men and I arrived in the land of Pedas and I stopped at one place and I bid the men that I brought along from Malacca to go and inform that I have come bearing a letter from the Great Chief at Malacca, Agent of the Yang Dipertuan, His Excellency who occupies the throne of government of the General of Bengal in order that my lord’s name will be famous in all districts of the land of Rembau. 17 A screw-barrelled gun. The senapang terkul, according to Wilkinson, had “barrels that were octagonal outside and rifled inside”. R. J. Wilkinson, A MalayEnglish Dictionary, Macmillan & Co. Ltd, London, 1959, Part 2, p. 1211.

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And then there came the chief, Raja Ali, who brought the silver platter of tobacco, accompanied by several men who received the epistle, and took me to his house. The letter was then read and then guns were arranged on buildings and fired—seven guns altogether. After that the letter was read by the Tengku Putih and the guns were fired. It was then maghrib18 time; and all the people of the country who were nearby became alarmed and started the rumour that the country of Pedas was at war till morning. Then came all the people informing me that all of them fled without taking any food or drinks because of hearing the cannon shots at the stockade. “For ages it had never been the inherited tradition in this land of Rembau to fire cannons in the stockade in such a manner,” they said. I then requested whatever was [mentioned] in the letter. The raja said that the Perpatih Sebatang19 was the ancestor of the late Yam Tuan Besar who died at Sri Menanti in times past. “It’s finished,” he said to me, “but it is a curse.” And I then counselled him. And he said, “God willing, I shall be able to relate its origins, but please send a letter to our friend at Malacca first. Then we shall call the penghulu20 of Sungai Ujong to join us because the perpatih sebatang is in Pagar Ruyong. There are two laws of perpatih sebatang, one with the penghulu and the second with the Raja. Therefore I personally wish to summon him to be brought here; the rajas in Rembau have no knowledge of it. They may give a false account.” “Further to that the [laws of] perpatih sebatang are of three manifests, namely: as the descendants; as greatness of station; and as customs and traditions. It is what is called the Law of the penghulu, the Law of 18 Evening or at dusk; usually referring to the evening prayers. 19 Perpatih [nan] Sebatang was the legendary Minangkabau chieftain from Pagar Ruyong in West Sumatra who, it is claimed, introduced the adat perpatih (customary laws based on the matrilineal social structure). For information in English on the adat perpatih and its complex system, see P. E. de Josselin de Jong, Minangkabau and Negeri Sembilan: Socio-political Structure in Indonesia, Nijhoff, Leiden, 1965; George Alexander de Chazal de Moubray, Matriarchy in the Malay Peninsula, London, 1931 and J. E. Nathan and R. O. Winstedt, ‘Johol, Inas, Ulu Muar, Jempol, Gunong Pasir and Terachi’ in Wilkinson (ed.), Papers on Malay Subjects, pp. 394–468. 20 The penghulu referred to could be the penghulu adat who was most knowledgeable about the genealogy and customary laws. In this sense the post is synonymous with the lembaga, who was the head of the suku (clan) and stood between the territorial chiefs and the common people represented by the buapak (elders).

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the Raja and the Law of the rakyat. The one that exists presently, that is being practised by Rembau, is farcical law only. It is because of that the Yam Tuan has not responded to our friend’s letter. He says whatever he wants to say, but there will be a payment involved. What is known by the penghulu is the name of the place, the boundary, [and] the name of the suku. What is known by the rakyat [people] is names of all fruits, animals, rivers, trees, medicines. To the raja is [knowledge of] the origins of all those.” End of account.

Pedas 2 Lampiran dalam surat Raja Ali, Pedas, 44.5 x 30.4 sm Ini pada menyatakan segala hal ehwal yang disuruh Tuan dari Melaka membawa surat kepada Raja Ali di Pedas. Tiga hari tiga malam di jalan serta empat orang dengan sahaya maka sampailah dalam tanah Pedas. Maka sahaya berhenti pada suatu tempat. Maka sahaya suruhkan orang yang sahaya bawa dari Melaka pergi mengatakan sahaya ada datang membawa surat dari Tuan Besar di Melaka, ganti Yang Dipertuan yang maha mulia, yang duduk semayam di atas tahta [sic] kerajaan Jeneral [sic] di Benggala supaya menjadi masyhur bagi segala daerah tanah Rembau nama Tuan. Maka datanglah orang besarnya Raja Ali serta membawa ceper perak tembaga; beberapa pulak yang mengirakannya [mengiringkannya?] datang menyambut surat itu, serta dengan sahaya bersama-sama, dibawaknya [sic] kerumahnya. Maka dibacanyalah surat itu; kemudian dipasangnyalah bedil meriam yang di atas bangunbangunannya [sic]; tujuh pucuk. Kemudian pulak dibaca oleh Tengku Putih; dipasangnya pulak bedil meriam. Adalah waktu maghrib, maka segala isi negeri yang dekat-dekat itu kubergadu [k-w-b-r-k-a-d-w; sic, gobar gadu],21 mengatakan negeri Pedas perang hingga pagi hari. Maka datanglah segala orang itu mengatakan, “Sahaya semuanya habis lari dengan tiada makan minum sebab mendengar bedil di kubu; sebab zaman berzaman, culat [sic, julat] berjulat, yang tiada pusakakan dalam tanah Rembau ini membakar meriam dalam kubu yang sedemikian ini.” Maka sahaya pun mintaklah seperti yang mana ada dalam surat itu. Maka kata raja itu “Adapun Perpatih Sebatang itu—itulah datuk 21 Spreading a rumour. See Wilkinson, A Malay-English Dictionary, Part 1, p. 370.

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nenek Yam Tuan Besar yang mangkat di Seri Menanti tatkala dahulunya. Suda[h] abis [sic].” khabarnya kepada sahaya. “Tetapi persumpahan.” Maka sahaya pun memberi nasihat kepadanya. Maka katanya “Insya’Allah boleh sahaya khabarkan asalnya; tetapi berkirim suratlah dahulu. Kepada sahabat kita di Melaka, maka kita panggillah penghulu Sungai Ujong bersama, sebab Perpatih Sebatang itu di Pagar Ruyong adanya. Hukum Perpatih Sebatang itu dua: suatu pada penghulu; kedua kepada raja. Dari itu sahaya hendak sendi[ri] pergi memanggilnya dia, bawa kemari. Jikalau raja-raja di dalam Rembau ini tiada tahunya itu; khabar bohong boleh, adanya.” “Syahadan lagi Perpatih Sebatang itu tiga ba[ha]gi; sebagi [sic], anak cucunya; sebahagi kebesarannya; sebahagi adatnya. Itulah dinamakan Undang Penghulu, Undang Raja, Undang Rakyat. Yang ada sekarang ini yang dipakai Rembau undang mengarut sahaja. Dari sebab itulah Yam Tuan Mudah [sic] tiada membalas surat kepada sahabat kita. Kata apa hendak dikatakannya. Maka mahulah belanja dalamnya. Adapun yang diketahuilah, penghulu itu nama tempat; sempadan nama suku. Yang diketahui rakyat itu nama segala buah-buahan, nama binatang, nama sungai, nama batang kayu, ubat-ubatan. Adapun kepadamaja [kepada raja] asal adanya ia itu.” Tamat khabar.

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REMBAU Rembau is the name of the interior state that lies between Selangor to the north and Malacca to the west. In the early 19th century, Rembau, the capital, was the crowning place of the deputed sovereign of the Minangkabau, who assumed the title of Yang Dipertuan Besar. But Rembau, as a state, had her own Yam Tuan Muda, the first candidate being Raja Asil, who was the son of Raja Adil, the second Minangkabau prince who became Yang Dipertuan Besar. The Yang Dipertuan Besar at some stage resided at Sri Menanti. The Yang Dipertuan could also be living at Bandar, Pedas and Sempong [Simpang]. To the north of the state of Rembau lie Sri Menanti and Sungai Ujong; to the south, Naning and Johol. In the early 19th century, Rembau contained two divisions— Rembau Hulu and Rembau Hilir—each under its four suku who were subject to the control of the penghulu. The Linggi River formed the channel of communication by water between Rembau and the Malacca Strait. The three principal posts of Rembau, situated on the banks of the Batang Penajis, were Sempong, Pedas and Bandar. The history of Rembau’s relations with Minangkabau became clearer when in 1721 some Rembau chiefs from the state approached the Minangkabau Yang Dipertuan in Pagar Ruyong, Yang Dipertuan Patah Sultan Abdul Jalil (1719–1780),22 to send one of the princes to Rembau and be made Yang Dipertuan. According to both Wilkinson and Winstedt, the Minangkabau prince referred to was probably Raja Kasah. But some believe that the said prince was the controversial Raja Melewar.23 The presence of this prince, who was installed as the Raja of Rembau, was intended as a deterrent to Bugis incursions and Raja Kecil’s imperialistic designs. The occurrence of the name of Sultan Abdul Jalil in Negeri Sembilan tradition is interesting because the seal bearing this name used on the following Rembau letter was similar to the seal used on the Pedas letter. Despite partial illegibility of the inscription, the seal, nevertheless, 22 See Norhalim Hj. Ibrahim, Negeri Yang Sembilan, Daerah Kecil Pusaka Adat Warisan Kerajaan Berdaulat, Penerbit Fajar Bakti, Shah Alam, 1995, p. 149. 23 Regarding Raja Melewar, Josselin de Jong wrote, “Malewa, Malewar or Marewa is not a Minangkabau or Negeri Sembilan name, but undeniably is a BugisMakassar one.” He argued that the name was more of a political myth created by oral tradition in Negeri Sembilan. See P. E. Josselin de Jong, ‘The Dynastic Myth of Negri Sembilan (Malaya)’, BKI, 131(2/3), 1975, pp. 278–305.

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appears to bear the name of Sultan Abdul Jalil.24 It is probable that the rajas of Pedas and Rembau both had seals either given by Sultan Abdul Jalil Muadzam Syah of Johor (also known as Raja Di Baroh) or the Yang Dipertuan Abdul Jalil of the Minangkabau state in West Sumatra.25 Rembau, including Keru and Tampin, had a population of about 9,000 in the early decades of the 19th century. According to Newbold, who wrote in the 1830s, besides Malays the Orang Benua (aboriginal tribes) also inhabited the slopes of the mountains and the forests of Rembau. The first Yang Dipertuan Muda of Rembau was Raja Asil, son of Raja Adil, the second Minangkabau prince. He was appointed by the Yang Dipertuan Besar Raja Itam with the concurrence of the penghulu of the four Minangkabau states. Under the penghulu were the eight suku (tribes), into which the population of Rembau was divided. Upon taking possession of Malacca in 1795, the British concluded a commercial and friendly pact with Rembau as a separate state. In 1798, Raja Asil became the Yang Dipertuan Muda of Rembau. His reign was interrupted when he was usurped by his grand-nephew, Raja Ali of Pedas, who became Yam Tuan Muda in 1815.26 The following letter, which presumably fell into Raffles’ hands at Malacca, was from the Yang Dipertuan Besar who also resided during this period (1810–11) and was addressed to Tamil-born Tambi Ismail who, as indicated in the Pedas letter, was sent as Raffles’ messenger to meet Raja Ali of Pedas. Although the name of the Yang Dipertuan Besar was not mentioned in the following letter, he was probably Raja Lenggang, who was the Yang Dipertuan Besar (1808–1824) residing in Rembau at that time.

REMBAU Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio, 32.3 x 31.1 cm Letter of Yang Di Pertuan of Rembau, with black seal bearing inscription: ‘Sultan Abdul Jalil who owns the throne of government of the 24 See note 7 above. 25 Wilkinson gives an interesting account of the role of the name of Sultan Abdul Jalil Muadzam Syah in Negeri Sembilan history. It seems that his name appeared on the seals of Raja Adil, the rulers of Tampin and the last ruler of Naning. See R. J. Wilkinson, ‘Notes on the Negri Sembilan’ (1911) in Wilkinson (ed.), Papers on Malay Subjects, pp. 292–293. 26 See C. W. Parr and W. H. MacKray, ‘Rembau, One of the Nine States: Its History, Constitution and Customs’, JSBRAS, 56, 1910, pp. 18–19.

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country of _ [Menangkabau?] who confesses being the son of Sultan Abdul _ [?] who owns the throne of government of the country of _ [Johor?] _ [indecipherable], Addressed to Tambi Bidin at Malacca Endorsement verso Malay letter: ‘Ismail’s note / relative [?] to the recovery / of a debt’ Endorsement in Jawi script: ‘This is the Raja of Rembau’s letter to Tambi Ismail’ [sic] This is the word of the Yang Di-Pertuan Besar27 [Paramount Ruler] at Rembau to Tambi28 Bidin. With regard to Tambi Bidin sending Tambi Ismail to collect debts from Haji Jamaluddin at Kepayang, amounting to 72 ringgit, it seems that since Tambi Ismail had become very ill he implored us to collect it on his behalf; and so we solicited for the payment of the said sum of money. Furthermore, earlier you had sent Abdul Rahim to collect from Haji Jamaluddin. He paid a sum of 3 ringgit and 50, along with beads of various kinds worth 4 ringgit and 50; thus totalling 8 ringgit in all. He then handed to us 12 ringgit. We borrowed 10 ringgit; we have used the money to purchase tin. Later, we shall send it to the messenger in Malacca, Tambi Ismail, who will accept it if you, Tambi Bidin, concur with our action. Should our action be unacceptable, please then proceed upstream to Sungai Ujong and deliberate with Haji Jamaluddin. Rather than harbouring feelings of shame towards you, we would prefer helping 27 The Yang Di Pertuan Besar [or Yam Tuan Besar], Raja Lenggang (1808–1824). See Winstedt, ‘History of Negeri Sembilan’, p. 62. Wilkinson mentions that from 1798 CE there were two great princely families: one in Sri Menanti, the seat of the first Yang Di Pertuan Besar, Raja Melewar, and the other in Rembau and Jelebu. See Wilkinson, ‘Notes on the Negri Sembilan’, p. 23. Raja Asil, the Yam Tuan Muda of Rembau took the title of Sultan Muhammad Syah, Yang Di Pertuan Muda of Rembau, in 1798. According to Wilkinson also, about the year 1812, Raja Haji, son of Raja Asil, abducted a woman from Rembau and took her to his father’s residence. The aggrieved parties urged Raja Ali to lead them against his grand-uncle. After shrewdly advising his grand-uncle to take shelter in Malacca, Raja Ali usurped the throne to become the next Yam Tuan Muda of Rembau. See Begbie, The Malayan Peninsula, pp. 139–141. In the Pedas letter II (above), it is clearly implied that even as early as 1811, Raja Ali and the Yam Tuan Muda of Rembau were not on friendly terms. 28 A term used to refer to a Tamil-born ‘Malay’. Tambi denotes the person is young, generally a boy. In Tamil it means ‘younger brother’.

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you to the best of our ability. Therefore please do not cause any injury to Tambi Ismail in Malacca. Finis. [Undated] Rembau Surat Yang Di-Pertuan Besar Rembau, 32.3 x 31.1 sm Ini titah Yang Di-Pertuan Besar di Rembau kepada Tambi Bidin. Akan hal Tambi Bidin suruhkan Tambi Ismail menuku [sic, menunggu] utang [sic] kepada Haji Jamaluddin di Kepayang; bayaknya [sic, banyaknya] tujuh puluh dua ringgit. Itu Tambi Ismail pun sakit sangat. Maka ia sembahkan kepada kita mintak [sic] tunggu akan dia; dalam itupun kita tunggu; timbul ringgit yang tersebut itu. Syahadan, dahulu ada Tambi suruhkan Abdul Rahim menunggu kepada Haji Jamaluddin. Maka dibayarnya ringgit setengah empat ringgit; dan lagi manek jenis-jenis setengah lima ringgit. Jumlahnya menjadi dualapan ringgit. Diberikan kepada kita dua belas ringgit. Kita pinjam sepuluh ringgit; kita sudah belikan timah itu wang. Nanti kita antarkan [sic] kepada suruhan di Melaka, Tambi Ismail, menerimakan, jikalau benar, kepada Tambi Bidin, perbuatan kita ini. Jikalau tiada benar perbuatan kita, mudiklah di Sungai Ujong, berunding kepada Haji Jamaluddin. Dari kita malu kepada Tambi kita tolong jua sebolehbolehnya. Dari itulah jangan disakit [sic] kepada Tambi Ismail di Melaka. Tamat.

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V. THE JOHOR AND SINGAPORE LETTERS JOHOR Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio 22.7 x 37 cm Letter of Sultan Mahmud Syah of Johor with charcoal seal at top righthand corner, addressed to Baron Philip Dundas, Resident Governor of Penang Endorsement verso: Malay letter Heading: ‘Qultuhadha’1 This letter, with sincerity and pure heart and without regrets, comes from Paduka Seri Sultan Mahmud Syah who reigns with majesty and greatness in Johor and Pahang with all its dependencies. May the will of God convey this letter to our friend Beherma [or Bihrama] Philip Dundas, President [sic] Governor, ruler of Pulau Pinang who is wise and clever and whose fame is known everywhere. We wish to inform our friend that we have received our friend’s letter which was delivered by Captain T-n-y-d [Tait][?]. With regard to our friend’s request that we search for the men who have committed bad deeds on our friend’s men [and] Captain Karniki [sic, Carnegie],2 we shall try our level best to do so. But please trust in God, lord of all the worlds as our friend should not only hope on us, [though] we shall look for them to the best of our ability. That is all. Dated 25 Dzulhijjah, on Thursday, at 12.00 o’clock, in the year 1221 AH [5 March 1807 CE].

Johor Warkah Sultan Mahmud Syah, satu lembar, 22.7 x 37 sm, dengan meterai hitam, dialamatkan kepada Beherma Philip Dundas, Residen Gabenor Pulau Pinang 1 I am saying thus. 2 James Carnegie was a prominent merchant in Penang. Lee Kam Hing, The Sultanate of Aceh: Relations with the British 1760–1824, Oxford University Press, Kuala Lumpur, 1995, p. 79.

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Bahawa ini surat tulus dan ikhlas serta suci putih hati hening dan jernih yang tiada menaruh ghalat dan cemar di dalamnya iaitu daripada Paduka Seri Sultan Mahmud Syah yang bersemayam di atas takhta kerajaan dan kebesaran dan kemuliaan di dalam negeri Johor dan Pahang serta daerah takluknya sekalian. Maka barang disampaikan oleh Tuhan sarwa alam sekalian jua kiranya datang ke hadapan manjelis [sic] sahabat kita Beherma3 [b-h-r-m-a] Philip Dundas, Presidant [sic, p-r-s-y-d-a-n-t] Gurnador [Gabenor], raja yang memerintah di dalam negeri Pulau Pinang; serta arif lagi bijaksana; telah masyhurlah warta ihsannya serta nama yang kepujian sampai ke mana-mana adanya. Waba’adah daripada itu maka adalah kita menyatakan kepada sahabat kita seperti surat sahabat kita yang dibawa oleh Kapitan Tenid4 [sic, Tait] itu telah sampailah kepada kita dengan selamat sempurnanya. Maka kita pun mafhumlah akan barang yang tersebut di dalamnya itu; mengatakan ikhwalnya [sic] orang yang berbuat jahat atas orang-orang sahabat kita, Kapitan Karniki [k-r-n-y-k-y]5 itu; serta sahabat kita mintok tolong carikan kepada kita dengan seboleh-bolehnya. Melainkan telah harablah [sic] sahabat kita kepada Tuhan sarwa alam sekalian; dan janganlah sahabat kita harab [sic] kepada kita serta kita carikanlah dengan seboleh-bolehnya; itulah adanya. Termaktub kepada dua puluh lima haribulan Dzulhijjah hari Khamis, jam pukul dua belas, tarikh 1221 Sanah.

3 See Penang Letters, fn. 23 above. 4 T-n-i-d [Jawi: ta-nun-ya-dal]. The writer could have inadvertently put an extra dot on the Jawi letter [ta], thus rendering another consonant in [nun]. It is probably ta-ya-dal, meaning ‘Ted’ [Tait]. 5 The second ‘k’ (pronounced ‘kaf’) in the spelling of the name is interchangeable with the letter ‘g’ (pronounced ‘ga’). Thus the Jawi spelling ‘k-r-n-y-k-y’ could also be pronounced ‘k-r-n-y-g-y’, or ‘Carnegie’.

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THE SINGAPORE LETTER In his History of Johore, Winstedt mentioned that it was Tun Ibrahim, Abdul Rahman’s ‘second son’ who succeeded him as the Temenggong of Singapore, bypassing the ‘elder son’, Abdullah, who, according to Winstedt, was ‘eccentric’.6 This Singapore letter confirms what Winstedt wrote regarding Abdullah, the elder brother, who rightfully should have been the successor of Abdul Rahman but was bypassed by the British in favour of the younger Ibrahim. This letter is also interesting in that the Temenggong wrote to Raffles with the intention of influencing the latter to appoint the Tengku Besar as the successor of Sultan Hussain,7 i.e. the Sultan of Singapore, and Abdullah as the Temenggong after his death.8 Although the Temenggong mentions in the letter ‘our two sons’,9 there can be no doubt that he is referring to Sultan Hussain’s eldest son, also referred to as Tengku Besar.10 Hussain had a son styled as ‘Tengku Besar’ in 1819. This is mentioned in two letters written in 1819 by Temenggong Abdul Rahman, one addressed to Adrian Koek of Malacca, and the other to the Bugis Yam Tuan Muda, Raja Jaafar. There is also another letter from the ‘Raja of Singapura’ addressed to the Yam Tuan Muda at Riau mentioning that he is a little anxious on account of his son when the raja of Johor informs him about the many ships with soldiers that have arrived in Singapore.11 Certainly, the son referred to is not Tengku Ali, who was too young at that time. When his father died in 1835, Ali was only eleven years old. Tun Ibrahim, who was fifteen when his father died in 1825, eventually became the Temenggong of Johor and 6 See R. O. Winstedt, History of Johore (1365–1895), MBRAS Reprint No. 6, Kuala Lumpur, 1979. p. 91. 7 Hussain’s son Tengku Ali did not succeed him, but instead became Sultan of Muar after forgoing his rights over Johor. See Abdullah bin Abdul Kadir, The Hikayat Abdullah (an annotated translation by A. H. Hill), Oxford University Press, Kuala Lumpur, 1970, p. 298, n. 19. 8 He died on 8 December 1825. 9 It was not uncommon for Malays to refer to children of closely related families as ‘our sons’ when speaking to someone close. 10 Being Temenggong, he could not have given the title of Tengku Besar to his elder son. The title came into prominence c. 1700 CE when the Johor princes adopted it and the title Tun was instead borne by the sons of the non-royal Temenggongs. 11 For the relevant letters see W. E. Maxwell, ‘The Founding of Singapore’, JSBRAS, 17, 1886, pp. 104–113, reprinted in MBRAS Reprint No. 1, Singapore 150 Years, 1973, pp. 77–83.

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was finally installed as Temenggong Seri Maharaja on 19 August 1841 with the title of Seri Maharaja of Johor. Although the name of the Tengku Besar has never been revealed, Abdullah Munsyi nevertheless wrote that Sultan Hussain had another son, named Tengku Abdul Jalil. Even though he was not an ‘anak gahara’ as his mother was not of royal birth, it was he who helped to organize his father’s funeral, implying that he was much older than Ali. So, could Tengku Abdul Jalil be the said Tengku Besar?12 Tengku Ali, according to Winstedt, was too young to be recognized as Sultan,13 and it was not until 1855 that he was made sultan to succeed Sultan Hussain after twenty long years of waiting. It appears that when Abdul Rahman died in December 1825, his eldest son Tun Abdullah failed to succeed him, but instead was bypassed by Tun Ibrahim, also known as Tengku Cik,14 who succeeded his father in 1833, although it was not until 19 August 1841 that he was officially recognized by the British as the Temenggong of Johor.

12 According to Abdullah, when Sultan Hussain died it was Tengku Abdul Jalil, together with Tun Ibrahim, the Temenggong’s second son, who tried to arrange for the body to be taken to Riau [sic, Lingga] for burial beside his father, Sultan Mahmud Syah, but they failed due to opposition from the wife and children of the late Sultan. Hussain was thus laid to rest in Tranquerah, Malacca. See Abdullah bin Abdul Kadir, The Hikayat Abdullah, pp. 278–279. 13 Winstedt, History of Johore, p. 92. 14 Abdullah bin Abdul Kadir, The Hikayat Abdullah, p. 278.

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SINGAPORE Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio, 25 x 39.5 cm Letter of Engku Temenggong with round-shaped charcoal seal bearing the inscription ‘Al-wakil / Al-Sultan Mahmud Syah / Datuk Temenggong Sri Maharaja / cucu Temenggung Paduka Raja / 1221 Sanah‘,15 addressed to Raffles, Lieutenant Governor-General at Bencoolen. Letter folded in yellow cloth with wrapper bearing Jawi script: ‘The addressee of this letter is Mr. Raffles General [sic] at Bencoolen’ Endorsement in roman script: Sir T. S. Raffles Esq. Heading: ‘Qauluh u’l-Haqq wa Kalamuhu wa’l Siddq’ An epistle of sincerity and straightforwardness along with a gift of various things that has enclosed within it uprightness and candour along with purity and whiteness of heart that is without limit and time as long as the revolution of the sun and the moon exists till eternity, that is from us Engku Temenggong16 who is stationed at present in the country of Singapore; and may it be conveyed by God of all the worlds to arrive before the council of our friend the Honourable Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles, Lieutenant Governor-General [sic] of Bencoolen; for he is the most noble, faithful, wealthy and, above all, benevolent as well as knowledgeable and wise; expert in conducting the rule of justice and of gracious and prudent character and skilful at winning affection by relieving the distress of all friends and companions and also liberal towards all slaves and plebeians. And due to that, the fame of his advantageous and praiseworthy name spreads to all countries that are above and below the wind and [he] enjoys good health and peace and may he attain long life and bountiful profit. Subsequent to that, be it understood by our friend that our purpose in sending this humble piece of paper is to make it our substitute for conversation with our friend as well as making plain [the contents] in it. Furthermore, since the departure of our friend from Singapore, we have not been at ease, but have had endless sorrow and interminable longing for our friend; concerning our two sons, firstly Tengku Besar and 15 “Delegate of Sultan Mahmud Syah / Datuk Temenggong Sri Maharaja / grandson of Temenggong Paduka Raja / 1221 Hegira”. 16 His full title was Dato’ Temenggong Seri Maharaja Abdul Rahman. He was also referred to as Dato’ Temenggong.

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secondly Tun Abdullah, there are no others. We are placing great hopes on our friend to verily assist us. If we were to die17 and the Sultan is also gone, the Tengku Besar is the one who could likely succeed him, and our son Tun Abdullah can be our successor.18 Such is the case. Following that, there is nothing to accompany this letter, except for our hope against hope that there is nobody else to depend on but our friend. Many salutations and may friendship be enhanced and it is only our friend’s love and affection that is perpetual. Written on the 27th day of Dzulhijjah, Monday, in the Hegira year of 1239 [22 Aug. 1824 CE].19

Singapura Warkah Engku Temenggong, satu lembar, 25 x 39.5 sm Warkat al-ikhlas watuhfat al-ajnas dipesertakan di dalamnya tulus dan ikhlas serta suci putih hati20 yang tiada berhingga dan bermasa selagi ada peredaran matahari dan bulan ‘alay al-dawam iaitu daripada beta Engku Temenggong yang ada berhenti pada masa ini di dalam negeri Singapura. Maka barang disampaikan oleh Tuhan sekalian alam apalah kiranya datang ke hadapan manjelis [sic] sahabat beta iaitu Tuan Honourable Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles, Letnan Gurnor [sic] Jeneral Bangkahulu. Maka ialah yang amat bangsawan dan setiawan dan artawan [sic] lagi dermawan serta dengan harif [sic] bijaksana pandai melakukan perintah yang amat adil dengan baik budi pekerti serta 17 Temenggong Abdul Rahman died on 8 December 1825. He was succeeded by his son, Tun Ibrahim or Daeng Ronggek, also known as Tengku Chik and Daeng Kecil. 18 That is, to succeed as Temenggong. 19 Raffles was in Singapore between 10 October 1822 and 8 June 1823. He returned to Bencoolen via Java where he made a brief stopover in the Batavia roads on 25 June while Lady Sophia Raffles, who was in ‘a very delicate state of health’, went on shore for a few days. Raffles himself remained on board his ship throughout the stopover. In the third week of July his ship was still in the Java seas. See Lady Sophia Raffles, Memoir of the Life and Public Services of Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles, Oxford University Press, Singapore, 1991, pp. 550–551. 20 Written elaborately up to this point in decorative khat script as the opening marker of the letter.

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pandai mengambil hati dengan menolong barang yang akan jadi kesakitan atas sekalian sahabat handai taulan, dan lagi murah kepada segala hamba rakyatnya. Maka yang demikian itu setelah masyhurlah nama yang kebajikan dan kepujian itu pada tiap-tiap sekalian negeri, dari atas angin hingga sampai ke bawah angin; serta sihat dan afiat serta selamat beroleh umur panjang dengan untung yang baik jua adanya. Waba’adah daripada itu barang mafhum kiranya sahabat beta akan hal beta melayangkan sedikit kertas ini tiada seperti dan daripada sebab akan jadi ganti berkata-kata pada sahabat beta serta menyatakan di dalamnya. Syahadan maka adalah selamanya sahabat beta meninggalkan Singapura melainkan tiadalah beta mendapat yang senang hati melainkan susah yang tiada berkesudahan dan cinta yang tida [sic] berkeputusan pada sahabat beta. Akan hal seperti anak beta yang dua orang ini, pertama-tama Tengku Besar dan kedua Tun Abdullah, tiadalah dua tiga yang lain lagi. Beta harap hanyalah sahabat beta yang boleh menolong dengan sesungguhnya; dan jikalau kiranya tiada hayat beta dan hayat Tuan Sultan melainkan Tengku Besar itulah yang boleh menggantikan dia dan anak beta Tun Abdullah itu boleh dianya menggantikan beta; demikianlah adanya. Kemudian daripada itu suatupun tiada yang disertakan dengan surat ini; hanyalah harap sepuluh kali harap tiada yang lain lagi hanyalah pada sahabat beta, serta tabek berapa-berapa [sic] banyak bertambah-tambah sahabat bersahabat, kasih sayang sahabat beta jua selama-lamanya. Termaktub kepada 27 haribulan Dzulhijjah, hari Ithnin, al-tarikh alSanah 1239.21

21 Monday, 24 August 1823.

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VI. THE RIAU LETTERS

T

he Riau-Lingga Archipelago was the name given by Dutch geographers to the group of numerous islands, islets, rocks and shoals which lies between Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula towards the eastern end of the Malacca Strait. Riau lies about fifty miles south of Singapore, on a strait formed by several small islands and the island of Bintan, which is the largest island in the archipelago. Riau, which was the seat of the Malay kerajaan of Johor in the 18th century, is located near Tanjung Pinang. North of it is the island of Singarang, and west is Penyengat. When Riau was a Dutch settlement after the opening of Singapore in 1819, it was a free port; the staple exports were black pepper and gambier from the island of Bintan. Riau’s history is well discussed in Raja Ali Haji’s Tuhfat al-Nafis1 and Winstedt’s History of Johore. Riau, which was also a centre of Malay cultural activities in the time of Raja Ali Haji, which came to prominence in 1722 when Raja Sulaiman, through the assistance of the Bugis princes, became Sultan of Johor and Pahang with the title of Badr al-Alam Syah, following the expulsion from Riau of his rival claimant, the adventurer Raja Kecil, in the preceding year. The event also witnessed the ascendancy of the Bugis in Riau with the appointment of Daeng Marewah, the oldest of the Bugis chiefs, as the Yang Dipertuan Muda of Riau. Through inter-marriages of the Bugis princes and ladies of Malay royalty, Bugis political hold over the Malay aristocracy was strengthened. Daeng Parani, who had led the attack against Raja Kecil, married Sultan Sulaiman’s sister, and Daeng Manompo, another Bugis chief who took the title of Raja Tua (old raja), married the sultan’s aunt. By the treaty of 1722 signed by the Bugis princes and Sultan Sulaiman, the Malays and the Bugis undertook to share political power. Riau became the seat of the Sultanate of Johor and Pahang. Under the second Yang Dipertuan Muda, Daeng Celak, who succeeded his brother Daeng Marewah in 1728, Riau became actively involved in gambier planting pioneered first by Bugis and Malay entrepreneurs employing 1 See Raja Ali Haji, Tuhfat al-Nafis (The Precious Gift), ed. and transl. Virginia Matheson Hooker and Barbara Watson Andaya, Oxford University Press, Kuala Lumpur, 1982.

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Chinese labour. However, the prosperity of Riau and the growing influence of the Bugis chiefs brought jealousy and fear to the Malays and alarmed the Dutch in Malacca whose tin monopoly was disregarded and sea trade was disturbed by piracy.2 Although the Malays made several overtures to secure Dutch assistance to expel the Bugis from Riau, they failed miserably until after the death of Raja Haji in 1784 when the Dutch were able to free Riau from Bugis control. But while the Malay–Dutch treaty that was signed following the expulsion of the Bugis gave recognition to the then Sultan Mahmud as the legitimate ruler of Riau, the treaty nevertheless stated that “the kingdom and port had become by the right of war the property of the Dutch which the Malays would hold as fief under certain conditions”.3 This caused so much unhappiness to the Malays that the sultan tried various means through both diplomatic persuasion and military campaigns to dislodge the Dutch presence, even to the extent of engaging the help of the Illanuns from Tempasuk in 1787, but all in vain. Because of the tense relations between Dutch Malacca and the Malays, Sultan Mahmud was forced to flee from Riau. Finally, after several pleas from the Malays to make peace with the Dutch in Malacca, and also helped by the diplomatic efforts of the sultans of Trengganu and Selangor, the Dutch East India Company agreed in 1795 to make peace with Sultan Mahmud in the hope that it could bring back the prosperity of Riau. Mahmud decided to leave Riau and established the seat of his kingdom in Lingga in 1799.4 In 1805, Raja Jaafar, son of the famous Raja Haji, succeeded Yam Tuan Muda Ali as the Yang Dipertuan Muda of Riau. The Malay kerajaan of Riau-Lingga then became divided, with Riau the seat of Bugis power and Lingga the centre of kerajaan for the Malay sultans. The Malay raja, Sultan Mahmud, while claiming to be the ‘sovereign of the Johor kingdom and all its dependencies’ remained in occupation of Lingga with his residence at Daik, and the Bugis Yam Tuan Muda or Underking was at Penyengat in Riau.

2 R. O. Winstedt, A History of Johore (1365–1895), MBRAS Reprint No. 6, Kuala Lumpur, 1979, p. 58. 3 Ibid., p. 64. 4 Contrary to what many have written, it is clear from the royal seal of Sultan Mahmud that he established his seat of government at Lingga in 1799. See the seal on his letters.

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RIAU I5 Letter from Thomas Stamford Raffles to the Raja Muda of Riau After compliments. It is now a long time since I have been informed that many bad men and pirates were in the habit of harbouring at Riau, but now since I have come to reside in Malacca, I have heard intelligence which is extremely bad and extremely distressing to be related. The name of this very wicked man to whom it alludes is Raja Busu and with him are his two brothers, Raja Indud and Raja Isa. With regard to Raja Indud, he has lately taken a Bugis vessel of the kind named Panchalan [pencalang]6 in the straits of Druyon [Duyong?]. With regard to Raja Busu, he formerly took and plundered a Chinese junk in Riau, and in the past month a vessel of Mr. Hare’s was detained for a long time in Riau on account of those pirates who were waiting for her without. After this there was a perahu belonging to Malaca [sic] which was returning from Palembang to Malaca with a crew of twelve men, all of whom were murdered by Raja Busu at the mouth of the Muar. Also within these two or three days there was a Chinese junk attacked by Raja Busu while coming into Malaca [sic] and though it escaped by flight there were a great many killed and wounded by him. Concerning each of these circumstances, I wish to make the strongest representation to my friend. Let not therefore my [sic] friend or any that are under his authority give any assistance to these bad people. Whoever becomes the friend or gives any assistance to those who are bad, are to be reckoned the same as those who are bad. Such is the law among the English. Let therefore our [sic] friend give notice to every Penghulu or headman under the government of Riau to apprehend every bad man of the kind and bind him in fetters and send him to Malaca [sic] and as soon as he arrives at Malaca [sic] the Raja of Malaca [sic] will cause him to be hanged on 5 This is a draft copy of the English translation of the letter sent by Raffles to the Raja Muda of Riau. The present writer has not been able to locate the original Malay letter. 6 A small vessel of the perahu kind, with the oblique sail called layar tanjak. See William Marsden, A Dictionary and Grammar of the Malay Language, Vol. 1, Oxford University Press, Singapore, 1984, p. 232; see also p. 86 for a note on layar tanjak.

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Pulau Jawa,* and at this present time the Raja of Malaca has constructed a new gallows [sic] for the execution of the aforesaid pirate. Besides with regard to this Raja Busu he is so very bad a man that I must request my friend to cause him to be seized with the utmost expedition and send him to Malaca [sic] agreeably to the request of the Governor. Let it be recollected that when the English gave up Riau to Sultan Mahmud in order that he might exercise the powers of government over it, they counted for certain that no pirates would be harboured there if affairs were properly administered as it must be the fault of Riau if pirates were allowed to carry on their ravages between Riau and Malaca [sic]. For this reason I have by this letter forewarned my friend to pay particular attention to the state of his government. If my friend be not sufficiently versed in the management of such affairs and do not get rid of people of this description at once, the English will be under the necessity of sending a ship-of-war to take care of the matter themselves, which may not be pleasant to the Raja. This is all I have to say. Written on the 10th of Safar 1226 [6 March 1811 CE].

RIAU II Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio, 31.7 x 39.2 cm Letter of the Yang Di Pertuan Muda of Riau with black seal, addressed to Raffles Endorsement verso in Romanised script: ‘Rajah Mooda / of Rhio / Recd. 9 April 1811 / Requesting supplying / Purauu and Boats’ Endorsement in Jawi script: ‘This letter is from the Raja Muda of Riau on the twelfth / of the month of Rabi’ul-awal’ An epistle of sincerity and straightforwardness along with varied gifts; enclosed within it uprightness and candour along with the purity of heart to which there is no limit and time so long as the heavenly sphere, the sun and the moon shall continue to revolve, from us Sri Yang Di Pertuan Muda7 who owns the throne of government with all its dependencies, * A small island in the offing of Malaca [sic] where pirates were wont to be hanged in chains. 7 The Yang Dipertuan Muda [or Yam Tuan Muda] of Riau during this period was Raja Jaafar, son of Raja Haji, the famous Marhum Ketapang (the one who died at Ketapang) who succeeded Yam Tuan Muda Raja Ali in 1805. The Yam Tuan

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Johor and Pahang; may it be delivered by the will of God, lord of all the worlds, to the presence of our friend, His Excellency, Thomas Raffles Esquire who owns the power of jurisdiction in the eastern countries, equal to all other great rajas and who is capable of conducting wisdom and prudence towards every friend, companion and associate, especially so with every raja, merchant and the needy; and may the lord God of all the universe extend his duration of life and time. Following that, we shall make plain to our friend that our friend’s letter has arrived safely, giving us much happiness in listening to its perfect couplets together with the gift from our friend, a telescope of European make, for which we are very grateful. Furthermore, in our friend’s letter it is stated that ships-of-war are going to invade the land of Java. We pray to God of all the universe to grant victory over the enemies so that it will be easy for all people who are barely subsisting to pursue their livelihood. Following that, our friend requires sampans with nets. At this time when the [Chinese] junks are coming8 all the [sampan pukat]9 have gone hither and thither. Some have gone to Kelantan and Trengganu, while others to Pahang and Bangka. There are four left behind in Riau. Following our friend’s instruction in a day or two we shall order the sampans to sail to Malacca to be delivered to our friend. We leave the payment for hiring them to our friend’s discretion. Following that, we make it plain to our friend that regarding the subject of our friend’s request for rice, chickens, ducks and geese in Riau and other provisions, for the present they are hard [to get]. At the moment rice costs 180 ringgit per koyan10 at Riau. Muda lived at Penyengat. Raja Jaafar’s role in the intrigue of the Riau-Lingga kingdom is described in P. J. Begbie, The Malayan Peninsula, Oxford University Press, Kuala Lumpur, 1967, pp. 70–84 and Winstedt, History of Johore, pp. 71–85. 8 The reference to Chinese junks here could possibly mean that their arrival was seasonal and their visit was primarily to collect articles for which there was a considerable market. In the early 19th century Riau was especially noted for its exports of pepper and gambier from the islands of Bintan and Batam. The presence of large numbers of Chinese settlers on both islands also contributed to the bustling nature of the trade. See John Crawfurd, A Descriptive Dictionary of the Indian Islands and Adjacent Countries, Oxford University Press, Kuala Lumpur, 1971, pp. 366–367; see also Begbie, Malayan Peninsula, pp. 311–315. 9 Dinghy used with nets. 10 A measure of weight or capacity varying from 27 to 40 piculs (generally established at around 133½ lbs).

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And further, there are four sampans11 with nets that go to Pulau Pinang and Perak. Those too we leave to whatever is your discretion. Such is the case. Further to that, herewith is a token of sincerity to our friend, though not as it should be, namely. a catty12 or two of wax and a bouquet of flowers. Written on the twelfth of Rabi’ul-awal, on Saturday, at seven o’clock [6 April 1811 CE].13

Riau 2 Warkah Yang Di Pertuan Muda Riau, satu lembar, 31.7 x 39.2 sm, dengan meterai hitam, dialamatkan kepada Raffles14 Warkat al-ikhlas watuhfat al-ajnas yang dipesertakan dalamnya tulus dan ikhlas serta suci hati yang tiada berhingga dan masa [sic]; selagi ada peredaran matahari dan bulan alai al-dawam iaitu daripada Seri Yang Di Pertuan Muda yang mempunyai takhta kerajaan dalam negeri Riau segala dengan daerahnya; barang disampaikan Tuhan sarwa sekalian alam kiranya kehadapan majlis sahabat beta iaitu Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles Esquire yang mempunyai perintah pada masa ini di dalam daerah baladan timur yang duduk di dalam negeri Melaka yang makmur; ialah yang beroleh kebesaran dan kemuliaan daripada Tuhan sarwa sekalian alam serta pula pandai melakukan arif bijaksananya pada segala sahabat handai taulannya istimewa pula pada segala samanya raja-raja antara sahabat bersahabat istimewa pula pada [sic] lagi dangan [sic] segala dagang dan miskin serta pula barang dipanjangkan A[llah?] Tuhan sarwa sekalian alam usia umur zamannya daripada hal yang demikian itu Waba’adah daripada itu, ehwal adalah beta membayankan kepada sahabat beta dari warkah sahabat beta itu telah sampailah dangan [sic] 11 A shoe-boat, dug-out or dinghy. 12 A measure of weight of about 1 1/3 pounds. 13 The year is not given. But 12 Rabi’ul-awal of 1226 corresponds with 6 April 1811, which was a Saturday. 14 The handwriting in this letter is not only atrociously bad by the Jawi standard of writing, but also inconsistent in the spelling of words, thus making it difficult to read.

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selamatnya kepada beta. Dengan beberapa sukanya beta mendengar bait yang tiada ghalatnya di dalamnya itu serta pada dangan [sic] hadiah sahabat beta, teropong buatan Eropah. Menerima kasihlah beta dengan sepanuhnya [sic]. Syahadan lagi di dalam warkah sahabat beta itu, kapal perang ma[h]u pergi melanggar Tanah Jawa itu beta pinta pada Tuhan sarwa sekalian alam biar dimenangkannya daripada seteru itu sukpaya [sic] senang segala orang yang miskin mencari jalan kehidupannya. Syahadan lagi sahabat beta mengahendaki [sic] sampan pukat itu pada musim wangkang datang ini sudahlah pergi kesana kemari. Ada yang [?] pergi Kelantan, dan yang ke Terengganu, dan yang ke Pahang, dan yang ke Bangka; dan yang ada tinggal di dalam Riau empat buah di belakang; suruhan sahabat beta, sehari dua beta suruhkanlah sampan itu berlayar ke Melaka mendapatkan sahabat beta. Barang mana perintah sahabat betalah sewanya itu. Syahadan lagi kita banyankan kepada sahabat beta dari perkara sahabat beta menghendaki beras, dan ayam, dan itek dan angsa di dalam Riau dan makan-makanan telah pada masa ini sangatlah payahnya; dan besras [sic, beras] pada masa di dalam satu koyan seratus dualapan [delapan] puluh ringgit di dalam Riau adanya. Dan lagi ada sampan pukat yang ke Pulau Pinang, dan ke Perak; ada empat buah. Itupun mana perintah sahabat beta; demikianlah adanya. Kemudian dari itu tiada dengan sepertinya akan tanda ikhlas kepada sahabat beta; lilin sekati dua; seperti bunga sekaki. Termaktub pada dua belas haribulan Rabi’ul-awal hari Sabtu waktu jam pukul tujuh.15

RIAU III Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio [folded], 40.3 x 31.8 cm Letter of the Yang Di Pertuan Muda of Riau with black seal, bearing inscription: “Al Wathiq Billah / Raja Muda Ibn Al-Marhum / Fi Sabilillah / 1221 Sanah”; addressed to Raffles Endorsement verso Malay letter in English: ‘May 1810- / Rajah Mooda of Rhio’ Endorsement in Jawi script: ‘This letter is from the Raja of Lingga [sic] / on the second of Rabi’ul-akhir’ 15 Written elaborately in decorative khat.

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A letter of sincerity with varied gifts; enclosed within it uprightness and candour along with purity of heart that is without limit and time so long as the heavenly sphere, the sun and the moon shall revolve, from the Yang Di-Pertuan Muda who owns the throne of government with all its dependencies, Johor and Pahang; may it be delivered by the lord God of all the Worlds to the presence of His Excellency Thomas Raffles Esquire who has jurisdiction in the Eastern countries and who is equal with all other great rajas and who is capable of conducting wisdom and prudence towards every friend, companion and associate, and especially so with every raja, merchant and the needy; may his age and time be extended by the lord God of all the Universe to be in good health and happiness; such is the matter. Following that, be it known that the letter brought by Captain Tait16 has reached us safely and we have understood whatever is stated in it. With regard to our friend’s instructions to Captain Tait to conclude the deliberations pertaining to the sampans with nets, even if our friend were to request once from us we would, if possible, be willing to give ten times more to our friend. But the fact is, at the moment none of those that went out to seek a living has yet returned. Our friend could surely understand the position of a man in need. The four [sampans] that we possess have already been ordered to be taken to our friend. So if any sampans with nets come to Malacca our friend may have them; our friend may even have those heading for Pulau Pinang or Perak if they put in at Malacca [port]. In the meantime, if any return from hither and thither before our friend departs, we shall also have them sent. Written on the second of Rabi’ul-akhir, at four o’clock, on Friday, in the year 1226 AH [26 April 1811 CE].

16 Commander of the brig Thainstone. He brought muskets from Calcutta for delivery to Raffles in Malacca in January 1811. When Temenggung Hasan of Muntok cut off the long-boat of the Thainstone, and the crew was killed, Captain Tait barely escaped being cut off himself. See Lady Sophia Raffles, Memoir of the Life and Public Services of Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles (with an introduction by John Bastin), Oxford University Press, Singapore, 1991, p. 46.

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Further to that, we wish to make plain to our friend that concerning the question of Muar and Kesang,17 we shall depute Tambi Ahmad Sahab18 to take charge.

Riau 3 Warkah Yang Di Pertuan Muda Riau,19 satu lembar (berlipat), 40.3 x 31.8 sm Warkat al-ikhlas watuhfat al-ajnas yang dipesertakan di dalamnya tulus dan ikhlas serta suci putih hati yang tiada berhingga dan bermasa, selagi ada peredaran cakrawala, matahari dan bulan; daripada beta Seri Paduka Yang Di Pertuan Muda yang mempunyai takhta kerajaan dengan segala daerahnya, Johor dan Pahang. Barang disampaikan Tuhan sarwa sekalian alam kehadapan majlis Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles Esquire yang mempunyai perintah baladan timur dan sama dangan [sic] segala raja-raja yang besar-besar serta pula pandai melakukan arif bijaksananya kepada segala sahabat handai taulannya; istimewa pula pada samanya raja-raja dan segala dagang dan miskin 17 Muar and Kesang are names of rivers lying in the Johor and Malacca territories respectively. While Muar, a small ‘river-state’ until the early 19th century, was a dependency of the kingdom of Johor-Riau under the jurisdiction of the hereditary chief Dato’ Temenggung Paduka Tuan, the territories on the right-hand side of the Kesang River inland were also regarded as belonging to the Temenggung of Muar. In 1827, there was a dispute between the Malacca government and the Temenggung because the Malacca authorities alleged that some Malay chiefs who were appointees of the Temenggung were occupying the lands on the left bank of the Kesang River, especially the lands around Chinchin Ilang. Following the signing of the Anglo–Dutch Treaty, the Malacca government wanted to ensure that lands belonging to individuals during the Dutch period should be taken over by the government with compensation made to the previous owners. The same rule was applied to the lands on the left bank of the Kesang River which were once parcelled out to J. B. de Wind, a Dutch landowner. Samuel Garling, the Acting Resident Councillor, not only sent sepoys to evict the chiefs in the disputed territories, but even went to the extent of asking Sultan Hussain of Singapore to apply pressure on the Temenggung to vacate the territories claimed by the Malacca government. See Malacca: Resident’s Diary 2 July 1827–June 1828. 18 The name suggests that he was Tamil-born. 19 The letter has bad handwriting and the language is poor.

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serta pula barang dilanjutkan Tuhan sarwa sekalian alam daripada umur zamannya di dalam sihat dan afiat hal yang demikian itu. Waba’adah daripada itu adalah warkah yang dibawa oleh Kapitan Tek [Tait] telah sampailah dengan selamatnya kepada beta. Telah mafhumlah beta barang yang termazkur di dalamnya itu. Dari sahabat beta suruhkan kepada Kapitan Tek [Tait] itu putuskan hal ehwal bicara sampan pukat itu, sekali sahabat beta berkehendak kepada beta sepuluh kali beta mau bari [sic]; akan halnya pada masa ini balumlah [sic] yang ada datang yang pergi kesana kemari mencari kehidupan. Sahabat beta ketahuilah hal ehwal orang miskin. Yang ada empat buah sudahlah beta suruh pergi mendapatkan sahabat beta. Dan jikalau ada sampan pukat yang ada masuk Melaka boleh sahabat beta pagang [sic]; atau ke Pulau Pinang, atau ke Perak, boleh sahabat beta pegang, jikalau ia singgah masuk Melaka. Di dalam pada itu jikalau ada ia datang dari sana ke mari di dalam balum [sic] lagi sahabat beta pergi boleh beta suruh pula adanya.a Tersurat pada dua haribulan Rabi’u-lakhir jam pukul empat, hari Jumaat, tarikh 1226 Sanah. Syahadan lagi kita bayankan kepada shabat beta dari perkara Muar dan Kesang beta wakilkan kepada Tam[b]i Amad Sahab adanya.

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VII. THE LINGGA LETTERS

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he following letters from Lingga—the two letters sent by the chiefs of Sultan Mahmud’s court, the letter from Tunku Pangeran of Siak, and another written by the syahbandar of Lingga, all addressed to Raffles—are of historical importance, for they shed some light on the date of the death of Sultan Mahmud Ri’ayat Syah of Lingga, a matter that has intrigued many students of the Johor-Riau kingdom. The first two Lingga letters dated 5 and 6 January 1811 were sent when the Sultan of Lingga was said to be seriously ill. Although they are not part of the Aviemore collection of Raffles Malay letters, they have, nonetheless, been included here because they are related to the other Lingga letters in the discussion to determine the date of Sultan Mahmud’s death. Sultan Mahmud Ri’ayat Syah was the last Sultan of Johor, Pahang and its tributaries, and his death caused a controversy in the succession issue which Raffles exploited in order to acquire the island of Singapore for the British East India Company. Upon his arrival in Malacca on 4 December 1810, Raffles wrote letters to the sultans of Palembang and Lingga. In the case of the latter, Raffles dispatched John Scott and Tunku Pangeran alias Sayid Zain to Lingga in the cutter Arethusa to deliver two letters to Sultan Mahmud Syah. Scott and Sayid Zain left Malacca on 24 December 1810 and arrived at the mouth of the Lingga River on 28 December.1 Although they were supposed to be in Lingga for no more than four days, they only managed to deliver one of the letters around 3 or 4 January 1811, for a reply from the Lingga court (purportedly from Sultan Mahmud) was dated 5 January, while another reply from another Lingga chief, Syed Muhammad Zain al-Kudsi, was dated 6 January. John Scott and Tunku Pangeran left Lingga on 8 January 1811 without meeting the Sultan despite their instructions to do so. In his letter to Raffles, Tunku Pangeran mentioned that the chiefs had told him that the Sultan of Lingga was ill, and so he and John Scott were unable to meet Sultan Mahmud Syah.2 It was not until three months later—i.e. after the visit of

1 MSS. Eur. F. 148/4, p. 107. 2 According to John Scott, Sultan Mahmud had been ‘for sometime unwell’. See Scott’s letter to Raffles dated 16 January 1811. Ibid., p. 107 (b). Sultan Mahmud

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Tunku Pangeran and John Scott—that Raffles received a message from Lingga, and that too from the syahbandar, a chief of the Lingga court, and not from the Sultan himself. Interestingly, in the second Lingga letter the syahbandar mentioned that he had not forwarded the requests for the supply of boats to the reigning raja of the time, i.e. Sultan Abdul Rahman Syah. According to one of the manuscripts of the Tuhfat al-Nafis, Sultan Mahmud Syah died at dawn on Monday night (i.e. Tuesday morning), 18 Dzulhijjah 1226 AH [3 January 1812]. Five manuscripts of the Tuhfat al-Nafis have been discovered. While two of these give 18 Dzulhijjah as the date for the death of Sultan Mahmud Syah, only one provides the specific year of 1226 AH. Another manuscript gives the date of the Sultan’s death as 12 Dzulhijjah, which led many writers to assume that he died on 12 Dzulhijjah 1226 Hegira [28 December 1811]. But all the manuscripts seem to be in agreement that Sultan Mahmud of Lingga died on Monday night at the time of the subuh (dawn) prayers.3 However, Winstedt’s statement in his History of Johore that Sultan Mahmud died on 12 January 18124 has led many historians and Malay literature scholars to regard 1812 as the correct date. So far, however, there is no written evidence to show the exact date of Mahmud’s death.5 The syahbandar of Lingga’s letter dated 6 Rabi’ul-akhir 1226 [30 April 1811] is clear proof that the Sultan of Lingga was by then no longer Mahmud, but his son Abdul Rahman. Also, based on Tunku Pangeran’s letter of 12 Dzulhijjah 1225 [8 January 1811], which stated that Sultan Mahmud was very ill when he and John Scott went to the palace on or before 9 Dzulhijjah, and that he would be leaving Lingga on Monday, which was not 13 Dzulhijjah, but rather 12 Dzulhijjah [8 January],6 it is

3 4 5

6

must have been very ill since it would have been unthinkable for him or any other Malay raja not to meet Raffles’ emissaries. By Western reckoning this would mean Tuesday morning. R. O. Winstedt, A History of Johore (1365–1895), MBRAS Reprint 6, Kuala Lumpur, 1979, p. 73. Begbie says that he died in 1810. See P. J. Begbie, The Malayan Peninsula, p. 286. In his correspondence with William Marsden, dated 30 November 1822, Raffles also mentioned that the death of Sultan Mahmud “happened about twelve years ago” (meaning about 1810, or perhaps 1811). Like most of the Malay letters in the Raffles collection the dates given by the scribes do not necessarily synchronize with the days mentioned. Because of that any attempt to ascertain the correct day for a particular date by making a comparison of the days and dates provided in the Malay letters with that of the

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possible that Sultan Mahmud could have died due to illness at any time between the date of Tunku Pangeran’s departure from Lingga and April 1811 when the letter from the syahbandar of Lingga was sent to Raffles. However, since the author of the Tuhfat al-Nafis mentioned that Sultan Mahmud’s death occurred on Monday night (malam Selasa), around the time of the subuh prayers (i.e. the early hours of dawn), and that the date given by two of the manuscripts was 18 Dzulhijjah, it would therefore be reasonable to accept the day and time as correct since Malays usually remember the day and time of significant events rather than the exact date. Since 18 Dzulhijjah 1225 AH was a Monday, which happened to be 14 January 1811,7 it would therefore be logical to conclude that Sultan Mahmud died on 15 January 1811 according to today’s time reckoning;8 he died during the time of the subuh prayers on Tuesday which would most likely be between half past five at dawn and six thirty in the early hours of the morning. While one might argue whether it is possible that the Sultan could have died on the day John Scott and Tunku Pangeran departed from Lingga—12 Dzulhijjah 1226, which was a Tuesday—it is worth noting that the words dulapan belas given in one text and dua lapan belas in another, both meaning ‘eighteen’, are more plausible for acceptance. This is because the possibility of the copyist of one of the manuscripts having inadvertently or erroneously ‘missed’ the word lapan from dulapan or dualapan, thus rendering the change in meaning from ‘eighteen’ to ‘twelve’ could not be ruled out. Whatever the argument might be, it is not possible that Sultan Mahmud died after the date of the Lingga letter because Sultan Abdul Rahman was already the Yang Dipertuan of Lingga when this letter was sent to Raffles. It seems logical then to assume that Mahmud would not Hijri-Gregorian calendrical converter is hampered by inconsistencies committed by the scribes. Nevertheless, in trying to ascertain the day for 19 Dzulhijjah 1225, the date of a Siak letter written on Friday 22 Dzulhijjah 1225 could be used for comparison by counting the days backward. According to the Hijri-Gregorian dates converter 19 Dzulhijjah 1225 fell on a Tuesday, which chronologically does seem to make sense; it also corresponds with 15 January 1811. See Siak XI. 7 This is also the date provided by Annabel Teh-Gallop for Sultan Mahmud Syah’s death. To check the day and Muslim date see the Gregorian-Hijri dates converter at http://www.rabiah.com/coverter. 8 Malays count the 24-hour day as beginning and ending at sunset; thus they usually calculate by nights instead of days. Monday night at daybreak would therefore be Tuesday by Western reckoning.

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have appointed Abdul Rahman to succeed him if he was still alive. In the syahbandar’s letter to Raffles, Captain William Greig’s name is also mentioned. Greig was in Bali until early April. When he visited Lingga some time in late April, certainly before the syahbandar’s letter was written, he was only able to meet the syahbandar. His request for boats—the purpose of his visit—was also not forwarded by the syahbandar to the new Sultan of Lingga,9 which was rather strange. Probably Sultan Mahmud died without naming his heir. Thus his sudden death in early 1811 gave the Yang Dipertuan Muda of Riau, Raja Jaafar,10 himself a man of considerable religious piety, an opportunity to appoint Abdul Rahman, the pious prince, as Mahmud’s successor to the throne of Lingga, bypassing Tengku Hussain who was, as stated by Winstedt, not in the Yang Dipertuan Muda’s good favour. Furthermore, Hussain was not present in Lingga when his father died at Daik.

LINGGA I11 Letter A Sultan Mahmud Syah’s last correspondence12 with Raffles (MSS Eur. F. 148/4, f 105) British Library With black seal inscribed with the words in Jawi: al-Wathiq bi-‘llah alwakil al-imam Mahmud ibn al-Sultan Abdul Jalil al-marhum / seribu dua ratus empat belas tahun tarikh Sanah 1224 Hijrah [1799 CE] al-Nabi Sallallahu alaihi wassalam. Heading: ‘Ya nur u’l-Syams wa’l-Qamar’ 9 Could it be that there is some truth in the alleged statement that Sultan Abdul Rahman Syah was not interested in the worldly affairs of the state? 10 Raja Jaafar, the son of the famous Raja Haji, was also the brother-in-law of Sultan Mahmud, who was married to Raja Hamidah, Jaafar’s sister. 11 This letter was in response to Raffles’ letter to Sultan Mahmud dated 22 Dzulkaedah 1225 (19 December 1810). Mahmud Syah of Lingga was the second Malay raja with whom Raffles tried to establish contact in relation to his intention to ensure that the Lingga ruler would not be intimidated by the Dutch and, as alleged by Raffles, Palembang. See the said letter sent by Raffles in Appendix III, letter B. 12 It is doubtful if Sultan Mahmud who, being seriously ill at about this time, was able to dictate the letter to his scribe. More likely, this letter was written at the behest of the chiefs of Lingga. The letter from Sayid Muhammad Zain al-Kudsi dated 6 February 1811 (the following day) confirms this writer’s doubt. See letter B below.

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This letter of sincerity and pure whiteness of the heart is without limit and finality so long as the revolution of the sun and the moon continues, that is from us Seri Paduka Sultan Mahmud Syah who owns the throne of government of Johor and Pahang and all the dependencies. May it, by the grace of God, Lord of the Universe, be conveyed to the presence of our friend, His Excellency Thomas Raffles Esquire who is the representative of our friend, His Excellency Gilbert Lord Minto, the GovernorGeneral of Bengal, raja above every raja dependent on the English flag of the great king of England from above the wind until below the wind, who is presently staying in the country of Malacca, the abode of affluence; who is very wise and prudent as well as knowledgeable in the ways of conducting mutual love and affection towards every friend and companion. And renowned is his reputation for good works throughout every land and village. We therefore supplicate to God, Lord of the Worlds, for the extension of his age and the epoch of his life so that he is in good health and peace. And following that, may it be known to our friend that the letter of good fortune from our friend which was carried by our friend’s envoy, John Scott Esquire, and Sayid Zain has reached us safely together with the gifts mentioned. We have received it with much rejoicing and consent and having drawn it out of its seal, we unfolded it and we then read every line from beginning to end. We then understood what was stated in it, they [sic] and our friend having made plain the good story of our friend’s desire to help us. We give thanks to Allah, Lord of All the Worlds. For one single instance of help that our friend wishes to render us, our gratitude to our friend would be ten times greater. Further, pertaining to the boats that you wish to have, together with ordnance of all kinds, we have already given a perahu that is sufficiently equipped to our friend’s envoy and Sayid Zain. Sayid Zain sailed away in accordance with our friend’s instructions [and] we have requested him and your envoy to go back to you. Further to that, with regard to our friend’s statement in the letter that you intend to conduct major deliberations with every Malay raja in the states of the eastern region, and also with us, we have yet to understand what the deliberations are about. If you consider it proper that we should know about the deliberations we request that our friend put it on paper so that we may know. Herewith is a token of sincerity from us: there are two elephant tusks which our friend should accept with whiteness of heart. This letter

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is written at three o’clock on Friday, 9 Dzulhijjah, in the year of the Prophet, peace be upon him, one thousand two hundred and twenty-five; the year being Sanah 1225 [5 January 1811].

Lingga 1 Warkah A Warkah terakhir Sultan Mahmud Syah kepada Raffles13 Bahawa ini surat tulus dan ikhlas serta suci putih hati yang tiada berhingga dan kesudahan selagi ada peredaran cakrawala matahari dan bulan, daripada beta Seri Paduka Sultan Mahmud Syah yang mempunyai takhta kerajaan negeri Johor dan Pahang serta daerah takluknya sekalian. Maka barang disampaikan Tuhan sarwa alam sekalian apalah kiranya datang ke hadapan manjelis [sic] sahabat beta iaitu Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles Esquire, yang ganti daripada sahabat beta Seri Paduka Gilbert Lord Minto, Gurnur Jenderal di Benggala, raja di atas segala raja-raja yang takluk di bawah bendera Inggeris raja maha besar negeri Inggeris dari atas angin sampai ke bawah angin, yang ada terhenti pada masa ini di dalam negeri Melaka Darul Makmur; yang amat arif lagi budiman serta dengan bijaksananya pada jalan adat perintah kasih berkasihan dengan segala sahabat handai taulannya. Maka masyhurlah warta ihsannya daripada tiap-tiap negeri dan dusun; maka beta pun memohonankan kepada Tuhan sarwa alam barang bertambah-tambah juga usia umur zamannya didalam sihat dan afiat adanya. Waba’adah daripada itu, barang mafhum juga kiranya sahabat beta dari perkara warkat al-mubarak sahabat beta yang diihtimalkan kepada ganti sahabat beta John Scott Esquire dan Sayid Zain itu telah wasillah kepada beta dengan selamat sejahteranya serta hadiah yang termazkur itu. Maka beta pun sambutlah dengan beberapa kesukaan dan keridaan maka beta cabutlah daripada meterainya, maka terbukalah lipatannya serta beta tatap daripada awal satar hingga akhirnya. Maka betapun mafhumlah barang yang termazkur di dalamnya mereka [sic, maka?] sahabat beta membayankan kisah al-khair daripada sahabat 13 See Annabel Teh-Gallop, The Legacy of the Malay Letter, The British Library, London, 1994, p. 211 for a transliteration of the above letter taken from BL. MSS Eur. F148/4, f.105.

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beta hendak menolong beta. Maka betapun menerima syukurlah kepada Tuhan Allah al-Alamin segala [sic, sekali] sahabat beta suka menolong beta, sepuluh kali beta suka menerima kasih daripada sahabat beta adanya. Syahadan lagi sahabat beta menghendaki perahu serta dengan alat senjatanya segala, telah sudahlah beta beri satu perahu dengan secukupnya kepada ganti sahabat beta dan Sayid Zain. Maka Sayid Zainpun berlayarlah yang bagaimana perintah sahabat beta kepada Sayid Zain dan ganti sahabat beta pun beta suruhkan ia berbalik kepada sahabat beta adanya. Syahadan lagi dari hal sahabat beta bayankan di dalam warkah sahabat beta mau buat bicara yang besar sama dengan segala raja-raja Melayu negeri daerah timur ini dan lagi sama dengan beta maka tiadalah beta mafhum lagi akan bicaranya itu. Jika ada patut pada sahabat beta, yang beta boleh tahu itu bicara minta sahabat beta bubuh di dalam tulis supaya boleh beta tahu. Maka inilah tanda ikhlas daripada beta: ada gading dua kepala [sic]; boleh sahabat beta terima dengan putih hati adanya. Tersurat warkah in kepada sembilan haribulan Zulhijjah pada hari Jumaat jam pukul tiga, pada hijrat al-nabi sallallahu alaihi wassallam, seribu dua ratus dua puluh lima tahun betarikh sanat 1225 [5 January 1811]. Letter B Letter of Engku Sayid Muhammad Zain of Lingga to Raffles (MSS. Eur. F. 154/4, f. 106) The existing epistle and extended right guidance, which springs from a heart that is pure and lucid, along with profound salutations and respect, comes from Engku Sayid Muhammad Zain, son of the deceased Habib Abdul Rahman of the Kudsi family in the country of Lingga, under the rule of His Majesty Sultan Mahmud who owns the kingdom of Johor and Pahang and all its tributaries and districts. May it be delivered by God, Lord of all the Worlds to the presence of my honourable friend’s council, His Excellency, Thomas Raffles Esquire … After Greetings 126

Following those stated words, the purpose of my sending this letter, despite its condition being not as it should be, is to be the representative in the connection of words between me and my friend. I now make it known to my friend that such words of composition that emanate from the lingual heart strengthen and confirm the unchangeable. Having heard the news, I have seen it with my own eyes with regard to my brother, Tengku Pangeran. Clearly my friend has shown much kindness and compassion to my brother to protect and help him in all his undertakings. Such that I become humbled and extremely grateful to my friend for all the love and affection shown that is impossible to recompense. There is no other way to reciprocate than by praying to God the all-provider for the enhancement of your greatness of station and the extension of greater honour and distinction to my friend. With regard to my affairs in Lingga, I, too, wish for the best of possibilities for the protection and extension of my friend’s kindness and compassion. I pray that my friend would at least remember me even when he is in a distant land. Furthermore, regarding the blessed epistle from my friend that was conveyed by John Scott Esquire and my brother Tengku Pangeran to His Majesty Sultan Mahmud Syah, it has already arrived with safety. It was with great respect and veneration that His Majesty in all gladness and assent received the letter in accordance with the adat of receiving letters from the great rajas. As for the matters raised in the letter, a fully equipped penjajab14 has been given to my brother Tengku Pangeran. This is what I wish to inform my friend. There is nothing worthy of a gift of existence and proof of life, only a token of the whiteness of the heart and my sincerity and straightforwardness—like the proverbial dirt in the middle of the street; I am sending you two spears, one variegated with alloy of gold and copper, and the other mottled with silver. May they be of some use. End of words, and peace. Conclusion known. Written on 10 Dzulhijjah, Sunday [sic], at nine o’clock, dated 1225 Hegira. And further His Highness has added another small fully equipped perahu for brother Tengku Pangeran. Finis. 14 A small light vessel often used by the Bugis raiders in contrast to the heavilyarmed perahu used by pirates. The penjajab or penjajap had a main mast and mizzen-sail and was small enough to be propelled by oars when necessary. Malays regarded the penjajab as a warship. R. J. Wilkinson, Malay-English Dictionary, Part 2, p. 879.

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Warkah B Warkah Sayid Muhammad Zain al-Kudsi kepada Raffles (MSS. Eur. F. 148/4, f.106 British Library) Warkat al-maujud wa hidayat al-mamdud wal-ikhlas yang terbit daripada hati yang suci serta hening jernih dalamnya serta kirim tabik diperbanyak-banyak dengan beberapa hormat dan ta’azim dan takrim wa huwa daripada Engku Sayid Muhammad Zain ibn al-marhum al-Habib Abdul Rahman al-Kudsi dalam negeri Lingga di bawah tadbir Seri Paduka Sultan Mahmud yang empunya kerajaan negeri Johor dan Pahang dengan sekalian takluk daerahnya. Mudah-mudahan barang disampaikan Tuhan sarwa sekalian alam apalah kiranya datang ke hadapan tahta manjelis [sic] yang mulia serta dengan kebesaran dan kemuliaan iaitu sahabat kita Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles Esquire yang jadi wakil Seri Paduka Gilbatlat Lord Minto Gubernur [sic] Jeneral di Benggala, raja di atas segala raja-raja yang ada takluk di bawah bendera raja maha besar negeri Inggeris dari atas angin sampai ke bawah angin yang ada beristirahat al-khair pada masa ini dalam negeri Melaka Darul Makmur. Ialah yang empunya perangai yang maha baik dan dan [sic] tadbir yang sempurna lagi sangat suka mencari kebajikan dan muafakat akan segala sahabatnya raja-raja yang Muslimin sekalian. Tambahan pula tabiatnya mengasehani serta mengasihi sekalian dagang santri dan fakir miskin serta memeliharakan barang yang muhtaj [m-h-t-a-j] kepadanya sekalian sahabatnya yang gharib. Maka masyhurlah warta itu pada sekalian negeri qarib dan ba’id, safir wa kabir alay al dawam ihsannya selama ada peredaran cakrawala, matahari dan bulan. Maka kita pohonkan kepada Tuhan sarwa sekalian alam mudah-mudahan barang dikurnianya lanjut usia umur zamannya dalam sehat dan afiat fi kalwakat [sic] wa hayn, amin, thumma amin. Waba’adahu al-kalam al-mazkur, maka adalah kita melayangkan secarik nabzah ini hal keadaannya tiadalah sepertinya akan ganti perhubungan kalam antara kita dengan sahabat kita. Adalah kita memaklumkan kepada sahabat kita kalam dan nazam yang terbit daripada fu’ad lisan serta diteguhkan dan di takidkan [sic] yang tiada berubah sebab mendengar khabar; dan kita lihat pula sendiri dengan mata kepala kita dari hal saudara kita Tengku Pangeran, terlalu belas kasehan kasih sayang sahabat kita, serta bela pelihara akan dia dengan menolongi sekalian hal ehwalnya. Maka kitapun terlalulah farah [f-r-h] dan sarwar [s-r-w-r] serta menerima kasih kepada sahabat kita dengan 128

sepenuh-penuh kasih, tidak terbalas kasih sahabat kita itu, melainkan tidak daya upaya kita yang lain hanya membalas kita do’a barang ditambah-tambah sarwa sekalian alam pangkat darjat sahabat kita dengan kemuliaan dan kebesarannya. Dari hal kita pun sebolehbolehnya barang hal ehwal kita di Lingga harap kita akan bela pelihara sahabat kita juga, seboleh-bolehnya kita harap akan belas kasehan akan kita. Serta kita minta kenal-kenal akan kita jikalau sahabat kita di negeri jauh sekalipun harap kita akan dikenal-kenal akan kita oleh sahabat kita, demikianlah adanya. Syahadan, dari hal warkat al-mubarak daripada sahabat kita yang dibawa John Scott Esquire dengan kakanda Tengku Pangeran kepada Seri Paduka Sultan Mahmud Syah, telah sampailah dengan selamatnya. Maka beberapa hormatnya baginda serta dengan kesukaan dan keredzaan disambuti dengan takzim dan takrim bagaimana adat istiadat segala surat raja-raja yang besar-besar dengan beberapa-berapa farah [f-r-h] dan sarwar [s-r-w-r] sebab kedatangan surat sahabat kita itu; hal yang dimaksudkan sahabat kita yang termazkur dalam surat itu telah diberi sebuah penjajab kepada kakanda Tengku Pangeran dengan slengkablengkabnya [sic]. Ehwal inilah kita bayankan kepada sahabat kita. Suatupun tiada burhan al-wujud wa dalil al-hayat, hanya tanda putih hati sahaja serta tulus dan ikhlas kita; umpama sampah di tengah jalan; kiriman kita kepada sahabat kita: tombak dua batang, karah suasa satu dan karah perak satu; akan barng-barang gunanya. Tama al-kalam wassalam, khatam ma’aruf al-‘arakhi. Tersurat kepada sepuluh haribulan Dzulhijjah hari Ahad, waktu jam pukul sembilan, betarikh [sic] 1225 Sanah. Kemudian lagi baginda tambahi satu perahu kecil kepada kakanda Tengku Pangeran dengan selengkabnya [sic] adanya. Tama, tama, tama.

LINGGA II Letter of Tunku Pangeran (in Lingga), Jawi script, 1 folio, 30.4 x 37.4 cm, with red wax seal, addressed to Raffles Endorsement verso Malay letter in Raffles’ hand: ‘January 1811- / Tunkoo Pungeron’ Endorsement in Jawi script: ‘This letter is from Tunku [t-n-k-w] Pangeran / dated twelfth of the month of Hajj’ Heading: ‘Nur u’l- Syamsu wa’l-Qamar’ 129

This is an epistle of existence and right guidance extended; incorporated within it are earnestness and sincerity, along with a pure whiteness of heart, without bounds and duration, so long as the revolving vault of heaven, the moon and the sun exists, so will the affection and goodwill of mutual friendship remain unchanged; that is, from Tunku Pangeran15 who is momentarily stopping in the country of Lingga.16 May it be conveyed by [the will of] God, Lord of all the worlds, I pray, to come before the presence of my friend, His Excellency Thomas [Raffles] Esquire, who presently sits in state upon the throne of government in the Settlement of Malacca and governs under [the jurisdiction of] the Governor-General of Bengal; who has attained extreme wisdom and prudence in establishing mutual friendship and affection without bounds; forevermore, and also in accomplishing a disposition that is gentle and tender like the water of the river Kawthar in paradise17 to quench the thirst of friends and companions, the near and far; with greatness and magnificence of station and also victory for my friend, the Company; Amen! O Lord, the Cherisher and Sustainer of the Worlds. Following that, let my friend be informed that with regard to my friend’s letter18 which I carried forth to the Yang Dipertuan of Lingga, it 15 Tunku [also Tengku] Pangeran Kusuma Dilaga was originally from Siak. See the Siak Letters below. 16 Tunku Pangeran left Malacca for Lingga on 23 December 1810 aboard the cutter Arethusa. 17 This is in reference to the mystic word Kawthar (signifying abundance) in sura 108 of the Holy Quran. Kawthar is the heavenly river (or fountain) ‘of unbounded grace and knowledge, mercy and goodness, truth and wisdom, spiritual power and insight that was granted to Prophet Muhammad and, to some degree or other, to all men and women who are sincere devotees of God. Its water quenches the highest spiritual thirst of man, for it gives overflowing benefits of all kinds. See The Holy Qur’an (translation by Abdullah Yusuf Ali, sura 108. Kawthar also signifies the allegorical river in paradise which, according to the Prophet’s tradition, is sweeter than honey, whiter than milk, cooler than snow, and smoother than cream, whose water is diverted into the Prophet’s pond, from which the blessed are to drink before admission into paradise. See the translation of sura 108 of the holy Quran made by George Sale, published in 1734. An 8th edition was published by J.B. Lippincott & Co., Philadelphia, in 1884. See also Siak letter 12, fn. 56. 18 In the said letter, Raffles wrote, “Having immediately on arrival at Malacca received intimation from the Commandant that many Dutch vessels had arrived off the mouth of the Palembang river, intending to attack your Majesty’s dominions in conjunction with the forces of the Sultan of Palembang, I lose no time in

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has safely reached him and he received it with the regalia in accordance with the customs of the Malay rajas. Further, pertaining to the matter that my friend desires of him, to become the means by which I proceed to execute my friend’s work, that too has been acquired—a penjajab equipped with war-material, complete with twenty-one militiamen.19 The boats consist of an eight-[arms’] length20 perahu [panjang delapan] and a pemayang [boat with outriggers]. The warfare instruments of the penjajab are a pair or iron cannons of four and a half cubits in length, and six small brass swivel-guns. The pemayang is armed with two swivel-guns, four blunderbusses, four muskets, ten spears, eight powder-horns, four quivers of cannon-shafters, 50 cannon balls and 800 bullets for the muskets and blunderbusses; 300 musket balls for the small swivel-guns, gunpowder for the Dutch donderbus [blunderbuss] and also eleven water-jars and 20 piculs of rice. Even that, in regard to this scheme, was really difficult for the two of us, with John Scott; it was more so than the discussion in Bengal. Its difficulty was immense because the Sultan of Lingga was reported by the chiefs to be ill.21 He could not meet us before the time when we set sail. So, whatever was our message, it never got conveyed to Sultan Mahmud, [but] instead only to the chiefs. That is why it was so difficult for us; the chiefs were very adverse in their counsel, without crediting the rajas with rectitude. sending to [Lingga] one of the Company’s vessels with a gentleman … named John Scott, Esquire, accompanied by Tunku Pangeran of Siac … in order that they may ascertain whether it is true or not that the Dutch have such a plan in contemplation … and I request your Majesty’s assistance in furnishing him with a prow, people etc., that he may be able to effect the service …“ John Bastin, ‘Palembang in 1811 and 1812’ in his Essays on Indonesian and Malayan History, Donald Moore Books, Singapore, 1965 (reprint), p. 61. 19 Conscripted troops of private soldiers. 20 A perahu with a measurement of eight outstretched arms’ length. Malays usually measure length by stretching out their arms. One span of outstretched arms called depa is a unit of length equal to about four cubits or six feet. 21 The Sultan was indeed very ill, for he did not meet John Scott and Tunku Pangeran. Even the reply to Raffles’ letters was undertaken by the chiefs. See the Riau and Lingga letters above. In The Legacy of the Malay Letter, p. 189, n. 65, Annabel Teh-Gallop claimed that Sultan Mahmud Syah died on 14 January 1811. However, there is to date no written evidence to corroborate this fact. To add further to the confusion, Christopher Buyers’ Genealogy of the Bendahara Dynasty even suggested that the last Sultan of Johor died on 12 January 1811. See Christopher Buyers’ Genealogy at http://www.4dw.net/royal ark/Malaysia/johor 4.htm.

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Further, I met my son, Tengku Said, with his twenty men and one boat. They were taken along to execute the work of the Company; thus it turned out to be three boats by which we pursued this occupation. Furthermore, due to the Haj [season], no boats could proceed to Semarang; in spite of that we took [them] along with us. Further, concerning the other letter, we did not show it to Sultan Mahmud since we did not meet him. Further, we met Raden Muhammad in Lingga; he divulged much unfair information about whatever our friend wishes to accomplish. Every Lingga man and Javanese visitor have come to know; only the two of us, with John Scott, concealed it. In this business it is desired that our friend should instruct that we be followed with the war-ketch to the Mas Fari [m-s-f-a-r-y]22 Sea23 so that it will not inconvenience us to turn, as the penjajab leaks a lot and furthermore, the wind is too strong. None the less, may your prayers to God be innumerable in order that our return may be expedited. We set sail on Monday, the thirteenth of the month of Haj.24 I had this letter made known on the twelfth of the month of Haj, at one o’clock; written down in the year of 1225 AH [8 January 1811 AD].25

Lingga 2 Warkah Tunku Pangeran, tulisan Jawi, satu lembar, 30.4 x 37.4 sm Bahawa ini warkat al-maujud dan wa hidayat al-mamdud maka dipesertakan dalamnya tulus dan ikhlas serta suci putih hati yang tiada berhingga dan bermasa; selagi ada peredaran cakrawala bulan dan matahari tiadalah berubah kasih dan sayang sahabat bersahabat iaitu daripada Tunku Pangeran yang ada terhenti sekejap seketika ini dalam 22 The name of the island called ‘Lucipara’ (Luciparij) by Tome Pires; it faces Tulangbawang in the Lampong district. See Armando Cortesao (transl. & ed.), The Suma Oriental of Tome Pires, Vol. 1, Kraus Reprint Ltd., Nendeln/ Liechtenstein, 1967, p. 157 note 1 and 158. See also map facing p. 228 of the same work. The island’s present name is Pulau Mas. 23 Tunku Pangeran was referring to the waters surrounding the island. 24 13 Dzulhijjah actually fell on a Tuesday. Tunku Pangeran must have erred in the date for, if he left on Monday evening, the date was 12 Dzulhijjah 1225. 25 12 Dzulhijjah 1225 must have been a Monday because the preceding letter from Sultan Mahmud was written by his scribe on Friday, 9 Dzulhijjah. John Scott and Tunku Pangeran left Lingga on 9 January 1811. See Bastin, ‘Palembang in 1811 and 1812’, Essays on Indonesian and Malayan History, p. 61.

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negeri Lingga. Barang diwasilkan Tuhan sarwa alam apalah kiranya datang ke hadapan manjelis [sic] sahabat kita iaitu Seri Paduka Thomas [sic] Esquire yang duduk semayam di atas takhta kerajaan pada masa ini dalam negeri Melaka; lagi yang memerintah di bawah gubernur Jenderal Benggala, yang telah beroleh amat bijaksana dan budiman pada hal melakukan sahabat bersahabat, serta berkasih-kasihan yang tiada berkeputusan selama-lamanya; serta melakukan perangai yang lemah lembut seperti ma’u al-Kauthar yang sejahtera sejuknya, akan jadi menghilangkan haus dahaga handai taulannya, karib wal ba’id. Maka kita pohonkan kepada Tuhan sarwa sekalian alam barang bertambah juga kiranya daripada martabat yang kebesaran dan kemuliaan, serta kemenangan atas sahabat kita Kompeni. Amin ya rabul alamin. Waba’adah daripada itu barang maklum kiranya sahabat kita akan hal perintah surat sahabat kita yang kita bawa kepada Yang Di Pertuan Lingga telah selamatlah sampai kepadanya, serta disambutinya dengan kealatan bagaimana adat raja-raja Melayu. Syahadan lagi akan hal barang yang sahabat kita maksudkan kepadanya, akan jadi jalan kita pergi mengerjakan kerja sahabat kita, itupun telah sudahlah kita peroleh: satu penjajab dengan alat senjatanya, serta cukup dengan orangnya; dua puluh satu orang rakyatnya; dan perahunya panjang delapan satu, pemayang satu; serta senjatanya penjajab itu meriam besi sepasang, panjang tengah lima hasta; dan rentakan [sic, rentaka] tembaga kecik enam butir; dan pemayang itu senjatanya lela dua butir; dan pemuras empat pucuk; dan senapang empat pucuk; dan tombak sepuluh batang; dan kerpai delapan; dan tabung pengalak meriam empat; dan peluru meriam lima puluh; dan peluru senapang dengan peluru pemuras delapan ratus; dan peluru rentaka tiga ratus; dan ubat bedil donang Belanda; dan tempayan sebelas butir; dan beras dua puluh pikul. Itupun di dalam bicara, beberapa susah kita dua orang dengan John Scott; lebih daripada bicara di Benggala. Besar susahnya kerana Sultan Lingga sakit, kata orang besarnya. Tiada boleh bertemu dengan kita sampai kepada waktu kita berlayar. Jadi barang apa khabar kita tiadalah sampai kepada Sultan Mahmud. Hingga orang besar saja; itulah sangat susah kita kerana orang besar terlalulah buruk bicaranya. Tiada memberi kebajikan atas segala raja-raja. Syahadan lagi adalah kita bertemu dengan anak kita Tengku Sayid dengan orangnya ada dua puluh; dan perahunya satu. Itupun kita bawak pergi bersama-sama mengerjakan kerja Kompeni. Menjadi tiga butir perahu kita pergi pada pekerjaan ini. Dan lagi darihal Haji tiadalah dapat perahu pergi ke Semarang. Kita bawak juga bersama-sama; dan 133

lagi akan hal yang satu surat itu tiadalah kita tunjukkan kepada Sultan Mahmud kerana tiada kita bertemu dengan dia; dan lagi adalah kita bertemu dengan Raden Muhammad di Lingga. Ia banyak membuat khabar yang tiada patut; yang mana-mana sahabat kita hendak kerjakan semua orang Lingga dan orang dagang Jawa semuanya sudah tahu. Kita berdua juga dengan John Scott yang menyurukkan. Maka di dalam pekerjaan ini hendaklah sahabat kita suruh ikuti kita dengan kici perang ke laut [sic] Mas-Kura. Karena [sic] jangan susah berbalik; karena penjajab itu banyak bocor. Lagi angin terlalu keras; melainkan do’a sahabat kitalah perbanyak-banyak kepada Tuan Allah supaya segera kita berbalik. Kita pun berlayarlah pada tiga belas hari bulan Haji, pada hari Ithnin. Kita maklumkan warkah ini kepada dua belas haribulan Haji, pada jam pukul satu termaktub 1225 Sanah.

LINGGA III Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio, 20 x 31.2 cm Letter of Encik Pandak, Syahbandar of Lingga, with black seal, addressed to Stamford Raffles at Malacca Endorsement verso Malay letter: ‘April 1811- / Nagree Linghga / Shaw Bundah’ Endorsement in Jawi: ‘This letter is from the syahbandar26 of the country of / Lingga on the sixth of Rabi’ul-akhir’ Heading: ‘Qawluh u’l-Haqq’ This letter of earnestness and sincerity with pure whiteness of heart, limpid and transparent without being sullied so long as the revolving vault of heaven, the moon and the sun exists; that is to say, from me, Inche’ Pandak, syahbandar of the country of Lingga; further, may it be conveyed by [the grace of] God, Lord of all the Worlds, I pray, to my friend, Thomas Raffles Esquire who is stationed in the city and settlement of Malacca, the abode of prosperity; who has been lavished by God, if it pleases Him, with greatness of rank, dignity of office and wisdom and intelligence as a consequence of effecting justice and liberality towards every friend and ally, whether at sea or on land, particularly in 26 Harbour-master and controller of imports and exports. The author of the Tuhfat al-Nafis certainly erred in stating that the name of the syahbandar during this time was Muhammad.

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reciprocating affection with mutual goodwill and friendship with every country in the East and West; such is the situation; that is to say, I then invoke upon God of all the Worlds, if it pleases Him, to grant him a long life and good health. Amen. Further, be it known to my friend, that the letter and gift from you, conveyed by Captain Greig,27 have reached me safely. And I have understood the purpose and wishes of my friend. And so I am making it plain to my friend that pertaining to the boats28 and the people who are to travel with Captain Greig, I did not forward the request to His Highness, Sri Paduka Sultan Abdul Rahman Syah29 because Captain Greig handed me the letter only after his return from Bali. Furthermore, I make it clear to my friend that concerning Captain Greig, I complied with whatever wishes he had that were within my means to help fulfil. And then I make it known to my friend that there is nothing whatever that I can present as a token to my friend, excepting two pairs of tin water-jars as a token of whiteness of heart from me, which my friend may accept with sincerity. Written on the sixth of Rabi’ul-akhir, on Tuesday, at 10.30 in the year 1226 AH [30 April 1811 CE].

Lingga 3 Warkah Inchek Pandak, Syahbandar Lingga, satu lembar, 20 x 31.2 sm Bahawa ini surat tulus ikhlas suci putih hati hening dan jernih yang tiada dicemar dalamnya selagi ada peredaran cakrawala bulan dan matahari, iaitu daripada sahaya Incek Pandak, Sahbandar [sic] negeri Lingga. Kemudian, maka barang disampaikan Tuhan sarwa alam juga kiranya kepada sahabat sahaya Thomas Raffles Esquire yang ada berhenti dalam bandar negeri Melaka Darul Makmur yang telah ditambahi Tuhan sahibat [sic, sahibah] kiranya daripada pangkat yang 27 Commander of the brig Minto. In the preparations for the Java expedition he was put under Raffles’ command by Lord Minto. See Lady Sophia Raffles, Memoir of the Life and Public Services of Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles, Oxford University Press, Singapore, 1991, p. 26, 27, 40. 28 For a note on the perahu of Lingga and Riau, see C. A. Gibson-Hill, ‘A Note on the Small Boats of the Rhio and Lingga Archipelago’, JMBRAS, 24(1) (1951), pp. 121–130. 29 Later to be known as Sultan Abdul Rahman Mu’adzam Syah (1781–1832).

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kebesaran darjat yang kemuliaan serta dengan arif bijaksananya daripada melakukan adil dan murahnya kepada segala handai taulannya di laut dan didarat; dan apa lagi kepada berkasih-kasihan dengan segala sahabat bersahabat kepada sekalian negeri timur dan barat; demikian adanya. Ia itu maka sahaya pohonkan pula kepada Tuhan sekalian alam barang dilanjutkan kiranya daripada umur zamannya serta dalam sihat dan afiat, amin. Waba’adah daripada itu barang mafhum kiranya sahabat sahaya darihal akhwal [sic] sahaya menyatakan hal surat serta hadiah daripada sahabat sahaya yang dibawa oleh Kapitan Grek [William Greig]30 telah sampailah dengan selamatnya kepada sahaya. Maka saya pun mafhumlah akan maksud dan kehendak sahabat saya kepada sahaya. Maka inilah sahaya nyatakan kepada sahabat sahaya dari hal perahu dan orang akan menjalani bersama dengan Kapitan Grek tiadalah sahaya pohonkan ke bawah Duli Yang Maha Mulia Seri Paduka Sultan ‘Abdul Rahman Syah kerana Kapitan Grek sudah kembali dari Bali baru dia beri surat kepada sahaya. Sahadan [sic] lagi sahaya nyatakan kepada sahabat sahaya darihal Kapitan Grek, mana-mana kehendaknya yang boleh sahaya tolong telah sudahlah sahaya tolong adanya. Kemudian sahaya menyatakan kepada sahabat sahaya suatupun tiada tanda alamat akan sahabat sahaya, hanyalah tempayan timah dua pasang tanda putih hati daripada sahaya kepada sahabat sahaya; boleh terima dengan ikhlas adanya. Tersurat kepada enam haribulan Rabi’ul-akhir, hari Thalatha, jam pukul tengah sebelas,31 betarikh 1226 Sanah.

30 He was one of those recruited by Raffles to gather information and to communicate with the chiefs and rajas. D. M. Campbell, Java: Past and Present, William Heinemann, London, 1915, Vol. 1, p. 291–292. 31 Half-eleven means ten-thirty.

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PART III LETTERS FROM SUMATRA

VIII. THE SIAK LETTERS

B

efore it became a separate state, the sultanate of Siak was a dependency of Johor and thus was an integral part of the Johor empire. Winstedt mentioned that in 1682 Johor attacked Siak, whose Minangkabau inhabitants were said to have recognized their prince as a Minangkabau. In 1718, Raja Kecil, the alleged posthumous son of Sultan Mahmud Syah, wrested control from Bendahara Tun Abdul Jalil with the help of the Bugis princes Daeng Celak and Daeng Parani to become the Yang Dipertuan of Johor with the title Sultan Abdul Jalil Rahmat Syah. However, his dispute with the Bugis in 1721 forced him to flee from Riau, the then capital of Johor, and he founded the sultanate of Siak in 1723. In the early 19th century, the state of Siak was the largest principality on the north coast of Sumatra, but its districts were loosely held together. The kerajaan extended from Kampar to Deli, being bounded by the territories of Indragiri to the south and Minangkabau to the west, and by the Batak homeland and Aceh to the north. The town of Siak was situated on the largest river in Sumatra, about 65 miles upstream on its right bank. Siak was noted for its fish, in particular the terubuk which measured about a cubit long and was fished from 3–4 fathoms of water on a mud bank. Fishery in Siak in the 19th century involved about 300 boats in all seasons. Fish roe was also a market commodity. The Raja of Siak drew his revenue from the fishery activities. Of the following letters, which have been categorized as the Siak letters, the most important ones are the letters from the Yang Dipertuan of Siak and his father the old Raja, and those from Tunku Pangeran Kusuma [or Sakam] Dilaga, nicknamed Pangeran Perca (who was also

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known by the name of Sayid Zain).1 He was employed as agent by Raffles towards the end of December 1810.2 It is important to note that in his efforts to communicate with the native rulers of the Malay archipelago, Raffles recognized that the agents he recruited played a very crucial role. Their loyalty, honesty and integrity were of utmost importance to Raffles. In his communication to Edmonstone, the Chief Secretary to the Governor-General in Council at Fort Williams on 31 January 1811, Raffles expressed his confidence in Tunku Pangeran and another agent, Haji Mohali [Mohamad Ali]: Having a good fortune on my arrival at Malacca to meet with Toonkoo Pangeran of Siac, of whom I formerly had the honour to make particular mention to his Lordship, as a man out of the common line as well as with a Hajee from Mataram who had formerly been employed by the Susuhonang, I felt satisfied by the efforts of these two Emissaries ... 3

In his praise of Tunku Pangeran, he said: Agent being a Prince and a Syed and from his former habits well acquainted with every part of Java, appeared to me in every respect eminently qualified for this hazardous and important service and as his whole fortune and family and dependent on the English there can be no doubt of his faith and attachment to the Cause he has embarked in.4

With such a perception of Tunku Pangeran held by Raffles, it is indeed baffling when one reads the remarks made by Abdullah regarding the character of the nobility from Siak. It seems that Abdullah Munsyi had overrated himself when he claimed to be a close acquaintance of Raffles. His exaggeration that he knew what transpired between Raffles and 1 Syed Hussein Alatas mentioned one Sayid Zain Balfagih who in September 1811 arrived from Semarang with news of the Dutch surrender at Batavia. This must be the same Sayid Zain who was also known as Tunku Pangeran who was sent to Java by Raffles to act as his vakeel. See Syed Hussein Alatas, Thomas Stamford Raffles, 1781–1826: Schemer or Reformer?, Angus and Robertson, London, 1971, p. 20. 2 See his letter addressed to Lord Minto dated 15 December 1810 (Siak VII). It seems that as early as 1807 Raffles already knew Tunku Pangeran when the latter wrote to him regarding a business deal over timber from Siak. See Siak III below. 3 Thomas Raffles to N. B. Edmonstone, Chief Secretary, dated 31 January 1811, MSS. Eur. F 148/4, p. 79. 4 Ibid., p. 81.

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Tunku Pangeran, whom he called Tengku Panglima Besar, regarding the so-called abortive mission to Mataram5 and Tunku Pangeran’s dishonesty towards Raffles was, despite the dramatic story, a blatant lie.6 Tunku Pangeran was certainly a more mature man in Abdullah’s time. Based on Begbie’s information that he was already 67 years old in 1824, Tunku Pangeran must have been born around 1757. Thus in 1811 when he served as Raffles’ special agent he was already 54 years of age. Addressing himself in several of his letters as Tunku Pangeran of Siak, Pangeran Kusuma Dilaga was, according to Begbie, a descendant of the controversial Raja Kecil. He had both Bugis and Malay blood on his mother’s side. His mother, Tengku Awi, was the daughter of Raja Alum [sic, Alam], son of Raja Kecil. His grandmother on his mother’s side was a Bugis lady by the name of Daeng Tiedja [Tijah?]. His father, of Arab descent, was named Sayid Cheg [Cik?]. Tunku Pangeran had three sons and two daughters7 by his wife Tengku Embab, who was related to the Sultan of Siak.8 Out of the following 23 letters from Siak, seven were from Tunku Pangeran.9 The rest consist of four from the Sultan of Siak, Sultan Abdul Jalil Saifuddin, four from the old raja of Siak, four from Seri Pikrama Raja, the vizier of Siak, one collectively from the chiefs of Siak, one each from Tunku Pangeran’s mother and his wife, and one 5 See Abdullah bin Abdul Kadir, The Hikayat Abdullah, Oxford University Press, Kuala Lumpur, 1970, pp. 83–84, 95–101. 6 Many a historian has assumed that Abdullah knew Raffles very well, but actually his work was more that of a copyist, and his role as a scribe for Raffles has been much exaggerated. In actual fact it was Ibrahim who was the de facto scribe or clerk who handled Raffles’ correspondence and who wrote letters in Malay for him. 7 Tunku Pangeran’s eldest son was Tengku Gendut or Gondut [born in 1788] followed by Tengku Monee [Munek] and Tengku Semboo [or Sembur]. His three daughters were Tengku Bunghit [sic], Tengku Ompok and Tengku Komba. He himself was married to Tengku Ambab [Embab], the daughter of Tengku Mahomet [Muhammad], also a grandson of Raja Kecil of Siak. See the chart, ‘Genealogy of the Johore Rajas’ in Begbie, The Malayan Peninsula, Oxford University Press, Kuala Lumpur, 1967, facing p. 284. 8 According to Bastin (‘Palembang in 1811 and 1812’, Essays on Indonesian and Malayan History, p. 61), Tunku Pangeran of Siak was the brother-in-law of Sultan Abdul Jalil Saifuddin of Siak. 9 This does not include the one letter from Tunku Pangeran dated 12 Dzulhijjah 1225 (8 January 1811), which was dispatched from Lingga; it has been included in the Lingga Letters because of its relevance to the discussion on the date of the death of Sultan Mahmud Syah. See Lingga letter 2 above.

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from the scribe Baki, who was in the Siak raja’s employment. Reading through the correspondence of the old Raja of Siak and the Sultan, one gets the impression that they were not on friendly terms with Tunku Pangeran Kusuma Dilaga, the brother-in-law of Abdul Jalil Saifuddin, whom they accused of being devious and ungrateful. Raffles, it seems, tried to mediate but was not successful.

SIAK I Letter of Sultan Abdul Jalil Saifuddin, Jawi script, 1 folio, 33.2 x 41 cm, with black seal inscribed with the words: Hamba Allah yang / miskin tiada beradya Sayid / Al Syariff Paduka Seri Sultan / Abdul Jalil Saifuddin ibni Maulana / Sultan Othman bin Syeikh Ali Ba’Alwi / 1212 Sanah; addressed to Philip Dundas at Penang Endorsement verso Malay letter: ‘Malay letter’ Heading: ‘Nur u’l-Syams wa’l Qamar’ The existing epistle and extended guidance, incorporated with it earnestness and sincerity along with pure whiteness of heart, without limit and duration [like] the sun and the moon, that is to say, from the Yang Dipertuan, His Highness Sultan Abdul Jalil Saifuddin, son of the deceased Sultan Othman, son of Syeikh Ali Ba’alawi who sits enthroned on the seat of government in the country of Siak Seri Indera [pura]. May it be delivered [by the grace of] the almighty God, Lord of all the Worlds, we pray, to our friend Senor Governor Philip Dundas Esquire who sits on the throne of government in the settlement of Pulau Pinang town; furthermore, who has obtained peace and consent of Lord God the Benefactor; and who, moreover, is exceedingly prudent, wise and learned in effecting the ways of government by mutual affection among all friends and associates, near and far; he is indeed the most noble and one of generous disposition and his fame is celebrated in the East and West. We beseech God Almighty, may his honour and magnificence in station and his good health be increased. Amen! O God, Lord of all the Worlds. Following that, may our friend be informed that our purpose of letting fly these tidings to our friend is in regard to Captain Wyndor10 [?] who had left us money to the amount of 300 ringgit requesting us to 10 W-y-n-d-r.

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procure timber for the ribs of 100 boats. The cost for one cubit is six quarter-ringgit. The contract with us is [for] three months. He then set sail. About three months later, Captain Wyndor returned, bringing along a letter from the Raja of Malacca, the Governor [sic] Mister Farquhar, to us, requesting the timber for the boat-ribs.11 We have already given what was available—about ten pieces in all. The total cost is 171 ringgit. There remains a sum of money with us amounting to 129 ringgit. This is what we wish to inform our friend. As for the rest of the timber for the boat-ribs, the rayat [peasants] are still being commanded to fetch them. Such is the situation. Following that, there is no souvenir from us whatsoever, except wishing you good health. 1222 AH, on the tenth of Muharram, Thursday, at three o’clock it is written [20 March 1807 CE].

Siak 1 Warkah Sultan Abdul Jalil Saifuddin kepada Philip Dundas, satu lembar, 33.2 x 41 sm Warkat al-maujud dan hidayat al-mamdud maka dipesertakan dalamnya tulus dan ilkhlas serta suci putih hati yang tiada berhingga dan bermasa syamsu wal qamar iaitu daripada Yang Di Pertuan Paduka Syeri [sic] Sultan Abdul Jalil Saifuddin ibni al Marhum Sultan Othman bin Syeikh Ali Ba’ lawi, yang semayam di atas takhta kerajaan di dalam negeri Siak Seri Indera [sic]. Maka barang disampaikan Tuan [sic, Tuhan] samad sekalian alam apalah kiranya datang kepada sahabat kita Sinyor Gunador [sic] Phillib [sic] Dunda[s] Asykuayar [sic] yang semayam di atas takhta kerajaan dalam negeri bandar Pulau Pinang; syahadan yang telah beroleh aman keredzaan daripada Tuan [sic, Tuhan] Maliq al-Manan; tambahan lagi amat budiman lagi arif serta bijaksana melakukan jalan perintah berkasih-kasihan atas segala sahabat handai taulannya, qarib dan ba’id; maka ialah yang amat bangsawan lagi dermawan; serta masyhurlah wartanya ke timur dan barat. Maka kita pohonkan kepada Tu[h]an ‘aza wajalla barang bertambah-tambah kemuliaan dan kebesyarannya [sic] dalam sihat dan ‘afiat; amin ya rabb al-alamin. 11 See note 12 below.

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Waba’adah daripada itu, maka mahfuhum [sic] kiranya sahabat kita adalah kita melayangkan warkah ini kepada sahabat kita Kapitan Wyndor [w-y-n-d-r] meninggalkan rial kepada kita banyaknya tiga ratus ringgit, mintok [sic] ambilkan kayu gading-gading12 kapal banyak syeratus [sic] kerat. Maka harganya dalam satu hasta enam suku ringgit. Perjanjian dengan kita tiga bulan. Maka diapun berlayar. Adalah kira-kira satu bulan lamanya maka Kapitan Wyndor pun datang membawa surat Raja Melaka, Gubernur Masteri [sic] Farquha [sic] kepada kita, hendakkan kayu gading-gading itu. Maka sudahlah kita bari [sic] mana yang dapat. Adalah sepuluh kerat. Jumlah harganya seratus tujuh puluh satu ringgit; tinggal lagi rial itu kepada kita seratus dua puluh sembilan ringgit. Inilah kita nyatakan kepada sahabat kita. Seperti kayu gading-gading yang selebihya itu lagi tengah suru [sic, suruh] ambil kepada rakyat. Demikianlah adanya. Kemudian daripada itu suatupun tiada cenderamata daripada kita; hayalah dalamnya sihat dan afiat. I212 Sanah Kepada sepuluh haribulan Muharram, hari Khamis, waktu jam pukul tiga termaktub dalamnya.

SIAK II Letter of Raja Pangeran of Siak, Jawi script, 1 folio, 38.3 x 46 cm, with red wax seal, addressed to Mr. Erskine at Penang Endorsement verso Malay letter in Raffles’ hand: ‘Malay letters / W.155’ Heading: ‘Qawluh u’l-Haqq’ Verily this is an epistle of earnestness and sincerity along with pure whiteness of heart that is limpid, that is to say from Tuan Raja Pangeran in the country of Siak. May it be conveyed by God, the Exalted and the Sublime, we pray, to our friend, Mister Erskine13 who resides in Pulau

12 ‘Tusks’, as a description of a boat’s ribs; or specifically of the ribs that take the masts. See R. J. Wilkinson, A Malay-English Dictionary, Macmillan & Co. Ltd, London, 1959, Part 1, p. 316. The scientific name for this type of wood is Diplospora malaccensis. See J. Wyatt-Smith (3rd revision by K. M. Kochummen), Pocket Check List of Timber Trees, Forest Research Institute Malaysia, 1999, p. 345. 13 John James Erskine was Assistant to the Superintendent of Marine and Storekeeper at Penang in 1805.

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Pinang, having attained the greatness of office and rank of distinction bestowed by God Most High. To proceed, may it be known to my friend that with regard to the issue of our friend’s wish to obtain the ‘tusks’ [timber for boat ribs] from our relative, the Yang Dipertuan of Siak, presently we have obtained ten of the said ‘tusks’. We have already given them to the Captain, with Mr. Garling14 in the ship. For the rest, our friend should despatch the ship Blue Lux. Furthermore, our friend should have a sample of the planks, in whatever shape is required for the rest of the boat ribs, together with their width and length. We can help to get samples for each piece. Please ascertain the quantity. And please bring the money along for whatever amount of ‘tusks’ may be required; our men are poor; when there is money, then they can do the work. If no perahu are available, we can help to send them according to whatever the Company customarily pays. The names of the timbers15 in Siak are: marabau [sic, merbau],16 petaling,17 petatal [p-t-a-t-l],18 tembusu [or tembesu],19 kasiok

14 I am not sure which Mr. Garling is being referred to. Was it Francis Garling who was to serve in Bencoolen after his sojourn in Penang, or Frederick Garling who was said to have worked in the dock-yard at the the East India Company’s establishment in Penang? Most likely it was the latter. Frederick Garling (1779–1819) was an assistant at the Penang marine office before departing to Bencoolen to serve in the Company’s civil service. In April 1807 Garling was reported to have been sent on a mission to Siak by the Penang government to establish commercial relations with the Siak chiefs which nevertheless failed to meet expectations. See http://freepages.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~foulds/garling/fre... 15 Unless otherwise stated, information regarding these timbers has been collated from Wilkinson’s and T. M. Wong’s dictionaries. See Wilkinson, A Malay-English Dictionary, Parts 1 and 2, and T.M. Wong, A Dictionary of Malaysian Timbers, Malayan Forest Records No. 30, Forest Department, Peninsular Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur, 1982. 16 A generic name for a kind of hard, heavy, and durable timber commonly used for heavy building construction and furniture making. There are several types of merbau that belong to the Intsia (Afzelia) genus. 17 Scientific name: Ochanostachys amentacea. Its timber is hard and is claimed to be termite-proof. There are also several varieties of petaling. 18 Petatal, petikal (Ochanostachys amentacea) is the Siak name for a type of petaling commonly found in the lowland forest area. See S. C. Lim, K. S. Gan & K. T. Choo, Malaysian and Indonesian Timbers Equivalent Names, Timber Technology Bulettin No. 18 (Special Issue), Forest Research Institute, Kepong, Kuala Lumpur, 2001, p. 19.

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[k-s-y-w-’],20 madang [or medang] ketanahan,21 kulim,22 seri [s-r-y] kaya23 and perapat [or perepat].24 The timbers that we mentioned are all equal to the merbau; they are neither better nor inferior. If they are for ship-building they are all good. And if miscellaneous wooden material for ships is required, our men can also be of assistance. And if timbers that are smaller than the gading-gading [‘tusks’]25 are desired, please quote the price as in Pulau Pinang, if that is possible. To our mind, we can obtain these. The Company should send the Blue Lux within twenty days. If it does not come within twenty days the posts will certainly rot due to being eaten by maggots. Concerning the perahu, please do not worry. We can help. Just pay according to what the Company customarily pays. [But] if the twenty days are exceeded, on our part we cannot help because our perahu are to be instructed to sail way. That is all. Written on the thirteenth of Muharram, on Monday, at one o’clock. [Year not given; 1222?]26 [23 March 1807 CE?].

19 The generic name for a type of tree that yields a very hard wood. The tembusu tree which belongs to the Fagraea genus (Loganiaceae) yields a strong, durable timber that is suitable for heavy construction, bridges and for heavy duty flooring. 20 Probably a variant for ‘kasai’, which belongs to the Pometia genus. It is a medium hardwood commonly used for heavy duty flooring and furniture making. 21 Medang ketanahan (Dehaasia cuneata) is not a durable timber, but the tree occasionally produces some diseased wood, usually brown or black in colour, which is resin-impregnated and fragrant. 22 Scientific name: Scorodocarpus borneensis. It is a very strong medium hardwood suitable for use in marine environments as well as for flooring. Another name for it is bawang hutan or, as Winstedt calls it, “a tree that smells of onions”. See R. O. Winstedt, Malay-English Dictionary, Merican & Sons, Kuala Lumpur, 1957, p.102. 23 Scientific name: Annona squamosa (custard apple). 24 A moderately hard wood that is suitable as a general utility timber and can be used for planking and flooring, The tree belongs to the genus Sonneratia. Other Malay names are berambang, gedabu, pedada and perepat laut. 25 Gading-gading or ‘tusks’ as a description of a boat’s ribs. The botanical equivalent is the gading-gading tree (Diplospora malaccensis). It is found in lowland and mountain forest areas. 26 The date 13 Muharram 1222 corresponds to 23 March 1807, which was a Monday.

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Siak 2 Warkah Tuan Raja Pengeran Siak, satu lembar, 38.3 x 46 sm Bahawa ini surat tulus dan ikhlas serata [sic] suci putih hati lagi dangan [d-a-ng-n] jeranihnya [sic], iaitu daripada Tuan Raja Pangeran dalam negari [sic] Sika27 [sic, Siak]; barang disampaikan Allah subhanahu wata’ala apalah kiranya datang kepada sahabat sahaya Master Amskin [a-m-s-k-y-n, sic, Erskine], yang duduk dalam Pulau Pinang; yang telah beroleh pangkat kebasaran [sic] dan kemuliaan yang dibari [sic] Allah subhanahu wata’ala. Syahadan barang tahu kiranya sahabat saya darihal sahabat kita hendakkan gading-gading kepada kepada [sic] saudari [sic, saudara] sahaya [sic] yang Dipertuan Sika [sic, Siak, maka sekarang sudah dapat sepuluh batang. Sudahlah sahaya [sic] kasihkan [sic] sama kaptan [k-p-t-n] dangan [sic] Misteri [m-s-t-r-y] Galing [Mr. Garling] dalam kapal itu. Yang lainnya itu hendaklah sahabat kita suruhkan kapal Blue Lux. Lagi sahabat kita buatkan contanya [sic, contohnya] papan barang bagaimana rupanya yang maukan gading-gading lebarnya, dangan panjangnya; kita orang boleh tolong ambilkan satu-satu contonya [sic, contohnya]. Tentukan banyaknya. Lagi bawak dangan [sic] uwangnya [sic] barang barapa [sic] mau gading-gading kiranya. Kita punya orang miskin. Bila ada rial dia boleh kerjakan. Jikalau tiada perahu, kita boleh tolong antar [sic], barang barapa [sic] adad [sic] Kompani [k-m-p-a-n-y] bayar. Nama kayu dalam Sika [sic, Siak]: marabau [sic] dan petaling dan petatal [p-t-a-t-l] dan tembasu [sic] dan kasiok [k-s-y-w-’] dan madang ketanahan dan kulim dan seri kayu [s-r-y-k-a-y-w]28 dan perapat; kayu kita tulis itu semuanya itu sama dengan merabau [sic]. Tiadalah lebih kurang dangan [sic] marabau [sic]. Kalau mau buat kapal baik semuanya. Lagi jikalau mau [sic] kayo peraman [sic, peramuan] kapal, boleh kita punya orang tolong juga. Dan lagi jikalau mau kayu yang kecik [sic] daripada gading-gading taruhlah harganya dalam Pulau Pinang. Jikalau dapat, hemat kita boleh kita ambil ini. Kopeni [sic, kompeni] suruh Blue Lux [b-l-y-w-’-l-k-s] dalam dua puluh hari. Jikalau tiada datang dalam dua puluh hari tiang pun rusaklah dimakan ulat. Hal daripada perahu janganlah susah. Kita boleh tolong; bagaimana adad 27 S-y-k-a. 28 Or seri kaya as pronounced in the Minangkabau dialect.

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[sic] Kompeni bayarlah. Jikalau lampau daripada dua puluh hari kita orang tiada boleh tolong kerana kita punya perahu mahu suruh beralayar [sic]. Itulah adanya. Tersurat kepada tiga belas haribulan al-Muharram kepada hari Ithnin, waktu pukul satu [1222 AH?].

SIAK III Letter of Raja Pangeran of Siak, Jawi script, 1 folio, 38.2 x 47.2 cm, with red wax seal, addressed to Raffles29 Endorsement verso Malay letter: ‘Malay letter’ Heading: ‘Qawluh u’l-Haqq’ Verily this is an epistle symbolizing earnestness and sincerity along with pure whiteness of heart and limpidness, that is to say, from the Raja Pangeran in the country of Siak. May it be delivered by [the grace of] God, the Majestic and the Sublime, I pray, to our friend Mister Raffles who resides in the settlement of Pulau Pinang; who has obtained a rank of greatness and honour bestowed by God the Majestic and the Sublime. To proceed, may it be known to our friend that with regard to the issue of our friend’s desire to obtain the gading-gading [or ‘tusks’, i.e. timber for the ribs of boats] from our relative, the Yang Dipertuan of Siak, presently we have obtained ten ‘tusks’ which we have already given to the Captain, Mr.[sic] Garling on the ship. For the rest, our friend should despatch the Blue Lux. Furthermore, our friend should have a sample of the planks in whatever shape they are required for the rest of the gading-gading, together with their [measurement of] width and length. We can help to get a sample. Please ascertain the quantity. And please bring the money along for whatever amount of ‘tusks’ may be required. Our men are poor; when there is money they can do the work. Otherwise our perahu can help to send them in accordance with whatever amount the Company customarily pays. The names of the timbers in [Siak] are: merbau, petaling, petatal, tembesu, kuras [sic, karas],30 kasiok, madang ketanahan, kulim, seri 29 This must have been a copy of the letter that was sent to Mr. Erskine. See Siak letter 2 above. 30 A medium to large timber tree which is frequently found in lowland forests it is also known to Malays as gaharu or kakaras. Scientific name: Aquilaria malac-

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kaya and perapat. The timbers that we write down are all equal to the merbau; they are neither better nor inferior. If they are for ship-building they are all good. And if miscellaneous wooden material for ships is required, our men can also be of assistance. And if timbers of a smaller size than the gading-gading [tusks] are desired, please quote the price as in Pulau Pinang if it is possible. To our mind, we can obtain these. The Captain [sic, Company] should send the Blue Lux within twenty days. If it fails to come within twenty days, the posts will certainly rot due to being eaten by maggots. Concerning the perahu, please do not worry. We can help with the perahu according to what the Company customarily pays. If the twenty days are exceeded, on our part we cannot wait any longer because our perahu are to be instructed to sail away. That is all. Written on the thirteenth of Muharram, on Monday, at one o’clock [1222 AH?] [23 March 1807].

Siak 3 Warkah Raja Pengeran Siak kepada Raffles, satu lembar, 38.2 x 47.2 sm Bahawa ini surat tanda tulus dan ikhlas serata [sic] suci putih hati lagi dangan [sic] jeranihnya [sic], iaitu daripada Tuan Raja Pangeran dalam negari [sic] Siak. Barang disampaikan Allah subhanahu wata’ala apalah kiranya datang kepada sahabat sahaya Misteri [m-y-s-t-r-y] Rofol [r-w-f-w-l, Raffles] yang duduk dalam negari [sic] Pulau Pinang yang telah beroleh pangkat kebesaran dan kemuliaan yang dibari [sic] Allah subhanahu wata’ala. Syahadan barang tahu kiranya sahabat kita; daripada hal sahabat kita hendakkan gading-gading kepada saudara kita Yang Di Pertuan Siak, maka sekarang sudah dapat sepuluh batang. Sudahlah kita kasih [sic] sama Kapitan mesteri [m-y-s-t-r-y] Galing [g-a-l-y-ng, sic Garling] dalam kapal itu. Yang lainnya itu hendaklah sahabat kita suruhkan kepada Blue Lux [b-l-y-w-’-l-k-s]. Lagi sahabat kita buatkan contohnya papan, barang bagaimana rupanya yang mahu gading-gading; lebar dengan panjangnya. Kita orang boleh tolong

censis. See J. Wyatt Smith, Pocket Check List of Timber Trees (third revision by K. M. Kochummen), Malayan Forest Records No. 17, 4th edn, Forest Research Institute Malaysia, Kuala Lumpur, 1999, p. 67.

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ambikkan [a-m-b-k-k-n] satu contohnya. Tentukan banyaknya. Lagi bawak dangan [sic] uwangnya [a-w-ng-ny]; barang barapa [sic] mau gading-gading; kerana [k-r-a-n] kita punya orang miskin. Bila ada rial dia boleh kerjakan. Jikalau tidak, perahu kita boleh tolong antar barang berapa adad [sic, adat] Kompani [k-m-p-a-n-y] bayar. Nama kayu dalam Sika [sic, Siak]: marabau [m-a-r-a-b-w] dan petaling dan petatal [p-t-a-t-l] dan tembasu [sic], dan kuras [sic] dan kasiok,[k-s-y-w-’] dan madang ketanahan, dan kulim, dan seri kayo [sic, kaya], dan perapat [p-r-a-p-t]. Itu kayu kita tulis itu, semuanya itu sama dangan merabau [sic]; tiadalah lebih kurang dengan merabau [sic]. Kalau mau buat kapal baik semuanya. Lagi jkalau ma[h]u kayuperaman [sic, peramuan] kapal, boleh kita punya orang tolong juga. Dan lagi jikalau mahu kayu yang kecik daripada gading-gading taru[h]lah harga dalam Pulau Pinang. Jikalau dapat, hemat kita boleh kita ambil ini Kapitan suruh Blue Lux dalam dalam dua puluh hari. Jikalau tiada datang dalam dua puluh hari tiang pun rosaklah dimakan ulat. Hal daripada perahu janganlah susah; kita boleh tolong perahu barang bagaimana adadnya [sic] Kompani bayar. Jikalau lampau daripada dua puluh hari kita orang tiada boleh tunggu lagi, kerana kita punya perahu mau suruh beralayar [sic]. Itulah adanya. Tersurat kepada tiga belas haribulan al-Muharram, kepada hari hari [sic] Ithnin, kepada pukul satu [1222H?]. SIAK IV Letter of Sultan Abdul Jalil Saifuddin, Jawi script, 1 folio, 26.6 x 30.7 cm, with black seal, addressed to Philip Dundas at Penang Endorsement verso Malay letter: ‘Malay letter’ Heading: ‘Nur u’l-Syams wa’l Qamar’ Verily this is a leaf of sincerity and of varied gifts that is accompanied with embraces of brotherly love and affection, without limit and duration so long as the revolution of the sun and the moon exists, that is from the Yang Dipertuan of Siak Seri Inderapura. May it be conveyed by God, Lord of all the Worlds, we pray, to our friend, the honourable Philip Dundas. Concerning the masts that the Governor of Pulau Pinang wanted from us previously, we have already delivered nineteen logs to the hands 148

of our friend’s messenger since there were several masts that he did not take. The amount of money he gave us was 2515 rial since he had already paid 500 rial earlier. Furthermore, if our friend wants many more pillars our friend should write us a letter many days ahead because procuring the masts involves a difficult task as they are far inland. It takes five days to fell a pillar. As for the timber that our friend requests, it is too difficult to obtain that particular type of timber in Siak. If it is of another kind we might be able to find it, that is if our friend is agreeable to a price that is acceptable to the men who procure them. Written on the third of Dzulkaedah, on Monday, midday [1224] [11 December 1809]. Finis.

Siak 4 Warkah Sultan Abdul Jalil Saifuddin, satu lembar, 26.6 x 30.7 sm Bahawa ini sahifat al-ikhlas wa [tuh] fatah al-ajnas maka dipesertakan peluk kasih dan sayang yang tiada berhingga dan bermasa selagi ada peredaran nur syamsu wal-qamar dari kepada Yang Di Pertuan Siak Seri Inderapura; barang disampaikan Tuhan sarwa sekalian alam apalah kiranya kepada sahabat beta Mukrama [m-k-r-m-a, sic: Pikrama]31 Phillip Dundas. Seperti tiang yang dikehendaki oleh Tuan Gubernur di Pulau Pinang kepada beta. Maka adalah sudah beta serahkan kepada tangan orang suruhan sahabat beta itu sembilan belas batang karena [sic] banyak tiang itu yang tiada diambilnya. Maka adalah rial yang diberinya kepada beta dua ribu lima ratus lima belas rial; karena dahulu sudah dia tinggalkannya lima ratus rial. Syahadan lagi jikalau sahabat kita menghendaki tiang lagi banyakbanyak, hendaklah sahabat kita beri surat daripada jauh-jauh hari kepada kita karena tiang itu terlalu payah pekerjaannya; kerana jauh ke darat; lima hari maka baharu turun satu batang. Hal kepada kayu yang sahabat kita kehendaki itu payah terlalu daripada jenis bangsa kayu itu 31 It probably originates from Sanskrit ‘Vikramam’, meaning to display prowess. ‘Vikrama’ means valour, courage or heroism. See M. Monier-Williams, Sanskrit English Dictionary, new edn, Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pte Ltd., New Delhi, 1999, p. 955.

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dapatnya di dalam Siak. Jialau jenis kayu lain dapat juga kita carikan, jikalau suka sahabat kita seperti patut harganya kepada orang yang mengambilnya. Tersurat kepada tiga haribulan Dzulkaedah, hari Ithnin, waktu dzoha [zuhur].32 Tamat

SIAK V Letter of Seri Pikrama Raja, Jawi script, 1 folio, 21 x 32 cm, with black seal, addressed to Raffles Endorsement verso Malay letter in Raffles’ hand: ‘December 1810 / Seree Pukahrmar / Rajah Cupadah / Tunkoo Pangeran, Endorsement in Jawi script: ‘This is Seri Pikrama’s letter to Tunku Pangeran’ Heading: ‘Ya Ghafur-Rahim’ Salutations beseeching your lordship’s pardon for your humble servant, that is Seri Pikrama Raja, who is staying in the settlement of Pulau Pinang; may it be conveyed by [the grace of] God Most High to the presence of your Lordship, Tunku Pangeran who resides in the settlement of Malacca. May it be known to my lord Tunku that with regard to your son, Tengku Alang’s coming to Kedah, of which was mentioned that your lordship wished me to devise a plan that would be of benefit to both your lordship and His Highness the Yang Dipertuan, if it pleases God Most High, to the best of my ability I shall devise a plan because my feeling is that His Highness, your elder kinsman the Yang Dipertuan, is in a state of anger. If there be discord, in my opinion it will ultimately bring trouble between the two parties. Still, your lordship is more informed about this. Furthermore, as for your son, his lordship Tengku Alang, who was three days behind you, he arrived at Pulau Pinang three days later together with me. After three days in Pulau Pinang, your son became ill. So I instructed that he be sent back to Kedah. After the fasting month was over I also returned to Kedah. But your lordship’s son was still sick. Thus he was unable to return to Siak. As for me, your humble servant, I set sail to return to Siak on the first of Dzulkaedah, on Thursday 32 The time following the midday- prayer.

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[28 November 1810]. Such is the situation. There is nothing for me to present except wishing you an increase in majesty and fortune. 1225 AH [1810 CE].

Siak 5 Warkah Seri Pikrama Raja kepada Tunku Pangeran, satu lembar, 21 x 32 sm Sembah mohonkan ampun patik iaitu Seri Pikrama Raja yang ada berhenti dalam negeri Pulau Pinang. Maka barang disampaikan Allah subhanahu wata’ala ke bawah hadhrat Duli Tunku Pangeran yang ada semayam dalam negeri Melaka. Di [sic] barang maklum kiranya Duli Tunku yang kepada anakanda Tengku Alang datang ke Kedah. maka tersebutlah dalamnya mengatakan Duli Tunku suruh ikhtiarkan kepada patek mencari jalan yang kebaikan antara Duli Tunku dengan Seri Paduka kekanda Duli Yang Di Pertuan. Insya’Allah ta’ala sebolehbolehnya patek ikhtiarkan karena perasaan patek Seri Paduka kekanda Duli Yang Di Pertuan berantak.33 Jikalau berantak, hemat patek akhirnya kesusahan juga antara keduanya. Itupun lebih maklum Duli Tunku. Dan lagi seperti Paduka anakanda Tengku Alang, tiga hari di belakang Tunku, tiga hari anakanda pun sampailah ke Pulau Pinang, bersama-sama dengan patek. Tiga hari di Pulau Pinang, paduka anakanda pun sakitlah. Patek suruh hantar balik ke Kedah. Lepas bulan puasa patek pun balik ke Kedah. Anakanda pun sakit juga. Maka tiada jadi paduka anakanda itu pulang ke Siak. Dan lagi seperti patek kepada sehari bulan Dzulkaedah ini, hari Khamis, patekpun berlayarlah pulang ke Siak. Demikianlah adanya. Suatupun tiada di persembah [dari] patek, hanyalah barang berlebih-lebih daulat sa’adah. 1225 Sanah. SIAK VI Letter of Malay Chiefs (Orang Kaya Seri Bija Wangsa, Maharaja Lela Muda, Jaya Pahlawan, and Setia Raja) of Siak, Jawi script, 1 folio, 22.5 x 29.4 cm, addressed to Inche’ Ibrahim at Malacca

33 Comes into disorder.

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Endorsement verso Malay letter in Raffles’ hand: ‘December 1810 / Horang Besoubesou / Nagree Siac’ Endorsement in Jawi script: ‘This letter is from the Chiefs of the country of Siak / dated fourteenth of Dzulkaedah’ Heading: ‘Qawluh u’l-Haqq’ This is a letter from the Orang Kaya Sri Bija Wangsa, Orang Kaya Maharaja Lela Muda, Jaya Pahlawan and Setia Raja with the consensus of the entire meeting of chiefs in the land of Siak Seri Inderapura; may it be brought forth by [the grace of] God the Majestic and the Sublime, to Mr. Ibrahim, whose religious faith and practical piety is protected by God in this earthly world and the hereafter. Amen. O Lord, the Cherisher and Sustainer of the Worlds! Further to that, with regard to your letter, it has already arrived safely to us all, with whatever was said about the impending arrival of the letter of the great raja to Siak. You called us all to mind, requesting that the letter be given its due honour; that when the letter arrives in Siak, we should all behave in accordance with the custom of the rajas. However, the country of Siak, as you are also aware, is small. In olden times it was customary to do so and it would be similarly reciprocated, for the letter from the Raja of Siak would be conducted likewise. Such would be the custom practised by the Company. Now it is no longer an adat [custom] of the Company. And likewise, for the Raja of Siak, it is also no longer a custom since it has been abrogated by the Company. And now you are requesting that it be conducted by us all like the customs of ancient times. Nevertheless, we shall effect it to the best of the ability of a small state, such as there will be nine gunshots; that was the custom during the time of the late [ruler] heretofore. We shall certainly do it. Such is the situation. Following that, there is not a single proof of existence34 included in the final part of this [epistle]; except only prayer during night and day. 1225 AH on the fourteenth of Dzulkaedah [11 December 1810 CE]. Written during daytime, at ten o’clock, on Wednesday.

34 The idiomatic expression for token of affection.

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Siak 6 Warkah Orang Besar-Besar Siak kepada Ibrahim, tulisan Jawi, 1 folio, 22.5 x 29.4 sm Inilah alamat surat daripada Orang Kaya Seri Bija Wangsa dan Orang Kaya Maharaja Lela Muda dan Jaya Pahlawan dan Setia Raja serta kerapatan segala orang besar-besar di dalam negeri Siak Seri Inderapura. Maka barang disampaikan Allah subhanahu wata’ala kepada Tuan Ibrahim yang telah dipeliharakan Allah iman dan amalnya min darul dunia ya darul akhirah, amin ya rabbul ‘alamin. Waba’adah daripada itu akan hal seperti surat daripada Tuan Ibrahim itu telah selamatlah sampai kepada saya semua barang apa mengatakan surat Raja Besar akan datang ke Siak. Maka Tuan Ibrahim memberi ingat kepada saya semua suruh hormati surat itu. Melainkan jikalau sudah datang surat itu masuk ke Siak, saya semua akan jalankanlah seperti adat raja-raja. Akan tetapi negeri Siak Tuan Ibrahim pun mengetahuinya juga negeri kecik. Adalah kepada zaman dahulu diadakan juga tetapi sama kada[r]nya; jikalau surat daripada Raja Siak pun demikian juga; diadatkan juga oleh Kompeni. Maka sekarang tiadalah lagi adat itu oleh Kompeni. Oleh Raja Siak pun tiadalah adat itu lagi kerana sudah dihilangkan oleh Kompeni. Maka sekarang Tuan Ibrahim perbuat seperti adat zaman dahulu kepada saya semua; melainkan saya kerjakanlah dengan sekadar-kadarnya negeri kecik; seperti bedilnya sembilan. Itulah adat zaman marhum yang dahulu. Saya semua akan kerjakanlah. Demikianlah adanya. Kemudian daripada itu suatu pun tiada burhan al-jud yang disertakan pada akhiran ini; ialah doa; fi lail wanhar 1225 Sanah kepada empat belas haribulan Dzulkaedah. Siang hari termaktubnya; waktu pukul sepuluh; hari Raba’a kepada -. SIAK VII (18 Dzulkaedah) 15 Dec. 1810) Letter of Tunku Pangeran, Jawi script, 1 folio, 21 x 26 cm, with red wax seal, addressed to Lord Minto at Bengal Endorsement verso in Raffles’ hand: ‘Letter from / Toonkoo Pangeran’ Heading: ‘Qawluh u’l-Haqq’

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A letter of sincerity and love with respect and honour from me, Tunku Pangeran Sakam Dilaga, who is stationed in the land of Siak, but is presently in the land of Malacca; this greeting is respectfully laid before the presence of your lordship the Governor-General of Bengal, raja above all rajas who are subject to the colours of the great and mighty raja in the land of the English, whether from above the wind or below the wind; and who, with practical wisdom, is renowned and celebrated in every quarter. Following that, I make known the fact that I have at present left Siak to come to Malacca because I have heard that your lordship the Governor-General of Bengal is exceedingly troubled on account of the mischief committed by a number of evil men on every state in the Eastern parts. And you have appointed a dignitary named Thomas Raffles Esquire as your agent. You have come to the Eastern lands to make deliberations on such matters. And so here I am, with much delight, offering to carry out willingly the work of the Governor-General—wherever is useful—together with Mr. Thomas Raffles Esq. Even if it leads to being involved in a war, I shall exert all my power until my last breath, provided that it is the work of the Governor-General of Bengal. Even until death can the Governor-General hold me to my word as stated in this letter. If the mountain doth move, so wilt my word, because I am very delighted to be a friend of the English Company. With all whiteness of mine heart, so long as there exist the sun and the moon I will certainly serve the Company together with Tuan Thomas Raffles Esq.; wherever he goes, I shall be by his side; and even to the extent of entering fire, I shall still go along without faltering. I hereby wish to make it known that this letter is written on the eighteenth of Dzulkaedah [1225] [15 Dec. 1810] Finis.

Siak 7 Warkah Tunku Pangeran kepada Lord Minto, satu lembar, 21 x 26 sm Surat tulus ikhlas serta kasih dengan hormat dan mulia daripada saya Tunku Pangeran Sakam Dilaga yang ada terhenti di dalam negeri Siak; sekarang sudah ada berhenti di dalam negeri Melaka. Telah terletaklah hormat ini ke hadapan Tuan Gurnor Jeneral [g-w-r-n-r j-n-r-a-l] di 154

Benggala, raja di atas segala raja-raja yang ada takluk di bawah bendera raja maha besar negeri Inggeris, dari atas angin sampai ke bawah angin; serta dengan bjaksana telah termasyhur nama kepujian sampai ke mana-mana. Waba’adah kemudian daripada itu ehwal saya maklumkan maka adalah sekarang ini saya sudah keluar dari negeri Siak, datang ke negeri Melaka sebab saya ada dengar khabar mengatakan Tuan Gurnor Jeneral di Benggala ada banyak susah hati sebab ada banyak orang jahat buat kacau pada segala negeri-negeri daerah tanah timur ini. Maka Tuan Gurnor Jeneral pun sudah beri satu orang besar, namanya Thomas Raffles Esquire, akan ganti Tuan Gurnor Jeneral mari ke sebelah tanah timur ini buat bicara segala fasal itu. Maka inilah saya ada banyak suka mahu buat kerja Tuan Gurnor Jeneral, apa yang baik, bersama-sama dengan Tuan Thomas Raffles Askoyar [sic] ini. Jika sampai kepada berperang sekalipun lamun dengan pekerjaan Tuan Gurnor Jeneral di Benggala, sehabis-habis kuasa selagi belum mati saya mahu kerjakan juga; jika sampai mati sekalipun boleh Tuan Gurnor pegang seperti saya punya kata di dalam surat ini. Jika bergeraklah gunung itu bergeraklah kata-kata saya, sebab saya ada banyak suka menjadi sahabat sama dengan Kompeni Inggeris; dengan putih hati saya selagi ada matahari dan bulan saya mahu buat kerja Kompeni bersama-sama dengan Tuan Thomas Raffles Askoyar [sic] ini. Barang kemana pun bersama juga saya dan jikalau sampai masuk ke dalam api sekalipun bersama-sama juga saya; tiada berubah lagi. Ehwal inilah saya maklumkan diperbuat surat delapan belas haribulan Dzulkaedah. Tamat. SIAK VIII Letter of Dato’ Sri Pikrama Raja, the Vizier of the Sultan of Siak, Jawi script, 1 folio, 21 x 28.8 cm, with black seal, inscribed with the words: ‘Al-Wathiqbilllah Wazir Al Sultan Seri Pikrama Raja 1256 [sic, 1225]’ addressed to Inche’ Ibrahim at Malacca Endorsement verso Malay letter in Raffles’ hand: ‘Seree Pukahramer / Rajah / Nagree Siac’ Endorsement in Jawi script: ‘This letter is from Seri Pikrama Raja of the country of Siak’ / the address of this letter is from Dato’ Seri Pikrama Raja / may it be delivered by Allah, Lord of all the worlds to my / brother Incek Ibrahim in the country of Melaka’ Heading: ‘Qawluh u’l-Haqq’ 155

Eternal salutations of God, the Partitioner of night and day; benediction to Muhammad, Lord of Mankind; that is to say, from Dato’ Sri Pikrama Raja who is stationed at Tanjung Pedada. May it be conveyed by [the grace of] God, glory and majesty be unto Him, to my brother Ince’ Ibrahim, who lives in peace and good health in the land of Malacca, the abode of Peace and Deliverance; who has been bestowed with divine aid and guidance by God, Whom we worship; and may his faith and religious work in this world and hereafter be protected by God; Amen! O Lord of all the Worlds. Further to that, be it understood by my brother that I arrived safely in Siak; before reaching the country, however, I was met by the man who carried this letter at Tanjung Pedada. Further, concerning this plan between the Tunku Pangeran and His Highness, the Yang Dipertuan, to my mind if it is done in haste there will not be any good of it; instead, there should be patience first; if there be, would that God grant it between the two, the path of rectitude. That is my opinion. Further to that could my brother mention that I send my greetings to the Tuan Mister Raffles. Such is the situation. 1225 AH [1810 CE]. Furthermore, I wish to ask a favour from my brother. Previously I was promised a travel pass to sail to Java or to any land [so that] if I am met by a man-of-war at sea they will be able to identify a good person. That is what I contracted with Mister Raffles who wished to give me the document. But please, could my brother make the request to him.

Siak 8 Warkah Dato’ Seri Pikrama Raja kepada Ibrahim, wazir Sultan Siak, satu lembar, 21 x 28.8 sm Salam Allah alai al-dawam sada’at al lail wal ayam barakah Muhammad Sayid al annam iaitu daripada Dato’ Syeri [sic] Pikrama Raja yang ada berhenti di Tanjung Pedada; barang disampaikan Allah Subhanahu Wata’ala apalah kiranya kepada saudara sahaya Incik Ibrahim yang duduk istirahat al-khair dalam negeri Melaka Darul Iman Wal nijan35 yang telah beroleh taufik dan hidayah daripada Tuhan kita

35 The abode of peace and protection.

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Rabb‘al-Ibad.36 Maka serta dipeliharakan Allah juga imannya dan ‘amalnya ain darul dunia li darul khairat amin ya rabb al-‘alamin. Waba’adah daripada itu barang mahfuhum [sic] kiranya saudara sahaya akan hal seperti sahaya, telah selamatlah sampai ke Siak; balum [sic] sampai ke negeri bertemu dengan orang yang membawak surat ini di Tanjung Pedada. Syahadan lagi seperti bicara Tunku Pangeran ini dengan Duli Yang Di Pertuan hemat sahaya jikalau dengan gopohgopoh tiadalah mendapat kebaikan melainkan hendaklah dengan sabar dahulu. Jikalau ada, mudah-mudahan diberi Allah antara keduanya jalan kebaikan; itulah pendapat sahaya. Sahadan [sic] lagi saudara sahaya katakan sahaya kirim tabek kepada Tuan Masteri Raffles. Demikianlah adanya. 1225 Sanah. Syahadan lagi sahaya mintok [sic] tolong kepada saudara sahaya; dahulu ada sahaya janji surat apas [sic, pas] berlayar ke Tanah Jawa atau barang mana-mana negeri, jikalau bertemu dengan kapal perang di laut boleh dia tahu akan orang baik; itulah sahaya janji dengan Masteri [sic] Raffles, mau bari [sic] kepada sahaya surat itu, melainkan saudara sahaya tolong pintokkan [sic, pintakkan] kepada dia. SIAK IX Letter of the Old Yang Di Pertuan, Jawi script, 1 folio, 30.5 x 37.3 cm, with black seal inscribed with the words: ‘Alamat / Dato’ Raja / 1225 Sanah’; addressed to Raffles Endorsement verso Malay letter in Raffles’ hand: ‘Rajah of Siac- / Recd. 7: January 1810 [sic, 1811]’ Heading: ‘Nur u’l-Syams wa’l Qamar’ The existing epistle and extended right guidance in which is incorporated straightforwardness and sincerity along with pure whiteness of heart that is everlasting, without limit and duration, so long as there exists the revolving vault of heaven, the sun and the moon, so will the friendship be forever; that is, from the Old Yang Dipertuan, Paduka Sri Sultan Sayid al-Syariff Abdul Jalil Saifuddin, son of al-Habib the deceased Sultan Othman bin Syeikh Ali Ba’alawi who resides in the country of Siak Seri Inderapura. May it be conveyed by [the grace of] God, Lord of all the Worlds, to our friend, His Excellency Thomas Raffles, agent to 36 Lord of servants.

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His Excellency Gilbert Lord Minto, Governor-General, raja above every raja, dependent on the flag of the great and mighty raja of the land of the English, whether from above the wind or below the wind; the chief yang dipertuan of the Province of Bengal [sic]; who lives in peace and good health, being in command on the throne of government in the Settlement of Malacca; he is renowned for his kindness, love and affection to all God’s poor, the near and the distant. Such a disposition and temperament, along with his effecting justice to abound and his enquiry into the unchanging customs have accrued him praise in every quarter, East and West, a consequence of his fairness and liberality. We too invoke God, the Eternal, Absolute, Lord of all the Worlds, if it pleases Him to grant him a long life in peace and good health. Amen! O God, the Cherisher and Sustainer of the Worlds. Following that, may it be understood by our friend that the letter of sincerity and varied gifts from you, conveyed by the Orang Kaya Sri Pikrama Raja, has already arrived safely; whatever was mentioned in it was fully understood by us in regard to all matters. Further, it was mentioned in your letter that you have returned from Bengal and are residing in the Settlement of Malacca, as agent to His Excellency Gilbert Lord Minto, Governor-General, raja above every raja dependent on the flag of the great and mighty raja of the country of the English, from above the wind reaching until below the wind, chief yang dipertuan37 in the land of Bengal. We are exceedingly gratified, and indeed our heart is capacious towards cultivating friendship and mutual affection between our friend and us, and our son. We therefore place our trust and hope, a thousand times, in our friend’s goodwill and protection of us and our son. However, we are mere people of the village, with a small country and without means and resources; but we are extremely thankful to you, notwithstanding. Another thing with regard to the matter mentioned in your letter, that you are grieved over our conflict with Sayid Zain; it is indeed true. But we have considered the matter and it is not possible for us to share and endure38 with Sayid Zain in the land of Siak, because there have already been two or three occasions when major operations against us were undertaken by Sayid Zain and we could not bear them. In fact, we and our son are very much afraid of Sayid Zain since it was mentioned in your letter about intending to arrange for a settlement of the three. 37 Sovereign; ruler or lord. 38 See note 44 below.

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Excepting the said command, we wish to plead to our friend that with regard to the business of the English Company, only that which is acceptable to us and our son can we carry out in accordance with the customs that have continually been practised by Siak and Malacca in ancient times. Such is the situation. Furthermore, there is no proof of existence to accompany these concluding lines from us to you but only the final supplication; end of words. 1225 AH, on the twenty-third of Dzulkaedah [20 December 1810], Thursday; written down at ten o’clock day time.

Siak 9 Warkah Yang Di Pertuan Tua (ayahanda Raja Siak) kepada Raffles, satu lembar, 30.5 x 37.3 sm Warkat al-maujud dan hidayat al-mamdud maka dipesertakan di dalamnya tulus dan ikhlas serta suci putih hati yang selama-lamanya yang tiada berhingga dan bermasa; selagi ada tubuh peredaran cakrawala nur syamsu wal-qamar sebe[g]itu juga adanya, iaitu daripada Yang Di Pertuan Tua, Paduka Seri Sultan Sayid al-Syarif Abdul Jalil Saifuddin ibni al-Habib Marhum Sultan Othman bin Syeikh Ali Ba’lawi yang ada di dalam negeri Siak Seri Inderapura. Maka barang diwasilkan Allah Tuhan sarwa alam kiranya kepada sahabat kita Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles yang ada ganti daripada Seri Paduka Gilbatlet [g-l-b-t-l-t] Lord Minto, Gurnor Jeneral raja di atas segala raja-raja yang ada takluk di bawah bendera raja maha besar negeri Inggeris dari atas angin sampai ke bawah angin, yang dipertuan besar negeri Benggala; yang istirahat al-khair memerintah di atas takhta singgahsana kerajaan di dalam negeri Melaka. Ialah yang amat masyhur warta ehsannya, lagi pengasih dan penyayang kepada segala hamba Allah, karib wal-ba‘id; daripada perangai dan tabiat yang demikian serta melimpahkan hukum yang keadilan dan periksanya kepada istiadat yang tiada berubah-ubah; menjadi kepujian kepada tiap-tiap baladan timur dan barat; dari sangat adil murahnya. Maka kitapun memintokkan [sic] juga kepada Tuhan samad sekalian alam barang dipanjangkannya juga daripada umur usianya di dalam sihat dan afiat amin ya rabbul alamin.

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Waba’adah daripada itu istafham39 al mafhumin40 [a-s-t-f-a-h-m a-l-m-f-h-w-m-y-n] kiranya sahabat kita akan hal seperti warkat al-ikhlas wa tuhfat al-ajnas41 daripada sahabat kita yang dibawa oleh Orang Kaya Seri Pikrama Raja telah selamatlah sampai kepada kita. Barang apa yang termadzkur42 di dalamnya fahamlah kita daripada sekalian perkaranya itu. Syahadan lagi adalah tersebut dalam warkah sahabat kita itu mengatakan sahabat kita sudah datang dari Benggala duduk di dalam negeri Melaka menjadi ganti Seri Paduka Gilbatlet [Gilbert] Lord Minto, Gurnor Jeneral, raja di atas segala raja-raja yang ada takluk di bawah bendera raja maha besar negeri Inggeris, dari atas angin sampai ke bawah angin, yang dipertuan besar negeri Benggala. Maka kita pun sangatlah suka menjadi keluasan yang besar kepada hati kita bersahabat berkasih-kasihan dengan sahabat kita; daripada kita yang dua beranak. Maka kita pun seribu kali haraplah akan kasih pelihara sahabat kita kepada kita yang dua beranak akan tetapi kita orang dusun; negeri kecil; tiada daya dan upayai [sic],43 melainkan kita menerima kasih banyak-banyak kepada sahabat kita. Dan sebagai lagi, akan hal adalah tersebut di dalam warkah sahabat kita itu sahabat kita susah hati daripada sebab kita tiada berbetulan dengan al Sayid Zain itu; sebenar-benarnyalah itu. Akan tetapi tiadalah sampai hemat kita sepigi44 [s-p-g-y] di dalam negeri Siak dengan al-Sayid Zain itu karana [k-a-r-a-n-a, sic] sudah dua tiga kali pekerjaan yang besar-besar diperbuat oleh al-Sayid Zain kepada kita. Maka tiadalah tertahan oleh kita melainkan sangatlah takut kita yang dua beranak kepada al-Sayid Zain itu karana ada terasebut45 [sic] di dalam warkah sahabat kita itu hendak mufakad [mufakat] batiga [bertiga]; melainkan daripada hal perintah itu kita mintokilah46 [minta] kepada 39 40 41 42 43 44

Seeking to know; or be it known. Well-understood. Letter of sincerity and gift of various things. Mentioned or stated with clarity. A-p-y-a-y. Short form of ‘seperigi’ spoken in the colloquial Minangkabau dialect. The expression “it does not occur to our mind to share a well [or pool] in Siak with Sayid Zain” comes from the Minangkabau proverb: Sehalaman sepermainan; seperigi sepermandian … (one lawn for a game alike; one well for a bathing place shared …). 45 T-r-a-s-b-w-t. 46 M-i-n-t-w-?-k-y-l-h].

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sahabat kita daripada hal pekerjaan Kompeni Inggeris yang boleh teratanggung [t-r-a—t—ng-g-w-ng] oleh kita yang dua beranak; boleh kita kerjakan bagaimana adat yang selama-lama antara Siak dengan Melaka dahulu-dahulunya. Demikianlah adanya. Kemudian daripada itu suatupun tiada burhan al-ajud [sic]47 yang disertakan pada akhiran syatar ini, daripada kita kepada sahabat kita ialah do’a al-khir intahi al-kalam.48 1225 Sanah, kepada dua puluh tiga hari bulan Dzulkaedah; hari Khamis, pukul sepuluh siang hari teramaktubnya [sic].

SIAK X Letter of Dato’ Seri Pikrama Raja of Siak, Jawi script, 1 folio, 30 x 37.5 cm, with black seal inscribed with the words: ‘Al Wathiq Billah / Wazir Al Sultan / Seri Pikrama Raja49 / 1206 Sanah’, to Thomas Raffles Esq. (19 Dec. 1810) Endorsement verso Malay letter in Raffles’ hand: ‘January 1811- / Seree Puckremah/Rajah Siac-’ Endorsement in Jawi script: ‘This letter is from Seri Pikrama Raja Siak / dated twenty-second of the Hajj month’ Heading: ‘Nur u’l-Syams wa’l Qamar’ This epistle is a token of earnestness and sincerity, along with pure whiteness of heart which is everlasting, without limit or duration, so long as the revolution of the moon and the sun exists; that is from me, Dato’ Sri Pikrama Raja who is residing in the country of Siak Seri Inderapura. May it be conveyed by [the grace of] God, the Eternal, Absolute, Lord of all the Worlds, to come before the presence of my friend, His Excellency Thomas Raffles Esq., agent to His Excellency Gilbert Lord Minto, Governor-General, chief yang dipertuan, the most honourable who sits on the throne of government of the land of Bengal, raja above every raja dependent on the flag of the very great raja of the land of the English whether from above the wind or below the wind; who lives in peace and good health in the Settlement of Malacca, the abode of peace 47 Gift or token of existence. 48 End of words. Finis. 49 ‘Instrument of the authority of God/Viceroy of the Sultan/Seri Pikrama Raja’.

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and protection; who has attained greatness of office and mark of honour and distinction, as well as wisdom, self-respect and prudence in effecting government by mutual affection upon every friend and companion, the near and the distant. His fame is widely celebrated to the East and West. I pray to God, the Eternal, Absolute, Lord of all the Worlds, to grant him a long life and epoch in the abodes of this world and the hereafter. Amen! O Lord, the Cherisher and Sustainer of the Worlds. Following that, may my friend be informed about the matter concerning the commission conveyed by Ibrahim to me. My friend has requested me to search for the writings of the Sejarah Melayu, Malay laws and the Minangkabau laws since the time of the Dato’ Pepatih Sebatang. What I have with me here are the manuscripts of Sejarah Melayu50 and the Malay laws of the country of Siak, and also a 50 The use of the name ‘Sejarah Melayu’ [Malay history] is interesting. Some writers have pointed out that it was Raffles who renamed the Hikayat Melayu or Sulalatus Salatin as the Sejarah Melayu (translated as the ‘Malay Annals’). See the articles by Anthony Reid and Shamsul A. B. in Timothy P. Barnard, Contesting Malayness Malay Identity across Boundaries, Singapore University Press, Singapore, 2004. The usage of this name by Dato Seri Pikrama Raja of Siak in the above letter proves that the word ‘Sejarah’ was already in vogue among the Malay literati. That the term ‘Sejarah Melayu’ was probably already used colloquially by many in the Malay courts and that the term was not unknown to the Malay scribes, namely people like Ibrahim son of Kandu, Baki and Abdullah Munsyi, is reflected by its usage in this letter. It must remembered that when John Leyden undertook to study the Malay language he was also interested in collecting Malay manuscripts, just as Raffles was. In 1810, through Ibrahim Kandu, who was on a short visit to Calcutta while in the service of Raffles, Leyden was able to acquaint himself with the text of the Sulalatus Salatin which Ibrahim brought along and presented to him. Soon Leyden undertook to translate it into English, not without the help of Ibrahim Kandu himself. In 1811, in his capacity as Raffles’ clerk at Malacca, Ibrahim was again asked to look for copies of not only the Sejarah Melayu but also other ‘ancient’ Malay manuscripts. So Ibrahim must have conveyed Raffles’ instruction to the Siak chief. In his reply to Raffles, the Dato’ Seri Pikrama Raja wrote that he was giving some of the manuscripts, including the Sejarah Melayu, through Ibrahim Kandu. It is to be wondered, though, whether the Raffles MS No. 18 of the Sejarah Melayu was indeed the copy that was sent by the Dato’ Seri Pikrama Raja of Siak although, at a later period, another longer version of the Sejarah Melayu (Hikayat Melayu) which incorporated events up to the mid-19th century was also copied in Siak, allegedly by Tunku Said. See Muhammad Yusoff Hashim, Hikayat Melayu atau Sulalat’us-Salatin, IKSEP, Melaka, 1998. Muhammad Yusoff Hashim’s attempt to describe this Siak version is nevertheless not the first, for M. O. Woelders, in

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manuscript on ‘The Origins of the Hilsa [fish]’.51 I have given all these manuscripts to Ibrahim, with a request that they be conveyed to my friend. As for the manuscript on the laws of the Pepatih Sebatang, I have ordered someone to go to Minangkabau; supposing that it arrives from Minangkabau, I shall then give instructions for it to be sent to my friend. Further, with regard to my friend’s intention to establish mutual affection, friendship and assistance with His Highness the Yang Dipertuan, I heard His Highness, the Yang Dipertuan saying that he is much gratified to have reciprocal affection with my friend in order that there can be mutual help in whatever circumstances that can be borne in accordance with the adat [custom] of the land of Siak. Such is the situahis book published in 1975, had already discussed the manuscript (C.O. Leiden 7304) in relation to the central role of Raja Akil of Siak in the Palembang episode of the early 19th century. See M. O. Woelders, Het Sultanaat Palembang 1811–1825, VKI 72, Martinus Nijhoff, The Hague, 1975, pp. 50–52. On John Leyden and the Sejarah Melayu, see John Bastin, ‘John Leyden and the Publication of ‘the Malay Annals’ (1821)’, JMBRAS, 75(2), 2002, pp. 97–115. 51 There is to date no mention of the existence of this text. However, there is another well-known Malay literary work regarding the ikan terubuk (hilsa or shad). There exists a syair (a long poem made up of verses of four lines all rhyming together) called Syair Ikan Terubuk (The Metrical Romance of the Hilsa), a literary folktale originally said to have been produced in Palembang in the 18th century. It is not at all clear if the manuscript that Raffles was looking for was the same as the allegorical syair which tells the story of a terubuk in the Malacca sea that fell in love with the puyu-puyu fish (climbing perch or Anabas scandens) (who was the princess) of a lake in the interior of Siak. Angered by the rejection of its love for the puyu-puyu, the terubuk then launched an invasion on the abode of the puyu-puyu with the collaboration of the fishes in the Malacca Strait. Thanks to the intervention of the gods, the princess was saved and the raja muda (symbolized by the terubuk) was forced to retreat to Malacca feeling much dejected. The syair is said to be based on a historical event. In 1761, the Dutch sent an expedition from Malacca to Siak to take revenge for the Pulau Guntung massacre in which a garrison of the VOC had been killed by Siak troops. Raja Alam, identified as the Prince Terubuk, who was compelled to associate himself with the Dutch on account of being threatened with exile to Ceylon if he did not ensure Siak’s surrender, was finally successful in securing the surrender of Raja Ismail and Siak (symbolized by the puyu-puyu). For further discussion of the syair, see H. M. J. Meir and G. L. Koster, ‘A Fishy Story: Exercises in Reading the Syair Ikan Terubuk’ in C. D. Grijns and S. O. Robson, ‘Cultural Contact and Textual Interpretation’, VKI no. 115, Foris Publications, Dordrecht, 1986. See also Teuku Iskandar, Kesusasteraan Klasik Melayu Sepanjang Abad (Malay Literature through the Ages), Penerbit Libra, Jakarta, 1996, pp. 460–461.

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tion. I then make it known to my friend that this letter is written on the twenty-second of Dzulhijjah, on Thursday, at twelve o’clock. 1225 AH [19 December 1810 CE].

Siak 10 Warkah Dato’ Seri Pikrama Raja, satu lembar, 30 x 37.5 sm Bahawa ini alamat surat pertandaan tulus dan ikhlas serta suci putih hati selama-lamanya yang tiada berhingga dan bermasa; selagi ada peredaran bulan dan matahari iaitu daripada beta, Dato’ Seri Pikrama Raja, yang ada duduk dalam negeri Siak Seri Inderapura. Maka barang disampaikan Tuhan samad sekalian alam apalah kiranya datang ke hadapan manjelis [sic, majlis] sahabat beta Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles Esquire yang ada ganti daripada Gilerbatlet [g-l-r-b-t-l-t] Lord Minto, Gurnor [sic] Jeneral yang di pertuan besar, yang maha mulia, semayam di atas tahta [sic] kerajaan negeri Benggala, raja di atas segala rajaraja yang ada takluk di bawah bendera raja maha besar negeri Inggeris, dari atas angin sampai ke bawah angin ini; yang ada duduk istirahat al khair dalam negeri Melaka darulaman wal janan, yang telah beroleh martabat kebesaran dan kemuliaan serta arif budiman, bijaksana daripada melakukan jalan perintah berkasih- kasihan atas segala sahabat handai taulannya, qarib dan ba’id. Maka masyhurlah wartanya ke timur dan ke barat. Maka beta pohonkan kepada Tu[h]an [t-w-n] samad sekalian alam, barang dilanjutkan umurnya dan zamannya min dar al dunia alay [a-l-y] dar al akhirat, amin ya rabbul alamin. Waba’adah dari itu barang maklum kiranya sahabat beta ehwal daripada pesan sahabat beta yang dibawak Ibrahim kepada beta, sahabat beta mintok [sic] carikan surat ‘Secarah [sic, Sejarah] Melayu’ dan ‘Undang-Undang Melayu’ serta ‘Undang-Undang Minangkabau’ daripada masa zaman Dato’ Pepatih [sic] Sebatang [sic], maka yang ada kepada beta ini surat ‘Secarah [sic] Melayu’ dan ‘Undang-Undang Melayu negeri Siak’; dan serta surat ‘Asal Ikan Terubuk’. Maka segala surat itu adalah beta barikan [sic] kepada Ibrahim mintok [sic] sampaikan kepada sahabat beta. Seperti surat ‘Undang-Undang Pepatih Sebatang’ itu sudahlah beta suruh pergi ke Minangkabau. Jikalau sudah datang dari Minangkabau boleh beta suruh hantarkan kepada sahabat beta.

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Syahdan lagi seperti sahabat beta hendak berkasih-kasihan, sahabat-bersahabat, tolong-menolong dengan Duli Yang Di Pertuan, maka beta dengar titah Duli Yang Di Pertuan sangatlah suka hati hendak berkasih-kasihan dengan sahabat beta; supaya boleh tolongmenolong daripada barang suatu pekerjaan yang boleh tertanggung bagaimana adat negeri Siak. Demikianlah adanya. Maka inilah beta mahfuhumkan [m-h-f-w-h-m-k-n] kepada sahabat beta dari perbuat surat ini kepada dua lekor haribulan Dzulhijjah, hari Khamis, waktu jam pukul dua belas; termaktub dalamnya. 1225 Sanah.

SIAK XI Letter of the Old Raja of Siak, Jawi script, 1 folio, 32 x 41 cm, with black seal, addressed to Raffles Endorsement verso Malay letter in Raffles’ hand: ‘January 1811 / Yang dipertuan / Siac-’ Endorsement in Jawi script: ‘This letter is from the Yang Di Pertuan of Siak / dated twenty-second of the month of Hajj’ Heading: ‘Nur u’l-Syams wa’l Qamar’ The existing epistle and extended right guidance within which is incorporated earnestness and sincerity, a pure whiteness of heart that is everlasting and without limit and duration, so long as the revolving vault of heaven, the light of the sun and the moon exists, so will the friendship be; that is, from the Old Yang Dipertuan in the country of Siak Seri Inderapura. May it be conveyed by [the grace of] God, Lord of all the Worlds, we pray, to our friend His Excellency Thomas Raffles Esquire, agent to His Excellency Gilbert Lord Minto, Governor-General, chief yang dipertuan, the most honourable who sits in state upon the throne of government in the land of Bengal, raja above every raja dependent on the flag of the great and mighty raja of the land of the English whether from above the wind or below the wind; now at this very moment; who has obtained greatness and grandeur of rank and celebrated praises throughout every quarter, East and West; and has dispensed justice and liberality in abundance; with tenderness and flexibility he enquires into the never-altered custom out of which disposition and temperament [the Settlement] becomes populous, attended with abundance by every merchant who goes back and forth. We too shall offer a prayer, may he 165

be granted a long life in peace and good health. Amen! O Lord of all the Worlds. Following that, may our friend be informed that with regard to the epistle of exaltation and glowing work of art which was enjoined upon Ibrahim, it has safely arrived with our friend’s gifts of two rolls of chintz cloth and two pairs of shoes. We are completely grateful for the abundance of kindness at an opportune moment. We stood and received it with the appropriate regalia of a Malay raja. As soon as its fold of silk was unwrapped and its scroll loosened, every line and portion of it was closely examined; scintillating were all the words of beauty; and when it was poetized [read out], there emerged the stated saying from our friend to become the voice from the heart of the muezzin at the hour of dawn as we heard the magnitude of sincerity. Whatever was mentioned in it, we understood every item. Further, we have ordered the scribe Baki, our man who can be trusted, to deliver this letter to our friend so that our friend may enquire about matters concerning us from this man of ours. Further, it was mentioned in our friend’s letter that our friend is now living in the Settlement of Malacca and communicating with all rajas to the eastward in the search for a true friend. We too are extremely delighted and wish to conduct mutual friendship and affection with our friend because we are a frail person; and furthermore, with regard to our friend’s query about the cannon in our possession, that cannon was bought by us in Batavia at the cost of 1,300 ringgit. It has been with us for as long as 13 years. We dared to order [our men] to go to Java because at that time there was no prohibition on people sailing back and forth to Java. We were not alone in ordering men to go to Java, Sultan Mahmud too ordered [his men] every year, to sail to Java. Such is the case. Furthermore, with regard to the complaint by Sayid Zain to our friend, he is only mentioning his version of the truth. And so here we are making it plain to our friend about his major complaint about us. Out of our excessive love for our sister, we gave instructions to Sayid Zain to watch over our country, Tanah Putih, but he brought uproar instead. Everyone complained to us, but still we kept silent over it. Then he beat the nobat [royal band] in the mode of the custom of great rajas. According to the adat of every Malay raja, it becomes a serious offence in the adat if that is so done. The punishment is death. Even that we did not take into serious account. Instead, we brought him to Siak. We gave him a ketch with four cannons, complete with swivel-guns. Even the 166

krises worn by Sayid Zain, including those of his sons, which all had gold fittings, were furnished by us, together with the war-boat. We even took him to Riau when we went there for the henna ceremony. However, he branched off to another place. He confiscated the perahu of Muhammad Husin, the Malacca man who already held our chop at the roadstead of the wharf in our country. There were about 5,000 articles. So we sternly gave an order asking for the return of the goods, but he refused. Instead, he absconded from us, taking the goods with him. Following that a letter arrived from the Raja [Resident] of Malacca accusing us of desiring the goods. The Raja of Malacca expressed much anger towards us. We replied that Sayid Zain was no longer here; he had absconded with the goods. So we were freed from the accusation. About three years after Sayid Zain went away we heard that he was ruined. Still, we asked that he be picked up and brought to Siak. After about four or five months in the land of Siak, again he caused disturbance, ruling with the direction of rajas. We were then no longer heeded, but instead considered [by him] as dry dirt. We were reviled and insulted by him. Whatever was shameful about us, he would make the details public. We have not the alacrity to elaborate further to our friend; and now a letter from Sultan Bilah has come to us, complaining that his men had sailed out on a light cruiser; but that vessel was hired by the Governor of Pulau Pinang for 250 dollars as a conveyance for sending Sayid Zain to Malacca. Upon arrival at Malacca, however, the vessel was hijacked by Sayid Zain together with its cargo and arms. All its men fled; they went back to lay a complaint to their Raja. This is why we are making the doings of Sayid Zain clear to our friend. No longer can we put up with the words of Sayid Zain and his deeds against us. We are not yet able to live together and be in harmony with him in the country of Siak; it is not that we want to have enmity with him, most certainly not. We would rather bear whatever is willed by God upon us than share our abode with him in the country of Siak. But now we only hope with confidence for our friend’s affection and tender care; and also for the perpetual goodwill of the Company towards us because we are a frail person and there is no one else that we can rely on except, presently, the English Company that is close and friendly towards us. To our mind, be it day or night, if there is any distress afflicting the English Company, we shall be distressed; and if we are in trouble then the English Company can extend help to us; what more, when a friend has become an ally he will forevermore render assistance to us towards the path of rectitude. Such is the situation. 167

Further, there is not a single token of affection from us to our friend, except a male slave, as a mark of sincerity, to be of some use. Other than that this is the final supplication; end of saying. In the year of 1225 AH on the twenty-second day in the month of Dzulhijjah, on Friday, at ten o’clock, day time, this letter was written [18 January 1811 CE]. Siak 11 Warkah Yang Di Pertuan Tua Siak kepada Raffles, satu lembar, 32 x 41 sm Warkat al-maujud dan wa hidayat al-mamdud maka dipesertakan di dalamnya tulus dan ikhlas suci putih hati selama-lamanya serta yang tiada berhingga dan bermasa; selagi ada naubah [n-w-b-t]52 peredaran cakrawala nur syamsu walqamar seba[g]itu53 juga adanya, iaitu daripada Yang Di Pertuan tuah [sic, tua] di dalam negeri Siak Seri Inderapura. Maka barang disampaikan Tuhan sarwa alam apakah kiranya kepada sahabat kita Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles Esquire, yang ada ganti daripada Seri Paduka Gilbatlat [G-l-b-t-l-t] Lord Minto Gurnor [Gabenor] Jeneral, yang dipertuan besar, yang maha mulia semayam di atas takhta kerajaan negeri Benggala, raja di atas segala raja-raja yang ada takluk di bawah bendera raja maha besar negeri Inggeris, dari atas angin sampai ke bawah angin; sekarang ini; yang telah beroleh daripada pangkat yang kebesaran dan kemuliaan, lagi masyhur kepujian kepada tiap-tiap baladan timur dan barat; serta melimpahkan hukum keadilan lagi kemurahan dengan lemah lembut dan periksanya pada istiadat yang tiada berubah-ubah; daripada perangai dan tabiat yang demikian menjadi ramai dan makmur oleh segala dagang yang keluar masuk. Maka kita pun memintakkan juga doa barang dipanjangkannya juga daripada umur usianya di dalam sihat dan afiat; amin ya rabbul ‘alamin. Waba’adah daripada itu maklum kiranya sahabat kita akan hal seperti warqat al-musrifat wa tuh fat al-munawwarat54 daripada sahabat kita yang dihatamulkan atas Ibrahim telah selamatlah sampai 52 Ar. alternation, shift or rotation. 53 S-a-b-t. 54 Glittering with splendour.

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serta dengan hadiah sahabat kita dua kayu kain cita serta kasud [kasut] dua pasang. Menarima [sic] kasihlah kita dengan sempurnanya fi ahsan al-sa’at55 tibhamul [sic, tamam al-] auqat.56 Maka kita sambutilah dengan beberapa kealatan Raja Melayu. Apabila fatah daripada lipatan seterianya57 [sic, suteranya] maka terurailah gulungan maka ditatabkan [sic] kepada tiap-tiap janib syatarnya; berkilatanlah segala huruf kalam al-husni [sic, husna].58 Maka dinazam keluarlah kalam yang mazhar59 daripada sahabat kita jadi suara dari fi qalb al-mahzuin sebab mendengar kaluasan60 [sic] yang ikhlas. Barang apa yang termazkur dalamnya fahamlah kita akan sekalian perkaranya itu. Syahadan lagi adalah kita menyuruhkan jurutulis Baki ini, orang yang kepercayaan kita, mengantarkan sepucuk surat ini kepada sahabat kita supaya bolehlah sahabat kita bertanyakan daripada hal ahwal kita kepada orang kita ini. Syahadan lagi adalah tersebut di dalam warkah sahabat kita itu mengatakan sahabat kita sudah duduk di dalam negeri Melaka, serta menjalani [sic] segala raja-raja yang sebelah timur ini, mencari sahabat yang betul. Maka kitapun sangatlah suka hendak bersahabat, berkasih-kasihan dengan sahabat kita karena kita orang yang la’if. Dan sebagai lagi akan hal sahabat kita memeriksa kepada kita daripada hal jalan meriam yang ada kepada kita itu maka adalah meriam itu kita beli di Betawi dengan seribu tiga ratus ringgit; sudah tiga belas tahun lamanya kepada kita. Maka kita berani menyuruh ke Tanah Jawa waktu itu; tiada be[r]larangan orang be[r]layar pergi datang ke Tanah Jawa. Bukan kita seorang yang menyuruh ke Tanah Jawa; Sultan Mahmud sebilang tahun menyuruh juga berlayar ke Tanah Jawa; demikianlah adanya. Syahadan lagi akan hal seperti pengaduan Sayid Zain itu kepada sahabat kita, dia mengatakan kebenaran dia sahaja kepada sahabat kita. Maka inilah kita nyatakan kepada sahabat kita daripada kesalahan dia yang besar kepada kita. Daripada sangat kasih kita kepada saudara kita itu yang perempuan maka kita suruh Sayid Zain itu menunggui negeri kita, Tanah Putih. Maka dihuru-harakannya; semuanya itu 55 In an opportune moment. 56 The perfect moment. 57 S-t-r-y-ny, a misspelling for ‘setera’ – corruption of ‘sutera’ for silk. See Wilkinson, A Malay-English Dictionary, Part 2, p. 1094. 58 The good words. 59 Words of clarity. 60 K-l-w-s-n.

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mengadu kepada kita. Itupun kita diam juga; lalu dipukulnya nobat bagaimana adat raja-raja yang besar-besar; maka daripada adat segala raja-raja Melayu menjadi salah yang amat besar adatnya. Jika demikian itu hukumnya dibunuh. Itupun tiada juga kita panjangkan. Maka kita ambil bawak masuk ke Siak. Maka kita bari [sic] satu kici, meriam empat, dengan lelanya. Maka sampai kepada keris yang dia [sic] pakai Sayid Zain itu, yang anak-beranak dengan alat emas semuanya itu. Lagi kita bari [sic] dengan penjajab. Maka kita bawak dia bersama-sama berlayar ke Riau tatkala kita pegi [sic] berinai ke Riau dahulu. Di dalam daripada itu diapu[n] menyimpang kepada tempat lain. Maka diambilnya perahu Muhammad Husin, orang Melaka. Yang sudah orang itu memegang cab [ch-b]61 kita di labuhan pengkalan negeri kita. Adalah kira-kira lima ribu harta itu. Maka kita bari [sic] hukum dengan keras suruh pulangkan harta itu. Maka tiada ada barinya [sic]. Maka diapun larilah daripada kita membawak harta itu. Kemudian daripada itu maka datanglah surat daripada Raja Melaka mendakwa kita hendakkan harta itu dengan beberapa marah Raja Melaka kepada kita. Maka jawab kita: Sayid Zain itu tiada lagi; sudah lari membawak harta itu. Maka lapaslah [sic] kita daripada dakwa itu. Adalah kira-kira tiga tahun lamanya Sayid Zain itu pegi [sic, pergi]. Maka kita dengar Sayid Zain itu sudah binasa. Itupun kita suruh ambil bawak masuk ke Siak. Adalah kira-kira empat lima bulan di dalam negeri Siak maka dia membuat haru biru pulak, memarintahkan [sic] perintah raja-raja. Maka kita pun tiada dibilangnya lagi; disifatkannya seperti sampah. Maka dikatanya dan dinistanya atas kita; mana yang menjadi ‘aib atas kita itulah yang dikhabarkannya. Maka tiadalah kita cakab [sic] membilangkannya lagi kepada sahabat kita. Maka ini datang pulak surat sepucuk daripada Sultan Bilah kepada kita, mengadukan orang dia berlayar membawak sebuah perahu lancang. Maka perahu itu disewa oleh Gaburnor [sic] di Pulau Pinang tengah tiga ratus ringgit akan tempat mengantar Sayid Zain ke Melaka. Maka sampai ke Melaka diambil oleh Sayid Zain perahunya itu serta muatannya, dan senjatanya sekali. Orangnya pun larilah; pulang kembali mengadu kepada rajanya. Maka inilah kita nyatakan kepada sahabat kita perbuatan Sayid Zain itu. Maka tiadalah teratahan [sic] oleh kita perkataan Sayid Zain itu, dan perabuatannya [sic] kepada kita. Maka tiadalah lagi sampai 61 The foresail.

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dengan hemat kita duduk bersama-sama sepigi [s-p-g-y]62 di dalam negeri Siak. Bukannya kita hendak bermusuh dengan dia; sekali-kali tiada. Maka redzalah kita menanggung mana yang ditakdirkan Allah atas kita daripada sepigi dengan dia. Maka sekarang ini melainkan harablah [sic] kita akan kasih sayang bela pelihara sahabat kita juga kepada kita; serta kasih Kompeni kepada kita selamanya karana [k-a-r-a-n] kita orang yang la’if. Tiada siapa lain kita harab [sic] melainkan sekarang ini Kompeni Inggerislah yang rapat sahabat kita. Kepada fikir kita siang dan malam jikalau ada sesuatu susah Kompeni Inggeris susahlah kita. Jika ada susah kita Kompeni Inggeris boleh tolong atas kita; istimewah [sic] pulak sahabat sudah menjadi sahabat; selama-lamanya akan menolong jalan kebajikan di atas kita. Demikianlah adanya. Kemudian daripada [itu] suatupun tiada burhan al-ajud [b-r-h-a-n-a-l-a-j-u-d] daripada kita kepada sahabat kita; anyalah [sic] ada seorang budak laki-laki, tanda ikhlas juga adanya; akan sebarangbarang gunanya. Lain daripada itu do’a akhir intahi al-kalam. 1225 Sanah kepada dua likur haribulan Dzulhijjah, hari Jumaat, waktu pukul sepuluh, siang hari termaktubnya.

SIAK XII Letter of Tunku Pangeran of Siak, Jawi script, 2 folios, 30.5 x 37.2 cm and 18.7 x 25.5 cm, with red wax seal, addressed to Raffles Endorsement verso first folio of Malay letter in Raffles’ hand: ‘Tunkoo Pangeran / Recd. 8 Feby. 1811’ Endorsement in Jawi script: ‘This letter is from Tunku [t-n-k-w] Pangeran / on the twentieth of the month of Hajj’ Endorsement verso second folio in Raffles’ hand: ‘Tunkoo Pangeran / Recd. 8 Febry 1811’ Endorsement in Jawi script: ‘This is a complaint letter from Tengku Pangeran’ Heading of letter: ‘Nur u’l-Syams wa’l Qamar’ The existing epistle and extended right guidance within which is incorporated sincerity and goodwill along with an affectionate heart that 62 Short form of seperigi. See note 44 above.

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is pure, limpid and with transparent candour, harbouring no ill-will, without limit and duration; that is to say, from Tunku Pangeran of Siak. May it be conveyed by [the grace of] God, Lord of All the Worlds, I pray, to His Excellency Thomas Raffles Esquire, agent of Gilbert Lord Minto, the Governor-General of Bengal, raja above every raja dependent on the colours of the very great raja in the land of the English, whether from above the wind or below the wind; who is exceedingly wise; discreet in conducting reciprocity of affection and familiarity, without interruption and until eternity; who is endowed with a gentle and tender disposition, like the waters of al-Kawthar63 and the fragrant [water of the] Zamzam,64 tranquil in its coolness, assuaging the thirst of friends and companions, near and far. And we invoke God, the Powerful and the Sublime, if it pleases Him, to increase his rank of distinction and grade of majesty. Following that, may it be understood by our friend that we let fly this scrap of epistle, which is not as it should be, wholly as a mark of whiteness of heart and sincerity. Further, we make it clear to our friend that with regard to the journey undertaken by us and John Scott, we had set sail on that same day and then we stopped at a place called Singkep. For about six days we were in Singkab [sic, Singkep] and not a day did we see the sun; so we composed this letter because there was too much rain and wind. We are presently in Singkep because every first mate and their shipmates are not skilful enough to sail during this month of the Haj [pilgrimage]. According to them, during the month of the pilgrimage there is too much rain and even the wind is too gusty. We thus have to wait in the land of Singkep for the month of pilgrimage and only then will we head for Palembang. Further, we have enquired from every first mate and their shipmates who usually go on piracy raids in the land of Java. They said that during this period it is not possible to get close to the coast of Java because the waves are too big, except in the month of Rabi’ul-awal when it will be 63 ‘Al-Kawthar’ in sura 108 of the Holy Quran means the river of abundance; tradition has it that during the Prophet’s mystical night journey to heaven (the mi’raj) he witnessed a river in Paradise (al-Kawthar). 64 Zamzam is the sacred well of Mecca. Islamic tradition relates how the well was opened by Gabriel to save Hagar (Abraham’s second wife) and her son Ismail who were dying of thirst in the desert. Water from the Zamzam is regarded as holy; pilgrims drink it as health giving and take it home upon their return from the pilgrimage. Zamzam also means ‘abundant water’.

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possible to get close. That is it. Furthermore, concerning the case of Palembang which is conveyed by Raden Muhammad,65 in our opinion, it will be later still when he can arrive at Malacca, for it will not be possible for him to return sooner.66 That is why we would like to break our journey at Palembang; we wish to enquire about the deliberations. Further, we may be able to enquire about matters related to Java since we have heard reports in the land of Lingga that the General67 at Batavia is too harsh in his control of every desa in Java. And pertaining to Haji Muhammad Ali,68 who is carrying out an assignment for our friend in the two places, we have already instructed him to sail to Java, taking passage on a boat. As for the pangeran, they are all with us. Following that, our friend should deliver to us in accordance with our request stated in the letter conveyed by John Scott. Our friend may instruct the Company’s vessel to meet us at the Mas Fari69 island in order that we can take it along with us to Java because these perahu given by the Raja of Lingga are all very small and cannot hold out against the long, rolling waves. That is why we want to have the Company’s vessel, which is larger and will be more comfortable for travelling back and forth. As for us, we are quite capable of going to the land of [Java] by that boat. Everyone else in the boat is not that skilful with it because it cannot be manoeuvred to turn back when it is windy. With regard to the issue of sending the pangeran and our friend’s letter, we shall send them to dry land. To turn back is not possible 65 Tengku Raden Muhammad had been sent by Raffles in mid-December 1810 to negotiate a treaty with Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin and to submit a letter from Raffles dated 15 December 1810. Raden Muhammad arrived at Palembang on Saturday, 5 January 1811 and was at the court of Palembang on the same day. See Palembang letter V. 66 Tunku Pangeran must have heard that Raden Muhammad, after delivering Raffles’ letter and concluding a treaty with the Sultan, had left Palembang and stopped at Muntok. 67 I.e., Governor-General Daendels. 68 Haji Mohali; see the Java letters below. 69 The island referred to is today’s Pulau Mas, which is adjacent to Pulau Pisang, Pulau Baso and Pulau Nior near Tembilahan in the present Riau province. Tome Pires named the island Lucipara [Mas Pari in Malay]; it faces Tulangbawang in the Lampung district. See Armando Cortesao (transl. & ed.), The Suma Oriental of Tome Pires, Kraus Reprint Ltd., Nendeln/Liechtenstein, 1967, pp. 157 fn and 158.

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because the wind is too gusty and also the waves are surging too high for the smaller boats. At present we already have a total of four boats. That is why we earnestly entreat our friend to give instructions for a vessel to be sent promptly so that we can return to Malacca speedily. God, God, God! Earnestly we hope that our request is fulfilled so that the Company’s assignment can be carried out and our friend’s purpose accomplished. Further, we intend to visit Jambi for a short time to see the man who was transformed into a rock. Written on the twentieth of the [month of] Haj, in the year of 1225 AH [16 January 1811 CE]. Postscript [Second folio] Further, with regard to the country of Siak and all our children, we shall have to rely on our friend for whatever circumstances; and we place our trust and confidence in our friend in this manner. Our work in the service of the Company is difficult; none the less, we trust we shall be able to achieve comfort in the land of Siak. Furthermore, we have heard news in Lingga that our son in Siak is exceedingly distressed because of the Raja of Siak. If there is going to be counsel from Siak to Malacca or from Malacca to Siak, we earnestly plead to our friend that under no circumstances should our friend break the news to the Raja of Siak— formidable news—for the Raja of Siak is well versed in the art of machination. Further, we send profuse salutations to the Tuan Raja [Resident of] Malacca, Captain Farquhar and to our friend Mr. Rahall [Hare?]. As for our son who lives in Malacca, we hope our three friends will cherish him. Following that, we have 100 men with us. They are all [our] employees. Since the Dutch are still in the estuary of the Palembang River,70 we are afraid to proceed in that direction and for that reason we have brought along somewhat more men. Following that, after departing from Malacca we reached Lingga,71 upon leaving Lingga we then arrived at Singkep. We have finished the money we took out—942 1/2 ringgit—from the Company’s cash. Further, we have given instruction to 70 The Musi estuary. 71 Tunku Pangeran arrived at Lingga on 23 December 1810 and departed for Singkep on 9 January 1811.

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Ibrahim to go to Siak to fetch the rial. And if Ibrahim does come with the money, our friend should then take it from him, whatever amount it might be; [he] is our plenipotentiary to our friend. In case Ibrahim fails to come with the rial but, instead, Sayid Salim brings our money, then our friend should also take it from Sayid Salim—the man who has a wife in Siak—whatever the amount is. Further, our greetings to our friend’s wife and to our friend’s relatives. And so we set sail from Singkep on the twenty-third of Dzulhijjah, on Thursday. The year of 1225 Hegira [19 January 1811 CE]. Siak 12 Warkah Tunku Pangeran kepada Raffles, dua lembar, 30.5 x 37.2 sm dan 18.7 x 25.5 sm Warkat al-maujud dan hidayat al-mamdud maka dipesertakan dalamnya tulus dan mesra serta selasai [sic] hati yang suci hening jernih yang tiada menaruh cemar dalamnya yang tiada berhingga dan bermasa iaitu darpada Tengku [t-ng-k-w] Pangeran Siak. Barang diwasilkan Tuhan sarwa alam apalah kiranya kepada Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles Esquire yang ada ganti daripada Gilbert Lord Minto Guburnur Jenderal di Benggala, raja di atas segala raja-raja yang ada takluk di bawah bendera raja yang maha besar di negeri Inggeris, dari atas angin sampai ke bawah angin; yang amat arif bijaksananya daripada hal melakukan berkasih-kasihan dan berjinak-jinakan yang tiada berkeputusan selama-lamanya serta melakukan perangai yang lemah lembut seperti ma’ al Kauthar wallah jazama72 yang sejahtera sejuknya akan jadi menhghilangkan dahaga dan haus segala sahabat, handai karib wal ba’id; maka kita pohonkan kepada Tuhan Aza Wajalla barang bertambah-tambah juga kiranya pangkat yang kemuliaan dan darjat yang ketinggian Man yau ma hazalli yau middin Amin ya rabb al- alamin. Waba’adah daripada itu barang mafhum kiranya sahabat kita adalah kita melayangkan secarik warkah ini tiada dengan sepertinya daripada tanda putih hati serta tulus ikhlas semata-mata jua adanya. Syahadan adalah kita nyatakan kepada sahabat kita darihal kita serta John Askot [sic, Scott] berlayar maka kita pun berlayarlah juga kepada 72 Like the water of the pond of al-Kawthar and the fragrant zam-zam.

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hari itu, lalu kita berhenti; ada satu tempat Singkab [sic, Singkep] namanya. Kira-kira ada enam hari lamanya kita di dalam Singkab [Singkep] itu tidaklah ada kita melihat barang sehari matahari. Lalu kita membuat surat ini karena [k-a-r-n] terlalu banyak ujan [sic] angin. Maka sekarang ini telah adalah kita di dalam Singkab [sic] karena [k-a-r-n] segala malim orang rakyat dia tiada cakep berlayar di dalam bulan Haji ini; karena [sic] katanya bulan Haji ini terlalu banyak ujan [sic] dan angin pun terlalu keras; melainkan kita nantilah di dalam tanah Singkab [sic] mengabiskan [sic] bulan Haji ini; baharulah kita ke Palembang. Dan lagi sudah habis kita tanya kepada segala malim orang rakyat yang biasa pergi merompak ke Tanah Jawa. Kata dia, jikalau kepada waktu ini tidak boleh dekat di tepi Tanah Jawa karena [sic] gelombang terlalu besar, melainkan kepada bulan Rabi’ul-awal itu boleh dekat di tepi Tanah Jawa. Itulah adanya. Dan lagi dari hal bicara Palembang yang dibawa oleh Raden Muhammad itu, pada akal kita lambat lagi boleh sampai di Melaka karena [sic] tiada boleh segera ia berbalik ke Melaka. Itulah kita mau singgah di Palembang mau tanyakan bicara itu adanya. Dan lagi boleh kita cari bertanya akan hal Tanah Jawa karena [sic] kita ada dengar khabar di Tanah Lingga itu jenderal di Betawi terlalu keras dia punya jaga seganap [sic] desa Tanah Jawa itu.73 Dan lagi darihal Haji Muhammad Ali yang membawak [sic] pekerjaan sahabat kita yang dua tempat itu, sudahlah kita suruhkan ia berlayar ke Tanah Jawa menumpang kepada satu perahu. Akan hal segala pangeran-pangeran itu ada bersama-sama dengan kita. Kemudian daripada itu hendaklah sahabat kita beri bagaimana seperti permintaan kita yang di dalam surat kita yang dibawa oleh John Askot [sic, Scott] itu. Boleh sahabat kita suruhkan perahu Kompeni, boleh berjumpa dengan kita di pulau Masfari [m-s-f-a-r-y]74 supaya boleh kita bawa bersama-sama pergi ke Tanah Jawa karena [sic] ini perahu yang diberi oleh raja di Lingga perahu kecil-kecil tidak boleh tahan gelombang. Itulah maka kita mau [sic] perahu Kompeni, boleh besar boleh senang sedikit pergi datang. Dan lagi darihal kita cakep juga pergi di Tanah [Jawa] dengan itu perahu. Segala orang-orang yang di dalam perahu tidak cakep, itulah adanya, karena tidak boleh disusulkan berbalik kepada waktu angin ini. Akan mengantarkan [sic] pangeran-pangeran itu serta dengan surat sahabat kita bolehlah kita 73 Obviously Tunku Pangeran was referring to Daendels. 74 M-s-f-a-r-y [mim-sin-fa-alif—ra-ya].

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hantarkan ke darat. Berbalik itu, yang tiada boleh karena [sic] angin terlalu besar gelombang pun besar; tidak tahan itu perahu kecil-kecil. Maka kita sekarang sudah jadi empat buah perahu adanya. Itulah kita mintak banyak-banyak kepada sahabat kita, boleh sahabat kita suruh hantarkan itu perahu dengan segeranya? Boleh tempat kita segera berbalik ke Melaka adanya. Allah, Allah, Allah! Telah harablah [sic] kita akan boleh seperti permintaan kita supaya boleh jadi pekerjaan Kompeni adanya. Dan lagi boleh sampai bagaimana maksud sahabat kita adanya. Dan lagi kita mau [sic] singgah sebentar di Jambi, mau [sic] lihat orang jadi batu. Tersurat kepada dua puluh hari Haji 1225 Sanah. Catatan Tambahan [Folio kedua] Dan lagi darihal negeri Siak dari segala anak-anak kita telah harablah [sic] kita akan sesuatu hal ahwalnya kepada sahabat kita. Dan lagi telah harablah [sic] kita kepada sahabat kita; begini adanya susah kita mengerjakan pekerjaan Kompeni, melainkan harab [sic] kita boleh kita mendapat kesenangan di dalam negeri Siak. Dan lagi kita ada dengar khabar di Lingga kita punya anak-anak di dalam Siak terlalu susah dari sebab Raja Siak. Dan lagi jikalau ada datang bicara dari Siak ke Melaka atau bicara dari Melaka ke Siak itulah kita mintak banyakbanyak kepada sahabat kita jangan sekali sahabat kita memberi khabar kepada Raja Siak khabar yang hebat [heboh?] karena Raja Siak terlalu pandai ilmu bicara; dan lagi kita kirim tabek banyak-banyak kepada Tuan Raja Melaka Kapitan Faquha [sic, Faquhar] dan kepada kita Masteri [m-s-t-y-r-y] Hall. Daripada hal anak kita yang tinggal di Melaka telah harablah [sic] kita akan pelihara sahabat kita yang bertiga adanya. Kemudian daripada itu orang yang bersama-sama dengan kita ada seratus orang; semuanya itu orang makan gaji. Karena [sic] Belanda lagi ada di Kuala Palembang, jadi kita takut pergi di jalan itu. Dari sebab itu kita bawa orang banyak sedikit. Kemudian daripada itu tatkala keluar dari Melaka sampai ke Lingga; keluar dari Lingga sampai ke Singkep [s-ng-k-p] sudah habis wang kita keluarkan; sembilan ratus empat puluh dua ringgit setengah dari wang Kompeni. Dan lagi ada kita berpesan kepada Ibrahim pergi di Siak mengambil rial; dan jikalau ada

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datang Ibrahim itu membawa rial hendaklah sahabat kita terima kepada tangan Ibrahim itu, barang berapa adanya wakil mutlak kita kepada sahabat kita. Dan lagi jikalau tiada Ibrahim itu membawa rial, jikalau ada Sayid Salim membawa rial kita hendaklah sahabat kita terima juga kepada Sayid Salim itu adanya; di[a] Sayid Salim yang berbini di Siak; barang berapa adanya. Dan tabek kita kepada isteri sahabat kita dan kepada saudara sahabat kita adanya. Dan lagi kitapun berlayarlah dari Singkab [sic] kepada tiga likur75 haribulan Dzulhijjah, hari Khamis, adanya. 1225 Sanah.

SIAK XIII Letter of Tengku Tua, Jawi script, 1 folio, 20.2 x 24.1 cm, without seal, addressed to Raffles Endorsement verso Malay letter: ‘Tunkoo Pangeran’s / mother to Raffles / January 1811-’ Endorsement in Jawi script: ‘This is the letter of the mother of Tengku Pangeran of Siak’ Heading: ‘Qawluh u’l-Haqq’ A letter, token of sincerity and eternal goodwill and tender affection so long as the revolution of the sun and the moon exists, from us, Tengku Tua, the mother of Tunku Pangeran,76 most insignificant as she is, in the land of Siak Seri Indrapura. May it be delivered by [the grace of] God, Lord of all the Worlds, to our friend Mr. Thomas Raffles Esquire, who is great in authority and in devising a scheme; and who travels over the Eastern countries as agent for the Governor-General, the great raja of the land of Bengal; and who shows discretion and pity towards every friend through pure whiteness of his heart. Following that, [be it known that] we are a frail old lady, having neither means nor resources. When we see the circumstances of our son, Tunku Pangeran, it breaks our heart exceedingly; there is no comfort, whether day or night. We place very high hopes on our friend for the support and protection of that son of ours and everyone of us who is of our son’s clan. Now at this very time there is nowhere else for us in the 75 Three likur means a score (20) plus three. 76 Her real name was Tengku Awi, daughter of Raja Alam, son of the famous Raja Kecil. Her mother was a Bugis lady by the name of Daeng Tiedja. See Begbie, The Malayan Peninsula, “Genealogy of the Johore Rajahs” chart opposite p. 284.

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family to seek solace but only from, firstly, God and then our friend—to whom everyone of us is attached—to request for assistance whatever our circumstances might be. As for our son, the Tunku Pangeran, we submit him to our friend to be asked to follow the command of our friend; whether it is for the better or for the worse it is still assistance for our friend. We are but an elderly person, yet more a woman without means; only God Most High knows our excessive suffering in this land of Siak. However, if there be kindness in our friend, we plead with the best of our ability, through our friend’s assistance, to please let us be together with our son; be it [in] death or life, we do not wish to be separated from our son because we are old, and are waiting for the moment of death. Our friend may enquire from the scribe Ibrahim, for he has seen what our friend would have seen. And so we make our supplication day and night. Further, there is no token of affection from us, only a prayer for [your] safety. Thus we make it plain that the epistle is written on the twentyfourth of Dzulhijjah [without the Hegira year] [20 January 1811 CE?], finis.

Siak 13 Warkah bonda Tunku Pangeran [Tengku Tua], satu lembar, 20.2 x 24.1 sm Surat tanda ikhlas serta kasih dan sayang selama-lamanya selagi ada peredaran mahatari [sic, matahari] dan bulan dari kepada [sic] kita Tengku Tua, bonda Tunku Pangeran yang teramat dha’if di dalam negeri Siak Seri Inderapura. Barang disampaikan Tuhan sarwa sekalian alam kiranya kepada sahabat kita Tuan Thomas Raffles Askoyar [sic] yang besar kepada perintah dan bicara serta mencalani [sic, menjalani] negeri timur itu, ganti Gurnor [sic] Jeneral, raja yang besar negeri Benggala; serta bicaksana [sic, bijaksana] menaruh kasehan kepada segala sahabat juga, dengan suci putih hatinya. Waba’adah kemundian [sic] dari itu maka adalah kita ini orang tuha [sic] yang dha’if tiada berdaya dan upaya. Maka kita lihat akan hal anak kita itu, Tunku Pangeran, terlalu hancur hati kita siang dan malam tiada merasai senang. Maka sangatlah kita harabkan [sic] kepada sahabat kita daripada bela pelihara di atas anak kita itu, dan serta [sic] kita sekalian, mana suku anak kita itu. Adapun sekarang ini tiadalah lain tempat lagi yang boleh kita sekalian anak beranak hendak membawak 179

[sic] diri, melainkan dahulu Allah, kemudian sahabat kitalah, akan tempat kita sekalian berpegang, memintak [sic] tolong daripada barang sesuatu hal ehwal kita. Maka anak kita itu, Tunku Pangeran, kita serahkanlah kepada sahabat kita. Mana ikut perintah sahabat kita lebih baik dan jahatnya, itu penolong sahabat kita. Maka akan kita ini orang tuha [sic], lagi perempuan; tiada upaya, melainkan Allah ta’ala juga yang ketahuinya daripada sangat kesakitan kita di dalam negeri Siak ini; melainkan ikut kasehan sahabat kita. Maka kita pinta jika boleh dengan bolehnya itu, dengan penolong sahabat kita biarlah kita bersama-sama dengan anak kita itu. Jika mati hidup pun tiadalah beta mau [sic] bercerai dengan anak kita, karna [k-r-n] kitapun sudah tua, menanti ketika mati. Boleh sahabat kita periksa kepada cerutulis77 [sic, jurutulis] Ibrahim karena [k-a-r-n] ia sudah lihat seperti sahabat kita sendiri. Maka inilah kita do’akan siang dan malam. Kemundian [sic] tiadalah apa tanda kasih daripada kita. Hanya do’a selamat juga; akhwal [sic] inilah kita nyatakan, perbuat surat kepada empat likur haribulan Dzulhijjah. Tamat al-kalam.

SIAK XIV Letter of Tengku Embab, wife of Tunku Pangeran Perca of Siak, Jawi script, 1 folio, 19.9 x 33.8 cm, without seal; addressed to Raffles Endorsement verso Malay letter: ‘Tunkoo Pungeron’s / wife’s note to Mr T Raffles / January 1811’ Endorsement in Jawi script: ‘This is the letter of Tunku [t-n-k-u] Pangeran of Siak’s wife’ Heading: ‘Qawluh u’l-Haqq’ A letter of sincerity and varied gifts which contains within it love and affection that are everlasting; so long as the revolution of the sun and the moon exists, so will they be unaltered, from us Tengku Embab, wife of Tengku Pangeran Perca, a woman with her children who is without resources and means, in the land of Siak Seri Inderapura. [May] God deliver [this letter] to our friend His Excellency Thomas Raffles Esquire, agent for the Governor-General, the raja of Bengal, who possesses magnificence in the country of Bengal and all its tributaries and comes to carry out government and great deliberations, travelling over the 77 Ch-r-t-w-l-s.

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circuit of the Eastern countries, among great rajas; and who with prudence is skilful in winning over the heart of every affectionate friend. Further to that, with regard to our friend’s letter that was conveyed by the scribe Ibrahim, it has already reached us together with all the things sent as mentioned in it. We have understood every part and line of it. As to our condition and that of the children, it is impossible to relate further the tribulations and pain we suffer in this country. My friend may enquire from the scribe Ibrahim. He can relate them according to what he has seen about our condition and that of our family. We coud not bring ourself to turn to anyone except the support and protection of our friend of us and everyone of our children. We earnestly ask for assistance from our friend that under no circumstances do we wish to be separated from our husband; whether it be on sea or on dry land, please let us be together; for never have we suffered as we do now from the excessive weeping of all our children, day and night; without being certain of when to eat or drink, they crave to meet their father. Nevertheless, our friend may be the more informed of every aspect of the matter. Thus it is our fervent hope for our friend’s assistance to relieve us from this forlornness of ours because we cannot bear seeing our children in this condition. Other than that there is no token of affection from us except our prayers day and night. We thus make it known that the letter is written on the twenty-fourth of Dzulhijjah AH 1225, the year of Jim. End of saying. [20 January 1811 CE] It is our hope and trust that our friend would look after our son, Munek; and give us your duty with pity lavished towards us. We place much hope on our friend to help us; there is no one else other than you.

Siak 14 Warkah Tengku Embab, isteri Tunku Pangeran, kepada Raffles, satu lembar, 19.9 x 33.8 sm Surat al-ikhlas wa tuhfat al-ajnas yang ada di dalamnya kasih dan sayang selama-lamanya selagi ada peredaran matahari dan bulan tiada berubah-ubah lagi daripada beta Tengku Embab, isteri Tunku Pangeran Perca,78 perempuan anak beranak yang tiada berdaya dan upaya di 78 Another title of the Pangeran. Perca also refers to the island of Sumatra.

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dalam negeri Siak Seri Inderapura; sampaikan Allah kepada sahabat beta Tuan Seri Paduka Thomas Raffle [sic] Askoyar, ganti Gurnur Jendaral [sic] raja Benggala yang mempunyai kebesaran di negeri Benggala dan segala ta’alukannya; serta datang membuat perintah dan bicara yang besar menjalani daerah negeri timur ini antara raja-raja yang besar-besar serta dengan bijaksana, pandai mengambil hati kepada segala sahabat yang kasih. Waba’adah kemundian [sic] dari itu maka hal surat sahabat beta yang dibawak oleh certulis [sic, jurutulis] Ibrahim itu telah sampailah kepada beta; serta dengan segala kiriman yang tersebut di dalamnya itu fahamlah beta daripada segala tarif79 [sic, takrif] satarnya; melainkan hal beta anak beranak ini tiadalah beta dapat khabarkan lagi daripada sangat siksa dan kesakitan di dalam negeri ini. Boleh sahabat beta periksa pada certulis [sic] Ibrahim itu. Bolehlah ia khabarkan seperti mana yang di lihatan [sic], akan segala hal beta anak beranak. Tiada tempat akan membawak diri melainkan bela pelihara sahabat betalah di atas beta apa sekalian anak beranak. Maka beta minta tolong sunguhsunguh80 [sic, sungguh-sungguh] kepada sahabat beta sekali-kali beta tiada mahu bercerai dengan suami beta itu. Jika ke laut ke darat pun biarlah bersama-sama; karna [k-r-n] tiadalah menderita beta dari kepada sangat tangis segala anak-anaknya siang dan malam; makan tiada tentu minum tiada tentu; hendak bertemu dengan ayahnya cuga [sic, juga]. Di dalam hal pada itu lebih maklum sahabat beta kepada segala perkaranya. Maka sangat harap beta daripada penolong sahabat beta juga melapaskan [sic] daripada percintaan beta ini; karna tiada terpandang hal anak-anak. Lain daripada itu tiadalah tanda kasih daripada beta melainkan donga [sic, do’a] beta juga siang dan malam. Ehwal inilah beta maklumkan, diperbuat surat empat liko [sic] haribulan Dulhijjah [sic] kepada Sanah seribu dua ratus dua puluh lima tahun, tauan [sic, taun]81 Jim. Tamat al-kalam. Telah haraplah sahaya akan sahabat kita menengoki anakanda Menuik [sic, Munek] serta belas dengan kasian [sic, kasehan] sahabat kita banyak-banyak sahabat kita [sic]. Haraplah kita akan sahabat menolongi; tiada yang lain dari kepada [sic] sahabat beta.

79 T-r-f. 80 S-ng-h2. 81 T-a-w-a-n.

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SIAK XV Letter of Dato’ Seri Pikrama Raja, Jawi script, 1 folio, 30 x 37.3 cm, with black seal Addressed to Raffles Endorsement verso in Raffles’ hand: ‘February 1811 / Datoo Puckeremah / Rajah nagree Siac’ Endorsement in Jawi script: ‘This is the letter of Dato’ Seri Pikrama Raja / from Siak, dated the twentieth of Muharram’ Heading: ‘Nur u’l-Syams wa’l Qamar’ Whereas this epistle symbolizes earnestness and sincerity along with everlasting pure whiteness of heart, without bound and duration, so long as the revolving body of the light of the sun and the moon exists so will the friendship; that is, from Dato’ Sri Pikrama Raja within the country of Siak. May it be conveyed by the All-Supporting God of all the Worlds, we pray, to our friend His Excellency Thomas Raffles who is on the throne of government in the Settlement of Malacca; who has attained greatness and magnificence of rank and is compassionate and affectionate to all of his friends. Out of such an innate character and disposition his fame is celebrated in every quarter, East and West. We too invoke God, Lord of all the Worlds, may He grant him a long life, in peace and good health. Amen! O God, the Cherisher and Sustainer of the Worlds. Following that, be it known to our friend that with regard to the matter of our friend’s letter conveyed by the scribe Baki, it has arrived safely. Whatever was stated in it has been understood by us in regard to every matter. Furthermore, it was mentioned in our friend’s letter that the [Siak’s] letter has remained unanswered because there has been no letter coming from His Highness the Yang Dipertuan of Siak. What had been sent was the letter from the Old Yang Dipertuan. Because of that our friend has not replied to the said letter. The Yang Dipertuan of Siak is Paduka Sri Sultan Abdul Jalil Khaliluddin. It is correct that he owns the throne of government in the country of Siak. But the regency is with his father, Paduka Sri Sultan Abdul Jalil Saifuddin, who is the Yang Dipertuan Tua82 together with all of us of the four suku and all the chiefs in Siak; such is the situation.

82 The old raja.

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And further, with regard to our request for our friend’s permit,83 it is to instruct the boats to set sail. You mentioned that the perahu have not been acquired yet and whither they should go. What our friend said is right. But then, next year, we would still insist on having the permit. We wish to order the vessels to depart for Java. Furthermore, concerning our friend’s desire to have the text, “Patih [sic] Sebatang”, we have instructed [someone] to go to Minangkabau to look for it. Should the text arrive, we shall command to have it sent to our friend. Furthermore, with regard to our situation in the country of Siak at this very time, we place the utmost confidence in our friend to come to our assistance in the case of anything that afflicts us. There is nobody else for us to turn to represent our case except the English Company that is able to support and protect all of us, including the country of Siak, for the English Company is our true friend. Such is the case. Following that, there is nothing whatever for a token of life from us to our friend except the final supplication. 1226 AH on the twentieth of Muharram, on Friday, at ten o’clock, during the daytime this [letter] is written [14 February 1811].

Siak 15 Warkah Dato’ Seri Pikrama Raja kepada Raffles, satu lembar, 30 x 37.3 sm Bahawa ini alamat surat pertandaan tulus dan ikhlas serta suci putih hati selama-lamanya, yang tiada berhingga dan bermasa, selagi ada tubuh peredaran nur syamsu wal qamar sebe[g]itu juga adanya, iaitu daripada Dato’ Seri Pikamaraja84 [sic] di dalam negeri Siak. Maka barang disampaikan Tuhan Samad sekalian alam apalah kiranya datang kepada sahabat kita Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles yang tahta [sic] kerajaan di dalam negeri Melaka; yang telah beroleh daripada pangkat yang kebesaran dan kemuliaan, lagi pengasih dan penyayang kepada segala sahabatnya; daripada perangai dan tabiat yang demikian, menjadi masyhur nama yang kepujian kepada tiap-tiap baladan timur dan barat. Maka kita pun memintokkan [sic] juga kepada Tuhan sarwa sekalian 83 Travel document allowing free passage for native vessels. 84 P-k-m-a-r-aj.

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alam, barang dipanjangkannya juga daripada umur usianya, di dalam sihat dan afiat amin ya rabbul ‘alamin. Waba’adah daripada itu maklum kiranya sahabat kita akan hal seperti surat sahabat kita itu yang dibawa jurutulis Baki, telah selamatlah sampai kepada kita. Barang apa yang termazkur di dalamnya fahamlah kita akan sekalian perkaranya itu. Syahadan lagi adalah tersebut di dalam warkah sahabat kita itu mengatakan surat tiada berbalas; karana [k-a-r-n] belum datang surat Duli Yang Di Pertuan Siak. Adalah yang datang itu surat Duli Yang Di Peratuan [sic] Tua. Sebab itu maka tiada sahabat kita balas surat itu. Maka adalah Duli Yang Di Pertuan Siak itu Paduka Seri Sultan Abdul Jalil Khaliluddin. Betul ia raja yang mempunyai tahta [sic] kerajaan di dalam negeri Siak. Akan tetapi yang memangkunya ayahanda baginda Paduka Seri Sultan Abdul Jalil Saifuddin, iaitu Yang Di Pertuan Tuah [sic], serta kita semua yang keempat suku dengan segala orang besar-besar di dalam negeri Siak; demikianlah adanya. Dan lagi akan hal kita mintok [sic] surat kepada sahabat kita hendak menyuruhkan perahu beralayar [sic]; kata sahabat kita belum lagi tentu perahunya, dan kemana pe[r]ginya. Betullah kata sahabat kita itu. Kemudian kepada tahun datang kita hendak juga surat itu. Kita hendak menyuruhkan perahu ke Tanah Jawa. Syahadan lagi akan hal sahabat kita hendakkan kitab “Patih Sebatang” itu pun sudah kita menyuruh ke Minangkabau, mencari kitab itu. Jikalau sudah datang kitab itu kita suruh hantarkan kepada sahabat kita. Syahdaan lagi akan hal kita di dalam negeri Siak kepada waktu sekarang ini terlebih harablah [sic] kita akan sahabat kita akan menolong atas kita, daripada barang suatu hal ehwal kesukaran kita. Maka tiadalah siapa lain tempat kita mengadukan hal ehwal kita, melainkan Kompeni [k-m-p-n-y] Inggeris; yang boleh membela dan memelihara kita sekalian, serta negeri Siak; karana [sic] Kompeni Inggeris sahabat yang sebetul kepada kita. Demikianlah adanya. Kemudian daripada itu suatupun tiada alamat al-khayat [sic] daripada kita kepada sahabat kita, anyalah [sic] do’a al-khair. 1226 Sanah, kepada dua puluh haribulan al-Muharram, hari Jumaat, waktu pukul sepuluh siang hari termaktubnya.

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SIAK XVI Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio, 22.7 x 37.3 cm, with black (charcoal) seal at the bottom right-hand corner of folio, inscribed with the words: ‘Alamat [signature]: Dato’ Raja [1225?] Sanah’ Addressed to Raffles through Ibrahim Endorsement verso: ‘Inee surat/eang deper Tuan / Siac ingatan’ Heading: ‘Nur u’l-Syams wa’l Qamar’ This is a reminder from the Old Yang Dipertuan to our friend His Excellency Thomas Raffles Esquire; to the clerk Ibrahim, we request it be conveyed to our friend: firstly, it is our earnest expectation that the Honourable Thomas Raffles will render assistance to our son, Along Mengangkat in Penang; secondly, it is our hope that the Honourable Thomas [sic] will seek an audience with His Excellency Gilbert Lord Minto, Governor-General, raja above every raja in the land of Hindustan, who has been invested with authority as the representative to make counsel, to sway every business in the Eastern lands through meritorious actions such that he becomes our source of help when we have need or difficulties; thirdly, our trust in him who is extremely thorough in the Malay language, wise and prudent in the customs and ceremonies of every Malay raja, each with his own customs, is because he is extremely knowledgeable and considerate with the feelings of his friends; and fourthly, we trust him to show pity to every raja and country that gets close to the English Company; and fifthly, we hope that since he is so accomplished in his intelligent scheme in looking after every land of his friends and connections in the Eastern region, for which reason His Excellency Gilbert Lord Minto, the Governor-General, has appointed him as his representative to rule in the East, we can expect prosperity bestowed on us, an insignificant person; there is none other who will give welfare to us, father and son, and who will assist in relieving us from whatever difficulty and illness. Great is our trust in His Excellency Thomas Raffles, whether by day or night, and so you, Ibrahim the clerk, must convey our instructions and the contents of our heart to our friend; let him know; and the sixth, Oh Ibrahim the clerk, we place our trust in our friends; we request it to be conveyed that throughout this time we have never found a single fault with the English Company. What we know is that all this while we have been true friends with the English Company; and now at this very time our friend is His Excellency Thomas Raffles Esquire. If he listens to the 186

slander by Sayid Zain concerning us, we will surely suffer injustice in connection with all that matters because of his slander against us. If our friend has compassion and sympathy for us, do not listen to any slander by Sayid Zain. Our friend should first carefully and thoroughly investigate with every person who knows anything about his behaviour and character; and with all those who are familiar with Sayid Zain pertaining to his rule because our friend is wise and prudent and when he conducts government and counsel among rajas in the Eastern region it should be with perfection so that his name will be well-known to all rajas, more so to the great Tuan Raja in Bengal. Lastly, our only request to our friend is that please do not bear a grudge against us, whose own self is insignificant. Such is the state of affairs. Out of truthfulness and plainness our seal85 is stamped on this paper as a sign of friendship. [undated]

Siak 16 Warkah Yang Di Pertuan Tua kepada Raffles melalui Ibrahim, satu lembar, 22.7 x 37.3 sm Ini peringatan Yang Di Pertuan Tuah [sic] kepada sahabat kita Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles Sekoyar; kepada jurutulis Ibrahim kita mintok [sic] sampaikan kepada sahabat kita pertama-tama besar harab [sic] kita kepada Paduka Thomas Raffles menolongi anak kita Along Mengangkat di Pulau Pinang. Keduanya, harab kita akan Paduka Thomas pagi [sic, pergi] mengadab [sic] Seri Paduka Galbatlat [sic] Lord Minto, Gurnor Jeneral, raja di atas segala raja-raja di tanah Hindustan; mendapat hukum menjadi ganti membuat bicara memerintahkan segala pekerjaan di dalam tanah timur ini dengan jalan yang kebajikan; boleh tempat kita mintok [sic] tolong barang yang kekurangan dan yang kesukaran atas kita. Ketiga, harab [sic] kita kepada dianya terlalu halus kepada bahasa Melayu, arif bijaksana kepada adat istiadat segala raja-raja Melayu; masing-masing dengan adatnya; karana [k-a-r-a-n] dia terlalulah mengetahuinya, dan menimbangkan 85 The seal bearing the words ‘Alamat … tua Raja’ is stamped at the bottom righthand corner of the letter in line with the margin of the letter.

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segala hati sahabatnya. Dan keempat, harab [sic] kita akan dianya banyak kasi[h]an atas kepada segala raja-raja dan negeri yang menghampirkan dirinya kepada Kompeni Inggeris. Dan kelima, harab [sic] kita daripada sangat sempurna akal bicaranya pada memeliharakan segala negeri sahabat handainya yang di tanah timur ini. Sebab itulah Seri Paduka Gilbatlat Lord Minto, Gurnor Jeneral, memberi ganti dirinya memerintahkan di sebelah timur ini. Itulah yang kita harab [sic] akan kebajikannya atas kita orang yang dha’if ini; tiada yang lain memberi kebajikan atas kita yang dua beranak; dan menolongi kita daripada sebarang sukar sakit kita. Sangatlah besar harab [sic] kita kepada Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles kepada siang dan malam. Dapat tiada hai jurutulis Brahim [sic] sampaikan pasan [sic] kita ini; dan isi hati kita ini kepada sahabat kita itu. Biarlah dia mengetahui. Dan yang keenam: Hai jurutulis Ibrahim, harab [sic] kita akan sahabat kita itu, kita mintok [sic] sampaikan. Maka adalah selama-lamanya ini tiadalah apa suatu kesalahan kita kepada Kompeni Inggeris. Adapun yang kita tahu selama-lamanya ini kita sahabat betul dengan Kompeni Inggeris. Maka adalah sekarang ini sahabat kita itu Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles Sekoyar. Jika ia mendengarkan segala fitnah Sayid Zain itu di atas kita maka jadi teraniayalah kita pada sekalian perkaranya itu; sebab fitnahnya kepada kita. Jikalau ada balas [sic] dan kasian [sic] sahabat kita di atas kita sekali-kali janganlah didengarkan [sic] segala fitnah Sayid Zain itu. Boleh sahabat kita itu halusi, periksa dahulu baik-baik pada segala orang yang mengetahui segala kelakuannya dan tabi’atnya. Kepada segala orang yang biasa dengan dia akan perantah [p-r-a-n-t-h] Sayid Zain itu karena [k-a-r-n] sahabat kita itu orang yang ‘arif bijaksana. Adalah sahabat kita itu membuat perintah dan bicara antara segala raja-raja negeri timur ini hendaklah dengan sempurnanya, supaya masyhurlah nama sahabat kita kepada segala raja-raja, istimewahnya [sic] kepada Tuan Raja yang besar di Benggala. Dan lagi sahaja permintokkan [sic] kita kepada sahabat kita, janganlah sahabat kita kecil hati kepada kita orang yang dhaif ini. Demikianlah adanya. Daripada sungguh dengan nyatanya maka adalah acap86 [sic, cap] kita termeterai di atas kertas ini; tanda islah juga adanya. (Tanpa tarikh).

86 A-ch-p.

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SIAK XVII Letter of the scribe Baki, Jawi script, 1 folio, 20.5 x 30 cm, with red wax seal Addressed to Ibrahim, Raffles’ scribe Endorsement verso Malay letter: ‘The Rajah of Siac’s / letter to Mr. Raffles / written Ibrahim / February 1811’ Heading: ‘Qawluh u’l-Haqq’ Praise be to God, the Cherisher and Sustainer of the Worlds, the Provider of good life and success in the hereafter. May prayers and peace and blessings be upon our Master Muhammad, Chief of all the Messengers, his family and all his Companions. Other than that [are] this beautification of words and sapphirine salutations from the scribe Baki in the land of Siak Seri Inderapura. May it be conveyed by God, the Exalted and the Sublime, to my brother, that is the scribe Ibrahim, who is presently in the settlement of Malacca; who is protected by God, the Exalted and the Sublime, in regard to his religion and good works of this world and the hereafter. Amen! O God, the Cherisher and Sustainer of the Worlds. Following that, be it understood by my brother that with regard to my case, I have safely arrived in the land of Siak on the seventeenth of Muharram, on Tuesday, at seven o’clock, daytime. Further, with regard to my brother’s letter, I have conveyed it to His Highness the Old Yang Dipertuan; furthermore, I have also delivered an epistle of His Excellency Thomas Raffles to Datuk Seri Pikrama Raja. Furthermore, with regard to all my brother’s instructions, I have conveyed them without exception and all those are still under deliberation. Nonetheless, God knows best. Further, with regard to the instructions of His Excellency Thomas Raffles to His Highness the Old Yang Dipertuan, those too I have conveyed. His Highness the Old Yang Dipertuan is also thankful to His Excellency Thomas [Raffles]. That is the situation. If it pleases God Most High, in the days ahead I shall write a letter to my brother; such is the case. Subsequent to that, there is nothing whatever as a token of life to my brother, only prayers, be it night or day. 1226 [1811]

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Siak 17 Warkah jurutulis, Baki, kepada Ibrahim, satu lembar, 20.5 x 30 sm Alhamdulillahi rab al-‘alamin wal aqibat al-muttaqin, wa al-salat wa alsalam ‘alai sayyidina Muhammad Sayyid al-Mursalin wa ‘ala alihi wa sahbihi ajma’in. Lain daripada itu tahsin al kalam87 wa tahmidin [sic] nilam;88 iaitu daripada jurutulis Baki di dalam negeri Siak Seri Inderapura. Maka barang disampaikan Allah subhanahu wa ta’ala kepada saudara saya iaitu jurutulis Ibrahim yang ada kepada masa ini di dalam negeri Melaka; yang telah dipeliharakan Allah subhanahu wa ta’ala daripada iman dan amalnya. Mindar [m-n-d-r] al dunia ‘ala dar al adzim89 amin ya rabb al-alamin. Waba’adah daripada itu mafhum kiranya saudara saya akan hal saya selamatlah sampai ke dalam negeri Siak kepada tujuh belas haribulan Muharram, hari Thalatha waktu pukul tujuh siang hari. Syahadan lagi akan hal seperti surat saudara saya telah sudahlah saya sampaikan ke bawah Duli Yang Di Pertuan Tua. Dan lagi sepucuk surat Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles kepada Dato’ Seri Pakma90 [sic] Raja itupun sudah saya sampaikan. Dan lagi akan hal segala pesan-pesan saudara saya sudah belaka [b-l-a-k] saya sampaikan. Maka sekalian itu lagi di dalam bicara; tetapi isya’Allah ta’ala rupa-rupanya akan menjadi kebajikan. Di dalam daripada itu wallahu ‘alam. Dan lagi seperti pasan-pasan [sic] Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles kepada Duli Yang Di Pertuan Tua itu pun sudah juga saya sampaikan. Itupun menarima [sic] kasih Duli Yang Di Pertuan Tuha [sic] atas Seri Paduka Thomas [sic]. Demikianlah halnya. Insya’Allah ta’ala kemudian harinya saya membari [sic] surat juga kepada saudara saya. Demikianlah adanya. Kemudian daripada itu suatupun tiada alamat al-khayat [sic]91 daripada saya kepada saudara saya; ialah do’a Fi laili wal nahar 1226 Sanah. 87 The finger of fate is illustrated as a pen writing on a tablet [loh] of slate. This pen that is made of divine light [nur] records at God’s command all the Past and all the Future, together with the destinies of the Blessed and the Damned. 88 The phrase “tahsin al kalam wa tahmidin nilam” may be translated as: ‘beautification of words and pristine salutations’. 89 The world that is within a greater world. 90 P-k-m-a. 91 Signs of fraternity.

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SIAK XVIII Letter of Sultan Abdul Jalil Khaliluddin of Siak, Jawi script, 1 folio, 33.2 x 41.2 cm, with black seal, addressed to Raffles Endorsement verso in Raffles’ hand: ‘February 1811- / Rajah Siac’ Endorsement in Jawi script: ‘This is the letter of the Yang Di Pertuan of Siak dated / twenty-fourth of the month of Muharram’ Heading: ‘Nur u’l-Syams wa’l Qamar’ The existing epistle and extended right guidance within which is incorporated earnestness and sincerity along with a pure whiteness of heart, without limit and duration, so long as the revolving firmament, the light of the sun and the moon exists, so will the friendship be; that is to say, from the Yang Dipertuan Sri Sultan Abdul Jalil Khaliluddin, son of Sultan Abdul Jalil Saifuddin, who sits in state upon the throne of the kingdom of the land of Siak Seri Indrapura. May it be brought forth by [the grace of] God, Lord of all the Worlds, to our friend His Excellency Thomas Raffles Esquire, representative of His Excellency Gilbert Lord Minto, Governor-General, chief yang dipertuan, His Highness, who sits enthroned on the seat of government in the land of Bengal, raja above all the great rajas in the land of Hindustan; it is he who is much celebrated in every quarter, east and west. May it please the Lord to increase the greatness and dignity of grade and rank of one who is loving and affectionate, as well as fair and generous to all his friends. We too invoke God, the Eternal, Absolute, Lord of all the Worlds, if it pleases Him to grant him a long life in peace and good health. Amen. O Lord, the Cherisher and Sustainer of the Worlds. Following that, be it known by our friend that, pertaining to the matter of the epistle of sincerity and varied gifts from our friend conveyed by Ibrahim, it has safely arrived along with the gift from our friend. Everything that was stated within it has been understood by us. Further, regarding the letter from our father, the Old Yang Dipertuan that was conveyed by the scribe Baki, it seems our friend is not willing to respond to that letter. Our friend insists on a letter from us. We are, in fact, being looked after and cared for by our father and all the chiefs, as we are still a mere youth; if there be issues for deliberation within the country of Siak, none but our father, together with the chiefs, will confer. Furthermore, now, at this very time, with regard to our friend’s request for the Pangeran to be joined by his mother and wife, we can give instruction to our uncle, Tengku Besar, to have his mother and wife 191

escorted to Palalawan.92 Over there, he can meet his mother and wife, because we and our father, together with the chiefs in the country of Siak, are very much afraid of the Pangeran. Our friend would understand the fear of someone who is very afraid. Such is the situation. Further, with regard to our situation in the land of Siak, those in whom we have placed much confidence are our friend the English Company and our friend himself who can assist us, whatever our affliction is; and whatever deficiencies we may have; it is the English Company on which we place our reliance, for we are a mere youth who has yet to attain level-headedness and we are also feeble. And so we have ordered our man, Raja Nagara, to convey this letter to our friend; that is the situation. Following that, there isn’t any token of life from us to our friend to accompany the ending of this epistle, except an elephant tusk as a mark of sincerity. Other than that there is only the final supplication. 1226 AH, 24th Muharram, on Monday, at 10 o’clock daytime [18 February 1811 CE].

Siak 18 Warkah Sultan Abdul Jalil Khaliluddin ibni al Sultan Abdul Jalil Saifuddin, Raja Siak, satu lembar, 33.2 x 41.2 sm Warkatul maujud dan wal [sic] hidayat al mamdud maka dipesertakan di dalamnya tulus dan ikhlas suci putih hati selama-lamanya yang tiada berhingga dan bermasa selagi ada nubah peredaran cakrawala nur al-syamsu wal qamar, sebaitu [sic] juga adanya iaitu daripada Yang Di Pertuan Paduka Seri Sultan Abdul Jalil Khaliluddin ibni al-Sultan Abdul Jalil Saifuddin yang semayam di atas tahta [sic] kerajaan di dalam negeri Siak Seri Indera Pura. Maka barang disampaikan Tuhan sarwa alam apalah kiranya kepada sahabat kita Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles Askoyar [sic] yang ada ganti daripada Seri Paduka Gilbatlat [sic] Lord Minto Gurnur Jeneral yang dipertuan besar yang maha mulia semayam di atas tahta kerajaan di dalam negeri Benggala, raja di atas segala raja-raja yang besar-besar di dalam negeri Hindustani; ialah yang amat kepujian kepada tiap-tiap baladan timur dan barat; barang bertambah92 Or Pelalawan, situated in the Bengkalis region, East Sumatra.

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tambah juga kiranya daripada pangkat maratab [sic, martabat] yang kebesaran dan kemuliaan; lagi pengasih dan penyayang kepada sekalian sahabatnya serta dengan adil murahnya; maka kita pun memintokkan [sic] juga kepada Tuhan samad sekalian alam barang dipanjangkannya juga daripada umur usianya di dalam sihat dan afiat amin ya rabb al-‘alamin. Waba’adah daripada itu maklum kiranya sahabat kita akan hal seperti warkat al-ikhlas watun hifat al-ajnas daripada sahabat kita yang dibawak Ibrahim telah selamatlah sampai dengan sejahteranya serta hadiah sahabat kita. Barang apa yang teramazkur [sic] di dalamnya fahamlah kita akan sekalian perkara itu. Syahadan lagi akan hal seperti surat ayah kita Yang Di Pertuan Tuah [sic] yang dibawak jurutulis Baki itu maka sahabat kita tiada mau membalas surat ayah kita itu. Maka sahabat kita hendakkan surat kita. Adalah kita ini di dalam pelihara dan belaan ayah kita juga, serta segala orang besar-besar karana [sic] kita lagi budak. Jikalau barang suatu hal bicara di dalam negeri Siak, melainkan ayah kita itulah dengan segala orang besarbesar. Syahadan lagi maka sekarang ini seperti sahabat kita mintok [sic] kepada kita hendak berapetemukan [sic] Pangeran itu dengan ibunya, dan bininya, bolehlah kita suruh hantarkan ibunya dan bininya ke Pelalawan kepada ayah kita itu Tengku Besar. Di sana boleh dia berajumpa [sic] dengan ibunya dan bininya karana [sic] kita serta ayah kita dengan orang besar-besar di dalam negeri Siak sangatlah takut akan Pangeran itu. Maklumlah sahabat kita, orang yang sangat takut demikianlah adanya. Syahadan lagi akan hal kita di dalam negeri Siak adalah yang kita harab [sic] selama-lamanya sahabat kita Kompeni [k-m-p-n-y] Inggeris serta dengan sahabat kita yang boleh menolongi kita daripada barang suatu sukar sakit kita; daripada barang apa yang ada kekurangan Kompeni Inggeris yang kita harab karana [k-a-r-a-n] kita lagi budak belum sempurana [sic] akal lagi la’if atas kita. Maka inilah kita menyuruhkan orang kita Raja Nagara membawak surat kita ini kepada sahabat kita. Demikianlah adanya. Kemudian daripada itu suatu pun tiada alamat al-khayat [sic] daripada kita kepada sahabat kita yang dipesertakan pada akhiran syatar ini, anyalah [sic] ada satu gading tunggal tanda ikhlas juga adanya. Lain daripada itu do’a al khair. 1226 Sanah. Kepada dua puluh empat hari bulan Muharram hari Ithnin fi waktu pukul sepuluh siang hari teramaktubnya [sic]. 193

SIAK XIX Letter of Yang Di Pertuan Tua of Siak, Jawi script, 1 folio, 25 x 41 cm, with black seal, addressed to Raffles Endorsement verso in Raffles’ hand: ‘Rajah of Siak / Recd 2 April 1811’ Endorsement in Jawi script: ‘This letter is from the Raja of Siak / dated 4th Rabi’ul-awal’ Heading: ‘Nur u’l-Syams wa’l Qamar’ The existing epistle and extended right guidance in which is incorporated earnestness and sincerity along with pure whiteness of heart, without limit and duration so long as the heavenly bodies revolve and the light of the sun and the moon are also in actual state, that is, from the Old Yang Dipertuan in the land of Siak Seri Inderapura. May it be conveyed by [the grace of] God, Lord of all Worlds to our friend, His Excellency Thomas Raffles Esquire who, at this very time, is exercising the functions of a government in the Eastern district, identical with the very great rajas with the command of His Excellency Lord Minto, GovernorGeneral, Chief Yang Dipertuan, His Highness, raja of every district in the land of Bengal and Hindustan, the Madras Presidency and Surat and every land that is dependent on the colours of the very great raja of the land of the English; who has obtained rank and dignity of office as well as honours; and his kindness and affection to all God’s poor are much renowned and celebrated in very quarter, east and west. We too invoke God, the Eternal, Absolute, Lord of all the Worlds, to grant him long life and good health. Amen! O God, the Cherisher and Sustainer of the Worlds. Further, be it known to our friend, that with regard to the epistle of sincerity from our friend, it has reached us safely together with your gift, a telescope. Whatever was stated in it has been understood by us in regard to every matter. Furthermore, it was mentioned in our friend’s letter that our friend desires every kind of food that is available in the land of Siak. Our friend requests the following to be despatched to Malacca: buffaloes, cows, goats, fowls, ducks, geese and rice. But all these are not available in Siak. Nevertheless, our friend may inquire from all those who are accustomed to coming into Siak; even for their own consumption there is hardly any. As you know, the land of Siak is small, like a village; what do we have? Even rice has not been acquired for the last two years; padi is not available. Everybody eats sago. If there is any [extra food] in the land of Siak, surely we shall be more than happy to 194

help our friend, so that every little person can make an ample profit from it. And as for the hilsa,93 it is true that the fish is available in Siak, but it is not in season yet. Nonetheless, may we be forgiven and sheltered by our friend. Further, concerning our friend’s letter to our son, the Yang Dipertuan of Siak, it has reached our son along with the gift from our friend; our son, nonetheless, expresses much gratitude to our friend. However, our son really hopes for and puts much trust in the Company’s assistance and protection and our friend’s affection; there is nobody else to rely on but always only the English Company. Furthermore, regarding our friend’s letter to Padang, we have instructed that it be conveyed; and pertaining to our friend’s request to assess the land of Minangkabau, we have also ordered our man to travel over every part of the country. When the man we ordered to go has returned we shall then deliver a letter to our friend. Such is the state of affairs. Following that, there is not a single gift of life that accompanies the final lines of this paper from us to our friend, excepting a piece of cloth made in Siak, a gift from our nyonya to our friend’s madam, which is not as a thing should be; still a token of sincerity and whiteness of heart, nonetheless. May it be of some use to our friend. Other than that, the last supplication that is eternal; end of words. 1226 AH on the fourth day of Rabi’ul-awal, Saturday, 10 o’clock day time [29 March 1811].

Siak 19 Warkah Yang Di Pertuan Tua negeri Siak kepada Raffles, satu lembar, 25 x 41 sm Warkat al-maujud dan wa hidayat al-mamdud. Maka dipersertakan di dalamnya tulus dan ikhlas serta suci putih hati yang tiada berhingga dan bermasa selagi ada nubah peredaran matahari nur al-syamsur [sic] wal qamar sabeitu [sic, sebegitu] juga adanya iaitu daripada Yang Di Pertuan Tuah [sic] di dalam negeri Siak Seri Indera Pura. Maka barang disampaikan Tuhan Sarwa Alam apalah kiranya kepada sahabat kita Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles Askoyar [sic] yang ada kepada masa ini membuat perintah di dalam daerah timur sama degan raja-raja maha 93 Hilsa or terubuk is also known by its scientific name, Tenualosa toli.

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besar dengan perintah Tuan Seri Paduka Gilbatlat [Gilbert] Lort [sic]Minto Gurnur [sic] Jeneral, yang diperatuan [sic] besar, yang maha mulia raja segala daerah negeri Benggala dan Hindistan [sic] dan Keling dan Surati [Surat] dan segala negeri yang ada takluk di bawah bendera raja maha besar negeri Inggeris yang telah beroleh daripada pangkat yang kebesaran dan kemuliaan lagi pengasih dan penyayang kepada segala hamba Allah, menjadi masyhur nama yang kepujian kepada tiap-tiap timur dan barat. Maka kita pun memintokkan [sic, memintakan] juga kepada Tuhan samad sekalian alam barang dipanjangkannya juga daripada umur zamannya di dalam sihat dan afiat amin ya rabb al-alamin. Waba’adah daripada itu maklum kiranya sahabat kita akan hal seperti warkat al-ikhlas daripada sahabat kita telah selamatlah sampai kepada kita serta hadiah sahabat kita satu teropong. Barang apa yang teramazkur [sic] di dalamnya fahamlah kita daripada sekalian perkaranya. Syahadan lagi adalah tersebut di dalam warkah sahabat kita itu sahabat kita menghendaki segala makan makanan yang ada di dalam negeri Siak. Sahabat kita suruh hantar ke Melaka seperti kerbau dan lembu dan kambing seperti ayam itek angsa dan beras. Maka sekaliannya tiada dapat di dalam negeri Siak melainkan sahabat kita tanyakan kepada segala orang yang sudah biasa masuk ke dalam negeri Siak; akan dimakan pun tiada dapat. Lebih maklumlah sahabat kita, negeri Siak kecik [sic], seperti dusun apa yang ada? Dan beras sudah dua tahun tiada dapat akan dimakan; padi tiada dapat; sekaliannya makan sagu. Jikalau sekiranya ada di dalam negeri Siak kita pun teralebih [sic] suka menolong sahabat kita. Boleh segala orang yang kecik [sic] banyak dapat untung di atas itu. Dan lagi seperti ikan tarubuk [sic] benar ada di dalam negeri Siak tetapi kepada waktu ini tiada musimnya, melainkan lebih ma’af dan pelihara sahabat kita kepada kita. Syahadan lagi akan hal seperti surat sahabat kita kepada anak kita itu Yang Di Pertuan Siak telah sampailah kepada anak kita itu; serta hadiah sahabat kita melainkan anak kita itu menarima [sic] kasih banyak-banyak kepada sahabat kita. Melainkan anak kita itu teralebih [sic] harablah [sic] akan tolong pelihara Kampeni dan kasih sahabat kita. Tiadalah ada siapa lain yang diharab [sic] melainkan Kampeni Inggeris juga selama-lamanya. Syahadan lagi akan hal surat sahabat kita ke Padang itu itupun sudah kita suruh hantarkan. Lagipun sahabat kita mintok [sic] tentukan negeri Minangkabau itu pun sudah kita suruh

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orang kita menjalani segala negeri itu. Jikalau sudah datang orang yang kita suruh itu bolehlah kita membari [sic] surat kepada sahabat kita. Demikianlah adanya. Kemudian daripada itu suatupun tiada burhan al-ajud [sic, ujud] yang disertakan pada akhiran syatar ini daripada kita kepada sahabat kita. Anyalah [sic] ada sehelai kain buatan Siak kiriman nyonya kita kepada nyonya sahabat kita; tiadalah dengan sepertinya, tanda iklhlas putih hati juga, sebarang gunanya oleh sahabat kita. Lain daripada itu doa akhir alai al dawam, intahi al-kalam. 1226 Sanah. Kepada empat haribulan Rabiul-awal hari Sabtu, waktu pukul sepuluh siang hari.

SIAK XX Letter of Sultan Abdul Jalil Khaliluddin ibni Sultan Abdul Jalil Saifuddin, Jawi script, 1 folio, 32 x 40 cm, with black seal, addressed to Lord Minto in Bengal Endorsement verso Malay letter in Raffles’ hand: ‘Recd. 7 June 1811’ Heading: ‘Nur u’l-Syams wa’l Qamar’ The existing epistle and extended right guidance in which is incorporated earnestness and sincerity, along with pure whiteness of heart, without limit and duration so long as the revolving vault of heaven, the light of the sun and the moon exists, so will the friendship be forever; that is, from the Yang Dipertuan Paduka Sri Sultan Abdul Jalil Khaliluddin, son of Sultan Abdul Jalil Saifuddin, son of the late al-Habib Sultan Othman bin al-Syeikh Ali Ba’alwi, who is most insignificant94 in the land of Siak Seri Inderapura. May it be conveyed by [the grace of] God, Lord of all the Worlds, to our friend, the great master, His Excellency, the Maharaja Gilbert Lord Minto, chief yang dipertuan, most honourable GovernorGeneral, raja of every district of the land of Bengal, Hindustan, Keling,95 Surat, Gujerat and Maha Lingga and all of the land of Turkestan, the large countries which are dependent on the colours of the very great king of the land of the English; His Excellency who sits in state upon a throne of dominion in the land of Bengal, who has attained 94 The word is used to indicate humility. 95 The Madras Presidency on the coast of Coromandel.

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greatness and illustriousness of rank as well as honours in every quarter, East and West; he dispenses the law to abound justly and with liberality; with tender and gentle disposition he investigates the unchanging customs; wherefrom such a temperament and innate character render him fame from excess of wisdom, intelligence and discretion and from his reciprocity of goodwill and mutual affection towards every raja, near and far. We too invoke God, the Eternal, Absolute, Lord of all Worlds, to grant him a long life, in good health. Amen! O God, the Cherisher and Sustainer of the Worlds. Further to that, be it known to our friend pertaining to our letting fly this white sheet, which is not as it should be, to you; furthermore, we have asked our brother, Sayid Abdul Rahman bin Umar, to seek audience to present this epistle, moving in procession, in order to express earnestness and sincerity and whiteness of heart as well as our trust from one who is rendered powerless and poor, to our friend. Upon hearing that you have set out to come Eastward, it so delighted us to be able to seek a place to place trust and dependence of our ownself, a mere youth who is, furthermore, deprived of strength and poor; so great is our confidence in you and the English Company in rendering us affection and assistance whatever our circumstances might be, forever, until the days of our descendants with our friend and the English Company. Furthermore, we have heard that our friend’s journey on this occasion will be onwards to Java, bringing along an expedition of innumerable men-of-war with a desire to strike against the Dutch and the French. We are very pleased to hear of our friend; if it be right for you, we would have liked to request our father, the Old Yang Dipertuan, to accompany you, but alas, we are weak and poor. We have but 100 men because our country is small, like a village. However, we do place much trust and confidence with the utmost sincerity and a heart that is white and hopeful of the fostering care of our friend towards us forever. Please do not cast infamy upon our father. We only hope for assistance from you and the Company forever. Such is the situation. Following that, there is no proof of generosity from us to you, except a male slave as a token of our trust and sincerity of heart that is white. Other than that is the final supplication. 1226 AH, on the seventh of Jamadi’l-awal, on Friday, at ten o‘clock, daytime [30 May 1811].

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Siak 20 Warkah Sultan Abdul Jalil Khaliluddin ibni Sultan Abdul Jalil Saifuddin kepada Raffles, satu lembar, 32 x 40 sm Warkat al-maujud dan wa hidyat al-mamdud maka dipesertakan di dalamnya tulus dan ikhlas serta suci putih hati yang selama-lamanya tiada berhingga dan bermasa selagi ada nubah perinderaan [sic] cakrawala nur al-syamsu wal-qamar sabaitu [sic, sebegitu] juga adanya alai al-dawam iaitu daripada Yang Di Pertuan Paduka Seri Sultan Abdul Jalil Kaliluddin ibni al-Sultan Abdul Jalil Saifuddin ibni almarhum Al-Jib Sultan Othman bin Al-Syeikh Ali Ba’lawi yang amat la’if daripada yang lai’f di dalam negeri Siak Seri Inderapura. Maka barang disampaikan Tuhan sarwa alam kiranya kepada sahabat kita Tuan Besar Paduka Seri Maharaja Gilbatlat [sic] Lord Minto, yang dipertuan besar, yang maha mulia Gurnor [sic] Jeneral, raja segala daerah negeri Benggala dan Hindistan [sic] dan Keling dan Surat dan Guzerat [sic], Maha Lingga dan pada sekalian tanah Turkestan, negeri yang besar-besar yang ada takluk di bawah bendera raja-raja [sic] maha besar negeri Inggeris; yang maha mulia yang semayam di atas tahta singgasana [sic] kerajaan negeri Benggala yang telah beroleh daripada pangkat yang bekebesaran dan kemuliaan lagi kepujian pada tiap-tiap baladan timur dan barat serta melimpahkan hukum yang keadilan lagi kemurahan dengan lemah lembut dan peraisanya [sic, periksanya] kepada istiadat yang tiada berubah-ubah daripada perangai dan tabiat yang demikian; menjadi masyhurlah daripada sangat arif budiman dan bijaksana daripada berkasih-kasihan atas segala raja-raja karib wal-ba’id. Maka kita pun memintokkan [sic] juga kepada Tuhan samad96 sekalian alam barang dipanjangkannya juga daripada umur usianya di dalam sihat dan afiat amin ya rabb al ‘alamin. Waba’adah daripada itu maklum kiranya sahabat kita akan hal kita melayangkan sekeping abiadz97 ini dengan tiada sepertinya kepada sahabat kita. Syahadan lagi maka adalah kita menyuruhkan saudara kita al-Sayid Abdul Rahman bin Umar ini mengadab [sic] sahabat kita akan berpesembahkan [sic] sekeping warkah yang mubarak ini

96 Lord; everlasting. 97 White [piece of paper].

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daripada menyatakan tulus ikhlas serta putih hati dan harab [sic] kita yang la’if miskin ini kepada sahabat kita. Maka lah [sic] kita mendengar sahabat kita berangkat datang ke sebelah timur ini, sangatlah kesukaan kita akan tempat peragantungkan [sic] diri kita budak kecik [sic] lagi la’if, dengan miskin ini daripada besarnya harab [sic] kita kepada sahabat kita serta Kompeni Inggeris akan mengasihi kita dan menolong daripada barang suatu hal ahwal kita selama-lamanya sehingga sampai kepada anak cucu dan cicit kita dengan sahabat kita serta Kompeni Inggeris. Syahadan lagi kita mendengar sahabat kita datang ini lalu ke Tanah Jawa membawak angkatan kapal perang berapa banyak hendak memukul Wolandes [sic] dan Feransis [sic]. Sangatlah kita suka mendengar sahabat kita itu; jikalau kiranya benar kepada sahabat kita melainkan kita hendak menyuruhkan ayah kita itu Yang Di Pertuan Tua bersama-sama mengiringkan sahabat kita. Akan tetapi kita orang yang la’if lagi miskin; adalah membawak orang seratus orang karena negeri kita kecil, seperti dusun; melainkan daripada sangat harab [sic] kita dengan ikhlas hati yang putih serta harab [sic] akan bela pelihara daripada sahabat kita kepada kita selama-lamanya. Dan usahlah dibari [sic] keji ayah kita itu melainkan kita harab [sic] akan peratolong [sic] daripada sahabat kita serta Kompeni selama-lamanya. Demikianlah adanya. Kemudian daripada itu suatupun tiada burhan al-ajud [sic] daripada kita kepada sahabat kita; anyalah [sic] ada seorang budak lakilaki akan tanda harab [sic] serta ikhlas hati yang putih. Lain daripada itu doa al-khair 1226 Sanah kepada tujuh hari bulan Jamadi’l-awal, hari Jumaat fi waktu pukul sepuluh siang hari.

SIAK XXI Letter of Tunku Pangeran Kusuma Dilaga, Jawi script, 1 folio, 33.5 x 42 cm, with red wax seal, addressed to Raffles Letter is written on both sides of folio, with endorsement in Raffles’ hand, on top of verso: ‘April 1811- / Tunkoo Pangeran’ Endorsement in Jawi at the bottom of second page: ‘This is the letter of Tunku Pangeran, dated eleventh day of the month of Rabi’ul-awal’ Heading: ‘Qawluh u’l-Haqq’ Whereas this is an epistle of existence and extended right guidance within which is incorporated straightforwardness and sincerity along 200

with a pure whiteness of heart, limpid and transparent candour, without limit and duration, so long as the revolving vault of heaven, the sun and the moon exists, so will the friendship be forever; that is to say, from Tunku Pangeran Kusuma Dilaga of Siak who, at this very moment, is stationed in Muntok. May it be brought forth by God, Lord of all the Worlds, I pray, to the presence of my friend, that is His Excellency Thomas Raffles Esquire, who lives in peace and good health in the settlement of the Malacca fort, representing His Excellency Lord Minto, Governor-General of Bengal, raja above every raja dependent on the flag of the very great raja of the land of the English, whether from above the wind or below the wind; who is exceedingly wise, intelligent and discreet in effecting mutual friendship and affection without interruption and in perpetuity; and who conducts a gentle and tender disposition like the waters of al-Kawthar which is tranquilly cool; it is to assuage the thirst of friends and companions, near and far. We invoke God, Lord of all the Worlds, if it pleases Him, to increase the greatness and illustriousness of grade, richness and victory upon the friend of the Company. Amen. O Lord, the Cherisher and Sustainer of the Worlds! Following the stated words, be it known to my friend that regarding my journey from Lingga, after a day’s sail I reached Pulau Berhala;98 night fell and the ra’ayat99 ordered by Sultan Mahmud to accompany me fled. It thus caused me much hardship. So I pondered and devised a way that could enhance my friend’s rank. I then wrote a letter to Tuan Sayid Abdullah in Jambi, because the Raja of Jambi is in dispute with the common people; and now that the Raja has absconded, I have installed Tuan Sayid Abdullah as Raja of Jambi in your name since, after all, his position is under the flag of the English Company. And moreover, whatever the Company’s trade is, it can be transacted with the land of Jambi; and likewise, the people of Jambi will then come to Malacca and Pulau Pinang without fear any more; but instead they will be able to rely on the Company’s assistance in case of any difficulty or deficiency.

98 Pulau Berhala, a small island not very far from the island of Singkep, lies to the south of the latter, and north of the strait which is also named Berhala. Pulau Berhala, which is about 10 sq. km in area, is surrounded by other tiny islands— Pulau Manjen, Pulau Telur, Pulau Layak, Pulau Selumar, Pulau Nyirih and Pulau Nyior. 99 Private soldiers or militia. In this context, peasants were conscripted to serve Tunku Pangeran.

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With your help, and also his letter along with my letter, together with its complimentary gifts, I entered Jambi100 with the intention of looking for vessels and men since the men assigned by Sultan Mahmud from Lingga have all fled. The vessels that I wanted to look for were the slightly bigger ones because the boats from Lingga are rather small and they cause too much inconvenience in conveying the pangeran. How are we to carry the gambang?101 It will not fit in a small space, but needs a bigger one. [However] nothing that I wanted was available in Jambi. So I left Jambi and headed for Muntok,102 where I met Raden Muhammad. I wanted to look for the boats in Muntok, but even there I failed to get them because the Palembang people were afraid of the Dutch in Palembang. They would not dare sell me the boats because the hobos [colonel] and the Commandant had taken them out of Palembang and gone to Lampung, where they set up a factory. From there they can travel to Palembang since it is quite close to upriver Palembang. To my mind it is nothing but Palembang’s scheme. Further, I devised a plan. I mentioned that I am agent to you. I enquired about the Dutch in Palembang, and Raden Muhammad answered that the case has been settled. Sayid Abu Bakar Rum has gone to Malacca carrying a letter from 100 The town of Jambi was at that time situated at a distance of 60 miles [96 km] from the sea. Tunku Pangeran must have sailed upriver to approach the town. In the late 17th century, Jambi was known to have traded in gold-dust, pepper and canes. W. Marsden, The History of Sumatra, Oxford University Press, Kuala Lumpur, 1966, p. 358. 101 The gambang is a traditional musical instrument that has 15–25 strips of metal (copper) or wood of varying lengths and forms part of the gamelan set. The notes of the gambang are struck by two rappers. Wilkinson, A Malay-English Dictionary, and Kamus Besar Bahasa Indonesia. 102 Tunku Pangeran was referring to the town and harbour on the island of Bangka, standing near the foot of Menumbing hill and nearly opposite the Palembang River. Muntok, also pronounced ‘Mentok’, lies on a plateau or hill rising about 80 feet above the sea. Established in the early 18th century, preceding the reign of Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin I, Muntok became a producer of tin and and began to attract swarms of Chinese adventurers who then flocked to the banks of the River Teluk Rumbia in Bangka where rich deposits of tin ore were found; from the 18th until the early 19th century its population was mainly Chinese and tin was its principal trade. See ‘Report on the Island of Banka’, JIAEA, 2, 1848, pp. 308–309. See also Walter Hamilton, The East-India Gazetteer; Containing Particular Descriptions of the Empires, Kingdoms, … of Hindostan … and the Eastern Archipelago, 2nd edn, Wm. H. Allen and Co., London, 1828, Vol. 2, p. 232.

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the Sultan of Palembang, taking passage in the perahu kura[-kura] [fighting perahu].103 I asked Raden Muhammad why he had stayed behind, and not gone together with the others to Malacca since it is not the custom of one who has been asked to serve to do otherwise. He replied that there was no more room in the boat. In my opinion it was because he was taking along four or five ladies from Palembang. How could they find a place in the perahu kura[-kura]? He had also instructed Sayid Abu Bakar to carry some tin to Malacca. The ruling that I received from the Company was that if one was in the course of duty for the Company, one should not mix it with pleasure and commerce, that is what I know. I then entered Sungsang104 together with Raden Muhammad. If the Palembang people would welcome me I would have liked to enter Palembang. My aspiration was to take the Dutch in the factory at Palembang myself; let me meet death rather than put your name to shame. The very day I arrived, two Palembang ministers coming downstream approached me. One was named Temenggung Lanang,105 Sura Dipa by title, and the other was called Gemas Rangga Jin, Citra Dewangsa being his title; both met me. I then enquired about the Dutch in the land of Palembang since the Dutch are enemies of the English Company. They answered that the Sultan had given his reply to Raden Muhammad. I scrutinised the answer further: when will they be rid of 103 A small perahu used for fighting. See note 112 below. 104 Refers to the Sungsang village. It was here that merchant ships of all kinds that wished to enter Palembang had to stop and be inspected by the estuary guards. The late O. W. Wolters who visited Sungsang in 1978 wrote that Sungsang village lies not very far from where the Musi River flows out into the Bangka strait. It is about 50 miles from the present city of Palembang. When Tunku Pangeran made a stop at Sungsang he was, therefore, quite a distance from the palace of the Sultan of Palembang. See O. W. Wolters, ‘A Note on Sungsang Village at the Estuary of the Musi River in Southeastern Sumatra: A Reconstruction of the Historical Geography of the Palembang Region’, Indonesia, no. 27, April 1979, Cornell Modern Indonesia Project, pp. 33–50. 105 Temenggung Lanang, the Palembang chief accused of carrying out the murder of the Dutch garrison in September 1811 was, in the words of Colonel Gillespie, “the harbinger of treachery and deceit in the first instance, … also the promoter of the Sultan’s cruelty”. Gillespie expressed surprise at Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin’s boldness for having the audacity to appoint the man as his ambassador to the British government on Java. See Lady Sophia Raffles, Memoir of the Life and Public Services of Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles (Oxford University Press, Singapore, 1991, p. 20.

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the Dutch, or will they not be rid of them? The Temenggung retorted to me: “What is there to be so vexed about the Dutch? They are like the proverbial ants in the betel-leaf box.”106 So I said that I wished to go upstream to seek an audience with the Sultan, all the same. The Chief answered—and Temenggung Hasan was also present at that time, his designation being Sura Di Prana—and the three ministers responded to me: “Even Raden Muhammad, who was not born in Palembang, has been presented to the Dutch as the Sultan’s kinsman; he was gone for a long time and only now has he come back.” Still I insisted on going upstream. But they asked me to postpone my journey as they wanted to seek an audience with the Sultan first. After having gone upstream for six days, they returned bearing gifts from the Sultan for me: a koyan of rice and a buffalo. I enquired about the Sultan’s word. They answered that the Sultan’s request to me was to sail on to Muntok; the Sultan will then devise a plan. Subsequently, I could re-enter Palembang. I then asked my son, Tengku Said, whom I had taken along with me to Pulau Pinang before, to proceed upstream to Palembang. I took Raden Muhammad along with me to Muntok for, to my mind and observation, as long as Batavia is not yet taken by the English Company, the Sultan of Palembang will not get rid of the Dutch from Palembang. That is why I wanted to instruct Raden Muhammad to return to you in Malacca because, in my considered opinion, understanding and view, all the letters of the Sultan conveyed by Sayid Abu Bakar Rum to you are mere lies because he is still afraid of the General at Batavia and loves the Dutch who are in Palembang. It is only his fear of the English Company that made him write letters to you. By his magic arts your cause can be temporarily halted because the ilmu [magic arts] ... [missing end of folio?] Verso: ... together with Raden Muhammad and Abu Bakar Rum. In my considered opinion, they wanted to conduct trade in textiles and tin with convenience. Upon my leaving Sungsang I met the ketch of Sayid Abu Bakar Rum in the Sungsang waters; but Raden Muhammad merely evaded me together with the ketch, while proceeding to enter Sungsang. So I followed behind until I arrived back at Sungsang. I asked Nakhoda 106 Meaning they do not pose a threat.

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Amat, the Malacca man who lives at Ujong Pasir, to approach Sayid Abu Bakar Rum and Raden Muhammad. I inquired: What news? He replied that my friend is gratified over what was in the Sultan’s letter. I then turned back to Muntok. To my mind what he said must be true since you have already given him a ketch that could be laden with merchandise from Malacca and enable him to purchase tin in Palembang. If it happens to that extent with your mission, I fear pursuing it to Java since it is certain that I am bringing the enemies of the Dutch, namely the six pangeran; for, in my considered opinion, what Raden Muhammad brought from Malacca to Palembang is: firstly, the Sultan of Palembang must get rid of the Dutch in Palembang; secondly, if the Sultan has no courage to get rid of them, the Company will do it. Aren’t those words acceptable to you? Yet even these words of untruth are accepted by you. There is evidence that Sayid Abu Bakar left the first mate in Muntok for he dared not go out, and neither did Sayid Abu Bakar dare take him along to Palembang. According to custom, one who is a designated envoy will, even in times of war, enjoy immunity; but alas, the Palembang people’s excessive fear of the Dutch. Yet you are happy with the situation. Further, when in the employment of a dignitary one should not mix that service with trade. If that is allowable I too can look for loans because there are many rich people in Malacca; if it be by way of trade there is the rich Mr. Hall [Hare]107 since the people of Palembang are not the enemies of the Company. The enemies of the Company are the Dutch, and there are not many of them in Palembang. I myself am sufficiently able to get rid of the Dutch in Palembang if it is allowed by the Sultan of Palembang. You were willing enough to hire a ketch and give it to Sayid Abu Bakar Rum and Raden Muhammad, thus enabling the Palembang men to board it; and it is Raden Muhammad and Sayid Abu Bakar Rum who make the profit while you suffer losses; as for work, not a single result was achieved. Raden Muhammad and Sayid Abu Bakar Rum reaped the benefit. 107 Tunku Pangeran must have been referring to Alexander Hare, a merchant who had arrived in Malacca around 1807. According to Gibson-Hill, quoting F. de Haan, he was also agent between Raffles and the emissaries from Palembang in 1811. It was also Alexander Hare who first drew Raffles’ attention to Banjarmasin. Following the request made by the Sultan, he became British Resident at Banjarmasin in 1812 after the Dutch had left the place three years earlier. See C. A. Gibson-Hill, ‘Raffles, Alexander Hare and Johanna van Hare’, JMBRAS, 28(1), 1955, pp. 184–191.

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I am providing this intelligence to you in this manner because you told me I am your agent and my body is [like] your body and I see that the persons who are supposed to perform your agenda are idle. Furthermore, to my own understanding regarding the Dutch in Palembang, if it is the duty of the Sultan of Palembang to get rid of them it is futile to expect it to happen. If it is not you who will throw the Dutch out with the apparatus of the men-of-war, or the General at Batavia who will recall them, or Batavia is taken over by the English, they will never leave Palembang. It is definite, to my mind, for the Palembang people are too smooth and slick in their deliberations; the Palembang people’s vulnerability lies only with the kris. That is the case. Furthermore, regarding my service to you, whatever I may acquire, be it good or otherwise, whether out of monetary pursuit or profitseeking, all will be delivered to you. Of magic arts I have none between you and me because that was the instruction of my father; when in the service of a dignitary never take advantage of one’s self. What has been accomplished is my going to Lingga, which you commanded me to do. It was safely done. Then I devised my own plan to proceed to enter the land of Jambi until it is possible for the Company to build a factory there since the ‘palms of the Jambi people’s hands’ are already extended to me. Then I went to Palembang and so this is the Palembang report. Moreover, if God wills it I shall be able to arrive in Java. Then I can again convey further news to you. Herewith, whatever gifts the Palembang people have given me I send them to you. Further, as a concessionary accompanying the Raja of Jambi’s letter there is an elephant tusk and two quids of wax; these are the gifts of the Raja of Jambi to you; and there is also a document of commerce which can be carried into the land of Jambi; and the merchandise in Jambi is mentioned in the letter. Further, there is a gift from the Pangeran Ratu to me, that is four quids of wax which I am sending to you along with a pair of water-jars made of tin. Also included are my presents to Captain Farquhar, a quid of wax and a water-jar made of tin. To Mr. Hare I send a tin water-jar; and there are two Palembang betel-leaf boxes for you and one for the Raja of Malacca; and Mr. Hutts108 [sic, Mr. Hare], one betel-leaf box; and to your Madam: a piece of Palembang-woven silk and a Palembang-made silk handkerchief; and moreover, to my son, Tengku Munek, a silk cloth. All are 108 This is a spelling error made by the scribe, which has not been crossed out, perhaps due to the intention of maintaining tidiness in writing.

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there, together with the addresses; and further, there is one letter enclosed in this letter; I request its delivery to the wife of Nakhoda Amat at Ujong Pasir. That is all. Written on the eleventh of Rabi’ul-awal, on Friday, in the year 1226 Hegira [5 April 1811 CE]. And further, I am making known to you that my situation has been very disquieting; throughout my life I have never had this kind of anxiety; what scheme could I devise? But for your sake, I tried to perform it nonetheless; the little perahu leaked and so they could not hold out against the rolling waves; and the men given to me were all useless. Just a day after leaving Lingga, all of them absconded. This is why I am instructing my son to enter Palembang to look for vessels. It is now already one and a half months since he left and I have not obtained a single piece of news. I thought of asking my companions to enter Palembang in order to follow my son, but even that is not possible as the Palembang people refused to receive them for fear of the Dutch. That is the situation; what is your proposal? Further, it has been quite some time since I parted from you. I have met several people, but not a single letter has come to me from you. Furthermore, regarding the deliberations with Siak, it is my hope and trust that you will help to look into the matter of my separation from my wife and children while in the employment of the Company. Following that, I have sent something to you. It is a spear which I made myself; its shaft is of the salah [salak?]109 wood. You may use it as a night walking staff. Furthermore, with regard to Banten I have heard a report that some people from Lampung110 are no longer able to pass through. All that is due to the Dutch scheme. The Raja of Banten is like their slave. As for Cirebon, I have not yet received any report on conditions there. If it be accorded by God I shall make its news available to you. That is all. Finis. And further, concerning me, if I have received news of my son who entered Palembang—whether he will come or not—on the coming twentieth of Rabi’ul-awal [14 April 1811] I shall sail to Java from Muntok. Perhaps I shall arrive, perhaps not. That is all. 109 The thorny salak palm (Zalacca edulis) produces the salak fruit, much prized by people of the Malay Archipelago. The salak Jambi was most popular in the early 19th century. It is possible that Tunku Pangeran would have carved a spear out of its wood. 110 Palembang is to the north of Lampung. The territory forms the southeastern end of Sumatra, with the Sunda Strait to the south and the Java Sea to the east.

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Siak 21 Warkah Tunku Pangeran Kusuma Dilaga kepada Raffles, satu lembar, 33.5 x 42 sm Bahawa ini warkat al-maujud dan hidayat al-mamdud maka disertakan dalamnya tulus dan ikhlas serta suci putih hati dengan hening jernihnya yang tiada berhingga dan bermasa selagi ada peredaran cakrawala matahari dan bulan sahabat juga adanya alai al dawam, iaitu daripada Tunku Pangeran Kusuma Dilaga Siak, yang ada terhenti pada masa ini di dalam Muntok [m-n-t-w-k]. Maka barang diwasilkan Tuhan sarwa sekalian alam apalah kiranya datang ke hadapan manjalis [sic] sahabat kita iaitu Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles Askoyar yang ada beristirahat al-khair di dalam negeri kota Melaka yang ada ganti dari Seri Paduka Gilbert Lord Minto, Guburnur Jenderal di Benggala, raja di atas segala raja-raja yang ada takluk di bawah bendera raja yang maha besar di negeri Inggeris, dari atas angin sampai ke bawah angin adanya; yang amat arif dan budiman serta bijaksana pada hal melakukan sahabat bersahabat serta berkasih-kasihan yang tiada berkeputusan selamalamanya; serta melakukan perangai yang lemah lembut seperti Ma’ alKauthar yang sejahtera sejuknya, akan jadi menghilangkan haus dan dahaga handai taulannya, karib wal-ba’id. Maka kita pohonkan kepada Tuhan sarwa sekalian alam barang bertambah-tambah juga kiranya dari martabat yang kebesaran dan kemuliaan serta kekayaan dan kemenangan atas sahabat Kompeni amin ya rabb al-‘alamin. Waba’adah al-kalam al-mazkur, barang termaklum kiranya sahabat kita dari hal pelayaran kita dari Lingga keluar sehari sampai ke Pulau Berhala haripun malam. Maka larilah rakyat yang disuruhkan Sultan Mahmud bersama-sama dengan kita itu; maka lalu jadi susahlah kita yang amat besar. Maka kita fikir lalu kita buat satu jalan yang [a]kan [sic] boleh meninggikan martabat sahabat kita. Lalu kita buat satu surat kepada Tuan Sayid Abdullah di Jambi karena [sic] Jambi itu ada berselisih rajanya dengan orang banyak. Maka sekarang rajanya sudah lari. Maka kita buatlah Tuan Sayid Abdullah itu, kita jadikan Raja di dalam Jambi dengan nama sahabat kita karena [sic] duduknya pun di bawah bendera Kompeni Inggeris. Dan lagi barang apa perniagaan Kompeni boleh dihantarkan ke negeri Jambi; dan orang Jambipun datanglah ia ke Melaka dan ke Pulau Pinang. Tiadalah dia takut lagi; akan tetapi telah harablah [sic] ia akan tolong Kompeni barang sesuatu kesusahan dan kekurangan dia adanya; dengan tolong sahabat kita. 208

Maka adalah surat dia bersama-sama dengan surat kita ini serta dengan bingkisannya. Maka adalah kita masuk ke dalam Jambi itu mau mencari perahu dan mencari orang karena [sic] orang yang diberi Sultan Mahmud dari Lingga sudah lari. Maka kita mau mencari perahu itu mau yang besar sedikit karena perahu dari Lingga kecil-kecil; karena [sic] membawa pangeran-pangeran itu terlalu susah; bagaimana membawa gembang111 tiada boleh tempat yang kecil; mau tempat yang besar. Maka tiada dapat di dalam Jambi segala yang kita kehendaki itu. Maka keluar kita dari Jambi, lalu ke Muntok, bertemu dengan Raden Muhammad. Kita hendak mencari perahu di Muntok. Itupun tiada juga dapat karena [sic] orang Palembang takut kepada Olanda yang di dalam Palembang. Tidaklah dia berani menjuali kita perahu karena hobos [h-w-b-w-s] serta dengan komedan [komandan] membawa dia keluar dari Palembang. Maka dia pergi di Lampung dia buat loji. Di sana boleh berjalan ke Palembang karena [sic] dekat dengan Ulu Palembang. Pada akal kita bicara Palembang juga; dan lagi kita buat satu bicara. Kita katakan kita Wakil daripada sahabat kita. Kita tanyakan Olanda yang di dalam Palembang. Maka jawab Raden Muhammad sudah habis itu bicara. Sayid Abu Bakar Rum sudah pergi di Melaka membawa surat Sultan Palembang, menumpang di dalam kici kurar [sic, kura-kura],112 Kita tanya Raden Muhammad: mengapa maka tinggal tiada bersama-sama pergi di Melaka? Karena [sic] tiada adat orang yang disuruh orang demikian itu. Jawab dia: Tiada muat perahu kurar [sic, kura-kura] itu. Maka pendapat kita karena [sic] ada ia membawa perempuan empat lima orang dari Palembang. Bagaimana boleh muat dalam perahu kurar [sic] itu? Dan lagi dia menyuruh membawa timah kepada Sayid Abu Bakar itu ke Melaka. Yang adat kita terima dari Kompeni, jikalau ada di dalam pekerjaan Kompeni tiada boleh dicampuri dengan sebab perempuan dan perniagaan. Itulah kita ketahui. Maka lalulah kita masuk ke Sungsang bersama-sama dengan Raden Muhammad. Jikalau diterima orang Palembang kita mau masuk ke Palembang. Kepada niat hati kita, kita sendiri mau mengambil Olanda yang di dalam loji negeri Palembang itu. Biarlah kita mati 111 Perahu beratap = houseboat. 112 Mis-spelling for ‘kura’. Perahu kura or, more correctly, kura-kura (literally ‘tortoise prahu’) refers to a type of fighting-ship.

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jangan malu nama sahabat kita. Hari kita sampai, hari itu juga hilir dua orang menteri Palembang mendapatkan kita; seorang bernama Temenggung Lanang Suradipa gelarnya dan seorang Gemas Rangga Jin namanya, Citra Dewangsa gelarnya, bertemu dengan kita. Maka kita periksa akan hal Olanda yang di dalam negeri Palembang karena Olanda itu seteru Kompeni Inggeris. Jawabnya: “Sultan sudah memberi jawab kepada Raden Muhammad.” Maka kita periksa jawab itu: “Bila di buang atau tiada dibuang?” Maka jawab Temenggung itu kepada kita: “Apalah disusahkan Olanda itu, seperti semut di dalam tepak.” Lalu kata kita, “Kita hendak mudik mengadap Sultan juga.” Maka jawabnya orang besar itu - serta Temenggung Hasan pun ada juga ketika itu bersama-sama; gelarnya Temenggung Hasan itu Sura Diperana. Maka jawab menteri yang bertiga itu kepada kita, “Raden Muhammad lagi tiada zahir dalam Palembang.” Dikabarkan kepada Olanda itu saudara Sultan; sudah lama pergi, sekarang baharu datang. Maka kita mintak juga mau mudik. Maka dia bertangguh kepada kita: dia mudik dahulu mengadap Sultan. Dia mudik ada enam hari maka dia berbalik membawa hadiah dari Sultan kepada kita: beras sekoyan dan kerbau seekor. Maka kita periksa dari hal perkataan Sultan itu. Jawabnya: “Pintak Sultan kepada kita, berlayarlah dahulu ke Muntok, nanti Sultan berikhtiar; kemudian boleh masuk ke Palembang.” Lalu kita menyuruhkan anak kita mudik ke Palembang. Tengku Sayid, anak kita yang kita bawa ke Pulau Pinang dahulu. Raden Muhammad kita bawa bersama-sama ke Muntok karena adalah pada akal kita dan penglihatan kita, jikalau belum lagi Betawi diambil Kampeni Inggeris bolumlah [sic, belumlah] lagi Sultan Palembang membuangkan Olanda yang di dalam Palembang. Maka itulah kita hendak suruhkan Raden Muhammad itu berbalik kepada sahabat kita ke Melaka karena [sic] kepada hemat kita dan pendapat akal kita dan penglihatan kita, sekalian surat Sultan yang dibawa Sayid Abu Bakar Rum kepada sahabat kita itu bohong semuanya; karena [sic] dia lagi takut kepada Jenderal di Betawi dan kasih akan Olanda yang dalam Palembang. Sebab takutnya sahaja kepada Kompeni Inggeris maka dia memberi surat kepada sahabat kita dengan ilmunya. Boleh berhenti dahulu bicara sahabat kita karena [sic] ilmu itu (bahagian hujung verso warkah tidak terdapat) … … bersama dengan Raden Muhammad dan Abu Bakar Rum. Pada pendapat akal kita karena [sic] dia hendak senang berniaga, berniaga kain dan timah. Kita keluar dari Sungsang maka bertemulah kici Sayid 210

Abu Bakar Rum di laut Sungsang. Lari sahaja Raden Muhammad itu bersama-sama dengan kici itu masuk ke Sungsang. Lalu kita ikuti dari belakang, hingga sampailah kita kembali ke Sungsang. Maka kita suruhlah Nakhoda Amat, orang Melaka yang duduk di Ujong Pasir, mendapatkan Sayid Abu Bakar Rum dengan Raden Muhammad. Kita periksa, “Apa khabar?” Jawab dia, sukalah sudah sahabat kita bagaimana dalam surat Sultan itu. Maka kitapun berbaliklah ke Muntok. Pada pendapat akal kita benarlah seperti kata dia itu, karena [sic] sudah sahabat kita beri dia kici dengan boleh memuat dagangan dari Melaka dan boleh membeli timah di Palembang. Kalau jadinya sehingga itu pekerjaan sahabat kita, kita pun takutlah mengerjakan ke Jawa karena tentu ada kita bawa musuh Olanda, Pangeran yang enam orang itu; karena [sic] adalah pada pendapat akal kita, yang dibawa Raden Muhammad dari Melaka itu ke Palembang, satu: Sultan Palembang buang itu Olanda dalam Palembang; kedua: Sultan tidak berani buang Kompeni boleh buang. Bukankah itu perkataan sahabat kita boleh terima? Ini perkataan yang bohong pun sahabat kita terima juga; itu ada tanda Sayid Abu Bakar punya malim. Dia tinggalkan di Muntok tidak berani keluar dan tidak berani dia bawa masuk dalam Palembang. Kepada adatnya, yang nama utusan itu jikalau dalam perang sekalipun, tidak jadi satu apa. Ini daripada sangat takutnya orang Palembang kepada Olanda maka sahabat kita suka, demikian adanya. Dan lagi di dalam pekerjaan orang besar tiada boleh dicampuri dengan berniaga. Jikalau boleh kitapun boleh juga mencari berutangutang [sic] karena [sic] orang kaya banyak dalam Melaka. Jikalau dengan jalan berniaga pun Masteri Hal [sic, Hare?] ada kaya; karena [sic] adalah orang Palembang itu bukannya musuh Kompeni, yang musuh Kompeni itu orang Olanda; tiada berapa orang dalam Palembang. Kita sahaja pun cakep [ch-a-k-p] membuangkan Olanda dalam Palembang itu jikalau dibenarkan oleh Sultan Palembang. Maka mau sahabat kita menyewakan kici, memberikan kepada Sayid Abu Bakar Rum dengan Raden Muhammad. Boleh orang Palembang bermuat di dalam itu; serta Raden Muhammad dan Abu Bakar Rum itu yang boleh [sic, beroleh] faedahnya, dan sahabat kita boleh rugi sahaja; pekerjaan satupun tiada hasil. Raden Muhammad, Sayid Abu Bakar Rum beroleh faedahnya. Maka adalah kita memberi khabar kepada sahabat kita yang demikian ini karena [sic] kata sahabat kita kita ada ganti sahabat kita;

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dan badan kita badan sahabat kita. Maka kita lihat orang yang mengerjakan pekerjaan sahabat kita itu sia-sia dan lagi pada pendapat akal kita darihal Olanda yang di dalam Palembang itu dengan nama Sultan Palembang membuang sekali-kali tidak. Jikalau bukannya sahabat kita membuangkan Olanda itu dengan alat kapal perang, atau jenderal di Betawi mengambil dia, atau Betawi diambil Inggeris maka keluarlah ia dari Palembang itu; putuslah pada pendapat akal kita karena [sic] orang Palembang terlalu pandai bermain daripada bicara. Alahnya orang Palembang dengan keris sahaja, itulah adanya. Syahadan lagi, darihal kita mengerjakan sahabat kita barang apa yang kita dapat buruknya atau baiknya atau daripada jalan wang atau untung semuanya kita hantarkan kepada sahabat kita. Yang nama berilmu sekali-kali tidak, antara kita dengan sahabat kita; karena [sic] itu pesan bapak kita: apabila ada mengerjakan orang besar jangan mengambil faedah diri. Yang sudah, kita pergi di Lingga sahabat kita suruh, sudah selamat; kemudian kita cari dengan akal kita sendiri, kita pergi masuk dalam negeri Jambi sehingga bolehlah Kompeni mau buat loji di dalam negeri Jambi itu karena [sic] ada sudah tapak tangan orang Jambi kepada kita. Dan lagi pergi di Palembang, inilah khabar Palembang adanya. Dan lagi jikalau ada disampaikan Allah boleh sampai kita ke tanah Jawa; boleh lagi kita membawa khabar adanya kepada sahabat kita. Maka inilah, mana ada hadiah orang Palembang kepada kita, kita kirimkan kepada sahabat kita. Syahadan lagi, alas surat Raja Jambi gading satu, dan lilin dua tepek. Itulah hadiah Raja Jambi kepada sahabat kita; dan surat dagangan yang boleh dibawa ke dalam negeri Jambi dan dagangan yang di dalam negeri Jambi ada di dalam surat ini. Dan lagi ada hadiah Pangeran Ratu kepada kita empat tepek lilin ini kita kirimkan kepada sahabat kita; dan tempayan timah sepasang; dan lagi kiriman kita kepada Kapitan Faquha [f-a-k-h] lilin satu tepek dan tempayan timah satu. Dan kepada Masteri Hal [Hare] tempayan timah satu kita kirimkan. Dan lagi tepak Palembang kepada sahabat kita dua dan kepada raja Melaka satu tepak dan kepada Masteri Hatt [sic] Masteri Hal [sic, Hare] tepak satu; dan lagi kepada Madam sahabat kita kain sutera buatan Palembang sehelai, dan sapu tangan buatan Palembang sutera, sehelai. Dan lagi kepada anak kita Tengku Munek, kain sehelai, sutera. Ada sekaliannya itu dengan alamatnya. Dan lagi ada satu surat. Di dalam surat ini mintak pulangkan kepada bini Nakhoda Amat di Ujong Pasir; itulah adanya.

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Tersurat kepada sebelas haribulan Rabi’ul-awal, kepada hari Jumaat, kepada tarikh 1226 sanah. Dan lagi adalah kita menyatakan kepada sahabat kita darihal kita terlalulah susah. Seumur kita belum ada kita mendapat begini susah; apatah akal kita, daripada kerja sahabat kita kita kerjakan juga adanya; karena [sic] seperti perahu kecil, lagi bocor tidak boleh tahan sekalikali bergelombang dan dia beri orang itu orang buruk-buruk sahaja. Sehari meninggalkan Lingga sudah habis lari. Maka inilah kita menyuruhkan anak kita itu masuk Palembang mencari perahu; maka sekarang tengah dua bulan sudah lamanya satu khabar pun kita tiada dapat. Maka kita hendak menyuruhkan kawan-kawan kita masuk lagi di Palembang mau mengikut anak kita itu. Itu pun tiada boleh karena [sic] orang Palembang tiada mahu menerima dia, takut kepada Olanda. Itulah halnya. Apa juga ikhtiar sahabat kita?; dan lagi sudah begini lama kita bercerai dengan sahabat kita maka berapa banyak kita ada berjumpa dengan orang. Maka satu surat pun tiada datang kepada kita yang daripada sahabat kita adanya. Dan lagi darihal bicara ke Siak telah harablah [sic] kita akan sahabat kita menolong membicarakan bercerai kita dengan anak bini kita. Kita mengerjakan pekerjaan Kompeni. Kemudian lagi ada kiriman kita kepada sahabat kita. Ada tombak satu; kita buat sendiri dan batangnya kayu salah [s-a-l-h] namanya. Boleh sahabat kita buat-buat tongkat berjalan malam. Dan lagi darihal Banten kita ada dengar khabar ada orang datang dari Lampung tiada boleh lulus lagi; semuanya itu dengan ikhtiar Olanda. Raja Banten bagaimana hambanya sahaja adanya. Akan hal Cirebon bagaimanalah lagi belumlah dapat kita akan khabarnya. Jikalau ada disampaikan Allah kita bolehlah [sic] sahabat kita akan khabarnya; itulah adanya. Tamat. Dan lagi darihal kita jikalau sudah kita dapat khabar darihal anak kita yang masuk Palembang itu, datangnya atau tidaknya, melainkan kepada dua puluh haribulan Rabi’ul-awal ini kita berlayarlah ke Jawa adanya; dari Muntok. Entah sampai entah tidak; itulah adanya.

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SIAK XXII Letter of Tunku Pangeran Kusuma Dilaga, Jawi script, 1 folio, 20 x 33.5 cm, with red wax seal, addressed to Raffles Endorsement verso Malay letter in Raffles’ hand: ‘March 1811- Tunkoo Pangeran’ Endorsement in Jawi script: ‘This is Tunku Pangeran’s letter / dated twelfth of Rabiul-awal’ Heading of letter: ‘Qawluh u’l-Haqq’ The existing epistle and right guidance extended, accompanied with earnestness and sincerity, along with pure whiteness of heart, limpid and transparent, without limits so long as the revolving vault of heaven, the sun and the moon exists, so will the friendship be forever; that is, from Tunku Pangeran Kusuma Dilaga of Siak who is presently stationed in the land of Muntok. May it be delivered by [the grace of] God, Lord of all the Worlds, before the presence of my friend, His Excellency Thomas Raffles Esquire who has lived in peace and good health in the Settlement of the Malacca fort, representing His Excellency Lord Minto, the Governor-General of Bengal, raja above every raja dependent on the flag of the very great raja in the land of the English whether from above the wind or below the wind; who is exceedingly wise, intelligent and discreet in matters affecting mutual friendship and affection, without interruption and until eternity; and who has a gentle and tender disposition like the waters of al-Kawthar which is tranquilly cool, to assuage the thirst of friends and companions, near and far. I invoke God, Lord of all the Worlds, if it pleases Him to increase the greatness and illustriousness of grade as well as richness and victory of the friend of the Company. O Lord, Cherisher and Sustainer of the Worlds! Amen! Following the stated words, may my friend be informed that I am making it clear to you that it was only on the twelfth of Rabi’ul-awal that I received reliable news that my son, Sayid Abu Bakar,113 who has entered Palembang, [and] Juragan [shipmaster] Lanang, who came from 113 Sayid Abu Bakar, also called Tunku Said, was probably the real name of either Tengku Gendut (pronounced ‘Gondut’ in the Minangkabau dialect) [the flabby] or Tengku Sembur (pronounced ‘Semboo’) [the bespattering one]. Tunku Pangeran’s other son was Tengku Munek. See note 7 in the introduction to the Siak letters above.

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Palembang, have fled from me. It appears that I have been deceived all long. How long I have waited for him, and on top of that he has even received the Company’s wages; now that is the situation. I make it known to you that on my part I no longer consider him my son. Likewise, you should do the same—for my son is [like] your son and your son is [like] my own son—because he has broken his pledge in his service to the Company. Moreover, the Raja of Siak has written him a letter. What is disallowed by the Raja of Siak is for him to perform the Company’s work; for that reason, he is afraid that he may not be able to return to Siak if he were to effect the Company’s undertaking. What is to become of my fate in carrying out the Company’s work? Even my own son who joined me and together served the Company is forbidden by the Raja of Siak. He wrote the letter out of perfidy towards me and the Company; along with the craftiness of the Palembang man who is followed by my son, Sayid Abu Bakar, so that my going to Java will not materialize; and, what’s more, the Sultan of Palembang, along with the Dutch, had sent me on an errand to go to Java on the first day of Rabi’ulawal. The Palembang Dutchman who went was instructed by the Palembang Captain on the day of arrival of the fighting ketch brought by Sayid Abu Bakar Rum. That is all. Written on the twelfth of Rabi’ul-awal, on Saturday, at four o’clock. 1226 Hegira [6 April 1811 CE]; and further, there is a letter which I request to be sent to Siak, to my wife.

Siak 22 Warkah Tunku Pangeran Kusuma Dilaga kepada Raffles di Melaka; satu lembar, 20 x 33.5 sm Warkat al-maujud dan hidayat al-mamdud, maka dipersertakan dalamnya tulus dan ikhlas serta suci putih hati dengan hening jernihnya yang tiada berhingga dan bermasa selagi ada peredaran cakrawala matahari dan bulan sahabat juga adanya alai al-dawam iaitu daripada Tengku [t-ng-k-w] Pangeran Kusuma Dilaga Siak yang ada terhenti pada masa ini di Tanah Mentok [m-n-t-k]. Maka barang diwasilkan Tuhan sarwa alam sekalian apalah kiranya datang kehadapan manjelis [sic] sahabat kita iaitu Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles Askoyar [sic] yang telah beristirahat al-khair di dalam negeri kota Melaka yang ada ganti daripada 215

Seri Paduka Galbat [sic] Lord Minto Guburnur [sic] Jenderal di Benggala, raja di atas segala raja-raja yang ada takluk di bawah bendera raja yang maha besar di negeri Inggeris dari atas angin sampai ke bawah angin adanya; yang amat arif dan budiman serta bijaksana pada hal melakukan sahabat bersahabat serta kasih berkasihan yang tiada berkeputusan selama-lamanya; serta melakuan perangai yang lemah lembut seperti ma’ al kauthar yang sejahtera sejuknya; akan jadi menghilangkan haus dan dahaga handai taulannya yang karib wal ba’id. Maka kita pohonkan kepada Tuhan sarwa alam barang bertambah-tambah juga kiranya dari martabat yang kebesaran dan kemuliaan serta kekayaan dan kemenangan atas sahabat Kompeni ya rabb al-‘alamin. Waba’adah al-kalam al-mazkur barang maklum kiranya sahabat kita adalah kita menyatakan kepada sahabat kita baharulah kepada dua belas hari bulan Rabi’ul-awal ini kita dapat khabar yang pasti dari hal anak kita itu Tengku Sayid Abu Bakar yang masuk Palembang. Juragan Lanang datang dari Palembang sudah dia lari daripada kita; jadi kita terkena sahajalah selama ini. Berapa lama kita menantikan dia dan lagi gaji Kompenipun sudah dimakannya. Maka sekarang itulah halnya kita maklumkan kepada sahabat kita, darihal kita tidaklah kita beranakkan dia lagi. Sahabat kitapun demikian jugalah karena anak kita anak sahabat kita; dan anak sahabat kita, anak kita; karena dia mungkir di dalam pekrjaan Kompeni dan lagi Raja Siak ada berkirim surat kepada dia; yang tiada diberi Raja Siak mengerjakan kerja Kompeni. Itulah maka diatakut tiada boleh pulang ke Siak jikalau mengerjakan kerja Kompeni. Betapalah hal kita mengerjakan kerja Kompeni datangkan anak sahaya yang mengikut kita [sic] sahaya, yang bersama-sama mengerjakan Kompeni itupun dilarang oleh Raja Siak. Dikirimkannya surat daripada khianatnya akan kita serta sampai Kompeni; serta dengan akal orang Palembang yang diikut oleh anak kita itu Sayid Abu Bakar, karena jangan jadi kita pergi ke Tanah Jawa. Lagipun Sultan Palembang serta dengan Olanda sudah dia menyuruh ke Jawa kepada sehari bulan Rabi’ul-awal. Olanda yang di Palembang itu yang pergi, disuruh Kapitan Palembang, hari datang keci kurar [sic, kura] yang dibawa Sayid Abu Bakar Rum; itulah adanya. Tersurat kepada dua belas haribulan Rabi’ul-awal kepada hari Sabtu, kepada waktu jam pukul empat adanya. Tarikh 1226 Sanah [6 April 1811]. Dan lagi ada satu surat mintak kirimkan ke negeri Siak kepada kita punya bini. 216

SIAK XXIII Letter of Tunku Pangeran, Jawi script, 1 folio, 33.5 x 42 cm, with red wax seal, addressed to Raffles114 Endorsement verso Malay letter in Raffles’ hand: ‘May 1810 [sic] / Tunkoo Pangeran / Siac’ Endorsement in Jawi script: ‘This is Tengku Pangeran’s letter / dated twenty-first of Rabiul-awal’ Heading: ‘Qawluh u’l-Haqq’ This is an epistle of existence and right guidance extended, within which is incorporated earnestness and sincerity along with pure whiteness of heart, limpid and transparent, without boundaries or duration, so long as the revolving vault of heaven, the sun and the moon exists, so will this friendship be in perpetuity; that is, from the Tunku Pangeran, who is now a passing guest in the land of Muntok. May it be conveyed by [the will of] God, Lord of all the Worlds, I pray, to the presence of my friend, His Excellency Thomas Raffles Esquire who has lived in peace and good health in the Settlement of the Malacca Fort; who is agent to His Excellency Gilbert Lord Minto, Governor-General of Bengal, raja above every raja dependent on the great and mighty raja in the country of the English, from above the wind until below the wind; who is exceedingly wise and prudent as well as subtle in matters involving everlasting, mutual affection and friendship and in conducting a gentle and tender disposition like the waters of al-Kawthar, whose coolness is tranquil, to become the panacea that will assuage the thirst of friends and associates, near and far. I invoke the Lord of all the Worlds, may He augment the greatness and magnanimity of station as well as honour and victory of the friend of the Company. Amen! O Lord, the Cherisher and Sustainer of all the Worlds. Following the stated words, let my friend be informed that I am making it clear that I have already sent four letters, five including this one, to my friend. Earlier, I sailed out from Malacca, together with John Scott, to Lingga. Upon arriving at Lingga I had a meeting with Sultan 114 The contents of this letter touch on what Abdullah Munsyi mentioned in his Hikayat about Tunku Pangeran’s putting in at Jambi, where he allegedly forged the letter from the Susuhunan of Mataram, without actually going to Java. Obviously what Abdullah wrote was just based on his fantasy. See the Hikayat Abdullah, p. 100.

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Mahmud115 and I obtained vessels from Sultan Mahmud consisting of one pemayang [boat with outriggers]116 and one penjajab [war-ship].117 I then set sail from Lingga, with the intention to stop at Muntok and afterwards proceed to Java. Just as we arrived at Pulau Berhala the militia absconded—ten of them. Just one day after sailing out from Lingga to Pulau Berhala I pondered: since the vessels could not hold out against the rollers, I would proceed to Jambi because I wanted to search for a somewhat bigger vessel; those small boats were an extreme nuisance. Further, taking the pangeran from Cirebon—six of them, and including their companions, thirteen altogether—and what with bringing the gambang; even passing urine had to be in the compartment! But no vessels were available in Jambi. So I devised a scheme. Thus it was on that account that I sent the letter of the Raja of Jambi, Tuan Sayid Abdullah118 by name, through the ketch of Sayid Husin Aidid. So then I was searching for vessels in Muntok. I found a vessel which was to be mine after I had paid the price. But I only received the vessel after one and a half months because of the extreme deception of the Palembang people. And so, it was only on the nineteenth of Rabi’ul-awal, on Sunday, that I finally obtained the vessel at the cost of 350 dollars, which I paid. With regard to me, on the twenty-second of Rabi’ul-awal [= 16 April 1811] I shall set sail for Java; God willing, it will be by the pencalang vessel that I purchased for 350 dollars. As for the boats I brought from Lingga, I left both at Muntok, one with Temenggung Hasan and the other with Juragan [shipmaster] Aji. Whenever you wish to have the boats, or if there is a warship that passes by and requires the boats for use as dinghies, you may order them to be taken in Muntok from Temenggung Hasan.

115 This is not true. Both Scott and Tunku Pangeran failed to meet the Sultan of Lingga. See the Lingga letters above. 116 The kind of large boat that is about 40 feet long. It has 13 or 14 oars, four or five paddles and a large steering oar. Wilkinson, A Malay-English Dictionary, Vol. 2, p. 857. 117 See Lingga 1 (B) note 14, in the Lingga letters. 118 Note that this raja of Jambi who was made raja by Tunku Pangeran is different from the suggestion that the ruler of Jambi in 1812 was Mahmud Muhieddin bin Ahmad. See Indonesian Traditional States 1, http://www.worldstatesmen.org/ Indonesia_princely_statesl.html.

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Further, with regard to your letters to the Chinese in Java and to the Dutch, I am carrying them; I took them from Captain Tait.119 As for me, you may issue the order for a warship; it will recognize us by our three black flags; we may possibly be met by the warship. Further, pertaining to Palembang, since their counsel is not honest with the Company and they tell you extreme falsehoods, it is better that you give an order to take Muntok, which has a bigger revenue than Java.120 The Company could buy [the Muntok tin] at six dollars per picul. That one picul could become one and a half piculs, just like the price paid by the Sultan of Palembang in the land of Bangka. That is what comes to my mind. Two warships are sufficient to take Muntok because all the common people will welcome it on account of the actions of the Sultan of Palembang who raises up the little men but brings down the people of good birth from their greatness. Further, I have sent several letters to you from Lingga, Jambi and Palembang. I did not cease sending letters, but I have not received a reply from you to any of them. I am extremely sorrowful, for I am so concerned with this pursuit. As for Raden Muhammad, everything is fine; he and his trade and what not. For me, do not mention the term ‘trade’, my body alone could not find comfort; daylight is like night and night appears like day in the conduct of the Company’s business and yours. Further, with regard to Siak, it is my hope that you will wind it up. Let me not be given trouble on account of my separation from my mother, relatives, wife and family. In regard to the Company’s calling, I shall serve to the best of my ability. Such is the case. Since I am pursuing the Company’s business I cannot return to the country of Siak anymore. As for the land of Java, if there be assistance from God to me, it is my longing to proceed straight to Batavia. Even if I were to be captured by the Dutch because I wanted to see what the circumstances of the Dutch at Batavia are. If it were possible, I would, at the same time, like to meet the General.121 God willing; for, to my mind, it is possible to speed because during this season it is possible to go and return quickly. However that may be, I have no knowledge of God’s command. In my aspirations I shall in all earnestness carry out the Company’s work. 119 Charles Tait, commander of the country ship Thainstone. 120 Being unable to understand Raffles’ personal design on Palembang, it was indeed naïve of Tunku Pangeran to suggest such a thing to Raffles. 121 I.e., Daendels.

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Further, concerning my son Munek, could you please advise him well. Do not allow him to return to Siak. Let him be instructed to read the Quran. Following that, there is nothing whatever as a souvenir for you, except a hamper containing twenty-three dried Spanish mackerel from Muntok, very rich in taste; for your wife, a Palembang betel-leaf box,122 a Bima123 set which is not as it should be. Please accept them [nonetheless] appropriately. Please receive with the pureness of heart. The betel-leaf box has a mirror at its bottom. You may receive them from the captain who conveys this letter. Written down on the twenty-first of Rabi’ul-awal, on Tuesday, at four o’clock, in the year 1226 Hegra [15 April 1811 AD].

Siak 23 Warkah Tunku Pangeran kepada Raffles, satu lembar, 33.5 x 42 sm Bahawa ini warkat al-maujud dan hidayat al-mamdud, maka dipesertakan dalamnya tulus dan ikhlas serta suci putih hati, hening jernih yang tiada berhingga dan bermasa selagi ada peredaran cakrawala, matahari dan bulan sahabat juga adanya aly al-dawam; iaiu daripada Tunku Pangeran yang telah musafir pada masa ini di tanah Muntok. Maka barang diwasilkan Tuhan sarwa alam sekalian apalah kiranya datang ke hadapan manjelis [sic] sahabat kita iaitu Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles Esquire, yang telah beristirahat al-khair di dalam negeri kota Melaka; yang ada ganti daripada Seri Paduka Gilbert [g-l-b-t] Minto [sic] Lord Minto Guburnur [sic] Jenderal di Benggala, raja di atas segala rajaraja yang ada takluk di bawah raja yang maha besar di negeri Inggeris, dari atas angin sampai ke bawah angin adanya; yang amat arif dan budiman serta bijaksananya dari hal melakukan berkasih-kasihan, dan sahabat bersahabat selama-lamanya; melakukan perangai yang lemah lembut seperti Ma’al [sic] al Kauthar yang sejahtera sejuknya; akan 122 The betel-leaf box. Sireh is betel-vine. The leaf is prepared for chewing by mixing it with tiny pieces of areca-nut, gambier and lime. In ceremonies, the leaves and the condiments are placed in a beautifully crafted box, which is itself is a symbol of Malay culture associated with ceremonies such as betrothal or marriage. 123 Or Bhima – the second and strongest of the five Pandawa brothers, heroes of the Mahabharata.

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menjadi ma’al menghilangkan haus dan dahaga handai taulannya karib wal-ba’id. Maka kita pohonkan kepada Tuhan sarwa alam sekalian barang bertambah-tambah juga kiranya daripada martabat yang kebesaran dan kemuliaan serta kekayaan dan kemenangan atas sahabat Kompeni, Amin ya rabb al-‘alamin. Waba’adah al-kalam al-mazkur, barang maklum kiranya sahabat kita adalah kita menyatakan darihal kita sudah ada kita berkirim surat kepada sahabat kita empat pucuk, lima dengan ini. Kita berlayar dari Melaka dahulu bersama-sama dengan John Askat [sic] ke Lingga; serta sampai kita ke Lingga maka bertemulah kita dengan Sultan Mahmud. Maka kita dapatlah perahu dari Sultan Mahmud: satu pemanyang [sic], satu penjajab kecil. Maka kitapun berlayarlah dari Lingga; niat hati kita mau singgah di Muntok, lalu ke Jawa. Maka baharu sampai ke Pulau Berhala maka rakyat pun sudah lari; sepuluh orang; baharu sehari pelayaran, dari Lingga itu ke Pulau Berhala. Maka kita pun fikirlah, karena [sic] perahupun tiada tahan bergelombang maka masuklah kita ke dalam Jambi; karena [sic] kita mau mencari perahu yang besar sedikit; karena [sic] itu perahu kecil-kecil, terlalu banyak susah. Dan lagi membawa itu pangeran-pangeran Cirebon itu enam orang, masuk dengan dia punya kawan, semuanya tiga belas orang. Bagaimana membawa itu gambang? Kencingpun di dalam petak. Maka perahu tiada dapat di dalam Jambi. Maka kita buat satu bicara yang dapat pada akal kita. Maka itulah ada kita kirimkan suratnya raja Jambi, Tuan Sayid Abdullah namanya, di dalam kici Tuan Sayid Husin Aidid. Maka sekarang kita mencari perahu di dalam Muntok. Sudah dapat itu perahu. Sudah kita bayar dia punya harga. Maka itu perahu bolum [sic] kita terima; sampai tengah dua bulan lamanya baharu kita terima itu perahu; karena [sic] terlalu banyak pusing orang Palembang di atas kita, maka kepada sembilan belas haribulan Rabi’ul-awal, kepada hari Ahad, baharulah kita dapat itu perahu; dengan harga tengah empat ratus ringgit kita bayar. Dari hal kita kepada dua likur haribulan Rabi’ul-awal inilah kita berlayar ke Tanah Jawa. Insya’Allah ta’ala, dengan perahu pencalang yang kita bali [sic] tengah empat ratus ringgit itu. Dari hal perahu yang kita bawa dari Lingga itu kita tinggalkan di Muntok keduanya; satu kepada Temenggung Hasan, yang satu kita wakilkan kepada Juragan Aji. Apabila sahabat kita hendakkan perahu atau ada kapal perang lalu, jkalau maukan perahu itu membuat sampan tunda boleh sahabat kita suruh ambil di Muntok kepada Temenggung Hasan adanya.

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Dan lagi darihal surat sahabat kita yang kepada orang Cina yang di Jawa dan Olanda, kita membawanya. Kita ambil dari Kapitan Tait [t-y-t]. Dan lagi darihal kita boleh sahabat kita beri hukum sama kapal perang; barangkali ada kapal perang pergi di Tanah Jawa; boleh dia kenal kita punya perahu karena [sic] ada kita pakai tiga bendera hitam. Barangkali ada berjumpa dengan kita itu kapal perang. Syahadan lagi dari hal Palembang begitu dia ada punya bicara tiada betul sama Kompeni. Dia kerja banyak bohong sama sahabat kita. Baiklah sahabat kita suruh ambil itu Muntok, lebih besar hasil dari Tanah Jawa; boleh Kompeni bali [sic] dengan harga enam ringgit satu pikul; yang satu pikul jadi tengah dua pikul, bagaimana harga Sultan Palembang membeli di Tanah Bangka. Itulah yang dapat pada akal kita. Dengan dua buah kapal perang boleh cukup itu ambil Muntok; karena [sic] segala orang kecil-kecil semuanya suka karena [sic] perbuatan Sultan Palembang. Mana orang kecil-kecil dinaikkannya. Mana orang baik-baik diturunkannya daripada kebesarannya. Dan lagi berapa sudah surat kita kirimkan kepada sahabat kita, dari Lingga dan dari Jambi dan dari Palembang. Tiada berhenti kita berkirim surat. Maka satupun bolum [sic] dapat balasan dari sahabat kita. Maka terlalulah susah hati kita. Maka kita ini sangatlah halnya daripada pekerjaan ini adanya. Dan lagi seperti Raden Muhammad semua senang sahaja; dia dengan berniaga, dengan apa semua. Kita, jangankan antara nama berniaga, badan sahaja tidak boleh senang; siang serupa malam, malam serupa siang, mengerjakan pekerjaan Kompeni, serta sahabat kita adanya. Dan lagi dari hal negeri Siak, telah harablah [sic] kita akan sahabat kita menyelasaikan [sic]. Janganlah kita mendapati [sic] susah lagi karena [sic] kita bercerai dengan ibu kita, dan saudara kita, dan anak bini kita; dari pekerjaan Kompeni kita kerjakan seboleh-bolehnya; demikianlah adanya. Dari sebab kita mengerjakan kerja Kompeni maka kita tidak boleh kembali ke negeri Siak lagi. Dan lagi darihal Tanah Jawa, jikalau ada Tuan [sic] Allah tolong sama kita niat hati kita, kita mau selalu sekali pergi di Betawi. Jikalau ditangkap oleh Olanda sekalipun apatah akal kita? Jikalau sudah sampai janji kita ditangkap Olanda, karena [sic] kita mau lihat bagaimana hal ehwalnya Olanda yang di Betawi adanya. Jikalau boleh kita mau berjumpa dengan Jenderal sekali. Insya’Allah ta’ala. Karena [sic] kepada fikir kita boleh lekas; karena [sic] ini musim boleh lekas pulang pergi. Dalam pada itupun perintah Tuan [sic] Allah kita tidak boleh tahu; dalam niat kita kita kerjakan sungguh-sungguh kerja Kompeni. 222

Dan lagi dari hal anak kita Si Munek, boleh sahabat kita tolong ajar-ajar baik-baik; jangan diberi dia pulang ke Siak adanya; biar dia [sic] suruh mengaji. Kemudian daripada itu, suatu pun tiada cenderamata; hanyalah ada ikan tenggiri kering; negeri Muntok punya; dua puluh tiga ekor satu keranjang, banyak lamak [sic, lemak]; kepada sahabat kita. Dan kepada isteri sahabat kita, tepak Palembang; satu san[g] bima;124 tidak dengan sepertinya, mintak terima dengan suci hati; itu tepak ada cermin di bawahnya. Sahabat kita terima kepada Kapitan yang membawa surat ini, adanya. Tersurat kepada selikur haribulan Rabi’ul-awal, kepada hari Selasa, kepada waktu jam pukul empat adanya; kepada tarikh 1226 Sanah.

124 S-a-n- b-y-m-a.

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IX. THE JAMBI LETTER JAMBI Letter of Sayid Abdullah bin Abdul Rahman of Jambi to Raffles. 7 February 1811 Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio [folded], 41.2 x 33.1 cm Letter of Sayid Abdullah bin Abdul Rahman of Jambi, with black seal, addressed to Raffles Endorsement verso Malay letter in Raffles’ hand: ‘February 1811- / Tuan Syed Abdullah / Jambee’ Endorsement in Jawi script: ‘This letter is from Tuan Sayid Abdullah / Jambi on the thirteenth of the month of Muharram’ Heading: ‘Nur u’l-Syams wa’l Qamar’ Verily this letter expresses sincerity and whiteness of heart with perpetual love and affection from Sayid Abdullah bin Abdul Rahman al-Habsyi who is taking shelter in the country of Jambi; may it by the grace of God, lord of the universe reach His Excellency Thomas Raffles Esquire who is representing His Excellency Mr Gilbert Lord Minto, Governor-General in Bengal. Following that, be it known to the Tuan Raja that the epistle of the Tuan Raja carried by Tengku Pangeran Sukma Dilaga has arrived safely to me. On a select day and at an auspicious moment we hastened to welcome it with all honour and gratification with our two hands, and whatever was stated in it was well understood and we thank the tuan raja profusely for the generosity that is hard to reciprocate. Following that, pertaining to the Sultan of Jambi, we have already ousted him for failing to conduct governance in accordance with the adat and the syarak [canon law of Islam] which had brought affliction to his people. Owing to that, the country has been ruined and the trading centre died a natural death. That is the reason why at this moment we are in control of the country of Jambi. It is our hope that the English Company will assist us by supplying powder and ammunitions. We earnestly hope for our friend’s protection. Regarding our friend’s enquiry about the Hollanders, not for an instance have the Dutch been in our country and neither did we establish 224

friendship with the Dutch, never! That is the case. And further, Tengku Pangeran is also kindred to us. That is all. Written on the thirteenth of Muharram, on Friday, at eight o’clock, in the year one thousand two hundred and twenty six Hegira [7 February 1811 CE].

Jambi Warkah Sayid Abdullah bin Abdul Rahman, tulisan Jawi, 1 folio [berlipat], 41.2 x 33.1 sm Bahawa ini surat daripada menyatakan tulus dan ikhlas serta putih hati, kasih dan sayang yang tiada berekesudahan iaitu daripada Sayid Abdullah bin Abdul Rahman Al-Habsyi; yang ada bernaung dalam negeri Jambi. Barang diwasilkan Tuhan sarwa alam apalah kiranya datang kepada Seri Paduka Tuan Thomas Raffles Askor [sic, a-s-k-w-r] yang ada ganti Seri Paduka Tuan Gilbert Minto [sic], Gubernur Tuan Jenderal [sic] di Benggala, raja di atas segala raja-raja yang ada takluk di bawah bendera raja yang maha besar di negeri Inggeris dari atas angin sampai ke bawah angin adanya; yang ada duduk setirahat [sic] al-khair dalam Bandar negeri Melaka, bandar al-makmur wada’in [sic] al-masyhur atas segala raja-raja waktu ini; serta arif dan budiman, lagi bijaksana pada melakukan kasih berkasihan dan sahabat bersahabat kepada sekalian handai taulannya, karib wal-baid. Maka kita pohonkan kepada Tuhan sarwa alam barang bertambah-tambah juga kuasanya daripada pangkat martabat yang kebesaran dan darjat yang kemuliaan mim amin. Waba’adahu kemudian daripada itu barang maklum kiranya Tuan Raja darihal warkah daripada Tuan Raja yang dibawa oleh Tengku [t-ng-k-w] Pangeran Sukma Dilaga itu telah wasillah kepada kita dengan selamat sejahteranya kepada hari yang terpilih kepada sa’at yang mastarikh. Maka segera kita sambut dengan beberapa kemuliaan dan kesukaan menerima dengan kedua belah tangan kita. Dan barang yang termazkur di dalamnya itu telah mafhumlah kita, serta kita menerima kasih daripada Tuan Raja beribu-ribu kasih penuh limpah. Tiadalah akan terbalas oleh kita. Syahadan lagi darihal Sultan Jambi maka sudah kita tondong [tundung] karena [sic] sebab tiada mengerjakan perintah adat syarak. 225

Sangat menyakiti segala hamba rakyatnya. Jadi rosaklah negeri; matilah bandarnya. Itulah sebabnya maka sekarang ini kita peganglah negeri Jambi serta kita harablah [sic] akan tolong bantu Kompeni Inggeris daripada ubat dan peluru. Dan sangatlah harab [sic] kita akan pelihara sahabat kita. Dan lagi darihal sahabat kita pemeriksa dari itu orang Olandes, sekali-kali itu Olandes tiada di dalam negeri kita, atau bersahabat dengan Olandes itupun sekali-kali tiada. Demikianlah adanya. Dan lagi Tengku Pangeran itupun saudara juga kepada kita; itulah adanya. Terusrat kepada tiga belas haribulan Muharram hari Jumaat, waktu jam pukul dualapan, al-tarikh seribu dua ratus dua puluh enam. 1226 Sanah.

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X. THE PALEMBANG LETTERS

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hile most of the Palembang letters (nine in all) are letters written between 1809 and 1811, there is, however, an earlier letter dated 1780 from Governor Reynier de Klerk to the Sultan of Palembang. and another letter of a later date (1824), written by Sultan Ahmad Najamuddin, Mahmud Badaruddin’s successor. The nine Palembang letters comprise three undated letters from Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin to Tengku Raden Muhammad, Raffles’ plenipotentiary,1 a letter in the form of a treaty document concluded between Raden Muhammad and Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin, a letter from Raden Muhammad to Raffles’ clerk Ibrahim, and one from Raden Muhammad to Raffles. There are only three letters (Palembang 8, 9, and 10) addressed by the Sultan of Palembang directly to Raffles. Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin ascended the throne of Palembang in 1804. Despite all his faults, as have been portrayed by many writers, Badaruddin was a forceful, brave and clever ruler. He was described as one who could be ‘affable if he liked and had a favourable appearance compared with that of Najamuddin, his brother’. Van de Capellen, who met him in Ternate during his banishment in 1824, was reported to have described Badaruddin as “a genteel person, well-made and of good

1 Raden Muhammad bin Husin bin Syahabuddin was employed by Raffles as agent to Palembang. He was born in Palembang and “connected by blood with the leading men, if not the reigning family, and who married a sister of the present King of Keddah [Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin]”. See John Bastin, ‘Palembang in 1811 and 1812’, in Essays on Indonesian and Malayan History, Eastern Universities Press Ltd., Singapore, 1961, p. 57. Capt. Macdonald also stated that he was “a near kinsmen of the Sultan”. See Davis Macdonald, Captain Macdonald’s Narrative of his Early Life and Services Embracing an Unbroken Period of Twenty-two Years Extracted from his Journals & Other Official Documents, 3rd edn, Thomas Willey, Cheltenham, 1840. W. Robison referred to him in 1814 as “an adventurer… a fellow of mean extraction and bad character”. Bastin, however, thought that the character referred to by Robison could be Raden Wahib [sic], a fugitive prince of Palembang who was given asylum by the Sultan of Lingga during this period.

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countenance, with very prepossessing manners”.2 Mahmud Badaruddin was also known to be a man of letters who wrote prose and poetry in Jawi and was a lover of books.3 Apart from a collection of pantun, the two known syair that he wrote were the poem “Syair Sinyor Kosta” and the allegorical “Syair Nuri”.4 He was twice dethroned by Raffles, first in May 1812, after having been accused of conducting the massacre of the Dutch garrison on 14 September 1811, and again on 13 August 1813 after Raffles disapproved of the action taken by Captain (later Major) Robison, the appointed Resident of Palembang, for having sought the abdication of Najamuddin.5 As soon as Dutch rule was re-established in Java in 1816, the deposed Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin, with a view to clearing his name, submitted to the Commissioners-General, through an old friend at Batavia, several of the letters that Raffles had sent to him which purportedly incited him to exterminate the Dutch at Pulau Borang in Palembang. Based on these letters, scholars writing on Raffles have argued about whether Raffles was morally responsible for the brutal

2 W. Ph. Coolhaas, ‘Baud on Raffles’, JMBRAS, 24(1), 1951 (Reprint, Schmidt Periodicals GMBH, Bad Feilnbach 2, 1988), p. 116. 3 He had a good collection of books which included hikayat and other genres of Malay literature. In 1822, after he was deposed, it was reported that 55 very fine manuscripts in Malay and Arabic were sent to Batavia. See M. O. Woelders, Het Sultanaat Palembang 1811–1825, VKI 72, Martinus Nijhoff, ‘s-Gravenhage, 1975, p. 3. Cf. Teuku Iskandar, Klasik Melayu Sepanjang Abad, Penerbit Libra, Jakarta, 1996, pp. 497–498 and 503–505. 4 Woelders, Het Sultanaat Palembang, p. 3. See also A. Teeuw et al. (eds.), A Merry Senhor in the Malay World, Four Texts of the Syair Sinyor Kosta, KITLV Press, Leiden, 2004, vol. 1, p. 20. R. O. Winstedt, A History of Classical Malay Literature, Oxford University Press, Kuala Lumpur, 1969, p. 191, nevertheless, thinks that while Badaruddin was the writer of the syair, there is insufficient evidence to say that he was the original author. But Koster thinks that the author of the Syair Nuri was indeed Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin. See G. L. Koster, ‘Stranded in a Foreign Land: Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin’s Syair Nuri’, Indonesia Circle, no. 68, March 1996. 5 See C. W. Wurtzburg, Raffles of the Eastern Isles, Hodder and Stoughton, London, 1954, pp. 298–299. On the rumour repeated by Wurtzburg that Robison had been bribed by the re-instated sultan, Coolhaas, quoting van der Kemp, says this accusation made by Raffles in the Memoirs of the Life of Sir Stamford Raffles, was very doubtful since there was no evidence about the matter. See W. Ph. Coolhaas, ‘Baud on Raffles’, JMBRAS, 24(1) (1951) (Reprinted by Schmidt Periodicals GMBH, 1988), p. 115.

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murder of the Dutch soldiers and their families at the Palembang factory on 14 September 1811.6 It was also based on Raffles’ letters to Badaruddin that J. C. Baud, later Governor-General of the Dutch East Indies and Minister for the Colonies, wrote his famous article “Palembang in 1811 en 1812” in the first volume of the Bijdragen in 1853, This article, together with another article by Baud on the so-called ‘Bandjarmasin atrocity’,7 blackened Raffles’ character in the eyes of Dutch historians for over a century. The article by Baud drew a sharp response from both Wurtzburg and Bastin,8 who questioned the accuracy of the translation of the Malay letters that Baud9 used, which consequently led them to accuse Baud of being biased in his interpretation.10 The 1810–11 Palembang letters are therefore interesting and of historical importance as they provide further information on Raffles’ alleged attempt to influence Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin into evicting the Dutch from Palembang and establishing a treaty with the English East India Company. When read together with copies of the other letters that Baud and Bastin had quoted and reproduced in their publications, a 6 According to Coolhaas, Muntinghe attributed the murder of the Dutch garrison to “at least very imprudent instigations and promises of the British Government” (read Raffles). Coolhaas, ‘Baud on Raffles’, p. 115. 7 See Syed Hussein Alatas, Thomas Stamford Raffles 1781–1826: Schemer or Reformer?, Angus and Robertson, London, 1971, pp. 24–38. 8 See C. E. Wurtzburg, ‘Raffles and the Massacre at Palembang’, JMBRAS 22(1) (1949), pp. 38–52; Coolhaas, ‘Baud on Raffles’. The subject has also been reinvestigated by John Bastin in his paper ‘Palembang in 1811 and 1812’ which appeared in the BKI, 109 (1953), pp. 300–320 and 110 (1954), pp. 64–88. This article was revised and republished in Bastin, Essays on Indonesian and Malaysian History. 9 The transliteration into Rumi of the letters produced by Baud was also inaccurate. The original Malay words and sentence structures had, in many instances, been replaced or influenced by Javanese or Batavian [Low] Malay words and linguistic structures. See Appendices II (d), IV (b), V (b) and VI (c). 10 The letter quoted by Baud which he claimed to be the first letter that Raffles wrote to Mahmud Badaruddin had the date missing because of a torn portion of the page. Bastin, however, was the first to ascertain that the letter was written on 15 [or 14] December 1810 and that it was not the first Malay letter that Raffles dispatched to the Sultan of Palembang since in this letter it was mentioned that five days earlier Raffles had already sent another letter, although it had been written nine days earlier. This missing letter, nonetheless, was unknown to both Baud and Coolhaas.

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clearer picture emerges of Raffles’ attempt to establish relations with the sultanate of Palembang and also the massacre of the Dutch garrison at Palembang, comprising 24 European and 63 Javanese officials and soldiers, in September 1811. Raffles’ first letter to Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin appears to have been written on 8 Dzulkaedah 1225 in the year of the second Jim (5 December 1810).11 Its delivery by Raffles’ emissary Sayid Abu Bakar Rum was, however, delayed by five days. In a second letter dated Friday, 17 Dzulkaedah 1225 AH (14 December 1810) Raffles stated, “I wrote to your majesty five days ago and now without waiting for an answer address you again by Tunku Raden Mahomet whom I have appointed my Agent to proceed to your majesty’s Court with this letter …”.12 It was the contents of the two letters which had the words “pukul buang habiskan sekali-kali” that allegedly instigated Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin to carry out the massacre. The subject of the massacre has indeed attracted other writers to re-interpret the contents of the earlier letters that Baud quoted. Coolhaas, writing in response to Wurtzburg’s criticisms of Baud, also felt that while Raffles may not have wanted the Dutch in Palembang to be murdered, he was nevertheless “guilty of using words in such a rash way as to bring about the death of innocent people”.13 In 1971, Syed Hussein Alatas gave another interesting viewpoint on Stamford Raffles as a pioneer of British imperialism in the Malay Archipelago and he, too, touched on the subject of the Palembang massacre and re-interpreted Raffles’ Malay letters to Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin in 1811 by providing his own translation of the controversial phrase, buang habiskan sekali-kali.14 Indeed, the debate among many writers centred on the contents of Raffles’ two letters in December 1810 which had the words buang habiskan sekali-kali segala orang Holandes. The question raised by all the writers was whether the instructions given by Raffles through these 11 See the English translation of the letter and its original in Jawi in MSS Eur. F. 148/4, British Library, pp. 85–87. Another copy of the original Jawi letter, addressed to the Sultan of Palembang, which was discovered in Holland, also bears the Muslim date of Wednesday, 8 Dzulkaedah 1225 (5 December 1810 CE). See Bastin, Essays on Indonesian and Malayan History, Appendix IV, p. 185,. 12 Ibid., p. 86. The second letter was written nine days after the first letter. See MSS. Eur. F. 148/4. 13 Coolhaas, ‘Baud on Raffles’, p. 119. 14 See Alatas, Thomas Stamford Raffles, p. 11.

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words had provided a cue that Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin took to order the massacre of the Dutch. It appears that the controversy regarding the letters had much to do with the accuracy of their translation and the fact that, as Bastin has correctly pointed out, it has been difficult to give the exact dating of the Raffles–Badaruddin correspondence.15 To place the letters in the proper context, I have included as appendices copies of earlier letters taken from Baud’s and Bastin’s articles. To understand the background of Raffles’ communication with the sultanate of Palembang, it would perhaps be useful to go back to the day when Raffles arrived at Malacca from Penang to assume duty as agent to the Governor-General Lord Minto in the Malay states. Upon his arrival on 4 December 1810, and on being informed that some Dutch vessels had been sent to the River Musi by Daendels, Raffles immediately wrote a letter to the Sultan of Palembang on 5 December informing the latter that he was now agent to the Governor-General in the Malay states and that he had heard that “there were many Dutch ships-of-war that had arrived in the mouth of the Palembang River”. He expressed concern over the matter and urged the Sultan to reject the Dutch and be friendly with the English instead. He wrote, “my friend should strike and throw out at all costs” (hendaklah sahabat beta pukul buang sekali-kali) if the Dutch refuse to deliberate with care according to my friend’s wishes”. The first reply from Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin to both of Raffles’ letters was dated 10 January 1811.16 This could only mean that the Sultan gave his answer to Raffles’ queries only after having met Tengku Raden Muhammad, who delivered the second letter, as well as a copy of the first letter, when he arrived at the Palembang court on 5 January 1811. Even then, the Sultan made no promises or commitment to Raffles’ appeal because, according to him, he had yet to receive Raden Muhammad’s official seal of authority as a plenipotentiary of Raffles. From the reference made by Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin in his letter to Raden Muhammad, which was not dated (see Palembang VI below), we know that the first letter (written on 5 December) had already been delivered by Sayid Abu Bakar Rum. But since the dispatch of the second letter was delayed, and it also mentioned that it was to be

15 See Bastin, Essays on Indonesian and Malayan History, Appendix 1, p. 180. A copy of the translation is also available in MSS. Eur. F. 148/4 at the British Library. 16 See Appendix III, letter A.

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conveyed by Tengku Raden Muhammad, it is safe to assume that Raden Muhammad must have left Malacca immediately after the second letter was written. He arrived at Palembang on 5 January 1811 and immediately sought an audience with Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin to deliver both the second letter as well as a copy of the first letter. Subsequently, Raden Muhammad also submitted the treaty document to the Sultan. On 10 January 1811, Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin gave his reply to Raffles’ two letters. The Sultan stated that since Raden Muhammad, the supposed plenipotentiary of Raffles, did not have in his possession a letter of credentials (surat cap), the Sultan could not give his final answer, even though Raden Muhammad had forwarded a written treaty document to him. Tengku Raden Muhammad only submitted his report to Raffles via the letter dated 8 February 1811 in which he specifically mentioned that he could not return to Malacca immediately, but was forced to stop at Mentok. He had, instead, asked Sayid Abu Bakar Rum to deliver the Sultan of Palembang’s gifts and the letter dated 10 January. He also informed Raffles that “there is no obstacle in this undertaking as far as the Sultan is concerned”, except that he (Raden Muhammad) as agent (vakeel) was not in possession of the surat cap (letter of credentials) and that he hoped Raffles would send back Sayid Abu Bakar Rum together with the material he requested. In the meantime, the Sultan of Palembang wrote to Raden Muhammad and Sayid Abu Bakar Rum to explain Palembang’s relations with the Dutch. This undated letter must have been written before 8 February 1811, i.e. before Raden Muhammad submitted his report to Raffles. On 4 March 1811, in response to the Sultan’s letter, Raffles wrote in a more aggressive tone urging Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin to “get rid of, and finish off entirely every Dutchman, including the Resident and everyone who is under the jurisdiction of the Hollanders”.17 In response to this, Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin then wrote on 15 April 1811: …pertaining to the position that is desired by our friend (i.e. ‘buang habiskan sekali-kali’) regarding the way to act upon our friend’s enemies, the Dutch in Palembang, our friend should harbour neither 17 The Malay version is: “mesti sahabat beta buang, habiskan sekali-kali segala orang Olanda dan Residennya dan segala orang yang di bawah hukum Olanda”. See Bastin, Essays on Indonesian and Malayan History, Appendix IV(a). Raffles’ third letter to the Sultan of Palembang.

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doubt nor qualm any longer about the matter. In all truth we shall undertake to the best of our efforts so that it will happen like what is intended by our friend. Further, [in order] not to conceal the truth or fault of such a path, nor bring dishonour and shame to our name among friends in the future, we have now sent an emissary to Batavia requesting that the Dutch in Palembang be withdrawn with speed. If they are not withdrawn promptly they will inevitably be accursed [pasti dapat cilaka ia]. We are not at fault in the matter …18

In the light of the evidence provided by the following letters written by Raffles’ agent Raden Muhammad and Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin between 1810 and 1811, the debate regarding Raffles’ role in the massacre of the Dutch in Palembang can now be placed in a clearer perspective. In all the letters written by Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin there is a clear indication that he did not rush to implement Raffles’ command. He was rather cautious, even to the extent of indicating some reluctance in responding to the words ‘buang habiskan sekali-kali’, which he probably interpreted as an instruction to ‘finish off the Dutch at all costs’. In his letter to Tengku Raden Muhammad, he stated an almost similar response … Regarding the question of the Dutch in Palembang, as has been desired by the Malacca dignitary, we shall to the best of our ability deliberate exhaustively because never for an instance do we like it to be the source of such a state on account of the doing among the Dutch. And for this we have sent an emissary to go to Batavia, vigorously urging the General at Batavia to summon the Hollanders without delay. Further, we do not want under any circumstances, to be carried over into the feud between the Dutch and the English … The extent of what we seek is only to avoid a name that is a disgrace and a derogation among every man, even more so to dignitaries or our friends; and our brother knows better the fate of those who cause injury among men, more so to their own friends; inevitably nothing good will be achieved in days to come. And so no one will be able to trust us because what we entrust upon every dignitary is that our name will not be tarnished afterwards.19 18 This letter was only received by Raffles on 5 May, a month later. See Palembang IX. 19 Emphasis added. Compare my translation with Raffles Collection, IV, no. 9 (British Library) which says, “[W}ith respect to the expulsion of the Hollanders

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In the very same letter, the Sultan also indicated his reply to Raffles’ first letter which was delivered by Sayid Abu Bakar Rum; expressing extreme caution, Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin wrote, “… regarding the desire of the dignitary at Malacca as stated in the letter conveyed by Sayid Abu Bakar Rum, only our brother knows better that under no circumstances can we bear up under such an appearance. Verily it should be clear to our brother that a friend with a motive will not endure but only takes pleasure in destruction; there is no sincerity in the mutual affection between two sides.” 20

Based on the contents of the letters, Palembang VI and a copy of the first Malay letter in Jawi which was addressed to the Sultan of Palembang,21 and also Palembang IX, it is clear that Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin was not really eager to fulfil what was requested of him by Raffles, through his letters of 5 December 1810 and 4 March 1811, namely to strike and throw out entirely (pukul buang habis sekali-kali) the Dutch. Following the 4 March letter, Raffles sent through Captain Macdonald22 another letter dated 25 Rabi’ul-awal 1226 (19 April 1811) in which was mentioned that Raffles had also sent four crates of guns, each containing 20 muskets, together with ten powder horns that contained powder in cartridges. In his letter to Raffles dated 29 Rabi’ulawal 1226 (23 May 1811),23 Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin thanked the

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we shall act to the best of our ability, and in such a manner that our name shall occur [sic] no obloquy among great men, and those who are our particular friends. However we have to request our great person in Malacca, a little patience…” Bastin, Essays on Indonesian and Malayan History, p. 68. Emphasis in the above translation is mine. The translation of Raffles Collection, IV no. 9 runs as follows: “With regard to the letter, expressive of the wishes of the great man at Malacca, which was brought by the Seyyad Abu Bekir Rumi, we wish our brother to be particularly well apprized that we can by no means assent to it, and we desire him to be informed that, as far as regards its excuses and reasons, it cannot be stable, but on the contrary, an introduction to destruction, for there is no mutual regard or affection indicated between the parties … Ibid. It was discovered in Holland and had the Muslim date of Wednesday, 8 Dzulkaedah 1225 (5 December 1810 CE). Besides the letter from Raffles, Macdonald also delivered Minto’s letter to Mahmud Badaruddin. The reply written on 23 April 1811 (25 Rabi’ul-awal 1226) was delivered by Macdonald towards the end of May together with another letter dated 15 May. Bastin, Essays on Indonesian and Malayan History, p. 72, n. 58.

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former for the 80 muskets and also wrote: “With respect to the Hollanders who are at Palembang do not be uneasy, all shall be done as you desire.”24 Judging from the tone of Raffles’ letters to the Sultan, especially his third, and the Sultan’s reply to both Raden Muhammad and Raffles, it is obvious that the Palembang ruler must have taken the cue, as he was incited by the words ‘buang habis sekali-kali’. Raffles’ dispatch of the guns and this offer of lasting friendship of the English Company must have lent extra courage to Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin to carry out what he perceived as a persistently persuasive instruction from Raffles to exterminate the Dutch. Thus, as events were to show later, on 14 September 1811 the entire population of the factory at Palembang consisting of 24 Europeans and 63 Javanese in the Dutch garrison— comprising soldiers and civilians as well as the Dutch Resident—were deceived into leaving the fort and asked to board their perahu, and were then drowned in the Musi River. The following Palembang letters, when read together with the other Palembang letters which have been included in the appendices, will help scholars to reconstruct the events that led to the infamous massacre of Palembang.

PALEMBANG I Malay letter, Jawi script, 2 folios, 28.9 x 47 cm Letter of Governor-General Reynier de Klerk with red wax seal, inscribed with the illustration of a boat and the letters “VOC” Addressed to Sultan Ratu Muhammad Bahaudin of Palembang Endorsement verso: [undecipherable] Heading: ‘Qawluh u’l-Haqq wa Kalamuh u’l-Siddq’ Verily the Governor-General Reynier de Klerk25 and the Council of the Indies send this epistle of sincerity to fellow signatory to the contract, 24 Appendix VI (a) (Raffles Collection IV, no. 15, BL). 25 Reynier de Klerk (1710–1780) first joined the VOC as a book-keeper in 1737, but in his career he held several posts, including merchant, army secretary, first administrator, governor and director of Banda in 1748, member of the Council of the Indies in 1762 and Director-General in 1775 before being chosen as Governor-General on 4 October 1777; he received confirmation to this post about a year later. He died on 1 September 1780 at Molenvliet, Batavia. It appears that he wrote this letter about a month before his death.

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Paduka Seri Sultan Ratu Muhammad Bahaudin,26 raja on the throne of government of Palembang; [we] pray for his good health along with the daulat and every blessing that shall bring good fortune to His Highness and all his subjects, especially mutual friendship between the Dutch Company and the Sultan that will remain steadfast and secure until the end. Following that, it is made known that the Governor-General and all [members of] the Council of the Indies, consequent to the arrival of Your Majesty’s emissaries Kiyai Ngabehi Citra Taruna and Kiyahi Ngabehi Duta Cita, have already received Your Majesty’s letter that was written on 26 April last. Even if the Governor-General and the Council of the Indies were to believe the sincerity of the Tuan Sultan’s words, the Tuan Sultan has, with intense authority, persistently encouraged trade in the country of Palembang and has given orders to the men who work in it with the hope that it will in the end manifest its perfection. Except only that in the solemn gaze of the Governor-General and every [member of] the Council of the Indies it is proper to again remind the Tuan Sultan of the matter of mutual affection; that being the reason for all the perahu carrying pepper and white tin to return; [and] all have been sent during this season; particularly the reason for the two things are that, too little has been brought here, thus there is no manifestation of the sincerity, despite the Governor-General and the Council of the Indies having, for some time, vigorously requested for trade with His Majesty; even more so, the Tuan Sultan has many times truly promised to send adequate amounts of pepper and white tin on the appropriate occasions. Because of that it is only proper for the Governor-General and the Council of the Indies to demand that Tuan Sultan adhere to the contract.27 26 Sultan Muhammad Bahaudin, who ascended the throne in 1777, was ruler of Palembang for 27 years following the death of his father, Susuhunan Ahmad Najamuddin Adikesuma I. He died in 1804 at the age of 70, and was succeeded by his eldest son, Pangeran Jayawikrama, who then became known as Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin. 27 Referring to the contract signed by the VOC and the Sultan of Palembang in 1755 which gave the Company the exclusive rights to buy tin and pepper. In exchange, the contract stated that the Company ‘promised to maintain the Sultan in the peaceful possession of his states and to let him enjoy all the rights and prerogatives attached to his crown; and to do all that is suitable to contribute to the growth and prosperity of his states and subjects’. Reinout Vos, quoting the Corpus Diplomaticum Neerlando-Indicum, Vol. 4. See Reinout Vos, ‘The Broken Balance. The Origins of the War between Riau and the VOC in 1783–1784’. In

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In the same way, regarding the exploits of the Minangkabau people who reside in Bangkahulu, the Governor-General and the Council of the Indies have already written to the factors and servants [of the Company] asking them to convey to the Tuan Sultan that there are already obligatory injunctions to prohibit the wicked people; furthermore, the extent of subjection by the Governor-General and the Council of the Indies will ensure that efforts precede such bold words, that is to have demarcations by all possible means with the Tuan Sultan. It is for that reason that it is hopefully expected by the Governor-General and the Council of the Indies that the Tuan Sultan would not reply yet; later would be more appropriate for the Tuan Sultan to request for an extension of time for rounding off. Thus by reason of the Sultan of Banten having also made a representation that [some] Palembang people have committed interminable injustice upon his subjects in Simpang,28 especially because the Palembang people have trespassed across the boundary of the district of Simpang, the Governor-General and the Council of the Indies hope that the Tuan Sultan will make an effort to ensure that his subjects will not go beyond the boundary of Palembang rule so as to foster a spirit of mutual friendship, peace and tranquillity between subjects of the two sides. It is also hoped that the Tuan Sultan will return to the Sultan of Banten the Simpang people who have fled into the area of Palembang’s jurisdiction. With regard to the matter, the Governor-General and the Council of the Indies have also given advice to the Sultan of Banten who had stated his wish to convey [all, ranging] from his perahu to everything else about the issue. Second folio: And in the same way, regarding the request of the Tuan Sultan mentioned in the epistle, that is about the sea-voyage of Palembang subjects to and from the land of Java, the Governor-General and the Council of the Indies will think it over at the usual convenience; then only will the answer be given. In the meantime, there are no doubts and suspicions of any sort except concerning the issue of Captain Varughese [p-a-r-g-sy] G. J. Schutte (ed.), State and Trade in the Indonesian Archipelago, KITLV Press, Leiden, 1994, p. 127. 28 Probably refers to Simpang, a place in the district of Merawang, which was placed in the Bangka residency at a later period of Dutch rule.

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and the difficulties and expenses of the Company’s servants in the city of Bengal whose purpose is to settle up the business. The Tuan Sultan would also be happy to observe a very obvious sign of mutual friendship and affection from the Governor-General and the Council of the Indies to help the Tuan Sultan to the best of their ability. Furthermore, the complimentary gifts of goodwill from the Tuan Sultan to the Governor-General and the Director-General [sic] have already been received with gladness and pleasure; we give thanks for them, and in return we send to the Paduka Seri Sultan the following complimentary gifts: from the Governor-General a roll of green velvet measuring 45 ells long and a roll of scarlet broadcloth stretching to a length of 38 ells and a roll of green broadcloth of 52.5 ells in length, and 150 rolls of brightly coloured cloths of cotton thread from Surat measuring 6 cubits [forearm-length]; and 150 gaily coloured cloth of 5 cubits in length; and 10 rolls of fine white Gunsar cloth from us and 23 containers of spices of various kinds; 5 containers of nutmeg flowers, 10 perahu of cloves, 6 containers of nutmegs, and 2 containers of cinnamon; and from the Director-General: one roll of green velvet of 30 ells in length and one roll of purple velvet, the length being 32 ells; a redcoloured velvet with rose patterns which is 35 ells in length, 100 rolls of brightly coloured cloth of cotton thread 6 cubits in length, along with another 100 rolls of brightly coloured cloth 5 cubits in length. End of words; with all goodness. Written in the diamond castle of Batavia, on the island of Java, truly on the fifteenth day of August, in the year one thousand seven hundred and eighty. Palembang 1 Warkah Governor-General Reynier de Klerk kepada Sultan Ratu Muhammad Bahaudin, dua lembar, 28.9 x 47 sm Bahawa Gunador Jenderal Rener [sic] de Klerk beserta sekalian Raden fan India berkirim surat tulus ikhlas ini kepada sahabat seperjanjian Paduka Seri Sultan Ratu Muhammad Bahaudin, raja atas takhta kerajaan Palembang; dipohonkan atasnya sehat dan afiat beserta daulat dan segala berkat yang dapat membahagiakan yang maha mulia beserta rakyat-rakyatnya, istimewa sahabat bersahabat pada antara 238

Kompeni Hollanda dengan Tuan Sultan boleh tinggal tetap dan teguh hingga zaman yang mutakhirin29 adanya. Waba’adah kemudian daripada itu diberi maklum adalah Gurnador-Jenderal dan segala Raden fan India [sic, Raad van Indie] dengan kedatangan utusannya Sultan, Kiyai Ngabehi Citra Taruna, dan Kiyai Ngabehi Duta Cita, kami ini sudah terima surat sahifat30 Tuan Sultan yang sudah ditulisnya pada dua puluh enam haribulan April yang telah lalu ini. Adapun jika Gurnador-Jenderal dan Raden fan India sekalipun hendak percayai ketulusan perkataan Tuan Sultan mengatakan Tuan Sultan dengan sekuat kuasanya mengusahakan peniagaan [sic] dalam negeri Palembang dan telah memberi perintah pula kepada orang-orang yang bekerja pada itu atas harap menanti akhir-akhirnya boleh bernyata kesempurnaannya. Hanya tetapi dalam tilek nazar31 Gurnador-Jenderal dan segala Raden fan India harus juga mengingatkan kepada Tuan Sultan dengan peri berkasih-kasihan yang adalah sebab perahu-perahu lada dan timah putih kembali pula sudah dikirimkan seka sekalinya [sic, sekaliannya] musim ini istimewa adalah sebab dua perkara itu terlalu sedikit sudah dibawa datang kemari. Jadilah tiada kenyataan ketulusan itu. Yaitu walakin32 seringkali Gurnador-Jenderal dan Raden fan India telah pinta banyak-banyak akan perniagaan itu kepada Yang Maha Mulia. Istimewa lagi Tuan Sultan beberapa kali telah berjanji dengan sesungguhnya akan mengirimkan jumlah lada dan timah putih yang cukup pada waktu yang patut; dari karena itulah harus dan patutlah Gurandor-Jenderal dan Raden fan India pinta Tuan Sultan menyampaikan perjanjian itu adanya. Sebagai pula akan hal perbuatan-perbuatan orang Minangkabau yang duduk di Bangkahulu, Gurnador-Jenderal dan Raden-raden fan India baharu ini telah berkirim tulis kepada petur-petur33 dan hamba [h-m-b] menyuruh mereka itu menyampaikan kepada Tuan Sultan sudah 29 Modern; or of these last years. R. J. Wilkinson, A Malay-English Dictionary, Macmillan & Co. Ltd, London, 1959, Vol. 2, p. 792. 30 Epistle or written document. Ibid., p. 999–1000. 31 Vow. 32 And yet; however; and nevertheless; even though. 33 Also ‘fetur’ (from Portuguese feitor) meaning factor, or superintendent of trade. Factor also refers to the chief European at a subordinate settlement. Originally, the factor was the local agent in charge of the factory. See William Marsden, A Dictionary and Grammar of the Malayan Language, Oxford University Press, Singapore (1984 reprint), vol. 1, p. 208. See also Wilkinson, A Malay-English Dictionary, Vol. 1, p. 312.

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juga menaruh perintah yang wajib supaya menegahkan orang-orang jahat itu; istimewa lagi seberapa takluk daripada Gurnador-Jenderal dan Raden fan India akan mengusahakan supaya mendahului cakapan gagah yang sedemikian itu, iaitu supaya mengadakan jazak-jazak [sic, juzuk-juzuk] dengan seboleh-bolehnya kepada Tuan Sultan. Maka dari karena itulah diharap cita-cita oleh Gurnador-Jenderal dan Raden fan India jangan dahulu Tuan Sultan membalaskan lagi. Maka kemudiannya lebih patut boleh pinta ketempohan penggenapannya adanya. Demikianlah dari sebab Tuan Sultan Banten juga telah mengadu orang-orang Palembang membuat aniaya dengan tiada berkeputusan kepada rakyat-rakyat Tuan Sultan Banten yang di Simpang, istimewa sebab orang-orang Palembang mengembara dalam watas perintah Simpang, maka diharap menanti-nanti oleh GurnadorJenderal dan Raden fan India Tuan Sultan akan mengusahakan supaya rakyat-rakyatnya jangan sampai watas perintah Palembang supaya tetap memeliharakan sahabat bersahabat serta sentosa dan perdamaian antara rakyat yang kedua pihak; lalu diharap pula Tuan Sultan akan kembalikan kepada Sultan Banten orang-orang Simpang yang telah lari dalam watas perintah Palembang. Maka akan hal perkara itu Gurnador-Jenderal dan Raden fan India telah sudah juga memberi nasihat kepada Sultan Banten, yang ia telah cakap hendak menyampaikan daripada perahu-perahunya segala sesuatu atas perkara itu adanya. Folio kedua: Sebagai lagi akan hal permintaan Tuan Sultan tersebut dalam surat sahifatnya akan perlayaran rakyat-rakyat Palembang ke negeri Jawa dan dari negeri [sic], Gurnador-Jenderal dan Raden fan India akan pikir kira-kira atasnya itu pada senang lazim, lalu akan memberinya penjawabnya adanya. Sementara itu tiada syak dan waham melainkan hal pekerjaan dengan Kapitan Fargis34 [sic, Verughese] dan kesusahan beserta belanja dari oleh khadam-khadam Kompeni dalam Bandar Benggala supaya menyelesaikan hal pekerjaan itu. Tuan Sultan suka juga memandang penaka35 tanda sahabat bersahabat dan berkasih-

34 F-a-r-g-s. 35 Like as, even as; as if. Marsden, A Dictionary and Grammar of the Malayan Language, p. 230.

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kasihan dari oleh Gurnador-Jenderal dan Raden fan India, yang sangat nyata supaya menolongi Tuan Sultan dengan seboleh-bolehnya. Syahadan, bingkisan yang dikeredhai [sic] dari oleh Tuan Sultan kepada Gurnador-Jenderal dan Direktur-Jenderal itu sudah terima dengan suka redha lalu menerima kasih atasnya, dan membalaskan itu kepada Paduka Seri Sultan dengan bingkisan yang berikut ini, yakni daripada Gurnador-Jenderal sekayu beludru [sic] hijau, panjang empat puluh lima elo [a-y-l-w, sic]; dan sekayu sanhelat [sic, sakhlat] merah kangkan [sic] panjang tiga puluh delapan elo, dan sekayu sanhelat [sic] hijau panjang lima puluh dua elo setengah; dan seratus lima puluh kayu fetol [f-t-w-l] [sic, petola] benang katun disurati panjang enam hasta dan seratus lima puluh kayu petola [p-t-w-l]36 yang begitu juga panjang lima hasta dan sepuluh kayu gunsa [g-n-s] putih khalus [sic] dari kita; dan dua puluh tiga pintu rempah-rempah berjenis-jenis yakni lima pintu [p-n-t-w]37 bunga pala dan sepuluh pintu cengke [sic, cengkih] dan enam pintu buah pala serta dua pintu kayu manis; dan daripada Tuan Direktur-Jenderal sekayu beluderu [sic] hijau panjang tiga puluh elo, dan sekayu beludru ungu panjang tiga puluh dua elo, dan sekayu beludru warna merah bunga air mawar panjang tiga puluh lima elo dan seratus kayu petolabenang katon panjang enam hasta beserta seratus kayu petola demikian juga panjang lima hasta jua adanya. Tamat al-kalam bilkhairi. Tersurat dalam Kota intan Betawi atas pulau Jawa benar pada lima belas hari bulan Augustus tahun seribu tujuh ratus dualapan [delapan] puluh. PALEMBANG II Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio, 18.4 x 14.7 cm Letter of Raden Muhammad, without seal, addressed to Raffles’ clerk, Ibrahim Endorsement verso Malay letter in English: ‘Receipt for 250 Ds / Radin Mahomet’ Endorsement in Jawi script: ‘This is Tengku Raden Muhammad’s letter’ Heading: ‘Alhamdulillah’ 36 Gaily coloured cotton or silk cloth. 37 ‘Pintu’ as a numeral coefficient; probably referring to the petak (compartments) in the perahu.

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Be it known to my brother Ibrahim, that concerning the money that Mister Raffles is giving as expenditure, could you please take it for me and hand it over to Inche Amin immediately. Please take a receipt from him. With regard to the gunpowder, I have not been able to find it out here. As for the guns, they are currently being sold by some people, but they are very expensive. I dare not purchase them unless perhaps you could discuss it with Mr. Raffles. Concerning the money that Mr. Raffles will be giving, let it be a little extra. It is not my wish to use the rial, but this mission is important and therefore I need to take extra money for travel expenses. If any demanding engagement arises, the work can be easily done if there is money. Surely my brother is fully aware of the ways of the world; when there is money at hand every kind of difficult occupation can be handled with ease. Since my instruction was to execute Mr. Raffles’ commission to the best possible level of perfection, I also wish to do my job with single-mindedness to achieve [that] perfection. Further, with regard to the business of voyaging in the East, you too are well aware that there are many wicked men on the seaway. The fact is that I am a man of good breeding and I am also undertaking the employment of a dignitary. All the same, I pray to God that in carrying out this mission let it not bring impairment to the good name of Mr. Raffles. If it were possible and proper I would fight to the death, so that Mr. Raffles’ name shall not be shamed. That is what I make known. And the writer is Tengku Syarif Muhammad. [Undated]

Palembang 2 Warkah Surat Raden Muhammad kepada Ibrahim, kerani Thomas Stamford Raffles di Melaka, satu lembar, 18.4. x 14.7 sm Mafhum saudara hamba Ibrahim bahawa akan rial yang Tuan Mister Raffles hendak beri buat bekal itu, pinta saudara hamba tolong ambilkan beri pada Inche’ Amin ini sekarang juga; ambil surat tanda daripadanya. Dan seperti ubat bedil tiada boleh hamba cahari [sic] di lura [sic, luar] ini dan seperti senapang itu ada orang jual tetapi banyak mahal 242

harganya. Tiada berani hamba hendak beli, melainkan melainkan [sic] pinta saudara hamba bicarakan dengan Tuan Mister Raffles juga. Maka akan rial yang Tuan Mister Raffles hendak beri itu biar lebih sedikit. Tiada hamba hendak pakai rial itu kerana [k-r-a-n] kerja ini besar, jadi hamba hendak bawa bekal lebih. Jika datang sesuatu kerja yang berat ada rial jadi boleh mudah. Saura [sic, Saudara] hamba pun ketahui perintah dunia ini; jika ada rial di tangan kita segala kerja yang susahsusah jadi mudah. Kerana perintah hamba hendak beri sempurna bolehboleh kerja Tuan Mister Raffles ini hamba pun hendak buat kerja dengan sungguh-sungguh hendak beri sempurna. Syahadan lagi akan pekerjaan pergi sebelah timur ini saudara hamba pu [sic, pun] ketahui banyak orang jahat-jahat di jalan. Hamba pun satu orang baik-baik, juga lagi angkat kerja satu orang besar. Juga boleh kita pinta pada Allah di dalam kerja ini jangan dapat sesuatu yang jadi cela nama Tuan Mister Raffles. Jika yang boleh patut kita lawan sehingga habis kita punya nyawa; yang nama Tuan Raffles jangan boleh malu. Itulah kita nyatakan. Wakatubuhu Tengku Syariff Muhammad. [Tanpa tarikh]

PALEMBANG III Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio, 24.5 x 37.5 cm Letter of Sultan Ratu Mahmud Badaruddin38 of Palembang, addressed to Raden Muhammad bin Husin and Sayid Abu Bakar Rum, with black seal Verily would it be known to our brothers, that is Raden Muhammad bin Husin and Sayid Abu Bakar Rum, that we are making it clear about the occupation of Sayid Pangeran; it is reported that the said gentleman has been sent on an errand by our friend the dignitary in Malacca, to go to Java forthwith. The gentleman broke his journey at Mentok. [But] the companions of the gentleman had committed piracy on [some] Palembang people who were at Banyu Asin. When the said gentleman touched at Mentok the men made their escape to Palembang. Our brother, nonetheless, would be more aware of the matter. 38 This letter was possibly delivered to Raden Muhammad and Sayid Abu Bakar Rum during their brief stay in Palembang.

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We are making it known to our brother because our brother is the plenipotentiary representing the dignitary in Malacca. As for the occupation of the gentleman Sayid Pangeran, it is not at all proper for someone who has been entrusted by dignitaries to have perversely carried out such an undertaking, breaking journeys at any bend and reach of the river, which puts his name to shame; and our brother is more aware of that because the dignitary in Malacca with his kindness, affection and trust had extended his friendship with sincerity. As for the conduct of Sayid Pangeran, our brother would be more aware of it, more so since his occupation has been such forever and ever. And if it is not going to arouse the anger of the dignitary in Malacca towards the man, could our brother please inform him to whatever extent our brother considers proper. If it were to arouse the anger of our friend, the dignitary in Malacca, then our brother should give advice to the gentleman in order that it will not bring shame and disgrace among us who come and go in carrying into effect the trust of others. Such is the situation. Furthermore, with regard to Sayid Pangeran, in the past he had taken a cannon that was in the land of Bangka. If it could possibly be done, we request our brother to talk to him about [the return of] the cannon. Such is the case. [Undated].

Palembang 3 Warkah Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin kepada Raden Muhammad bin Husin dan Sayid Abu Bakar Rum, satu lembar, 24.5 x 37.5 sm Bahawa barang maklum kepada syaudara [sic] kita iaitu Raden Muhammad bin Husin dan Sayid Abu Bakar Rum maka adalah kita menyatakan daripada hal pekerjaan Sayid Pangeran; dan adalah khabarnya tuan itu disuruh oleh sahabat kita Orang Besar di Melaka pergi pada [sic] Tanah Jawa dengan segera. Maka tuan itu ada singgah ke Mentok. Adalah temannya tuan itu membajak orang Palembang yang ada pada Banyu Asin. Pada waktu tuan itu singgah ke Mentok orang itu lari ke Palembang. Melainkan lebih-lebih tahu kepada syaudara [sic] kita. Maka kita beri tahu kepada syaudara [sic] karena syaudara [sic] kita menjadi Wakil yang Mutlak ganti Orang Besar yang di Melaka; dan adalah pekerjaan Tuan Sayid Pangeran itu tiadalah patut sekali-kali pekerjaan orang; disuruh oleh orang besar-besar yang demikian itu 244

rupa pekerjaannya, singgah-singgah pada bilang-bilang teluk rantau yang memberi nama keaifan; dan telah maklum kepada syaudara [sic] kita karena Orang Besar di Melaka dengan cinta kasih percaya yang telah bersahabat dengan tulus ikhlas adanya. Dan daripada pekerjaan Sayid Pangeran itu lebih-lebih maklum kepada syaudara [sic] kita istimewah [sic] pula daripada pekerjaannya yang sudah sedia selama-lamanya. Dan jikalau kiranya tiada menjadi kemurkaan Orang Besar di Melaka kepada tuan itu boleh syaudara kita khabarkan sekira-kira mana juga yang patut kepada syaudara [sic] kita. Jikalau menjadi kemurkaan sahabat kita Orang Besar di Melaka melainkan syaudara [sic] kitalah yang memberinya nasihat kepada tuan itu supaya jangan memberi kemaluan dan keaifan antara kita pergi datang melakukan percaya orang; demikianlah adanya. Sebagai lagi daripada hal Sayid Pangeran itu dahulu ada ia mengambil bedil yang ada pada tanah Bangka. Jikalau boleh dengan bolehnya kita mintak bicarakan bedil itu kepada syaudara [sic] kita. Demikianlah jua adanya.

PALEMBANG IV39 Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio, 22.8 x 37.5 cm Letter of Tengku Raden Syariff Muhammad. Without seal40 Addressed to Raffles at Malacca, with endorsement verso in Romanised script: ‘February 1811 - / Tunkoo Raden / Mahomed-’ Endorsement in Jawi script: ‘This is the letter of Tengku Raden Muhammad / on the fourteenth of Muharram’ Heading: Al-Mustahaqq41 Herewith is an epistle of sincerity with varied gifts that springs from a heart that is pure in which is enclosed much laudation, without limit, and permanently with [brotherly] love and affection, that is without end, at all times and seasons, that is from me, Tengku Raden Syarif Muhammad; may it be delivered, by the grace of God almighty, to my friend His 39 An English translation of the letter is available in Raffles Collection IV, no. 8, at the British Library. See also Bastin, Essays on Indonesian and Malaysian History, p. 64. 40 This letter was written by Tengku Raden Muhammad to Raffles on 8 February 1811 after he had delivered the latter’s letter of 15 December 1810. 41 The Receiver of Truth.

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Excellency Thomas Raffles Esquire, who is stationed in the city of Malacca, the Abode of the Most Exalted. Following that, I am making it known to my friend that on the ninth of the month of the Hajj42 I arrived at Palembang and then went to seek an audience with the Tuan Sultan to convey the letter43 and my friend’s gifts44 to His Highness. The Tuan Sultan received the letter and read it himself.45 Mentioned in my friend’s letter was the desire to establish friendship with the Tuan Sultan. The Tuan Sultan said, “With regard to this matter we are most pleased to seek such ways of advantage. He has even asked our brother himself to approach us.” And the Tuan Sultan praised the English Company for establishing true business and of having great understanding, and he agrees well with the idea to be secretive.46 Such were the words of the Tuan Sultan, for he was much overjoyed. And so I conveyed to His Highness my friend’s commission accordingly. His Highness then queried me. He asked, “Is it really true that our brother is agent and representative of Mr. Raffles?” To which I replied, “That is correct. I am a vakeel of Mr. Raffles.” His Highness then asked, “Is our brother in possession of a letter of credentials beside this letter?” And I said, “There is none other than this letter that I make known.” Said the Tuan Sultan, “This letter is only a correspondence between the dignitary and us. It is not what is called the proof of an agent. The mark of a vakeel is the sealed document which our brother should possess for personal keeping. But the sealed letter of authority is not in our brother’s possession; if the seal of authority is in our brother’s possession then we can have this business settled once and for all. Since such is the case, it is better that our brother return to Malacca to request the seal of authority from our friend.” And so I began to think. It was a mistake for me not to have asked for the proof of a vakeel, which is the seal that I should keep in my personal possession. 42 9 Dzulhijjah corresponds to 5 January 1811. 43 Letter dated 5 December 1810. 44 The gifts were two rolls of European chintz, two floor-rugs. 45 Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin, being literate in Jawi, did not have to depend on his court scribe or the kadhi to read the letter as was the custom of Malay rajas. 46 In his first letter to Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin, Raffles had specifically requested that when an emissary from Palembang was sent to Malacca he should pretend that he was only a trader, for Raffles wanted it to be kept a secret. See Appendix I(a).

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Then the Tuan Sultan wrote a reply to my friend’s letter.47 He asked me to take it back to Malacca. Having received the Tuan Sultan’s letter, I set sail from Palembang and stopped at Mentok. I then met Tambi Ahmad Sahab’s ketch coming from Malacca. I wanted to take passage in the ketch, but I could not because there were too many passengers. Even if I were to go in my own perahu I would never be able to reach Malacca in time because the winds were too strong. So I asked my brother Sayid Abu Bakar Rum to board the ketch instead, and to deliver the letter and gifts from the Tuan Sultan to my friend so that news can be speedily acquired of everything that was mentioned in the Tuan Sultan’s letter. The thing that I earnestly request from my friend is to instruct Sayid Abu Bakar to return to me with speed and that my friend issue a letter with the seal as proof that I am the agent and representative of my friend in this undertaking so that we can return quickly to see my friend and bring the man entrusted by the Tuan Sultan, since there is nothing else that hinders this business as far as the Tuan Sultan is concerned; it is only because I am not in possession of a sealed document [letter of credentials] of a vakeel in my hands. Thus because of that I earnestly request my friend that one or two days after Sayid Abu Bakar’s arrival in Malacca please find a way for him to return quickly to me. For more news than this my friend should inquire from Sayid Abu Bakar himself. Written on the fourteenth of Muharram, on Friday, 1226 Hegira [8 February 1811 CE].

Palembang 4 Warkah Tengku Raden Syariff Muhammad kepada Stamford Raffles, satu lembar, 22.8. x 37.5 sm Faha zihi warqat al-ikhlas wa tuhfat al-ajnas yang terbit daripada hati yang suci yang dipesertakan dalamnya dalamnya [sic] dengan beberapa puji-pujian yang tiada berhingga alai al-dawam ma ’al- muhabbat yang tiada berkesudahan daripada tiap-tiap masa dan ketika min jami’al laili watarawan nahar iaitu daripada Tengku Raden Syariff 47 This must be in reference to the letters dated 10 January 1811. See Bastin’s Letters C and D, in Appendix II, Essays on Indonesian and Malaysian History, p. 182.

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Muhammad; barang disampaikan Allah subhanahu wata’ala jua kiranya datang kepada sahabat kita Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles Askoyar yang ada terhenti di dalam bandar negeri Melaka Dar al-Adzim. Waba’dah daripada itu maka adalah beta memberi tahu kepada sahabat beta pada sembilan haribulan Haji sampailah beta di negeri Palembang lalu beta masuk mengadap Tuan Sultan membawa surat serta kiriman sahabat beta kepada Tuan Sultan. Maka disambut oleh Tuan Sultan lalu dibacanya sendiri. Maka tersebutlah di dalam surat sahabat beta itu hendak bersahabat dengan Tuan Sultan itu; maka kata Tuan Sultan, “Akan bicara ini kita terlebih sekali suka daripada mencari jalan kebajikan itu. Maka disuruhkannya saudara kita sendiri datang mendapatkan kita.” Serta Tuan Sultan memuji-muji Kompeni Inggeris atas mendirikan pekerjaan yang benar, empunya budi bicara yang besar dan muafakat ia dengan baik rahsianya. Demikian itu kata Tuan Sultan daripada tersangat suka hatinya. Maka beta sampaikan pula seperti pesan sahabat beta itu. Maka diperiksa oleh Tuan Sultan kepada beta. Katanya, “Adakah sungguh kekanda ini jadi Wakil serta ganti Mister [m-s-t-r] Raffles?” Adalah beta jawab: “Betul sahaya ada Wakil Tuan Mister Raffles.” Lalu kata Tuan Sultan: “Adakah kekanda membawa surat cap yang lain daripada surat ini?” Maka kata beta, “Tiada lain daripada surat yang sahaya maklumkan ini.” Maka kata Tuan Sultan, “Akan surat ini sekadar antara sahaya dengan orang besar itu juga; belum jadi dikata tanda Wakil. Ada pun yang tanda Wakil itu surat cap yang kekanda pegang taruh sendiri. Maka surat cap kuasa itu tiada pada tangan kekanda jika [sic]; jika sekiranya ada cap kuasa itu kekanda pegang bolehlah kita habiskan sekali pekerjaan ini. Jika demikian, baiklah kekanda kembali ke Melaka pintak cap kuasa kepada sahabat kita itu.” Maka betapun fikir adalah kekurangan pada beta tiada mintak tanda Wakil cap yang beta pegang taruh sendiri. Kemudian maka Tuan Sultan balas surat sahabat beta menyuruh beta bawa pulang di Melaka. Maka beta terimalah surat daripada Tuan Sultan itu lalu beta berlayar keluar dari Palembang; singgah di Mentok bertemulah beta dengan kici Tambi Ahmad Sahib datang dari Melaka. Maka beta hendak naik menumpang kepada kici itu tiada boleh karena orangnya banyak. Hendakpun dengan perahu sendiri tiada boleh lekas sampai di Melaka karena angin terlalu banyak keras. Maka beta suruhkan saudarah [sic] beta Sayid Abu Bakar naik di kici itu

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memba[sic, membawa] surat serta hadiah daripada Tuan Sultan kepada sahabat beta itu, supaya segera dapat satu-satunya khabar yang tersebut di dalam surat Tuan Sultan itu. Yang beta pintak begitu banyak kepada sahabat beta Sayid Abu Bakar itu mintak suruhkan segera kembali mendapatkan beta; serta sahabat beta beri surat serta cap yang beta sudah jadi Wakil ganti sahabat beta atas pekerjaan ini supaya boleh kita kembali segera mendapatkan sahabat beta serta membawa orang yang kepercayaan daripada Tuan Sultan karena tiada lainnya yang menjadi sangkut di atas pekerjaan ini kepada Tuan Sultan; hanya dari karena kita tiada memagang [sic] surat cap Wakil pada tangan kita ini. Dari itu juga yang kita pintak begitu banyak kepada sahabat beta sehari dua saudara kita Sayid Abu Bakar itu sampai di Melaka; boleh sahabat beta carikan ia jalan segera kembali mendapatkan beta. Lebih daripada ini sahabat beta tanya kepada Sayid Abu Bakar sendiri. Tersurat kepada empat belas hari bulan Muharram pada hari Juma’at 1226 Sanah [= 8 Feb. 1811].

PALEMBANG V48 Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio, 28 x 40 cm Letter of Raden Muhammad bin Husin bin Syahabuddin, with black seal inscribed in Jawi script: Al-Mu’minin / Khalifah / al-Sultan Ratu Mahmud Badaruddin Fi Balad Palembang / Darussalam Treaty document submitted to Paduka Seri Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin The date 1225 Sanah on the ninth day of the month of Zulhijjah, on Saturday [5 January 1811 CE];49 it is during that time that Raden 48 An English translation of this letter is found in the Raffles Collection IV, no. 10 which Bastin quoted on p. 69 of his Essays on Indonesian and Malayan History. 49 The Muslim date 9 Dzulhijjah 1225, according to the Gregorian-Hijri Converter, fell on Saturday, 5 January 1811, meaning that there is no error in the dating as claimed by Bastin. Because of the date, confusion arises concerning the exact date when the deed of treaty proposed by Raffles was delivered. Bastin is right in saying that it would be impossible for the deed to be ratified earlier than March 1811 as Raffles’ proposal was dated 3 March 1811. In his correspondence with Raffles dated 5 April 1811, Tunku Pangeran of Siak (See Siak 21 above) also mentioned to Raffles that he had met Raden Muhammad who, when asked about the Palembang deliberations, had said that Raffles was happy with the result. Thus in the above letter the date 5 January 1811 as indicated in its opening

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Muhammad bin Husin bin Syahabuddin presents a letter50 before His Highness Paduka Sri Sultan Ratu Mahmud Badaruddin who owns the throne of government in the country of Palembang, the abode of peace. Your Highness’s servant herewith presents a signed letter before Your Highness’ presence with the purpose of concluding a deal on all the proposals [or commission] of His Excellency Thomas Raffles Esquire as well as Your Highness’s assent to the settlement. This is the form of all things in regard to the commission which are enjoined upon Your Highness’s servant as plenipotentiary. As a result of Your Highness’s servant having reached the settlement, that is if the Dutch in Palembang are reluctant to leave, it will be statement is merely Raden Muhammad’s way of reminding Raffles of the event that led to the written proposition for an agreement dated 3 March 1811. (See Bastin, Essays on Indonesian and Malayan History, p. 69, note 47.) It was during his first visit as Raffles’ agent to the court of the Sultan of Palembang that the issue of signing a treaty was first discussed. In his note to Tengku Raden Muhammad, Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin did mention the commission entrusted upon Tengku Raden Muhammad, i.e. to secure a treaty of friendship; he also mentioned that both Raden Muhammad and Sayid Abu Bakar Rum had acquainted him ‘respecting the Commission which is not mentioned in the letter’ (Appendix III, Letter B: Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin’s note to Tengku Raden Muhammad dated 10 January 1811). See Raffles Collection, IV, no. 6 which is reproduced in Bastin, Essays on Indonesian and Malayan History, p. 182–183. It could therefore be assumed that the proposition for a treaty was first mooted by Raden Muhammad during his first audience with the Sultan. 50 This refers to Raffles’ letter of 15 (or 14) December 1810 that Raden Muhammad delivered to the Sultan. The proposition for a treaty deed was initially declined by Mahmud Badaruddin on the grounds that Raden Muhammad did not have the surat chap (letter of credentials) in his possession. See Bastin, ‘Palembang in 1811 and 1812’, BKI, 110 (1954), Appendix II, pp. 82–83. The deed, among other things, reminded Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin to ‘dismiss the Dutch’, binding himself instead ‘never to re-admit such [a] Residency, or that of a similar agency from any foreign power whatever, with [the] exception of the English, who shall be at liberty to establish such [a] factory, or factories, as may be hereafter agreed upon. His Majesty the Sultan agrees to transfer to the English exclusively his contracts with the Dutch for [the] sale of tin, pepper, &c.’ This English version of the proposal appears to differ slightly from what was written in Malay and as understood by Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin, especially pertaining to the words ‘buang, habiskan sekali-kali segala orang Blanda’. See Bastin, ‘Palembang in 1811 and 1812’, Essays on Indonesian and Malayan History, pp. 64–65. See also J. C. Baud, ‘Palembang in 1811 en 1812’, Bijdragen, no. 1, 1853, bijlage no. 3, pp. 23–25.

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him [Raffles] who will expel them. If Your Highness desires that he occupies the place of the Dutch while he [Raffles] has not yet taken possession of Batavia, for fear that in the future the Dutch might bring trouble to Your Highness, he will occupy that place. If Your Highness desires that he should not occupy the place of the Dutch, but is asked to wait with ships at the mouth of the Palembang River, that, too, he will agree to. If Your Highness does not allow him to wait at the river mouth and instead he is asked to return to Penang or to Malacca he will go back. And should Your Highness be confronted with problems and Your Highness makes this known to him, he will come to assist Your Highness. On the other hand, if Your Highness worries about the tin in order to convert it into rial [money] on account of offended feelings with the Dutch, it will be him who will deliver the money to Your Highness. If it is a little dearer than what Your Highness had offered to the Dutch he will still take [purchase] it, for he is not contemplating appropriating the revenues of Palembang. Not for one instant. And further, if Your Highness desires it to be in accordance with the customs of the countries of Lingga, Riau, Siak and Trengganu with regard to English trade, it will be like the situation in business of selling and buying, which can be cheap sometimes but high-priced at other times; like the practice of buying and selling among all other nations. Verily, regarding all matters concerning the proposals of His Excellency Thomas Raffles Esquire which have been conveyed by his plenipotentiary, that is Raden Muhammad bin Husin bin Syahabuddin, to His Highness Sultan Ratu Mahmud Badaruddin, it is indeed between the English and Palembang, who are on friendly terms as are all rajas of dark complexion, straightforward and without any ulterior motive whatsoever; and he does not intend to take the revenues of Palembang at all, but only for brotherly love and affectionate protection of the English dignitary. Such is the concluding of the settlement of every matter in this document reached by the plenipotentiary. From His Highness Sultan Ratu Mahmud Badaruddin his pledge is hereby accepted with a clear signature with honesty and unchanging sincerity. And everything in this document is truly straightforward and sincere forever and permanently abiding. That is all. Finis. This is the signature of Sayid Abu Bakar bin Husin Rum Al Rifaei. As proof of the accomplishment of deliberation this signature is made. Finis. [Undated, but most probably was written on 3 March 1811]

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Palembang 5 Surat Teriti Raden Muhammad bin Husin bin Syahabuddin yang disampaikan kepada Sultan Ratu Mahmud Badaruddin, satu lembar, 28 x 40 sm Tarikh 1225 Sanah pada sembilan haribulan Zaialhijjah [sic] pada hari Sabtu; dewasa itulah Raden Muhammad bin Husin bin Syahabuddin menyembahkan sepucuk surat ke bawah duli Paduka Seri Sultan Ratu Mahmud Badaruddin yang mempunyai tahta [sic] kerajaan dalam negeri Palembang Darussalam. Maka adalah hamba tuanku menyembahkan surat tanda tangan ke bawah hadzrat Seri Paduka Duli Tuanku dari memutuskan segala pesan Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles Askoyar [sic] serta Seri Paduka Duli Tuanku menyukai putusnya. Inilah rupa segala perkara pesannya yang diwakilkannya kepada hamba tuanku dengan Wakil Yang Mutlak serta sudah selesai hamba tuanku putuskan: iaitu jikalau menjadi keberatan keluarnya Belanda yang di dalam Palembang ini dialah mengeluarkannya. Jikalau kiranya duli tuanku menghendaki dia duduk pada tempat Belanda itu sementara belum diambilnya Betawi, khawatir [sic, kh-w-a-t-y-r] akan datangnya menyusahi ke bawah duli tuanku Belanda itu, dia duduk pada tempat itu. Jikalau tuanku menghendaki jangan dia duduk pada tempat Belanda itu, dititahkan menunggu di Kuala Palembang dengan kapal, itupun ditunggunya. Jikalau tiada duli tuanku beri ia menunggu di Kuala, dititahkan dia pulang ke Pulau Pinang atau ke Melaka, dia pulang. Manakala ada kesusahan duli tuanku menyuruh memberi tahu dia akan datang membantu ke bawah duli tuanku. Sebagai pula jikalau tuanku susahkan timah itu menjadikan rial sebab sudah berkecilan hati dengan Belanda itu, dialah menyembahkan rial ke bawah duli tuanku. Jikalau lebih mahal sedikit daripada duli tuanku kurnyakan [sic, kurniakan] kepada Belanda itu, diambilnya juga dan tiada ia mengira-ngirakan hendak mengambil hasil Palembang ini; sekali-kali tiada. Dan lagi jikalau duli tuanku menghendaki seperti adat negeri Lingga dan Riau dan Siak dan Terengganu atas perniagaannya Inggeris itu seperti keadaan berniaga jual beli, terkadang murah terkadang mahal, bagaimana jual beli pada segala bangsa yang lain-lain jua. Bahawa daripada segala perkara pesan Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles Askoyar yang disampaikan oleh Wakilnya yang Mutlak iaitu Raden Muhammad bin Husin bin Syahabuddin kepada Paduka Seri Sultan Ratu Mahmud Badaruddin adalah antara Inggeris dengan 252

Palembang yang bersahabat seperti mana segala raja-raja jenis kulit hitam yang tulus dengan tiada ada suatu sebab dalamnya sekali-kali; dan tiada ia hendak mengambil hasil Palembang, sekali-kali tiada; melainkan semata-mata dengan cinta pelihara sayang orang besar Inggeris. Demikianlah; sudah habis segala perkara di dalam surat ini diputuskan oleh Wakil Yang Mutlak. Kepada Paduka Seri Sultan Ratu Mahmud Badaruddin, telah diterima ia punya janji dengan tandatangan yang nyata dengan tulus ikhlas yang tiada berubah adanya. Dan adalah segala perkara-perkara yang ada di dalam surat ini sesungguhnya dengan tulus ikhlas selama-lamanya alai al dawam. Demikianlah adanya, tamat. Inilah tandatangan Sayid Abu Bakar bin Husin Rum al Rifaie; tanda selesai bicaranya maka diperbuat tanda ini, tamat.

PALEMBANG VI Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio, 29 x 53 cm51 Letter of Sultan Ratu Mahmud Badaruddin of Palembang with black seal in Arabic inscription: Al-Mukminin/Khalifah al-Sultan Ratu Mahmud Badaruddin fi balad Palembang/Darussalam Addressed to Raffles’ agent, Raden Muhammad Heading: ‘Qawluh u’l-Haqq wa Kalamuh al-Siddq’ Top centre of folio in Raffles’ hand [?]: N 1 Verily we make it clear to our brother Raden Muhammad52 that, as has been desired by the Malacca dignitary, with regard to the question of the Dutch who are in Palembang, we shall, to the best of our ability, deliberate exhaustively because never for an instant do we like it to be 51 The English translation available in MSS Eur. D. 742/1 is not at all accurate. 52 In describing Tengku Raden Muhammad, Captain D. Macdonald wrote, “Raden Mahomed was … a near kinsmen of the Sultan [Mahmud Badaruddin] and one of our most intelligent and active employees, whom I found at Mintow [Muntok] ….” This relationship was confirmed by Raffles who, in a letter to Lord Minto of 15 December 1810, described him as “a relation of the Sultan”. W. Robison, who was no friend of Raffles, described him in 1814 as “an adventurer [and] … a fellow of mean extraction and bad character”. Macdonald, Captain Macdonald’s Narrative of his Early Life and Services, p. 148. See also Bastin, Essays on Indonesian and Malayan History, p. 57, n. 14.

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the source of such a state on account of the actions of the Dutch. And for this we have sent an emissary to Batavia, vigorously urging the General in Batavia to summon the Hollanders without delay. Furthermore, we do not want, in any circumstances, to be involved in the feud between the Dutch and the English; and our brother should not harbour any suspicions or mistrust anymore, for we are not at all happy with the ways of the Dutch; to enter into [their scheme] or to go along with them is altogether out of the question. The extent of what we seek is only to avoid a name that is a disgrace and a derogation among every man, even more so to dignitaries or our friend; and our brother knows better the fate of those who cause injury among men, more so to their own friends; inevitably, nothing good will be achieved in days to come. And no one will be able to trust us because what we entrust upon every dignitary is that our name will not be tarnished afterwards. Further, with regard to the affair of the Dutch in Palembang, its beginning is already clear to our brother. In the olden days, long before the Dutch and the English quarrelled, the Dutch had rendered much help to our forefathers. Owing to that, our forefathers did not wish to do away with their affection; and thus until the present they are still in Palembang. And as for our emissary to Batavia, he is yet to come; but we did send the messenger. Such is the situation. In the meantime, we shall exhaust all our means to get the Dutch expelled in a manner that will not bring a discredited name to all dignitaries including our friend. Nevertheless, we ask for a little patience from our friend, the dignitary at Malacca, in connection with the matter. And if the Dutch were to become mean, in an instant we would act with force; but if we were to act in such a way without any reason, we will surely be faulted by our friend for our own action. Such is our thinking that we make clear to our brother. Following that, regarding the desire of the dignitary at Malacca as stated in the letter53 conveyed by Sayid Abu Bakar Rum, only our brother knows better that under no circumstances can we bear up under such an appearance. Verily it should be clear to our brother that a friend with a motive will not endure, but will only take pleasure in destruction. There is no sincerity in the mutual affection between two sides. But still, in several letters54 of the dignitary at Malacca [it is stated] that he seeks 53 This is the first letter that Raffles wrote, dated 8 Dzulkaedah 1225 tahun Jim [5 December 1810]. 54 The Malay word used is ‘beberapa’, meaning several. In fact, at this moment the Sultan had only received two letters from Raffles.

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the path of rectitude among the rajas of dark skin and to accomplish by way of his benevolent protection, love and affection on every raja of dark complexion [in countries] on this leeward side.55 We ask only for the usual benevolent protection that has been in perpetuity between Palembang and the English, since the dignitary who is at Malacca is the representative of the great raja at Bengal who has a disposition that is compassionate along with giving benevolent protection towards every raja of dark complexion on the leeward side. And such is our expectation, just like other dark-skinned rajas who are friendly with the English dignitary, [and] who are without ulterior motive but merely wish for the overflowing love and affection and benevolent protection of the English dignitary towards them; such is our expectation, [which is] only for the love and affection of the English dignitary towards the kingdom of Palembang, the eternal. And further, from the past ages until the present day there has not been anything experienced [tanggung] between Palembang and the English dignitary, except his everlasting love and affection and protection. Such is our expectation from the English dignitary. And further, concerning the issue of trade, it is but for our brother to consider it carefully for we are happiest if there is prosperity, as has always been practised by way of trade coming hither and thither towards the west, as is the everlasting custom of merchants every season. And further, in that regard our brother mentioned that verily you are the full plenipotentiary with authority to deliver a document that contains matters concerning the commission of the dignitary in Malacca before, should we be happy and approve them. We find that document agreeable and so we put our seal to it; however, the document has still not arrived; nonetheless, our brother should be more informed of all matters concerning it. But it is customary for such a document to have proof because our brother had already settled all issues in that document previously with a letter of manifestation as acknowledgement to us; such is the situation. [Undated]

55 Below the wind.

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Palembang 6 Warkah Paduka Seri Sultan Ratu Mahmud Badaruddin kepada Raden Muhammad, satu lembar, 29 x 53 sm Bahawa adalah kita menyatakan kepada syaudara [sic, sy-w-d-a-r] kita Raden Muhammad daripada perkara Belanda yang ada di dalam Palembang seperti mana maksud Orang Besar Melaka itu dengan seboleh-bolehnya kita bicarakan sehabis-habis kita punya bicara karena [k-a-r-n] sekali-kali kita tiada suka menjadi sebab hal demikian itu dari perbuatan antara Belanda itu dan adalah ini telah kita bersuruhan ke Betawi dengan bersungguh-sungguh menyuruhkan ambil Belanda itu pulang dengan segeranya kepada Jenderal Betawi dan lagi kita tiada mahu sekali-kali terbawa-bawa antara berseteru-seteruan Belanda dengan Inggeris itu dan janganlah syaudara [sic] kita syak dan waham lagi tiadalah kita suka dari jalan Belanda itu memasukinya atau menyertainya sekali-kali tiada; sekadar yang kita cari jangan kita dapat nama yang ‘aib dan lata56 antara pada sekalian orang istimewa pula pada segala orang besar-besar atau sahabat kita. Dan telah lebih tahu syaudara [sic] kita akan halnya jikalau orang membuat kecederaan antara segala orang, apa lagi pada sahabatnya; niscaya57 tiadalah lagi dapat baik pada kemudian harinya dan tiadalah orang boleh percaya akan kita karena yang kita kirimkan kepada sekalian orang besar-besar jangan nama kita dapat cela pada kemudiannya. Dan dari perkara Belanda di dalam Palembang, permulaannya itu telah nyata kepada syaudara [sic] kita; pada masa zaman yang dahulu kala sebelum lagi berkelahi antara Belanda degan Inggeris ia banyak punya tolong kepada kita punya orang tua-tuah [sic]; dari itu orang tuatuah [sic] kita dahulu tiada mahu menghilangkan ia punya kasih maka sampai sekarang ia masih di dalam Palembang. Dan adalah dari hal kita punya suruhan yang ke Batawi itu belum lagi sampai tetapi telah kita bersuruhan pula; demikianlah halnya. Di dalam itu dengan sehabishabis daya upaya kita [me]ngeluarkannya [sic] Belanda itu dengan jalan yang tiada membawa cela nama kita kepada segala orang yang besar-besar dan sahabat kita; melainkan kita pintaklah, sabarlah sedikit kepada sahabat kita Orang Besar di Melaka akan peri halnya itu. Dan jikalau sekiranya Belanda itu membuat lata sebentar, boleh kita 56 Disgraceful, degrading; lowly. 57 Surely, inevitably.

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kerja dengan kekerasan dan jika kita kerja demikian itu rupa dengan tiada sebab niscaya dicelalah oleh sahabat kita daripada kita punya perbuatan. Demikianlah dalam kita punya perkiraan; kita nyatakan kepada syaudara [sic] kita. Sebagai lagi daripada hal seperti maksud Orang Besar di Melaka di dalam surat yang dibawa oleh Sayid Abu Bakar Rum itu melainkan telah lebih-lebih tahu syaudara [sic] kita yang tiada sekali-kali kita boleh tanggung seperti yang demikian itu rupa. Sesungguhnya telah nyata kepada syaudara [sic] kita sahabat yang dengan sebab dan karena itu tiadalah kekal melainkan mesukai [sic, menyukai] kebinasaan; tiadalah tulus kasih berkasihan kedua pihaknya. Walakin,58 tetapi di dalam beberapa surat Orang Besar di Melaka yang ia mencari jalan kebajikan antara raja-raja jenis kulit hitam serta melakukan dengan derma pelihara cinta kasih sayangnya atas sekalian raja-raja jenis kulit hitam di bawah angin ini; melainkan yang kita pintak kelaziman derma pelihara seperti mana jua yang selamalamanya antara Palembang dengan Inggeris karena Orang Besar yang di Melaka itu menjadi ganti raja besar di Benggala yang melakukan perangai yang pengasihan serta derma peliharanya kepada tiap-tiap raja-raja jenis kulit hitam di bawah angin; dan demikianlah yang kita punya harap seperti mana juga raja-raja kulit hitam yang bersahabat dengan orang besar Inggeris yang tiada dengan sesuatu sebabnya, daripada limpah cinta kasih sayang serta derma pelihara orang besar Inggeris kepadanya. Demikianlah kita punya pengharapan semata-mata kasih sayang orang besar Inggeris atas kerajaan Palembang yang alai al- dawam. Dan lagi pula dari dahulu-dahulu kala sampai pada masa sekarang ini belum lagi satu apa tanggung Palembang dengan orang besar Inggeris melainkan sahaja dengan cinta kasih peliharanya yang tiada berkeputusan jua. Demikianlah yang kita punya pengharapan kepada orang besar Inggeris adanya. Dan lagi daripada hal perkara dari berniaga itu melainkan syaudara [sic] kita fikir baik-baik yang kita sahaja yang terlebih-lebih suka jua jikalau makmur atas sebagaimana yang telah terpakai bagi jalan berniaga, pergi datang ke sebelah barat seperti mana yang istiadat dagang yang selama-lamanya pada tiap-tiap musim adanya. Sebagai pula dari jalan itu syaudara [sic] kita bilang yang syaudara [sic] kita sesungguhnya menjadi Wakil Mutlak Yang Putus 58 Nevertheless.

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dengan memberikan satu surat yang ada di dalamnya perkara segala pesan Orang Besar di Melaka yang dahulu itu, kalau kita ada suka dan berkenan. Maka dari itu surat telah berkenan kepada kita lalu kita bubuh cap dalamnya. Maka halnya surat itu belum lagi ada sampainya, lebih-lebih maklum kepada syaudara [sic] kita akan sekalian perihalnya; melainkan kelaziman dari surat itu supaya ada nyatanya, karena dari segala perkara-perkara dalam surat itu dahulu telah syaudara [sic] kita putuskan dengan satu tanda surat kenyataannya kepada kita. Demikianlah adanya. [Tanpa tarikh]

PALEMBANG VII Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio, 24.5 x 38 cm Letter of Sultan Ratu Mahmud Badaruddin of Palembang, with black seal Addressed to Raffles’ Agents, Raden Muhammad bin Husin bin Muhammad bin Syahabuddin and Sayid Abu Bakar Rum Centre of folio in Raffles’ hand: ‘N2-’ Verily would it in some way be known to our brother Raden Muhammad bin Husin bin Muhammad bin Syahabuddin and Sayid Abu Bakar Rum, that with respect to the English, since the olden days there has never been what is called a dispute between them and Palembang but, rather, only the fostering of affection that is earnest and sincere; and they are not the enemies of Palembang at all. Secondly, since ancient times there has never been anything wanting between the two sides; until this very moment it has been in a state of continuance and always sustaining the benevolent protection of endearing love and affection of the English dignitary towards the kingdom of Palembang. And the kingdom of Palembang likewise places much confidence in his brotherly love and affection and uninterrupted benevolent protection of her friend, the English chief. Such is the case. Thirdly, with regard to the enemy of the English dignitary, the Dutch59 in Palembang, to the best of our ability we shall expel60 them 59 Note that the Malay word used is “Belanda” and not “Hollanda”. 60 “Membuangkannya”.

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in a manner that will not incur censure, blemish or curse among friends in the future. Furthermore, with regard to the letter to which we have previously affixed our seal, our brother told us that you are truly the plenipotentiary vested with full authority, representing the dignitary in Malacca, and with that display were several matters related to some instructions of the dignitary in Malacca. We are in accord with the tone of the letter and so we put our seal on it. Alas, that document has not appeared up to now. It has caused us much anxiety and our brother, we presume, would know better regarding such matters. Nevertheless, where is the clarification and obligatory acknowledgement of that letter? Furthermore, let be it known to our brother Raden Muhammad, together with Sayid Abu Bakar Rum, who are plenipotentiaries with full authority representing the dignitary in Malacca, that pertaining to the letter that has been affixed with a seal in connection with all the proposals of the dignitary in Malacca, our brother had already settled the issues raised and consequently we affixed our seal to it. And our brother wanted to affix the seal of the dignitary in Malacca and left soon after. Then Sayid Abu Bakar Rum arrived unexpectedly, but without bringing the document.61 That is what makes us perplexed. With regard to that, our brother Raden Muhammad and Sayid Abu Bakar Rum will surely understand. Finis. [undated].62

Palembang 7 Warkah Sultan Ratu Mahmud Badaruddin kepada Raden Muhammad bin Husin bin Muhammad bin Syahabuddin dan Sayid Abu Bakar Rum, satu lembar, 24.5 x 38 sm Bahawa barang diketahui kiranya oleh syaudara [sic] kita iaitu Raden Muhammad bin Husin bin Muhammad bin Syahabuddin dan Sayid Abu Bakar Rum dan adalah yang Inggeris itu dari dahulu-dahulu tiada sekali-kali yang nama ada perselisihannya antaranya dan antara Palembang melainkan semata-mata di dalam ia punya cinta pelihara 61 Sayid Abu Bakar went to Palembang together with Captain Macdonald. See Macdonald’s letter dated 19 April 1811. 62 The date given in the English translation in Raffles Collection, IV, no. 13 (British Library) is 25 Rabi’ul-awal 1226 which corresponds to Friday, 19 April 1811. Part of the translation is quoted in John Bastin, Essays on Indonesian and Malayan History, p. 70.

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yang tulus ikhlas yang bukannya ia seteru Palembang sekali-kali; dan kedua perkaranya, dari zaman yang purbakala tiada ada sesuatu tanggung-tanggung kedua pihaknya hingga sampai sekarang ini alai al dawam atas nentiasa [sic] derma pelihara cinta kasih sayangnya orang besar Inggeris kepada kerajaan Palembang dan kerajaan Palembang pun harap akan cinta kasih sayang darma peliharanya yang dawam kepada sahabatnya orang besar Inggeris; demikian adanya. Dan ketiganya, daripada seteru orang besar Inggeris, Belanda yang ada dalam Palembang, dengan seboleh-bolehnya kita membuangkannya dengan nama yang tiada memberi ketji [sic, keji] cela cilaka kepada antara sahabat bersahabat kepada kemudian harinya. Dan tambahan lagi dari perkara surat yang telah kita bubuh cap dahulu itu daripada syaudara [sic] kita bilang yang saudara kita itu sesungguhnya Wakil Mutlak Yang Putus menjadi ganti Orang Besar di Melaka. Dengan itu rupa beberapa perkara pesan Orang Besar di Melaka maka pada kita berkenanlah dari bunyi surat itu lalu kita bubuh cap dalamnya. Adalah surat itu sampai sekarang belum lagi adanya. Maka sangatlah menjadi fikir dan kira-kira, lebih-lebih maklum syaudara [sic] kita dari perkara yang demikian itu melainkan mana juga kenyataan dan kelaziman surat itu jua adanya. Dan lagi barang maklum syaudara [sic] kita Raden Muhammad bedua [sic], Sayid Abu Bakar Rum, iaitu Wakil Mutlak Yang Putus ganti Orang Besar di Melaka dan akan hal surat yang telah dibubuh cap dalamnya dari perkara segala pesan Orang Besar di Melaka adalah dari itu surat telah syaudara [sic] kita dahulu putuskan perkaranya. Maka dari itu lalu kita bubuh cap dalamnya. Lagi syaudara [sic] kita mau bubuh cap tanda Orang Besar di Melaka maka lalu pergi; Sayid Abu Bakar Rum tiba-tiba kembali tiada membawa surat itu. Itulah yang ada jadi musykil pada kita punya kira-kira; darihal itu lebih-lebih tahu syaudara [sic] kita Raden Muhammad dan Sayid Abu Bakar Rum jua adanya. Tamat. [Undated; but most likely on 25 Rbi’ul-awal 1226 = 19 April 1811]

PALEMBANG VIII Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio, 25 x 30.5 cm Letter of Sultan Ratu Mahmud Badaruddin of Palembang. Black seal Addressed to Raffles Heading: Qawluh u’l-Haqq wa Kalamuh u’l-Siddq 260

Verily this letter of sincerity which springs from a hidden chastity63 and adorned with much everlasting weal and, what is more, accompanied within it with salutations and glorification [to God] in perfection, that is from His Highness Sultan Ratu Mahmud Badaruddin who is enthroned in the kingdom of the country of Palembang, the abode of peace, along with all its dependencies, approaches his noble, yet wiser and more learned friend, that is His Excellency Thomas Raffles Esquire, who sits in state with magnificence presently in the country of Malacca running the administration of government that is very powerful. May the peace and tranquillity of goodness of our friend, His Excellency Thomas Raffles Esquire, be extended along with his distinguished honour and prolonged life in this world. Further to that, His Highness Sultan Ratu is making it known to his friend His Excellency Thomas Raffles Esquire that with respect to the one letter from our friend that has subsequently reached us safely and in perfection was received with acquiescence that is honest and sincere. Whatever is mentioned in the letter has been understood in the mind of His Highness Sultan Ratu. In the same way also, regarding our friend’s intention, it has already been settled and consequently we ordered the messenger to sail immediately with complete safety. Such is the situation. Thus ends the deliberation that has been conducted in the most cordial and peaceful manner. Written on the twenty-fifth of Rabi’ul-awal, on Friday, at 9.00 o’clock, dated in the year of 1226 AH [= 19 April 1811 CE].

Palembang 8 Warkah Sultan Ratu Mahmud Badaruddin kepada Stamford Raffles, satu lembar, 25 x 30.5 sm Bahawa warkat al-ikhlas yang terbit daripada khafi al-zaki64 yang amat khulus serta dihiasi dengan beberapa kebajikan alai al-dawam lagi dipesertakan dalamnya dengan tahmid dan tamjid alai al-tamam iaitu daripada Paduka Seri Sultan Ratu Mahmud Badaruddin yang di atas 63 Khafi al-zaki is a Sufi expression. 64 That which is hidden.

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takhta kerajaan dalam negeri Palembang Darussalam serta segala daerah ta’aluknya, datang kepada sahabatya yang bangsawan lagi ‘arif bijaksana iaitu Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles Askoyar yang ada semayam pada waktu ini dalam negeri Melaka serta dengan kebesarannya yang mentadbirkan perintah yang amat kuasa. Barang berlanjutan selamat al-khair sahabat kita Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles Askoyar dengan kebesarannya serta lanjut usia umur zamannya dalam dunia ini. Syahadan adalah Paduka Seri Sultan Ratu memberi maklum kepada sahabatnya Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles Askoyar darihal satu surat sahabat kita yang kemudian ini telah sampai kepada kita dengan selamat sempurnanya. Maka disambuti dengan keredzaan yang tulus ikhlas dan barang yang termazkur dalamnya itu telah mafhumlah dalam zihin Paduka Seri Sultan Ratu. Sebagai lagi daripada maksud sahabat kita itu telah selesailah ia lalu kita suruh berlayar dengan segeranya serta selamat sempurnanya; demikianlah jua adanya.Intahi [sic, intaha] al-kalam bil-khairi wassalam.65 Tersurat kepada 25 haribulan Rabi’ul-awal pada hari Jumaat, pukul sembilan tarikh 1226 Sanah al-muwarikh66 [= 19 April 1811].

PALEMBANG IX Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio, 31 x 50.5 cm Letter of Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin of Palembang with black seal67 Addressed to Raffles. 5 May 1811 Top centre of folio: ‘Qawluh u’l-Haqq wa Kalamuh al-Siddq’ Beneath ‘Qawluh u’l-Haqq’ is written No. 3 in Raffles’ hand Verily the letter of sincerity that springs from a hidden chastity that is most earnest, and adorned with much everlasting weal and, what is more, accompanied with salutations and glorification [to God] in perfection, that is from His Highness Sultan Ratu Mahmud Badaruddin, who is enthroned in the kingdom of the country of Palembang, the abode of 65 So ends the discussion that has been conducted in a good manner and safely. 66 Dated so. 67 An English translation of the letter (Raffles Collection IV, no. 12, British Library) is found in Bastin, Essays on Indonesian and Malayan History, Appendix III, p. 184. Written on 15 April, this letter reached Raffles on 5 May 1811.

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peace along with all its dependencies, approaches his noble, charitable, yet wiser and more learned friend, that is His Excellency Thomas Raffles Esquire, who sits in state with magnificence in the country of Malacca presently running the administration of government that is very powerful. May the peace and tranquillity of goodness of our friend His Excellency Thomas Raffles Esquire be sustained with his distinguished honour, along with a prolonged life in this world. And then, following that, His Highness Sultan Ratu gives information to his friend His Excellency Thomas Raffles Esquire, along with a letter of sincerity that is of little significance, which will give peace in abundance to our friend His Excellency Thomas Raffles Esquire. With regard to the revered epistle and gifts conveyed by Sayid Abu Bakar Rum, they have arrived safely and intact.68 They were received with acquiescence and with perfect love and affection of profound candour. When [the letter] was laid open from the folds of its cover, every part, line and composition of its words, very lucid and perfect to the utmost were visible; whatever was stated in it has been understood in the mind of His Highness Sultan Ratu. Furthermore, we are making it plain that pertaining to the position that is desired by our friend regarding the way to act upon69 our friend’s enemies, the Dutch in Palembang, our friend should harbour neither doubt nor qualm about the matter any longer. In all truth we shall make our best effort so that our friend’s plan will happen as is intended. Further, [in order] not to conceal the truth or fault of such a path, nor bring dishonour and shame to our name among friends in the future, we have now sent an emissary to Batavia requesting that the Dutch in Palembang be withdrawn with speed. If they are not withdrawn promptly they will inevitably be accursed. We are not at fault in the matter. Such is the circumstances. However, the emissary has not yet returned from Batavia. In the meantime we have not been idle in trying to vigorously use all sorts of means to ensure the speedy fulfilment of our friend’s wish. And our friend should not doubt the concern with the Dutch. Never for an instance do we enter into [their scheme] or go along with them. 68 The Sultan is referring to Raffles’ first letter dated 5 December 1810 and the accompanying gifts. 69 “Dari jalan seteru sahabat beta” could be literally translated as “the way of our friend’s enemies”, but the expressed will of Raffles was clearly to have Badaruddin do something about their presence in Palembang. For the different meanings of the Malay phrase see Wilkinson, A Malay-English Dictionary, Part 1, p. 438.

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In addition also, we make known to our friend the beginnings of the Dutch in Palembang; in the olden days they contributed much help and kindness to our forefathers. Therefore our forefathers did not wish to lose their affection. So, until today there are still Dutchmen in Palembang. But at the present time we do not wish to enter into the ways of the Dutch. Moreover, on our side we do not under any circumstances wish to be dragged into the affairs of the Dutch because they are but lodgers who take shelter in our country. Our friend should not be suspicious of this course of action. To the best of our ability we shall get rid of our friend’s enemies. Furthermore, with regard to the document70 on which we have put our seal, it is not yet clear if it has arrived; nonetheless, our friend who is wise and prudent would surely be more informed. With regard to that document, our friend’s plenipotentiary, Raden Muhammad, has already fully settled everything that our friend had commissioned. We then put our seal on it as proof of its manifestation. However, where is the proof and the usual endorsement of a letter of sincerity? We place our sincere hope along with purity of heart on our noble friend who is generous with kindness and affection as well as benevolent protection, and who is wise and prudent. Like the customary courtesy that is everlasting between the English and Palembang, there has never been any flaw in the relations marked by an overflow of brotherly love and affection and gracious fostering care of the English chief towards the kingdom of Palembang. Thus, likewise, it is also our hope between friends to [have] mutual affection that is honest and straightforward, without any deficiency in it; only, since ancient times, to expect care and affection. Furthermore, His Highness Sultan Ratu makes it clear that the only marks of goodwill, and the proof of sincerity between friends, are a short keris variegated with gold, with gold casing at the bottom of its scabbard; and two pairs of vases made of tin weighing four piculs. So ends the deliberation that has been conducted in the most cordial and peaceful manner. Written in the fortress in the country of Palembang, the Abode of Peace, on the twenty-first of Rabi’ul-awal, on Monday, at one o’clock in the year 1226 AH [15 April 1811 CE].71 70 Refers to the treaty that the Sultan put his seal on which, according to Raden Muhammad, was drawn up on 5 January 1811. 71 Mahmud Badaruddin apparently sent another letter with the same contents to Raffles eight days after this letter. Bastin appears to have erred in giving the date

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Palembang 9 Warkah Paduka Seri Sultan Ratu Mahmud Badaruddin kepada Raffles, satu lembar, 31 x 50.5 sm Bahawa warkat al-ikhlas yang terbit daripada khafi al-zaki yang amat khulus serta dihiasi dengan beberapa kebajikan alai al-dawam, lagi dipesertakan dengan tahmid dan tamjid alai al tamam, iaitu daripada Paduka Seri Sultan Ratu Mahmud Badaruddin yang di atas tahta kerajaan dalam negeri Palembang Darussalam serta segala daerah ta’aluknya, datang kepada sahabatnya yang bangsawan lagi arif bijaksana iaitu Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles Askoyar yang ada semayam pada waktu ini dalam negeri Melaka serta dengan kebesarannya yang mentadbirkan perintah yang amat kuasa; barang berlanjutan selamat al-khair sahabat kita Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles Askoyar dengan kebesarannya serta lanjut usia umur zamannya dalam dunia ini. Waba’adah, kemudian daripada itu adalah Paduka Seri Sultan Ratu memberi maklum kepada sahabatnya Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles Askoyar dipesertakan dengan warkat al-ikhlas yang sezarah ini akan memberi beberapa selamat yang amat banyak kepada sahabat kita Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles Askoyar. Adalah perihal sahifat al- mukramah serta kiriman yang dibawa oleh Tuan Sayid Abu Bakar Rum itu telah sampailah dengan selamat sempurnanya. Maka disambutilah dengan keredzaan serta cinta kasih sempurna yang amat khulus. Apabila terfatahlah daripada lipatan gulung kertasnya, kelihatanlah baik segala janab satarnya dan nizam kalimahnya yang amat wadhah, dan barang yang termadzkur dalamnya itu telah maklumlah dalam zihin Paduka Seri Sultan Ratu. Syahadan, adalah kita menyatakan daripada hal yang dimaksudkan oleh sahabat kita dari jalan seteru sahabat kita itu, Belanda yang ada di Palembang, janganlah sahabat kita syak dan waham lagi akan perinya itu. Dengan sesungguhnya kita jalankan dengan sehabis-habis usaha kita yang supaya jadi sebagaimana maksud sahabat kita itu; lagi yang jangan boleh terlindung benar salah dari itu jalan, yang jangan memberi lata [sic]72 dan ‘aib kita punya nama antara sahabat as 15 May 1811. See the English translation of the said letter (Raffles Collection IV no. 15 (British Library) that is partly reproduced in Bastin, Essays on Indonesian and Malayan History, pp. 71–72. 72 Leta, meaning base; despicable; in Minangkabau Malay it means foul or stinking, as in dirty occupations. Wilkinson, A Malay-English Dictionary, Part 2, p. 687.

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bersahabat pada kemudian harinya. Dan sekarang telah kita bersuruhan ke Betawi suruh ambil itu Belanda yang ada di Palembang dengan segeranya. Jika tiada lekas diambil pulang ta [sic, tak] dapat tiada pasti dapat cilaka ia. Kita tiadalah taksir73 dalamnya itu, demikianlah halnya; dan tetapi suruhan itu belum lagi sampai dari Betawi. Dalam itu kita tiadalah sunyi mendaya upayakan dengan sesungguhnya supaya lekas seperti kehendak sahabat kita itu; dan sahabat kita jangan sangka-sangka, dari peri Belanda itu tiadalah kita sekali-kali kita [sic] memasukinya atau menyertainya. Tambahan pula kita memberi maklum kepada sahabat kita dari pertama-tamanya Belanda di dalam Palembang karena pada masa dahlu kala ia banyak punya tolong kasih kepada kita punya orang tuatuah [sic]. Maka orang tua-tuah [sic] kita tiadalah mahu menghilangkan ia punya kasih; maka sampai sekarang masih ada Belanda itu dalam Palembang. Tetapi tempoh sekarang tiadalah kita memasukinya dari jalan-jalan Belanda itu. Lagi pula kita orang tiada sekali-kali mahu terbawa-bawa daripada Belanda punya pekerjaan itu karena ia sekadar menumpang kita yang empunya negeri dan sahabat kita jangan syak dari jalan ini; dengan seboleh-bolehnya kita membuangkannya seteru sahabat kita itu. Sebagai lagi, adalah dari itu surat yang telah kita bubuh cap dalamnya belum lagi ada nyata sampainya keadaan sampainya surat itu [sic]; melainkan lebih-lebih maklum kepada sahabat kita yang arif bijaksana. Dari itu surat telah habis diputuskan dahulu oleh Wakil Mutlak sahabat kita iaitu Raden Muhammad akan segala perkara pesan sahabat kita itu. Maka lalu kita bubuh cap dalamnya, tanda kenyataannya. Melainkan mana jua itu kenyataan dan kelaziman daripada itu surat yang tulus ikhlas adanya? Dan adalah kita punya pengharapan yang tulus ikhlas dengan suci hati kepada sahabat kita yang bangsawan dengan kemudahan cinta kasih sayang serta derma pelihara sahabat kita yang ‘arif bijaksana, sebagaimana juga istiadat yang selamalamanya antara Inggeris dengan Palembang; tiada sesuatu apa cela dalamnya, dari limpah cinta kasih sayang serta derma peliharanya Orang Besar Inggeris atas kerajaan Palembang. Demikian itu juga kita punya pengharapan antara sahabat bersahabat dan berkasih-kasihan yang tulus ikhlas dengan tiada apa tanggung di dalamnya dengan sesuatu; semata-mata dari purbakala sahaja, harap akan cinta kasih sayang jua adanya. 73 To be at fault.

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Dan lagi adalah Paduka Seri Sultan Ratu menyatakan alamat almahabbat wa burhan al-ikhlas sahabat bersahabat hanyalah senderik74 berkarah75 emas dan pendok76 nya emas, buntasnya emas sebilah dan lagi pasu timah dua pasang, beratnya empat pikul jua adanya. Intaha al-kalam bilkhairi wassalam. Tersurat dalam negeri Palembang Darussalam pada selikur haribulan Rabi’ul-awal pada hari Ithnin, jam pukul satu fi tarikh 1226 Sanah [=15 April 1811].

PALEMBANG X Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio, 29 x 49 cm Letter of Paduka Sri Sultan Ratu Mahmud Badaruddin of Palembang, with black seal, addressed to Raffles at Melaka Centre top of folio: ‘Qawluh u’l-Haqq wa Kalamuh al-Siddq’ Top left-hand corner in Raffles’ hand [?]: N. 4 Verily a letter of sincerity that springs from a hidden chastity that is most earnest, adorned with much everlasting weal and accompanied with salutations and glorification [to God] in perfection, that is from His Highness Sultan Ratu Mahmud Badaruddin who is enthroned in the kingdom of the country of Palembang, the abode of peace, with all its dependencies, approaches his noble, yet wiser and more learned friend His Excellency Thomas Raffles Esquire, who presently sits in state with magnificence in the country of Malacca and running a very powerful government administration. May the peace and tranquillity of goodness of our friend Thomas Raffles Esquire be extended along with his distinguished honour and prolonged life in this world. And then, following that, His Highness Sultan Ratu gives information and makes known to his friend His Excellency Thomas Raffles Esquire, along with a letter of sincerity that is of little significance to offer an excessive number of good wishes to our friend, His Excellency Thomas Raffles Esquire. With regard to the revered letter and the gifts conveyed by Captain Macdonald, they have arrived safely and intact. They were received with acquiescence and perfect brotherly love and 74 A kind of kris. 75 Variegated or mottled. 76 Metal casing of silver or gold for the lower part of the wooden kris-sheath.

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affection of profound candour. When [the letter] was laid open from the folds of its cover, every part and line and composition of its words were visible, very lucid, and perfect to the utmost. It was then read from beginning to end; and whatever was stated in it was understood in the mind of His Highness Sultan Ratu. Furthermore, His Highness Sultan Ratu makes plain to his friend that is His Excellency Thomas Raffles Esquire that all matters have already been fully settled by the plenipotentiary who is the substitute for our meeting, that is our brother Raden Muhammad bin Husin, along with Sayid Abu Bakar Rum. Their return to Malacca has nevertheless been delayed due to incapacity which has become a hindrance.77 Such is the situation. Furthermore, with regard to our friend making the declaration of straightforwardness and sincerity between mutual friends obvious, that is to say the gun and muskets,78 we are most grateful; our friend should not have gone to such trouble. Furthermore, our friend expresses that in all reality he is searching for the path of good fortune and comfort without in any way contributing to the path of wickedness and pain. Moreover, without intending whatsoever to take over the revenue of and advantage over people of the dark-skinned race, especially so all his friends, the rajas of dark complexion in this eastern side; only [to give] the favour of his protection with brotherly love and affection, and with constant eternal sincerity. May such a state be everlasting and by his authority and magnificence foster and advocate assistance, kindness and affection towards every servant of God, especially towards all of his friends, strewing fragrance over every country and island. Famous is his glorified name and those deeds of beneficence like the very undefiled moon and sun. And the hearts of every man would blossom on hearing the behaviour and such established occupation, for these are the very things that are sought and hoped for by the servants of God. Nevertheless, what we hope for is wholly such obligation. And, furthermore, concerning the Dutch in the kingdom of Palembang, there should not be any vexation, suspicion, doubt or misgiving on our friend’s part. His Highness Sultan Ratu will no longer prolong his discussion of such matters. The decision is already in the

77 ‘Uzur yang menjadi aridh (Arabic)’ renders the meaning of an illness that becomes an obstacle. 78 Siaphaan (from Dutch), meaning muskets.

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letter to our friend’s plenipotentiaries, namely Raden Muhammad bin Husin and Sayid Abu Bakar Rum. And His Highness Sultan Ratu makes it plain that the mark of goodwill and the token of [brotherly] love, sincerity and affection, the ettiquete for mutual friendship are only a pair of spears mottled with gold and 80 piculs of tin. Thus ends the deliberations that have been conducted in the most cordial and peaceful manner. Written in the country of Palembang, the Abode of Peace on the twentyninth of Rabi’ul-akhir, Wednesday night, at twelve o’clock, 1226 AH [23 May 1811 CE].79

Palembang 10 Warkah Paduka Seri Sultan Ratu Mahmud Badaruddin kepada Raffles, satu lembar, 29 x 49 sm Bahawa warkat al-ikhlas yang terbit daripada khafi al-zaki yang amat khulus serta dihiasi dengan beberapa kebajikan alai al-dawam lagi dipesertakan dengan tahmid dan tamjid alai al-tamam iaitu daripada Paduka Seri Sultan Ratu Mahmud Badaruddin yang di atas tahta kerajaan dalam negeri Palembang Darussalam serta segala daerah takluknya datang kepada pihak sahabatnya yang bangsawan lagi dermawan serta ‘arif bijaksananya iaitu Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles Askoyar yang ada semayam dengan kebesarannya pada waktu ini dalam negeri Melaka serta mentadbirkan perintah yang amat kuasa. Barang berlanjutan selamat al-khair sahabat kita Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles Askoyar dengan kebesarannya serta lanjut usia umur zamannya dalam dunia ini. Waba’dah kemudian daripada itu, adalah Paduka Seri Sultan Ratu memberi maklum dan ma’aruf kepada sahabatnya Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles Askoyar dipesertakan dengan warkat al-ikhlas yang sezarah ini akan memberi beberapa selamat yang amat banyak kepada sahabat kita 79 The above letter appears to be a reply to Raffles’ letter dated 11 Rabi’ul-akhir 1226 [22 April 1811] which was quoted by Wurtzburg and in which Raffles mentioned that he had sent four cases of arms, each case containing twenty rifles and ten sealed baskets of cartridges filled with powder and shot. See Wurtzburg, ‘Raffles and the Massacre at Palembang’, Appendix, fourth letter (dated 22 April 1811), p. 52.

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Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles Askoyar. Adalah akan perihal sahifat al-mukaramat80 serta kiriman yang dibawa oleh Kapitan Macdolon [sic, Macdonald] itu telah sampai dengan selamat sempurnanya. Maka disambutilah dengan beberapa keredhaan cinta kasih sempurna yang amat khulus; apabila terfatahlah81 daripada lipatan gulung kertasnya kelihatanlah bagi segala janab satarnya dan nazam82 kalimahnya yang amat wadhih83 lagi sempurna ikhtisas;84 lalu dibaca daripada awal hingga sampai akhirnya; dan barang yang termazkur dalamnya itu telah maklumlah dalam zihin Paduka Seri Sultan Ratu. Syahadan, adalah Paduka Seri Sultan Ratu membayankan85 kepada sahabatnya iaitu Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles Askoyar daripada hal segala perkara-perkara itu telah sudah habis selesai putus pada sekalian perihal ahwalnya itu oleh Wakil Mutlak yang menjadi ganti pertemuhan [sic] kita iaitu syaudara [sic] kita Raden Muhammad bin Husin serta Sayid Abu Bakar Rum. Adalah maka menjadi terlambat berbalik ke Melaka daripada banyak kedatangan uzur yang menjadi aridh;86 demikianlah halnya. Sebagai lagi, akan perihal sahabat kita menyatakan daripada kenyataan yang tulus ikhlas antara sahabat bersahabat, iaitu bedil dengan siapannya [sic], kita banyak punya terima kasih. Janganlah menjadi susah sahabat kita dari jalan itu; dan lagi pula sahabat kita menzahirkan dengan sesungguhnya sahabat kita mencari jalan yang kebajikan dan kesenangan yang tiada sekali-kali memberi jalan kejahatan dan kesakitan; dan lagi tiada mahu sekali-kali mengambil hasil dan faedah atas sekalian orang jenis kulit hitam istimewah [sic] pula kepada segala sahabatnya raja-raja jenis kulit hitam pada sebelah timur ini; sahaja daripada derma peliharanya dengan cinta kasih sayangnya jua, serta tetap tulus ikhlas alai al-dawam keadaan yang demikian itu atas selama-lamanya. Dan daripada kuasanya dan kebesarannya memeliharakan dengan tolong cinta kasih sayangnya atas segala hamba Allah istimewah [sic] pada sekalian sahabatnya. Maka bertaburanlah bahu yang harum itu pada genap baladan87 dan 80 81 82 83 84 85 86 87

Most honourable letter or document. Unfolded, opened. Composition, arrangement, order. Obvious, clear. Especially. To inform, to make clear. To be an obstacle. States, countries.

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jazirah;88 maka masyhurlah nama yang kepujian dan kebajikan itu seumpama bulan dan matahari yang amat suaca [?].89 Maka berkembanganlah fu’ad90 segala manusia mendengarkan hal kelakuan dan ketetapan pekerjaan yang demikian karena itu jua yang dituntut dan diharap oleh segala hamba Allah; melainkan yang kita harap akan semata-mata kelaziman yang demikian itu jua. Tambahan lagi daripada hal Belanda dengan kerajaan Palembang jangan menjadi susah dan syak zan91 waham sahabat kita. Maka tiadalah lagi Paduka Seri Sultan Ratu melanjut kalam akan hal perkaraperkaranya. Dan keputusannya telah ada surat kepada Wakil Mutlak sahabat kita iaitu Raden Muhammad bin Husin serta Sayid Abu Bakar Rum jua adaya. Dan adalah Paduka seri Sultan Ratu menyatakan alamat al-muhabbat wa burhan al-ikhlas wal mawaddah92 sahabat bersahabat hanyalah tombak berkarah emas sepasang dan timah dualapan puluh pikul. Demikian jua adanya, intahi [sic] al kalam, bil-khairi93 wassalam. Tersurat dalam kota negeri Palembang Darussalam pada sembilan likur haribulan Rabi’ul-akhir malam Khamis, jam pukul dua belas tarikh 1226 Sanah [ = 23 May 1811].

PALEMBANG XI Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio, 38 x 48 cm Letter of Paduka Pangeran Adipati ibni al-marhum Sri Paduka Sultan Ratu Muhammad Bahaudin in the country of Palembang, with black seal with inscription: ‘Alamat Paduka / Pangeran Adipati / al-Sultan Muhammad Bahaudin fi balad Palembang Darussalam1239 Sanah’ Addressed to Raffles at Bencoolen Heading: ‘Ya-Qadhi al-Hajat’

88 89 90 91 92 93

Island. Possibly the writer’s mistake in transcription. Heart. Supposition. Token of [brotherly] love, sincerity and affection. With all goodness.

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Verily this letter of sincerity that rises from a heart that is white and of limpid purity without meanness in it, along with many endearments of longing and wistful love of a heart that shall not be forgetten for days and nights and accompanied with salutations of respect and with many wishes of peace that is from us, Paduka Pangeran Adipati94 son of the 94 Born Raden Muhammad Husin and titled Pangeran Adipati Menggolo, he was made Sultan by the British on 14 May 1812 to succeed his deposed brother, Mahmud Badaruddin following the fall of Palembang to the British in April. The Pangeran Adipati then assumed the title of Sultan Ahmad Najamuddin II. He was described by Van der Kemp as an arch-traitor, and an unreliable, cowardly, whining specimen according to all who knew him. He was a weak ruler. By the treaty signed on 17 May 1812, Sultan Ahmad Najamuddin II was forced to cede Bangka, Biliton, and the dependent islands to Great Britain. His rule was, nonetheless, short-lived, for he was forced to abdicate on 29 June 1813 by the Resident, Captain (later Major) Robison, in order to re-instate the more popular Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin on the throne. This infuriated Raffles, who cancelled Sultan Ahmad Najamuddin II’s abdication and restored him to the throne of Palembang. However, two years after the Dutch restitution, Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin was able to manoeuvre his way through to the Dutch following the takeover of Java from the British, convincing them in 1816 that Najamuddin should be deposed and that he, Mahmud, should become Sultan of Palembang again. Muntinghe was sent to Palembang as Commissioner to settle the quarrel between Najamuddin and Mahmud Badaruddin on 1 May 1818. Each of them was given a part of the realm sufficient for his needs, but the rest of Palembang was brought under the direct control of the Dutch. On 21 June 1818 Mahmud Badaruddin signed the agreement proposed by the Dutch to limit his powers in Palembang, and Najamuddin followed suit two days later. However, Mahmud proved to be a more difficult Sultan than his brother and so, after their second major expedition, the Dutch finally succeeded in dethroning him and had him exiled to Ternate. Najamuddin was told that the Dutch authorities in Batavia were quite aware of the events leading to the massacre and that he, too, was not totally innocent of the tragedy when he was the chief mantri. For fear of his position, despite having signed the agreement to cede all powers to the Dutch on 23 June 1818, Ahmad Najamuddin soon fell out with the Dutch due to his action in seeking military assistance from Raffles at Bencoolen. He was dethroned and exiled to Java. Mahmud Badaruddin, on the other hand, who was exiled on 3 July 1821, arrived in Ternate in March 1822; he died there on 26 November 1852. Between July 1821 and August 1823 Ahmad Najamuddin’s eldest son, Prabu Anom, was made Sultan of Palembang with the title Sultan Ahmad Najamuddin III. Ahmad Najamuddin II himself assumed the title of Susuhunan or Suhunan. In an agreement signed on 18 August 1823 Najamuddin surrendered his powers and authority to rule Palembang to the Dutch. When Ahmad Najamuddin Prabu Anom led an ‘amuck’ against the Dutch on 22 November 1824 his father Sultan Ahmad

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deceased His Highness Sultan Ratu Muhammad Bahaudin in the country of Palembang. May it be conveyed by [the grace of] God, Lord of all the Worlds to appear before the council of our friend and brother, his excellency the great chief, most honourable, that is His Excellency Lieutenant Governor Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles who is in possession of magnificence and honour, residing in the fortress of Fort Marlborough, ruling the country of Bencoolen and all its tributaries. And then, he is the one who possesses great power on every welfare and common lot of the English Company both in the west and the east; and further he owns the administration of rule of governance that is most pleasant, knowledgeable and wise in the disposition of gentle manners, reciprocating [brotherly] love and extending assistance to all rajas and people who have experienced trouble and pain in this world; he is the one who becomes the place of shelter for all humankind, more so his friends and associates. And let us pray that his greatness of station and fame be increased and his health and age be sustained without interruption, with a long life in this world. Following that, we wish to make known to our friend via this epistle that represents us before the presence of his excellency, the great chief, to narrate matters concerning us. The emissary, Pali Lanang, who was carrying a letter and gifts, has previously come before his excellency the great chief in the country of Bangkahulu; upon his return to Palembang he brought a letter in which was mentioned that our letter and gifts have already reached your excellency. Further, Pali Lanang has also informed us that despite our letter and the gifts that we sent having reached your excellency tuan besar, you have yet to give a reply. Your excellency the great chief has said that one day in the future you will reply to all matters adequately. Your excellency will help to ensure that what we have intended is achieved. Thus did Pali Lanang convey your excellency’s instruction to us. And we listened to that with much gratification in our heart. We feel as though we have already obtained our desire. And so we still wait anxiously every night and day like the Najamuddin II was deported to Batavia. Ahmad Najamuddin III was taken into custody on 15 October 1825, and five days later he was also taken to Batavia. He was then exiled, first to Banda and in 1841 to Menado, where he died in 1844. The sultanate of Palembang was abolished by the Dutch in 1825. See Coolhaas, ‘Baud on Raffles’, pp. 116–117. See also Husni Rahim, ‘Kesultanan Palembang menghadapi Belanda serta masuk dan berkembangnya Islam di daerah Palembang’, Sejarah, 3, Masyarakat Sejarawan Indonesia & P.T. Gramedia Pustaka Utama, Jakarta, 1993, p. 45.

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[proverbial] frog waiting for rain to fall from the sky during drought. Such is our situation, expecting with a thousand hopes mercy and compassion from your excellency the great chief. And we solicit and hope with a thousand expectations that your excellency will not forget us, the one who is dependent and placing much trust on the love and affection of your excellency the great chief as well as mercy and compassion of your excellency until the end of time. And now, regardless of your excellency’s command to us, if there were to be further delay in extending your help to us, we wonder about our fate as it is no longer in our power to bear the detriment, hardship and misery as well as dishonour such as this. It is for your excellency the great chief to ponder such a situation. And further, regarding our brother95 who is in Ternate together with his wife and children, we could only hope with a thousand expectations for the love and affection of your excellency the great chief. Further to that, there is not a single token of life from us to your excellency the great chief, except a hope that is advantageous, that is all. O God! Written in the country of Palembang on the seventeenth of the month of Rajab, Thursday, 3.00 o’clock 1239 Sanah [18 March 1824 CE].96

Palembang 11 Warkah Paduka Pangeran Adipati ibni Al Marhum Seri Paduka Sultan Ratu Muhammad Bahaudin kepada Stamford Raffles di Benkulen, satu lembar, 38 x 48 sm Bahawa ini warkat al-ikhlas yang terbit daripada hati yang putih lagi hening jernih tidak menaruh leta di dalamnya, dipersertakan pula dengan beberapa rindu dendam dan cinta kasih sayang hati yang yang tidak dapat lupa dan lalai kepada tiap-tiap hari dan malam serta kirim 95 Referring to ex-Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin who, following the Dutch military expedition of June 1821 that toppled him from the throne, was exiled to Ternate. J. L. van Sevenhoven, Lukisan tentang Palembang. Bhratara, Jakarta, 1971, p. 12. 96 This conversion is based on the Gregorian-Hijri Dates Converter at http://www.rabiah.com/convert/. However, according to the calculation made based on G. S. P. Freeman-Grenville, The Muslim and Christian Calendars, Oxford University Press, London, 1963, the converted Hegira date should be 19 March 1823, which was a Monday.

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tabek hormat dan selamat begitu banyak iaitu daripada kita Paduka Pangeran Adipati ibni al-Marhum Seri Paduka Sultan Ratu Muhammad Bahaudin fi balad Palembang. Barang disampaikan Tuhan sarwa alam sekalian apalah kiranya datang ke hadapan majlis sahabat saudara kita Seri Paduka Tuan Besar yang amat mulia iaitu Paduka Letnan Gupernor [sic] Sir Thomas Astamfort97 [sic Stamford] Raffles yang mempunyai kebesaran dan kemuliaan duduk di kota Fort Malborough memerintah negeri Bangkahulu dan segala yang takluk padanya. Syahadan, ialah yang mempunyai kuasa yang amat besar di atas sekalian kebajikan dan keuntungan Kompeni Inggeris sebelah barat dan sebelah timur; lagi mempunyai tadbir perintah yang amat keelokan beserta dengan arif bijaksana pada hal melakukan perangai yang lemah lembut berkasih-kasihan dan memberi pertolongan pada segala rajaraja dan segala orang yang kesakitan dan kesusahan di dalam dunia ini; ialah menjadi tempat pernaungan bagi segala manusia istimewah [sic] sahabat taulannya. Maka dipohonkan atasnya barang bertambahtambah darjat kebesaran dan kemegahan beserta sihat dan afiat berkekalan izat ketinggian dengan umur panjang di dalam dunya98 [sic] ini. Waba’dah, adapun kemudian daripada itu maka adalah kita bermaklumkan secarik warkah ini akan jadi ganti kita mengadap Seri Paduka Tuan Besar menyatakan hal kita. Suruhan Pali Lanang membawa surat serta kiriman dahulu mengadap Seri Paduka Tuan Besar di negeri Bangkahulu. Syahadan adalah tatkala ia pulang ke Palembang maka ia membawa sepotong surat; tersebut di dalamnya mengatakan yang kita punya surat serta kiriman telah sampai kepada Seri Paduka Tuan Besar; dan lagi Pali Lanang berkhabar kepada kita demikian lagi, hal kita punya surat dengan kiriman telah sampai kepada Seri Paduka Tuan Besar tetapi belum Seri Paduka Tuan Besar kasih [sic] balas itu. Maka adalah titah daripada Seri Paduka Tuan Besar nanti kemudian hari Seri Paduka Tuan Besar kasih [sic] segala-gala balas dengan secukupnya. Tuan Besar tolong supaya sampai seperti bagaimana kita punya maksud; demikianlah Pali Lanang menyampaikan titah Seri Paduka Tuan Besar kepada kita. Maka kita dengar yang demikian itu terlalu sangat banyak sekali suka hati kita; adalah di dalam perasaan kita seperti sudat [sic, sudah] kita dapat yang demikian itu adaya. Maka kita nanti-nantilah kepada tiap-tiap malam dan siang hingga sekarang 97 A-s-t-m-f-w-r-t. 98 D-n-ny-a.

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adalah seperti katak menantikan hujan turun dari langit kepada ketika musim kemarau. Demikianlah hal kita mengarap-arap [sic] dengan beribu-ribu harap belas dan kasihan pertolong daripada Seri Paduka Tuan Besar juga semata-mata adanya. Maka kita pohonkan serta kita harap dengan beribu-ribu harap janganlah kiranya Seri Paduka Tuan Besar lupa-lupa kepada kita yang bergantung dan berharap akan cinta kasih sayang hati Seri Paduka Tuan Besar serta belas dan kasihan Seri Paduka Tuan Besar hingga zaman yang mutakhirin. Dan sekarang ini bagaimana Seri Paduka Tuan Besar pun [sic, punya] perintah kepada kita jikalau kiranya lagi terlambat Seri Paduka Tuan Besar memberi pertolongan betapalah hal kita tiada dalam kuasa lagi menangggung mudharat kesempitan dan kesusahan serta keaifan yang demikian ini. Lebih-lebih maklum Seri Paduka Tuan Besar adanya. Dan lagi hal kita punya saudara yang ada di Ternate dengan segala anak isterinya itu kita harap dengan beribu-ribu harap kasih sayang tolong Seri Paduka Tuan Besar jua semata-mata adanya. Kemudian daripada itu suatupun tidak tandah [sic] hidup kita kepada Seri Paduka Tuan Besar hanyalah harap yang kebajikan jua adanya. Allah huma. Tersurat di dalam negeri Palembang kepada tujuh belas haribulan Rajab, hari Khamis, jam pukul tiga 1239 Sanah.

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XI. THE ACEH LETTER ACEH Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio, 47 x 57.6 cm Letter of Sultan Alauddin Jauhar Alam Syah,1 with black seal inscribed with the words: ‘Paduka Seri Sultan Alauddin Johar Alam Syah Johan Berdaulat zill Allahfi al- ‘alam / ibn Sultan Muhammad Syah berdaulat / ibn Sultan Mahmud Syah / ibn Sultan Ahmad Syah / ibn Sultan Mansur Syah / ibn Sultan Iskandar Muda / ibn Sultana Tajul Alam / ibn Sultan Zainuddin / ibn Sultan Johan Syah’ Addressed to Raffles at Malacca Praise be to Allah who delivered the holy book, prayers and perfect salutations and honour to Prophet Muhammad, most distinguished, and his companions, the best of families and friends. Having praised Allah, the Lord of Light, and offered prayers to the Prophet, Master of Chastity, and his companions chosen from among the Immigrants and those among the Helpers, I then enclose with it salutation and continuous honour. Further, to follow are the opening words and continuous praises, laudation for Allah the beautiful that are connected with the greatness of station, praise, mercy and honour, that is to say from His Royal Highness Sultan Alauddin Jauhar al-Alam Syah Johan Berdaulat.2 May Allah 1 This letter is interesting in many respects. It would appear to be the beginning of what proved to be Raffles’ long involvement in Acehnese affairs which continued until the conclusion of his treaty with the state of Aceh in 1819 and the arrangements made in recognition of this in the subsequent Anglo–Dutch Treaty of 1824. The whole subject of Raffles’ relations with Aceh has most recently been discussed in the work of Lee Kam Hing. See Lee Kam Hing, The Sultanate of Aceh: Relations with the British 1760–1824, Oxford University Press, Kuala Lumpur, 1995. 2 Sultan Alauddin Jauhar Alam Syah (1795–1824) was the twenty-ninth Sultan of Aceh. He ascended the throne in 1802 while still a minor; a regency government was constituted with his uncle, Tuanku Raja, exercising de facto power in the state. According to Anderson, even before he became Sultan he had acquired a considerable knowledge of European manners and the English language, in which he could converse with considerable fluency. But his emulation of English habits

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perpetuate his dominion and power as well as his righteousness and kindness; of one who sits on the throne of sovereignty in the country of Aceh, the abode of peace, abode of specialness and one that is protected. Further, may it be conveyed by God the Merciful and the Bounteous, with the blessing of the Prophet of All Time, I pray, on behalf of the high one, nobility and sovereignty as well as possession of praiseworthy morals and an exemplum that is consented, being one of the respected noblemen, an epitome of the age, quintessence of sultans and all existence and pleasures, that is to say, our friend His Excellency Thomas Raffles, who represents the Governor-General at Bengal and who has been given honour by God Most High, Lord of all the worlds and our lord Muhammad (may God bless and save him). May his honour and majesty long endure for all days that give good works in all distinct lands; the circumstances of his office, honour and status, famous for greatness of station and being increasingly noble and of generous disposition as well as wealthy, bestowed by our God, Creator of the Universe, that is to say, our friend His Excellency Thomas Raffles who included not just the wearing of European dress and practising European customs but also (so it was alleged) drinking liquor. Not a strict Muslim, he was found to be more affable to Europeans, such as having a Frenchman and a Portuguese as his advisors. This led to opposition from his nearest relatives and several chiefs who were among Aceh’s ruling elite. Pressured by the threat of rebellion, he tried to get help from the British government in Penang. But in July 1808, Jauhar Alam was informed by Captain Macalister, the Governor of Penang, that the Penang authorities had seized the brig Hydroos (which had previously been acquired by the ruler of Aceh) on the premise that the ship belonged to subjects of the King of Denmark, who was at war with the King of England. The ship had been sold to Jauhar Alam by a certain Mr. String, and the Acehnese sultan had loaded it with his own cargo. The previous goods were delivered to his French agent. Jauhar Alam was informed by the Penang government that such a sale was illegal. The ship was detained and was subsequently condemned and then sold. This drew a protest from the Sultan, but one year elapsed without Jauhar Alam receiving any reply from the Penang government. So he wrote, asking for the return of the ship which he had bought without the knowledge that it belonged to England’s enemies. He also complained that his agent, L’Etoile, had been mistreated by the Penang authorities and his papers seized, thus causing indignities to the Sultan, the ship’s owner. Later, the ship Annapoorney and its commander, Hyder Ally, were seized by Jauhar Alam for breaching Aceh’s laws; the captain was detained for failure to pay his debts and also for breach of contract. This led to serious accusations from the English authorities and caused tension between the two parties. See John Anderson, Acheen and the Ports on the North and East Coasts of Sumatra, Oxford University Press, Kuala Lumpur, 1971, p. 29.

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now lives in peace and good health in the country of Malacca, holding the power to impose the enjoined and forbid the sinful; along with that he is of a clement, forgiving disposition and thus is granted by God a praiseworthy rank and a perfect grade to which is added the status of those who suffered martyrdom and those of the good, wise and discreet people in the course of mutual affection with all his friends and companions, among the near and the more remote, sympathising with the good people, the ulama, the needy and the poor. It is he who possesses the complete treasury of intelligence and is well-renowned in the circle of all sharp-witted pundits and the gathering of all superior theologians; so famous is the meritorious name in all foreign lands and the way he fosters and assists all the poor and foreigners, would that it pleases God to secure his abode today until the hereafter and may God prolong his life and epoch to enjoy good health while decreeing upon all those foreigners and the poor. Amen, O Lord God of all the worlds, and the Best of all helpers, O Fulfiller of wishes.3 After that, herewith is the honoured epistle and the august gift entrusted to an envoy who carries the letter in complete safety to our friend His Excellency Thomas Raffles representing the GovernorGeneral in Bengal, that is His Very Royal Maharaja Gilbert Lord Minto, Lord of the State and Most Illustrious. Further, concerning the letter that our friend sent, it reached our hands in complete safety; with regard to the words and composition in that letter we have comprehended them all; we will remember them in our heart because peace from our friend to us is a sign of a true brother, without any barrier, just like the partition-curtain and the veil. It is increasingly more so because of the tidings of kindness from our friend. It has illuminated our heart upon hearing the words and composition in the letter. Next after that, lots of salutations from us to the Governor-General of Bengal, His Excellency Lord Minto; would our friend make it known to the Governor-General of Bengal that we are extremely exhausted and thus shall not be able to meet him in person and become acquainted with our friend because the chiefs4 in the country of Aceh will not let us. As 3 The last sentence in the paragraph is a Sufi invocation of God’s majesty. 4 A reference to the uleebalang [or ulubalang]. They were the territorial chiefs heading the various mukim in Aceh. Ulubalang were originally war commanders of their respective mukim, but over time their role extended to collecting taxes on behalf of the rulers; they retained part of the collection. There were times when some ulubalang controlled more than one mukim.

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it is in accordance with the laws of the land of Aceh, we therefore cannot change it, for if we alter the laws the country will then be ruined; all will be in indescribable confusion. Nonetheless, it is for our friend to think it over in his heart. As for us, even our intention of going to meet our friend with the aim of restoring Aceh to good condition is viewed with suspicion by the chiefs of Aceh. We wanted to insist on going, but our mother is already old and our wife and family will not bear with it. That too is for our friend to ponder; but we have sent this letter through our man, one by the name of Tengku Nakhoda Abdul Rahman; he goes to present himself before our friend, conveying this letter for our friend and the GovernorGeneral. And furthermore, news and deliberations about us from our friend and to the Governor-General will be briefed by Tengku Nakhoda Abdul Rahman who will have the authority to reply to whatever matters there may be; and what’s more, earlier we sent a letter to Bengal by the ship Aslukan Nuri to be conveyed to our friend, His Very Royal Maharaja the Governor-General in Bengal. Even that, we imagine in our heart, never reached the hands of our friend, the Governor-General. Now we are sending a copy of that letter together with this letter. Our friend may inspect [the contents] of the letter and make it known to our friend the Governor-General in Bengal. That, too, we request our friend to speedily answer. As for Tengku Nakhoda Abdul Rahman, when our friend has finished deliberations with him may it please our friend to instruct him to return to us forthwith. And to proceed further, about our ship, which has been sailing to any country that is within our jurisdiction, it happened to encounter seamen of the English man-of-war. They ordered our standard and our ensigns to be lowered, then they abused our ship’s captain. They also abducted the sailors. Why did they do that? They disgraced us by their actions. Our friend may also inform the Admiral not to commit such an act. As for the report contained in the letter, our friend may verify it with Tengku Nakhoda Abdul Rahman. Concerning the account on the country of Aceh, our friend may enquire from Captain Casmille [?], for he is like one of our own countrymen. He, too, can provide information to our friend. There is not a single memento of existence, except a seal, as the confirmed mark of our mutual friendship. On the seal we have inscribed

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the names of the four great uleebalang, complete with the destar;5 [and] all wearing the baju sekoi [velvet coat?], with the kerchiefs of two folds, with sarongs, [just] like the great uleebalang;6 affixed is the title of Seri Paduka Orang Kaya Berpedang Emas [His Excellency, the Nobleman with the Golden Sword].7 This Order has been conferred in the port city of Aceh, the abode of peace, on Thomas Raffles Esquire. This letter is written in the Hegira of the Prophet, peace and salutations be upon him, one thousand two hundred and twenty-six, in the year of Ba, on the third of Rabi’ul-akhir, Saturday, in the moment of expedience, the blessed hour, in the early evening, from the port state of affluence. The writer is Pucut Kaya, son of Muhammad Hassan, son of the deceased Awaluddin Minangkabau [27 April 1811 CE].

Aceh Warkah Sultan Alauddin Jauhar Alam Syah kepada Raffles, satu lembar, 47 x 57.6 sm Alhamdulillah al-ladhi anzala ‘ala ‘abdi al-Kitab wa al-salatu wa alsalam al-tammah wa al-tahiyyat ‘ala Muhammad al-Mustafa wa ‘ala 5 When tied on the head the destar (headcloth) showed a man’s rank or disposition; destar had many names, each according to the adat, fashion and the man’s rank. 6 The uleebalang was called the raja of his territory. He was the titular chief, judge and commander of the army. On the position and extensive powers of the uleebalang in Acehnese society, see C. Snouck Hurgronje, Aceh dan Adat Istiadatnya (translated from the Dutch original, De Atjehers, by Sutan Maimoen), Seri INIS 28 (1), Indonesian-Netherlands Cooperation in Islamic Studies, Jakarta, 1996, pp. 67–91. 7 This particularly interesting reference to the Acehnese Order of the Golden Sword solves the problem raised by Gibson-Hill as to when this honour was actually conferred. From this letter it is clear that Raffles received the order towards the end of April 1811 as it was conferred by Sultan Jauhar Alam Syah through this letter dated 27 April 1811. Raffles was very proud of having this Acehnese honour bestowed on him. As mentioned by Gibson-Hill, only three other Englishmen had received the title before Raffles: Captain Douglas Richardson, Captain Robert Smart and Captain Thomas Forrest, the well-known English country trader who was given the title when he visited Aceh in 1784. See C. A. Gibson-Hill, ‘Raffles, Acheh and the Order of the Golden Sword’, JMBRAS, 29(1), 1956, p. 4.

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alihi wa ashabihi khair al wa khair al-sahabah8 Beta selesai daripada memuji Allah Rabbul Anwar dan salawat pula akan Nabi Sayyid alAthar wa ashabihi al-Akhyar min al-Muhajirin wa al-Ansar. Maka diidafatkan dengan salam al-tamm bi al-tahiyyat ‘ala al- dawam;9 maka diiringkan degan iftaha al-kalam wa tahmid al nizam. Alhamdulillah al jamil ‘aid muqaranah bittazim wal madah wa al-taqrim10 iaitu daripada Seri Paduka Sultan Alauddin Jauhar al-Alam Syah Johan Berdaulat zillullah fil alam khaladallahu mulakahu wa sultanahu wa-‘abbada adalahu wa ihsanahu;11 yang semayam di atas singgahsana takhta kerajaan di dalam negeri Aceh Bandar Darussalam, darulkhusus wal mahrus.12 Syahadan, barang disampaikan Tuhan al-manan13 berkat wal al-nabi fi akhirul zaman,14 apalah kiranya ila janabi al ali hawi al-mafakhir wa-alma’ali dhi al-akhlaq al-mamduh wa ‘at-thamthil al-mardiyyat ‘ain-ul-a’yan wa zain ul-aqran khullasat al-salatin manba’u al-wujud wa ‘al-an ‘an,15 iaitu sahabat beta Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles yang ganti Gubernur Jenderal di Benggala, yang telah dipermuliakan Allah Ta’ala, Tuhan nashara al-‘alam najah sayyidina Muhammad ‘alaihi as-salatu wa-assalam.16 Maka berdayalah panjang ‘izzatnya dan sa’adatnya17 pada segala hari yang memberi kebaikan pada segala hari yang mengira kebaikan pada segala negeri yang asingasing; ehwal pangkatnya kemuliaan dan martabat yang terbilang dengan kebesaran serta bertambah-tambah bangsawan dan dermawan, 8 Praise be to the Lord for revealing the Holy Quran; prayers and perfect peace; honour unto the Prophet Muhammad the sublime, and his companions, the best of families and friends. 9 And his select friends from among the emigrants (the Muhajirin) and those who rendered help (the Ansars). And along with that complete peace and continuous veneration. 10 The opening words and compliments without interruption; praises for the Lord Most Beautiful; enjoined with greatness, laudation, mercy and honour. 11 May God sustain his reign and authority, along with righteousness and goodness. 12 A special state and is well-looked after. 13 Well-wisher, as a description of God’s attribute. 14 That which is merciful and benevolent with the blessing of the Prophet to all time. 15 ‘On behalf of the eminent side encompassing greatness, majesty, and supremacy as well as having an approved character and a surplus that is blessed; a chief who is stood with awe, and as an embellishment of the age, the source of attention for all sultans, for every existence and pleasure’. 16 All the worlds and the Master, Muhammad (peace be upon him). 17 His mark of distinction and happiness.

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lagi dengan hartawan daripada Tuhan kita, Pencipta alam iaitu Paduka Seri Thomas Raffles yang telah ada sekarang istirahat al-khair di negeri Melaka; menjabat amru bi al-ma’ruf wa nahyi ‘an al-munkar;18 serta rahim19 perangainya, yang halim.20 Ialah yang dikurniakan Allah pangkat yang kepujian dan martabat kesempurnaan; wazadahu fi martabat as-syuhada’ was-salihin21 serta ‘arif bijaksana atas jalan berkasih-kasihan dengan segala handai taulannya baina al-qarib wa-al baid;22 muhibbus-salihin wal ‘ulama’ kahikril al fuqara’ wa-al masakin;23 ialah yang mempunyai perbendaharaan akal yang sempurna serta sangat kebilangan dengan medan segala hukama’24 yang ‘aqil-‘aqil,25 dan pada manjelis [sic] segala ulama yang fadhil-fadhil;26 maka masyhurlah nama yang kepujian pada segala negeri yang asingasing serta memeliharakan dan menolong pada segala miskin dan gharib;27 mudah-mudahan barang ditetapkan Allah pada maqam28 ia di yaum hada ila yaum-muddin;29 serta dilanjutkan Allah daripada usia umur zamannya di dalam sihat dan ‘afiat pada menghukumkan segala gharib30 miskin, amin ya rabbal alamin wa ya khair-an-nasirin ya mujib as-sa ‘ilin.31. Amma ba’du, adapun kemudian dari itu maka inilah warkat al-mukarramah wa tuhfat al-mu’azzamah32 yang diihtimalkan kepada seorang untusan [sic] membawa warkah itu dengan selamat sempurna, sampai kepada sahabat beta Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles yang ganti

18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32

Commanding to do good and prohibiting what God forbids. Honourable. Gentle. Increased will the rank be for those who die in God’s cause, and those who are good. Between near and far. Having sympathy for the good people and the learned ulama, the needy and the poor. The smart and capable. Using the intellect. Overly abundant; in excess. Foreigners or aliens. Rank. Today (in this world) until the next world. Aliens. Amen, O God, Lord of the whole World. And O ye the best of Helpers, O ye, the Blesser of requests. Distinguished epistle.

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Gurnado [sic]-Jeneral di Benggala iaitu Seri Paduka Maharaja Gilbatlat [sic, Gilbert] Lord Minto yang dipertuan, yang maha mulia. Syahadan akan surat yang sahabat beta kirim itu telah sampailah dengan selamat sempurna kepada tangan beta. Adapun akan kalam dan nazam yang di dalam warkah itu telah beta ketahuilah semuanya itu; beta ingat-ingat di dalam hati beta karena [sic]33 sebab adalah sejahtera daripada sahabat beta dengan beta ini adalah tanda seperti saudara yang betul yang tiada berantri34 lagi; upama [sic] tirai dan hijabnya makin bertambah-tambah lagi pula daripada dahulu lebih lagi sekarang ini karena [sic] datang warta yang ihsan35 daripada sahabat beta. Telah teranglah hati beta mendengarkan kalam dan nazam yang di dalam warkah itu. Hatta kemudian dari itu banyak salam beta akan sahabat beta Gurnador36-Jeneral Benggala Paduka Seri Lord Minto. Adapun barang sahabat beta permaklumkan kepada Gurnador-Jeneral Benggala akan beta ini adalah sangkat [sic] lanjut; tiadalah jadi hendak pergi bertemu mata dan mendapatkan sahabat beta karena orang besar-besar yang dalam negeri Aceh itu tiadalah ia melepaskan beta. Seperti dustur37 negeri Aceh ini tiadalah jadi beta ubahkan; jikalau ubah seperti dustur menjadi rosaklah negeri semuanya, tiadalah ketahanan; itupun fikirkan kepada sahabat beta. Adapun akan beta ini hendak pergi kepada sahabat beta, hendak perbaikkan negeri Aceh. Beta hendak pergi dengan keras. Adalah ne[n]da beta pun sudah tuha [sic] dan anak isteri beta tiadalah tanggung hal yang demikian itu. Itupun lebih fikir sahabat beta. Tetapi surat ini adalah beta kirimkan kepada orang beta, seorang yang bernama Tengku Nakhoda Abdul Rahman. Ia pergi mengadap sahabat beta mengantarkan [sic] surat ini akan sahabat beta dan Gurnador-Jeneral. Dan lagi khabar dan bicara akan beta ini, daripada sahabat beta dan kepada Gurnador-Jeneral akan beta ini adalah Tengku Nakhoda Abdul Rahman; boleh kuasa menjawabkan khabar itu barang apa sahaja sekalipun. Dan lagi dahulu adalah beta kirimkan surat ke Benggala di dalam kapal “Aslucan Nuri” perunjukkan kepada sahabat beta Seri Padu[ka] Maharaja Gurnador-Jeneral di Benggala. Itupun beta kirakan di dalam hati tiadalah sampai kepada tangan sahabat beta, 33 34 35 36 37

Also karna; the spelling in Jawi is rendered: k-a-r-n-a. Inner vest. Good. From the Portuguese word ‘gubernador’. Rules and regulations.

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Gabernor-Jeneral. Sekarang ini beta kirimkan salinannya surat itu dengan surat ini sama. Adalah sahabat beta lihat di dalam surat itu adalah sahabat beta boleh katakan kepada sahabat Gurandor-Jeneral di Benggala. Itupun beta mintankan [mintakan?] kepada sahabat beta dengan segera sahabat beta jawabkan khabar itu. Adapun akan Tengku Nakhoda Abdul Rahman jikalau sudah habis bicara sahabat beta dengan dia barang segeralah sahabat beta suruh pulang kepada beta dengan segeranya. Dan demikian lagi akan kapal beta adalah ia pergi ke mana-mana negeri beta yang beta punya hukum telah bertemu dengan orang kapal perang Inggeris; disuruh turun bendera kita dan tanda beta. Kemudian ia usek-usek [a-w-s-q2] akan kapitan kapal beta; diambil khalasi dan [sic] sekali. Mengapa begitu ia perbuat? Demikian ia beri malu beta. Itupun boleh sahabat beta katakan hatermaral [admiral] jangan buat demikian itu. Adapun perkara khabar di dalam surat sahabat beta persahkan kepada Tengku Nakhoda Abdul Rahman akan khabar negeri Aceh itu; boleh sahabat beta tanyakan kepada Kapitan Kasmil38 karena [sic] ia seperti orang negeri kita. Iapun bolehlah berkhabar kepada sahabat beta. Suatupun tiada burhan al-hayat, hanyalah cap akan tanda sah-lah sahabat bersahabat dengan beta. Itulah cap beta bubuh nama hulubalang empat yang besar dengan destar semuanya. Semuanya dengan baju sekoi39 dengan tengkolok lipat dua, dengan kain seperti hulubalang yang besar-besar telah dibubuh nama Seri Paduka Orang Kaya Berpedang Emas. Telah dikurniakan nama itu di negeri Aceh Bandara [sic, bandar]40 Darussalam akan Thomas Raffles Esquire. Termaktub surat ini pada Hijrah al-Nabi Sallallahualaihi wassalam; seribu dua ratus dua puluh enam tahun pada tahun Ba, pada tiga haribulan Rabi’ul-akhir yaumi al-Sabtu; pada ketika yang baik, sa’at al-mubarak, waktu Isyaq di min baldan Bandar al-Makmur Wakatabuhu Pucut Kaya ibni Muhammad Hasan bin Marhum Awaluddin Minangkabau. 38 K-s-m-y-l. 39 S-k-w-y. I am unable to find the meaning of this word. However, the Acehnese baju (jackets) were either the bajee Aceh with long narrow sleeves and big gold buttons (do’ma) in the middle or the bajee ‘et sapay [baju sapai], which was a jacket with short sleeves. See C. Snouck Hurgronje, The Atjehnese (transl. A. W. S. O’Sullivan), E.J. Brill, Leiden, 1906, p. 25. 40 Port; city.

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PART IV LETTERS FROM KALIMANTAN XII. THE PONTIANAK LETTERS PONTIANAK I Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio, 32.3 x 77.6 cm Letter of Sultan Syarif Kasim of Pontianak, with black seal Addressed to Raffles at Malacca Endorsement verso Malay letter in Raffles’ hand: ‘February 1811 - / Sultan of Pontiana / Dome’ Endorsement in Jawi script: ‘Ini surat Sultan Pontianak kepada / dua puluh bulan Muharram’ Heading: ‘Qawluh u‘l-Haqq wa Kalamuh u’l Siddq’ A letter of sincerity and non-elaborate gift with honour and reverence along with much affection that is without end, so long as the galaxy revolves in the night and during the day, that is from His Highness Sultan Syarif Kasim1 son of the deceased Sultan Syarif Abdul Rahman,2 son of 1 Sultan Kasim succeeded his father as Sultan of Pontianak in 1807, at the age of forty-one. He was a descendant of an Arab master-mariner (nakhoda). His father, Syarif Abdul Rahman, settled first at Matan and then founded the sultanate of Pontianak. Sultan Syarif Kasim was a good friend of several Europeans; he had regular communication with John Palmer, the merchant who introduced him to Captain Smith, and Captain Henry Scott and a certain Mr. Morgan. Palmer’s relationship with Sultan Kasim extended until the end of 1818. See MSS Eng. Lett. ‘Palmer’s letter-book’, C 81, C 82, C 83, and C 86. Palmer expressed his sympathy with the Sultan of Pontianak against whom, he said, Raffles was prejudiced. See C 83, p. 251. 2 He died in 1807. However, another source mentioned that he died on 26 February 1808. See J. Hunt, ‘Sketch of Borneo or Pulo Kalimantan’ in J. H. Moor, Notices of the Indian Archipelago and Adjacent Countries, being a collection of papers relating to Borneo, Celebes, Bali, Java, Sumatra, Nias, the Philippine Islands, Sulus, Siam, Cochin China, Malayan Peninsula etc., Singapore, 1837, p. 16.

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the deceased al-Habib al-Husain al-Kadri, who sits on the throne of government in the country of Pontianak;3 may it be conveyed by [the grace of] God, Lord of all Worlds before the presence of His Excellency Thomas Raffles Esquire who is stationed at present in the settlement town of the Malacca fort. May God be beseeched for his good health, safety and a long life with advantage that is equally good. Following that, Sultan Syarif hereby informs our friend who is most kind that we have already received two epistles accompanied by a roll of cloth of golden flowers and another roll of cloth with silver floral designs as well as a pair of shoes of golden colour, gifts from our friend that were brought by Captain Lambert. We received them with the proper honour in accordance with the adat with many thanks, happiness and consent with whiteness of heart that is very sincere because our friend has with gladness sent a letter to us, to one who is impoverished, and so we are very grateful and may the goodness of our kind friend be bounteous. Furthermore, whatever was mentioned in the letter has all been understood by us. And concerning our friend’s request that we should not shift from our cordial and friendly relations and from looking after the captains and English merchants who enjoy coming to trade in the country of Pontianak, we assure our friend that even if it were only once from our friend it would be a million times for us to forge friendship with our friend, the white men of the English Company, because at the moment not once would we harbour any hopes on any anyone except our friend the English Company on whom we depend whether day or night so long as the revolution of the universal moon and the sun exists, nobody but our friend, and this is our promise. Further, we very much hope that were we to be troubled or have to face difficulties we would not depend on others, but would expect help from our friend the English Company forever and ever. And another thing, regarding our friend’s inquiry about the ship called Commerce,4 we confirm that it was seized by Pangeran Sambuda, the Brunei man. He 3 Pontianak produced large amounts of gold, iron, tin and diamonds. The country also abounded with wax, pepper, rattans, gaharu and the finest bird’s nest. Ibid. 4 In 1806, the Commerce was plundered by pirates led by Pangeran Sambuda, the raja of Sarawak, who was related by marriage to Pangeran Anom. Mr. Hopkins, the second mate, was killed. The ship’s crew were not murdered, as claimed by Hunt, but were sent to Borneo Proper [Brunei] as slaves. See MSS. EUR. E109 (Raffles Collection X1), 12 February 1811. Cf. L. J. Hunt’s communication to Raffles, ‘Sketch of Borneo or Pulo Kalimantan’, in p. 24.

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took it to his country, Sarawak. He set fire to the ship and confiscated the loot and sold it all. The ship’s pilot was killed, and the sailors were despatched to Brunei. Pangeran Sambuda is the son-in-law of the Sultan of Sambas. Concerning Abang Abdul Rashid, who killed Captain Rozario, it is confirmed that he is in the country of Sambas. With regard to the captain’s loot, all was appropriated by the Sultan of Sambas and Pangeran Anom.5 At present, Abang Abdul Rashid has left with Pangeran Anom, the brother of the Sultan of Sambas. He has turned to piracy and both have conducted brigandage and have roped in bad men to plunder the waters of the Pontianak estuary and the country of Mempawah. They often go on piracy raids in the Banjar estuary. Pangeran Anom left with two small ships together with two small ketches, and twenty-five Bugis warships of different sizes, plundering the foreigners who come to trade in the countries of Pontianak, Mempawah and Banjar. This is what we wish to inform our friend, His Excellency Thomas Raffles Esquire. If it is possible we beseech our friend to help us to the best of his ability to wipe out all the robbers, and the Illanun and all those who commit evil deeds towards traders because they have all assembled in the country of Sambas and gathered in the waters of the river mouth of the countries of Mempawah and Pontianak. Such is the state of affairs. And to our mind, if the English Company is reluctant to help in finishing off the brigands we are sure that in the future they will again commit destruction to the white men for, as we know, this is the third 5 The notorious Pangeran Anom, dubbed ‘the celebrated rover’, was the ‘illegitimate’ brother of the Sultan of Sambas. Anom, who was about thirty years of age, was described by Macdonald as “a bold and daring adventurer” and “a smartlooking little man, … although slightly deformed”. He was of mixed parentage, his mother being Chinese; from her, according to Macdonald, “he inherited the fair complexion and features with the smallest hands and feet it is possible to conceive, and much cunning and shrewdness of the race”. His countenance was disfigured by a blemish on the cheek which was caused by a ball he received when he plundered the les Freres Unis under the command of Captain R. Deane. Macdonald also noted that he spoke “with great rapidity and fluency, whilst his little restless eyes gave evident indication of an irascible and vindictive temper”. He was a man who “rigidly enforced obedience and yet retained the power of making himself beloved”. See D. Macdonald, Captain Macdonald’s Narrative of his Early Life and Services Embracing an Unbroken Period of Twenty-two Years Extracted from his Journals & Other Official Documents, 3rd edn, Thomas Willey, Cheltenham, 1840, pp. 202–203 and 306.

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time that Pangeran Anom, in complicity with the Sultan of Sambas, has performed bad deeds on the English: firstly, the murder of Captain Rozario; secondly the murder of the navigator of the Commerce; and thirdly, the seizure of property belonging to Captain Rosar [sic, Rozario] together with Abang Abdul Rashid. Nevertheless, it is for our friend to understand. And further, regarding our friend’s letter to the Sultan of Sambas that was carried by Captain Lambert, the Captain has already given it to us and we sent Syeikh Ali Hambal together with sixteen men in a small perahu to deliver the letter to the Sultan of Sambas and Pangeran Anom. The Sultan has replied to the letter and his letter is now sent to our friend at Malacca through the hands of Mistar [sic] Captain Tait, who will deliver it to our friend. Further, Captain Lambert has set sail for the country of Bali. He has been doing a little bit of trade in the country of Pontianak. There is roughly a little more than thirteen thousand [rials worth of trade]. Pertaining to that we are informing our friend. And furthermore, our friend has requested the written works on the laws and also the Hikayat Raja Iskandar.6 These we are sending together with this letter through the hands of Captain Tait accompanied with a golden spear as a gift to our friend as token of our very white and pure heart; we hope our friend will not harbour any grudge for we are but a poor man; if it is possible we wish our friend will not cease sending letters to us as long as age is with us and likewise our friend’s age too. This letter is written on the twentieth of Muharram, on Sunday, at 12.00 noon in 1226 AH [14 February 1811].

Pontianak 1 Warkah Syarif Kasim kepada Raffles, satu lembar, 32.3 x 77.6 sm Al-warkat al-ikhlas watuhfat al-ikhtisar hormat mulia serta beberapa kasih sayang yang tiada berkesudahan selagi ada perkitaran cakrawala fi al-layl wa al-nahar7 iaitu daripada Seri Paduka al Sultan Syarif Kasim ibni al Marhum al-Sultan Syarif Abdul Rahman ibni al Marhum al-Habib al-Husain al-Kadri yang bertakhta kerajaan di dalam negeri Pontianak. Barang disampaikan Tuhan sarwa segala alam ke hadapan 6 The Story of Alexander [the Great]. 7 Be it in the day or night.

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Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles Esquire yang ada berhenti pada masa ini di dalam Bandar negeri kota Melaka. Maka dipohonkan atasnya beroleh selamat umur panjang dengan untung yang baik jua adanya. Waba’adah kemudian daripada itu dipermaklumkan oleh Sultan Syariff kepada sahabat kita yang maha baik maka adalah kita sudah terima dua pucuk surat beserta kiriman sekayu k[h]asah8 berbunga emas, dan sekayu kasa berbunga perak, serta sepasang kasut beremas itu, kiriman daripada sahabat kita yang dibawa Kapitan Lambert. Maka kita sambut dengan beberapa hormat istiadat yang patut beserta beberapa sukur [sic, syukur] kesukaan dan keredzaan dengan putih hati yang amat ikhlas, oleh sebab sahabat kita ada suka berkirim sepotong surat kepada kita, satu orang miskin. Maka kita sangat menerima kasih di perbanyak-banyak kepada sahabat kita yang maha baik itu. Syahadan mana-mana yang tersebut dalam surat sahabat kita itu kitapun telah mafhumlah akan maksud sekaliannya; dan seperkara lagi sahabat kita mintak kita jangan berubah daripada sahabat bersahabat dan memeliharakan segala kapitan-kapitan, saudagar-saudagar Inggeris yang suka datang berniaga ke negeri Pontianak itu, sekali sahabat kita, selaksa kali kita ada suka sahabat bersahabat dengan sahabat kita orang putih Kompeni Inggeris karena [sic] pada ketika ini sekali-kali kita tiada menaruh pe[ng]harapan yang lain lagi melainkan kepada sahabat kita Kompeni Inggeris juga yang kita harap-harap pada siang dan malam. Selagi ada perkitaran cakrawala bulan dan matahari ini adanya; melainkan sahabat kita boleh harap; itu kita punya janji ini adanya. Syahadan kita sangat harap jika kita ada susah atau sukar kesakitan melainkan kita tiada harap kepada yang lain, melainkan kita harap akan tolongan sahabat kita Kompeni Inggeris jua selamalamanya. Dan seperkara lagi seperti sahabat kita tanyakan khabar kapal yang bernama Commerce itu telah betullah diambil oleh Pangeran Sambuda orang Burnai9 [sic] dibawaknya masuk ke negeri yang bernama Sarawak. Maka kapal itu sudah dibakarnya, dan hartanya diambilnya. Dia sudah habis jual dan mualimnya sudah ia bunuh; dan kelasinya semuanya dia sudah kirim ke negri Burnai [sic]. Maka Pangeran Sambuda itu menjadi menantu Sultan Sambas. Dan sebagai lagi seperti Abang Abdul Rasyid yang membunuh Kapitan Rosar [sic, Rozario] itu sah ada dalam negeri Sambas. Akan hal 8 Muslin, which is a thin, loosely woven fabric. 9 B-w-r-n-y.

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harta Kapitan itu telah habis semuanya diambil Sultan Sambas beserta Pangeran Anom dalam negeri Sambas. Maka pada ketika ini Abang Abdul Rasyid itu sekarang keluar bersama-sama Pangeran Anom, saudara Sultan Sambas. Dia sudah menjadi lanun dan merampok [m-r-a-m-p-k] beserta mengkumpulkan [sic] orang-orang jahat merampok di laut kuala negeri Pontianak, dan negeri Mempawah; selalu pergi merampok di Kuala Banjar. Maka Pangeran Anom itu ada keluar dengan dua buah kapal kecil dan dua buah kici kecil; dan ada dua puluh lima perahu penjajab-penjajab kecil besar merosakkan segala orangorang dagang yang masuk berniaga ke negeri Pontianak, dan Mempawah, dan negeri Banjar. Maka inilah kita maklumkan kepada sahabat kita Tuan Paduka Thomas Raffles Esquire. Jika boleh dengan bolehnya sahabat kita tolong seboleh-bolehnya kerja habis itu perampok-perampok dan ilanun. Segala yang kerja jahat-jahat sama orang dagang itu karena [sic] kepada ketika ini semuanya ada berkumpul dalam negeri Sambas; dan berkumpul di laut kuala negeri Mempawah, dan Pontianak. Demikianlah adanya. Dan kepada kita punya fikiran jika Kompeni Inggeris tiada mahu tolong kerja habis itu perampokperampok, itu pastilah di belakang ia kerja kembali; kerja rosak sama orang putih karena [sic] yang kita tahu ini telah tiga kali sudah Pangeran Anom beserta Sultan Sambas ini kerja jahat sama Inggeris. Pertama-tama bunuh Kapitan Rosar [Rozario]; keduanya bunuh sama mualim kapal Commerce itu; ketiganya ambil harta Kapitan Rosar [sic] bersama-sama Abang Abdul Rasyid itu. Dalam itu pun lebih-lebih maklum sahabat kita jua adanya. Dan lagi seperti hal surat sahabat kita kepada Raja Sambas yang dibawak oleh Kapitan Lambert itu maka Kapitan Lambert sudah kasih [sic] dalam tangan kita itu surat. Maka kita sudah suruh Syeikh Ali Hambal namanya, dengan enam belas orang dalam satu perahu kecil mengantarkan surat itu kepada Sultan Sambas dan Pangeran Anom. Maka Sultan Sambas sudah balas itu surat. Maka adalah surat Raja Sambas itu kirimkan kepada sahabat kita ke Melaka dalam tangan Kapitan Tait [t-y-t] ini membawaknya kepada sahabat kita. Syahadan seperti Kapitan Lambert itu sudah berlayar ke negerinegeri [sic] Bali. Maka adalah ia berniaga sedikit-sedikit dalam negeri Pontianak. Ada kira-kira tiga belas ribu lebih sedikit [sic]. Hal itulah kita maklumkan kepada sahabat kita adanya. Dan lagi sahabat kita mintak surat Undang-Undang beserta Surat ‘Hikayat Raja Iskandar’ itu adalah kita kirimkan bersama-sama surat ini; dalam tangan Kapitan

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Tait beserta satu tombak beremas akan hadiah kita kepada sahabat kita; akan tanda hati kita sangat putih lagi ikhlas; melainkan jangan sahabat kita ambil kecil-kecil [sic] hati karena kita ada satu orang miskin. Jika boleh kita mintak kepada sahabat kita jangan putus kirim surat kepada kita; selagi ada umur kita dan umur sahabat kita jua adanya. Maka diperbuat surat ini kepada dua puluh haribulan al-Muharram, pada hari Ahad pada waktu jam pukul dua belas tengah hari, pada 1226 Sanah Tarikh.

PONTIANAK II Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio, 32.5 x 40.2 cm Letter of Sultan Syarif Kasim of Pontianak, with black seal inscribed with the words: ‘Al-wathiq billah al-Khaliq al bar[i] / ’abdika asSyarif / asSultan wa huwa asSayid Kasim ibn/ al marhum asSultan asSyarif ‘Abdurrahman ibn / al-marhum [al-] Habib Husain al-Kadri’10 Addressed to Raffles at Malacca Endorsement verso Malay letter: ‘March 1811] - / Sultan of Pontiana’ Endorsement in Jawi script: ‘This is the Sultan of Pontianak’s letter / on 16th of the month of Safar’ Heading: ‘Qawluh u’l-Haqq wa Kalamuh u’l Siddq’ Verily His Highness Sultan Syarif Kasim, son of the deceased Sultan Sharif Abdul Rahman, son of the deceased al-Habib al-Husain al-Kadri, who reigns in the country of Pontianak, manifests in this epistle, as a token of friendship and affection together with a true heart in everlasting faithfulness, to our friend Thomas Raffles Esquire, resident in the country of Malacca. May we beseech for him good health, security and a long life with good profit. Following that, it is made known by Sultan Syarif to our friend Mr. Raffles that he has information to impart with regard to Pangeran Anom 10 He who puts trust in God, the Creator, the Revered, your honoured servant the Sultan, and he is as-Sayid Qasim, son of the deceased Sultan the Honourable As-Sayid Abdur Rahman, son of the deceased al-Habib Husain al-Qadri [Dia yang meletakkan kepercayaan pada Tuhan, pencipta yang dimuliakan, hamba Tuanku Sultan dan dia lah as-Sayid Qasim, putera al marhum Yang Teramat Mulia As Sayid ‘Abdur Rahman putera al marhum al-Habib Husain al-Qadri.].

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of Sambas along with Abdul Rashid of Mentok. who have come to the Bay of Pontianak on a piratical expedition with the Illanun, seizing a Chinese junk that came from the country of China. They have committed great depredations on the merchants who come in and out to trade in Pontianak and they have brought ruin to Mempawah. It is because of this that we most earnestly request for assistance from our friend to instruct a man-of-war to come to Pontianak to seize the robbers. We, too, can escort the ship-of-war to apprehend the marauders. If our friend does not hasten to command a ship-of-war to come speedily, great distress will surely befall all the merchants who come in and out to trade in the country of Pontianak. We earnestly hope, with much expectation, that our friend Thomas Raffles Esquire will instruct a ship-of-war to come to Pontianak with great speed because Pangeran Anom and Abdul Rashid are already in the waters of the Pontianak river mouth committing piracy with two small vessels. There isn’t any token of life from us except our respects and a great excess of salutations to our friend and we also extend our greetings to our friend’s wife and children. May they be granted safety and a long life, too. Letter is written on the sixteenth of Safar, on Tuesday in the year 1226 AH [= 12 March 1811 CE]. Furthermore, we send our greetings in multiplicity to our friend Mister Hare;11 and if it pleases Mister Hare he could send a vessel to trade in Pontianak bringing merchandise together with fresh opium to the amount of about thirty chests; they can be speedily disposed of. We can also provide rapid assistance. That is all.

Pontianak 2 Warkah Sultan Syarff Kasim ibni al Marhum Sultan Syarif Abdul Rahman kepada Raffles, satu lembar, 32.5 x 40.2 sm Bahawa ini Paduka Seri Sultan Syarif Kasim ibni al Marhum Sultan Syarif Abdul Rahman ibni al-marhum al-Habib al-Husain al-Kadri yang bertahta [sic] kerajaan dalam negeri Pontianak menyatakan dalam 11 Alexander Hare, an English merchant in Malacca.

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secarik warkah ini tanda sahabat bersahabat berkasih-kasihan beserta dengan sungguh hati bersetiawan dari selama-lamanya; kepada sahabat kita Tuan Thomas Raffles Askoyar yang ada dalam negeri Melaka. Maka dipohonkan atasnya beroleh sihat dan afiat serta beroleh selamat umur panjang dengan untung yang baik jua adanya. Waba’adah kemudian dari itu dipermaklumkan oleh Sultan Syarif kepada sahabat kita Tuan Raffles maka adalah kita memberi khabar kepada sahabat kita akan hal Pangeran Anom Sambas beserta Abdul Rashid Mentok [m-n-t-w-’] itu datang ke kuala Pontianak merampokrampok bersama-sama ilanun mengambil sebuah wangkang Cina datang dari negeri Cina; dan lagi ia telah banyak merosakkan orangorang dagang yang keluar masuk berniaga ke Pontianak dan Mempawah dirosakkannya. Maka inilah jika boleh dengan bolehnya kita mintak tolong kepada sahabat kita menolong menyuruhkan sebuah kapal perang ke Pontianak menangkap si pencuri itu. Dan kita pun boleh pergi bersama-sama kapal perang itu menangkap si pencuri itu. Jika tiada sahabat kita segera menyuruhkan lekas-lekas kapal perang datang, pasti ada terlalu banyak susah segala orang-orang dagang yang masuk keluar berniaga di negeri Pontianak itu adanya. Maka telah sangatlah harap kita dengan amat besar pengharapan kepada sahabat kita Tuan Raffles Sekoyar [sic] akan menyuruhkan sebuah kapal perang datang ke Pontianak dengan segeranya karena [k-r-n] Pangeran Anom beserta Abdul Rashid itu ada sedia di laut Kuala Pontianak, merompak-rompak [m-r-m-p-k] dengan dua buah kapal kecil jua adanya. Maka suatu tiada alamat al-hayat daripada kita, hanyalah kita punya khormat [sic] beserta kita punya tabek diperbanyak-banyak kepada sahabat kita dan lagi kita kirim tabek banyak-banyak kepada sahabat kita punya bini dan anak-anak sahabat kita; boleh selamat beroleh umur panjang jua adanya. Diperbuat surat ini kepada enam belas haribulan Safar hari Thalotha12 [sic,Thalatha] pada tarikh 1226 Sanah. Dan lagi kita kirim tabek diperbanyak-banyak kepada sahabat kita Mister [m-s-t-y-r] Hare. Jika Master Hare suka menyuruhkan sebuah kapal datang berniaga ke Pontianak membawa dagangan beserta apiun 12 Th-l-w-th.

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baru barang tiga puluh peti nanti boleh lekas laku; kita boleh tolong dengan segeranya jua adanya.

PONTIANAK III Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio, 32.2 x 40.3 cm Letter of Sultan Syarif Kasim of Pontianak, with black seal, addressed to Raffles at Malacca Endorsement verso Malay letter in Raffles’ hand: ‘March 1810 [sic, 1811] - / Sultan of Pontiana’ Endorsement in Jawi script: ‘This letter is from the Sultan of Pontianak, on 6th [sic, 26th] day of the month of Safar’ Heading: ‘Qawluh u’l-Haqq wa Kalamuh u’l-Siddq’ . Verily this is His Highness Sultan Syarif Kasim, son of the deceased Sultan Syarif Abdul Rahman, son of the deceased al-Habib al-Husain al-Kadri, who sits on the throne of government in the country of Pontianak, making known in this epistle as a token of friendship with mutual love and affection with all seriousness of heart to be staunchly loyal forever to our friend Thomas Raffles Esquire who resides peacefully in the Settlement of Malacca. May it be beseeched [from God] for him good health, security and a long life with advantage that is equally good. Further to that, it is herewith made known by Sultan Syarif to our friend Thomas Raffles Esquire that we are giving news to you regarding the case of Pangeran Anom of Sambas together with Abdul Rashid of Mentok who ferociously attacked Mister Hare’s ship captained by Capt. Rozario who was killed in the Mentok Sea. They came out to Pontianak and with some Illanun plundered a Chinese junk that came from the country of China. Abdul Rashid has many a time brought distress to the traders who come in and out of Pontianak; and Mempawah was destroyed by him. And thus if it is possible we request help from our friend to send a ship-of-war to Pontianak to apprehend the thieves. If you do not expedite command for the warboat to come speedily we are sure there will be much hardship for every merchant who comes in and out to conduct commerce in Pontianak. It is with much expectation that we hope our friend Thomas Raffles Esquire will instruct a ship-of-war to come to Pontianak with speed as Pangeran Anom together with Abdul Rashid now lie waiting in the 295

waters of Kuala Pontianak13 to carry out piracy raids with two small vessels. Further, in our view, it is now quite clear that the Raja of Sambas is conspiring with all evil men, robbers, and pirates, for in the country of Sambas there is already a gathering of all the pirates, evil men and robbers. You may, however, check with Captain Smith, who has just arrived form the country of Sambas. According to him, he went to Sambas on his own. There is nothing for a token of life except our humble respects and profuse salutations to our friend Thomas Raffles Esquire. We also send our salute and respect to your wife and children. We beseech for all of you peace and a long life. Letter is written on the twenty-sixth of Safar after the Friday prayers, 1226 Hegira [= 22 March 1811]. And further, we have sent two orang utans to our friend Mr. Thomas Raffles Esquire, through Captain Smith. Please accept them.

Pontianak 3 Warkah Sultan Syarif Kasim kepada Raffles, satu lembar, 32.2 x 40.3 sm Bahawa ini Paduka Seri Sultan Syarif Kasim ibn al-marhum Sultan Syarif ‘Abdul Rahman ibn al-marhum al-Habib al-Husain al-Kadri yang bertahta [sic] kerajaan dalam negeri Pontianak menyatakan dalam secarik warkah ini tanda sahabat bersahabat berkasih-kasihan serta dengan sungguh hati bersetiawan dari selama-lamanya kepada sahabat kita Tuan Thomas Raffles Sekoyar [s-k-w-y-r] yang ada beristirahat alkhair di dalam negeri Melaka. Maka barang dipohonkan atasnya sihat dan afiat serta beroleh selamat umur panjang dengan untung yang baik jua adanya. Waba’adah kemudian dari itu dipermaklumkan oleh Sultan Syarif kepada sahabat kita Tuan Thomas Raffles Sekoyar [sic] maka adalah kita memberi khabar kepada sahabat kita akan hal Pangeran Anom Sambas beserta Abdul Rasyid Mentok yang mengamuk kapal Mister [m-s-t-y-r] Hare [h-y-r] Melaka, kapitannya Kapitan Rosar [sic, 13 The mouth of the Pontianak River.

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Rozario] yang sudah mati di laut Mentok itu datang ke Kuala Pontianak merampok bersama-sama ilanun [i-y-l-a-n-w-n] mengambil sebuah wangkang Cina, datang dari negeri Cina. Dan ia telah banyak merosakkan orang-orang dagang yang keluar masuk berniaga ke Pontianak dan Mempawah; dirosakkannya, maka inilah jika boleh dengan bolehnya kita mintak tolong kepada sahabat kita menolong menyuruhkan sebuah kapal perang ke Pontianak menangkap si pencuri itu. Dan kita pun boleh pergi bersama-sama kapal perang itu menangkap si pencuri itu. Jika tiada sahabat kita segera menyuruhkan lekas-lekas kapal perang datang, pasti ada terlalu banyak susah segala orang-orang dagang yang masuk keluar berniaga di negeri Pontianak itu adanya. Maka telah sangatlah harap kita dengan amat besar pengharapan kepada sahabat kita Tuan Thomas Raffles Sekoyar akan menyuruhkan sebuah kapal perang datang ke Pontianak dengan segeranya, karena [k-r-n-a] Pangeran Anom beserta Abdul Rasyid itu ada sedia di laut Kuala Pontianak merompak-rompak dengan dua buah kapal kecil jua adanya. Dan lagi kepada penglihatan kita telah nyatalah Raja Sambas itu mufakad [sic] dengan segala orang-orang jahat dan perompakperompak dan ilanun-ilanun karena [sic] di dalam negeri Sambas ada berhimpun semuanya, segala ilanun-ilanun dan orang-orang jahat-jahat [sic] perompak-perompak; melainkan sahabat kita periksalah kepada Kapitan Smid [sic, Smith]14 ini. Ia baharu datang dari negeri Sambas dan maklum Kapitan Smid itu masuk ke negeri Sambas sendiri jua adanya. Maka suatupun tiada alamat al-hayat, hanyalah kita punya khormat [sic] beserta kita punya tabek diperbanyak-banyak kepada sahabat kita Tuan Thomas Raffles Sekoyar [sic]; dan lagi kita kirim tabek beserta khormat [sic] kepada sahabat kita punya bini dan anakanak semua. Mintak beroleh selamat, umur panjang jua adanya. Diperbuat surat ini kepada dua puluh enam haribulan Safar, Yaum alJuma’at 1226 Sanah, tarikh. Dan lagi kita ada kirim dua ekor orang utan di dalam tangan Kapitan Smid ini kepada sahabat kita Tuan Thomas Raffles Sekoyar [sic]; boleh terima jua adanya. 14 Captain of The Tay.

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XIII. THE SAMBAS LETTER SAMBAS1 Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio, 31.8 x 40.2 cm Letter of Sultan Muhammad Tajuddin ibn al-marhum Sultan Umar Akamuddin of Sambas with black seal bearing inscription: ‘Al Wattaqabillah/Paduka Sri Sultan / Abu Bakar Tajuddin bin Al marhum Sultan Umar / Akamuddin Dzillu’llahi fi al ‘Alam’, addressed to Raffles at Malacca Top centre of letter in Arabic: ‘Qawluh u’l-Haqq’ Endorsement verso Malay letter in Raffles’ hand [?]: ‘February 1811 / Sultan Sambas / Done’ And so this is a letter of sincerity and straightforwardness, along with varied gifts, that emerges from the heart that is transparent and of limpid purity, from His Highness Sultan Muhammad Tajuddin2 son of the deceased Sultan ‘Umar Akamuddin who reigns in the country of Sambas together with the Pangeran Bendahara. May it by the grace of God Almighty be delivered to my friend Mr. Thomas Raffles who is presently invested with greatness and holds the reign of government in 1 The state of Sambas came into being following the collapse of the Majapahit empire circa 1527. The first formal contact the state had with the Dutch East India Company was in 1609 when it supposedly signed a treaty. The Sambas kerajaan was about 40 miles from the sea, situated on one of the narrow branches of the Landak River. In the early 19th century, Sambas was rich in gold dust although the country was noted for piracy. 2 Sultan Muhammad Tajuddin, born in 1756, was Raden Mantri before he ascended the throne in 1790. He was also known as Abu Bakar Tajuddin, nicknamed al-Marhum Janggut (the bearded deceased). During his reign Sambas was forced into treaty relations in 1813 after naval guns of the English East India Company bombarded and destroyed his capital in 1812 to admonish Muhammad Tajuddin for harbouring pirates. He was succeeded upon his death on 14 September 1814 by Tuanku Muhammad ‘Ali Shafiuddin 1 (al-Marhum Anom), formerly the notorious pirate Pangeran Anom. See ‘Sambas’ (brief history), and ‘Sambas’ (geneology) in http.//www.4dw.net/royalark/Indonesia/sambas4htm. See also D. Macdonald, Captain Macdonald’s Narrative of his Early Life and Services, 3rd edn, Thomas Willey, Cheltenham, 1840, p. 193.

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the settlement of Malacca. He is one with a gentle character, and is wise as well as disposed to love, affection and friendship for all friends and acquaintances near and far to the extent of being famous in all the Malay countries. Following that, be it known to my friend that the letter conveyed by Syeikh Ali, who is Arab-born, has reached me safely at an opportune moment. My friend did mention about the intention to promote relations between every raja of the Malay countries and I am profusely grateful for that. My friend also mentioned about the vessel3 of Mr. Hare of Malacca and its captain, Captain Ros [sic, Rozario], that had gone to trade in Muntok but was captured by Incek Abang Abdul Rashib [sic, Rashid] in Mentok itself. That is very correct as stated by my friend. However, what we heard from Abdul Rashib [sic, Rashid] was that he committed the act together with the Temenggung in Mentok and the loot had been equally shared with the Temenggung in Mentok. Further to that, my friend has accused me of assembling robbers and wicked men. What you say is true because I am a poor man and desirous of many things. But I did not induce Abdul Rashib [sic, Rashid], and I never looked for him. Nevertheless, I leave it to you to ponder. Following that, my friend requested that I apprehend Abdul Rashib [sic, Rashid] and retain his booty. This, too, we all are not willing to do due to the fact that he is a Muntok resident and an accomplice of the Temenggung at Mentok. He now wants to return to Muntok and, furthermore, he is family to the Chief at Mentok. Still, it is for my friend to think it over. There is nothing I can send as a gift of life except to extend my salutations in profusion. Letter is written on the eighth of Muharram, after the Friday prayers, Hegira of the Prophet Year of 1226 [2 February 1811 CE].

3 The ship was returning from Banjarmasin when it was attacked by Pangeran Anom, who was the ringleader of the pirates. Macdonald, Captain Macdonald’s Narrative, p. 203.

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Sambas Warkah Sultan Muhammad Tajuddin ibni al-Marhum Sultan Umar Akamuddin kepada Raffles, satu lembar, 31.8 x 40.2 sm Fa hazihi4 warkat al ikhlas wa tuhfat al-ajnas yang terbit daripada fu’ad yang hening lagi jernih iaitu daripada Paduka Sultan Muhammad Tajuddin ibni al-marhum Sultan ‘Umar Akamuddin yang istiqam di atas tahta kerajaan di dalam negeri Sambas beserta Pangeran Bendahara. Barang disampaikan Allah subhanahu wa ta’ala jua kiranya ke hadapan sahabat kita Tuan Rofles [r-w-f-l-y-s] yang pada masa ini mempunyai kebesaran serta memegang perintah di dalam negeri Melaka. Ialah yang melakukan perangai yang lemah lembut; dan lagi arif bijaksananya serta suka kasih-berkasihan dan sahabat-bersahabat daripada handai taulannya antara jauh dan dekat, hingga masyhurlah daripada sekalian negeri Melayua [sic, m-l-a-y-w-a]. Waba’adah daripada itu barang mafhumlah kiranya sahabat kita akan hal surat yang dibawak Syeikh Ali peranakan Arab telah sampailah dengan selamatnya kepada ketika yang baik. Maka adalah sahabat kita mengatakan hendak membaiki antara segala raja-raja negeri Melayua [sic] thelah [sic] diterima kasih yang diperbanyak-banyak yang demikian adanya. Serta sahabat kita mengatakan kapal Masteri [sic] Hare Melaka dan kapitannya, Kapitan Rosa [sic, r-w-s, Rozario] pergi berniaga di Muntok ditangkap oleh Incek Abang Abdul Rasyib [sic, Rasyid] di Mentok itu telkah sebenar-benarnya seperti sahabat kita berkata demikian itu. Tetapi kita dengar daripada Abdul Rasyib [sic] dia kerja itu beserta Temenggung di Mentok. Dan harta itu dibahagi dua dengan Temenggung di Mento [sic]. Syahadan sebahagai [sic] lagi maka adalah sahabat kita mengatakan sepatutnya kita mengimpunkan [sic] perompak serta orang jahat. Telah sebenarnyalah kata sahabat kita itu; karma [k-a-r-n-a] kita ada miskin; ada banyak kurang; akan tetapi Abdul Rasyib [sic] itu tiada kita panggil dan tiada kita cari. Itupun lebih-lebih sahabat kita punya fikir. Kemudian daripada itu sahabat kita mintak tangkapkan Abdul Rasyib [sic] serta hartanya. Itupun kita orang tiada sanggup karna [ka-r-n] dia ada orang Mentok serta seperbuatan dengan Temenggung di Mentok. Sekarang dia itu mau kembali ke Mentok; dan lagi bersaudara dengan orang besyar [sic] di Mentok; melainkan lebih-lebih 4 Malay: Maka dengan ini. And so with this.

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sahabat kita punya fikir. Suatupun tiada burhan al-hayat; hanya tabek diperbanyak-banyak jua adanya. Intahi [sic, intaha] al-kalam. Termaktub surat ini kepada dualapan haribulan al-Muharram kepada ba’ada al-solat al-juma’at5 kepada hijrat al-nabuwah 1226 Sanah.

5 After the Friday congregational prayers.

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XIV. THE BANJARMASIN LETTER BANJARMASIN Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio [folded], 19.3 x 22.8 cm1 Letter of Kiyai Tanu Kersa and Ara Sandung, vakeels of Sultan Sulaiman of Banjarmasin, without seal, addressed to Raffles Endorsement verso in Raffles’ hand: ‘Letter from – Tannu Kersa & / Arsa Andung [sic]. Vakeels / to the Sultan of Banjar Massin - / Recd. 9th Decem. 1810. / Informed the Vakeels that I should refer the subject / to the Governor General / & in the mean time / would forward by them a letter to the / Sultan. / N.1’ Endorsement verso in Jawi: ‘Ini surat daripada Tanu Kersa dan Ara Sandung wakil Raja Banjarmasin.’ Without heading of letter Verily this letter is presented to the audience of His Excellency who is the representative of the Tuan Raja of Bengal. And so Kiyai Tanu Kersa [Garasa?],2 together with Ara [a-r] Sandung,3 has been commanded by Tuan Sultan Sulaiman who is presently the raja in the country of Banjarmasin4 to take passage on the perahu of a Bugis man that sailed to Malacca and Pulau Pinang. 1 An exact copy of this letter was made probably by the scribe Ibrahim, on Raffles’ instruction. Endorsement verso in Raffles’ hand: ‘Copy letter from the / vakeels of the / Sultan of Banjar / massin –’ Also in Raffles’ hand: ‘Ibrahim the Son of Candu is stupid [?] & to be throttled [sic] that his mistake must / account for this / without after [?] / TR-’ 2 K-r-s-a. Rendered by John Leyden as Gerasa. 3 A-r-a-s-a-n-d-ng. 4 In the early period the kingdom of Banjarmasin, located on the southeastern coast of Borneo, is said to have extended over the whole southeastern portion of Borneo. Tradition assigns the foundation of the kingdom to a personage called Ampujatmika, the son of a merchant of the coast of Coromandel called Mangkubumi. The people embraced Islam in the late 15th century, after having been converted by the Islamic state of Demak in Java. The Dutch had visited Borneo and traded with Banjarmasin as early as 1606, but their first political

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The Sultan has been extremely unhappy for three years ever since the white Hollanders left the country of Banjar. Further, the Tuan Sultan has heard that in every country where the English have entered to trade the country becomes populous. Thus if the English Company were to depute men who can reside in Banjar, the two fortresses that the Sultan purchased from the Dutch Company may become the residence of the English Company’s men so as to make the country populous. Following that, regarding the two men, since they arrived at Malacca and Pulau Pinang, they have not been able to have any deliberations, for at the moment the dignitary is in Malacca. This is why I am submitting this letter. And pertaining to the trade in exports from the country of Banjar: first, there are diamonds; second, gold; third, the nests of the white and black birds; fourth, aloes wood [gaharu]; fifth, dragon’s blood5 (red resin); sixth, the sega rattan;6 seventh, baskets; eighth, wax; ninth, black and white pepper; tenth, rice; eleventh, rattan mats and twelfth, deer meat. Such is the command borne by these two who are the plenipotentiaries of the Sultan. If the English Company is not inclined to stay in Banjar the Company can still induce the English traders to conduct their trade in the country of Banjarmasin.

relations with the kingdom only took place in 1664 by a contract for the monopoly of pepper. The English first came into closer contact with the state in 1698 when a fort was built and a factory established in the territory of Banjarmasin, but without any particular success. Their factory was plundered and the garrison of the fort massacred in 1707. The Dutch made various treaties with the princes of Banjarmasin. In 1756, they aided a prince in quelling a revolt and as a reward they were given complete monopoly of the pepper trade. In 1785, the country was invaded by 300 natives of Celebes. These were expelled by the Dutch, who dethroned the Sultan and put his younger brother on the throne; in return, he ceded his entire dominions and consented to hold them as vassals in 1787. In 1809, the Dutch finally abandoned their connection with Banjarmas in when Governor-General Daendels withdrew the factory because, at that time, he wanted to give his full attention to the defence of Java. This left room for Alexander Hare to insinuate himself in Banjarmasin affairs, and it was because of his close trading connections with the sultanate, long before the invasion of Java, that led to his appointment by Raffles as British official Resident there. 5 A red resin found on certain rattan and used as a dye. 6 Rotan sega is the fine smooth-surfaced rattan of commerce.

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Written in the country of Malacca on the ninth of Dzulkaedah, on Sunday, 1225 Hegira in the year of 2 Jim [second Jim] [6 December7 1810 CE]. Finis.

Banjarmasin Warkah Kiyai Kersa [Gerasa] dan Ara Sandung, Wakil Sultan Sulaiman Banjarmasin kepada Raffles, satu lembar, 21 x 26.1 sm Bahawa adalah ini surat dipersembahkan ke bawah Duli Paduka yang jadi ganti tubuh Tuan Raja Benggala. Maka adalah Kiyayi Tanu Kersa [Gerasa?] berdua dengan Ara Sandung dititahkan oleh Tuan Sultan Sulaiman yang ada sekarang ini jadi raja di dalam negeri Banjarmasin, menunmpang perahu orang Bugis berlayar ke Melaka dan Pulau Pinang. Darihal Sultan terlalu banyak susah hati di dalam ini tiga tahun. Selama orang putih Wolanda sudah keluar di negeri Banjar. Syahadan Tuan Sultan dengar pada tiap-tiap negeri mana-mana orang Inggeris masuk berniaga jadi ramai itu negeri; melainkan itu juga jikalau ada Kompeni Inggeris suka menyuruhkan orang yang boleh tinggal di Banjar. Melainkan itu kota yang dua buah yang sudah Tuan Sultan beli daripada Kompeni Wolanda boleh jadi tempat orang Kompeni Inggeris tinggal, supaya boleh meramaikan negeri. Syahadan yang dua orang itu setelah sampai di Melaka dan Pulau Pinang belum ada mendapat suatu bicara. Maka ketika ini Orang Besar ada di Melaka. Itu juga sahaya persembahkan ini surat. Dan fasal perniagaan yang keluar di negeri Banjar pertama-tama intan; dan kedua emas; ketiga sarang burung putih dan hitam; keempat kayu gaharu; dan kelima jernang; keenam rotan sega; ketujuh kopai;8 dan kedelapan lilin; kesembilan lada hitam dan putih; kesepuluh beras; dan kesebelas tikar rotan; kedua belas daging rusa. Demikianlah titah yang dijunjungkan atas yang berdua ini; akan jadi wakil mutlak Tuan Sultan. Dan jikalau Kompeni Inggeris tiada suka tinggal di Banjar, melainkan Kompeni Inggeris boleh suruhkan saudagar-saudagar orang Inggeris masuk berniaga di dalam negeri Banjarmasin. Tersurat di dalam negeri Melaka pada sembilan haribulan Dzulkaedah, hari Ahad, 1225 Sanah, tahun 2 Jim. Tamat. 7 According to Leyden it is 5 November. 8 Basket.

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PART V LETTERS FROM JAVA

XV. THE BANTEN LETTERS

A

s a region, Banten was already recognized in the 14th century as a sovereign state and a well-known port city when it was conquered by Majapahit. Around 1524–1525 the armies of Sunan Gunung Jati from the Cirebon Sultanate together with the Sultanate of Demak invaded the Sunda kingdom of Banten and established the Sultanate of Banten. The period also saw merchants from the Islamic regions, especially Demak, going to Banten to spread the teachings of Islam while conducting trade. The first Sultan of Banten was Maulana Hasanudin, who ruled Banten between 1552 and 1570. From that time Banten was to become strategically important as a trading harbour. As a powerful Islamic sultanate it commanded control of the western end of Java. Because of this, both the Portuguese and Dutch fought for control of the sultanate. The English, who established a permanent trading post in 1603, also felt that Banten was strategically important, but they failed in competing for trade with the Dutch. They were ousted when Banten was forced to sign a treaty in 1684 that gave secure footing to the Vereenigde Oost Indische Compagnie (VOC) following Dutch military intervention in a power struggle between Sultan Abdul Fatah of Banten and his son, Sultan Haji, whom the Dutch helped. In the 17th–19th centuries the Sultanate of Banten became more exposed to foreign traders, from Denmark, England and Holland. Despite competition from other foreign powers, the VOC succeeded in imposing its monopoly over Banten’s lucrative pepper trade in the 17th and 18th centuries. The beginning of the 19th century saw the Netherlands being occupied by Napoleonic France. But French hegemony of the Dutch East Indies did not gain the approval of all the Dutch until the arrival of Herman Willem Daendels in Batavia in January 1808 to take up his post 305

as Governor-General of the Indies. Marshal Daendels undertook to continue the forced labour policy that had already been put into practice by the VOC in the 18th century. In 1808, Daendels undertook the building of a naval station at Marak Bay, resulting in the death of 1,000 or more Bantenese workers from malarial fever and other maladies. The impending failure of the project angered Daendels, who accused the prime minister of the sultanate of sabotaging it. When Daendels ordered that a second batch of corvees be sent to Marak Bay the Sultan of Banten refused to do so and, to make matters worse, the commander, Philip Pieter du Puy, whom the Marshal sent to the Banten court to forward his demands, was murdered by Bantenese courtiers. Furious at the intransigence of the Sultan, who had ignored his demands, Daendels personally led an army to launch a punitive attack on Banten on 27 November 1808 which led to the sultanate being annexed by the government under Marshal Daendels. Consequent to that, the Bantenese raja, Sultan Muhammad Ishak Zainal Mutakin (r. 1804/1805–1808) was apprehended and exiled to Ambon.1 His prime minister, the mangkubumi, was also executed. The Dutch then appointed Pangeran Ratu Aliuddin, with the title of Sultan Abdul Mufakir III Muhammad Aliuddin II (1808–1809), to succeed as the new Sultan of Banten. Powerless as he was, his short rule witnessed the culmination of anger and hatred of the Bantenese towards the Dutch government. His rule was short-lived because Daendels, who suspected that Aliuddin was the root cause of unrest, decided to topple him in 1809 and exiled him to Batavia. Banten was further weakened when it was then divided into three divisions: Upper Banten, Lower Banten and Anyer. During this restless period of the sultanate the two Banten princes, Panembahan Anom and Pangeran Ahmad,2 might have been approached in early 1811 by Raffles’ agents, and their help sought in the English undertaking to invade Java.3 In the following Banten letters it is clear 1 Walter Hamilton, The East-India Gazetteer, 2nd edn, Wm. H. Allen & Co., London, 1828, Vol. I, p. 135. 2 Raffles seemed to think that both Panembahan Anom and Pangeran Ahmad were relations of the deceased Sultan of Banten. See Lady Sophia Raffles, Memoir of the Life and Public Services of Sir Thomas Stamford, Oxford University Press, Singapore, 1991, p. 33. 3 Pangeran Ahmad also promised Raffles about 1,000 men to execute the onslaught on the Dutch. See the note made on the folio of Banten 1.

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that Pangeran Ahmad had also wanted to procure the help of the English in pursuing his own interests to fight the Dutch at Marak Bay and against the puppet ruler, Sultan Ratu Muhammad Saifuddin (1810–1813) at Anyer, the new capital set up by Daendels. Raffles himself appears to have encouraged Pangeran Ahmad to revolt against Dutch authority in the highlands of Upper Banten. His agents had also supported Ahmad to rise against the puppet Sultan Muhammad Saifuddin. Pangeran Ahmad [a-h-m-d, not Achmat], according to a recent book, was in effect a commoner by birth.4 He had emerged as an influential ‘bandit leader’ during the unstable conditions in Banten at the time of Marshal Daendels’ administration. He joined a “bandit by the name of Mas Moreman, alias Pangeran Raja Kanoman” around 18025 and took up issues that disaffected the peasantry to create a popular rebellion. Nevertheless, Pangeran Ahmad fell into disfavour after Raffles had become Lieutenant-Governor of Java because the Lieutenant-Governor was made to believe that Pangeran Ahmad the rebel was not worthy of any support; instead, he gave his recognition to Sultan Muhammad Saifuddin, against whom Pangeran Ahmad had led the revolt. Pangeran Ahmad was subsequently arrested in 1812 and banished to Banda.6 But Muhammad Saifuddin, on realizing that many of his Banten subjects regarded him as illegal and a failure in quelling the unrest in his kerajaan, decided to surrender his powers to Batavia in exchange for an annuity of 10,000 rix dollars and the right to keep his title of Sultan.7

4

It is difficult to imagine that the Pangeran was just a ‘commoner’. Even Pangeran Anom, his partner in rebellion, was also titled penembahan (ruler or sovereign). Atsushi Ota’s contention that Ahmad was a mere bandit certainly needs to be queried. See Atsushi Ota, Changes of Regime and Social Dynamics in West Java: Society, State and the Outer World of Banten, 1750–1830, Brill, Leiden, 2006, pp. 143–145. 5 Ibid., p. 145. 6 See D. G. E. Hall, A History of Southeast Asia, 3rd edn, Macmillan, London, 1968, p. 481. See also Raffles, Memoir, p. 33. Cf. E. S. De Klerck, History of the Netherlands East Indies, W. L & J. Brusse N.V., Rotterdam, 1938, Vol. 2, p. 44. 7 Hall, A History of Southeast Asia, p. 481; see also Klerck, History of the Netherlands East Indies, Vol. 2, p. 44.

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BANTEN I Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio, 32.5 x 20 cm Letter of Pangeran Anom and Pangeran Ahmad of Banten with red-wax seal, addressed to the English chiefs (commanders) Endorsement on the top left-hand corner of cover of letter: ‘No. 1- From Pangeran / Achmat of Bantam - / Recd. 21 April 1811-’8 Centre of cover, in Jawi: Alamat surat datang kapada [k-a-p-d-a] RajaRaja Ingeris [sic] Note in English: No.1 / From Pangeran Achmet / of Sapar comes [?] three days journey upon Bantam River / promises one thousand men / on demand / Received 21 April 1811 off / Po [pulo] PanjangTop right-hand corner of folio: ‘Qawluh u’l-Haqq’ Peace and blessings of God and His benediction be unto you. With great respect and reverential obeisance to you, your wife and members of your house [family], that is from me, Penembahan9 [sic] Anom and Pangeran Ahmad,10 comes to the English chiefs. May God grant them peace in the two abodes and blessings of the Prophet, Chief of all Messengers. Amen; then, Amen. Well, and then O English chiefs, I request assistance from the English chiefs to batter Pulau Merak11 and to bombard Anyer.12 I request help from the English chiefs to shoot Pulau Merak and Anyer because I cannot go to Pulau Merak and Anyer on account of the war and they are skilful in thwarting us and also I do not possess big guns, being a poor man.

8 The letter was written in the month of Rabi’ul-awal, 1226, not very long before Daendels was succeeded by Jan Willem Janssens as Governor-General. 9 P-n-m-b-h-n; it can also be pronounced Panembahan. 10 In this letter it appears that he was an ally of Raffles. 11 A small island on the northwest coast of Banten that lies between Banten and the Anyer Point. Raffles referred to it as ‘Marak Bay’. Daendels had a fortress built on Pulau Merak, but as can be noticed from Pangeran Ahmad’s letter it was later destroyed by the British fleet before it was even completed. D. M. Campbell, Java: Past and Present, William Heinemann, London, 1915, Vol. 1, p. 274. See also Raffles, Memoir, p. 36. 12 Anyer was one of the three divisions of Banten created by Daendels, the two others being Banten Hulu [Upper Banten] and Banten Hilir [Lower Banten]. See Nina H. Lubis, Banten dalam Pergumulan Sejarah, LP3ES, Jakarta, 2004, pp. 92–94.

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I request assistance from the English chiefs that if they were to bombard Pulau Merak and Anyer I shall beleaguer them from upstream, whether during daytime or at night. I am presently looking for my companions. Let every English chief not neglect to batter Pulau Merak. And once the pass is assured of I am ready to blockade this passage first. Further, from whichever direction the sound comes when the English chiefs’ guns bombard Pulau Merak, I shall definitely march. Likewise, if the English chiefs were to attack Anyer I would, without fail, make my move. For the outset, I only entreat assistance from all the English chiefs. The same is sought after by my friends. God knoweth best. (Undated)

Banten13 1 Warkah Panembahan Anom dan Pangeran Ahmad kepada Raffles, satu lembar, 32.5 x 20 sm Assalamualaikum warahmatullahi wabarakatuh. Ma’ta’adib wata’zim wa takrim ‘alai ahlikum wa’alai ahli baitakim.14 Iaitu daripada saha[ya] [sic] Penembahan [sic] Anom dan lagi Pangeran Ahmad, datang kapada raja-raja Ingeris [sic] Sallamahum Allah Ta’ala fid dar ‘ain15 dan berkat Nabi sayid il mursalin;16 amin thumma amin.17 Waba’adah raja-raja Inggeris, saya minta tolong kapada [sic] raja-raja Ingeris [sic] menembak Pulau Merak dan lagi menembak Anyer. Mulanya saya minta tolong kapada [sic] raja-raja Ingeris menembak Pulau Merak dan lagi Anyer. Saya tida [sic] boleh dapat ka [k-a] Pulau Merak dengan Anyer sebab perang dia pandai 13 Raffles’ note on the letter: “From Capt. Owen, with a note from the Sultans of Bantam – 23 May 1811. No.1 from Pangeran Achmat of Bantam. Recd. 21 April 1811” 14 Peace and blessings of God and His benediction. With great respect and reverential obeisance for you, your wife and members of your house. 15 May God grant them peace in the two abodes (the present world and the hereafter). 16 Blessing of the Prophet, Chief of all Messengers. 17 Amen; then, Amen.

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galang. Dan lagi saya tara punya senapan yang besar; orang miskin. Mulanya saya minta tolong kapada [sic] raja-raja Ingeris [sic] kalau raja-raja Ingeris [sic] menembak Pulau Merak dan lagi Anyer, saya yang mengepung di atas; kapan harinya kapan malamnya saya mengepung di atas. Saya sekarang ini cari teman-teman saya. Jangan tida semuanya raja-raja Ingeris [sic] menembak Pulau Merak. Dan lagi suda[h] tanggung pas, ini jalan daulu [sic]. Saya kalau mendengar senapan raja-raja Ingeris [sic] bejalan [sic], saya bejalan [sic] lagi, dari mana suaranya saja. Kalau raja-raja Ingeris [sic] menembak Pulau Merak pasti saya bejalan [sic]. Kalau raja-raja Ingeris [sic] menembak Anyer pasti saya bejalan [sic]. Mulanya saya minta tolong daulu kapada [sic] raja-raja Ingeris [sic] semuanya. Sebegitu yang diminta dengan saya teman-teman. Wallahu‘alam.

BANTEN II Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio, 20.2 x 16.1 cm Letter of Panembahan Anom and Pangeran Ahmad of Banten, with red-wax seal, addressed to the English chiefs [commanders] Heading at the right-hand corner of letter, on the left side of seal: Qauluh u’l-Haqq / Sanat Hijrat al-Nabi S[allallahu ‘alai wassallam]18 1215 [sic] Jim akhir Peace and blessings of God and His benediction and glorification; unto whom we present with respects and salutations and extolations and help of the religion; and now then. This is the presage of the letter from Penembahan [sic] Anom and Pangeran Ahmad coming to the English Chiefs. Penembahan [sic] Anom and Pangeran Ahmad are presently soliciting assistance from all the English chiefs to request for the bombardment of Pulau Merak, Caringin19 and Anyer. We plead for assistance because presently we have had no repose. If it is possible please do not neglect to attack. If it was true that that you 18 Below the heading, Qawluh u’l-Haqq, the hegira year of the prophet—1215—is given. The Arabic letter Sad represents the salutation to the Prophet, “prayers and peace be upon him”. 19 Caringin (pronounced tj-a-ringin) was both a district and an afdeeling in the residency of Banten during the later Dutch period.

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wished to assist the religion of God, the religion of the Prophet, and the religion of Islam we would at all times pray for mercy and compassion to help us in the bombardment within a day or two. We have already given permission to attack, be it during the day or night; we shall beleaguer from above. Upon hearing the sound of the cannon we will definitely advance with speed and if there is any village that refuses to follow our steps then they follow the [English] company. God knoweth all. [Date: only the Jim year of 1215 [sic, 1226] is given]

Banten 2 Warkah Panembahan Anom dan Pangeran Ahmad kepada Orang Besar-Besar Inggeris, satu lembar, 20.2 x 16.1 sm Assalamu’alaikum warahmatullahi wabarakatuh. Ma’man hadhir ‘alaikum ma’ ta’dib, wata’azim watakrim, watahmid, watakbirah, wa nasrat din. Amma ba’du. Ini alamat surat dari Penembahan [sic] Anom dan Pangeran Ahmad datang kapada [sic] raja-raja Ingeris [sic]. Penembahan [sic] Anom dan Pangeran Ahmad itu sekarang ini minta tolong kapada raja-raja Ingeris [sic] semuanya; minta tolong menembak Pulau Merak dan Cari’in [sic, Caringin] dan Anyer. Mulanya kita minta tolong, sekarang ini kita tera20 [tidak] boleh duduk. Sekarang itu kalau boleh dan boleh, jangan tida menembak. Kalau betul-betul tolong agama Allah dan agama rasul dan agama Islam, sepanjang-panjangnya kita minta rahmat tolong menembak sehari dua hari ini. Kita sudah izin menembak kapan harinya, kapan malamnya; kita mengepung di atas. Kalau menengar [sic] senapan besar pasti dapat kita mengikut; lekaslekas bejalanlah [sic]. Dan lagi kalau ada kampung yang tera [tidak] mengikut cepelok21kami ini, itu yang menurut Kompeni. Wallahualam.

20 From ‘terada’ meaning tiada, which is ‘not’ or ‘no’. See Kamus Belanda, Belanda-Indonesia dan Indonesia-Belanda, arranged by A. L. N. Kramer Sr., 5th edn., improved by Ir. Sdjito Danusaputro, G.B. van Goor Zonen’s Uitgeverijmaatschappij N.V., The Hague, 1966, p. 567. 21 Follow example or take warning from.

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XVI. THE CIREBON LETTERS CIREBON1 I Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio, 30 x 24 cm Letter of Kangjeng Sultan Kesepuan2 and Kangjeng Sultan Anom of Cirebon, without seal; addressed to Raffles at Malacca3 Endorsement verso Malay letter in Raffles’ hand: ‘May 1811- / Sultan of Cheribon’4 1 The sultanate of Cirebon rose to prominence in the 15th century after Islam was established during the reign of Pangeran Cakrabuana and especially after the famous Sunan Gunung Jati became its ruler (1489–1568). In 1677, the sultanate of Cirebon was partitioned into three when the three princes of Panembahan Girilaya were installed: Sultan Sepuh, Sultan Anom and Panembahan Cirebon. Both Sultan Sepuh and Sultan Anom (but not Panembahan Wangsakerta) inherited power of the sultanate. Their descendants were to inherit the Sultanate of Kesepuhan and the Sultanate of Keanoman respectively. However, by 1807 the kerajaan of Cirebon was split further into four following the action of Sultan Anom IV’s son, Pangeran Raja Kanoman, to secede from the kerajaan and establish his own sultanate called Kacirebonan. The move by Pangeran Raja Kanoman received the support of the Dutch. 2 Sultan Sepuh. 3 This letter and the following letter (Cirebon 2) were wrongly identified by Abdullah as from the Susuhunan of Mataram. Abdullah, in describing the conduct of Tengku Panglima Besar [i.e. Tunku Pangeran], alleged that Tunku Pangeran of Siak did not really go to Java to meet the ruler of Mataram [sic, Cirebon] and that the letter from Java was forged. See also the letter in Javanese. See Munsyi Abdullah bin Abdul Kadir, The Hikayat Abdullah, Oxford University Press, Kuala Lumpur, 1970, pp. 95–101. 4 In 1811, Cirebon was ruled jointly by Sultan Sepuh and Sultan Anom. By the time the English occupied Cirebon in September 1811 the state was exporting rice, sugar, coffee, pepper, cotton yarn, and edible birds’ nests. In 1813, when Raffles drew up an agreement with the Sultan of Cirebon whereby the Sultan was to hand over the internal administration of the country to the British government; there were two names attached: Sultan Sepuh by the name of Muhammad Syamsuddin, and Sultan Anom by the name of Muhammad Kamaruddin. According to Campbell “when the English arrived there were four Arab-Javanese who called themselves ‘sultan’”. See D. M. Campbell, Java: Past and Present, William Heinemann, London, 1915, Vol. 1, p. 482.

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This is a letter of sincerity that emanates from a whiteness of heart, from me Kangjeng5 Sultan Kesepuan6 and from Kangjeng Sultan Anom7 who reign in the country of Cirebon,8 coming in the presence of Mister Raffles Esquire who is agent to the Governor-General of Bengal, vested with power to rule the windward and leeward9 countries and who resides in the settlement of Malacca, granted by God with a long life [and who is] the source of dependence in this world. Following that, Tuan Mister Raffles Esquire has deputed a vakeel named Tengku Pangeran Sakam Dilaga, bearing an official document and an order for my uncle Pangeran Aria Kidul, my elder brother Pangeran Raja Kerta Ningrat, my younger brother Pangeran Aria Sumpat Raja as well as for Raden Sudira Brata, Temenggung Mangku Negara and the imam and kadi. That is what I have received. I have understood everything that has been mentioned in the letter as well as the order of the English Company’s dignitary. So I am waiting anxiously for assistance from the English Company and also the rest of what is mentioned in the letter. I also ask for speedy help for I have no more strength to withstand the discomfort of Dutch rule in the land of Java. And concerning the six men, I turned them over to Tengku Pangeran because I do not wish to keep them in custody for fear of the Dutch. When I met Tengku Pangeran I was unable to bring my seal because it is kept in the country hamlet of Singa Raja where an order has been issued to guard against the enemies because the Dutch have already come to know that the English will be arriving. That is why both of us 5 A princely title meaning “he who is honoured”. 6 Or ‘kesepuhan’, referring to the elders who are also included in the royal family. The Sultan Sepuh in this period was Muhammad Syamsuddin. See Campbell, Java, Vol. 1, p. 483. 7 Sultan Anom was Muhammad Kamaruddin. Ibid. 8 Cirebon was the first place of importance to the east of Batavia. A small fort built of brick was erected by the Dutch at Cirebon, but it was said to have one company of a garrison regiment placed in it. MSS. EUR. F 148/4, p. 25. 9 Lands ‘above the wind’ and ‘below the wind’—terms that came into use among traders who used the southwest monsoon for travel; leading these old navigators to divide southern Asia into lands above the wind (those that lay to the windward) and lands below the wind (i.e. those that lay to the leeward). The latter refer to lands in the Malay Archipelago. See R. J. Wilkinson, A Malay-English Dictionary, Macmillan & Co. Ltd, London, 1959, Part 1, p. 33.

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are asking the English Company to attack quickly so as to save me from my destruction and the country’s ruin, and to capture all the Hollanders who are in the country of Java. My request is to let Tengku Pangeran and the six men come together in the warship heading for Cirebon. As for the gifts from Tuan Master Raffles Esquire, they have been received. This is my signature, Sultan Sepuan. This is my signature, Sultan Anom. Letter is written on the seventh day in the month of Rabi’ul-akhir, Thursday night, at twelve o’clock in the year 1226 Hegira [1 May 1811 CE]

Cirebon 1 Warkah Sultan Cirebon kepada Raffles, satu lembar, 30 x 24 sm Inilah surat yang tulus serta ikhlas yang keluar dari hati yang putih daripada saya Kanjeng Sultan Kasepuan dan daripada Kanjeng Sultan Anom yang ada kerajaan di dalam negeri Cirebon, datang ke hadapan Mistar [m-s-t-r] Raffles Askoyar [sic] yang jadi ganti Tuan Jeneral Benggala yang atas kuasa memerintah negeri daripada atas angin dan bawah angin; yang duduk di dalam negeri Melaka yang diberi Allah panjang umurnya yang jadi pergantungan di dalam dunia ini. Wab’adah kemudian dari itu maka adalah Tuan Mistar Raffles Askoyar berwakilkan kepada Tunku [t-n-k-w] Pangeran Sakam [s-q-m] Dilaga serta membawak surat cap dan perintah sama dengan saya punya bapak muda, Pangeran Aria Kidul, dan saya punya kakak Pangeran Raja Karta Ningrat, dan saya punya adik Pangeran Aria Sumanat10 Raja dan Raden Sudirabrata,11 dan Tumanggung [t-m-ng-g-ng] Mangku Nagara, dan imam kadhi. Syahadan, itulah yang sudah saya terima dan sekalian yang tersebut di dalam surat itu sudah hartilah [sic] saya serta perintah orang besar Kompeni Inggeris. Saya pun menanti-nanti tolongan dari Kompeni Inggeris. Dan bagaimana lagi yang tersebut di dalam surat 10 ‘Arya Sumantra’ in the Javanese version of the letter. 11 Sudira Dibrata in the Javanese version.

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serta mintak tolong dengan segeranya, daripada tiada kuasa lagi menunggu siksa kepada hukum orang Holanda yang ada di Tanah Jawa. Dan lagi daripada hal orang [yang] enam itu saya balikkan lagi bersama Tunku Pangeran karena tiada kuasa menyimpan dia; takut kepada Holanda. Maka tatkala saya bertemu dengan Tunku Pangeran ini tiada sempat membawak cap sebab ada di desa Singa Raja. Diperintahkan jaga musuh karena Holanda sudah tahu akan datang Inggeris. Maka itulah saya kedua memintakan biar segera Kompeni Inggeris menyuruhkan kapal perang; menolong daripada kerosakan saya dan negeri saya, mengambil sekalian orang Holanda yang di dalam negeri Jawa. Dan permintakkan [sic, p-r-m-n-t-k-k-n] saya Tunku Pangeran serta dengan enam orang itu datang bersama di dalam kapal perang ke dalam negeri Cirebon. Dan hadiah daripada Tuan Mistar Raffles Askoyar sudah diterima. Ini saya punya tanda tangan Sultan Sepuan [sic]. Ini tandatangan saya Sultan Anom. Diperbuat surat pada dua haribulan Rabi’ul-akhir, malam Jumaat, kepada jam pukul dua belas 1226 Sanah tahun.

CIREBON II Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio, 15.3 x 21.1 cm Letter of Ngabehi Bala Luder of Dramayu,12 without seal, addressed to Raffles at Malacca This is the letter that is presented from Ngabehi Bala Luder who resides in the country of Dramayu to my lord superior [tuan besar] Mister Raffles Esquire, agent to the Governor-General of Bengal who is given power to rule over the lands above and below the wind. May the Lord God extend the age in this world of he who resides in the settlement of the Malacca fort. Following that, I am forwarding this letter to my lord superior Mister Raffles Esquire in order to make known that while on the watch 12 D-r-m-a-y-w. The district on the northern coast of Java, properly called Indramayu. Situated in the northwest of Cirebon, Indramayu in the early 19th century was scantily peopled by the Sundanese.

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in the district of Dungkal, I met Tengku [t-ng-k-w] Pangeran Kusuma Dilaga and he showed me a letter of authority from my lord superior of the English Company. After reading it I was able to understand everything that has been said. I earnestly hope that the assistance will come in good haste. Following that, since Tengku Pangeran wanted to see the Tuan Sultan, it was I who escorted Tengku Pangeran to see him because the Sultan at that moment had been assigned to guard against the enemies in the village of Singa Raja. My request from my lord superior of the English Company is that please send the warships speedily to expel the Dutch who are in the land of Java because I can no longer tolerate their rule. Written on the second day of Rabi‘ul-akhir, Thursday evening at six o’clock, in the year of latter Jim, Hegira 1226 [25 April 1811]. This is my signature, Ngabehi Wira Luder of Dramayu.

Cirebon 2 Warkah Ngabehi Bala Ludra [Luder?] dari Dramayu kepada Raffles, satu lembar, 15.3 x 21.1 sm Inilah surat yang disembahkan dari Ngabayik [sic, Ngabei] Bala Ludra [Luder?] yang duduk di negeri Dramayu [Indramayu], datang kepada Tuan Besar Mistar [sic] Raffles Askoyar, ganti Jendal [sic] Benggala yang atas kuasa serta memerintah dari negeri atas angin dan lagi di bawah angin. Barang dipanjangkan Allah umurnya di dalam dunia serta yang sudah boleh [sic, beroleh] pangkat martabat yang lebih besar, yang tempat bergantung sahaya di dalam dunia; yang duduk di dalam negeri kota Melaka. Kemudian daripada itu sahaya menyembahkan surat datang kepada Tuan Basar [b-a-s-r] Mistar Raffles Askoyar ketika masa berjaga di daerah Dungkal berjumpa Tengku [t-ng-k-w] Pangeran Kesukma [k-s-w-’-m-a] Dilaga serta menunjukkan surat kuasa yang dari orang besar Kampeni Inggeris. Sesudahnya sahaya baca maka hartilah [sic] sahaya di dalam surat itu. Maka lebih-lebih sayaha harap-harap dari segaranya [sic] tolongan-tolongan. Kemudian daripada itu sebab Tengku Pangeran hendak berjumpa dengan Tuan Sultan maka sahayalah yang mengantarkan Tengku Pangeran kepada Tuan Sultan; 316

dan kerana [k-r-a-n] Tuan Sultan pada ketika itu diperintahi menjaga musuh di kampung Singa Raja; dan lagi permintaan sahaya dari kepada orang basar [sic] Kompeni Inggeris pinta segerakan kapal parang [p-a-r-a-ng] datang membuangkan orang Wolanda yang di dalam negeri Jawa dari karena [sic] sahaya tiada tahan perintah orang Wolanda. Tersurat kepada dua haribulan Rabiu-lakhir, malam Jumaat, waktu jam pukul enam kepada tahun Jim Akhir. Hijrat 1226, Inilah tandatangan sahaya Ngabei [ng-b-y] Wira Ludra [l-w-d-r-a] Dramayu.

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XVII. HAJI MOHALI’S LETTER Haji Mohali’s Letter of Undertaking Malay letter of undertaking; Jawi script; 1 folio, 20.5 x 15.5 cm; without seal Endorsement verso Malay letter in Raffles’ hand: ‘December 1810 / Hadgee Mohalee’ Endorsement in Jawi script: ‘This is the letter of Haji Mohali’ In Jawi on the top left-hand side of letter: the name of Haji Muhammad Mohali Dated one thousand two hundred and twenty-two,1 the year of Waw,2 equal to twenty-second of Dzulkaedah, on Tuesday3 [Haji [Muhammad Mohali]4 enters employment under the flag of the Governor of the English Company. The occupation being to despatch missives of the chief raja Thomas Raffles Esquire, representing the Governor-General of Bengal, to reach the Susuhunan of Solo and the Sultan of Yogja. The reason being truthfully clear, this is thus the statement of Tuan Haji Muhamad Mohali.

Surat Haji Mohali Surat perakuan bertulisan Jawi, 1 folio, 20.5 x 15.5 sm, tanpa cap Tulisan Jawi [tanda tertinggal nama] tertulis di sebelah kiri atas folio: “Muhamad Mohali” 1 2 3 4

There must have been an error by the writer. It should instead be 1225, for Raffles only received this letter of undertaking in December 1810. The Arabic letter Waw is the seventh year of the 8-year cycle of the daur kecil. It has the numerical value of six in the alphabet (abjad). 19 December 1810. This refers to the ‘Hajee’ that Raffles mentioned in his communication with the Chief Secretary of Lord Minto. Haji Mohali was “from Mataram who had formerly been employed by the Susuhonang [sic, Susuhunan]”. See Raffles to N. B. Edmonstone, 31-1-1811, MSS EUR F.148/4, p. 79. Haji Mohali was entrusted by Raffles to deliver his letters to the Susuhunan and Sultan of Mataram.

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Tarikh seribu dua ratus dua puluh dua [sic, 1225] tahun Waw, kepada dua lekor haribulan Dzulka’edah, kepada hari Thalatha, Tuan Haji [tanda teringgal nama] masuk pekerjaan di bawah bendera Gu[ber]nur Kompeni Inggeris; pekerjaan akan mengantar surat Raja Besar Thomas Raffles Esquire yang mengganti Tuan Jenderal di Benggala sampai kepada Tuan Susuhunan di negeri Sala [Solo] dan kepada Tuan Sultan di negeri Yogja. Sebab sungguh dengan nyatanya maka adalah Tuan Haji Muhammad Mohali yang demikian ini.

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PART VI LETTERS FROM BALI XVIII. THE BALI LETTERS

B

ali is the next island east of Java. It is separated by a strait about a mile and a half wide. Its area is estimated at 1,685 square miles. Although Bali is only a small island, in the 19th century it was divided into no fewer than eight independent states.1 Bali was colonized by the Hindu Majapahit Empire (1293–c.1520) during the ascendancy of the powerful Gajah Mada as mapatih (chief minister) (1330–1364) who in 1331 began to undertake the conquest of Bali and completed it in 1343. From that time the old Javanese culture began to make its greatest impact in the island as, following its conquest, there was an exodus of intellectuals, artists, priests and musicians to Bali. The island was, nevertheless, never wholly Javanized but instead continued to develop its own individual type of Hinduized culture which, unlike Java, was able to withstand the thrust of Islamic expansion following the decline of Majapahit, which began by the end of the 15th century.2 The state of Buleleng or Baliling [also Baleleng], established in 1660, was situated on the north side of the island, stretching from Sangsit in the east to Petemuan in the west. Buleleng was bordered in the rear by a chain of mountains which ran east to west across the island. This chain of mountains formed a rich fertile plain. While Jembrana, which lies on the western side of the island and on the shores of the Strait of Bali, 1 John Crawfurd, A Descriptive Dictionary of the Indian Islands and Adjacent Countries, Oxford University Press, Kuala Lumpur, 1971, p. 30. The information derived in describing the island of Bali is mostly based on the work of J. H. Moor, Notices of the Indian Archipelago, and Adjacent Countries, being a Collection of Papers Relating to Borneo, Celebes, Bali, Java, Sumatra, Nias, the Philippine Islands, Sulus, Siam, Cochin China, Malayan Peninsula &c. Singapore, 1837. Cf. “Bali”, http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bali. 2 See D. G. E. Hall, A History of South-East Asia, 3rd edn, Macmillan, London, 1968, pp. 79–93.

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formed an important part of the kingdom, the eastern state of KarangAsem was of no less significance. Karang-Asem included the northeast corner of the island and ran along the southern shore as far as Batangor, the principal port on the Lombok Strait. Karang-Asem, Buleleng and Jembrana were populous principalities. Adjoining Karang-Asem was the state of Kalongkong, the oldest and most important state of Bali. The king of Kalongkong was said to be holding precedence and superiority over all the states. The state of Gyanjar lay next to Kalongkong on the south and extended nearly to the southeast corner of the island. Also situated at the southeast corner was the state of Badong. The inland state of Bangli, also known as Tanah Bali, lay between the two ranges of hills on the north and south. Another inland state on the island was Mangiri, a large state that adjoined Badong and Bali to the westward. Tabanan, another large inland state, was bounded by Jembrana and Buleleng on the north and west and by Mangiri on the east; its share of the sea coast was, however, very small, thus the reason for its failure to build a sea-port. During the early 19th century the island of Bali had a population of about seven million.3 The states of Buleleng, Jembrana and KarangAsem were reportedly populous. The most powerful raja of Bali was the raja of Karang-Asem, who also possessed the island of Lombok. Although the great majority of the population practised Hinduism, the raja of Bali Buleleng employed both Muslim and Balinese scribes to conduct his correspondence with the outside world. While almost all the letters in the Raffles collection were written in Jawi Malay, there is one written in Balinese.4 Raffles considered Bali to be of utmost importance as a source for fresh provisions required for the English armies in Java. For the invasion he also envisaged the possibility of procuring no fewer than 15,000 men from Bali. In his letter to the office of Lord Minto, Raffles wrote, I have availed myself of such opportunities as have offered for conveying to the Bali Rajahs the friendly intentions of the English, and the Rajah of Bali Baliling I have forwarded part of the presents from the Honble. Court of Directors delivered over to me by the Governor of Prince of Wales Island …5

3 Moor, Notices of the Indian Archipelago, p. 86. 4 See letter below, following Bali 9. 5 Raffles to Edmonstone, 31-1-1811, MSS. Eur. F 148/4, p. 81 (b) 47.

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Raffles’ intention of cultivating good relations with the Rajas of Bali was to secure the latter’s help in conveying his letters and intelligence to the rulers of Surakarta, Mataram, Madura and Sumenap with whom Raffles found it was not easy to establish communication.6 Among all the rajas of Bali, Raffles found the Raja of Karang-Asem to be the most friendly; for his projected invasion of Java Raffles expected the raja to contribute 30,000 armed men.7 In the following Bali letters one can’t help noticing that the raja of Bali Buleleng was also quick to exploit the opportunity to persuade Raffles to accede to his almost puerile requests to procure things he fancied, such as the boat for his amusement and the camera obscura as well as a magnifying glass which appears to have fascinated him.

BALI I Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio, 45.5 x 31.6 cm Letter of Ratu Gusti Wayahan Karang-Asem, of Bali. Red-wax seal. Addressed to Raffles, with endorsement verso in English: ‘From the Raja of / Bali Bliling [sic] Singha Raja / to Mr. Raffles / 1st Safar 1226 –’ Endorsement recto, top left of seal, in English: ‘Letter from the Raja of / Bali Baleling Singha Raja / to Thos. Raffles Esq / 1st Safar 1226’ Top centre of folio: ‘Qawluh u’l-Haqq’ This letter that emanates from the light of the heart8 of refulgent splendour that shall illuminate and shine on all creatures of brotherly love and friendship comes from His Highness the great Ratu Gusti Wayahan Karang-Asem who owns the throne and power to rule the country of Bali Buleleng Singaraja; who is perpetually desirous of 6 Lady Sophia Raffles, Memoir of the Life and Public Services of Sir Thomas Stamford Raffles, Oxford University Press, Singapore, 1991, pp. 31–32. 7 Ibid., p. 33. 8 A Sufi expression. The Sufis distinguish three organs of spiritual communication: the heart (qalb) which knows God; the spirit (ruh) which loves God, and the innermost ground of the soul (sirr), which contemplates God. To the Sufis the qalb, although connected in some mysterious way to the physical heart, is not a thing of flesh and blood. It is the qalb that is capable of knowing the essence of things, and when illuminated by faith and knowledge reflects the whole content of the divine mind. See Reynold A. Nicholson, The Mystics of Islam: An Introduction to Sufism, Schocken Books, New York, 1975, pp. 68–70.

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brotherly affection, that is, may it perchance be conveyed by God to his excellency our brother Thomas Raffles Esquire who possesses the seat of power to rule over the English Company’s country of Bengal [sic]; who conducts jurisdiction with loyalty, discretion and charming disposition and pleasant manners towards every friend; and may his duration of life be lengthened like the circling of the moon and the sun, and the replacement of the night by daylight, ever eternal. Amen, O God of all the Worlds. Following that, we are informing our brother that if Captain Greig9 comes to the land of Bali we would like to give passage to our envoy and our letter. And so we request our brother [to inform us] that if there is anything that our brother would like to have from the land of Bali we shall try to our very best to look for it. Captain Greig may deliver our envoy to our brother. Next, there is nothing that we could send as a token of sincerity except a black horse and a little five-year-old boy slave10 named Ketut Jubeleng. Written in the court of the country of Bali Buleleng Singaraja on the first of the month of Safar, on Saturday, in the year 1226 Hegira [25 February 1811].

9 William Greig, whose name was inadvertently spelt ‘Greigh’ by Lady Raffles, was, in the words of Dr. John Leyden, “a fine fellow in every sense of the word, active and alert, and brother-in-law of Lord Robert Rollo …”. Minto had placed him under Raffles’ command to be commander of the brig Minto. His voyage to Bali provided useful information to Raffles since he was also the purveyor of the letters of the Bali rajas. See Raffles, Memoir, pp. 26, 27, 31, 40. I am grateful to Dr. John Bastin for pointing out the error committed by Lady Sophia Raffles which has led many others to have used the name incorrectly. Incidentally, the name ‘William Greig’ was mentioned in the Raja of Bali’s letter that was addressed to Minto using the Balinese script. See Appendix IX. 10 Slavery was sanctioned by Balinese law. According to Raffles, there were two kinds of slavery, paniak and rowang. Paniak was synonymous with the Malay system of hamba, whereby the master had complete possession of his person. Rowang, on the other hand, resembled the debt-slavery practised in the Malay Peninsula. For further discussion of the slavery system in Bali see Raffles, Memoir, pp. 172–173.

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Bali 1 Warkah Ratu Gusti Wayahan Karang-Asem kepada Raffles, satu lembar (berlipat), 45.5 x 31.6 sm Bahawa ini surat yang terbit daripada nur al-qalub11 [sic, qalb] yang amat gilang gemilang akan memberi terang benderang pada antara segala makhluk yang saudara bersaudara sahabat bersahabat iaitu daripada Seri Paduka Ratu Gusti Wayahan Karang-Asyam [sic] yang tahta [sic] kuasa memerintah negeri Bali Buleleng Singaraja yang senantiasa berniat pada berkasih-kasihan iaitu barang disampaikan kiranya pada paduka saudara kita Tuan Tamas Raffles Askoyar [sic] yang empunya tahta [sic] kuasa memerintah negeri kompeni Inggerisy [sic] Benggala; yang melakukan hukum beserta dengan bersetia budi perangai keelokan dan kemanisannya pada antara segala sahabat; serta barang dilanjutkan usia umur zamannya seperti peredaran bulan dan matahari, pergantian malam dan siang dengan selama-lamanya. Amin ya ilaihi al ‘alamin. Waba’adah kemudian daripada itu adalah kita memberi maklum kepada saudara jikalau datang itu Kapitan Greq [g-r-y-q] ke tanah Buleleng kita mahu menumpangkan kita punya utusan serta dengan kita punya surat. Maka kita pintak kepada saudara apa-apa saudara punya suka yang di tanah Bali itu melainkan saudara kirim surat kepada kita seboleh-bolehnya kita carikan; melainkan itu Kapitan Greq [sic] yang boleh sampaikan utusan kita kepada saudara. Syahadan, suatupun tiada tanda ikhlas hanyalah satu kuda hitam adanya dan satu budak laki-laki kecil umur lima tahun bernama Ketut Jubeleng [j-b-l-y-ng] adanya. Tersurat dalam peseban negeri Bali Buleleng Singaraja kepada sehari bulan bulan Safar, hari Sabtu tahun 1226.

BALI II Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folo [folded], 40 x 32.8 cm Letter of Ratu Gusti Anglurah Gede Karang of Bali, with red wax-seal, addressed to Lord Minto, Governor-General of Bengal Endorsement recto Malay letter [top page]: ‘From the Raja of Bali Baliling / to Lord Minto Governor-General / 9 Safar 1226’ 11 N-w-r-a-l-q-l-w-b.

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Endorsement verso Malay letter [second fold] in pencil [?]: ‘From the Raja of Bali / Bliling [sic.] to Lord Minto / D/9 Safar 1226–’ Heading: ‘Qawluh u’l-Haqq’ Whereas this white letter of distinction that emanates from the light of the heart, with scintillating splendour, illuminating and shining over all creatures of brotherly love and mutual relatives that is from His Highness Ratu Gusti Anglurah Gede Karang12 who owns the throne of government and majesty in the realm of Bali Buleleng, in particular the land of Bali Petemuan and Jemrana [sic], who ceaselessly cherishes friendship, may the lord God deliver it to our brother His Excellency Lord Gilbert Minto, Governor-General, Paramount Ruler, most illustrious raja of all the districts of Bengal and every country that is subject to the flag of the English king; and who conducts jurisdiction with loyalty, discretion and charming disposition and pleasant manners towards every friend; may his duration of life be lengthened like the circling of the moon and the sun, and the replacement of the night by daylight, ever eternal. Amen, O God of all the Worlds. Following that, with all sincerity and affection, [we inform our friend that regarding] what our friend has made known through a letter, which is the beautifully written white epistle, it has reached us safely with tranquillity and we welcomed it with honour. Everything that is mentioned in our brother’s letter has made us extremely happy, for we do desire to be a true and everlasting friend to the English Company as has been the custom since the olden days. And then with regard to every Englishman who comes to the country of Bali Buleleng, we shall to the best of our endeavours give full assistance in all matters. And as for our brother’s letter that was conveyed by Captain Graves,13 we have already sent a reply. It was also Captain Graves who conveyed it to our brother. 12 Correctly it should be Karang-Asem. But Karang is also the name of the cape in Lombok. See Ch. F. H. Dumont, Aardijkskundig Woordenboek van Nederlandsch Oost-Indie, Nijgh & van Ditmar’s Uitgevers-Maatschappij, Rotterdam, 1917, p. 206. 13 The name is spelt g-r-y-w-y-sy [sic, g-r-y-w-y-s] in Jawi. The name of a certain Captain Graves was mentioned by J. Hunt in his communication with Raffles. Apparently the captain was cut off by pirates from Pasir (a district on the southeastern coast of Borneo) in 1811. If it was the same Captain Graves who was in Bali in early 1811, then he must have been the English captain who had gone to Bali as Lord Minto’s vakeel, apart from Smith and Greig who were sent by Raffles. See J. Hunt, ‘Sketch of Borneo or Pulo Kalimantaan’, in J. H. Moor, Notices of the Indian Archipelago, Appendix, p. 24.

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Finally, there isn’t any token of sincerity except only a bird called the cassowary.14 Written in the court of the country of Bali Buleleng, on the sixth of the month of Safar, on Friday, in the year 1226 Hegira [2 March 1811].

Bali 2 Warkah Ratu Gusti Anglurah Gede Karang kepada Lord Minto, satu lembar (berlipat), 40.4 x 32.8 sm Bahawa ini sahifat al-abyadz yang aziz terbit daripada nur al-qalub [sic] yang amat gilang gemilang akan memberi terang benderang pada antara segala makhluk yang saudara bersaudara, sahabat bersahabat iaitu daripada Seri Paduka Ratu Gusti Anglurah Gede Karang yang empunya tahta [sic] kuasa kerajaan dan kebesaran dalam alam Tanah Bali Buleleng istimewah [sic] Tanah Bali Petemuan dan Jem[be]rana yang senantiasa berniat pada berkasih-kasihan iaitu barang disampaikan kiranya pada saudara kita Seri Paduka Tuan Lord Gilbert Minto [sic], Gurnur [sic] Jeneral, yang di pertuan besyar [sic], yang maha mulia raja segala daerah negeri Benggala, dan segala negeri yang takluk di bawah bendera raja Inggerisy [sic]; yang melakukan hukum yang adil besyerta [sic] dengan bersetia budi perangai keelokannya dan kemanisannya pada antara pada [sic] segala sahabat bersahabat serta barang dilanjutkan usia umur zamannya seperti peredaran bulan dan matahari. Amin ya ilaihi al-‘alamin. Waba’adah, adapun kemudian daripada itu tulus dan ikhlas kasih dan mesrah [sic]; maka adalah saudara bermaklumkan sepucuk surat perihal sahifat al abiadz yang amat indah-indah telah sudahlah sampai kepada kita dengan sejahteranya serta disambut dengan kemuliaannya. Maka sekalian yang tersebut di dalam saudara punya surat itu maka kita terlalu amat suka kerana [k-r-n] kita mahu bersahabat yang betul selama-lamanya dengan Kompeni Inggerisy [sic] seperti adat dahulu kalanya. Dan lagi kepada sekalian orang Inggerisy [sic] yang datang ke negeri Bali Buleleng itu seboleh-bolehnya kita tolong dengan segala baik sekalian perkaranya. Dan lagi itu saudara punya surat yang 14 A very large flightless bird that is related to the emu and is commonly found in New Guinea and the eastern part of Indonesia. R. J. Wilkinson, A Malay-English Dictionary, Macmillan & Co. Ltd, London, 1959, Part 1, p. 584.

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dibawa’ [sic] oleh Kapitan Grewesy [g-r-y-w-y-sy, sic] telah sudah kita balas. Kapitan Grewesy [sic] juga yang membawa’ [sic] kita punya surat balasan kepada saudara adanya. Syahadan suatupun tiada pertanda ikhlas, hanyalah satu burung Suari [sic]15 adanya. Tersurat dalam peseban negeri Bali Buleleng, kepada enam haribulan Safar, hari Jumaat, tahun 1226.

BALI III Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio [folded], 39.8 x 32.3 cm Letter of Gusti Anglurah Gede Karang-Asem of Bali Buleleng, with redwax seal, addressed to Raffles Endorsement verso Malay letter [second page] in Jawi script: ‘This letter is from the Raja of Bali Baliling / on the seventh of Rabi’ulawal’ Malay letter marked in pencil: No.1 Heading: ‘Qawluh u’l-Haqq’ This white sheet of distinction that emanates from the light of the heart with scintillating splendour, illuminating and shining over all creatures of brotherly love and friendship, is from His Highness Ratu Gusti Anglurah Gede Karang who owns the throne of government and majesty in the realm of the land of Bali Buleleng, particularly so the land of Bali Petemuan and Jembrana16 and whose intent is always to cultivate brotherly love; may it be conveyed [by the grace of God] to His Excellency, my brother Thomas Raffles Esquire, who possesses the seat of power to rule over the English Company’s settlement and who is agent to the Paduka Seri Maharaja Gilbert Lord Minto, Governor-General, Supreme Chief, most honourable raja of every district in the country of Bengal and every land that is under the subjection of the English king’s flag; who conducts jurisdiction with loyalty, discretion and charming disposition and pleasant manners towards every friend; may his duration of life be lengthened like the circling of the moon and the sun, and the 15 Kesuari, or Cassowary in English. 16 Baliling, Bleleng, Baleleng, or Boleleng had eleven districts, while Jembrana had three.

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replacement of the night by daylight, ever eternal. Amen, O God of all the Worlds. And then following that, in all sincerity and with embedded affection everything that our brother has made known [in] the letter—which is made plain on the very beautiful and fine white sheet of paper—has reached us in tranquillity and was received with much honour. As it was opened and every line and side read, the words of goodness mentioned that our friend wished to inform us about the ship that our friend had previously instructed to convey a letter to us. As mentioned in the letter, our friend informed us that you are now in Malacca, as agent to the Governor-General of Bengal. That letter reached us safely together with our friend’s token of affection which consists of a bundle of scarlet broadcloth and a bundle of green broadcloth, brought by the ship’s captain named Captain Graves. That letter of yours has been replied to, along with our token of sincerity, viz a slave girl named Budal Siap who is about eight years of age and delivered by Captain Graves. And further, our friend had also sent a copy of the previous letter which was conveyed by the Bugis man, and this letter has also reached us. Following that, our brother again sent an English ship whose captain named Smith17 delivered a letter informing us that the English Company is mulling over coming to Java to expel once and for all every Dutchman who remains in Java. Further, our brother had sent us four letters addressed to the Susuhunan of Solo, the Sultan of Mataram, and the Sultan of Mandura [sic] as well as to the Panembahan of Sumenep.18 Your letter requested us to deliver the letters to all the rajas mentioned. 17 Lieutenant Smith was captain of the cutter Arethusa. Raffles, Memoir, p. 31. He was described by John Palmer as “an active, ardent good-humoured fellow; a little corrupted by bad percept and worse example”. He was referring to Smith’s tolerant disposition towards the pirate Pangeran Anom of Sambas. Palmer also mentioned that Smith and the Sultan of Pontianak were “staunch friends”. See MSS Eng. Lett. ‘Palmer’s letter-book’. C82, Palmer to Macdonald, p. 284 and C81, Palmer to Sultan of Pontianak, p. 53. 18 Raffles had found that the Raja of Bali had on numerous occasions shown his high regard and friendship towards the English. With the rulers in Java, however—the Susuhunan and Sultan of Mataram, the Sultan of Madura and the Panembahan of Sumenap—Raffles found it difficult to communicate; and so it was prudent, he thought, to seek the assistance of the Raja of Bali to convey the letters to the above rulers and secure support from them. See Raffles, Memoir, pp. 31–32.

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With regard to all your wishes, we are most pleased that the English Company will soon come to the land of Java to evict once and for all every Dutchman in Java, for we are most gratified to become friends with the English Company. `Regarding our friend’s four letters to the Javanese rajas, we have sent them to the land of Java in order that they will be conveyed with haste to the four rajas stated in the letter. As soon as we receive the replies from them we shall immediately send them to our friend. But in case we do not receive the replies to those letters soon enough, please do not begrudge us. Following that, with regard to Captain Smith, we shall assist to the best of our ability to protect and to take good care of him, and we assure you that every English ship that has sailed into Bali Buleleng has been well looked after. Next, there is the token of affection from our brother, namely one roll of gold-thread satin, one roll of gold-embroidered muslin and two pairs of Bengal shoes. Every one of these has arrived in our hands in perfect condition and [for that] we thank you profusely. One other thing, we implore upon our brother to help us since only our brother could fulfil our gratification. Could our brother please help to get us a small boat for our amusement of about six arms’ length which should be of the best type and have two masts with finishing of Englishstyle. We also need twenty kegs of gunpowder, two kegs of fine priming powder, and a set of camera obscura together with its glass; there should be two hundred sheets of paper, all new and of the best quality; [besides that] also a burning glass which when exposed to the heat of the sun will produce flame; it should be at a reasonable cost. Please send to us with speed the small boat that costs 400 Spanish dollars. Further to that, there isn’t any token of friendship from us except a slave boy who is eight years of age and a slave girl who is seven years old. Even that is not as it should be. It is but a token of the whiteness of the heart. Written in the gallery of the country of Bali Buleleng, on the seventh of Rabi’ul-awal in the year 1226 Hegira. [1 April 1811 C.E.] [Postscript on second page of folio] Following that, it has been mentioned in the letter of the Raja [Governor] of Pulau Pinang, the behrama of the Company in Europe, has sent the 329

Company’s ship bearing gifts for us. The gifts include a gunny bag containing an assortment of broadcloths and a long chest of weapons. But of these only one bundle of scarlet broadcloth and another of green broadcloth which were brought by Captain Graves have reached us. The long chest of weapons has not yet arrived. This is what we wish to inform you. And further, we entreat our brother to buy for us two bundles of black broadcloth; the short portion19 should be very fine. Whatever the cost may be, please state it in your letter. And another thing, we are asking this man of ours, named Nyoman Bagus, to convey our letter and to seek an audience with our brother. Our request is that, on account of his tender youth, could you please take good care of him. When our brother’s business is done please send him back to Bali Buleleng. Finis.

Bali 3 Warkah Ratu Gusti Anglurah Gede Karang kepada Raffles, satu lembar (dilipat dua), 39.8 x 32.3 sm Bahawa ini sahifat al-abiadz yang aziz terbit daripada nur al-qalub [sic] yang amat gilang gemilang akan memberi tarang [sic] benderang pada antara segala makhluk yang saudarah bersaudarah [sic] dan sahabat bersahabat daripada Seri Paduka Gusti Anglurah Gede Karang yang empunya tahta [sic] kerajaan dan kebesaran dalam alam tanah Bali Buleleng istimewah [sic] tanah Bali Petemuan dan Jembrana, yang senantiasa berniat pada berkasih-kasihan; iaitu barang disampaikan kiranya pada paduka saudarah [sic] kita Tuan Tamas Raffles Askoyar [sic] yang empunya tahta [sic] kuasa memerintah negeri Kompeni Inggeris yang jadi ganti Paduka Seri Maharaja Gilbetlat [sic] Lord Minto Gurnor-Jeneral [sic] yang di pertuan besyar [sic] yang maha mulia raja segala daerah negeri Benggala dan segala negeri yang takluk di bawah bendera raja Inggeris yang melakukan hukum syerta [sic] dengan bersetia budi perangai keelokannya, dan kemanisannya pada antara segala sahabatnya; serta barang dilanjutkan usia umur zamannya seperti peredaran bulan dan matahari, pergantian malam dan siang dangan [sic] selama-lamanya. Amin ya qadzi al-hajat. Waba’adah, adapun kemudian daripada itu tulus dan ikhlas kasih dan mesrah [sic]; maka adalah lagi saudarah [sic] bermaklumkan 19 This is the ‘head’ of the sarong—a narrow portion adorned with acute angles.

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segala surat, syerta [sic] membayankan sahifat al-abiadz yang amat indah-indah telah sampailah pada kita dengan sejahteranya syerta [sic] disambut dengan kemuliaan. Demi dibuka lalu dibaca segala janab satarnya adalah mazkur dalamnya kalam al-ihsan yang saudarah [sic] bermaklumkan yang satu kapal yang dahulu saudarah [sic] suruh membawak surat kepada kita. Maka tersebut dalamnya yang saudarah [sic] ada di Melaka jemenang jadi ganti Gurnor Jeneral di Benggala. Daripada itu surat telah sudah selamat sempurna datang kepada kita serta dengan saudarah [sic] punya pertandah [sic] kasih kepada kita sakhlat merah satu bungkus dan sakhlat hijau satu bungkus, dibawa oleh itu kapitan kapal bernama Kapitan Grewesy [sic]. Maka itu saudarah [sic] punya surat telah sudah kita balas serta dengan pertandah [sic] ikhlas satu budak perempuan bernama Budal Siap. Ada kira-kira umur dua lapan tahun dibawak oleh itu Kapitan Grewesy [sic]. Dan lagi saudarah [sic] kirim sepucuk surat daripada salinan surat yang dahulu itu yang dibawak oleh orang Bugis telah sudah sampai kepada kita. Syahadan daripada itu saudara kirim lagi kepada kita satu kapal Inggerisy [sic], kapitannya bernama Asmit [Smith] datang membawak surat akan memberitahu kepada kita yang Kompeni Inggerisy [sic] ada fikir mahu datang ke tanah Jawa dengan segeranya; mahu buang sekalikali segala Hollandes, mana yang ada di dalam tanah Jawa. Syahadan lagi saudarah [sic] sudah kasi kepada kita empat surat daripada saudara sendiri kepada Susu[hu]nan Solo; dan kepada Sultan Mataram; dan kepada Sultan Mandura [sic]; dan kepada Panembahan Sumenep. Maka fasal-fasal surat itu suruh mintak [sic] yang kita boleh tolong kirim sampaikan kepada segala raja-raja yang tersebut itu. Maka daripada sekalian maksud saudarah [sic] itu kita terlebih amat suka yang Kompeni Inggerisy [sic] segera datang ke tanah Jawa membuangkan sekali-kali segala Hollandes yang di tanah Jawa itu sekalian, kerana kita terlalu suka bersahabat dengan Kompeni Inggerisy [sic]. Syahadan daripada saudarah [sic] punya surat yang empat yang kepada raja-raja Jawa itu telah sudah kita kirim ke tanah Jawah [sic] yang di [dy] boleh segerah [sic] sampaikan kepada fasal raja-raja yang empat yang tersebut di dalam surat itu. Maka jikalau kita segerah [sic] dapat balasan dari raja-raja Jawah [sic] itu melainkan segerah [sic] kita kirim datang kepada saudarah [sic]. Maka barangkali tiada segera kita dapat balasan surat itu, janganlah kiranya saudarah [sic] kecil hati kepada kita.

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Syahadan daripada itu itu Kapitan Asmit [Smith] seboleh-bolehnya melainkan kita tolong pelihara dengan segala baik; dan sekalian kapal Inggeris yang datang ke negeri Bali Buleleng telah sudah kita pelihara dengan segala baik adanya. Syahadan ada pertandah [sic] cinta kasih daripada saudara kain antelas benang emas satu kayu, dan kain jemedan emas satu gulung dan kain jemedan perak satu gulung dan kasut Benggala dua pasang telah sudah sempurna datang kepada kita; melainkan terima kasih kita banyak-banyak. Syahadan lagi, kita mintak [sic] tolong kepada saudarah [sic] seperti saudarah [sic] alah [sic] menyampaikan kita punya kesukaan hati. Saudara boleh tolong kapal permainan, kapal kecil yang panjang enam depa, yang baik sekali-kali yang pakai tiang dua, yang segala pakaiannya cara Inggerisy [sic]; dan ubat senapang dua puluh pipa, dan ubat anglan [?] yang halus dua pipa, dan kamera hab saskoyara [sic, camera obscura] satu perangkat, serta dengan cerminnya; yang dia punya kertas dua ratus lembar yang baharu; dan yang baik sekalikali; dan kaca api yang ditaruh di panas matahari menjadi api; dengan sepatut harganya. Saudarah [sic] kirim dengan segera, datang kepada kita itu kapal kecil yang harga empat ratus rial. Syahadan lagi suatupun tiada tandah [sic] ikhlas hanyalah budak laki laki, seorang umur dua lapan tahun, dan budak perempuan, satu orang umur tujuh tahun; itupun tiada dengan sepertinya. Hanyalah menjadi tandah [sic] putih hati adanya. Tersurat di dalam peseban negeri Bali Buleleng kepada tujuh hari bulan Rabi’ul-awal pada 1226 Sanah. (Catatan tambahan pada halaman kedua folio) Syahadan lagi ada tersebut dalam surat Raja Pulau Pinang Behrama Kompeni di Eropa [d-a-y-r-w-p], sudah hantar mari di atas sebuah kapal Kompeni barang-barang hadiah kepada kita; maka akan hadiah itu pertama kain sakhelat jenis-jenis satu guni dan senjata satu peti panjang. Maka hadiah itu hanyalah yang dibawak oleh Kapitan Grewesy [sic] sakhlat merah satu bungkusy [sic] dan sahkhlat hijau satu bungkusy [sic] yang sampai kepada kita. Maka senjata yang satu peti panjang itu belum sampai kepada kita; itulah kita maklumkan kepada saudara adanya. Syahadan lagi kita mintak belikan sakhlat hitam yang kepala20 yang halus sekali barang dua bungkusy [sic]. Barang berapa 20 The ‘head’ of the sarong—a narrow portion adorned with acute angles.

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harganya saudara sebutkan dalam surat. Syahadan lagi ini kita punya orang bernama Nyoman Bagusy [sic] kita suruh kemari mengiringkan kita punya surat yang kepada saudara serta menghadap duli saudara melainkan kita punya permintaan kepada saudara daripada dia punya budak saudara tolong pelihara dengan segala baik. Maka jikalau sudah habis saudara punya perintah melainkan saudara tolong hantar kembali datang kepada kita ke tanah Bali Buleleng. Tamat al-kalam bilkhairi wassalam.

BALI IV Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio [folded] 40.8 x 32.2 cm Letter of Ratu Ngurah Gede Wayahan Karang-Asem of Bali. Red-wax seal Addressed to Raffles at Malacca Endorsement verso Malay letter in Jawi script: ‘This letter is from Raja Karang-Asem / of the land of Bali on the fourteenth of Rabi’ulawal’ Heading: ‘Qawluh u’l-Haqq’ Malay letter marked in pencil: No. 2 An epistle. Whereas this is a letter of sincerity and varied gifts accompanied by purity and whiteness of heart to which there is no limit, nor bounded by time, so long as the moon and the sun exist eternally in revolution, that is from His Highness Ratu Ngurah Wayahan KarangAsem the great, who reigns all over the land of Bali Singaraja and Sangsit, as far as Petemuan and extending from Jembrana to every territory that is subject to the country of Singaraja which is the most extensive, who was the son-in-law of the Raja of Sasak21 during the intervening wars [and] who rules over every raja under him. The facts are, we present this letter to our friend, Thomas Raffles Esquire who is wise and knowledgeable in the conduct of mutual friendship. Amen, and then Amen! 21 The Sasak were the people living in Lombok. Sasak or Gumi-Sasak is one of the names of the island of Lombok. Silaparang is the other. Sasak rajas were subject to the rajas of Karang-Asem dating from the mid-18th century. From that period until 1894, Lombok remained under the sole possession of the kings of Bali. See Beknopte Encyclopaedie van Nederlandsch-Indie (bewerkt door T. J. Bezemer), N.V. v/h E. J. Brill, Leiden, 1921, pp. 480-481.

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Following that, we wish to inform our friend Thomas Raffles Esquire who resides with power of authority in the Malacca station administering the English Company that has been entrusted [upon him] by the most illustrious King of England and also Raja Gilbert Lord [Minto] who sits with power of authority over the English Company in the country of Bengal. And we make known to our friend that we have heard that the English Company wants to seize Java. We are much pleased with that, because there is the country of Blambangan22 which is now called Banyuwangi23 that stretches from Besuki24 [and] which used to belong to us in the past, but has been appropriated by the Dutch Company. And, according to the tale of the elders, the land of Java [stretching] from Jakarta, called Betawi, right up to the eastern country of the lands of Sumbawa,25 Bima,26 and Bugis27 was the dependency of our ancestors in the olden days. But now those countries cannot be ruled because we are not in concord with our relatives. There have been quarrels, disputes and wars every year with our own relatives in the land of Bali. That is the reason why they cannot be retrieved.

22 Name of a deep and well-sheltered bay in the province of Banyuwangi in Java, on the strait that divides that island from Bali. For a long time Blambangan belonged to Bali. However, due to the long wars between Bali and Java, Blambangan and Jembrana were laid waste. Still, the Balinese raja aspired for the return not only of Blambangan, but also Banyuwangi, Lombok and Sumbawa. See R. Friedrich, ‘An Account of Bali’, JRAS, 10(2), 1878, p. 51. 23 The district that forms the eastern extremity of Java. 24 Situated in the north of the district of Situbondo, Besuki includes the two districts of Probolinggo and Besuki, and on two sides is bounded by the sea, to the north by the strait that divides Java from Madura, and to the south by the Southern Ocean. 25 A large island that is separated from Lombok by the Strait of Alas. In the 19th century the principal towns were Bima and Sumbawa. Bima was situated in the east with jurisdiction over the straits of Sapi, Mangarai, and the island of Gunung Api. The latter stood on a large bay, open to the north and northwest, and a good harbour stretched inland between the reefs on the west side of the entrance. The island of Sumbawa produced teak, gold dust and pearls. Walter Hamilton, The East-India Gazetteer, 2nd edn, Wm. H. Allen & Co., London, 1828, Vol. 2, p. 601. 26 Bima is about 100 miles to the east of Sumbawa. 27 Probably in reference to the Bugis people of Boni and Wajo. However, this claim by the raja of Bali could not be substantiated.

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Further, we make known to our friend that if any warship of the English Company comes to Bali, we shall to the best of our resources assist in matters concerning the problems and difficulties that may arise because on our part we regard the English Company, in all seriousness of heart, as our mutual friend. And since we have already made known our friendship, please uphold it well at all times. Please do not forget. And we shall likewise eternally uphold our friend’s name, such that it can become a symbol of affection between friends, as in the olden days. Following that, if it pleases our friend, should there be any chandeliers, perhaps about three pairs or so, of different shapes, our friend may send them and we shall buy. We would also like large-size glasses, about ten pairs, and 100 steel swivel-guns as well as about four or five score pieces of very fine cloth of the best quality. And whatever our brother is desirous of having, anything that is available in Bali, please do not hesitate to ask, for we shall try to find it to the best of our ability, in order that we can become a true friend. Further to that, there is nothing much of a token of affection from us to our friend, except four pairs of birds, those with a white tuft and white beak, and also six keti28 of safflower and a slave girl who is still a minor. All these are tokens of friendship. Finis. Written in the court of Singa Raja, on the fourteenth of Rabi’ul-awal in the Saka29 year of one thousand seven hundred and thirty-three,30 at eleven o’clock [8 April 1811 CE].

Bali 4 Warkah Ratu Ngurah Wayahan Karang-Asem kepada Raffles, satu lembar (berlipat), 40.8 x 32.2 sm Warkah. Bahawa ini surat tulus dan ikhlas watuhfat al-ajnas yang disertakan suci putih hati yang tiada berhingga dan bermasa selagi ada peredaran syamsu wal qamar alay al dawam, iaitu daripada Seri 28 In the Minangkabau dialect a keti is a measure of weight equivalent to 16 tahils or one and one-third pounds. Kamus Dewan, edisi ketiga, Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Kuala Lumpur, p. 668. 29 The Balinese calendrical system is based on that of the Javanese. Saka refers to the year computed from the coming of the legendary king Saka to Nava (78 CE). 30 Corresponds to 1226 AH.

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Paduka Ratu Ngurah Wayahan Karang-Asyem [sic] yang besyar [sic] memerintah serata tanah Bali Singaraja syerta [sic] Sangsyit [sic] sampai Petemuan dan sampai dari Jembrana dan segala negeri yang takluk di bawah negeri Singaraja yang maha besyar [sic], mantunya Raja Syasyak [sic] sela perang yang memerintah raja-raja di bawahnya. Syahadan daripada itu maka beta mehadir [sic] akan sepucuk surat ini kehadapan manjelis [sic] sahabat beta Tamas Raffles Askoyar [sic] yang arif bijaksana daripada melakukan sahabat bersahabat. Amin Thumma Amin. Waba’adah, adapun kemudian daripada itu maka adalah beta bermaklumkan kepada sahabat Tamas Raffles Askoyar yang duduk kuasa memerintah di dalam loji Melaka, memegang Kompeni Inggeris yang di percahayanya [sic] memerintah oleh Raja Englan [sic] yang maha mulia syerta [sic] lagi raja Gilbatlot [sic] Lord [Minto] yang duduk kuasa memerintah Kompeni Inggeris di dalam loji negeri Benggala. Dan lagi beta maklumkan kepada sahabat, beta ada mendengar Kompeni Inggeris hendak mengambil Tanah Jawa; dari itu beta terlalu suka kerana [k-r-a-n] ada negeri Blambangan sekarang nama Banyuwangi sampai dari Basuki [sic] itu dahulu beta asalnya yang punya negeri iaitu diambil oleh Kompeni Ollandes [sic] sampai sekarang ini; dan lagi cerita orang tua-tua iaitu tanah Jawa dari Jayakatra [sic] nama Betawi sampai negeri timur tanah Sumbawa, Bima, dan Bugis itu takluk kepada orang tua-tua beta dahulu kala. Maka sekarang ini sebab tiada terperintah negeri itu sebab beta tiada mufakat saudara bersaudara. Tiap-tiap tahun berkelahi; bantah berperang sama saudara beta sendiri di Tanah Bali. Itulah sebabya tiada boleh ambil. Dan lagi beta maklumkan kepada sahabat jikalau ada kapal Kompeni Inggeris pergi ke Tanah Bali, beta tolong seboleh-bolehnya; hal akhwal [sic] susah kesukarannya, dan perkaranya, kerana beta melihatkan dangan [sic] Kompeni Inggeris hal beta sungguh-sungguh hati sahabat bersahabat degan Kompeni Inggeris; dan lagi beta suda [sic] kasih [sic] tahu beta punya nama sahabat, pegang jua baik-baik selama-lamanya; jangan lupa. Dan sahabat punya nama beta pegang jua selama-lamanya, supaya jadi tanda kasih sahabat bersahabat syeperti [sic] dahulu kala. Dan lagi jikalau sahabat beta suka jikalau ada sandalia [chandeliers] barang tiga pasang dan yang lain-lain rupanya sahabat boleh kirim beta bali [sic, beli] dan lagi kaca barang sepuluh pasang yang besyar-besyar [sic] dan waja lelah [sic] barang seratus biji dan kain yang baik-baik dan yang halus-halus barang empat lima kodi. Dan lagi 336

apa-apa sahabat suka mintak yang ada di tanah Bali yang dapat beta cari. Sahabat jangan takut mintak kepada beta; seboleh-bolehnya beta carikan supaya menjadi sahabat batul [sic]. Kemudian dari itu suatupun tiada apa tanda cinta kasih daripada beta dangan [sic] sahabat, melainkan bebek putih jambul dengan bebek putih mulus empat pasang dan bunga kesumba enam keti; dan lagi budak satu perempuan misih [sic] kecil dangan [sic] syepertinya [sic]; hanya tanda kasih sahabat bersahabat adanya. Tamat al-kalam bilkhairi wassalam. Tersurat di dalam peseban Singaraja kepada empat belas haribulan Rabi’ul-awal kepada hari Isynin [sic] “asyaka” [sic] seribu tujuh ratus tiga puluh tiga pukul sebelas.

BALI V Letter of the Temenggung of Ulu Nungrah to Raffles (12 April 1811) Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio [folded], 40.3 x 31.6 cm Letter of the Temenggung of Ulu Nungrah of Bali Buleleng, with redwax seal on the second fold of folio, addressed to Thomas Raffles Heading: ‘Ya Qadhial-Hajat’ Endorsement verso (centre page of folded folio) in Jawi script: ‘This letter is from the Temenggung of Bali Buleleng [b-l-y-l-y-ng] on the eighteenth of Rabi’ul-awal’ Malay letter marked in pencil: ‘No. 3’ The letter’s address is from Tuan Temenggung of Ulu Nungrah in the country of Bali Buleleng; may God Almighty extend it to Mister Raffles Esquire, who now owns the seat of power to rule the negeri [domain] of the English Company as agent to His Excellency Gilbert Lord Minto, Governor-General, supreme ruler, most illustrious raja of all dependencies of the country of Bengal. Whereas this letter of sincerity that springs from pure and limpid heart accompanied with unlimited greetings of honour and multiplicity of respects without limit forever and ever and remains so as long as the night and daylight exist, from Tuan Temenggung of Ulu Nungrah, who serves under the reign of His Highness Ratu Gusti Anglurah Gede Karang Yang Jemenang who reigns over all the land of Bali Buleleng Darus-salam [abode of peace]; that is, may it be conveyed by the will of God the Majestic and Sublime to the presence of His Excellency Tuan Thomas Raffles Esquire who has power to rule the settlement of the 337

English Company; who represents His Excellency Maharaja Gilbert Lord Minto, Governor-General, chief yang dipertuan, most honourable raja of every district in the country of Bengal and all countries that are subjects under the flag of the English king; who conducts jurisdiction with loyalty, discretion and charming disposition and pleasant manners towards every friend and companion whether near or far; and may his duration of life be lengthened and good health increased and all his requests fulfilled by God the Majestic and Sublime; and may he obtain everlasting honour, distinction and magnificence in station. Amen, O Thou Who Adjudicates on human hopes. Following that, I would like to solicit lots of help from your lordship on account of my son, Nyoman Bagus, who has been assigned by His Highness Ratu Gusti Anglurah Gede Karang, and also my other son named Made Bukit, who is assigned by His Highness Ratu Gusti Wayahan Karang-Asyam [sic], to present themselves before your lordship. Since both my sons may be unintelligent, I humbly request you, Sir, to grant me lots of help by taking good care of them. It is possible that their behaviour may not be commendable, that it might be deemed improper according to the customs of children of good breeding, and I therefore beseech your lordship not to hesitate to upbraid them and to teach them as your lordship would teach your own slaves so that they will understand. I would be much obliged and do hope your lordship will fulfil my request. Your lordship should not hesitate to do a good turn to me, for one day I shall perhaps be able to repay your kindness. Letter is completed on the eighteenth of Rabi’ul-awal in the Zai year, 1226 Hegira [12 April 1811 CE].

Bali 5 Warkah Tuan Temenggung Ulu Nungrah, Bali Buleleng, kepada Raffles, satu lembar (berlipat), 40.3 x 31.6 sm Alamat surat daripada Tuan Temenggung Ulu Nungrah31 di negeri Bali Baleleng adanya/barang disampaikan Allah Subhanahu wata’ala apalah kiranya datang kepada Thomas Raffles Esquire yang mempunyai 31 N-ng-r-h.

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takhta kuasa memerintah negeri Kompeni Inggerisy [sic] yang jadi ganti Paduka Seri Maharaja Gilbatlet [Gilbert] Lord Minto, Gurnor [Gabenor]-Jenderal Yang DiPertuan Besar Yang Maha Mulia Raja segala daerah negeri Benggala. Bahawa ini surat tulus dan ikhlas terbit daripada hati yang suci hening serta diiringi dengan tabek yang kemuliaan serta hormat begitu banyak yang tiada hingga alay al-dawam ma damat al-lail wal ayyam selagi ada peredaran al-nur al-syamsu wal-qamar iaitu daripada Tuan Temenggung Ulu Nungrah yang di bawah tahta [sic] pemerintah Seri Paduka Ratu Gusti Anglurah Gede Karang yang Jemenang, kuasa memerintah serata tanah Bali Buleleng Dar al-salam iaitu barang disampaikan Allah Subhanahu wata’ala kiranya ke bawah hadzrat Seri Paduka Tuan Tamas Raffles Askoyar [sic] yang kuasa memerintah negeri Kompeni Inggerisy [sic] yang jadi ganti Seri Paduka Maharaja Gilbatlat [sic] Lord Minto, Gurnor [sic]-Jenderal, yang dipertuan besyar [sic], yang maha mulia, raja segala daerah negeri Benggala, dan segala negeri yang takluk di bawah bendera raja Inggerisy [sic]; yang melakukan hukum yang adil beserta dengan bersetia budi perangai keelokannya dan kemanisannya pada antara segala sahabat handai taulannya yang karib dan yang ba’id; serta barang dilanjutkan Allah subhanahu wata’ala usia umur zamannya serta sihat dan ‘afiat; serta barang dikabulkan Allah barang pintaknya [sic], serta beroleh pangkat ketinggian dan kebesaran serta kemuliaan selama-lamanya. Amin, ya qadzi al-hajat. Waba’adah adapun kemudian daripada itu adalah saya mintak tolong begitu banyak kepada Tuan daripada ini saya punya anak yang bernama Nyoman Bagusy [sic] yang disuruh oleh Seri Paduka Ratu Gusti Anglurah Gede Karang, dan lagi saya punya anak yang bernama Made Bukit yang disuruh oleh Seri Paduka Ratu Gusti Wayahan Karang Asyam [sic] datang menghadap duli tuan kemari; daripada sangat bodo[h]nya saya punya anak keduanya itu; melainkan pintak [sic] saya itu kepada tuan begitu banyak tolong pelihara dengan segala baik; dan barangkali ada tingkah kelakuannya yang tiada baik yang tiada berpatutan kepada adat anak orang yang baik-baik pintak [sic] saya kepada tuan jangan lagi tuan kira melainkan tuan kasih [sic] pergusyar [sic] dan tuan tunjuk ajar kepada dia yang bagaimana tuan perintah tuan punya budak supaya dia boleh mengerti. Saya terlalu amat suka dan harap kepada tuan maka daripada permintaan saya itu jangan juga tuan takut membuang budi kepada saya. Di belakang hari barangkali dapat saya balas segala tuan punya baik. 339

Tamat al kalam bilkhairi wassalam kepada delapan belas haribulan Rabi’ul-awal tahun Zai 1226.

BALI VI Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio [folded], 45.9 x 26.6 cm Letter of Ratu Gusti Anglurah Gede Karang-Asem of Bali. Red-wax seal Addressed to Raffles Malay letter marked in pencil: ‘No. 4’ Heading: ‘Qawluh u’l-Haqq’ Endorsement verso Malay letter [second fold] in Jawi script: ‘Letter from he Raja of Bali / on the twenty-seventh of the month of / Rabi’ul-awal’ This white epistle of distinction, which emanates from the light of the heart of refulgent splendour that shall illuminate and shine on all creatures of brotherly love and friendship, comes from Ratu Gusti Anglurah Gede Karang, who owns the throne of government and majesty in the realm of Bali Buleleng, especially the land of Bali Petemuan and Jembrana and who always intends to cultivate mutual love and affection; may it be conveyed, we pray, to His Excellency, our brother Thomas Raffles Esquire who owns the seat of authority to rule the settlement of the English Company as agent to His Excellency Sri Maharaja Gilbert Lord Minto, Governor-General, paramount ruler, most illustrious raja of every district of the country of Bengal and every settlement that is under subject to the flag of the English King who executes his authority with loyalty and noble character and whose conduct is endearing towards friends. May his duration of life be extended like the revolving moon and sun and the succession of night by day that is ever eternal. Amen, O Thou Who Adjudicates on human hopes. Following that, with all sincerity and affection, our brother has made known the letter; that is the white epistle that is beautifully written, which has reached us safely. It was received with honour and when unfurled and every line and portion read, every word of goodness was well understood. It is mentioned that our brother has instructed a ship captained by Captain Greig to convey a letter in which is stated that you are informing us about the arrival of the warships at Pu[lau] Pinang, bringing along an innumerable number of troops who would come to Java to expel the Hollanders in the East. And that the Governor-General 340

of Bengal intends to come himself along with the dignitaries under him for the purpose of introducing good government in ways that will be profitable to every great raja in the East. And so with regard to our brother’s intention as such we will be most pleased if you can carry out the occupation with speed. Written in the gallery of the district of the country of Bali Buleleng on the twenty-seventh of the month of Rabi’ul-awal, at eight o’clock, 1226 Hegira [21 April 1811 CE].

Bali 6 Warkah Ratu Gusti Anglurah Gede Karang kepada Raffles, satu lembar (berlipat), 45.9. x 26.6 sm Bahawa ini sahifat al-abiadz yang aziz terbit daripada nur al-qalub [sic] yang amat gemilang akan memberi tarang [sic] benderang pada antara segala makhluk yang saudara bersaudara dan sahabat bersahabat daripada Seri Paduka Ratu Gusti Anglurah Gede Karang yang empunya tahta [sic] kerajaan dan kebesaran dalam alam tanah Bali Buleleng, istimewah [sic] tanah Bali Petemuan dan Jembarana [sic] yang senantiasa berniat pada berkasih-kasihan iaitu barang disampaikan kiranya pada paduka saudara kita, Tuan Tamas Raffles Askoyar yang empunya tahta [sic] kuasa memerintah negeri Kompeni Inggerisy [sic] yang jadi ganti Paduka Seri Maharaja Gilbatlat [sic] Lord Minto, Gurnor [sic] Jeneral, yang di pertuan besar, yang maha mulia, raja segala daerah negeri Benggala dan segala negeri yang takluk di bawah bendera raja Inggerisy [sic] yang melakukan hukum serta dengan bersetia budi perangai keelokannya dan kelakuan kemanisannya pada antara segala sahabatnya; serta barang dilanjutkan usia umur zamannya seperti peredaran bulan dan matahari, pergantian malam dan siang, dengan selama-lamanya. Amin, ya qadhi al-hajat. Waba’adah adapun daripada itu tulus dan ikhlas kasih dan mesrah [sic]; maka adalah saudara bermaklumkan surat syerta [sic] membayankan sahifat al-abiadz yang amat indah-indah telah sampailah pada kita dengan sejahteranya; serta disambut dengan kemuliaannya dam [sic, dan] lalu dibaca segala janab syatarnya; adalah mazkur dalamnya kalam al-ehsan yang saudara bersuruhan satu kapal kapitannya bernama Kapitan Greg [g-r-y-g] serta membawak sepucuk surat.

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Maka tersebut dalamnya daripada saudara membari [sic] khabar kepada kita daripada kapal perang Inggerisy [sic] sudah datang sampai di Pu[lau] Pinang syerta [sic] membawak rakyat terlalu banyak hendak datang ke Tanah Jawah [sic] mau pukul sekalian Hollandes yang di dalam negeri timur dan lagi daripada hal Tuan Gurnor [sic] Jeneral di Benggala mau datang sendiri serta dengan orang besyar-besyar [sic] yang di bawahnya mau buat perintah yang baik daripada jalan kebajikan kepada segala raja-raja yang besyar-besyar [sic] dalam negeri timur. Syahadan daripada saudara punya mau yang demikian itu kita terlebih suka yang supaya segera bersaudara menjadikan pekerjaan itu adanya. Tersurat di dalam peseban daerah negeri Bali Buleleng pada tujuh likur haribulan Rabi’ul-awal jam pukul dualapan, 1226 Sanah.

BALI VII Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio [folded], 40 x 32.2 cm Letter of Ratu Gusti Anglurah Gede Karang of Bali with red-wax seal, addressed to Behrama Andrew Bruce, Governor of Penang Heading: ‘Qawluh u’l-Haqq’ Endorsement verso Malay letter in Jawi script [second fold]: ‘This letter is from the Raja of Bali Baleling / on the seventeenth of the month of Rabi’ul-awal’ Malay letter marked in pencil: ‘No. 5’ Whereas this white letter of distinction that emanates from the light of the heart with scintillating splendour, illuminating and shining over all creatures of brotherly love and friendship, is from His Highness Ratu Gusti Anglurah Gede Karang who owns the throne of government and majesty in the realm of the land of Bali Buleleng, particularly so the land of Bali Petemuan and Jembrana; whose intent is always to create brotherly love, may it be conveyed [by the grace of God] to His Excellency our brother Tuan Behrama Hendru [sic, Andrew] Bruce, Governor, Raja of Pulau Pinang who possesses the seat of authority to rule the settlement of Pulau Pinang; who conducts jurisdiction with loyalty, discretion and charming disposition and pleasant manners towards every friend; and may his duration of life be lengthened like the 342

circling of the moon and the sun, and the replacement of the night by daylight, that is ever eternal. Amen, O Thou Who Adjudicates on human hopes. Following that, our brother has made known that the Company’s behrama in Europe has sent hither a Company’s ship bearing gifs. Concerning these things, the Company’s behrama instructed your lordship to deliver them to us as a sign that the Company’s superior (behrama) has accepted our affection and sincerity in return for the help that we extended to one of the Company’s vessels that experienced distress some time ago. Furthermore, our brother has informed us that Mister Raffles will be sailing to the East to be vakeel [agent] of the behrama, the GovernorGeneral of Bengal, to conduct all important affairs of government. Because of that our brother has instructed a letter be sent to us along with all the things in the hands of Mister Raffles. Our brother’s request to us was that we should help to take good care and give assistance as is usually the custom among friends; or [if] Mister Raffles sends another person to Bali as his agent, our brother’s request was that we should also take good care of him so that the English Company and we in the country of Bali could become good friends. With respect to that, Mister Raffles’ agent to Bali is Captain Smith. His perahu is a one-mast vessel, carrying letters addressed to us. There are two letters from Mister Raffles to us and four other letters. One letter is addressed to the Susuhunan of Solo, another to the Sultan of Mataram, one to the Susuhunan of Mandura [sic] and another letter addressed to the Panembahan of Sumenep. These are the four letters that Mister Raffles had requested us to deliver to the said Javanese rajas. With respect to these letters, we have already instructed them to be sent to the said four Javanese rajas. Further to that, with regard to Captain Smith, we have taken very good care of him; even more so, all the English ships that have come to the country of Bali Buleleng have been taken care of and given good treatment, for we are anxious to befriend the English Company, as has been the custom between mutual friends. Following that, we are making known to our brother about the aforementioned gifts of the Company’s superiors [behrama] in Europe. The gifts firstly consist of a gunny bag of broadcloth of various kinds and a long chest of weapons. Those gifts have been ordered by our brother for delivery to us. But we have only received from Captain Graves a

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bundle of scarlet broadcloth and one of green broadcloth. As for that long chest of weapons, it has not reached us yet. That is what we wish to inform our brother. Written in the gallery of the country of Bali Buleleng, on the seventeenth of the month of Rabi’ul-awal, in the year of Zai 1226 Hegira [11 April 1811 CE].

Bali 7 Warkah Ratu Gusti Anglurah Gede Karang kepada Behrama Andrew Bruce, Gabenor Pulau Pinang, satu lembar (berlipat), 40 x 32.2 sm Bahawa ini sahifat al-abiadz yang aziz terbit daripada nur al-qalub [sic] yang amat gilang gemilang akan memberi terang benderang pada antara segala makhluk yang saudara bersaudara dan sahabat bersahabat iaitu daripada Seri Paduka Ratu Gusti Anglurah Gede Karang yang empunya tahta [sic] kerajaan dan kebesaran dalam alam tanah Bali Buleleng istimewah [sic] tanah Bali Petemuan dan Jem[b]rana yang senantiasa berniat pada berkasih-kasihan iaitu barang disampaikan kiranya pada Seri Paduka saudara kita Tuan Behramah [sic] Hendru [sic, Andrew] Bruce, Gornador [sic] Raja Pulau Pinang yang mempunyai tahta [sic] kuasa memerintah negeri Pulau Pinang yang melakukan hukum beserta dengan bersetia budi perangai keelokannya dan kemanisannya pada antara segala sahabat. Barang dilanjutkan kiranya usia umur zamannya seperti peredaran bulan dan matahari dan pergantian malam dan siang. Amin, ya qadzi al-hajat. Waba’adah kemudian daripada itu adalah saudara bermaklumkan adalah Behrama Kompeni di Eropa sudah hantar mari sebuah kapal Kompeni barang-barang hadiah. Maka akan barang-barang Behrama Kompeni suruh Tuan antar pergi kepada kita menjadi tanda Behrama Kompeni sudah menerima kasih sayang tulus ikhlas daripada kita, ada tolong pelihara akan sebuah kapal Kompeni yang kena susah dahulu itu. Syahadan lagi, saudara memberi maklum kepada kita yang Mister Raffle [sic] itu hendak berlayar pergi ke sebelah negeri timur itu menjadi wakil Behrama Gurnor [sic] Jenderal Benggala memerintahkan segala perintah yang besyar-besyar [sic]; sebab itu saudara suruh antarkan surat kepada kita serta dengan barang-barang itu pada tangan Mister Fol [sic, Raffles] itu; pintak [sic] saudara kepada kita yang supaya kita tolong pelihara dengan baik; tolong menolong seperti adat 344

sahabat bersahabat. Ataua [sic] Mister Raffol [sic] hantarkan orang lain aakan gantinya pergi ke Bali pintak [sic] saudara supaya demikian juga kita tolong pelihara dengan baik yang boleh jadi sahabat baik Kompeni Inggerisy [sic] dengan kita di negeri Bali. Maka daripada hal yang demikian itu adalah Mister Raffles punya ganti datang ke Tanah Bali bernama Kapitan Asmit [Smith]. Perahunya kapal tiang satu, membawak surat kepada kita; yang surat dari Mister Rafol [sic] kepada kita dua pucuk surat; dan lagi empat surat, yang satu surat kepada Susu[hu]nan Solo, dan satu surat kepada Sultan Mataram, dan satu surat kepada Susu[hu]nan Mandura [sic]; dan satu surat kepada Panembahan Sumenep. Maka yang empat surat itu Mister Rafol [sic] minta tolong kepada kita yang kita boleh suruh hantarkan empat surat itu kepada fasal-fasal Raja Jawa yang tersebut di hadapan itu. Maka daripada surat yang empat itu telah sudah kita suruh hantarkan kepada fasal-fasal Raja Jawa yang empat itu. Syahadan daripada itu Kapitan Asmit [Smith] telah sudah kita peliharanya dengan segala baik istimewah [sic] sekalian kapal Inggerisy [sic] yang datang ke negeri Bali Buleleng. Telah sudah kita tolong segala perkaranya dengan segala baik adanya kerana kita terlalu amat suka bersahabat dengan Kompeni Inggerisy [sic] seperti adat sahabat bersahabat adanya. Syahadan lagi kita memberi tahu kepada saudara daripada yang tersebut itu hadiah Behrama Kompeni di Eropa. Maka akan hadiah itu, pertama kain sakhlat jenis-jenis satu guni dan senjata satu peti panjang; itu hadiah saudara suruh hantar kepada kita. Maka ada pun yang sudah sampai kepada kita dibawak oleh Kapitan Grewesy [sic], sakhlat merah satu bungkusy [sic] dan sakhlat hijau satu bungkusy [sic]; itulah adanya. Maka daripada senjata yang satu peti panjang itu tiada sampai kepada kita; itulah kita maklumkan kepada saudara. Tersurat dalam peseban negeri Bali Buleleng kepada tujuh belas hari bulan Rabi’ul-awal tahun Zai 1226.

BALI VIII Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio, 16 x 22.3 cm Letter of Ratu Gusti Anglurah Gede Karang Yang Jemenang of Bali, with red-wax seal addressed to Raffles Malay letter marked in pencil: ‘No. 6’ Heading: ‘Qawluh u’l-Haqq’ 345

Endorsement verso Malay letter in Jawi script: ‘This is the Raja of Bali Baliling’s letter of reminder’ This is a reminder of His Highness Ratu Gusti Anglurah Gede Karang Yang Jemenang who reigns over the country of Bali Buleleng, requesting help from His Excellency Tuan Thomas Raffles Esquire who is representing the General [sic] in Bengal. We are requesting you to purchase a small boat for our amusement measuring six arms’ length with two masts and [which is] of the best kind. Its fittings should be of English style, costing around 400 rix dollars. We also want twenty kegs of gunpowder, two kegs of fine priming powder, an English-type camera obscura,32 a set complete with glass together with 200 sheets of paper that are new and of the best kind; and a burning glass that will, when exposed in the sun, produce fire; [and] two bundles of black broadcloth that is extremely fine at the ‘head’, all at reasonable price. Could our brother please state the price in the letter. We beseech our brother to ensure that these [things] will reach us in the country of Bali Buleleng with speed. Further, we wish our brother could buy for us the fittings for the little boat, which should not be less than six arms’ length. Better still, if it were to exceed six arms’ length, or even much better if the length is seven arms’ length; however, it should definitely not exceed seven. Further to that, may we implore our brother to send us two score of gun triggers. Captain Smith knows the size. Pertaining to the cost, please put that in the letter. The Tuan Raja herewith encloses a dagger that is studded with gold —a tool for Balinese art of writing. (undated)

Bali 8 Warkah Ratu Gusti Anglurah Gede Karang Yang Jemenang kepada Raffles, satu lembar, 16 x 22.3 sm Bahawa ini peringatan Seri Paduka Ratu Gusti Anglurah Gede Karang yang Jemenang memerintah negeri Bali Buleleng iaitu mintak tolong 32 A darkened box with a convex lens or aperture for projecting the image of an external object on to a screen inside.

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kepada Seri Paduka Tuan Tamas Raffles Askoyar [sic] yang jadi ganti Tuan Jenderal di Benggala; mintak tolong belikan satu kapal permainan yang kecil yang panjang enam depa, yang tiang dua, yang bagusy [sic] sekali yang segala pakaian cara Inggerisy [sic] yang kira-kira harga empat ratus rial dan ubat senapang yang baik dua puluh pipa dan ubat anglan [England?] yang halus dua pipa dan gambar cara Inggerisy kamera hab seskoyar [sic, camera obscura] satu perangkat syerta [sic] dengan cerminnya yang dia punya kertas dua ratus lembar yang baharu dan baik sekali, dan kaca api yang ditaruh di panas matahari menjadi api dan sakhlat hitam yang kepala yang halus sekali dua bungkusy [sic] yang sepatut harganya. Saudara sebutkan dalam surat iaitu kita mintak kepada saudara yang boleh segera datang kepada kita di negeri Bali Buleleng adanya. Tamat al-kalam. Dan lagi kita mintak belikan makai33 daripada itu kapal kecil; jangan kurang daripada panjang enam; terlebih baik yang lebih daripada panjang enam atau panjang tujuh terlebih baik; jangan sekalikali lebih daripada panjang tujuh adanya. (Di sisi sebelah kanan teks surat) (songsang): Syahadan lagi adalah kita punya permintaan kepada saudara kita mintak tolong kirimi picu senapang dua kodi; dan daripada besyarnya [sic] Kapitan Smith sudah tahu; dan daripada harganya taruh di dalam surat. Adalah Tuan Raja kasih [sic] satu pisau bertatah emas pakaian menulis cara Bali. (tanpa tarikh)

BALI IX Malay letter, Jawi script, 1 folio [folded], 41.8 x 33.5 cm Letter of Ratu Gusti Anglurah Gede Karang of Bali, with red-wax seal, addressed to Lord Minto Endorsement recto Malay letter [top page] in Raffles’[?] hand: ‘Letter from the Raja of Bali Baliling [sic]/ to Lord Minto? / 27 Rabi’ulawal 1226’ 33 From ‘pakai’ meaning something worn (not necessarily clothing); rather more like furniture or equipment.

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Endorsement verso [second fold]: ‘From the Raja of Bali / Baliling / to Lord Minto / D. 27 Rabi’ul-awal 1226’ Heading: ‘Qawluh ul-Haqq’ This white letter of distinction and varied gifts that arises from the light of the heart of refulgent splendour that shall illuminate and shine on all creatures of brotherly love and friendship comes from His Highness Ratu Gusti Anglurah Gede Karang who owns the throne of government and majesty in the realm of the land of Bali Buleleng, particularly so the land of Bali Petemuan and Jemeran [sic] and whose intent is always to cultivate mutual love and affection; may it be conveyed, we pray, to our brother, His Excellency Seri Maharaja Gilbert Lord Minto, paramount ruler, most illustrious Governor-General, raja of all the districts of Bengal and Hindustan, Keling [sic, Kalinga], Surati and Gujerat and the Maha Lingga and every district that is subject to the flag of the great English king, most illustrious among all the rajas under the rule of the English king, other than those in the English [sic] European states; who conducts jurisdiction with loyalty, discretion and charming disposition and pleasant manners towards every friend; and may his duration of life be lengthened like the circling of the moon and the sun, and the replacement of the night by daylight, ever eternal. Amen, O Fulfiller of Hopes. Following that, Captain Graves has brought news that the Maharaja Gilbert Lord Minto, paramount ruler, most illustrious Governor-General, is saying that we have been very good towards every English captain who comes to the land of Bali Buleleng. That is the message according to Captain Graves. And with regard to your missive to us which has been carried by the English captain who comes to Bali Buleleng, we would like to state that it has safely reached us. We thank you very much for that. Further to that, there is a letter mentioning that there is a plan to invade Java. We would be happier if the English Company could become supreme in the land of Java because we are quite sure that we shall be much relieved. And further to that, we are requesting our brother, if it is possible, to contribute to our gratification by sending us a picture [sic, camera obscura] of which the paper is of good quality. As for its cost, you may state it in the letter. That is all. There is nothing [of value] that we could send as a gift except a kris of our own wearing. It has a girdle ornamented with an embossed plate

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of gold, and the hilt and sheath are made of ivory. We are also sending two slaves. We are also consigning a text written on palmyra palm leaf,34 which happens to be our own work, together with this letter that Captain Greig is to deliver. Finis. Written in the court of the district of the country of Bali Buleleng on the twenty-seventh of the month of Rabi’ul-awal, on Saturday, at nine o’clock, in the year 1226 Hegira [21 April 1811]. [Postscript]: And if our brother is considering sending anything, please do not send something that is too expensive. Other than the said picture [sic] and the unloaded gun, we would like to have bullets that will shoot swiftly.

Bali 9 Warkah Ratu Gusti Anglurah Gede Karang kepada Lord Minto, satu lembar (berlipat), 41.8. x 33.5 sm Bahawa ini sahifat al-abiadz yang aziz terbit daripada nur wal-qalub [sic] yang amat gilang gemilang akan memberi tarang [sic] benderang pada antara segala makhluk [sic] saudarah [sic] bersaudara bersahabat [sic] bersahabat daripada Seri Paduka Ratu Gusti Anglurah Gade [g-a-d-y] Karang yang empunya tahta [sic] kerajaan dan kebesaran dalam alam tanah Bali Buleleng, istimewa tanah Bali Petem[u]an dan Jemran [sic] yang senantiasa berniat pada berkasih-kasihan iaitu barang disampaikan kiranya pada paduka saudarah [sic] kita Seri Maharaza [sic] Gilbatlet Lord Minto yang pertuan basyar [sic], yang maha mulia Gurnor Jeneral raja segala daerah negeri Benggala dan Hindusatan [sic] dan Kaling [sic] dan Surati dan Guzerat [sic] dan Maha Lingga dan segala negeri yang takluk di bawah bendera raja maha basyar [sic] Inggeris, yang maha mulia daripada segala raja yang di bawah perintah raja Inggeris lain daripada negeri Eropa [sic] Inggeris; yang melakukan hukum beserta dangan [sic] bersetia budi perangai keelokan dan kemanisannya pada antara segala sahabatnya; 34 See below.

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serta barang dilanjutkan usia umur zamannya, seperti peredaran bulan dan matahari, pergantian malam dan siang dangan [sic] selamalamanya. Amin, ya qadzi al-hajat. Waba’adah kemudian dari itu adalah Kapitan Garif35 [Graves] membawak khabar Maharaja Gilbatlet [sic] Lord Minto, yang di pertuan besyar [sic], yang maha mulia Gurnor [sic] Jender[al] mengatakan kita terlalu baik pada segala kapitan Inggeris yang datang di tanah Buleleng; begitulah khabarnya Kapitan Garif [Graves]. Syahadan lagi akan hal saudara kita berkirim pada kita yang dibawak oleh kapitan Inggeris yang datang ke Buleleng talah [sic] sampai dangan [sic] selamat sa[m]purnanya pada kita. Itupun kita terima kasih begitu banyak; itulah adanya. Syahadan lagi ada surat mengatakan hendak memukul Tanah Jawa. Adalah kita terlabih [sic] suka jikalau Kompeni Inggeris menjadi basyar [sic] Tanah Jawa; pasti kita menjadi senang. Syahadan lagi adalah kita mintak tolong pada saudara seperti saudarah [sic] menya[m]paikan kita kesukaan ati [sic]. Saudara boleh tolong kirimi gambar yang baru kertasnya, yang baik cerminnya, dan daripada harganya saudara tarok dalam surat; demikianlah adanya. Dan suatupun tiada yang jadi alamat tul [tanda] al-hayat hanyalah keris sebilah yang berpending emas, berkepala gading, besarung gading, pakaian kita sendiri; dan dua budak laki-laki. (sambungan: tulisan menyongsangi folio bahagian sebelah kanan) dan sepucuk surat lontar[a] bekas tangan kita kendiri [k-n-d-y-r-y] besyerta [sic] dengan surat ini adanya yang dibawak Kapitan Grek [sic]. Tamat. Tersurat di dalam paseban daerah negeri Buleleng pada 7 likur hari bulan Rabi’ul-awal, pada hari Sabtu, jam pukul sembilan 1222 [sic, 1226!] Sanah. Dan jikalau saudara hendak berkirim jangan barang besyar [sic] harganya; lain daripada gambar dan bedil yang tiada berisi ubat maka daras [sic] pelurunya.

35 G-a-r-y-f.

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Translation of Balinese letter written on a lontar by the Raja of Karang-Asem, addressed to Lord Minto36 1. Memo: There is a Captain who has been forgotten. He requested a letter of permission from the Syahbandar of Buleleng to sail to Rembang. He has five perahu and twenty crew. The cargo is twenty piculs of gambier, two pairs of cannons, fifteen musketoons, a picul of gunpowder, a thousand cannonballs each of big and small sizes, [and] twenty spears. He sailed from Buleleng on Tuesday Wage, on the Dungulan Wuku, 14th of the ninth month. 2. Our father the Governor-General, Lord Minto. Our father seems to have heard the news from William Greig that we have struck a friendship with William Greig, an English Captain who came to Bali. We have only [tried] helping the English captain. Such was the news conveyed to our father. Owing to that our father is pleased. And now our father has sent us gifts; everything that was sent has reached us, delivered by William Greig. We are most thankful to our father. Now we send our father a dagger that has an ivory casing. Its handle is also of ivory and gold-plated. Our kris, which is white, is wedged in. 3. We are also sending twenty men to our father. We have also learnt that our father is planning to invade the land of Java. If that is true, we are extremely pleased. We hope they will be defeated with speed by our father so that the English will rule the land of Java. If that becomes the case we would feel much relieved. We hesitate to make a request of our father. We wish our father could purchase us a new picture [camera]. It should have a glass that is bright. Our father may fix the price … We prefer an English-made picture. (Gde Kari).

BALI X Unidentified part of Malay letter; 1 folio, without seal; undated Letter of Raja of Bali Buleleng addressed to Raffles in Malacca … and further we send our profuse salutations to our friend. In regard to our request for a small shallop, which we can take care of and for our 36 For the Malay translation and its original in Balinese see Appendix IX. I wish to thank Mr. Agung Kriswanto of the National Library in Jakarta for helping me to provide the transliteration of the manuscript and its translation into Indonesian.

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own use when doing work as a sign of our friendship, let it be of some length; for we are brotherly friends. And regarding our name, please uphold it well. And we are making it known to you that the country of Bali is much like the Settlement of Malacca. There is nothing that cannot be found in Malacca—you should just send someone to see us; whatever is available in Bali that you would like to have we shall not disappoint you. But we hope and trust that you are serious at heart in your desire to be friends with us. Nonetheless, we shall, all the same, uphold your name forever and ever. That is it.

Bali 10 Bahagian atau keratan warkah yang tidak dapat dikenalpasti: Dan lagi dari itu beta kirim tabek banyak-banyak kepada sahabat beta dari hal beta mahu mintok [sic] perahu slop37 yang kecil yang boleh kita piara [sic] dan yang boleh kita pakai kendiri ia dikaraca [sic, kerja] tanda kita sahabat biar supaya pancang [sic, panjang]; kita saudara bersaudara. Dan lagi dari hal beta punya nama biar saudara pegang baik-baik; dan saudara punya nama biar beta pegang baik-baik dan lagi dari hal beta bilang kepada beta punya saudara darihal negeri Bali itu sama juga dangan [sic] negeri Melaka. Jikalau yang tiada di dalam negeri Melaka itu melainkan sahabat bersuruhan saja kepada beta; apa yang ada di dalam tanah Bali yang sahabat punya suka tiada boleh beta salahi lagi melainkan kita harap kepada sahabat yang sahabat sungguh hati mahu bersaudara kepada beta; melainkan kita pegang juga saudara punya nama sampai selama-lamanya. Itulah adanya.

37 From English ‘shallop’ which is a light sailing boat used in shallow waters. In Dutch ‘sloep’ means a boat.

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APPENDICES

APPENDIX I (a) Raffles’ first Malay letter to the Sultan of Palembang (based on the Rumi transliteration of the Malay original in John Bastin, Essays on Indonesian and Malaysian History, Appendix IV, Letter no. 1, pp. 185–186) A letter of sincerity along with endless affectionate love, that is from us, His Excellency Thomas Raffles Esquire, who represents the GovernorGeneral, raja above all rajas who are subject to the colours of the great raja from above the wind to below the wind, the yang dipertuan of the settlement of Bengal. An epistle of sincerity has come to the presence of our friend Sultan Mahmud Badr ad-Din, who sits on the throne of government of the country of Palembang and who is wise and whose name is renowned everywhere. Following that, we make it known that we have just arrived in Malacca from Bengal with the intention to conduct deliberations with all rajas in the Eastern districts concerning the warships so that they will not detain the perahu of people who come hither and thither to conduct trade between Palembang and other countries, including those from the English Company’s lands, if they are in possession of our chop. Further, when we arrived in Malacca we heard from the raja of Malacca that many Dutch warships have arrived at the mouth of the Palembang River. We are rather disturbed upon hearing the news, for the Sultan of Palembang has been true friends with the Dutch for a long time; if the Sultan of Palembang does not have true friendship with the Dutch why then are the Dutch still allowed to stay in Palembang? When we heard this news we then hastened to send this letter to our friend, so that our friend may be cautious of the Dutch, for they are evil-hearted. They want to be rich at the expense of our friend’s wealth and money.

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Our friend should, instead, strike to expel them entirely if the Dutch are not willing to deliberate cordially according to our friend’s wishes. And if at the present time our friend is unable to be rid of the Dutch altogether and our friend wishes to be true friends with the English, then our friend may send a letter to us quickly mentioning all the circumstances, along with a representative of good intelligence. We shall then conduct deliberations if our friend is agreeable and we also desire it. We can conclude all the deliberations, for under our jurisdiction there are many warships that can expel the Dutch even if there are 100,000 of them. And further, … whatever is mentioned in this letter should be kept secret. Don’t let others know about it for all the deliberations … When our brother intends to deliver the letter and the representative to us … please do not let others know; let him come as though he is only a trader to Malacca. And so here is a token of sincerity from us. There is a roll of Indian muslin with golden flowers, a roll of golden-flowered cloth and a shawl. Please accept them with whiteness of heart as a sign of true friendship. And so we let it be known. Letter is written on the eighth of Dzulkaedah, on Thursday, in 1225 Hegira, the year of the second Jim [= 5 December 1810]. Finis. (b) Copy of Raffles’ original first Malay letter (from Bastin, Essays on Indonesian and Malaysian History, Appendix IV, Letter No. 1, pp. 185186) Surat tulus [ikhlas] serta kasih dan sajang yang tiada berkesudahan daripada beta Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles Esquire jang ada ganti dari Paduka Guwernur Djeneral radja diatas segala radja2 jang ada taclu’ dibawah bandera radja maha besar negeri dari atas angin sampai kebawah angin jang dipertuan besar negeri Benggala. Telah sampailah warkat al-ikhlas ini ke hadapan sahabat beta Sultan Mahmud Badr adDin jang ada semajam diatas tahta keradjaan negeri Palembang serta dengan bidjaksana telah terma[sj]hur nama kepudjian sampai kemana2. Wabacdahu kemundian [sic] dari itu beta maclumkan ahwal maka adalah beta baharu datang [da]ri negeri Benggala sampai kenegeri Malaka mau buat bitjara sama dengan segala radja2 negeri dairah timur pasal segala kapal2 [pe]rang ini djangan lagi ia tangkap segala

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perahu2 orang pergi datang berniaga dari negeri Palembang dan negeri lain2 sampai kenegeri Kompeni Inggeris djika ada masing2 dengan tjap beta. Dan lagi apakala beta sudah sampai ke Malaka maka ada beta dengar khabar daripada radja Malaka mengatakan ada banjak kapal perang orang Belanda sudah sampai kekuala Palembang maka betapun mendjadi banjak susah hati menengarkan khabar itu karena dari dahulunja Sultan Palembang ada bersahabat betul sama dengan orang Belanda ka[re]na djikalau Sultan Palembang tiada bersahabat yang betul sama dengan orang Belanda mengapa sampai sekarang ini dibe[ri] orang Belanda tinggal didalam negeri Palembang itu. Maka apabila beta sudah dengar khabar itu maka betapun segera berkirim surat ini kepada sahabat beta, boleh sahabat beta djagakan baik2 diatas orang Belanda karena ia orang djahat; ia hendak mendjadi orang kaya dengan harta dan real daripada sahabat beta. Maka hendaklah sahabat beta pukul buang sekali2 djika orang Belanda tiada mau bitjara baik seperti kehendak sahabat beta dan lagi djika sekarang ini sahabat beta tiada boleh buang sekali2 orang Belanda dan djika sahabat beta ada mau djadi sahabat betul sama dengan orang Inggeris boleh sahabat beta kirimkan satu surat dengan sigeranya mengatakan segala pasal2l[nja] itu serta dengan satu orang wakil yang baik akal bitjara daripada sahabat beta sampai kepada beta boleh beta bitjarakan djika dengan suka sahabat beta dan suka beta berkehendakkan boleh beta habiskan segala bitjara karena dibawah hukum beta ada banyak kapal perang boleh buang orang Belanda djika selaksa adanja sekalipun. Dan lagi ada … segala jang tersebut didalam surat ini djangan sahabat beta beri lain2 orang tahu karena segala bitjara jang … Maka apabila sahabat beta hendak beri surat serta dengan orang wakil itu mari kepada beta pu… djangan lain orang ketahui, biarlah datang seperti satu orang berniaga sahadja kenegeri Melaka ini. Maka a[pab]ila sampai ia ke Malaka ini beta sendiri boleh bitjarakan sama dengan dia. Maka inilah tanda ikhlas daripada beta ada k[ai]n khas[a]1 bunga emas sekaju dan kain emas bebunga satu gulung dan kain sal sehelai, boleh sahabat beta terima dengan putih hati tanda sahabat yang betul. Ahwal inilah beta maclumkan. Diperbuat surat pada delapan haribulan Dhu ‘l-Kacida pada haris Kemis Sanat 1225 tahun2 djim. Tammat.

1 Khasah or kasah—thin, semi-transparent muslin or lightweight cotton fabric.

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APPENDIX II (a) Translation of the original copy of Raffles’ second Malay letter2 to Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin (MSS. Eur. F 148/4, ff. 100v–101r, BL) A letter of sincerity and [brotherly] affection and love that is without end so long as the heavenly bodies, the sun and the moon, revolve from us, Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles Esquire who is Agent to His Excellency, Gilbert Lord Minto, the Governor-General in Bengal, raja above all rajas who are subject to the colours of the great raja of the country of the English from above the wind until below the wind, who is now stationed in the settlement of Malacca. A letter of sincerity is thus emplaced in the presence of our friend Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin who owns the throne of government of the country of Palembang and all its tributaries, the abode of peace; along with the ever-flowing prosperity from God, Lord of the Universe, as well as being endowed with practical wisdom and well-renowned is his distinguished name for being helpful to all friends and acquaintances; and of his perfect intelligent common sense. And so, following that, we make it known that five days prior to this letter we dispatched a letter to be conveyed to our friend; and following that letter, we entrusted Raden Muhammad, who is our emissary and agent, with this letter, which is to be delivered in the presence of our friend. Now then, we are the agent to the Governor-General in Bengal with the intention of conducting major business with every Malay raja in the Eastern countries and districts, including Palembang, for the GovernorGeneral in Bengal is much gratified to become a true friend of all the Malay rajas in the Eastern countries and districts, including our friend. And so we have much affection towards our friend to become good friends with whiteness of heart without exception in the days ahead. With regard to the affairs of the Dutch, what is the use of our friend allowing them to stay in the country of Palembang when the Dutch are very bad. They want to make trouble for our friend. And so we feel 2 This letter was a follow-up to the preceding letter; its delivery by Sayid Abu Bakar Rum was delayed for five days. This letter was written on 14 December 1810 and was delivered by Raden Muhammad on 5 January 1811. Baud, in his article, was mistaken about the exact date of the letter. See the next letter taken from Bijlage No. 1 in J. C. Baud, ‘Palembang in 1811 en 1812’, Bijdragen, No. 1, 1853, pp. 21–22.

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troubled because our friend is not a true friend of the English Company; if our friend desires to become a true friend of the English Company he should decide once and for all, and reply to this letter as well as our previous letter with speed, along with all the circumstances of the Dutch with our friend, together with a representative of our friend who has an intelligent mind. If all the deliberations and our friend’s agreement with us have been well and good we shall conclude them once and for all. And further, after Tengku Raden Muhammad has stayed in Palembang for seven days, please send him back to us with haste. Further, in this letter we have included a copy of the said letter which we sent prior to this letter. Herewith is a token of sincerity from us to our friend: there are two rolls of European chintz and two floor-rugs. Please accept them with whiteness of heart, which [gift] is not as it should be. And so we make it known that [this] letter is written on 17 Dzulkaedah, Friday in the 1225 Hegira, the year of the second Jim. Finis. [14 December 1810]. (b) Original copy of Raffles’ second Malay letter to the Sultan of Palembang (MSS. Eur. F 148/4, ff. 100v–101r, BL) Surat tulus ikhlas serta kasih dan sayang yang tiada berkesudahan selagi ada perkitaran cakrawala matahari dan bulan daripada beta Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles Esquire yang ada ganti daripada Seri Paduka Gilbert Lord Minto, Guwernur Jeneral di Benggala, raja di atas segala raja-raja yang ada takluk di bawah bendera raja maha besar negeri Inggeris dari atas angin sampai ke bawah angin yang ada terhenti di dalam negeri Melaka. Telah terletaklah warkat al-ikhlas ini kehadapan sahabat beta Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin yang ada mempunyai tahta kerajaan negeri Palembang serta dengan daerahnya dar as-salam serta limpah makmur daripada Tuhan sarwa alam serta dengan bijaksana telah termasyhur nama kepujian sampai ke mana-mana daripada tolong-menolong sahabat dan handai yang amat sempurna budi bicara. Waba’adah kemundian [sic] dari itu beta maklumkan ahwal maka adalah dahulu daripada surat ini lima hari beta ada beri suatu surat pinta bawakkan kepada sahabat beta; maka dari belakang surat itu inilah pulak suatu surat lagi beta beri kepada Tengku Raden Muhammad menjadi utusan serta wakil daripada beta membawak surat ini sampai ke hadapan sahabat beta. Maka inilah beta sudah ada ganti Guwernur Jeneral di Benggala mari mau buat bicara yang besar sama dengan segala raja-raja Melayu negeri daerah timur ini sampai ke negeri Palembang karena Guwernur 357

Jeneral di Benggala ada banyak suka mau menjadi sahabat yang betul sama dengan segala raja-raja Melayu negeri daerah timur ini dan sahabat beta. Maka inilah beta ada banyak kasih kepada sahabat beta mau menjadi sahabat yang baik serta dengan putih hati jangan [sic] lagi kepada kemundian [sic] harinya. Maka adalah fasal orang Hollandes itu apa guna sahabat beta benarkan beri ia tinggal di dalam negeri Palembang itu karna [k-a-r-n-a] orang Hollandes ada banyak jahat; ia mau buat suatu jalan kejahatan juga di atas sahabat beta. Maka inilah beta pun ada jadi banyak susah hati sebab sahabat beta tiada jadi sahabat betul sama dengan Kompeni Inggeris dan jika sahabat beta ada suka mau menjadi sahabat yang betul sama dengan Kompeni Inggeris hendaklah sahabat beta tentukan sekali-kali serta beri balas surat ini dan surat dahulu itu dengan segeranya, serta dengan segala fasal-fasalnya orang Holandes dengan sahabat beta serta dengan satu orang wakil daripada sahabat beta yang baik akal bicara datang kepada beta. Jika sudah baik segala bicara dan janji sahabat beta antara beta boleh beta habiskan sekalikali dan lepas tujuh hari Tunku [t-n-k-w] Raden Muhammad di dalam negeri Palembang boleh sahabat beta hantarkan ia balik dengan segeranya boleh sampai kepada beta. Maka adalah di dalam surat ini beta ada beri suatu surat salinan seperti yang tersebut di dalam surat yang sudah beta hantarkan dahulu daripada surat ini dan inilah tanda ikhlas daripada beta: ada kain cita Eropah dua kayu dan permadani [sic] dua helai; boleh shabat beta terima dengan putih hati, tiada dengan sepertinya. Ehwal inilah beta maklumkan, diperbuat surat pada tujuh belas haribulan Dzulkaedah, hari Jumaat pada 1225 Sanah Tahun 2 [sic] Jim. Tamat. (c) Translation of Raffles’ second Malay letter (based on the transliteration in Baud’s article, ‘Palembang in 1811 en 1812’, bijlage no. 1) This is an honest letter from our heart, with affection that is without limit, of our love, from the mighty raja Thomas Stamford Raffles Esquire who represents the great raja, Gilbert Lord Minto, Governor-General, raja above all rajas who submit to the colours of the English king; he is the raja of Bengal; may this honest letter be delivered to the hands of Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin who presently occupies the royal throne of the country of Palembang. He is a good ruler renowned everywhere. 358

This letter from us is to make known that we have sent a letter to our friend five days earlier3 than this letter. This is another letter that we are sending through Raden Muhammad who is an emissary, our agent who is to deliver it to our friend. We are presently the agent of the Governor-General in Bengal, having arrived in the country of Malacca with the intention to make important deliberations with all the Malay rajas including that of the country of Palembang, for the GovernorGeneral in Bengal is desirous of establishing true friendship with every Malay raja; and so we have much affection for our friend, desirous of becoming a good friend with a clean heart, who will not in the future establish friendship with others. And so with regard to the Dutch, why should our friend allow them to reside in the country of Palembang when the Dutch people are very evil; they have evil intentions towards our friend. Because of that we have much disquiet of mind that our friend does not become a friend of the English Company. If our friend desires to become a true friend of the English Company it must be decided once and for all. And further, we request a speedy reply to this letter and the previous one; and also, every deliberation the Dutch had with our friend, let it come to us. Further to that, after Raden Muhammad has stayed in Palembang for seven days please send him back to us as soon as possible. If all deliberations and agreement from our friend are well and good we shall conclude them once and for all; and further, enclosed with this letter is a copy of our previous letter. Herewith is a token from us: two rolls of European chintz and two quality coverlets. Letter is written on 17th of Dzulkaedah, in the year of Jim, 1224 [sic, 1225] = 14 December 1810 (Friday). d) Baud’s Rumi transliteration of Raffles’ second Malay letter (from Baud, bijlage No. 1) Jnie soerat njang betoel darie beta poenja atie; serta kasie sayang, njang trada berpoetoes beta poenja tjienta, darie pada Radja besaar, Ths . Std. Raffles Sqre njang ada ganti radja besaar Galbatlat (Gilbert) Lord Minto Gouverneur Generaal, Radja diatas Segala Radja Radja— njang ada toendoek dibawa Bandera Radja Jngries—dia itoe Radja 3 Emphasis added.

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Negrie Bengala—Sampekan soeraat njang betoel inie dalam tangan toean Sulthan Machmoet Badaroedien njang ada sakarang diatas kossie Radja Negrie Plembang. Ja-la Radja njang baee te sochor kemana mana. Jnie toeliessan darie beta, kasie taoe njang beta soeda kiriem satoe soeraat Liema arie lebe dolo darie ini soeraat—sama sahabat beta. Inie lagie satoe soeraat beta kiriem dalam tangan Radeen Mochamat—jadie oetoessan, satu Wachiel darie beta. Sampekan sama sahabat beta. Jnie la sakarang beta ada gantie Gouverneur-Generaal die nigrie Benggala- datang die negrie Malacca maoe bekeen bitjara njang besaar sama segala Radja Malayo sampe die negrie Plembang—kerna Gouverneur-Generaal ada banjag soka maoe jadie sobat njang betoel sama segala Radja Radja malayoe, maka inie beta ada banjag tjienta sama sahabat beta, maoe menjadie sahabat njang baee dengan bersie ati, njang jangan die blakang arie ber sahabat sama laeen orang—maka itoe orang Olanda apa goena sobat beta betoelkan kasie tiengal dalam negrie Plembang kerna orang Olanda ada banjag jahat—dia maoe bekeen satoe jalan—njang jahat joega, sama sahabat beta, sebab itoe beta ada banjag soesa ati darie sahabat beta trada jadie, sahabat sama Compenie Jngries—Dan kaloe sahabat beta ada soeka menjadie sahabat njang betoel sama Companie Jngries miesti sahabat beta tentoekan sekalie kalie; lagie mienta balas soeraat inie—dan soeraat njang dolo dengan begitoe lekas—lagi dengan sagala [sic] bietjara [sic] bitjaranya orang Olanda dengan sobat beta, lagie beta mienta satoe orang Wachil darie pada sobat beta—biar datang kepada beta. Dan lagie lepas toedjoe arie Radeen Mochamat dalam negrie Plembang biar sahabat beta, kieriem baleek dengan begieto lekas bole, sampe sama beta—dan kaloe soeda baee segala bitjara den janjie sahabat beta, den beta: bole beta poetoeskan sekalie-kalie, den lagie ada dalam ienie toeliessan beta ada kasie satoe saliennan of Copy saparti [sic] soeraat njang dolo, darie soeraat inie. Jnie la tanda darie beta ada kaeen tjieta Europa doea kayoe, dua Spryen4 njang bagoes. Die bekeen soeraat inie 17e arie boelan Doelkaijda taoon Jiem,5 1224 [sic, 1225] = [14 December 1810]. 4 Seperai [Dutch sprei]. 5 The Jim year is definitely not 1224, but 1225.

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APPENDIX III Raffles’ Malay letter to Sultan Mahmud Syah of Lingga (Raffles Collection MSS Eur. F 148/4, no. 4, British Library)

Letter A Surat tulus dan ikhlas, kasih dan sayang daripada beta Seri Paduka Tamas Raffles Askoyar yang ganti Gurnor Jeneral Benggala yang ada terhenti di dalam negeri Melaka; telah sampailah kepada sahabat beta Sultan Mahmud yang memerintah daerah negeri Johor. Kemudian fasal surat yang beta kirimkan kepada sahabat beta dibawak oleh Jan [sic, John] Scott Askoyar itu sekarang ini beta beritahu kepada sahabat beta di dalam kerja Tunku Pangeran itu maka ialah berlayar dalam suatu kerja yang besar. Ia mau masuk di dalam Tanah Jawa dengan kerja Kompeni Inggeris, lihat sekalian hal Tanah Jawa. Dan beta harap sahabat beta tolong dengan seboleh-boleh dan harapkan [sic] beta sahabat beta tolong di dalam kerja besar ini. Tetapi pekerjaan ini seorang pun tiada ketahui; di dalam ghaib. Akan sahabat beta pun demikian juga, mau memeliharakan; tiada siapa boleh ketahui karna [sic] Pengeran itu anak juga kepada sahabat beta. Jangan jadi ia rosak.Maka surat ini beta taruh di dalam tangan Tunku Pangeran. Ehwal inilah beta maklumkan diperbuat surat pada dua likur haribulan Dzulkaedah, pada hari Khamis. Termaktub di dalam kota Melaka pada Sanah 1225 tahun 2 [sic] Jim tamat.

Letter B Surat tulus ikhlas serta dengan kasih dan sayang yang tiada berkesudahan selagi ada peredaran cakrawala, matahari dan bulan, daripada beta Seri Paduka Thomas Raffles Esquire yang ada ganti daripada Seri Paduka Gilbatlat Lord Minto Guwernur Jeneral di Benggala, raja di atas segala raja-raja ta’aluk di bawah bendera raja maha besar negeri Inggeris dari atas angin sampai ke bawah angin; yang ada terhenti di dalam negeri Melaka. Telah terletaklah warkat al-ikhlas ini kehadapan shabat beta Sultan Mahmud yang mempunyai tahta kerajaan pada segala daerah tanah Johor yang ada semayam di dalam negeri Lingga serta dengan limpah makmurnya daripada Tuhan sarwa alam, serta bijaksana, maka masyhur sampai ke mana-mana. Waba’adah, kemudian dari itu ehwal beta maklumkan apabila beta sudah sampai ke Melaka maka beta dengar khabar daripada Raja 361

Melaka mengatakan kapal Holandes ada banyak di Kuala Palembang hendak melanggar negeri sahabat beta bersama-sama dengan orang Palembang. Maka apabila beta sudah dengar khabar itu dengan segeranya beta suruh satu kapal Kompeni serta satu orang besar di bawah beta, namanya John Scott, Esquire serta dengan sahabat, itu Tunku Pangeran Siak yang menolong Kompeni Inggeris pergi melihat negeri sahabat beta. Jikalau sungguh yang demikian orang Holandes mau membuat negeri sahabat beta, maka sahabat beta jangan jadi susah hati. Beta boleh tolong karna sahabat beta ada sahabat dengan Kompeni Inggeris dari dahulunya; dan lagi inilah beta ada ganti Guwernur Jeneral di Benggala datang mau buat bicara yang besar sama dengan segala raja-raja Melayu negeri daerah timur ini dan sahabat beta. Maka adalah beta ada beri Tunku Pangeran ini pergi melihat negeri Palembang serta mengelilingi Tanah Bangka lalu ke Lampung. Maka itulah beta pinta tolong perahu serta dengan orangnya, lengkap dengan alat senjatanya, kepada sahabat beta; berikan kepada Tunku Pangeran ini di hadapan orang besar yang pergi bersama; itulah boleh Tunku Pangeran berlayar. Ialah jadi ganti beta di dalam pekerjaan ini. Dan sahabat betapun boleh beri balas surat ini dengan segeranya sampai kepada beta serta boleh ia khabarkan fasal Tunku Pangeran sudah berlayar dengan penolong sahabat beta sebab sahabat beta ada sahabat betul sama dengan Kompeni; boleh sahabat beta buat seperti tersebut ini. Dan lagi, beta ada beri hukum kepada John Scott Esquire empat hari berhenti di Lingga boleh balik karna beta mau tahukan semua khabar itu dengan segeranya. Maka Tunku Pangeran pun sudah lepas ia pergi melihat itu, ia mau balik dengan segeranya memberitahu beta; boleh sahabat beta tolong dengan betulnya di dalam pekerjaan ini karna dengan pekerjaan sahabat beta. Dan inilah ada tanda ikhlas darpada beta: kain cita Eropah empat kayu dan permadani [p-r-m-d-a-n-y] sehelai yang cap raja Inggeris dan kasud [sic] dua pasang. Boleh sahabat beta terima dengan putih hati, tiada dengan sepertinya. Ehwal inilah beta maklumkan diperbuat surat pada dua likur haribulan Dzulkaedah pada 1225 Sanah tahun 2 Jim.

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Raffles Collection IV, nos. 7 and 6 According to Bastin, the Sultan of Palembang wrote two letters dated 10 January 1811. But only Letter A was addressed to Raffles, and it was delivered to Raffles by Sayid Abu Bakar Rum.6 Letter B was addressed to Tengku Raden Muhammad. Note its similarity in content with Palembang III.

Letter A I have to inform my friend Thomas Raffles Esquire that his letter with the presents sent by the hands of my brother Radin Mahomed, as well as his eartlier letter, have reached me in safety … With respect to the tenor of my friend’s letter, I have not yet fully answered it in consequence of my brother Radin Mahomed, who brought the letter, not being furnished with a letter of credentials from my friend for the purpose. If my friend looks forward to good measure and tranquillity, and is desirous of avoiding measures that would be against the interest of the rajas of different black people, let my friend forthwith deliver the same to my brother Radin Mahomed and dispatch him back again to Palembang, when I will comply with my friend’s letter. The people (ambassadors) whom my friend requests cannot be sent now … as my brother Radin Mahomed will fully inform my friend who, I hope, will be satisfied and induced immediately to dispatch back my brother Radin Mahomed with a letter on that subject, and a written letter of credentials. [Letter dated 10 January 1811, was written at one o’clock]

Letter B Whereas my brother, having brought a letter from a great man of the English Nation, informs me that he is further directed to lay before me the following good advice with which he is commissioned, viz: That the said great man desired the two brothers, my subjects, to acquaint me respecting the commission which is not mentioned in the letter, that is to say that if it is difficult for me to drive the Dutch from Palembang, that the English will then do it, and that if I was apprehen6 See John Bastin, Essays on Indonesian and Malayan History, Eastern Universities Press Ltd., Singapore, 1961, p. 182.

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sive of trouble in consequence, they would wait at the mouth of the river of Palembang, with ships or otherwise as I should request. And further, that if I was in distress in disposing of the tin on account of hostilities with the Dutch, that the English would either purchase the same with cash—even at a higher rate than for that now delivered to the Dutch, because they don’t think of taking advantage of Palembang, or otherwise they would allow trade to be carried on with Palembang on the same footing as it is at present with [Lingga], Rhio, Siac, and [Tringganu] agreeable to the chance[!] of trade with other nations. These two subjects further stated that they were charged with a commission from the great man, should I desire to make an agreement conformable thereto. To the above I replied that what they stated was certainly the desire of a great man in every point, and that it was good advice, without inclination to any improper measure, but there was not a token with them from this great man to duly accredit them. On this account I dispatched my brother back with every speed in order to obtain what is wanted. I further informed them that as the Dutch were still at Palembang they could not act against them, and as their letter of credentials had not yet appeared from the great man we could not enter into any agreement on the subject. I have not yet dispatched my ambassador to the great man, but on the return to Palembang of my said brothers with proper letters of credentials for that purpose, I will not fail to dispatch my ambassador, if nothing [prevents] me from doing so.7

7 This letter was written on 10 January 1811 at 4.00 o’clock. But it was not addressed to Raffles. See ibid., pp. 182–183.

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APPENDIX IV a) Raffles’ third letter to the Sultan of Palembang (from the transliteration in Baud’s bijlage no. 3)8 We now send this letter as a substitute for our tongue to converse with our friend. With respect to the letter that was in the hands of Raden Muhammad, it has already reached us along with all the gifts as mentioned, which we received with great honour, and we have also understood what was mentioned in the letter. We are very pleased with the tone of it because of its sincerity of heart. However, there is something that bothers us. There seems to be no emissary from our friend as requested by us previously. And now it appears that it is only our own concern and whatever news there was in our friend’s letter remains a problem because at the moment there is little time for these deliberations to be concluded within this period. If it still lingers on to another period it will not be of any good to our friend. This scheme must be concluded now with great speed so that it will not become difficult presently due to the absence of a plenipotentiary who is able to understand all [aspects] of a major treaty towards a good cause. And further, we think that in the light of the Dutch having come to the shores of Palembang and sent in weapons secretly or covertly, and having established a war footing at Tulang Bawang without our friend’s knowledge, it would be better if our friend were to terminate whatever deliberations or undertakings our friend has with the Dutch and instead seek help from an indubitable friend such as the English Company as mentioned in this letter. As for the deliberations that commence today, our friend can be certain of the friendship of the English Company which is forever eternal, like the sun and the moon. Secondly, our friend must get rid of, and finish off by any means, every Dutchman, including the Resident, and everybody who is under the jurisdiction of the Dutch now dwelling in the country of Palembang. Let no one be left. And no Residency should be restored. Let no Hollanders come to Palembang, nor any other white men except the English. And if it is 8 See also enclosure in MSS. Eur. E 106.

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preferred that the English occupy the station in the future as agreed to, they will do so. As for the third concern, our friend must be willing to voluntarily agree on selling tin and pepper to the English Company or anything else left by the Dutch. If the English wish to enter a deal to sell the said merchandise they can conclude it in twelve months and our friend should not receive other ships that do not carry the English passes because the English will issue passes to ships that leave from England. The fourth counsel, since these deliberations would be concluded with an agreement, surely our friend will dispatch an emissary from Palembang to us in Malacca. And upon the conclusion of all deliberations our friend will receive an emissary from the English to be in Palembang since an important agreement has been concluded with sincerity. Following that, our friend is to be informed of the discourse. To enable our friend to bring about the conclusion of the consultation with speed, we have informed Raden Muhammad, our agent; he can thus speak on all matters of the deliberations now. He already knows all the reasons, and if it is not speedily done it will be of no use. This is an important treaty. Because of the deliberations, our friend and the English Company have become great friends, and our friend’s country and the country of the English Company will become one in the scheme. Further, we think that since this treaty is an important one it should be conducted in accordance with the customs, and for that reason it is not proper if it were to be delivered into someone else’s hands, and neither would it be proper to whatever parties. Therefore we have entrusted these deliberations to Raden Muhammad in a treaty document. As mentioned in the document, if it is agreeable with our friend in respect of its contents and its dating in Palembang, please send it to us with speed in the ship that carried this letter; we have instructed the said vessel with the same mission to bring it back speedily. And when the document reaches us together with an emissary from our friend we shall put our signature and seal of the Company’s authority together with its date. We can then send back the document with speed through our friend’s emissary. And further to that, now our friend may want to conduct this deliberation in secrecy; this undertaking can only be seen through one’s heart. For that reason we have not sent an English emissary to approach our friend unless our friend wishes otherwise. We have delegated

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powers to Raden Muhammad to speak on all aspects of the said matter. And if our friend does not yet have an emissary ready to come to Malacca, Raden Muhammad may accept the treaty document from our friend’s hands, and bring it back to us quickly. There are other gifts from us: a bundle of European red cloth, a piece of Indian satin from Bengal and a pair of handkerchiefs with golden flowers. Letter is concluded on eighth of Safar [1226] = 3 March 1811. b) Raffles’ Malay letter to the Sultan of Palembang (from the transliteration in Baud’s bijlage no. 3) Sekarang inie beta kiriem soeraat, per gante lida beta berkata-kata sama sobat beta, dan darie Itoe soeraat sobat beta njang die dalam tangan Radeen Mochamat, Itoe soeda sampe sama beta, den segala kiriemman yang beboeni didalam itoe soeraat, maka beta trima dengan brapa banjak hormat—serenta beta suda mangarti apa njang beboeni didalam soeraat Itoe—maka beta telaloe soeka dengar beboeni soeraat itoe, kerna telaloe bersie ati, tetapie; ada soesa sadikiet beta, darie sebat [sic] trada satoe orang oetoessan—darie pada sobat beta, separti njang soeda beta mienta daulo itoe. Dan sekarang inie beta liat bietjara, darie pada beta sendirie joega, den apa njang ada kabaar, dalam soeraat sobat beta—njang ada soesar [sic] itoe, krena sakarang Inie trada lagie tiengal lama die dalam bitjara inie—kaloe trada die bekeen abies die dalam tempo inie—dan kaloe dia tienggal pada satoe tempo njang laeen trada bole jadie baee die atas sobat beta—sakarang miesti bekeen abies inie bitjara dengan begitoe lekas, dan trada jadie satoe soesa die wagtoe inie, darie sebab tanda pake wachil njang trada bole menggarti darie sagala [sic] Perjanjiean njang besaar jalan bekeen baee. Dan lagie beta pikier telaloe baee sobat beta, darie sebab orang olanda baroe datang die moeka Plembang, kiriem sienjata dalam samboeni of dengan gelap—dan dia bekeen satoe tempat Perang, die toelang bauwang, dengan sobat beta trada taoe itoe tempat, darie sebab itu miesti, sobat beta bekeen abies sagala [sic] bitjara, den janjie dengan olanda—mienta toeloeng sama sobat njang tentoe Compenie Ingries, separti bitjara njang ter seboet die bauwa soeraat inie. Inie bitjara njang bermoela, darie arie inie bole tentoe sobat beta, menjadi sobat ber sobat dengan Compenie Ingries, njang trada bole 367

beroba lagie selama lamanja: selagie ada boelan den mataharie; Iinie njang kedoea, miesti sobat beta boeang, abieskan sekalie kalie; segala orang olanda—den Residentnja.—Den segala Orang njang die bauwa hoekoen [sic] Olanda; mana njang doedoek sekarang inie die dalam negrie Plembang, yangan [sic] kasie tiengal lagie. Dan sampe die blakang arie, trada bole die bekeen betoel sakalian Resident Olanda—Olanda; jangan Olanda masook die nigrie Plembang, en sembarang Orang Poeti laeen, darie Orang Ingries—Dan kaloe soeka Ingries tiengal dalam satoe loge separti janjie njang diblakang bole dia tiengal. Bitjara njan [sic] ketiga, sobat beta miesti soeka sendirie Kasie sama Compenie Ingries, sekalian janjie ber joeal tima den lada, ataoe laeen laeen njan [sic] tiengal dengan Olanda Kaloe Compenie Ingries maoe masook dalam joeal belie barang barang itoe, bole dia abieskan dalam doeabelas boelan—dan tentoe sobat beta dalam itoe jangan joeal Tima sama laeen kapal kapal kaloe trada Pas Ingries—tatapie Ingries maoe kasie pas, sama segala kapal njang keloear darie Negrie Ingries. Bitjara njang keampat,—Sebab die bekeen abies bitjara inie den janjie, maka tentoe—sobat beta kiriem satoe orang oetoessan darie Plembang kepada beta die negrie malacca. Dan kapan soeda abies segala bitjaranja, bole sobat beta trima satoe orang oetoessan darie Ingries—sampe ke Plembang—sebab die abieskan perjanjiean njang bessar separti sirantanya dengan soenggoe nja. Di blakang Lagie, die kasie taoe kepada soabat [sic] beta sekalian bitjara itoe, darie sebab sobat beta bale [sic] bekeen abies bitjara itoe dengan lekas—Beta soeda kasie kabar sama Radien Mohamat njang wachiel beta, maka sakarang [sic] inie bole diea bietjara [sic] diatas samoea [sic] Bietjara itoe, dia soeda taoe darie semoea sebabnya—dan kaloe trada dengan begitoe lekastrada [sic] la, ada goenanja lagie. Inie la perjanjian njang besaar, sebab darie inie bitjara sobat beta sama Compeni Ingries jadie sobat besaar—den Negrie sobat beta, sama negrie Compe. Ingries manjadie satoe dalam bitjara. Lagie darie Itoe maka beta pipier [sic] perjanjian inie adabesaar [sic], maoe bekeen separti adat nja, sebab itoe trada patoet—die kasie diedalam tangan laeen satoe orang, kaloe barangbarang [sic] sapa trada joega Patoet—maka itoe beta ada kasie ienie bitjara die dalam tangan Radeen Mohamat satoe soeraat per janjian, maka njang ter seboet dalam soeraat itoe—kaloe soeda soeka—sobat beta, miesti sobat beta taro tanda tanggan [sic] en lagie Tjap sobat beta, dalamnja—

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serenta sakalian arie boelannja, Dalam Plembang, kiriem sama beta dengan lekas sama kapal njang bauwa soeraat inie—dan itoe kapal beta soeroe per kerja [sic] itoe joega, bole dia baleek dengan lekas—Dan kapan soeda sampe soerat itoe serenta dengan satoe orang oetoessan darie sobat beta—datang sama beta—kaloe bole sebolenja darie inie arie sampe satoe boelan, biear sampe sama beta, bole beta bekeen satoe soeraat Copy bigie mana die dalam soerat janjie sobat beta—kiriem sama beta, nanti beta taro tanda tangan en tjap darie kwasa Compe. Ingries sama dia poenja arie boelannja, beta bole kiriem koembalie dalam tangan Oetoessan sobat beta—dengan begitoe lekas. Dan lagie darie pada itoe, maka sekarang ienie barangkalie sobat beta maoe bekeen, segala bitjara inie dalam gelap; make [sic] pekerjan [sic] inie bole keliattan begie mana dalam ati sendirie. darie sebat [sic] itoe beta trada kiriem satoe orang oetoessan Ingries—per dapat bertemoe sobat beta—malingkan begie mana sobat beta poenja soeka: beta soeda kasie koeasa sama Radeen Mohamat, bole dia bitjara; darie segala bitjara njang ter seboet itoe. dan kaloe sobat beta beloon ada sedia orang oetoessan kerna trada boleh datang die negrie malacca bole Radeen Mohamat trima itoe soeraat perjanjian, darie tangan sobat beta, bawa datang sama beta dengan lekas. Ada lagie satoe kirieman darie beta, satoe boengkoes Laken mera-Europa, satoe kaeen antelas bengala—den sepasang sapoetangan boenga maas, Toetoep soeratinie [sic] dalam Kotta Malacca 8 arie boelan Sapar.

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APPENDIX V a) Captain Macdonald’s letter to the Sultan of Palembang (from Baud’s transliteration, bijlage no. 5) This is an honest letter from our heart, Captain Macdonald, who carries instructions with a letter from the General [sic] in Bengal, Lord Minto, who sets anchor in front of the country of Palembang, approaching the great raja, Sultan Ratu who sits enthroned in the country of Palembang. Following that, we wish to make known that we are to convey this letter personally to Sultan Ratu upon the instruction of the General in Bengal. Raden Muhammad and Sayid Abu Bakar, nevertheless, have told us that it is to be conveyed to the Sultan by Sayid Abu Bakar because we have been asked to wait for two days for this undertaking. Since the sender of this letter is the General in Bengal, what is being conveyed by Sayid Abu Bakar are two letters, four cases of guns and ten chests of gunpowder. Due to that, our request to the Tuan Sultan is that his response to both this letter as well as the letter that is carried by Tuan Sayid Abu Bakar is made to a dignitary who can be trusted in order that we can report to him concerning the Dutch. The command of the dignitary who is our employer is: expel them! In the meantime, whatever the instruction of the Sultan is, in whatever manner it is to be executed with regard to the Hollanders, that is settled. This letter is concluded on Saturday, 25 Rabi’ul-awal [1226] = 19 April 1811 CE. b) Captain Macdonald’s Malay letter (from the transliteration in Baud’s bijlage no. 5) Ini soerat njang betoel darie beta poenja atie—Capitan Machodonal, njang bawa prenta dengan soeraat darie Generaal, Bengala Lord Minto njang belaboe die moeka negrie Plembang, datang sama Radja njang besaar ia-toean Sultan Ratoe njang diatas krossie Radja negrie Plembang—koemmendian darie itoe maka kita kasie taoe soerat njang kita bawa inie sama toean Sultan ratoe [sic], maka pesaan Generaal Bengala soeroe kita bawa sandirie, sama toean Sultan maka kata Radeen Mohamat den Toean Sait [sic] Aboebakar itoe negrie ada banjag jao—sebab itoe kita soeroe ganti sama Toean Saiet Aboebakar bawa inie barang sama toean Sulthan [sic], kerna kita die soeroe brienti doea 370

arie joega dalam inie kerja, sebab njang poenja soerat inie Generaal Bengala, maka njang die bawa toean Saiet aboebakar ienie soerat doca [sic]—senapang ampat peti—obat bediel sepoeloe peti. darie itoe kita poenja perminta sama toean Sultan soeraat jinie, sama soerat, njang die bawa dengan toean Sait aboebakar [sic]—inie kita mienta toean Sultan poenja manjaoot—dengan satoe orang besaar njang bole die pertjaija, njang kita bole kasie kabar sama dia, darie itoe orang Olanda; Prenta orang besar per soeroe kita kasie kaloearkan, didalam itoe apa joega Sultan poenja Prenta, begiemana miesti bekeen, darie itoe orang olanda itoe la soeda abies, Toetoep soeraat inie Arie saptoe 25 arie boelan Rabioel awal [1226 AH].[= Friday, 19 April 1811]

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APPENDIX VI a) Sultan of Palembang’s letter to Raffles (Raffles Collection IV, no. 15) This letter is from Sultan Ratoo Mahmood Bada Roodin of the Country of Palembang with many compliments to Thomas Raffles Esqr. I have received your letter from Captain Macdonald with much pleasure; I fully understood the contents. Radin Mahmood with Abu Bakar Room who are my vakeel will acquaint you with every thing that is not written in this letter ... I am sorry your vakeel has been detained here so long. I have received the muskets, for which I am greatly obliged to you ... I believe what you say—that the English only desire to act with benevolence and kindness to all the Eastern Nations / black men. The English name will become famous throughout the islands and seas of the East.... With respect to the Hollanders who are at Palembang, do not be uneasy; all shall be done as you desire ... I therefore do not wish to say more / written with a long pen / Radin Mahmood and Abu Bakar will tell you all .... I have sent a pair of spears with gold ... and eight piculs of tin. I wish to be on the best terms of friendship with the English. In the fort of Palembang 29th of Rabial [sic] awal at 12 o’clock 1226 [=23 April 1811, Tuesday].9

9 The date of this letter was wrongly recorded by Raffles. It should be 29 Rabi’ulakhir instead of 29 Rabi’ul-awal. The letter was written on 23 May, not 23 April 1811. See the similarity in content with that of Palembang X, above.

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APPENDIX VII b) Raffles’ letter to the Sultan of Palembang (from the transliteration in Baud’s bijlage no. 4) And then, following that, we wish to make known that the letter that was carried by Raden Muhammad arrived long ago. Until now our friend has still not given a reply. We were much disturbed with regard to the letter. We then dispatched a ship to Palembang, and the ship remains at the Palembang estuary. With regard to that, we fail to make anything of it. And so we have now instructed a Company’s ship to go to Palembang for the reasons mentioned. But the ship can only stay at Palembang for a day and a night because all the warships in Malacca will be departing for Java. Within that period our friend is supposed to conclude the deliberations and to give the replies to all our letters that have been sent to the captain of the ship. Furthermore, because of the Dutch presence in Palembang we are sending four cases of the Company’s guns. In each case there are twenty guns, thus in the four cases there are eighty guns altogether. And further, there are ten powder-horns which already contain patroon [powder] in cartridges. Our friend may accept them. Further, if there is anything else that our friend desires, be it ships or men or weapons, our friend may write to us with speed. Furthermore, enclosed together with this letter is a copy of the letter that Raden Muhammad previously had in his hands, for we do not know the fate of that letter, whether it has arrived or not; and for that reason we are sending a copy of the letter. Following that there is nothing that we can send [as a gift] except brotherly affection from us. May the friendship between us be enhanced. That is it. This letter is written in the fortress of the settlement of Malacca on the 11th of Rabi’ul-akhir in the year 1226 Hegira10 [Saturday, 4 May 1811].

10 The corresponding date of 22 April 1811 given in Baud’s transliteration is incorrect.

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c) Raffles’ Malay letter to the Sultan of Palembang (from the transliteration in Baud’s article, bijlage no. 4) Oebado. Koemdien deri pada itoe adalah beta kasih taoe, deri itoe soerat, jang dibawa Raden Mohammed itoe, lama soedah sampe, sekarang ini tiada lagi sohbat beta kasih djawab itoe; maka beta terlaloe soesah hati akan fatzal soerat itoe. Koemdien maka beta soeroeh poela satoe kapal pergi ka Palembang, maka kapal itoe ija tinggal di kwala Palembang; maka hal deri pada itoe soeatoe pon beta tiada arti. Sjahadan deri pada itoe, sekarang ini ada beta soeroeh poela satoe kapal kompanie pergi ka Palembang, sebab dengan sekalien fatzal2 itoe. Maka adalah kapal itoe serta sampe ija ka Palembang, tiada boleh ija tinggal lama deri pada kotieka sampenja itoe, sahengga sahari samalam djoega boleh ija tinggal, kerna sekalien kapal prang deri negri Malaka maoe belajar sigra katanah Djawa. Maka didalam itoe djoega sohbat beta maoe habiskan sekalien bitjara itoe, dan membri sekalien soerat2 belasan soerat2 beta itoe hantar mari, didalam tangan kapitan kapal itoe. Sjahadan lagi, maka adalah dengen sebab orang oelanda ada tinggal di Palembang itoe, maka, sebab itoe, beta ada kirim ampat peti snapang kompanie. Maka didalam satoe peti itoe doea poeloeh snapang, djadi kaampat peti itoe, doelapan poeloeh snapang banjaknja. Dan lagi ada sapoeloeh krepi, [sic, kerpai], jang soedah siap dengen pantroon [peterum]11 jang berisi obat peloeroenja, didalam boleh sohbat beta trima. Sjahadan lagi apa2 barang, jang sohbat beta maoe, atau kapal, atau orang, atau sindjata, boleh sobat beta kirim soerat kapada beta, dengan sigranja. Sjahadan lagi maka adalah didalam, bersama dengan soerat ini, soerat salinan, jang didalam tangan raden Mohammad dholo itoe, kerna soerat itoe beta tiada boleh taoe, atau sampei, atau tiada; maka dengen sebab itoe beta kirim soerat salinan soerat itoe. Koemdien deri pada itoe tiadalah apa, jang dipesertakan dalamnja tjinta kasih deri pada beta, hanja bertambah2 djoea, kiranja, sohbat bersohbat antara beta dengen sohbat beta. Ahoewal itoe lah. Termaktoeb warkat inie didalam kota negri Malaka, kapada 11 hari boelan Rabielakir pada taoen 1226 (22 April 1811) [sic].

11 From Dutch patron.

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APPENDIX VIII The Sultan of Cirebon’s letter in Javanese12 Punika serat [undecipherable…] kang miyos saking wana kalang kupelek, sangking kawula Kangjeng Sultan Sepuh kalayan Kanjeng Sultan Anom kang palinggih ing nagari Carbon, katur dhateng Kanjeng tuwan mister Roples Eskuwi [Raffles Esquire]; kang gantos tuwan Jendral [ngala] kang ngatas kuwasa marentah hing nagari atas angin miwah hing nagari bawah angin, kang ngalir ngilir nagari kota Malaka. Kang muga-muga tuwan Allah maringin umur panjang, Dados [hamayungan yudha hing dalem …] puniki. Sampuning [tandya] sapunika, awiyos Kangjeng tuwan mister Roples Eskuwi, aputusan Wakil Tungku Pangeran Kusuma Dilaga, sarta ambekta serat amawi cap parenan [pangeran], sareng kalayan nama Arya Kedel, raka Raja Kartaningrat, rayi Arya Surantaradya Raden Sudiradibrata, Tumenggung Mangkunagara Imam Kali punika inggih sampun kawula tampi. Sarta kawartosing sadaya […] ungeling serat. Sang aparentahe ngiyang ngageng kumpni Inggeris, kahula sakalangkung angraja ngarja pitulunging kumpni Inggris, punapa kados kang sampun kasebut ing dalem serat. Sarta [undecipherable…]. Mila sapunika kahula sampun boten kuwawi dening parentah ing Walandi. Second folio Kalayan nalika wiyos tiyang kang nenem punika, kahula wangsulaken rayi sareng kang kalayan Tungku Pangeran […] dening pun kahula boten kawasa nyimpen [saking] wartos dhateng Walandi … [part of text missing] Daya kawula tekeng kepanggih Tungku Pangeran sarta amangsuli serat. Kawula boten kawasa andalahi cap, sabab tekeng wonten dhusun Singaraja, kaparentahan ginucu., Walanda sampun midhanget arah kadhatengan Inggeris [part of text missing] …wonten dening panuwun kawula Sultan kakalihe bala kumpeni wis apotusan kapal perang, tulungi kahula sarya nagari kahula, ambite Walandi kang wonten nagari Jawi, kalayan Tungku Pangeran sarta tiyang kang nenem samiya kapotus sareng kapal perang kang dhateng nagari Carbon. Awiyos pakintun sampun kahula tampi. 12 Transliterated by Yudhi Irawan of the Manuscript division at the National Library, Jakarta.

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Punika tandha kawula Sultan Sepuh Punika tandha kawula Sultan Anom Serat ing sasi, Rabiul akir tanggal ping sasi malem Jumat wanci jam kalih welas Hijrah 1226. Punika seratan tanda tangan kahula, Ngabehi Wilalodra, Dharmayu, [hing calungel liwel puniki] On the cover Kang abekta dening Ngabehi Jaludin layan Ngabehi Bunsel

376

APPENDIX IX a) Balinese text on lontar:13 1. Paneling-eling/ Anakhoda sinampe/ ya ngidih surat mlayar/ ring I subandar Buleleng/ ya mlayar ka Rembang/ Prawunya pancala/ bandegannya/ dwang dasa diri/ mwatanya gambir/dwang dasa pikul/bedil besar/dwang pasang/pamoras sinapang/limolas katih/obat apikul mimis cerik gede/siyu besik/tumbak dwang dasa katih/playare saking Buleleng/ring dina a/wa/wara/dungulan/tti/tanggal [ping] pat/14/sasi/ sanga/ 2. Bapa gopnor jendral Lominto /bapa reko ndingeh wretta/ saking horttan Walyem Grig/ yang ira reko mlah masobat tken Walyem Grig kalayu tka ka tanah Bali Kapitan Anggris/twah ira manulung padha Kapitan Anggris/ keto hortta nene tka tken Bapa/ demi ambulto [ ] lebih suka/ ne janji Bapa ngirimin ira/ suba padha tka pakirim bapane tken ira/ ne kahaba bahan Walyem Grig/ ira matrima kasih banyaa/ tken bapa/ smalih ne ira makirim kris akatih tken Bapa/ krise mahorangka danta/ madanganan danta/ makakandelan himas/ krise pthak [i] 3. ra maslet/ smalih ira makirim janma dwang dasa diri tken Bapa/ smalih iran dingeh wretta/ yan Bapa reko praya menggebug tanah Jawa ne/ yan tuwi buka keto/ ira liyang pisan/ iran dumadaki apang kalah bahan Bapa/ apang dadi Inggris mamrentah tanah Jawane/ yan suba keto ira lega. Smalih ira dangang mapadahingan ten Bapa/ ira mredi mambeli gambar tken Bapa ne anyar/ ngka ni mkanya/ ne ceding/ tur kna Bapa ngarwanang ajinyane/ daja Bapa mka anglenan/ deni ira lebih suka tken gambar bwatan Inggris/Gde Kari/

b) Malay translation of the Balinese letter [on lontar] Peringatan. Bahawa ada nakhoda menceritakan. Dia meminta surat berlayar kepada Syahbandar Buleleng untuk belayar ke Rembang. Perahunya pencalang; awaknya dua puluh orang. Muatannya gambir sebanyak dua puluh pikul, senapan besar dua pasang, senapan pemuras 13 Transliterated from the Balinese script by Agung Kriswanto, of the manuscript divison at the Indonesian National Library, Jakarta.

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lima belas batang, obat satu pikul, peluru besar kecil seribu satu, tombak dua puluh batang. Berlayar dari Buleleng pada hari Selasa wage, wuku dungulan, tanggal 14 bulan sembilan. Ayahanda Gubernur Jenderal Lord Minto. Ayahanda konon mendengar khabar, berita dari Walyem [William] Grig [Greg] bahawa saya mempunyai sahabat dari Walyem Grig yang datang ke tanah Bali. Kapten Inggeris, demikian khabar yang sampai kepada ayahanda. Saya hanya menolong Kapten Inggeris demikian khabar yang sampai kepada ayahanda. Oleh sebab itu diharapkan [agar] ayahanda lebih suka. Syahdan akan kiriman ayahanda kepada saya, semuanya sudah sampai kepada saya, yang dibawa oleh Walyem Grig; saya berterima kasih banyak kepada ayahanda. Sekarang saya kirimkan sebilah keris kepada ayahanda; kerisnya bersarung gading, berhulu gading dan berlapis emas. Kerisnya putih disisipkan. Juga saya mengirim dua orang budak laki-laki kepada ayahanda. Saya juga mendengar khabar bahawa ayahanda bermaksud menyerng tanah Jawa. Jika benar seperti itu saya senang sekali. Saya berharap agar akan segeralah [Belanda] kalah oleh ayahanda supaya Inggeris memerintah tanah Jawa. Jika sudah begitu saya merasa lega. Juga saya ragu-ragu menyampaikan kepada ayahanda. Saya juga mahu ayahanda tolong membeli gambar yang baru untuk saya. Ada cermin yang terang; juga ayahanda dapat menentukan harganya. Harap ayahanda jelas membedakan, sebab saya lebih suka gambar buatan Inggeris. Gde Kari.

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APPENDIX X Table of Javanese and Malay eight-year cycles N.B. Dates from several sources, including Raffles’ Malay letters, Ricklefs’ Modern Javanese Historical Tradition, Naquib Al-Attas’s Aqaid al-Nasafi, Tuhfatul Nafis and Gallop’s The Legacy of the Malay Letter and several Malay manuscripts have been used for checking their correctness. The conversion to the Christian date is based on 1 Muharram of the Anno Hegirae. OCTAVE A Numerical Value

Javanese Windu

Christian Era

Malay Daur 1. Alif 2. Ha

1 Alif 5 Ha 3 Jim 7 Zay 4 Dal 2 Ba 6 Waw

1 Alif [1035 AH]/1547 AJ 2. Ha 3. Jimawal 4. Zay 5. Dal 6. Ba 7. Waw 8. Jimakir

379

1625 CE

3. Jim 4. Zay 5. Dal Awal 6. Ba 7. Waw 8. Dal Akhir 1. Alif 2. Ha

Alternatively, the sequence of the Abjad according to Leiden Cod. Or. 2805, f.29r. (from Ian Proudfoot, Old Muslim Calendars of Southeast Asia, p. 101) could also be as follows: OCTAVE B Javanese Windu

Malay Daur

Acehnese Cycle

1. Ha 2. Jim 1. Ha 2. Jimawal 3. Zay 4. Dal 5. Ba 6. Waw 7. Jimakir 8. Alif

3. Zay 4. Dal 5. Ba 6. Waw 7. Dal Akhir 8. Alif 1. Ha 2. Jim

1. Ha 2. Jim 3. Zay 4. Dal 5. Ba 6. Waw 7. Jim 8. Alif

Chronological Order of Javanese, Malay and Acehnese Dates based on Octave A, with Alif as the huruf that is named after the year in the first cycle Javanese Windu

Malay Daur

Acehnese Cycle

995 Alif (Fri. 12 Dec. 1586 CE) 996 Ha 997 Jimawal 998 Zay (The date of the Aqaid al-Nasafi, the oldest known Malay manuscript) 999 Dal 1000 Ba 1001 Waw 1002 Jimakir Sun., 26 Sept. 1593 CE

Jim Zay Dal Awal

Alif Ha Jim

Ba Waw Dal Akhir Alif Ha

Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir

380

1003 Alif Fri., 16 Sept. 1594 CE 1004 Ha 1005 Jimawal 1006 Zay 1007 Dal 1008 Ba 1009 Waw 1010 Jimakir Mon., 2 July 1601 CE

Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir Alif Ha

Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir

1011 Alif Fri., 21 June 1602 CE 1012 Ha 1013 Jimawal 1014 Zay 1015 Dal 1016 Ba 1017 Waw 1018 Jimakir Mon., 6 Apr. 1609 CE 1019 Alif Sat., 27 March 1610 CE 1020 Ha 1021 Jimawal 1022 Zay 1023 Dal 1024 Ba 1025 Waw 1026 Jimakir Mon., 9 Jan. 1617 CE

Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir Alif Ha Jim Zay14 Dal Awal15 Ba Waw Dal Akhir Alif Ha

Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir

1027 Alif Fri., 29 Dec. 1617 CE 1028 Ha 1029 Jimawal 1030 Zay 1031 Dal 1032 Ba 1033 Waw 1034 Jimakir Mon., 14 Oct. 1624 CE

Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir Alif Ha

Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir

14 The date given in MSS 2581 F is 1020 (remainder 4), the year of Jim. Using the numerical value of 4 that the letter Dal has, the scribe selected the huruf that is aligned to Dal, the 5th letter in the Malay daur, and so the huruf Jim in the Acehnese cycle is obtained as the name of the year. 15 The date of the Sejarah Melayu (ed. C. C. Brown) 12 Rabiulawal 1021 Dal Awal.

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1035 Alif (AJ 1547/Fri. 3 Oct. 1625 CE) Jim 1036 Ha Zay 1037 Jimawal Dal Awal 1038 Zay Ba 1039 Dal Waw 1040 Ba Dal Akhir 1041 Waw Alif 1042 Jimakir Mon., 19 July 1632 CE Ha

Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir

1043 Alif (AJ 1555/8 July 1633 CE) 1044 Ha 1045 Jimawal 1046 Zay 1047 Dal 1048 Ba 1049 Waw 1050 Jimakir Mon., 23 Apr. 1640 CE

Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir Alif Ha

Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir16

1051 Alif Fri., 12 Apr. 1641 CE 1052 Ha 1053 Jimawal 1054 Zay 1055 Dal 1056 Ba 1057 Waw 1058 Jimakir Sun., 26 Jan. 1648 CE

Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir Alif Ha

Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir

1059 Alif Thurs., 14 Jan. 1649 CE 1060 Ha 1061 Jimawal 1062 Zay17 1063 Dal18 1064 Ba

Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir

Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba

16 Nuruddin al-Raniri, Asrar al-Insan (Proudfoot), 25 Safar 1050 Tahun Dal [sic, Akhir] (excess of 2). The Acehnese Tahun Dal Akhir is aligned to Jimakir (both being in the 8th positon in the cycle). 17 M. C. Ricklefs, Modern Javanese Historical Tradition, School of Oriental and African Studies, London, 1978, p. 59. 1062 AH (remainder 6) is Tahun Je [Zay]. 18 Ibid., p. 61. AJ 1575/ 1653 CE/ 1063 AH (remainder 7) is Tahun Dal.

382

1065Waw 1066 Jimakir Sun., 31 Oct. 1655 CE

Alif Ha

Waw Jim

1067 Alif Thurs., 19 Oct. 1656 CE 1068 Ha19 1069 Jimawal20 1070 Zay21 1071 Dal22 1072 Ba23 1073 Waw 1074 Jimakir Sun., 5 Aug. 1663 CE 1075 Alif Thurs., 24 July 1664 CE 1076 Ha 1077 Jimawal 1078 Zay 1079 Dal 1080 Ba24 1081 Waw 1082 Jimakir Sun., 10 May 1671 CE

Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir25 Alif Ha

Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir

1083 Alif Fri., 29 Apr. 1672 CE 1084 Ha 1085 Jimawal

Jim Zay26 Dal Awal27

Alif Ha Jim

19 20 21 22 23 24

Ibid., p. 67. AJ 1580/ 1658 CE/ 1068 AH (remainder 4) is Tahun Ha. Ibid., p. 69. AJ 1581/ 1659 CE/ 1069 AH (remainder 5) is Tahun Jimawal. Ibid., p. 69. AJ 1582/ 1660 CE/ 1070 AH (remainder 3) is Tahun Je [Zay]. Ibid., p. 71. AJ 1583/ 1661 CE/ 1071 AH (remainder 7) is Tahun Dal. Ibid., p. 75. AJ 1584/ 1662 CE/ 1072 AH (remainder 0) is Tahun Be [Ba]. Captain Laut of Buton’s letter is dated 1080 AH (remainder 0), the year of Jim. Jimakir is in the 8th position of the cycle. Dal Akhir is also in the eighth place. 25 The Buton letter quoted by Al-Attas, Aqaid, gives 1080 (remainder 0) as the year of Jim [sic, Jimakir] which is in the 8th place in the Javanese windu. The scribe had interpreted the year as Jim[akir] because the said huruf is aligned to the Malay Dal Akhir, also an eighth-positioned letter. See Syed Muhammad Naquib Al-Attas, The Oldest Known Malay Manuscript: A 16th Century Malay Translation of the ‘Aqa’id of Al-Nasafi, Department of Publications, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur, 1988, pp. 29–30. 26 Ian Proudfoot, Old Muslim Calendars of Southeast Asia, Brill, Leiden & Boston, 2006, p. 37, Bima: 27 Muharram 1084 (0 remainder), Tahun Zay. 27 Titik Pudjiastuti, Perang, Dagang, Persahabatan: Surat-surat Sultan Banten, Yayasan Obor Indonesia & The Toyota Foundation, Jakarta, 2007, p. 47; 15 Dzulkaedah 1085 (remainder of 5) is Tahun Dal Awal.

383

1086 Zay 1087 Dal 1088 Ba 1089 Waw 1090 Jimakir Sun., 12 Feb. 1679 CE

Ba Waw Dal Akhir Alif Ha

Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir

1091 Alif Fri., 2 Feb. 1680 CE 1092 Ha 1093 Jimawal 1094 Zay 1095 Dal 1096 Ba 1097 Waw 1098 Jimakir Sun., 17 Nov. 1686 CE 1099 Alif Fri., 7 Nov. 1687 CE 1100 Ha 1101 Jimawal 1102 Zay 1103 Dal 1104 Ba 1105 Waw 1106 Jimakir Sun., 22 Aug. 1694 CE

Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir Alif Ha

Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir

1107 Alif Thurs., 11 Aug. 1695 CE 1108 Ha 1109 Jimawal 1110 Zay 1111 Dal 1112 Ba 1113 Waw 1114 Jimakir Sun., 28 May 1702 CE

Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhr Alif Ha

Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir

1115 Alif Thurs., 17 May 1703 CE 1116 Ha 1117 Jimawal 1118 Zay 1119 Dal 28

Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw

Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Awal

28 Ricklefs, Modern Javanese Historical Tradition, p. 113. AJ 1631/ 1708 CE/ 1119 AH (remainder 7) is Tahun Dal.

384

1120 Ba29 1121 Waw 1122 Jimakir Sun., 2 March 1710 CE

Dal Akhir Alif Ha

Ba Waw Dal Akhir

1123 Alif30 Thurs., 19 Feb. 1711 CE 1124 Ha 1125 Jimawal31 1126 Zay32 1127 Dal33 1128 Ba34 1129 Waw 1130 Jimakir35 Sat., 4 Dec. 1717 CE

Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir Alif Ha

Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir

1131 Alif36 Thurs., 24 March 1718 CE 1132 Ha37 1133 Jimawal 1134 Zay 1135 Dal 1136 Ba 1137 Waw 1138 Jimakir Sat., 8 Sept. 1725 CE

Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir Alif Ha

Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir

1139 Alif Thurs., 29 Aug. 1726 CE 1140 Ha 1141 Jimawal 1142 Zay 1143 Dal38 1144 Ba39

Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir

Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba

29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38

Ibid., p. 121. AJ 1632/ 1709 CE/ 1120 AH (remainder 0) is the year of Be [Ba]. Ibid., p. 125. AJ 1635/ 1712 CE/ 1123 AH is the year of Alif (remainder 3). Ibid., p. 125. AJ 1637/ 1714 CE/ 1125 AH is the year of Jimawal (remainder 5). Ibid., p. 127. AJ 1638/ 18 Jan. 1714 CE/ 1126 AH, the year of Je. Ibid., p. 127. AJ 1639/ 1717 CE/ 1127 AH, the year of Dal. Ibid., p. 129. AJ 1641/ 1716 CE/ 1128 AH, the year of Be. Ibid., p. 135. AJ 1642/ 1718 CE/ 1130 AH, the year of Jimakir. Ibid., p. 137. AJ 1643/ 1719 CE/ 1131 AH is an Alif year (remainder 3). Ibid., p. 141. AJ 1644/ 1720 CE/ 1132 AH is year of Ehe [Ha] (remainder 4). According to the Tuhfat al-Nafis 1143 (remainder 2) is a Ba year. The author of the text has taken the numerical value of Ba, which is 2, to designate the year. 39 Pudjiastuti, Perang, Dagang, Persahabatan, 9 Ruwah 1144, Tahun Ba.

385

1145 Waw 1146 Jimakir Sat., 13 June 1733 CE

Alif Ha40

Waw Dal Akhir

1147 Alif41 Thurs., 3 June 1734 CE 1148 Ha42 1149 Jimawal 1150 Zay 1151 Dal 1152 Ba47 1153 Waw 1154 Jimakir Sun., 19 March 1741 CE

Jim Zay43 Dal Awal44 Ba45 Waw46 Dal Akhir48 Alif49 Ha50

Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir51

1155 Alif52 Thurs., 8 March 1742 CE 1156 Ha 1157 Jimawal 1158 Zay 1159 Dal

Jim53 Zay54 Dal Awal Ba55 Waw

Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal

40 Hikayat Negeri Johor, f. 8: Tuesday, 10 Muharram 1146 (excess of 2), Tahun Ha. 41 Ibid., 10 Dzulhijjah 1147 Tahun Ha (excess of 2). The numerical value of Ha is 2. 42 Ibid., 25 Muharram 1148 Tahun Jim [sic, Jimakir], the 8th letter is aligned with Ha in the second cycle of the Malay daur. 43 In another instance the Hikayat Negeri Johor, f. 8, gives 1148 as Tahun Zay. 44 Hikayat Negeri Johor, f. 10: 1 Muharram 1149, Tahun Dal Awal. 45 Ibid., f. 12, 17 Rabi’ul-awal 1150, Tahun Ba. 46 Ibid., f. 13: 15 Dzulkaedah 1151, Tahun Waw. 47 Hikayat Negeri Johor, f. 13: 24 Dzulhijjah 1152, Tahun Jim[akir]. The latter Jim, being in the 8th place, is also aligned to Dal Akhir. See Table 1 in text. 48 Tuhfatul Nafis: 1 Muharram 1152, Tahun Dal Akhir. 49 Hikayat Negeri Johor, 14 Rajab 1153, Tahun Alif in the Javanese windu. 50 Ibid., f. 19: 15 Muharram 1154, Tahun Ha. 51 In PNM MSS 2581 N, the date given is 1154 (remainder of 2), Tahun Waw. The numerical value of 2 belongs to the letter Ba which is the 6th letter in the Acehnese cycle. The second huruf, counting from Ba, is Waw. 52 Pudjiastuti, Perang, Dagang, Persahabatan, 8 Haji 1155, Tahun Alip. 53 Hikayat Negeri Johor, ff. 21–22: 5 Jamadil-akhir, 1155, Tahun Jim. 54 Ibid., f. 23: 10 Muharram 1156, Tahun Zay. 55 Raja Ali Haji, Tuhfat al-Nafis (The Precious Gift), ed. and transl. Virginia Matheson Hooker and Barbara Watson Andaya, Oxford University Press, Kuala Lumpur, 1982, p. 99 death of Daeng Chelak, 12 Rabi’ul-akhir, 1158 (remainder of 6), Tahun Ba.

386

1160 Ba 1161 Waw 1162 Jimakir Sun., 22 Dec. 1748 CE

Dal Akhir Alif Ha

Ba Waw Dal Akhir

1163 Alif Thurs., 11 Dec. 1749 CE 1164 Ha 1165 Jimawal 1166 Zay56 1167 Dal 1168 Ba 1169 Waw 1170 Jimakir Sun., 26 Sept. 1756 CE 1171 Alif Thurs., 15 Sept. 1757 CE 1172 Ha 1173 Jimawal 1174 Zay 1175 Dal 1176 Ba 1177 Waw 1178 Jimakir Sun., 1 July 1764 CE

Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir Alif Ha

Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir57 Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir

1179 Alif Thurs., 20 June 1765 CE 1180 Ha 1181 Jimawal 1182 Zay 1183 Dal 1184 Ba 1185 Waw 1186 Jimakir 58 Sun., 5 Apr. 1772 CE

Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir Alif Ha

Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir

56 Hikayat Negeri Johor, f. 23: 5 Muharram 1166, Tahun Zay. 57 In MSS 2311 the year 1170 (remainder of 2) is given as Tahun Alif. The scribe, probably an Acehnese, used the numerical value of 2, which the huruf Ba (6th position in the Javanese windu) has, and took the next huruf (which is in the Malay daur) that is aligned to Ba and Dal akhir is obtained. But in order to apply the Achenese method the scribe moves two steps forward from Dal akhir and the huruf Alif is derived. 58 An Acehnese letter that Al-Attas (The Oldest Known Malay Manuscript) quoted on p. 30 gives 1186 as a Waw year. Al-Attas is incorrect in his assumption that the scribe had made a mistake. Actually, the rationale for the scribe’s choice is based on the excess figure of 2, which the scribe adjusted with the numerical value of

387

1187 Alif Thurs., 25 March 1773 CE 1188 Ha 1189 Jimawal 1190 Zay 1191 Dal 1192 Ba 1193 Waw 1194 Jimakir Sat., 8 Jan. 1780 CE

Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir Alif Ha

Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir

1195 Alif Wed., 27 Dec. 1780 CE 1196 Ha 1197 Jimawal 1198 Zay 1199 Dal 1200 Ba 1201 Waw 1202 Jimakir Sat., 13 Oct. 1788 CE

Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw60 Dal Akhir Alif Ha

Alif Ha Jim59 Zay Dal Ba Waw Dal Akhir

1203 Alif Wed., 1 Oct. 1788 CE 1204 Ha 1205 Jimawal 1206 Zay 1207 Dal 1208 Ba 1209 Waw 1210 Jimakir Sat., 18 July 1795 CE

Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir Alif Ha

Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir

1211 Alif Wed., 6 July 1796 CE 1212 Ha

Jim Zay

Alif Ha

2, that should rightly belong to Ba. But true to the method of the Acehnese calculation, the scribe has moved two steps forward, and so we get after the huruf Ba the letter Waw. It appears that in the Acehnese style the numerical value of a huruf could also be applied to the relevant letter and to get to the correct huruf sign, the counting off is done by moving forward as is usually done from Waw. 59 PNM, MSS 2472, 1197 AH (excess of 5) year of Jim, an Acehnese date, i.e. counting off from Waw. In the same manuscript, however, the same date is given as Tahun Dal [Awal]. This is a Malay date. See above. 60 Annabel Teh-Gallop, The Legacy of the Malay Letter, The British Library, London, 1994, p. 203. 25 Jumadil-awal 1199 is year of Ha.

388

1213 Jimawal 1214 Zay62 1215 Dal 1216 Ba 1217 Waw 1218 Jimakir64 Sat., 23 Apr. 1803 CE

Dal Awal61 Ba Waw63 Dal Akhir Alif Ha

Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir

1219 Alif Thurs., 12 Apr. 1804 CE 1220 Ha 1221 Jimawal 1222 Zay 1223 Dal 1224 Ba 1225 Waw67 Mon., 5 Feb. 1810 CE 1226 Jimakir68 Sat., 26 Jan. 1811 CE

Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir66 Alif Ha

Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Awal65 Ba Waw Dal Akhir

1227 Alif Thurs., 16 Jan. 1812 CE 1228 Ha 1229 Jimawal 1230 Zay69 1231 Dal 1232 Ba 1233 Waw70 1234 Jimakir Sat., 31 Oct. 1818 CE

Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir Alif Ha

Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir

61 See MSS 2581 G, for the year 1213, Tahun Dal Awal. 62 Using Ba (the 6th letter in the Javanese windu) as his basis for calculation, the scribe is able to recognize that the letter is aligned to the huruf Dal [akhir] in the Malay daur. So he names the year 1214 AH as a Dal [sic] year. 63 See MSS 2581 for the year 1215 which has an excess of 7. 64 Letter in Ali Haji, Tuhfat al-Nafis, p. 256: 2 Dzulkaedah 1218, year of Jim. 65 This is an Acehnese date. See MSS 2518 for the year 1223 (remainder of 7) Waw is in the 7th place in the order of the Acehnese cycle. Counting off seven steps forward from Waw would give Dal Awal as the huruf. 66 PNM MSS 2260, 1224 AH (remainder 0); Tahun Dal [Akhir] is the 8th letter in the Malay daur. 67 Hj. Mohali’s letter is dated 22 Dzulkaedah 1225, year of Waw. 68 The Cirebon 2 letter is dated 20 Rabi’ul-akhir 1226, year of Jim. 69 PNM MSS 2447 gives 1230 AH as the year of Ha (remainder of 6). The scribe, probably Acehnese, has adjusted the letter Zay (4th position in the Malay daur) with the huruf Ha in the Acehnese cycle (2nd position). 70 PNM MSS 2455, 1233, Tahun Waw.

389

1235 Alif71 Thurs., 21 Oct. 1819 CE 1236 Ha 1237 Jimawal73 1238 Zay 1239 Dal 1239 Ba 1240 Waw74 1241 Jimakir Tues., 16 Aug. 1825 CE

Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir Alif Ha

Alif Ha72 Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir

1242 Alif 75 Sat., 5 Aug. 1826 CE 1243 Ha 1244 Jimawal 1245 Zay 1246 Dal 1247 Ba 1248 Waw 1249 Jimakir Tues., 21 May 1833 CE

Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw76 Dal Akhir Alif Ha

Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Awal77 Ba Waw Dal Akhir

1250 Alif Sat., 10 May 1834 CE 1251 Ha 1252 Jimawal

Jim78 Zay79 Dal Awal

Alif Ha Jim

71 PNM MSS 1534, 1235, Tahun Alif. 72 PNM MSS 2351, 1236 (excess of 4), Tahun Jim. The scribe seems to be following the instruction as found in Leiden Cod. Or. 2805 whereby it is stated that if the excess is 4 the year is Dal; but Dal is aligned to huruf Jim in both the Javanese and Achenese cycles. 73 PNM MSS 2463, 1237 AH, Tahun Jim. 74 PNM MSS 2377, 1240 (excess: 0) Tahun Jim[akir]. The letter Jimakir is the 8th letter in the Javanese windu. See Table 1. 75 Pudjiastuti, Perang, Dagang, Persahabatan, 2 Jumadil-akhir 1242 Tahun Jimakir (excess of 2). The scribe has chosen Jimakir [sic, Jim] instead of Alip because, according to the instruction in the Leiden Cod. Or. 2805, f 29r, when the remainder is 2 the huruf should be Jim. 76 PNM MSS 2540 [Banjarese], 1246 (remainder of 6) Tahun Alif. The huruf with the value of 6 is Waw. But Waw in the Javanese windu is aligned to Alif in the following cycle of the Malay daur. See Table 1 in text. 77 The same date in PNM MSS 2260, 1246 AH is given as Tahun Dal. 78 T. J. Newbold, British Settlements in the Straits of Malacca, Oxford University Press, Kuala Lumpur, 1971, Vol. 2, p. 345: 5 Ramadzan 1250, Tahun Jim. 79 Ibid., p. 356: 1251 Tahun Za[y].

390

1253 Zay 1254 Dal 1255 Ba 1256 Waw 1257 Jimakir Tues., 23 Feb. 1841 CE

Ba Waw Dal Akhir Alif Ha

Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir

1258 Alif Sat., 12 Feb. 1842 CE 1259 Ha 1260 Jimawal 1261 Zay 1262 Dal 1263 Ba 1264 Waw 1265 Jimakir Mon., 27 Nov. 1848 CE

Jim Zay Dal Awal80 Ba Waw Dal Akhir Alif Ha

Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir

1266 Alif 1267 Ha 1268 Jimawal 1269 Zay 1270 Dal 1271 Ba 1272 Waw 1273 Jimakir

Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir Alif Ha

Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir

1274 Alif 1275 Ha 1276 Jimawal 1277 Zay 1278 Dal 1279 Ba 1280 Waw 1281 Jimakir

Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir Alif Ha

Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir

1282 Alif 1283 Ha 1284 Jimawal 1285 Zay 1286 Dal

Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw

Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Awal

80 PNM MSS 2877 1260 AH Tahun Dal. This clearly is an Acehnese date.

391

1287 Ba 1288 Waw 1289 Jimakir

Dal Akhir Alif Ha

Ba Waw Dal Akhir

1290 Alif 1291 Ha 1292 Jimawal 1293 Zay 1294 Dal 1295 Ba 1296 Waw 1297 Jimakir 1298 Alif82 1299 Ha 1300 Jimawal 1301 Zay 1302 Dal 1304 Ba 1305 Waw83 1306 Jimakir

Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal akhir Alif81 Ha Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir Alif Ha

Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir

1307 Alif 1308 Ha84 1309 Jimawal 1310 Zay 1311 Dal 1312 Ba 1313 Waw 1314 Jimakir

Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir Alif Ha

Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir

81 Proudfoot, Old Muslim Calendars of Southeast Asia, p. 40, 25 Safar 1296 (0 remainder), Tahun Alif. This falls in the next Malay cycle. 82 1298 AH, Tahun Dal akhir. The Acehnese date should be the year of Dal (remainder 2). When counted from Waw the second letter is Dal. 83 Proudfoot, Old Muslim Calendars of Southeast Asia, p. 46: 6/5 Rabi’ul-awal 1305 (excess of 2), Tahun Waw. 84 PNM, MSS 2406, 1308 AH, Tahun Ha.

392

1315 Alif 1316 Ha 1317 Jimawal 1318 Zay 1319 Dal 1320 Ba 1321 Waw 1322 Jimakir

Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir Alif Ha

Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir

1323 Alif 1324 Ha 1325 Jimawal 1326 Zay 1327 Dal 1328 Ba 1329 Waw 1330 Jimakir

Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir Alif Ha

Alif Ha Jim Zay Dal Awal Ba Waw Dal Akhir

393

BIBLIOGRAPHY

T

he material for this study has been drawn principally from the manuscripts in the Raffles collections preserved in the beginning at the India Office Library, London and later in the British Library. Manuscripts, both Malay and European, found in the School of Oriental and African Studies Library and the Bodleian Library at Oxford University have also been used. The writer has also made use of Malay manuscripts in the Bibliotheeks of the University of Leiden, and the Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde also at Leiden. Other than the original Malay manuscripts, microfilms of several manuscripts found in the Perpustakaan Negara in Kuala Lumpur have also been used as a source.

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MSS 2488 E. (Bayan al-Alif wa huruf al-Hija‘iyah) MSS 2578 (Petua) (Several Malay manuscripts which are held by the National Library in Kuala Lumpur, stating the Muslim dates that include day, month and year as well the huruf signifying the year have not been listed in the bibliography.)

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407

SUBJECT INDEX Note: numbers in italic refer to Malay text. Abdul Rahman Syah, Sultan of Lingga, 121, 122, 123, 135, 136 Abdul Rashid, Abang, 288, 289, 290, 291, 293, 294, 295, 296–7, 299, 300 Abdullah, Sayid (Raja of Jambi), 201, 206, 208, 218, 221 Abdullah, Tun, 105–6, 107, 109 Abdullah bin Abdul Kadir Munsyi, 3, 32, 85, 106, 138–9, 162, 217, 312 Abdullah Ma’ayat Syah, Sultan of Johor, 102 Abdullah Mukarram Syah, Sultan of Kedah, 36, 37–8, 44, 46, 70 abjad, 18 Abu Bakar, Sayid, see Said, Tengku Abu Bakar Rum, Sayid: and Raden Muhammad, 202–5, 209–11; bearer of letters, 230, 231, 232, 247, 248, 254, 257, 263, 265, 363, 370, 370; movements, 201–5, 208–11, 215, 216, 247, 249; Raffles’ agent, 4, 34, 268–9, 270–1, 372 Abu Bakar Tajuddin, see Muhammad Tajuddin, Sultan of Sambas

Abdul Fatah, Sultan of Banten, 305 Abdul Jalil, Sultan of Minangkabau, 90, 97–8 Abdul Jalil, Tengku, 106 Abdul Jalil, Tun, 137 Abdul Jalil Khaliluddin, Sultan of Siak, 183, 185 Abdul Jalil Muadzam Syah, Sultan of Johor, 88, 90, 97–8 Abdul Jalil Rahmat Syah, Sultan of Johor, 137 Abdul Jalil Saifuddin, Sultan of Siak, 139, 183, 185, 191, 192, 197, 198, 200 Abdul Malik Mansur Syah, Sultan of Perak, see Mansur Syah, Sultan of Perak Abdul Mufakir III Muhammad Aliuddin II, Sultan of Banten, 306 Abdul Rahim, 99, 100 Abdul Rahman, Syarif, Sultan of Pontianak, 286 Abdul Rahman, Temenggong, 102, 105–6,108 Abdul Rahman, Tengku Nakhoda, 280, 284–5 Abdul Rahman al-Kudsi, Habib, 126 Abdul Rahman bin Umar, Sayid, 198, 199 408

Ambab, Tengku, see Embab, Tengku Amin, Inche, 242, 242 Ampujatmika, 302 Andaya, Barbara, 58 Anderson, John, 277 Anglo–Dutch Treaty, 277 Annapoorney, 278 Anom, Pangeran, 287, 288–9, 290–1, 292–3, 294, 295, 296–7, 299, 306, 307, 328 Anom, Prabu, 272 Anom IV, Sultan, 312 Anyer, 308–9, 309–10, 310, 311 Aqaid Al-Nasafi, 26 Arabic alphabet, 18–19 Arethusa, 33, 34, 120, 130, 328 Aria Kidul, Pangeran, 313, 314 Aria Sumpat Raja, Pangeran, 313, 314 Ariel, 33 Aruthesa, see Arethusa Asil, Raja of Rembau, 88, 89, 90, 97, 98 Askat, Captain, see Scott, Captain John Askot, Captain, see Scott, Captain John Aslukan Nuri, 280, 284 Auchmuty, Sir Samuel, 5 Awi, Tengku, 139, 191–2, 193

Aceh, 137; chiefs, 279–80, 284 Adil, Raja, 97, 98 Agung, Sultan, 24, 26 Ahmad, Pangeran, 306–7 Ahmad bin Nina Merikan, Tambi, 32 Ahmad Najamuddin, Sultan of Palembang, 228, 236 Ahmad Najamuddin II, Sultan of Palembang, 272–3 Ahmad Najamuddin III, Sultan of Palembang, 272–3 Ahmad Sahab, Tambi, 118, 119, 247, 248 Ahmad Tajuddin Halim Syah, Sultan of Kedah, 6, 35, 36, 69, 72, 84, 85 Ahmaddin Syah, Sultan of Perak, 83 Ahya, 64 Aji, Juragan, 218, 221 Alam, Raja, 139, 162, 178 Alang, Tengku, 150, 151 Alatas, Syed Hussein, 138, 230 Alauddin Jauhar Alam Syah, Sultan of Aceh, 277–8 Ali, Raja of Pedas, 34, 88–90, 91, 94, 95, 98, 99 Ali, Syeikh, 34, 299, 300 Ali, Tengku, 105–6 Ali, Yam Tuan Muda, 111, 113–14 Ali Ba’alawi, Syeikh, 140, 141 Ali Haji, Raja, 110 Ali Hambal, Syeikh, 289, 291 Aliuddin, Pangeran Rau, 306 Along Mengangkat, 187, 188 Alor Star: sacking of, 36 Amat, Nakhoda, 204–5, 207, 211, 212

Badong, 321 Badr al-Alam Syah, 110 Bagus, Nyoman, 338, 339 Baki, 140, 162, 166, 169, 183, 184, 189, 190, 191, 193 Baleleng, see Buleleng Bali, 320–2 Bali letters: dating, 31 409

Baliling, see Buleleng Bandar, 97 Bangka, 202, 272 Bangli, 321 Banjarmasin, 205, 288, 291, 302–3 Banten, 207, 213, 305–7 Banyuwangi, 5, 334, 336 Bapu, Nakhoda, 72–3, 73 Bastin, John, 2, 139, 227, 229, 231, 266, 323, 363 Batak, 137 Baud, J. C., 229 Bayan al-Alif wa Huruf alHija’iyya, 19 Begbie, P. J., 88, 89, 121, 139 Bernard, F. J., 2 Biliton, 272 Bima, 334, 336 Bintan, 110 Bisnu, Tunku, 69 Blambangan, 5, 334, 336 Blue Lux, 143–4, 145, 146, 147, 147, 148 Bonney, Rollins, 35 British East India Company: Bali, 325, 326, 335, 336, 343, 344; Banjarmasin, 303, 304; Cirebon, 313; Java, 334, 336; Kedah, 6; Penang, 35, 38, 44, 45; Pontianak, 287, 288, 290; Sambas, 298; Siak, 159, 161; Singapore, 102, 120 Broughton, William, 5 Bruce, Andrew, 72 Budal Siap, 328, 331 budi, 8, 9, 11 Bugis, 36; Johor, 101; Pedas, 88; Riau, 110–11; ships, 112; war

with Dutch, 88; warships, 288, 291 Bukit, Made, 338, 339 Buleleng, 320, 322, 327 Bunghit, Tengku, 139 Bustanul Salatin, 14 Busu, Cik, 63, 65 Busu, Raja, 112–13 Buyers, Christopher, 131 Cakrabuana, Pangeran, 312 cannons, 166, 169 Caringin, 310, 311 Carnegie, Captain James, 103, 104 Casmille, Captain, 280, 285 Celak, Daeng, 110, 137 Cheg [Cik?], Sayid, 139 Cik, Tengku, see Ibrahim, Tun Cirebon, 312, 313 Citra Taruna, Kiyai Ngabehi, 236, 239 Commerce, 287, 289, 290, 291 Coolhaas, 230 cop sikureueng, 15 Cornwallis, Lord, 38, 44 Daendels, Herman Willem, 3, 5, 173, 176, 231, 303, 305–6, 308 daur system, 23–7, 379–93 Deane, Captain R., 288 Deli, 137 Demak, 302, 305 Diya’uddin Mukarram Syah, Sultan of Kedah, 36, 39, 46 Drake, Jack, 2 Drake, M. Rosdew, 2 Drewes, G. W. J., 8

410

Dundas, Philip, 67 Duta Cita, Kiyahi Ngabehi, 236, 239 Dutch: Banjarmasin, 302–3; Banten, 305–7; Banyuwangi, 5; Blambangan, 5; Jambi, 224–5, 226; Java, 228, 272, 303, 306; Malacca, 111; Palembang, 202–4, 209–10, 228–30, 232–5, 249, 251, 252, 253–4, 256, 258–9, 260, 263–4, 266, 268, 271, 272–3, 353–4, 355, 356–7, 358, 359, 360, 362, 363–4, 365–6, 367–9, 372, 373, 374; Riau, 111; war with Bugis, 88 Dutch East India Company, 111, 236, 298, 305, 306, 334, 336

Garling, Mr., 143, 145, 146, 147 Garling, Samuel, 118 Gemas Rangga Jin, 203–4, 210 Gibson-Hill, C. A., 205, 281 Gillespie, Colonel, 203 Gondut, Tengku, see Gendut, Tengku Graves, Captain, 325, 327, 328, 330, 331, 332, 343, 345, 348, 350 Greig, Captain William, 5, 33, 123, 135, 136, 323, 324, 325, 340, 341, 351 Grek, Captain, see Greig, Captain William Grewesy, Captain, see Graves, Captain Gyanjar, 321

Edmonstone, N. B., 138 Elliot, Gilbert, see Minto, Lord Embab, Tengku, 139, 191–2, 193 Erskine, John James, 58, 59, 67, 68–9

Haji, Raja, 36, 88, 90, 111, 113, 123 Haji, Sultan of Banten, 305 Hall, Mr, see Hare, Alexander Haman, Raja, 89, 90 Hamidah, Raja, 123 Hare, Alexander, 112, 205, 206, 211, 212, 293, 294, 295, 296, 299, 300, 303 Hasan, Temenggung, 117, 204, 210, 218, 221 Hasanudin, Maulana, Sultan of Banten, 305 hikayat, 7 Hikayat Johor, 88 Hikayat Melayu, 162 Hikayat Raja Iskandar, 289, 291 Hilsa fish legend, 137, 163, 164 HMS Modeste, 5 Hopkins, Mr., 287 Hunt, J., 325

Fame: sinking, 1 Fargis, Captain, see Varughese, Captain Farquhar, Major W., 85; letter to Sultan Abdul Jalil Saifuddin, 141 Flint, Jenny Rosdew, 2 Flint, William, 2 Flint, William Charles Raffles, 2 Forrest, Captain Thomas, 281 France: occupation of Netherlands, 305 Gajah Mada, 320 gambier planting, 110–11 411

Jaafar, Raja, Yang Dipertuan Muda of Riau, 105, 111, 113–14, 123 Jamaluddin, Haji, 99, 100 Jambi, 201–2, 208–9, 224–5, 225–6 Jamjam, Tengku, 85 Janssens, Jan Willem, 5, 308 Jauhar Alam Syah, Sultan of Aceh, 74 Java: Dutch, 228, 27, 303, 306, 316, 317; invasion of, 3, 4, 5, 114, 116, 198, 200, 321, 328–9, 331, 334, 336, 340, 341, 361 Jawi calligraphy, 16–17 Jayawikrama, Pangeran, 236 Jembrana, 320–1, 327, 334 Johol, 88, 97 Johor: attack of Siak, 137 Johor-Riau sultanate, 101–2 Jourdain, Francis, 36–7 Jubeleng, Ketut, 323, 324

Husain bin Abdul Rahman Aidid, Tengku Syarif Sayid, 74–7, 78–80, 218, 221 Hussain, Sultan of Singapore, 102, 105–6, 118 Hussain, Tengku, 123 Hyder Ally, 278 Hydroos, 278 Ibnu’l-‘Arabi, 13, 20 Ibrahim, Hakim, 70, 71–2 Ibrahim, Sultan of Selangor, 89, 90 Ibrahim, Tun, 105–6, 107 Ibrahim, Tunku, of Kedah, 69 Ibrahim son of Kandu, 32, 33, 139, 162, 166, 168, 181, 182, 186, 187 Ikan terubuk, see Hilsa fish legend Illanun, 111, 288, 291, 293, 294, 295, 296 ilm al-abjad, see ilm al-huruf ilm al-huruf, 21 Indragiri, 137 Indramayu, 315 Indud, Raja, 112 ink, 17 Isa, Raja, 112 Iskandar Muda of Aceh, 102 Islam: propagation in Malay world, 15, 305, 312 Islamic calendrical system, 18–30 Ismail, Raja, 162 Ismail, Tambi, 34, 91, 92, 92, 93, 98, 99, 100 Ismail Lebai, 32 Itam, Raja, 90, 98

Kacirebonan, 312 Kalongkong, 321 Kamalat Syah, Sultanah, 74 Kampar, 137 Kanoman, Pangeran Raja, 307, 312 Karang-Asem, 321, 322 Karniki, Captain, see Carnegie, Captain Kasah, Raja, 97 Kasim, Syarif, Sultan of Pontianak, 5, 286 Kasmil, Captain, see Casmille, Captain Keanoman Sultanate, 312

412

Lings, Martin, 10–11 Lombok, 321, 333, 334 Long Puteh, Tunku, 84–5, 87 Lucipara, see Mas Fari

Kecil, Daeng, see Ibrahim, Tun Kecil, Raja, 110, 137, 139, 178 Kedah: and East India Company, 35, 38, 44, 45; and Penang, 37–42, 45–8, 50, 52; invasion of Perak, 84, 85, 87; relations with Siam, 35, 40–1, 44–5, 49–50, 51–2, 56, 57 Kemboja, Daeng, 88 Kemp, Van der, 272 Kerta Ningrat, Pangeran Raja, 313, 314 Kesang, 118, 119 Kesepuhan Sultanate, 312 kitab tarasul, 7, 8, 9, 12, 14, 15 Klerk, Reynier de, 235 Kobkua Suwannathat-Pian, 35 Koek, Adrian, 105 Komba, Tengku, 139 Koster, G. L., 228 Kulang, Tengku, 61, 62

Macalister, Captain, 278 Macdonald, Captain D., 5, 33, 227, 234, 253, 259, 267, 270, 288, 372 Maharaja Saudagar, 58 Mahmud Badaruddin, Sultan of Palembang, 4, 16, 227–8, 229, 231–4, 236, 246, 248, 272 Mahmud Ri’ayat Syah, Sultan of Lingga, 111; and Raffles, 6; and Sayid Husain Abdul Rahman Aidid, 74–5, 78; illness and death, 120–3, 131, 133; son, 137 Mahmud Syah, Sultan of Johor, 101, 102 Mahomet, Tengku, 139 Majapahit empire, 298, 305, 320 Malacca: British occupation, 4; Dutch, 4, 111; piracy, 111, 112–13 Malay Annals, see Sejarah Melayu Malay Archipelago: European presence, 6, 9 Malay–Dutch treaty, 111 Malay laws, 162–3, 164 Malay manuscripts, 162–3, 164 Mandura, Sultan of, 328, 331, 343, 345 Mangiri, 321 Mangku Negara, Temenggung, 313, 314

L’Etoile, 278 Laik, Mister, see Light, Francis Lambert, Captain, 287, 289, 290, 291 Lampung, 202, 209 Lanang, Temenggung, 203–4, 210, 214–15, 216, 273, 275 Leith, Sir George, 39–40, 46 Lenggang, Raja, 98 les Freres Unis, 288 Leyden, John, 1, 2, 33, 162, 323 Light, Francis, 36, 37–9, 42, 44–6, 48 Lim Chan Chun, 63–4, 65–6 Lim Ki Hok, 63–4, 65–6 Lim Tang, 63–4, 65 Lingga, 102

413

Muhammad bin Husin, Tengku Raden, 227, 272–3: and Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin, 33, 173, 176, 231, 232, 233–4, 235, 366–7, 368–9, 372; bearer of letters, 33, 81, 82, 230, 231–2, 356–7, 357, 359, 360, 363, 365, 373, 374; letter of credentials, 246–7, 248–9; movements, 173, 202–5, 209–11, 231–2, 246–7, 248–9, 370, 370; treaty with Palembang, 249–51, 252–3; Raffles’ agent, 4, 16, 34, 227, 230, 268–9, 270–1, 356–7, 357, 359, 360, 366–7, 368–9; trade, 219, 222 Muhammad Husin, 167, 170 Muhammad Ishak Zainal Mutakin, Sultan of Banten, 306 Muhammad Jiwa Zainal Abidin Mu’azzam Syah, Sultan of Kedah, 36, 37–9, 44–6 Muhammad Kamaruddin, Sultan of Cirebon, 312 Muhammad Lebai, 32 Muhammad Saifuddin, Ratu, Sultan of Banten, 307 Muhammad Syamsuddin, Sultan of Cirebon, 312 Muhammad Tajuddin, Sultan of Sambas, 288, 289, 291, 296, 297, 298 Munek, Tengku, see Monee, Tengku Muntinghe, 229, 272 Muntok, 202, 204, 209, 210, 219, 222; chiefs, 5

Mangkubumi, 302 Manompo, Daeng, 110 Mansur Syah, Sultan of Perak, 83, 84 Marewah, Daeng, 110 Marsden, William, 121 martabat tujuh, 20–1 Mas Fari, 132, 173, 176 Mas-Kura, see Mas Fari Mas Moreman, 307 Mataram, Sultan of, 328, 331, 343, 345 Melewar, Raja, 97 Mempawah, 288, 291, 293, 294, 295, 296 Merlin, Mr., 32 Minangkabau, 137, 195, 196; in Bangkahulu, 237, 239; in Siak, 137; laws, 162–3, 164, 183, 185; ruler, 97 Minto, 135 Minto, Lord, 186, 187; agents, 325; Bali, 348, 350; Java invasion, 3, 5; papers, 1; visit to Penang, 53, 54, 55–6, 57 Mohali, Haji, 4, 28, 34, 138, 173, 176 Monee, Tengku, 139, 181, 182, 214, 220, 223 Muar, 118, 119 Muhammad, Tengku, see Mahomet, Tengku Muhammad Ali, Haji, see Mohali, Haji Muhammad ‘Ali Shafiuddin, Tuanku, Sultan of Sambas, 298 Muhammad Bahaudin, Sultan of Palembang, 236

414

Nagara, Raja, 192, 193 Naning, 88, 97 Napoleon Bonaparte, 3 Negeri Sembilan: history, 89 Netherlands: French occupation, 305 Newbold, T. J., 7, 88, 89, 90, 91, 98 number symbolism, 15–16, 22–3

building, 59, 67 pens, 17 Penyengat, 110 Perak: invasion by Kedah, 84, 85, 87 Perpatih Sebatang, 94, 95–6, 162–3, 164 perpatih sebatang laws, 91, 92–3, 94–5, 96 piracy: Malacca, 111, 112–13; Banyu Asin, 243, 244; Pontianak, 288, 291, 293, 294, 295, 296; Sambas, 298 Pires, Tome, 132 Pontianak: and English East India Company, 287, 288, 290; piracy, 288, 291, 293, 294, 295, 296; products, 287 Portuguese: Banten, 305 Proudfoot, Ian, 18, 28, 31 Province Wellesley, see Seberang Perai Pucut Kaya bin Muhammad Hassan, 31, 281, 285 Pulau Berhala, 201, 208, 218, 221 Pulau Mas, see Mas Fari Pulau Merak, 308–9, 309–10, 310, 311 Pulau Pinang, see Penang putat tepi, 59 Puteri, Tengku, see Putih, Tengku Putih, Tengku, 90, 94, 95 Puy, Philip Pieter du, 306

Ompok, Tengku, 139 Ong, 64, 66 Orang Benua, 98 Orang Kaya Laksamana, 84–5, 86–7 Order of the Golden Sword, 281, 285 Ota, Atsushi, 307 Othman bin al-Syeikh Ali Ba’alwi, Sultan of Siak, 140, 141, 197, 199 Palembang, 173, 176; Dutch, 202–4, 209–10, 228–30, 232–5, 249, 251, 252, 253–4, 256, 258–9, 260, 268, 271, 272–3, 353–4, 355, 356–7, 358, 359, 360, 362, 363–4, 367–9, 372, 373, 374; English, 258, 260; trade, 236, 239, 251, 252, 255, 257–8, 364, 366, 368 Palmer, John, 286, 328 Pangeran Adipati Menggolo, see Muhammad bin Husin, Tengku Raden Pangeran Perca, see Zain, Sayid Parani, Daeng, 110, 137 Pedas, 88, 91, 93, 97 Penang, 37–42, 44–8, 62–3; ship-

Quranic alphabet, 18–20, 21 Raffles, Lady Sophia: bequest of letters, 2; return to England, 1; trip from Singapore to Bencoolen, 108 415

Raffles, Mary Ann, 2 Raffles, Sir Thomas Stamford, 3; agents, 4, 33–4, 138, 325, 343, 345; and Aceh, 277; and Bali, 321–2, 328, 343, 344; and Cirebon, 312; and Palembang, 228–31, 232–5, 251, 252; and Pangeran Ahmad, 306–7; and Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin, 231, 232, 234–5; and Sultan Muhammad Saifuddin, 307; collection of letters, 1–3, 227; communication with Edmonstone, 138; correspondence with Marsden 121; emissaries, 4–5, 33–4; in Malacca, 4, 49, 112, 120, 158, 160, 166, 169, 231, 353, 354; in Penang, 49; interest in Malay manuscripts, 2, 3, 162–3, 164; Java invasion, 3, 4–5, 85, 87, 114, 116, 198, 200, 321, 361; Order of the Golden Sword, 281, 285; Palembang, 353–4, 355, 356–7, 358, 359, 360, 362, 365, 367–9; power, 6; request for arms, 242, 242–3; requests for boats, 114, 116, 117, 119, 121, 124, 126, 127, 129, 131, 133; requests for food supplies, 84, 85, 86, 87, 114, 116, 194–5, 196; requests for timber, 146–7, 147–8; return to England, 1; scribes, 32–3; Singapore, 120; trip from Singapore to Bencoolen, 108

Raja Di Baroh, see Jalil Muadzam Syah, Sultan of Johor Rama I, 36, 40, 46 Rama II, 40, 46, 84 Ratu Gusti Anglurah Gede Karang, 337, 339 Ratu Gusti Wayahan KarangAsem, 338, 339 Rembau, 88, 97–8 Riau, 110–11 Riau-Lingga Archipelago, 110 Richardson, Captain Douglas, 281 Robison, Captain W., 227, 228, 272 Ronggek, Daeng, see Ibrahim, Tun Rosar, Captain, see Rozario, Captain royal Malay letter-writing, 6–7; dating, 17–32; huruf, 7; kepala surat, 11–12, 15; pujipujian, 7–12 royal scribes, 7 royal seals, 15, 16–17, 89, 97 Rozario, Captain, 288, 289, 290, 291, 295, 296–7, 299, 300 Said, Tunku, 132, 133, 162, 204, 210, 214, 216 Saif al-Alam Syah, Sultan of Aceh, 74 Salim, Sayid, 175, 178 Sambas, 298 Sambuda, Pangeran, 287, 290 Sasak, 333 Schimmel, Annemarie, 21 Scott, Captain Henry, 286

416

Scott, Captain John: agreement with Tunku Bisnu, 69–70, 71; bearer of letters, 120–1, 124, 125, 127, 129, 131, 132, 133, 134; movements, 172, 173, 175, 176, 217, 221; Raffles’ agent, 5, 33, 361, 362 Scott, William, 33 scribes: Raffles, 32–3; royal, 7 Seberang Perai, 40, 46 Sejarah Melayu, 8, 33, 162–3, 164 Semboo [Sembur], Tengku, 139 Sempong, 97 Seri Pikrama Raja, 158, 160 Sha’aban, Raja, 91 Siak, 137, 181, 182, 192, 193 Siam: and Kedah, 35, 40–1, 44–5, 49–50, 51–2, 56, 57 Silaparang, 333 Simpang, 237, 240 Singarang, 110 Singkep, 172, 174, 176, 177 Skeats, Walter William, 23 slavery: Bali, 323 Smart, Captain Robert, 281 Smith, Captain, 328; and Sultan Syarif Kasim, 286; bearer of letters, 328, 331, 343, 345; movements, 296, 297, 325; Raffles’ agent, 5, 34, 325, 329, 332, 343, 345, 346, 347 Solo, Susuhunan of, 328, 331 Sri Menanti, 97 String, Mr., 278 Sudira Brata, Raden, 313, 314 Sufism, 10–15, 21, 31–2 Sulaiman, Sultan of Banjarmasin, 302

Sulaiman, Sultan of Johor, 90, 101 Sulaiman, Sultan of Riau, 110 Sulaiman, Tunku of Kedah, 72, 73 Sulalatus Salatin, 14, 162 Sumbawa, 334, 336 Sumenap, Panembahan of, 328, 331, 343, 345 Sunan Gunung Jati, 305, 312 Sungai Nipah, 88, 97 Sungsang, 203, 204, 210–11 surat chap, see royal seals Syair Ikan Terubuk, 162 Syair Nuri, 228 Syair Sinyor Kosta, 228 Syen, Mr., see Erskine, John James Tabanan, 321 Tait, Captain Charles, 33, 34, 103, 104, 117, 119, 219, 222, 289, 291 Tajus-Salatin, 8 Tanah Bali, 321 Teh-Gallop, Annabel, 13, 122, 131 Tek, Captain, see Tait, Captain Tengku Pangeran Sakam Dilaga, 313, 314 Tenid, Captain, see Tait, Captain Charles Thainstone, 117, 219 Thompson, Q. D., 2 Tiedja [Tijah?], Daeng, 139, 178 timbers: for shipbuilding, 58–9, 60, 61, 62, 67, 69, 70, 71, 141, 142, 143–4, 145, 146–7, 147–8, 148–9, 149–50 Treaty of the Hague, 4

417

Tuhfat al-Nafis, 14, 88, 110, 121–2 Tunku Pangeran Kusuma Dilaga, see Zain, Sayid

Woelders, M. O., 162–3 Wolters, O. W., 203 Wurtzburg, C. W., 228 Wyndor, Captain, 140–1, 142

Varughese, Captain, 237, 240 Vereenigde Oost Indische Compagnie (VOC), see Dutch East India Company

Yahaya, 83, 86 Zain, Sayid: 138–40; and Yang Dipertuan of Siak, 156, 157, 158, 160, 166–7, 169–70, 187, 188; bearer of letters, 120–1, 124, 125, 127, 128, 130–1, 133, 316, 316; hijacking of ship, 167, 170; in Malacca, 154, 155; movements, 172–4, 176–7, 201–5, 208–12, 217–18, 221–2224, 225, 243–4, 244–5; Raffles’ agent, 4, 34, 138

Wahdattu’l-wujud doctrine, 13–14, 15, 20–1 Wahib, Raden, 227 Wangsakerta, Panembahan, 312 Wilkinson, R. J., 11, 97, 98 Wind, J. B. de, 118 windu, 22–9, 379–93 Winstedt, R. O., 97, 105, 110, 137, 228

INDEX TO LETTERS Note: numbers in italic refer to Malay text. Abdul Jalil Khaliluddin, Sultan of Siak to Raffles, 191–2, 192–3, 197–8, 199–200 Abdul Jalil Saifuddin, Sultan of Siak to Philip Dundas, 140–1, 141–2, 148–9, 149–50 to Raffles, 157–9, 159–61, 165–8, 168–71, 186–7, 187–8, 194–5, 195–7 Abdullah bin Abdul Rahman, Sayid, of Jambi

to Raffles, 224–5, 225–6 Ahmad Tajuddin Halim Syah, Sultan of Kedah to Lord Minto, 36–43, 43–8, 55–6, 56–7 to Raffles, 49–51, 51–3, 53–4, 54 Alauddin Jauhar Alam Syah, Sultan of Aceh to Raffles, 277–81, 281–5 Ali, Raja, Tunku Besar of Pedas to Raffles, 90–2, 92–3, 93–5, 95–6 418

Macdonald, Captain D. to Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin, 370, 370–1 Maharaja Saudagar to J. J. Erskine, 58–9, 60–1, 61, 62 Mahmud Badaruddin, Sultan of Palembang to Raden Muhammad, 253–5, 256–8, 363–4 to Raden Muhammad and Sayid Abu Bakar Rum, 243–4, 244–5, 258–9, 259–60 to Raffles, 260–1, 261–2, 262–4, 265–7, 267–9, 269–71, 363, 372 Mahmud Ri’ayat Syah, Sultan of Lingga to Raffles, 123–5, 125–6 Mahmud Syah, Sultan of Johor to Philip Dundas, 103, 103–4 to Raffles, 106–8, 108–9 Malay chiefs of Siak to Ibrahim, 151–2, 153 Mansur Syah, Sultan of Perak to Raffles, 83–5, 86–7 Mohali, Haji to Raffles, 318, 318–19 Muhammad bin Husin, Tengku Raden to Ibrahim, 241–2, 242–3 to Raffles, 245–7, 247–9, 271–4, 274–6 to Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin, 249–51, 252–3 Muhammad Kamaruddin and Muhammad Syamsuddin, Sultans of Cirebon

Anom, Pangeran and Pangeran Ahmad to English chiefs, 308–9, 309–10, 310–11, 311 Awi, Tengku to Raffles, 178–9, 179–80 Baki to Ibrahim, 189, 190 Bala Luder, Ngabehi to Raffles, 315–16, 316–17 Dundas, Philip to Sultan Ahmad Tajuddin, 67–8, 68–9 to Tunku Bisnu, 69–70, 71–2 Embab, Tengku to Raffles, 180–1, 181–2 Husain bin Abdul Rahman Aidid, Tengku Syarif Sayid to Raffles, 74–7, 78–80, 81, 81–2 Jaafar, Raja, Yang Dipertuan Muda of Riau to Raffles, 113–15, 115–16, 116–18, 118–19 Kasim, Syarif, Sultan of Pontianak to Raffles, 286–9, 289–92, 292–3, 293–5, 295–6, 296–7 Klerk, Reynier de to Sultan Muhammad Bahaudin, 235–8, 238–41 Lenggang, Raja, Yang Di Pertuan of Rembau to Tambi Bidin, 98–9, 99–100 Lim To to Governor of Penang, 63–5, 65–6 Long Puteh, Tunku to Raffles, 72–3, 73 419

to Raffles, 327–30, 330–3, 340–1, 341–2, 345–6, 346–7, 352 Ratu Gusti Wayahan KarangAsem to Raffles, 322–3, 324 Ratu Ngurah Gede Wayahan Karang-Asem to Raffles, 333–5, 335–7

to Raffles, 312–14, 314–15 Muhammad Syamsuddin,, Sultan of Cirebon to Raffles, 375–6 Muhammad Tajuddin, Sultan of Sambas to Raffles, 298–9, 300–1 Pandak, Encik, Syahbandar of Lingga to Raffles, 134–5, 135–6 Raffles, Sir Thomas Stamford to Edmonstone, 138 to Marsden, 121 to Raja Jaafar, 112–13 to Sultan Mahmud Badaruddin, 353–4, 354–5, 356–7, 357–8, 358–9, 359–60, 365–7, 367–9, 373, 374 to Sultan Mahmud Syah of Lingga, 361–2 Raja of Bali Buleleng to Raffles, 351–2, 352 Ratu Gusti Anglurah Gede Karang, to Andrew Bruce, 342–4, 344–5 to Lord Minto, 324–6, 326–7, 347–9, 349–50, 351, 377–8

Seri Pikrama Raja, Vizier of Siak to Ibrahim, 155–6, 156–7 to Raffles, 161–4, 164–5, 183–4, 184–5 to Sayid Zain, 150–1, 151 Tanu Kersa, Kiyai and Ara Sandung to Raffles, 302–4, 304 Temenggung of Ulu Nungrah to Raffles, 337–8, 338–40 Zain, Sayid to J. J. Erskine, 142–4, 145–6 to Lord Minto, 153–4, 154–5 to Raffles, 126–7, 128–9, 129–32, 132–4, 146–7, 147–8, 171–5, 175–8, 200–7, 208–13, 214–15, 215–16, 217–20, 220–3

420