Letters to the King of Mari: A New Translation, with Historical Introduction, Notes, and Commentary 9781575065441

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Letters to the King of Mari

General Editor Jerrold S. Cooper, Johns Hopkins University Editorial Board Walter Farber, University of Chicago Marvin Powell, Northern Illinois University Jean-Pierre Grégoire, C.N.R.S. Jack Sasson, University of North Carolina Piotr Michalowski, University of Michigan Piotr Steinkeller, Harvard University Simo Parpola, University of Helsinki Marten Stol, Free University of Amsterdam Irene Winter, Harvard University 1. The Lamentation over the Destruction of Sumer and Ur Piotr Michalowski 2. Schlaf, Kindchen, Schlaf! Mesopotamische Baby-Beschwörungen und -Rituale Walter Farber 3. Adoption in Old Babylonian Nippur and the Archive of Mannum-mesu-lißßur Elizabeth C. Stone and David I. Owen 4. Third-Millennium Legal and Administrative Texts in the Iraq Museum, Baghdad Piotr Steinkeller and J. N. Postgate 5. House Most High: The Temples of Ancient Mesopotamia A. R. George 6. Textes culinaires Mésopotamiens / Mesopotamian Culinary Texts Jean Bottéro 7. Legends of the Kings of Akkade: The Texts Joan Goodnick Westenholz 8. Mesopotamian Cosmic Geography Wayne Horowitz 9. The Writing on the Wall: Studies in the Architectural Context of Late Assyrian Palace Reliefs John M. Russell 10. Adapa and the South Wind: Language Has the Power of Life and Death Shlomo Izre'el 11. Time at Emar: The Cultic Calendar and the Rituals from the Diviner’s Archive Daniel E. Fleming

Letters to the King of Mari A New Translation, with Historical Introduction, Notes, and Commentary

Wolfgang Heimpel

Eisenbrauns Winona Lake, Indiana 2003

ç Copyright 2003 by Eisenbrauns. All rights reserved. Printed in the United States of America.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Heimpel, Wolfgang. Letters to the king of Mari : a new translation, with historical introduction, notes, and commentary / Wolfgang Heimpel. p. cm. — (Mesopotamian civilizations ; 12) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 1-57506-080-9 (hardcover : alk. paper) 1. Akkadian language—Texts. 2. Assyro-Babylonian letters. 3. Mari (Extinct city)—History—Sources. I. Title. II. Series. PJ3721.M3H45 2003 492u.1—dc22 2003019783

The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of the American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984. †‘

Contents Foreword . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Technical Information . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Conventions . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Symbols . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Explanations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Measurements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Maps . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

x xiii xiii xiii xiv xiv xv xix

Part 1 Reconstructing the History of Mari 1. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

3

A. Discovery of the Royal Archive of Mari . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . B. Reading and Interpreting the Tablets . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . C. The Geographic Orbit of Mari . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

3 6 7

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Territory of the Kingdom of Mari 7 Hilly Arc 9 Northern Plains 10 Southern Mesopotamia 11 Mountain Lands in the East and the North The West 12

11

D. Languages and Peoples . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. Amorites 14 2. Akkadians and Amorites in Southern Mesopotamia 3. Suteans 25 4. Groups That Cannot Be Linked to a Language and Whose Ethnicity Cannot Be Defined 29

19

E. The Hana . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1. Hana Encampments 30 2. Encampments Outside the Hilly Arc and the Northern Plains 32 3. Transhumance 33 4. The Term Hana 34

v

13

29

vi

Contents

2. Reconstruction of Events during Years 9u to 11u of Zimri-Lim’s Reign . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

37

A. Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

37

1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

On the Eve of Hammu-Rabi’s Unification of Mesopotamia The Tin Factor 38 The Last Days of Zimri-Lim’s Predecessor 38 The Early Years of Zimri-Lim’s Reign 42 Calendrical Problems 54

37

B. Clash between Elam and Babylon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12.

Elam 56 Elam’s Conquest of Esnuna 57 An Elamite Ploy Backfires 58 Elamite Moves from Esnuna 59 Events around Upi 60 A Battle with the Elamites and the Sack of Kasalluk Chronological Considerations 63

61

C. Events in the North . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32.

Attempted Coup-d’État in Ekallatum 64 Death of Qarni-Lim and Prelude to the Siege of Razama First Phase of the Siege of Razama 66 Continuation of the Siege of Razama 67 Chronology of the Continuation of the Siege 69 Askur-Addu’s Entrance into Subat-Enlil 69 Kunnam’s Entrance into Subat-Enlil 70 Haya-Sumu’s Submission to Elam 71 Zimri-Lim Leaves for Razama 73 Turning Point 75 Arrest of Ibni-Addu 77 Conflict between Yamßum and Ustasni-El 78 The Unhappy Marriage of Kirum 80 Atamrum Changes Sides 82 Kunnam Hands over Subat-Enlil to Simat-Huluris 83 Atamrum Becomes the New Master of Subat-Enlil 84 Taki’s Rescue of Subat-Enlil 86 The End of Ibni-Addu 86 The Flour Problem 87 An Alleged Oath Violation 88

33. Mariote Troops Come to Babylonia 89 34. Reports of a Diviner Who Accompanied Troops Going to Babylonia 94 35. Support from Yamhad and Zalmaqum 95 36. Babylonian Troops Come to Mari 97 37. Elamite Moves in ZL 9u 100 38. Babylonian and Elamite Troops Move into Position 101 39. Isme-Dagan Joins Coalition against Elam 102 40. Siege of Hiritum 103 41. During the Siege of Hiritum 105 42. Date of the Siege of Hiritum 106

64

65

D. Back in the South . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

spread is 6 points long

56

89

Contents 43. 44. 45. 46. 47.

vii

Elamite Withdrawal 107 A New King in Esnuna 108 A New Order 109 Renewal of Relations with Elam 110 Mariote Troops Return Home 111

E. Back in the North . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 114 48. 49. 50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64. 65. 66. 67. 68. 69. 70.

Atamrum Becomes King of Andarig 114 Haya-Sumu’s Star Is Fading 115 Atamrum Besieges Asihum and Adallaya 117 Sadu-Sarrum Aborts His Plan to Go to Mari 119 A Thaw in Relations between Hammu-Rabi of Kurda and Atamrum 120 Askur-Addu Becomes King of Karana 121 Yasim-El Goes to Karana 124 Revolt by Kukkutanum 125 Askur-Addu’s Trip to Mari 126 Habdu-Malik Sets Out on a Peace Mission to Andarig and Kurda 127 First Attempt to Establish Peace between Kurda and Andarig 128 Habdu-Malik Visits Karana 131 Habdu-Malik’s Mission Fails 131 Treaty between Atamrum and Askur-Addu 133 The Ekallatean Attack on Nusar 135 Isme-Dagan Withdraws from Urzikka 136 Events in the Fifth Month 137 Isme-Dagan’s Last Hurrah 139 Esnuna Withdraws from Ekallatum 141 Sasiya Cheats Isme-Dagan 145 The Issue of Amaz 146 A Flap between Andarig and Karana 149 Sadu-Sarrum Finally Goes to Mari 149

F. North and South Become a Single Theater of Operations . . . . . . . . 150 71. 72. 73. 74. 75. 76. 77. 78.

Conquest of Maskan-Sapir 150 During the Siege of Larsa 151 Before the Fall of Larsa 154 The Fall of Larsa 155 Atamrum’s Return from Babylonia 157 Babylon Builds a Bridgehead at Allahad 158 Inbatum’s Troubles 159 End of Zimri-Lim and Mari 161

Part 2 Translations 3. Introduction to Translations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167 Creating a Mess . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 167 Searching for Help . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 168 Creating Order . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 169

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Contents

4. Translation of Texts from ARM 26/1 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173 1–3: Texts Concerning Extispicy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4–88: Letters from and to the Diviner Asqudum and Namesakes . . . . . 90–167: Letters from and about Other Diviners and Their Namesakes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 168–172: Letters from Yamina Diviners to the Leader of a Revolt against Zimri-Lim . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173–190: Further Letters Concerning Divination . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 191–222: Messages to and from Gods . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 224–240: Letters about Dreams . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 241–248: Letters about Ominous Occurrences . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 249–257: Reports on River Ordeals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 259–283: Letters Mostly Concerned with Illness and Disease . . . . . . . .

174 176 211 239 242 248 263 269 272 277

5. Translations of Texts from ARM 26/2 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 284 284–298: Letters from Ußur-Awassu to Yasmah-Addu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 300: Document Concerning Ußur-Awassu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 301–356: Letters from the Garrison in Ilan-Íura . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 357–360: Letters from Yanuh-Samar in Subat-Enlil . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 361–375: Letters from Yarim-Addu in Babylon . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 376–386: Letters from Other Mariote Officers in Babylon . . . . . . . . . . . 387–400: Letters from Habdu-Malik on His Mission in the Hilly Arc . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 401: Letter from Menirum on the Situation in the Hilly Arc . . . . . . . . 402–442: Letters from Mariote Officers in Andarig, Chiefly from Yasim-El . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 443–51: Letters from Persons Named Yanßib-Addu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 452–471: Letters from Abi-Mekim . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 474–508: Letters from Buqaqum and Kibsi-Addu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 510–528: Letters from Iddiyatum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 530–50: Letters from Íidqum-Lanasi . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

284 289 289 314 317 328 334 342 343 371 375 382 394 404

6. Translations of Texts from ARM 27 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 411 1–24: Letters from Governor Ilsu-Naßir . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 25–97: Letters from Governor Zakira-Hammu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99–170: Letters from Governor Zimri-Addu . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 173–177: Letters from Governor Yatarum . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

411 419 442 470

Contents

ix

7. Translations of Additional Texts Published in Various Places . . . . 472 Texts Providing Additional Documentation for the Events during ZL 9u–11u . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 472 Letters Supplementing the Texts Published in ARM 27 . . . . . . . . . . . . 515

Part 3 Indexes Index of Individuals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 525 Index of Group Designations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 571 Index of Place-Names . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 605 Appendixes Appendix 1 Sumerian Personal Names in Mari Texts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Appendix 2 Names of Suteans in Old Babylonian Texts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Appendix 3 Conflict with Esnuna . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Appendix 4 Events during ZL 2 X–XII according to Records of Oil Expenditures Published in FM 3 22–128 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Appendix 5 Kings Informed by Mari of Impending Esnunakean Attack in ZL 2u according to A.3591 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Appendix 6 Timeline of Events during ZL 9u–11u . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Appendix 7 Sequence of Key Events in Section 66 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Appendix 8 Ominous Parts and Marks of the Liver . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

632 634 637

639

640 641 655 656

Foreword The bane of my teaching career was a course on Mesopotamian history. It was on the books when I started teaching, an entry-level course designed to create enthusiasm for ancient Mesopotamian studies among large numbers. I quickly succeeded in reducing numbers and enthusiasm to an embarrassingly low level. It was then agreed that I was probably not a generalist—which is true—and might be better employed teaching the course in the upper division of undergraduate study, but this did not help much either. I tried my best; I tried different formats, but the course essentially remained a failure. The textbooks were one problem. There are quite a number of books that can be used, but I disliked most and ended up warring against them, which left my poor students in disconcerting cross-fire. Two I liked, but one was written in an exotic language, and the students complained about the other, calling it “too negative,” because the author kept pointing out what could not be known. The other problem was my impression that the sources available to us do not add up to something that could properly be called history. I felt I was producing a dry mix of historical facts, subjective interpretations, supposed evolutionary trends, science-fictional trajectories, legends, anecdotes, bits of Assyriological history, bits of archaeology, and bits on land, geology, climate, and agriculture. When the eyes of my students glazed over, I told them that history was a dry subject and that this was the reason the mouse told the history of the Napoleonic Wars to Alice and her company in Wonderland—they were wet and wanted to get dry. But I knew that this anecdote was misleading, because there is no documentation for any part of Mesopotamian history that could be compared to the documentation on the Napoleonic Wars. Drawing up the plan for yet another year of the course “Mesopotamian History,” I decided to use the insular approach, identifying the islands within the thousands of years of Mesopotamian history where documentation is least unsuitable for the reconstruction of events. Surveying such islands in my mind, I remembered Mari. While occupying myself with all kind of things in the wide world of ancient Mesopotamia, I was dimly aware of the fact that the stream of publication of texts from the palace archives of Mari had changed from a creek under the direction of Dossin to a river under his successor, Durand. The documentation had become so massive that I hesitated to touch it. But, being in a funk about the prospect of yet another failure in teaching Mesopotamian history, I finally reached for one of the new, large, thick volumes of Mari letters. It was ARM 26/2. I opened it in the middle and perx

Foreword

xi

ceived the transliteration of a long, well-preserved letter numbered 404. I read: “To my lord speak! Your servant Yasim-El (says), ‘On the third day after we entered Andarig, Atamrum sent his servant Hittipanum to Askur-Addu, (saying), “Come and let us meet in Íidqum!” Íidqum is not the city in Saggar. It is the city named Íidqum in the border region of Numhum-Karana and upper Yamutbal. Eteya, the senior singer of Askur-Addu, came to Andarig and took the lead of Atamrum. Atamrum, together with the troops of his alliance and the kings that were with him, went to ªÍidqumº to meet Askur-Addu.’ ” In these lines, the mere beginning of the letter, there was more history than I had found and taught in my years as instructor of Mesopotamian history. I was shocked, ashamed, and hooked. I sat down and translated this letter, and 405, and 406, and so on. I told my class that I would give them a survey of Mesopotamian history during the first half of the semester, and, for the second half, we would look at the documentation from Old Babylonian Mari. I rapidly translated one Mari letter after the other and realized that most of the letters in 26/2 were written during the 11th through the 13th years of Zimri-Lim’s reign. And since I did not know the documentation of the remainder of Zimri-Lim’s regnal years, little of the documentation on his predecessor Yasmah-Addu, and next to nothing about the remaining documentation from Mari, I told my class at the end of the survey that we had so far looked at the history of Mesopotamia as the traveler looks down on the land from an airplane, and that we would now crash-land in a place called Mari and look at land and life from close up. Easily said. The fewest letters were dated, and while the editors of 26/2 had tried to fix their sequence on the basis of clues from their contents, I found it often difficult or outright impossible to tell my students a coherent story by adopting their conclusions. So I tried to put the documentation in a chronological order that appeared logical to me. Such a thing is not done overnight. The course turned out to be another failure that year. But it showed me what needed to be done: an English translations of the Mari letters and an improved chronological arrangement of the letters where that was possible. Now, many years later, I am presenting translations of the letters that were published in ARM 26/1, 26/2, and 27. I have only left out a few fragmentary letters that do not contribute any information. On the other hand, I have added translations of letters from other publications that document my reconstruction of events during three consecutive years of Zimri-Lim. This reconstruction grew out of teaching the history course, and, while it is far from a synthesis of all presently available sources, it is my hope that readers interested in the “dry” sequence of events will benefit from it. In essence this book is a translation of roughly one-third of the epistolary material from Old Babylonian Mari that has been published so far. At least, it is a beginning. I am happy to acknowledge help and support. J.-M. Durand collated several passages for me. J. Sasson shared his extensive bibliography and commented on parts of my manuscript. J. Cooper communicated the results of his readings of letters reporting on prophecies, many of which I adopted. M. Anbar referred me to literature that I had overlooked.

xii

Foreword

My daughter Doron Partyka patiently and intelligently listened to endless ruminations on Mari and Akkadian on many walks and helped me to clarify my thoughts. My son Daniel Heimpel produced the maps that were used as a base for the final version of the maps, which were produced by the graphics department at Eisenbrauns. I discussed most translations word by word and phrase by phrase in countless hours with Emmanuelle Salgues. Without her help, they would not be what they are. I am grateful to Jerry Cooper for accepting my manuscript for publication in “Mesopotamian Civilizations.” Last, and not least, I feel deep appreciation for the work done by the editors of the letters that are translated here.

Technical Information Conventions The first initials of oft-quoted authors are not given. An exception is “S(ophie) Lafont,” which distinguishes her from “(Bertrand) Lafont.” Citation # = publication and number of text or note. But citation, # (with a comma between) = publication and page number. For example: OBRT 3, LAPO 17 771, NABU 1999 65; but LAPO 17, 324 (referring to p. 324). Lack of citation = Archives royales de Mari. For example: 26 162 = Archives royales de Mari 26, text 162. + A plus sign after a text quotation indicates that more than one numbered text is combined to form a joint text. For example A.486+ stands for A.486 joined to M.5319. ZL n = regnal year of Zimri-Lim. 1 I 1 = 1st day of the 1st month of the 1st regnal year of Zimri-Lim. Conforming to convention, I count the regnal years of ZimriLim 1, 2, 1u, 2u, etc. I do not yet follow the newest chronology, in which years 1 and 2 are collapsed into a single year. Citations of texts translated here and numbers of sections in part I are in bold.

Symbols [ ] Square brackets enclose broken sections; ª º half brackets enclose damaged sections with partially preserved signs. When the broken or damaged section is longer than one line, I indicate the exact or approximate number of broken lines. I do not use ª º where one obvious sign of a word, such as one expressing mimation, is missing, or partly damaged. The notation [n lines] occasionally indicates heavily damaged lines, n standing for the number of lines involved. “[n lines] at the beginning of a text is an abbreviation for [To . . . speak! . . . (says), “n lines]. { } Curly brackets enclose signs and words that were, in my opinion, left out erroneously by the scribe. I transcribe names according to presumed pronunciation. Transcribed “h” renders an aspirated guttural that was pronounced as a heavy Spanish “j.” I could have xiii

xiv

Technical Information

transcribed it “kh,” but this would have resulted in some monstrous transcriptions such as Khakhkhum instead of Hahhum. It followed that I could not use the transcription “sh” for the sound “sh,” as this would have represented “skh,” so I used “s.” I also use “†” and “ß” for the so-called “emphatic” “t” and “s.” The sound symbolized by ß is sometimes thought to represent a fricative “ts.” If it was close to Arabic pronunciation, it was rather palatalized.

Explanations (1) Koppelung. This is Kraus’s term for a sequence of two verbal predicates, in which the first modifies the type of action of the second and is most easily translated as an adverb modifying the second (F. R. Kraus, Sonderformen akkadischer Parataxe: Die Koppelungen [Amsterdam, 1987]). For example, ilqima Nabi-Sinma suzkursu lemu is literally, “he took and Nabi-Sin did not want to make him to declare (an oath),” where “he took and” modifies “did not want,” to render it ingressive. I translate, “At that point, Nabi-Sin did not want to make him declare (an oath).” (2) If not stated otherwise, (bold-face) references to sections indicate the sections of the reconstruction of events during the 11th to the 13th years of ZimriLim’s reign in part 1 of this book (pp. 37–163). Measurements Translation Length

Approximate metrical equivalence

finger

2 cm

cubit

50 cm

reed

3m

rod

6m

rope

60 m

mile

10.8 km

Surface

dike

0.36 ha

Dry Measure

liter

1 l(iter)

half-bushel (panum)

60 l

donkey-load

100 l

bushel (Mari)

120 l

bushel (Babylon)

300 l

tract

1,200 l

shekel

8g

pound

500 g

talent

30 kg

Weight

Technical Information

xv

Abbreviations A.# AbB AHw. AIPHOS ALM Amurru 1 Amurru 2 Anbar “Compte rendu” “Fin” “Origine Tribal” Tribus ANET 3 AOAT AoF ARM ASJ Birot, “Lettre” CAD Charpin “Apum” “Campagne” “Chronologie” “Elamites” “Engrenage” “Isme-Addu” “Kahat”

“L’akkadien” “Manger” “Passé”

“Prophéties”

registration number of texts fround in Mari Altbabylonische Briefe in Umschrift und Übersetzung. Leiden, 1964ff. W. von Soden. Akkadisches Handwörterbuch. 3 vols. Wiesbaden, 1965–81 Annuaire de l’Institut de Philologie et d’Histoire Orientales et Slaves. Brussels, 1936ff. A. Finet. L’accadien des lettres de Mari.” Académie royale de Belgique: Classes des lettres et des sciences morales et politiques. Mémoirs 51. Brussels, 1956 Mari, Ebla et les Hourrites: Dix ans de travaux, ed. J.-M. Durand. Paris, 1996 Mari, Ebla et les Hourrites: Dix ans de travaux, part 2, ed. J.-M. Durand and D. Charpin. Paris, 2001 M. Anbar. “Compte rendu d’ARM XXVI/1 et 2.” MARI 7 (1993), 385–98 “La fin du règne de Samsi-Addu I.” Pp. 7–13 in Mélanges Finet “L’origine tribale de Zimri-Lim, roi de Mari.” Pp. 7–10 in Mélanges Limet Les tribus amurrites de Mari. Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis 108. Freiburg, Switzerland, 1991 Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament, ed. James B. Pritchard. 3d edition with supplement. Princeton, 1969 Alter Orient und Altes Testament. Neukirchen-Vluyn, 1969ff. Altorientalische Forschungen. Berlin, 1973ff. Archives Royales de Mari. Paris, 1950ff. Acta Sumerologica. Hiroshima, 1979ff. M. Birot. “La lettre de Yarîm-Lim No 72–39 + 72–8.” Pp. 127–35 in Mélanges Kupper Chicago Assyrian Dictionary. Chicago, 1956ff. D. Charpin. “Conclusions et perspectives: Tell Mohammed Diyab, une ville du pays d’Apum.” Cahiers de NABU 1 (1990), 117–22 “Une campagne de Yahdun-Lîm en Haute-Mésopotamie.” FM 2 (1994), 177– 200 “La chronologie des souverains d’Esnunna.” Pp. 51–66 in Mélanges Birot “Les Elamites à Subat-Enlil.” Pp. 129–37 in Fragmenta Historiae Elamicae: Mélanges offerts à M-J. Steve, ed. L. de Meyer et al. Paris, 1986 “De la vallée du Tigre au triangle du Habur: Un engrenage géopolitique?” Mémoirs de NABU 2 (1992), 97–102 “Un souverain éphémère en Ida-Maraß: Isme-Addu d’Asnakkum.” MARI 7 (1993), 165–91 “A Contribution to the Geography and History of the Kingdom of Kahat.” Pp. 67–85 in Tall al-Hamidiya 2, ed. S. Eichler, M. Wäfler, and D. A. Warburton. Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis Series Archaeologica, Fribourg, 1990 “L’akkadien des lettres d’Ilân-Íurâ.” Pp. 31–40 in Mélanges Finet “Manger un Serment.” Pp. 85–96 in Jurer et maudire “L’évocation du passé dans le lettres de Mari.” Pp. 91–110 in Intellectual Life of the Ancient Near East: Papers Presented at the 43d Rencontre assyriologique internationale: Prague, July 1–5, 1996, ed. J. Prosecky. Prague, 1998 “Le contexte historique et géographique des prophéties dans les textes retrouvés à Mari.” Bulletin of the Canadian Society for Mesopotamian Studies 23 (1992), 21–31

xvi “Sapiratum” “Subat-Enlil” “Traité” Charpin and Durand “Assur” “Fils” “Pouvoir” “Suzeraineté”

CT Dossin “Madarum”

Technical Information “Sapîratum, ville de Suhûm.” MARI 8 (1997), 341–66 “Subat-Enlil et le pays d’Apum.” MARI 5 (1987), 129–40 “Un traité entre Zimri-Lim de Mari et Ibâl-Pî-El II d’Esnunna.” Pp. 139–66 in Marchands “Assur avant l’Assyrie.” MARI 8 (1997), 367–91 “Fils de Simªal.” RA 80 (1986), 141–83 “La prise de pouvoir par Zimri-Lim.” MARI 4 (1985), 293–342 “La suzeraineté de l’empereur (Sukkalmah) d’Elam sur la Mésopotamie et le ‘nationalisme’ amorrite.” Pp. 59–66 in Mesopotamian History and Environment. Occasional Publications 1. Ghent, 1991 Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the British Museum. London, 1896ff. G. Dossin. “Le madarum dans les ‘Archives Royales de Mari.’ ” Pp. 53–63 in Gesellschaftsklassen im Alten Zweistromland und in den angrenzenden Gebieten: XVIII Rencontre assyriologique internationale, München, ed. D. O. Edzard. Munich, 1972

Durand “Administrateurs” J.-M. Durand. “Administrateurs de Qa††unân.” FM 2 (1994), 83–114 “Espionnage” “Espionnage et guerre froide.” FM 1 (1992), 39–52 “Fragments” “Fragments rejoints pour une histoire elamite.” Pp. 111–28 in Fragmenta Historiae Elamicae: Mélanges offerts à M-J. Steve, ed. L. de Meyer et al. Paris, 1986 “Haute-Mésopotamie I” “Documents pour l’histoire du royaume de Haute-Mésopotamie, I.” MARI 5 (1987), 155–98 “Imar” “Cité-État d’Imâr à l’époque des rois de Mari.” MARI 6 (1990), 39–92 “Palais” “Palais de Mari (Textes).” Pp. 39–110 in Le système palatial en Orient, en Grèce et à Rome, ed. E. Lévy. Strasbourg, 1987 “Protocoles” “Précurseurs syriens aux protocoles néoassyriens.” Pp. 13–71 in Marchands “Réalités” “Réalités amorrites et bibliques.” RA 92 (1998), 3–39 “Talhayum” “Les anciens de Talhayûm.” RA 82 (1988), 97–113 “Trois études” “Trois études sur Mari.” MARI 3 (1984), 127–80 “Unité” “Unité et diversités au Proche-Orient à l’époque amorrite.” RAI XXXVIII (1992), 97–128 Durand and Guichard, “Rituels” “Les rituels de Mari.” FM 3 (1997), 19–82 FM Florilegium Marianum 1 Mémoires de NABU 1. Paris, 1992 2 Mémoires de NABU 3 (1994) 3 Mémoires de NABU 4 (1997) 4 N. Ziegler. Le Harem de Zimrî-Lîm. Mémoires de NABU 5 (1999) GAG W. von Soden. Grundriss der Akkadischen Grammatik. 3d edition. Rome, 1995 Geyer and Monchambert, “Prospection” B. Geyer and J.-Y. Monchambert. “Prospection de la moyenne vallée de l’Euphrat.” MARI 5 (1987), 293–344 Guichard “Dame de Nagar” M. Guichard. “Au pays de la Dame de Nagar.” FM 2 (1994), 235–72 “Guerre” “Les aspects religieux de la guerre à Mari.” RA 93 (1999), 27–48 “Présages” “Présages fortuits à Mari.” MARI 8 (1997), 305–28 Heimpel “Locusts” W. Heimpel. “Moroccan Locusts in Qa††unan.” RA 90 (1996), 101–20 “Sutawûm” “Sutawûm und Sutaptûm.” ZA 86 (1996), 163–69

Technical Information

xvii

IOS Israel Oriental Studies. Tel Aviv, 1971ff. JAOS Journal of the American Oriental Society. New Haven, 1843ff. JCS Journal of Cuneiform Studies. Baltimore, 1947ff. Jean, “Lettres de Mari IV” C.-F. Jean. “Lettres de Mari IV transcrites et traduites.” RA 42 (1948), 53–78 JNES Journal of Near Eastern Studies. Chicago, 1942ff. Joannès “L’étain” F. Joannès. “L’étain, de l’Elam à Mari.” Pp. 67–76 in in Mésopotamie et Elam. Mesopotamian History and Environment: Occasional Publications 1. Ghent, 1991 “Routes” “Routes et voies de communication dans les archives de Mari.” Pp. 313–61 in Amurru 1 Jurer et Maudire Jurer et Maudire: Pratiques politiques et usages juridiques du serment dans le ProcheOrient ancien, ed. S. Lafont. Méditerranées: Revue de l’association Méditeranées publiée avec le concours de la Fondation Singer-Polignac 10– 11. Paris, 1997 Krebernik KTT M. Krebernik. “Tall Biºa / Tuttul II: Die Altorientalischen Schriftfunde.” 100. Wissenschaftliche Veröffentlichung der Deutschen Orientgesellschaft. Saarbrücken, 2001 Lacambre, “Hiritum” D. Lacambre. “La bataille de Hirîtum.” MARI 8 (1997), 431–54 Lafont, “Homme d’affaires” B. Lafont. “Un homme d’affaires à Karkemis.” Pp. 275–86 in Marchands “Messagers” “Messagers et ambassadeurs dans les archives de Mari.” RAI XXXVIII (1992), 167–83 LAPO Littératures anciennes du Proche-Orient. Paris Leiderer Rosmarie Leiderer. Anatomie der Schafsleber im Babylonischen Leberorakel: Eine makroskopisch-analythische Studie. Munich, 1990 Lion, “Gouverneurs” B. Lion. “Les gouverneurs provinciaux du royaume de Mari à l’époque de ZimrîLîm.” Pp. 191–209 in Amurru 2 M.# registration number of texts found in Mari Marchands Marchands, Diplomates, et Empereurs: Études sur la civilisation mésopotamienne offertes à Paul Garelli, ed. D. Charpin and F. Joannès. Paris, 1991 MARI Mari: Annales de Recherches Interdisciplinaires. Paris, 1982ff. Maul, “Sparmassnahme” S. Maul. “Zwischen Sparmassnahme und Revolte . . . : Die Aktivitäten des Iasim-Sumû, des sandabakkum von Mari.” MARI 8 (1997), 755–73 Mélanges Birot Miscellanea Babylonica: Mélanges offerts à Maurice Birot, ed. J.-M. Durand and J.-R. Kupper. Paris, 1985 Mélanges Finet Reflets des deux fleuves: Mélanges A. Finet, ed. M. Lebeau and P. Talon. Accadica Supplementum 6. Leuven, 1989 Mélanges Kupper De la Babylonie à la Syrie, en passant par Mari: Mélanges offerts à Monsieur J.-R. Kupper à l’occasion de son 70e anniversaire, Textes, ed. Ö. Tunca. Liège, 1990 Mélanges Limet Tablettes et images aux pays de Sumer et d’Akkad, ed. Ö. Tunca and D. Deheselle. Association pour la promotion de l’histoire et d’archéologie orientales, Mémoirs 1. Liège, 1996 Mélanges Perrot Contribution à l’histoire de l’Iran: Mélanges Jean Perrot, ed. F. Vallat. Paris, 1990 NABU Nouvelles Assyriologiques Brèves et Utilitaires. Paris, 1987ff. Nougayrol, “Rapports” J. Nougayrol. “Rapports paléo-Babyloniens d’haruspices.” JCS 21 (1969), 219–35 OBRT S. Dalley et al. The Old Babylonian Tablets from Tell Al Rimah. Hertford, 1976 Oppenheim, Letters A. Leo Oppenheim. Letters from Mesopotamia. Chicago, 1967

xviii PN RA RAI XXXVIII

RGTC 3

Technical Information personal name Revue d’assyriologie et d’archéologie orientale. Paris, 1886ff. La circulation des biens, des personnes et des idées dans le Proche-Orient ancien: Actes de la XXXVIII e Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale (Paris), 8–10 juillet 1991, ed. D. Charpin and F. Foannès. Paris, 1992 B. Groneberg. Die Orts- und Gewässernamen der altbabylonischen Zeit. Répertoire Géographique de Textes Cunéiformes 3. Wiesbaden, 1980 Reallexikon der Assyriologie und vorderasiatischen Archäologie. Berlin, 1928ff.

RLA Sasson “Apocalypticism” J. M. Sasson. “Mari Apocalypticism Revisited.” Pp. 285–98 in Immigration and Emigration within the Ancient Near East: Feschrift E. Lipinski, ed. K. Van Lerberghe. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 65. Leuven, 1995 “King” “The King and I: A Mari King in Changing Perceptions.” JAOS 118 (1998), 453–70 “Mari and the Bible” “About ‘Mari and the Bible.’ ” RA 92 (1998), 97–123 “Mari Dreams” “Mari Dreams.” JAOS 103 (1983), 283–93 “Messages” “The Posting of Letters with Divine Messages.” FM 2 (1996), 299–316 “Water” “Water beneath Straw: Adventures of a Prophetic Phrase in the Mari Archives.” Pp. 598–608 in Solving Riddles and Untying Knots: Biblical, Epigraphic, and Semitic Studies in Honor of Jonas C. Greenfield, ed. Z. Zevit, S. Gitin, and M. Sokoloff. Winona Lake, Ind., 1995 Starr I. Starr. The Rituals of the Diviner. Bibliotheca Mesopotamica 12. Malibu, 1983 Stol History M. Stol. Studies in Old Babylonian History. Leiden, 1976 Trees On Trees, Mountains, and Millstones in the Ancient Near East. Leiden, 1979 Streck, Amurriter 1 M. P. Streck. Das amurritische Onomastikon der altbabylonischen Zeit. AOAT 271/1. Münster, 2000 Syria Syria: Revue d’art oriental et d’archéologie. Paris, 1920ff. Urbana-Yale itineraries A. Goetze. “An Old Babylonian Itinerary.” JCS 7 (1953), 51–74; and W. W. Hallo. “The Road to Emar.” JCS 18 (1964), 57–88 VAB 6 A. Ungnad, Babylonische Briefe aus der Zeit der Hammurapi-Dynastie. Leipzig, 1914. van Koppen, “Seized” F. van Koppen. “Seized by Royal Order: The Households of Sammêtar and Other Magnates at Mari.” FM 6 (2002) 289–372. Villard “Administrateurs” P. Villard. “Les administrateurs del l’époque de Yasmah-Addu.” Amurru 2 (2001), 9–140 “Kahat” “La place des années de ‘Kahat’ et d’‘Adad d’Alep.’ ” MARI 7 (1993), 315–28 “Nomination” “Nomination d’un Scheich.” FM 2 (1994), 291–97 “Roi” “Un Roi de Mari à Ugarit.” Ugarit-Forschungen 18 (1986), 387–412 Yuhong Wu Yuhong. A Political History of Eshnunna, Mari and Assyria. Changchun, China, 1994 ZA Zeitschrift für Assyriologie. Berlin, 1886ff. Ziegler, “Esclaves” N. Ziegler. “Deux esclaves en fuite à Mari.” FM 2 (1994), 11–21

Maps

xix

UPPER SEA

Hazor

500 km

M O TA M

Kurda

PO

Mari

ES

IA

Babylon Larsa

Tigr is

Esnuna

la

iya

D

Ekallatum

E h up ra tes

Susim

A

M

LOWER SEA

EL

Map 1. Major kingdoms in the orbit of Mari at the time of Zimri-Lim.

Qatna

Halab

Kar-Kamis

Ansan

xx Maps

Kar-Kamis

Imar

Tuttul

Mari

35∞

Qa††unan

Kurda Andarig

The lower course of the Euphrates and Tigris is the presumed main channel at the time

Location Certain

200 km

Terqa

Saggaratum

r bu Ha

Plains

Subat-Enlil

Hanat

Qa††ara

Karana

lly Ar Hi c

Northern

Id

es

Assur

rat

ph

Eu

Map 2. Major cities of Mesopotamia at the time of Zimri-Lim.

Balih

Urgis

ab rZ

Babylon

Sippir of Samas

we Lo

Ekallatum

ab

er Z Upp

Great Sippir

Larsa

MaskanSapir

Uruk

Esnuna

la ya Di

Maps xxi

is Tigr

12

13

15

16

14

11

10

A

9

7

8

18

22

r

6

2

29

B

32

33

28

27

31

1

41

35

Eup

100 km

C

34

hr

40

at

42

37

36∞

35∞

36

37∞

38

D

43

39

E

38?

F

ur

44

Hab

49

50

art

52

51

45

46

Lo

w

er

a

Z

gr

3

4

30

26

17

20 19

24

25

Th

Ti

es

Map 3. Cities in northern Mesopotamia.

5

bu

21

a

b

b

23

U

Z r

pp e

Balih

Ha

47

48

xxii Maps

is

har

Maps

xxiii

Locations of Northern Mesopotamian Cities on Map 3 For details on the locations, see the index of place-names.

No.

City name

Identification or short description of location

No.

City name

Identification or short description of location

1

Haradum

Hirbet ed-Diniye

30

Nagar

Tell Brak

2

Sa Hiddan 1

opposite Hindanu

31

Tilla

in southern Idamaraß

3

Mari

Tell Hariri

32

Tadum

Tell Farfara?

4

Appan

on west bank of Euphrates in district of Mari

33

Ilan-Íura

southwest of Subat-Enlil

34

Subat-Enlil

Tell Leilan

5

Mislan

in district of Mari

35

Asihum

station 8 on route to Kanis

6

Suprum

Tell Abu Hassan? on east bank of Euphrates in district of Mari

36

Azuhinum

station 7 on route to Kanis

37

Sirwunum

it, Haburatum, and Burullum are station 6 on route to Kanis

7

Terqa

Tell Ashara

8

Saggaratum

at or near confluence of Habur and Euphrates

38

Razama of Uhakim

station 5 on route to Kanis

9

Dur YahdunLim

Tell Mohasan?

38?

Razama, northern

eastern part of Northern Plains

10

Manuhatan

south of Lasqum on east bank of Euphrates

39

Karana

Tell Afar?

40

Kurda

Balad Sinjar?

11

Halabit

Halebiye, on west bank of Euphrates

41

Andarig

Tell Khoshi?

42

Allahad

near Qa††ara

43

Qa††ara

Tell Rimah

44

Apqum

Tell Abu Mariya?

45

Ninet and Ninua

Nineveh

46

Kawilhum

Kalah

47

Qabra

near Altin Köprü

48

Arraphum

Kirkuk

49

Razama, southern

station 2 on route to Kanis

12

Tuttul

Tell Biºa

13

Serda

on Balih

14

Ahuna

on Balih

15

Zalpah

on Balih

16

Harran

Harran

17

Qa††unan

on Habur

18

Silhan

on Habur

19

Tehran

on Habur south of ˇabatum

20

ˇabatum

Tell ˇaban

21

Eluhtum

station 15 on route to Kanis

50

Sadduwatum

near Assur

22

Mardaman

station 14 on route to Kanis

51

Ekallatum

23

Asnakkum

near Urgis

on west bank of Tigris, one day’s travel north of Assur

24

Admum

station 13 on route to Kanis

52

Assur

Shergat

Tell Mozan

A

–

Jebel Abd el-Aziz

station 12 on route to Kanis

B

Murdi

Jebel Jeribe

Saggar

Jebel Sinjar

25 26

Urgis Nahur

27

Suna

between Subat-Enlil and Asnakkum

C D

Zara

Jebel Ishkaft

28

Amaz

station 11 on route to Kanis

E

–

Jebel Sasan

29

Kahat

Tell Hamidiya?

F

–

Jebel Ibrahim

Many entries are placed according to their position on the route to Kanis and the Yale-Urbana itineraries. A forthcoming study of the route to Kanis by C. Michel was announced in 1987 (Charpin, “Subat-Enlil et le pays d’Apum,” MARI 5, 139 n. 53). I assume that “Apum” on that route is about 15 km west of Subat-Enlil and plot the stations between Qa††ara and that point. If “Apum” was Subat-Enlil, the route appears to run too far north. I also assume that the route bends slightly to the left (south) in the area of “Apum.” Asnakkum and Suna are placed according to the Urbana-Yale itinerary, and so are Serda, Ahuna, and Zalpah on the Balih. The localities of Serda and Ahuna could be exchanged.

Mari

Haradum r

a n O a s e

Map 4. Central Mesopotamia.

km

Id

Thartha

Rapiqum

Sippir

Mankisum

Eup

100

u e

33°

Harbe

Mulhan

S t

42°

Yabliya

Sapiratum

Hanat

Situllum

iya

Kis

Kasalluk

Babylon

Upi

Esnuna

D

la

xxiv Maps

hrat es

ri Tig s

s

in

33° Sippir-of-Samas

Great Sippir Hiritum

is Tigr

a

Map 5. The Tri-Delta Area.

44°

Irn

Kullizi

20 km

bi Zu

Namsi

Asa-Sin

Kakkulatum

Kar Samas

Upi

Esnuna

Maps xxv

Diyala

xxvi

Maps

Part 1

Reconstructing the History of Mari

Chapter 1

Introduction

A. Discovery of the Royal Archive of Mari Upstream from Abu Kemal, the first town on the Euphrates after one crosses the border from Iraq into Syria, the valley gradually widens from 6 km to 14 km and again narrows to 6 km, forming a 30-km-long segment that resembles an intestinal link. On the gypsum cliffs above the upper end, the visitor can sit on the stump of a wall of the Hellenistic city of Dura Europos and, looking southeast down the valley, survey the capital district of the Bronze Age kingdom of Mari. The river meanders lazily, forming sandbanks here and there, with a lonely poplar or a thicket of tamarisks on its banks in places. Small huts protect the intake of pumps that deliver the river water to narrow ditches stretching to fields planted with grain, cotton, and assorted garden produce. Much of the land lies fallow, and in places one can see white patches of salt. Nine villages (excluding the town of Abu Kemal) and 11 light brown uncultivated flat hills, ruins of former settlements, line the floodplain of the river. The villagers often use the ancient ruins to bury their dead. In August 1933, residents were digging a grave in Tell Hariri, the largest of these ruins, when they found that the spot was already occupied by the stone statue of a headless man. The inspector of the region of Abu Kemal, the French lieutenant E. Cabane, was notified. The news of the find reached Paris in October. The curator of Oriental antiquities in the Louvre sent the archaeologist A. Parrot to investigate. Parrot started excavations right away. In the second season, more statues were found, among them one with words inscribed in cuneiform on the shoulder. The inscription revealed the name of the sculpted man, Isqi-Mari—then read LamgiMari—and his title, “king of Mari.” The find was taken as proof that Tell Hariri was the ruin of the ancient city of Mari, an assumption that was soon amply confirmed. The city was already well known among Assyriologists in the mid-1930s. The Sumerian king list included a dynasty of kings of Mari that would have ruled over the great plains of southern Mesopotamia during the so-called Early Dynastic period, which dates to around the middle of the 3d millennium b.c.; Sargon of Akkad, the founder of the first known Mesopotamian empire, claimed that the god Dagan granted him possession of the city, which would have been during the 23d century b.c.; and Hammu-Rabi of Babylon celebrated his victory over Mari in the 33d year of his rule, and the destruction of its walls in the 35th year, which correspond to 1760 and 1758 b.c., reckoned by the Middle Chronology. 3

4

Introduction

Subsequent excavation found that two palaces used by Zimri-Lim, the last king of Mari, had been burned, presumably by Hammu-Rabi’s soldiers. The larger palace was excavated first and became known as the palace of Mari, or the palace of ZimriLim. It was a large building, covering more than two hectares and including some 300 rooms, corridors, and courtyards. The palace had been constructed during the Ur III period. At the time of Zimri-Lim, it was 300 years old, having undergone much reshaping and restoration. It overlaid a smaller but still monumental building, probably also a palace, from the last phase of the Early Dynastic Period (roughly 2500–2350 b.c.), the period when Mari temporarily ruled southern Mesopotamia according to the Sumerian king list. The city of Mari was founded in the earliest phase of this period. It was not a village of original settlers in the valley that grew over time to a size that would be defined as a city but, rather, the realization of a grand design, built on what was already an ancient floodplain, which had become a dry terrace and was only touched by exceptionally high floodwaters. 1 With their bronze tools, the founders dug a canal, which originated 2.5 km upstream at a bend in the Euphrates and lead to a central location on the dry terrace, and built a city next to it. The canal brought the drinking water and allowed boats to anchor in placid waters next to the city. The founders surrounded their city, a section of the canal, and plenty of open land with a circular wall. 2 The valuables were of course taken from the palace of Zimri-Lim in antiquity. Some wall paintings of the Ur III period were preserved, and so were some imperishable objects, such as stone statues, stone seals, earthenware, and thousands upon thousands of clay tablets covered with cuneiform writing. After six campaigns of excavation, Parrot estimated their number to be 20,000. They were cleaned, lightly baked, packed, and shipped to the Louvre for study. It turned out that a longish room adjacent to the main inner courtyard, identified as room 115, contained the remnants of the royal epistolary archive, and a number of other rooms had administrative records. In the women’s quarters, letters from the king to his wives were found. Early on, the letters were ascertained to be contemporaneous with the reign of Hammu-Rabi of Babylon; moreover, Hammu-Rabi’s words and words spoken to him and about him are quoted in some of them. The archaeological strata contemporaneous with this famous king in his capital of Babylon are mostly below the groundwater and beyond the reach of excavation. Some of his letters have been 1. The ancient Holocene floodplain, which is now a normally dry terrace, and the historic floodplain, which is cut into the ancient one and within whose confines the river meanders, is described by Geyer and Monchambert in “Prospection.” 2. The function of the wall is unclear. J. Margueron suggested that it may have protected the city against exceptionally high floods (“Recherches sur l’urbanisme de Mari I,” MARI 5 [1987], 492–96). M. Salvini believes it was a defensive wall, interpreting a massive mound of earth piled outside of the wall as remains of a ramp that besiegers put up to gain the height of the original wall (“Une hypothèse sur le “tell des remparts” de Mari,” MARI 5 [1987], 628). The open land inside the walls would have sheltered people and livestock from the countryside in times of danger.

Discovery of the Royal Archive of Mari

5

found in other cities. They mainly concern administrative matters and leave the historian eager to know about the king’s career—notably his achievement of the political unification of Mesopotamia, which is limited to terse year-names and stray sources. In light of this disappointing documentation, the contents of room 115 in the palace in Mari were a sensational find. Publication was entrusted to G. Dossin and C.-F. Jean. The great Assyriologist François Thureau-Dangin published the first letter. 3 It is a perfectly preserved letter written by the commander of troops that Zimri-Lim had sent to Babylon to support Hammu-Rabi against the Elamites. Among the tablets of room 115 a tag was found in the form of a small square tablet with holes for the string that attached it to a tablet coffer. The inscription on one side reads “box with tablets of the servants of Zimri-Lim”; on the other side is a date from the Babylonian calendar, namely, the 28th day of the 7th month of Hammu-Rabi’s 32d regnal year—that is, autumn 1761 b.c. Six additional tags were found in unverifiable locations, presumably also in room 115, and the fragment of an eighth in the north gate of the palace. Charpin edited and discussed these tags. 4 Dated in the Babylonian calendar to the very year in which Hammu-Rabi gained victory over Mari, these tags were written by Babylonian scribes who were charged with the task of looking through the royal correspondence that was preserved in Zimri-Lim’s palace. One tag identified the contents of a box as “tablets of the servants of Samsi-Adad.” Indeed, the letters in room 115 contained correspondence addressed to Samsi-Adad’s son Yasmah-Addu, who ruled Mari on behalf of his father before Zimri-Lim. It is remarkable that these letters were found together with letters addressed to Zimri-Lim. Were they of interest to Zimri-Lim, or were they left to collect dust in room 115 because that room had already been used by YasmahAddu as an archive, or were they placed there by the Babylonians? The label made by the Babylonian scribe is really quite inaccurate, because these letters included many written by Samsi-Adad, who was obviously not his own servant. 5 The designation “servants of Zimri-Lim” on the other tags is largely correct. It accords with the fact that most senders identified themselves with regard to the king as “your servant.” Still, in quite a number of cases the label does not fit the content. There were letters by Hammu-Rabi, who was no servant of Zimri-Lim, and identified himself by his name alone or by his name plus “your brother.” So did other kings who rated themselves equal in power to Zimri-Lim. There were also letters authored by Zimri-Lim himself, presumably copies of letters that were sent, or letters that were not sent. According to Charpin’s estimate, there were some 4,000 letters in room 115. The Babylonian scribes seem to have done their work in three days, because the tags are dated the 28th, 29th, or 30th of the month. So they must have worked with great speed, if not in haste. They apparently selected the letters by the 3. F. Thureau-Dangin, “Textes de Mâri,” RA 33 (1936), 171–74, translated here as additional text under the label “RA 33.” 4. D. Charpin, “La fin des archives dans le palais de Mari,” RA 89 (1995), 29–40. 5. This point was made by N. Ziegler. See Charpin, ibid., n. 36.

6

Introduction

most powerful correspondents of Zimri-Lim—that is, The Vizier of Elam and the kings of Esnuna—and shipped them to Babylon. 6 Also missing are letters to ZimriLim during the last year of his reign, regardless of who sent them. 7 Durand believes that they, too, were taken to Babylon. Hammu-Rabi may have been interested in the Mari perspective on the developments leading to the conquest of the city. Charpin believes that Zimri-Lim did not live in the palace anymore. 8 What happened to the tablets in room 115 after the agents of Hammu-Rabi boxed, labeled, and left them behind? According to the conventional view, which is based on the 34th year-name of Hammu-Rabi, Babylonian soldiers returned two years later, ransacked the palace, including room 115, breaking and scattering the tablets, and finally burning the palace. Charpin noted that the destruction marks on many tablets were caused by picks that presumably belonged to Parrot’s workmen and that further damage was done when the tablets were baked in preparation for shipping.

B. Reading and Interpreting the Tablets The physical preservation of the clay tablets on which the letters were written represents the main obstacle for the modern translator. Few tablets are undamaged. Many are broken in half along the short axis. The upper half contains the beginning and end of the text, so that we know who wrote the text to whom but little of what was written. The lower half contains the central section of the contents and leaves us guessing about the identity of writer and addressee. Other tablets are broken along the long axis so that we have only the first or second halves of the lines. Still other tablets are broken into pieces. In addition, the tablets and fragments of tablets may be damaged around the edges, and their surfaces may be scraped, worn, chipped, or otherwise effaced. “Reading” damaged tablets is a time-consuming, painstaking, often frustrating process. This hard work has been done by the editors of the texts translated here. Durand, describing the travails of his epigraphic work on tablets inscribed with lists of personal names, says about the task of dealing with difficult passages that he spent much time between 1980 and 1986 reading and rereading these lists, making numerous notes, and frequently recopying ambiguous passages, often arriving at different relults that were as defensible as those reached earlier. 9 I have not contributed to this process, but rely, thankfully, on the editions of the letters in the form of published hand copies, photographs, and transliterations. It 6. With the exception of one letter by Ibal-Pi-El II of Esnuna. Charpin, ibid., n. 38, wonders whether it escaped the eye of the scribes because it was already broken in antiquity. 7. But see Reconstruction, §78. 8. See Charpin, n. 39. 9. J.-M. Durand, “Études sur les noms propres d’époque amorrite, I,” MARI 8 (1997), 597–98.

The Geographic Orbit of Mari

7

turned out that most photographs are of little help because they tend to be readable where the surface of a tablet is flat and well preserved. The reverse of the tablets is more or less convex so that only a set of photos (center, top, bottom, left side, right side) could illustrate them fully. Also, an Assyriologist who does not have direct access to the tablets often needs close-ups of key sections of damaged surfaces. 10 Ideally, a new translation, such as the one undertaken here, should be based on reinspection of the tablets. Practical reasons prevented me from doing this. On the positive side, specific alternative readings suggest themselves in the process of exploring alternative interpretations and thus render eventual reinspection potentially more fruitful. Another obstacle is the fact that the Akkadian language is dead. How well we know Akkadian 150 years after cuneiform script was deciphered is not easy to tell. On the one hand, links with other, living members of the tightly knit family of Semitic languages to which Akkadian belongs, and the large number and great variety of Akkadian texts provide so many clues that the language can be said to be essentially understood. There are now two dictionaries and an authoritative grammar, and translations of the same Akkadian text by different scholars will differ in details but rarely in essence. On the other hand, when it comes to nuances of meanings, much still remains to be discovered. It is especially difficult to detect expression of emotions, sarcasm, and irony. In translating the letters, I often asked myself how well we really know the language. It moved me toward a more literal translation, as explained in the introduction to the translations in part 2. A lesser obstacle is the script. Compared with older stages, the script is rather cursive. Most of the signs are still quite distinct, but eight of the signs form four similar pairs. 11 For example, the city of Saggaratum, a provincial capital that is often mentioned in the letters, is spelled Sa-ga-ra-tumki. When references appeared that were not compatible with the presumed location of that city, a second Saggaratum was postulated, until Charpin realized that a simple change of reading from ga to bi- in its alternative reading, pí-, yielded a city named Sapiratum, which is attested in Assyrian sources as Sapirete and is located in just the right place. 12

C. The Geographic Orbit of Mari 1. Territory of the Kingdom of Mari In section A above, the segment of the Euphrates Valley in which Mari was located was briefly described. It may be added that this segment is unique because three major intermittent streams from the west join the Euphrates there. They drain a large area of the east-central Syrian Desert. When there has been significant 10. Excellent photos of details have recently been published by L. Marti in NABU 2001 76–81. 11. The pairs are ma and ba, bi and ga, nu and ús, and ás and ku. 12. Charpin, “Sapiratum.”

8

Introduction

runoff from the highlands, the streams have much destructive potential, carrying enough water to cut through roads, dikes, and canals that run parallel with the Euphrates. One such episode may be preserved in a Mari letter that was edited by Lafont under the title “Nuit dramatique à Mari.” 13 Wadi Suªab, the largest of these streams, was then called Haqat. B. Geyer and J.-Y. Monchambert included a stretch of some 15 km from its mouth in their survey of the Euphrates Valley, discovering Bronze Age remains from a sizable ruin near wells that would have allowed people to draw water throughout the year. The role of this and the other intermittent streams in the area in antiquity is a subject for further study. 14 In the kingdom of Zimri-Lim, the section of the Euphrates Valley where Mari was located constituted the capital district. Mari was capital of the kingdom and principal residence of the king. It was also capital of one of four administrative units called “districts.” As a district, it was administered by a governor. The upstream possessions of the kingdom constituted additional districts. First came that of Terqa, which extended close to the mouth of the Habur. The city of Terqa was built around an important sanctuary of the god Dagan, who was the highest-ranking god in the area of the Middle Euphrates. Still farther upstream was the district of Saggaratum, extending along the Euphrates Valley up to the area of the modern city of Deir ezZor and an equal distance up the Habur. It included a large expanse of the Holocene terrace on the west bank, where Yahdun-Lim, a predecessor of Zimri-Lim, founded a city that he called Fortress-of-Yahdun-Lim (Dur-Yahdun-Lim). Here is what he said about it: “And in wasteland, a terrain of thirst, where since the beginning of time no king, whatever his name, had built a city, I built a city on an insight, dug its moat, called it Dur-Yahdun-Lim by name. And I opened a river for it and called it Isim-Yahdun-Lim River.” 15 The capital of the province, Saggaratum, is sought in the area of the confluence of the Habur and the Euphrates. The districts of Mari, Terqa, and Saggaratum constituted the heartland of the kingdom of Zimri-Lim. As a unit, they were called the “bank of the Euphrates.” The fourth district was the Habur Valley up to the southern margin of the Northern Plains. The capital was Qa††unan. Loads hauled up the river in boats and headed farther north were put on carts there, if we may generalize a passage from a letter by Samsi-Adad to his son Yasmah-Addu: “What you send to Subat-Enlil, they must 13. FM 1 (1992), 93–101. In another letter (A.2 = 26 170d = LAPO 17 812) it is reported that a well in the way of one of the streams was saved: “To my lord speak! Your servant SumhuRabi (says) ‘the day before, it rained widely on the streams, and the second day there was no rain. Hours into the day the creek (i.e., flow) arrived. The whole night to sunrise I helped, and the people of Dir and the servants of the palace strengthened the spring of the house of Bah. The stream did not damage anything. ªOne halfº of the field tracts has been completely watered. May my lord be happy!’ ” 14. See 26 41 for a well that may have been located in the area of one of the three streams, and comment 1 to 26 481 for people called “men,” or “Hana of the streams.” 15. Thureau-Dangin, “Iahdun-Lim, roi de Hana,” RA 33, 51 II 9–23. Geyer and Monchambert, “Prospection,” 325, suggest identification with Tell Mohasan.

The Geographic Orbit of Mari

9

bring upstream by boat to Saggaratum, from Saggaratum to Qa††unan. The Qa††unanites must take (it) in carts from Qa††unan and bring (it) to Subat-Enlil” (1 7:22– 31). It was also the place where travelers from the south on their way to the cities of the Hilly Arc left the Habur Valley. The history of the district during the reign of Zimri-Lim is well documented in the letters published in volume 27 of ARM, which are translated in part 2. The four districts of the kingdom of Mari may be understood as being the core area of the kingdom. The periphery consisted of an outpost on the Balih, the stretch of Euphrates Valley between the southern tip of the district of Mari and the border of the kingdom of Babylon, and pastureland in the north and east. The outpost on the Balih was the city of Dir. Its location is sought halfway up this river in a place that allowed grain cultivation. It was under the control of a mayor. Suhum, at the other extremity of the kingdom, was also governed by a mayor. His residence was Sapiratum, located on an island now called Bejan. The stretch of river valley that leads down to Sapiratum was called the Upper Suhum. Its major city was Hanat. The major cities downstream in Lower Suhum were Yabliya and Harbe. Id, modern Hit, was on the border between the kingdoms of Mari and Babylon. Bitumen wells in its vicinity provided the widely used sealant for boats and waterproof containers and were the scene of the so-called “river ordeals.” Possession of Id was contested between Mari and Babylon. The first major city after crossing into the territory of Babylon was Rapiqum. The Euphrates Valley in Suhum is mostly a narrow strip between cliffs. Its cities often include, or are confined to, islands and are hidden in date palm orchards. The climate in Mari is too cold for date cultivation; at the same time, it is too hot for wine cultivation. These features deprived Mari of the local production of two cherished comestibles. The cities of Hanat, Yabliya, and Id shared with Assur on the Tigris the unique fact that they bore the name of their principal god. These cities may have originated as examples of the very ancient “temple city” type. The arid steppe on both sides of the river was used as pastureland for sheep and goats. In the east, the herds were pastured as far as the west bank of the Tigris. The pasturalists and their flocks were under the control of a pasture-chief. One pasturechief supervised the flocks of Mari that pastured in the north, especially in the Hilly Arc and the Northern Plains; the other was stationed in Suhum. 2. Hilly Arc With the label “Hilly Arc,” I mean to designate the sequence of long, narrow ridges that trace the southern margin of the eastern Anatolian highlands and the southwestern margins of the Persian highlands in the form of an arc, separated from the Anatolian highlands by the Northern Plains and from the Persian highlands by rolling hill country, through which the Tigris winds its way. Jebel Abd el-Aziz is the westernmost section of the Hilly Arc. Surprisingly, it does not seem to be documented in the Old Babylonian texts from Mari. Moving east, the next section is Jebel Sinjar—Saggar in antiquity—the largest and highest part of the arc, reaching an altitude of almost 1500 m. Arching to the southeast are Jebel Ishkaft—Zara in

10

Introduction

antiquity—Jebel Sasan, Jebel Ibrahim, Jebel Maqlub, and, beyond the Tigris, Jebel Hamrin. The southern slopes of the northwestern section of this arc capture moisture traveling up the trough of the Tigris and Euphrates Valley, creating a dip to the south of the dry farming zone. At the time of Zimri-Lim, important kingdoms existed in this area: foremost Kurda, which probably underlies modern Balad Sinjar, at the southern foot of the Sinjar Range; Andarig, which is probably the ruin called Tell Khoshi, a dozen kilometers south of Kurda; Karana, which may be buried under the modern town of Tell Afar; and Qa††ara, which has been positively identified with Tell Rimah. On the west bank of the Tigris, in the area where the hills of the Hilly Arc come close to the Tigris, lay the city of Ekallatum. 16 It was an important city and the capital of a kingdom at the time of Zimri-Lim, but because of its location so far south of the dry farming belt, with only a narrow floodplain for cultivation nearby, it struggled to feed the population of a capital city. 3. Northern Plains North of the western section of the Hilly Arc, the Northern Plains extended from the Tigris in the east to the upper Habur in the west, bordered in the north by the foothills of the Anatolian highlands. The larger western part, often called the “Habur triangle,” is abundantly watered by the Habur and its numerous tributaries; 17 the eastern part lacks major runoff from the mountains to the north. 18 Rainfall is sufficient for dry farming throughout the Northern Plains. The grain of the area was much coveted in the drier south. The cities of the Hilly Arc, where rainfall was fickle and harvests failed in some years, were more or less dependent on grain from the Northern Plains. The plains also provided pasture for livestock when the spring vegetation in the southern steppes withered. In the Old Babylonian period, the western part of the plains was called the land of Idamaraß, 19 the central part the land of Apum or “reedland,” and the eastern part the land of Subartum. 20 Idamaraß 16. See my note, NABU 1996 101; and Charpin and Durand, “Assur,” 368–70. 17. Several archaeological surveys were done in parts and the whole of the area. The most recent studies are by B. Lyonnet. A bibliography of his work and that of his predecessors is found in “Questions sur l’origine des porteurs de pots en Haute-Mésopotamie,” FM 3 (1997), 141–44. 18. This area was surveyed by T. J. Wilkinson and D. J. Tucker, who published the results in Settlement Development in the North Jazira, Iraq: A Study of the Archaeological Landscape (Iraq Archaeological Reports 3; Baghdad: British School of Archaeology in Iraq, 1995). 19. M. Wäfler, in his in-depth study of the documentation bearing on the location of Idamaraß (Tall al-Óamidiya 3 [Freiburg, 2001]) comes to the conclusion that it was restricted to the land along the three central tributaries of the Habur (Hanzir, Jaghjagh, and Jara). 20. See Charpin, “L’akkadien,” 39, and “Engrenage,” 101. “Subartum” was also used as a general term for the north as shown by references in letters by a governor of Qa††unan: inhabitants of this district on the middle course of the Habur go to Subartum in search of work when the harvest in the district fails (27 26 and 80). On another occasion, after having been offered grain from the palace, they wait for better deals on grain from Subartu (27 76). In these two instances, it seems unlikely that Subartu was beyond Idamaraß and/or the Hilly Arc. The use of

The Geographic Orbit of Mari

11

and Subartum were regions divided into several kingdoms. The land of Apum constituted a single kingdom. The Northern Plains were politically fragmented during the Old Babylonian period. Their agricultural wealth and their relatively large population were a magnet for the politically more-powerful neighbors in the Hilly Arc and farther south. Mari, Kurda, Andarig, Ekallatum, and even Esnuna, Elam, and Babylon tried to control the area. Samsi-Adad chose Subat-Enlil for his main residence in the later years of his reign, delegating the rule of Ekallatum and Mari to his sons Isme-Dagan and Yasmah-Addu. Subat-Enlil has been found in the ruins of Tell Leilan, which is being excavated. 21 4. Southern Mesopotamia The southern Mesopotamian plains were divided at the time of Zimri-Lim into the territories of the kingdom of Esnuna along the lower Diyala River, of Larsa along the Tigris, and of Babylon along the Euphrates. The northern part of southern Mesopotamia is geographically characterized by the deltas of these three rivers. The systems of the Euphrates and Tigris, and probably also of the Diyala above its confluence with the Tigris, were connected, creating a particularly well-watered, wide plain, supporting a large population. Larsa lay off-center in the deep south, a survivor from an older age, when that region was the politically dominant part of southern Mesopotamia and when the delta region was peripheral. But as a sign of the times, a northern city in the kingdom of Larsa, Maskan-Sapir, had gained in importance. In the delta area, the great powers of the south during the Old Babylonian period—Babylon, Esnuna, Larsa, and Elam—clashed, and from there all but Larsa sent their troops at one time or another up the rivers and into the Hilly Arc and the Northern Plains. 5. Mountain Lands in the East and the North The orbit of Mari included the mountain lands that border Mesopotamia to the east and north, and the area west of the Euphrates all the way to the Mediterranean Sea. In the far southeast was the kingdom of Elam. Its territory consisted of the plains at the foot of the Zagros Mountains, an area that today forms the province of Khuzistan in Iran; and the highlands to the southeast, the modern province of Isfahan, where the Persian royal city of Persepolis stood. Earlier, including the time of Zimri-Lim, the capital of this area was Ansan, which has been positively identified with the ruins of Tepe Maliyan. Ansan was the capital of the Elamite kingdom. The most important city of lowland Elam was Susa, pronounced Susim at Mari. Lowland

Subartu as a general designation for the north was recognized by P. Michalowski (“Sumer Dreams of Subartu: Politics and the Geographical Imagination,” in Languages and Cultures in Contact [ed. K. van Lerberghe and G. Voet; Leuven, 1999], 305–15). 21. Under the direction of H. Weiss of Yale University.

12

Introduction

Elam was adjacent to the lowest stretch of the Tigris Valley, but it possibly was, as it is now, separated from the valley by a belt of marshes, so that the lines of communication between Elam and Mesopotamia bypassed the kingdom of Larsa and ran through Esnuna. 22 Akkadian was the written language of lowland Elam in the Old Babylonian period. Akkadian may also have been spoken there—not unlike today, when many inhabitants of Khuzistan speak Arabic rather than Persian. Farther north, the cities and kingdoms in the foothills of the eastern mountain chains were known to Mari, but events there rarely influenced the interests of Mari directly. The kingdoms in the mountains that lie north of the Northern Plains loomed larger, especially those of the land of Zalmaqum, which stretched from Nihriya 23 on the upper Tigris in the east to Harran at the headwaters of the Balih in the west. 24 The first major city upstream from Mariote territory on the Euphrates was Imar, a merchant city located on the eastern terminus of the all-important shortest connection between the Euphrates and the Mediterranean. 25 Farther upstream, on the modern border between Syria and Turkey, was the city and kingdom of Kar-Kamis (Carchemish). It functioned as a market for goods coming down from Anatolia, especially timber. The cities and kingdoms of Ursum, Hassum, and Zalwar lay farther upstream. Hassum was the source of metal vessels, weapons, and textiles. 26 6. The West Ansan constituted the southeastern limit of the orbit of Mari at the time of Zimri-Lim. To the northwest it was the Mediterranean. Crete, then called “Kaptara,” and Cyprus, then “Alasiya,” were known, the latter as a source for copper. 27 Gubla (Byblos) is the southernmost city on the Mediterranean coast mentioned in 22. But see §46. 23. I. Singer, “The Battle of Nihriya and the End of the Hittite Empire,” ZA 75 (1985), 106. 24. The true extent of the land of Zalmaqum was recognized by Charpin, NABU 2000 58. 25. MARI 6 (1990) includes several articles on this city. For the Old Babylonian period, see Durand, “Imar.” 26. See M. Guichard, NABU 1993 54. 27. Cretans are mentioned in A.1270 as recipients of the tin that was distributed on the occasion of Zimri-Lim’s stay in Ugarit. See Dossin, “La route d’étain en Mésopotamie au temps de Zimri-Lim,” RA 64 (1970), 97–103. Dossin copied and read line 30 of the text as [x ma.na an.na a-na] Ka-ra-i-[i]m and thought that the recipients of tin in this line were Karians, inhabitants of the southwest corner of the Anatolian peninsula. The text was reedited as 23 556 by P. Villard, who read ugula [dam.gà]r k[a]p-ta!-ra-i at the suggestion of Durand. This interpretation would mean that the “interpreter (lú.ta-ar-ga-ma-an-nim)” of the previous line was also “overseer of Cretan merchants,” which is not inconceivable but is unlikely because double-identification of the person would be contrary to usage. Cretan vessels and weapons reached Mari (for example, 25 499 and 601), and a small Cretan boat was built in Mari (M. Guichard, NABU 1993 53). Dossin quoted unpublished texts listing Cypriote copper and bronze (“Les archives économiques du Palais de Mari,” Syria 20 [1939], 111). For a published text, see, for example, 25 483.

Languages and Peoples

13

Mari documents. 28 Egypt does not appear to be mentioned, which is surprising. Inland, the southernmost city mentioned is Haßura (Hazor) in Galilee of northern Israel. 29 Farther north, Qa†anum (Qatna) in the upper Orontes Valley near the modern city of Homs was capital of a kingdom that played an active role in Mesopotamian affairs. Still farther north was the kingdom of Halab (Aleppo). It was one of the most powerful kingdoms in the area at the time. Its territory included a stretch of the Euphrates between Kar-Kamis and Imar in the east and extended westward to the Mediterranean, where it controlled the city and port of Ugarit. For Mari, the northwest was of great economic and, to some extent, nostalgic importance. Copper, olive oil, grain, and wine came from there, and Zimri-Lim and Yasmah-Addu found their principal wives there. Two kings of Mari, Yahdun-Lim and Zimri-Lim, traveled to the shore of the Mediterranean.

D. Languages and Peoples In the geographical orbit of Mari, several languages were spoken, and Akkadian was used as the written language. The languages that we can expect on the basis of personal and geographical names are Akkadian, Amorite, Hurrian, Elamite, and possibly other languages that are represented in unintelligible names. A bilingual lexical text, dubbed by its editor “Sag B,” dated to the Middle Babylonian period and tentatively provenienced in Imar, contains a section of expressions beginning with the Sumerian word “tongue,” and within it is a passage that lists languages. They are: Akkadian, Amorite, Sutean, Subarean, Elamite, and Gutean. 30 Sumerian is not included in the passage. Three terms for the Sumerian language are mentioned later on in the text, flanked by terms that appear to qualify speech, such as “ungood tongue” and “choice tongue.” 31 Sumerian was a dead language at the time the text was written, and it may have been excluded from the passage because of this. The languages that were included would then be the spoken languages. “Subarean” corresponds to our “Hurrian.” The Gutean language is to be expected because the Gutean people are documented in the foothills and mountains between Elamite territory in the southeast and Hurrian in the northwest, but their language is unknown except for the foreign names of the Gutean rulers in the Sumerian king list. The only personal name from Mari that may be Gutean is borne by the Gutean king Zazum. However, the name may have been pronounced Sasum, in which case it could have been Akkadian, meaning “Moth.” Sutean presents a problem. Suteans are well attested in Mari. Their names are mostly Amorite, but some appear to be Semitic without being Akkadian or Amorite. 28. Dossin, “Les archives économiques du Palais de Mari,” Syria 20 (1939), 111. 29. See M. Bonechi, “Mari et Haßor au XVIIIe siècle av.J.C.,” FM 1 (1992), 9–22; M. C. Astour expressed doubts about the identification; M. Bonechi and A. Catagnoti affirm it in FM 2 33b. 30. M. Civil, Materialien zum sumerischen Lexikon, Supplementary Series 1 (Rome, 1986), 32:240–45. 31. Ibid., 259–61.

14

Introduction

Setting this problem aside for the moment, we can match the languages with peoples and describe the ethnic map of the orbit of Mari as Akkadians, Amorites, Hurrians, Guteans, and Elamites. They form two groups: Elamites, Guteans, and Hurrians lived in the mountains and foothills bordering Mesopotamia to the north and east. They spoke isolated languages that are related neither to each other nor to any known language. Akkadians, Amorites, and Suteans lived in the Mesopotamian plains and spoke languages belonging to the Semitic family. Some areas had mixed populations. Amorites and Akkadians lived together in southern Mesopotamia, Hurrians and Amorites in the Northern Plains. In lowland Elam, Akkadian was the written language, and the area may have been bilingual, which would be a precedent to the presence of Arab and Persian speakers in Huzistan. The written sources from Mari, a city that is located in the center of Mesopotamia, provide a wealth of information on the peoples of Mesopotamia. The information is growing with almost every new text edition. My preliminary summary is as follows: 1. Amorites Later Babylonian tradition refers to the Old Babylonian period as the “Amorite time of rule.” 32 Our sources confirm this characterization. According to the number and distribution of Amorite personal names and the designation of populations of cities and areas with Amorite tribal names, the Amorites were the dominant ethnicity in Mesopotamia in the Old Babylonian period. Their language is preserved in thousands 33 of names and in a fair number of loanwords in Akkadian. 34 Strangely, Amorite does not seem to have been written in Mesopotamia at all. Cuneiform script was used to write Sumerian, Akkadian, Elamite, Hurrian, and Hittite. Why not Amorite? The inventory of consonants of the language was considerably larger than in Akkadian, but this did not prevent the spelling of Amorite names with the Akkadian syllabary. The closeness of the two Semitic sister-languages and the strength of the culture of southern Mesopotamia may have been factors in suppressing the written expression of Amorite. 35

32. In a passage on the computation of time, the text mul.apin attributes placement of the intercalary month after the last month to the palû Amurrû, in contrast to the different earlier and later placements in the time of Sulgi and the Kassites. See H. Hunger and D. Pingree, MUL. APIN: An Astronomical Compendium in Cuneiform (Archiv für Orientforschung, Beiheft 24; Vienna, 1989), 96 II 19. 33. According to Streck’s count, I. J. Gelb’s Computer-Aided Analysis of Amorite lists 5,922 names. 34. Streck, Amurriter I, 83–123. 35. J. Cooper discusses the concept in “Sumerian and Semitic Writing in Ancient SyroMesopotamia,” in Languages and Cultures in Contact (ed. K. van Lerberghe and G. Voet; Leuven, 1999), 61–77. He concludes: “In Syro-Mesopotamia the cultural hegemony of Babylonia signified . . . that writing a Semitic language meant writing a Babylonian-based language.”

Languages and Peoples

15

Amorite Tribal Groups The Amorites were divided into tribal groups. Conventionally, two tiers are distinguished and the higher tier is labeled “tribe” and the lower “clan.” This nomenclature agrees with the indigenous terminology. “Clan” is used as a translation for Akkadianized Amorite gayyum, and “tribe” translates limum. The latter term can appear as the second element in Amorite personal names, for example in ZimriLim, which means “The-Tribe-is-my-Protection.” The two-tiered distinction does not always suffice, so sub-tribes and sub-clans must be introduced. The four clearly recognizable Amorite tribes in the orbit of Mari were the Simªal, Yamina, Numha, and Yamutbal. Simªal and Yamina The two tribes form a pair because they constituted the major part of the population of the kingdom of Mari and also insofar as Simªal means “left” and Yamina means “right.” The ancient Mesopotamians oriented themselves by facing east, so “left” designated the north and “right” the south. Settlements of the two tribes were strung along the Euphrates on territory of Mari “like termites of a necklace of which one is white and one is brown.” 36 Simªal settlements continued downstream through Suhum to the delta of the Euphrates, while Yamina settlements stretched upstream to the border area of Yamhad. 37 The central Northern Plains constituted the northern border of Simªal pasture; the Yamina pastured farther west. 38 Zimri-Lim was a Simªal and his kingdom in essence a Simªal government that subjugated the Yamina living within the borders of the kingdom. There were about one dozen Simªal clans. 39 Groups constituting the clan of Nihad are called subclans by Anbar. 40 In 24 235, two members of the Amurru clan are classified as Yabasu, so Amurru appears to be a sub-clan of Yabasu. In the time of Zimri-Lim, the Simªal clans were headed by a sugagum, who represented the clan to the government. The word is often translated “sheikh,” which would imply that he inherited his position. But he was a royal appointee, and accordingly, I translate the word as “mayor.” The known clans of the Yamina were the Yahrur, Yarihu, Awnan, Rabbu, Uprapu, and Mutebal. They were found far and wide throughout Mesopotamia. 36. A.3080, edited by Durand, in “Fourmis blanches et fourmis noires,” Mélanges Perrot (1990) 102–6 and LAPO 17 733; for the image, see my note, NABU 1997 102. 37. The inhabitants of Id on the border between Babylon and Suhum included members of the Simªalite clan Nahanum (Charpin, NABU 1991 112). The Simªalite clan Ibal-Ahu lived in Wurqana and Qaßa, which is also in Suhum. The Yamina clan of Rabbum occasionally moved into the territory of the Yamhad. 38. For details about the pasture areas, see pp. 30–33 below. 39. Talon, “Les clans hanéens,” Mélanges Birot (1985), 277–84: lists Werªu, Yakallit, Amurru, Yabasu, Nahan, Nihad, Ibal-Ahum, Yamahammu, Abi-Nakar, Isaru, and Sibiyu. Letter 27 107 suggests that Patakhum was an additional clan. 40. Anbar, Tribus, 81.

16

Introduction

The Yahrur, or Yahurru, resided in Mislan and other cities in the district of Mari; in Serda on the Balih (FM 7 6); in the Tigris area, where they were subjected to a census by Ekallatum at one time (2 18) and attacked Ekallatum together with East Tigridian allies at another (26 510); and in southern Mesopotamia, where they settled in Sippir of Samas, as documented by the name “Sippir Yahrurum.” They were a military factor in the relation between the kingdoms of Babylon and Uruk one generation before Hammu-Rabi. 41 In southern Mesopotamia, they were linked with the Awnan, or Amnan, who settled in Great Sippir, as documented by the name “Sippir Amnanum.” The Awnan joined the Yahrur in military moves between Uruk and Babylon according to the Anam letter. Sin-Kasid, founder of the Old Babylonian dynasty of Uruk, was an Awnanite leader. In the north, Tuttul was the capital of the Awnanite heartland at the time of Yahdun-Lim. 42 One recorded incident from the time of Zimri-Lim places Awnan on the upstream border of the district of Saggaratum, which was contiguous with the country around Tuttul: The governor of Saggaratum reported on sheep rustling. The culprits appeared to be Awnan who claimed to have come for mushroom hunting (FM 2 34). Awnan also lived in Sahru and “Zarri Awnan,” two settlements in the district of Saggaratum (23 428 and 429). There was also a “Zarri Rabbum” and a “Zarri Yarih.” Zarri Rabbum also belonged to the district of Saggaratum (23 428 and 429). Zarri Awnan and Zarri Rabbum were either separate settlements with the same name (like Sippir Yahrurum and Sippir Amnanum) or one settlement with different quarters, each inhabited by a clan. The heartland of the Rabbum was upstream from the Awnan. The residence of their king at the time of Yahdun-Lim was Abattum. 43 At the time of Samsi-Adad, they lived on either side of the border separating the kingdoms of Halab and Mari. There is hardly any information on them from the time of Zimri-Lim, which indicates that apart from the inhabitants of “Zarri Rabbum” they lived outside of the kingdom. There is also little information on the Yarih. One intriguing fact is the existence of a city “Yarih” in the far west near the city of Rahißum, where “vagrants and Canaanites are staying.” 44 The capital of the Uprapu at the time of Yahdun-Lim was Samanum in the district of Terqa. Uprapu also lived in Raqqum, Ilum-Muluk, and Rasayu in the district of Terqa (23 428 and 429). 41. According to the Anam letter published by A. Falkenstein in Baghdader Mitteilungen 2 (1963), 56–71. 42. Yahdun-Lim defeated Bahlu-Kulim, king of Tuttul and the land of Awnan (Syria 32, 4 III 6–7). 43. Syria 32, 4 III 8–9. 44. The source is A.3552, edited by Dossin in “Une mention de Cananéens dans un lettre de Mari,” Syria 50 (1973), 278 and again by Durand in LAPO 17 456. Durand identifies Rahißum with Ruhizzi in the upper Orontes valley. Dossin saw in the city “une sédentarisation de membres de la tribu des Iarihéens.” “Yarih” is the Amorite word for the moon(god).

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The Mutebal of northern Mesopotamia are mentioned in the early years of Zimri-Lim’s reign. Two facts are known about them: Mari attempted to enlist their pasturalists as soldiers in a campaign that would enable them to share the booty from Samsi-Adad’s residence, Subat-Enlil (FM 2 116); and their leader, Nahimum, complained about the infringement of Mari on the freedom of movement of his people down a river to their fields and houses. 45 The river was the Euphrates or the Balih. 46 The Mutebal of southern Mesopotamia (the name was written Mutiabal, according to local orthography) were settled at the time in and around the city of Kasalluk, which was located south of Babylon. Their sad fate at the hands of Hammu-Rabi of Babylon is told in the letters translated here and retold below. 47 The presence of large numbers of Yamina in southern Mesopotamia and the absence of Simªal there could have been the reason for the designation “northerners” and “southerners,” unless the designations hark back to a different location and geographical configuration of the two tribes. 48 The geographical distribution of Yamina and Simªal exhibits a striking dissimilarity. The Yamina clans of Yahrur, Awnan, and Mutebal were found in widely dispersed islands in northern and southern Mesopotamia. The three clans had settlements on the Euphrates; the Yahrur also on the Tigris. In southern Mesopotamia, the Awnan were found down to the southern margin of settlement in the ancient land of Sumer. The Simªal were settled more compactly in the lower Habur area and down the Euphrates to the edge of the delta region, separating the northwestern and southern settlements of the Yamina. The configuration suggests that the Simªal moved into, or became strong within, the Yamina area of settlement, blocking the east–west movements of the Yahrur and the movements of all Yamina clans along the Euphrates. Numha and Yamutbal The Numha inhabited the mountains, hills, and piedmont in the Hilly Arc. At the time of Zimri-Lim, the Numha of Jebel Sinjar constituted the population of the kingdom of Kurda; the Numha in the area of Jebel Ishkaft, the uppermost drainage of Wadi Tharthar, and probably northern Jebel Ibrahim constituted the population 45. 26 39 and A.1281, as quoted by Durand in his comment to 26 39. 46. In the same comment, Durand quotes a letter by the mayor of Dir on the Balih in which Nahimum is mentioned. 47. See §11. Lafont, in FM 2 117, comment b, noting a parallel between the Simªal alliance with Numha in that text and with Mutebal in 26 39, suggested the identification “MutiAbal = Yamutbal = Kurdâ.” But the similarity between the passages is limited to the fact of a treaty with Simªal. The partners are different. Also Anbar, “Origine tribale,” 9, equates Mutebal and Yamutbal. While the names Muti-abal/Mutebal and Yamut-bal are formed with the same words, they must refer to two different groups, because the people designated by these terms are linked with different geographical regions. 48. Charpin and Durand suggested in 1986 (“Fils,” 155) that north refers to the Habur Triangle, that is the central and western part of the Northern Plains, and south to the Middle Euphrates.

18

Introduction

of the kingdom of Karana. The population of Ekallatum seems to have been Numha also. 49 The Yamutbal lived in the narrow belt of marginal dry farming between the ridges of the Hilly Arc and the steppes to its south. Their most important city in the time of Zimri-Lim, Andarig, lay a mere 12 miles south of the city of Kurda, if indeed it is found in the ruins of Tell Khoshi. In the west, the territory of the Yamutbal bordered the northern Mariote province of Qa††unan. 50 In the east, their narrow belt was blocked by the Numha population of Qa††ara. Perhaps it continued southeasterly, just skirting Qa††ara, but we do not yet know for certain. The city of “Razama of Yamutbal” was probably the second station from Assur on the route to Kanis in Anatolia, Qa††ara being the fourth station. The geographical configuration suggests an “island” territory of Yamutbal bordered by Numha in the north (Qa††ara) and east (Ekallatum) and Akkadian Assyrians (Assur) in the south. This island may have included Sadduwatum, the first station from Assur on the route to Kanis, because it was ceded by Atamrum, king of the Yamutbal, to the king of Ekallatum. The action suggests that the inhabitants of Sadduwatum were Yamutbal, but the city was so close to Ekallatum that it naturally fell under the power of Ekallatum. The Yamutbal were also settled in southern Babylonia along the Tigris from Maskan-Sapir to Larsa. The kingdom of Larsa was founded by an Amorite, presumably a Yamutbal, named Nablanum (often spelled Naplanum). Its territory was called “land of Yamutbal.” 51 The settlement area of the Yamutbal in northern Mesopotamia was distinguished as “Upper Yamutbal” in 26 404. The distribution of settlement areas of the Numha and Yamutbal is somewhat similar to that of the Simªal and Yamina. The Yamutbal had territories in northern and southern Mesopotamia, while the territory of the Numha was more compact and limited to northern Mesopotamia. “Amorite” and “Amorites” in Ancient Usage We understand the Amorites as an ethnic entity that was composed of different tribal groups. Did the ancients have a similar view? Did they have a term like our “Amorites”? In Old Babylonian Akkadian, the adjective descriptive of Amorite language was Amurrûm. In Mari, the noun Amurrum was the name of a god and designated a clan of the Simªal tribe as well as an area and its inhabitants in the far west. In two references, the noun is supposed to designate the Amorites ethnically, as we understand it. The first reference is found in the text of Zimri-Lim’s sworn commitment 49. See my note, NABU 96 101. 50. This is demonstrated by Yassi-Dagan’s route from Subat-Enlil to Andarig. Yassi-Dagan circled Numha territory by going south, entering the province of Qa††unan, then veering east and reaching Andarig by a shortcut through the steppe (27 65). 51. Charpin argues in 26/2, 148, that the land of Yamutbal was restricted to the area around the city of Maskan-Sapir, that is the northern part of the kingdom of Larsa. Because the founder of the dynasty of Larsa was an Amorite, I would hold open the possibility that “land of Larsa” and “land of Yamutbal” were the same.

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to King Ibal-Pi-El II of Esnuna (A.361). As part of his commitment, Zimri-Lim promised not to dispatch troops against Esnuna. He listed all the troops that he might conceivably dispatch: “troops of Mari, troops of the Hana (pasturalists), troops of Suhum, troops of ªa kingº [or grande], troops of ªAmurrumº or Akkad, (of) another or a stranger, (of) ªan allyº [of his (Ibal-Pi-El’s) fiend] or his friend, troops of any king or ªpotentateº [who] may be found [in the country].” Charpin, who edited the text, thought that the expression “troops of Amurrum and Akkad” designated Mariote troops of Akkadian and Amorite ethnicity. 52 Durand followed him, saying that the terms mirror the two major elements of the population of Mari: the Akkadians representing the indigenous Mariotes and Amurru the newly arrived Amorites. 53 The structure of the passage suggests a different interpretation to me: The troops of Mari are, as expected, in first place. Next come the troops of the Hana and of Suhum. The three groups were under the command of Zimri-Lim, which implies that the “troops of Mari” are not all troops of Mari but only those of the core of the kingdom. The following troop contingents should be those of potential allies. They are not mentioned by kingdom but by region, “Akkad” referring to southern Mesopotamia and “Amurrum” to the west. Presumably, Zimri-Lim intended to allay Ibal-Pi-El’s concern about Mari’s collaboration with Babylon in the south (Akkad) and Yamhad and Qa†anum in the west (Amurrum), without spelling this out. 54 The second reference is Zimri-Lim’s designation as “king of Akkad and Amurrum” in the unpublished text A.489, which is quoted by Durand (in “Unité,” 113), and translated “roi d’Akkadiens comme d’Amorrites.” It is inconceivable that Zimri-Lim would be called king of one of the clans of his tribe or king of the west, so a third meaning must apply. If my view is correct that Zimri-Lim’s kingdom did not include a component of ethnic Akkadians, “king of Akkad” cannot mean “king of Akkadians.” I argue below, under “Akkadians in the Rest of Northern Mesopotamia,” that it means in effect “king in Akkadian tradition.” Consequently, I understand “king of Amurrum” to be the characterization of a king in the Amorite mold. The result of these considerations is that neither Amurrû nor Amurrum designates the ethnic reality that we call “Amorites.” It is possible, however, that one use of the term “Hana” comes closer to our ethnic term “Amorites” (see p. 35 below). 2. Akkadians and Amorites in Southern Mesopotamia In southern Mesopotamia, Akkadian and Amorite personal names are legion, and there can be little doubt that Akkadians and Amorites were distinct ethnically, 52. Charpin, “Traité,” 146–47. 53. LAPO 16 292d. I do not quite understand how this view agrees with Durand’s hypothesis of a depopulated area of Mari before the arrival of the Lim Dynasty, for which see below, under “Akkadians in the Rest of Northern Mesopotamia.” 54. My interpretation is halfway anticipated by Streck, Amurriter I, 39. He defines the meaning of the terms “Akkad and Amurrum” as “unambiguously geographical/ethnical,” which appears to be a contradiction in terms.

20

Introduction

at least in the earlier phases of the Old Babylonian period, and that the two ethnicities merged as time went by. Akkadian was the written language. Amorite was never written there. To the modern observer, it looks as though the Amorites of southern Mesopotamia lost their ethnic identity and language and assimilated to the indigenous culture. Detailed information about the two peoples is scarce; the famous letter by King Anam (or Digiram) of Uruk to Hammu-Rabi’s father, SinMuballit, speaks of armies of Amorite tribal groups moving throughout the land. 55 At the time of Hammu-Rabi, the city of Kasalluk and its environs was inhabited by the Amorite tribe of Mutiabal; that of the kingdom of Larsa, by the Amorite tribe of Yamutbal. The dynasties of most southern Mesopotamian kingdoms traced their lineages to Amorite founders. It is actually not easy to find unmistakable indications of an ethnic Akkadian population. The star witness is a passage from an edict by the late Old Babylonian king, Ammi-Íaduqa of Babylon (17th century b.c.), in which the inhabitants of his kingdom are called “Akkadians and Amorites.” But it is not at all clear what this means. At first, when it was believed that the kingdom of Ammi-Íaduqa had shrunk from the time of Hammu-Rabi to encompass merely southern Mesopotamia or even only part of it, there was no obstacle to understanding the expression as a designation of the two peoples. But then Kraus demonstrated that the territory of the kingdom of Babylon at the time of Ammi-Íaduqa had not substantially changed after the conquests of Hammu-Rabi. 56 As a result, he was free to conclude that the “Amorites” were the inhabitants of northern Mesopotamia and the “Akkadians” those of southern Mesopotamia. 57 But if ethnic Amorites were living in southern Mesopotamia at the time, the “Akkadians” of southern Mesopotamia included Amorites, and the term reveals itself as neutral in respect to ethnicity. The designation of the inhabitants of southern Mesopotamia as “Akkadians” is known from Mari. Zimri-Lim was informed in 27 135 that an inhabitant of the Northern Plains and “an Akkadian” swore allegiance. The writer added about the Akkadian: “And I could not ascertain his identity, whether the Akkadian who declared the oath of god was Esnunakean or Babylonian.” Akkadians on the Middle Tigris The inhabitants of Assur were ethnic Akkadians who spoke an Akkadian dialect called Assyrian. According to the Old Babylonian documentation from Mari, the principal cities of the later country of Assyria on the east bank of the Tigris, Kalah and Nineveh, were called Kawilhum and Ninet and were in possession of the 55. See above, n. 49. 56. Kraus, “Königliche Verfügungen in altbabylonischer Zeit,” Studia et documenta ad iura orientis antiqui pertinentia (Leiden, 1984), 11.323–27. 57. Kraus translated “Amorites” at first as “Bedouin,” presumably in the general (and unhistorical) sense of a Near Eastern nomad, then adopted the definition “man hailing from an Amorite tribe,” proposing that the Numha, Yamutbal, and Idamaraßeans of §20 of the edict were included in the designation “Amorites.”

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Turukku. One day’s travel north of Assur was Ekallatum, the capital of the kingdom that included Assur. It was populated by Numha. The ethnic identity of the sparse sedentary population south of the city down to the southern Mesopotamian plain is unknown. The Akkadians of the city of Assur probably constituted an island population that was more or less restricted to the city and its immediate environs. This assumption accords well with the fact that the Assyrian dialect is quite different from mainstream Akkadian as spoken in southern Mesopotamia. The letters from the Hilly Arc and the Northern Plains exhibit some affinities with the Assyrian dialect, but it is difficult to decide whether these affinities are lapses by scribes trained in Assyrian orthography or whether an existing Akkadian dialect in the area shared features with Assyrian. If the letters and records of the merchants of Assur and their predecessors had not been found in their colonies in Anatolia as well as texts from Assur itself, the ethnic identity of the inhabitants of Assur could not have been established from Mari texts, even though they mention Assur and its merchants rather frequently. We probably would have assumed that they were Amorites. This circumstance reminds us that the Mari texts by themselves are not a good source for reconstructing the ethnic map of the orbit of Mari. Akkadians in the Rest of Northern Mesopotamia According to conventional thinking, 58 the area of Mari was populated more or less exclusively by Akkadians until Amorites arrived and the “Lim Dynasty” eventually established itself in the area. 59 The earlier rulers of Mari, beginning with the Old Akkadian period, called themselves sakanakku, “governor.” Calculating the length of the sequence of governors, Durand concluded that there exists a hiatus of about 100 years between the reigns of the last governor and Yahdun-Lim, the second ruler of the “Lim Dynasty.” 60 The area of Mari and Terqa would have been abandoned during that period and repopulated by the Amorite tribes of Yamina and Simªal. Durand does not speculate on what happened to the indigenous population or who they were, but he does not believe that the Akkadians, that is the bearers of Akkadian (and Sumerian) names in Mari during the Lim Dynasty were the descendents of an indigenous Akkadian population of the area. 61 Most rulers of Mari until the Lim Dynasty had Akkadian names, which does not mean much, because the language of royal names is a poor indicator of ethnicity. For example, Sulgi, king of Ur, had a Sumerian name. His many sons had Sumerian and Akkadian names. The king who ruled Mari immediately before Zimri-Lim was called “Samsi-Adad,” which is Akkadian, but also “Samsi-Addu,” which is Amorite. 58. A recent expression of this view can be found in Streck, Amurriter I, §1.24. 59. The Old Babylonian kingdom of Mari is often called the Lim Dynasty, because of the names of the rulers for three consecutive generations: Yagid-Lim, Yahdun-Lim, and Zimri-Lim. 60. Durand, “La situation historique des Sakkanakku,” MARI 4 (1985), 160. 61. LAPO 17, 481–82.

22

Introduction

He had two sons to whom he delegated rule of Ekallatum and Mari. The first was Isme-Dagan, “(the god) Dagan-Heard (the plea for a son),” which is Akkadian; the second, Yasmah-Addu, “(the god) Addu-Heard (the plea for a son),” which is Amorite. In his inscriptions, Samsi-Adad stressed his connections with southern Mesopotamian culture by evoking his reverence for the southern god Enlil, by calling himself “king of (the city) of Akkad,” employing many servants with Sumerian names, 62 and so on. 63 He may have been an ethnic Akkadian who bought some good will from his Amorite subjects by giving his son an Amorite name. Or he was an ethnic Amorite who modeled himself in the traditions of the south. The governors of Mari derived their title from a governor in the kingdom of the Old Akkadian ruler Naram-Sin. Most had Akkadian, some Amorite names (Hitlal-Erra and Hanun-Dagan). They could all have been Amorites, and there may not have been an “Akkadian substratum” along the Middle Euphrates. The Old Babylonian documentation from Mari shows that many persons in the kingdom of Mari had Akkadian names. Do they add up to a convincing argument in favor of an Akkadian substratum? C. G. Rasmussen looked at almost 6,000 persons mentioned in Mari texts and found that 34% had Akkadian, 40% Amorite, and 9% Hurrian names. Anbar sorted the names of 1,035 members of Amorite tribal groups and found that 13% had Akkadian, 77% Amorite, and 1% Hurrian names. 64 C. Wilcke found 24% Akkadian names and 76% Amorite names among 117 names of soldiers from the heartland of the kingdom. 65 In 23 432–33 (a list of furloughed midlevel military personnel from the same area), 9 names are Akkadian, 41 Amorite, and 1 Hurrian. Among names that are listed as “personnel of (the palace of) Mari,” I am reasonably sure of the languages of 136. Out of this 136, 76% are Akkadian, 17% Amorite, and 7% Hurrian (9 27). The personnel include agricultural workers, walkers, carpenters, singers, couriers, scribes, gardeners, personal attendants, and others—male and female. Apparently, soldiers tended to have Amorite names and palace personnel tended toward Akkadian names. The palace may have drawn primarily on Akkadians for its service personnel, and these Akkadians may have been members of an Akkadian substratum in the area, or palatial 62. Nine out of twelve persons with Sumerian names served Samsi-Adad and his sons Isme-Dagan and Yasmah-Addu; three served Zimri-Lim. The Sumerian names from Mari are interesting because they show signs of not being genuine Sumerian but having been coined in post-Sumerian times. The names that I have found are collected in appendix 1. The sample includes three names compounded with Iskur, the Sumerian weather god. In Sumer, Iskur played a minor role in the pantheon and was rarely invoked in personal names. On the other hand, the weather god of northern Mesopotamia, Adad or Addu, was frequently invoked in personal names. It seems to me also that the element “live” and “life,” which appears in three names, is less common in genuine Sumerian names. 63. See Birot, “Fragment de rituel de Mari relatif au kispum,” Mesopotamia (Copenhagen Studies in Assyriology 8; Copenhagen, 1980), 148–49. 64. As quoted by Streck, Amurriter I, §1.26. 65. Wilcke, “Truppen von Mari in Kurda,” RA 73 (1979), 50.

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culture was influenced by southern Mesopotamia to an extent that favored Akkadian names regardless of the ethnicity of their bearers. I lean toward the second alternative in light of the use of the term “Akkad” at Mari. In 6 76, Zimri-Lim is reminded that the land he is about to rule “is ªclothedº in the ªgarment of Akkadº,” 66 and that he is not only “king of the Hana,” which means here king of the Amorite tribe Simªal, 67 but “secondly king of Akkad” 68 and should, in this role, abstain from “riding (on chariots drawn by) horses” and use “litters and (chariots drawn by) mules” instead. 69 Kupper, the first editor of 6 76, translated “king of Akkad” as “le roi d’Accadien” and noted that the word “Akkadian” referred to the “Babylonianized element of the population.” Charpin and Durand translate “roi d’un (pays) akkadien” and understand the term to mean, in effect, “king of Akkadians,” without spelling out who these Akkadians might be. In 1998, Durand, in accord with his view that no Akkadian substratum existed when the Lim Dynasty established itself, suggested that the “Akkadians” of 6 76 were “the administrative personnel and grand dignitaries that Samsi-Addu installed in Mari during the reign of his son Yasmah-Addu.” 70 But would Zimri-Lim have been counseled against offending the sensibilities of the administrative personnel at a time when they must have been fearing for their lives? After all, their master Samsi-Adad was dead and YasmahAddu was defeated; Zimri-Lim was the new king. I would rather translate “king of Akkad” and understand the word “Akkad” as a designation for the cultural complex, particularly the palatial culture, that had radiated from southern Mesopotamia. Akkadian in Mari If Akkadian names and the fact that Zimri-Lim is called “king of Akkad” cannot establish the existence of an Akkadian substratum in the area of Mari, does the language of the letters hold a clue? The Akkadian as expressed in Mari during the reigns of Yasmah-Addu and Zimri-Lim exhibits peculiarities that have been understood as expressing an Akkadian regional dialect. If such a dialect existed, it indicates that there was an Akkadian-speaking community. The hallmark of the dialect is the contraction of /i/ and following /a/ to /e/. For example, the Akkadian word for “so”/“as follows” is spelled in standard Old 66. I follow Charpin’s and Durand’s restoration of the passage in “Fils,” 144: [ki-ma m]a-atum si-i ß[u-ba-a]t [ak-k]a-di-im-ma hu-l[u-pa]-at; Durand later distanced himself by remarking that the reading is not assured (LAPO 17 732b). 67. See §5 below. 68. sanîs lugal Ak-ka-di-im. 69. I believe that riding in mule-drawn chariots of royalty goes back to the development of the first chariot nobility in Early Dynastic Mesopotamia, when horses had not yet made their way to the area and the chariots were drawn by mules bred from onager and donkey parents. See my article “Maultier” in RLA. Durand suggests in LAPO 17 732c that Zimri-Lim learned to appreciate horseback riding during his exile when he lived close to the Anatolian highlands where horses were kept at the time. 70. LAPO 17, 481–82.

24

Introduction

Babylonian orthography ki-a-am, which is supposed to have been pronounced kiam or kiªam. In Mari, it was often spelled ke-em or ke-e-em, which would have been pronounced kem. The feature is also attested for the area of Suhum in the Old Babylonian period. 71 A few examples have now been found even in texts from southern Mesopotamia. 72 The contraction could have been a widespread feature of spoken Old Babylonian Akkadian whose expression was disallowed in southern Mesopotamian schools but not in Mari. But in southern Mesopotamian orthography of the subsequent Middle Babylonian period, the contraction of /i/ and /a/ was indeed expressed in writing, but as /a/, not as /e/. And in Mari, the forms ki-a-am and ke-e-em are found once (27 81:21) side by side. Did the scribe write the word in two ways, or did he faithfully follow a dictation in which the standard and dialectal pronunciations expressed some nuance? Another case is the spelling of the pronoun sa-(a-)ti/ tu in Mari for su-a-ti/tu in southern Mesopotamia. Again, we could see in the southern Mesopotamian form an archaism and assume that southerners spoke satu and wrote su-a-tu. In addition, the same pronoun was also written se-e-tu in Mari, which looks very much like the spelling of a dialectal form. The two features may not seem like much, but it is difficult to evade the conclusion that they establish the existence of a regional dialect and therefore an Akkadian-speaking community. Must they have been ethnic Akkadians, or did the long arm of cultural influence from the south compel settlers in the area of Mari to adopt Akkadian? The Amorite herders who spent most of their time with their livestock in the countryside certainly spoke Amorite. But in the cultured spheres of cities and palaces, Akkadian may have been spoken as a second or even the first language. I imagine it could have been similar to mid-19th-century Russia, where the nobility spoke more or less French, certainly with more or less accent. Akkadian in the Northern Plains Charpin, editing a group of letters that were sent from Ilan-Íura in the Northern Plains, was struck by the clumsy character of their script and the many deviations from scribal conventions. He interpreted these deviations mostly as features of language and concluded that they were evidence of yet another dialect. 73 The letters are indeed a treasure for the linguist. They indicate that the scribes actually spoke Akkadian, but they do not, in my view, indicate a particular dialect, because most aberrations can be explained as features of orthography: (1) Occasionally, there is an unexpected doubled consonant. Instead of writing i-nu-ma for inuma “when,” as was orthographically correct, we find i-nu-um-ma, surely because the word was pronounced inumma. Linguistically speaking, the length of the vowel of the stressed penultimate syllable shifted to the following consonant. Such shifts in length one increment forward or backward are a universal 71. In AbB 13 60 the name Zimri-Addu is consistently spelled Zimreddu. 72. GAG §16 k*. 73. Charpin, “L’akkadien,” 31–40. Accepted by GAG §2 d* as “regional dialect.”

Languages and Peoples

25

linguistic phenomenon, which was described for Akkadian by E. Reiner. 74 The phenomenon does not indicate a dialect but an unorthographic rendering of common Akkadian pronunciation. (2) The Akkadian prepositions ana “to” and ina “in” were spelled a-na and i-na in OB orthography. The actual pronunciation was often /an/ and /in/ with /n/ assimilated to a following dental, guttural, or labial. What was written in standard orthography as a-na pa-ni-su “to his face” was pronounced appanisu. Ap-pa-ni-su is how the Ilan-Íurean scribe wrote it. (3) Among the Semitic languages, Akkadian stands alone in placing the verbal predicate at the end of a sentence. This practice presumably resulted from the influence of Sumerian, in which the predicate stands in final position. However, the original Semitic word order, with the verbal predicate tending to stand at the beginning of a sentence, is common in Akkadian narrative art, poetry, and personal names. In the letters from Ilan-Íura, and sporadically elsewhere, the verbal predicate is occasionally found at the beginning of sentences. 75 Von Soden attributed the few cases known to him to the influence of Amorite and, in the late periods, Aramaic. 76 Charpin thought the reason was the “vernacular Semitic language” spoken in northern Mesopotamia, which he believes to be “quite distinct from Akkadian.” I assume that the initial position of verbal predicates was a feature of spoken Akkadian that never went completely out of use but was suppressed in writing as a consequence of the strong influence of Sumerian on writing style. The scribe in Ilan-Íura had been taught to place the verbal predicate at the end of the written sentence, but every once in a while he lapsed and wrote the way that he spoke. 3. Suteans People designated Suteans (Sutû) are found throughout Mesopotamia in the Old Babylonian period. At the time of Samsi-Adad’s reign, an attack by Suteans on Qa†anum and Tadmor (Palmyra) was reported (5 23). During the same time, Sutean leaders were instrumental in safeguarding a caravan going to and returning from Tilmun (Bahrain). During the time of Zimri-Lim, the governor of Saggaratum made a report about a slave-sale “to far-away Suteans, to Yahmamu, be it to Almutu, or else to Eab, a place not heard of, and [from where] they (slaves) will not reach their (home)land” (14 78). Suteans were active in the area of Larsa after it was conquered by Hammu-Rabi (27 161); they appeared on the Euphrates in the area of Terqa, whose governor reported that “Suteans occupy a 3-mile (stretch) of area on the Euphrates above Terqa, and they come all the time and meet with me. And they 74. Reiner, A Linguistic Analysis of Akkadian (The Hague, 1966), 45: “The phonotactics of /:/ (i.e., length) include the characteristic and peculiar feature that the place of length before or after a consonant is non-distinctive. This can be stated as there is free variation between /:C/ (i.e., length before consonant) and /C:/ (i.e., length of consonant).” 75. See the examples in Charpin’s §26. 76. GAG §130 c and d.

26

Introduction

return. Not any wrong has occurred” (3 12). Many references place them in Suhum: Samsi-Adad warned his son Yasmah-Addu that 1,000 Suteans were headed for Yabliya (1 100); in a memo there is an entry “about Suteans attacked Harbe and Ayyabe” (23 592); Buqaqum, who was stationed in central Suhum, reported Sutean attacks in 26 482 and 483. Their presence in Suhum is also attested outside the Mari archives. A letter that was probably sent to Sippir reports that the river route above Baßum at the head of the delta was closed because of the Suteans. 77 Relations between Suteans and Mari were sometimes good but mostly bad. The Suteans stayed peacefully in Mariote territory in the district of Terqa, and the Almutu and other Sutean groups paid a sheep tax to Mari, perhaps for such use of pastureland. 78 The Sutean leader Hammi-Talu rendered some service to Mari and was paid with grain in return (6 15). He provided safe conduct for a caravan going from Mari to Tilmun (1 17). On the other hand, Suteans frequently attacked. While the nature of our documentation makes Mari the victim, the opposite was of course also true, as shown by Zimri-Lim’s dream in which two members of his household were captured and held hostage by Suteans demanding return of their homes (26 225). Relations between Suteans and Hammu-Rabi of Babylon were also mixed. On the one hand, Suteans attacked in the vicinity of Larsa after the conquest of the city by Hammu-Rabi; on the other, Hammu-Rabi used them as couriers (6 51). Who were these Suteans? Majority opinion holds that they were an Amorite tribe because most of them bore Amorite names. Yet there are features that set them apart from the Amorites. 79 Suteans had no king, while Amorites were ultimately all subjects of a king; Suteans did not seem to possess cities; unlike the Yamina, Numha, and Yamutbal, they are never called “brothers” of the Simªal. Their “otherness” is most clearly demonstrated by the existence of a separate “Sutean” language, as mentioned at the beginning of this section. A closer look at Sutean names shows a small percentage of non-Akkadian and non-Amorite names that nevertheless belong to a Semitic language, presumably Sutean. But what Semitic language could Sutean have been? There are three possible answers: (1) the Suteans spoke a Semitic language that is otherwise unknown; (2) it was not a language but a dialect of a known language, presumably Amorite; (3) it was Aramaic. In favor of the first alternative, one might point out that the discovery of Ugaritic and Eblaite appeared to demonstrate the fallacy of the conventional view that the Semitic family of languages consists of Akkadian, Amorite, Aramaic, and Arabic throughout the Near East (southern Arabia and Africa excepted) and that these languages made their appearance in that chronological order. The conventional view may have been right after all. It becomes increasingly likely that Eblaite was not a separate Semitic lan77. Texts in the Iraq Museum 2 101 = L. Cagni, Briefe aus dem Iraq Museum, AbB 8. 78. 9 244. The only other group whose name is at least partially preserved on the tablet is restored as Mihalizayu by Anbar, Tribus, 88. 79. Durand, LAPO 17 505, calls them aptly “une ethnie particulière dans toute la correspondence mariote” without broaching the subject of their identity.

Languages and Peoples

27

guage, but Akkadian, and that Ugaritic belongs to the Amorite-Cannanite language. 80 If we do not accept a priori the existence of Semitic languages in the area in the historical periods other than Akkadian, Amorite, Aramaic, and Arabic, and if Sutean was a Semitic language different from Akkadian and Amorite, it must have been Aramaic or Arabic. In favor of the second alternative, we may note that lexical texts typically mix various criteria in sequencing their entries. Language in our sense may not have been a strict criterion of the passage from Sag B; and, although Akkadian, Amorite, Hurrian, Elamite, and Gutean were indeed languages, Sutean may not have been. I favor the third alternative. There are a number of arguments in favor of Aramaic and one in favor of Arabic. The latter is the name Almutu in 14 78, where the element “Al” may be the Arabic definite article. An Arabic interpretation of the name is weakly confirmed by the fact that the Almutu were located far away. The arguments in favor of Aramaic are the following: A clan-name, Bar-Halanum, is attested in an unpublished text for inhabitants of the steppe area of Suhum. 81 The text does not identify the Bar-Halanum as Suteans, but the steppe area near the Euphrates in Suhum is known to have been home to Suteans. The name has an obvious Aramaic etymology: “Son-of-Halanum.” 82 Second, “Madinatum,” which is attested in 26 483 as denoting a locality in Suhum, would be easily explained as the Aramaic word for “city, territory.” Third, the presence of apparently Semitic (but neither Akkadian nor Amorite) personal names among Suteans indicates a nonAkkadian and non-Amorite Semitic group. 83 The names are not easily identified as Aramaic, which may result from the obscurity of an early local onomasticon written in disfiguring orthography. We might see in the name Ab-da-a a suffixed definite article, a hallmark of Aramaic; however, the spelling may represent Abdaya and is in any case too isolated to be of much value. Most names are in fact purely Amorite. Arameans, settling in post-Amorite Babylonia, adopted local Akkadian names almost exclusively, thus obscuring for us the date and manner of their arrival in Babylonia. The Aramaic Suteans, living a poorer life than their Amorite peers, might have done just the same, adopting Amorite names for reasons of prestige. 80. M. Krebernik classifies Eblaite as a form of Akkadian; E. Knudsen, “Amorite Grammar: A Comparative Statement,” Semitic Studies in Honor of Wolf Leslau, vol. 1 (Wiesbaden, 1991), comes to the conclusion that the so-called “Northwest Semitic languages,” including Ugaritic, Canaanite, Amorite, and Aramaic “constituted a cluster of closely related dialects rather than a language group.” In light of my view on the original home of the Arameans (see below), I would expect that the affinities of Aramaic to the “Northwest Semitic” dialects are the result of convergence, obscuring the original independence of Aramaic as a language. 81. Charpin and Durand, “Fils,” 163 n. 108. 82. It must be noted that Semitic, including Akkadian, forms words with four radicals in which the second is /r/ or /l/, but a word *barhal does not seem to exist. 83. See M. Heltzer, in The Suteans (Istituto Universitario Orientale: Seminario de Studi Asiatici, Series Minor 13; Naples, 1981), who gave a list of names of people identified as Suteans. I updated his list in appendix 2 and added the occupations where known.

28

Introduction

The Mari texts show indications of a typical Aramean habitat. Hammi-Talu, a Sutean leader, who was involved in the attack on Tadmor, was in charge of safeguarding a caravan on the Mari-to-Tilmun leg of its journey. The caravan was sent out by Samsi-Adad from Subat-Enlil. It seems to have reached Tilmun without incident. On the return trip, it was detained before the Sutean Ili-Epuh at a place called Bugre-Well. The caravan included ten enemies of Ili-Epuh, and YasmahAddu, who was responsible to his father, Samsi-Adad, for the well-being of the caravan, involved himself in the affair. He turned to a confidant at the court of Hammu-Rabi of Babylon with the request to let the caravan be rerouted through Babylon. 84 Bugre-Well was accordingly on the route from Tilmun to Mari, in a location to make rerouting of the caravan to Babylon feasible, yet not in the territory of the kingdom of Babylon. We would have expected the route from Mari to Tilmun to follow the Euphrates through the territory of Babylon to the port of Ur, and on to Tilmun by boat and back the same way. The only alternative route that makes geographical sense was to follow the seam where the western edge of the plain of the Euphrates meets the eastern rim of the Arabian Plateau. It is punctuated by oases. One of these is Shithatha, due west of Babylon. Here, or some distance farther southeast, is where I imagine Bugre-Well, the seat of the Sutean Ili-Epuh, to have been located. The strength of the Suteans in Suhum may have a similar geographical background. In the vicinity of Hit, but at some distance from the Euphrates in otherwise barren desert, there are wells, many of them toxic tar pits, but quite a few with potable water. From here, Sutean marauders could prey on travelers following the route over the plateau along the Euphrates. Generalizing these two indications, and in light of the uncanny skill of the later Nabatean Arameans to grow crops in the driest of places, I posit the following hypothesis: The Arameans were a people with a common language, Aramaic, who specialized in exploiting the resources of very arid areas. Their original homes were oases in the wide lands of northern Arabia, Jordan, southern Syria, and western Iraq. They were in contact with settled people on the margins of their habitat, but early contacts were slight and are hard to detect. A few Arameans kept making the transition to settled agricultural areas by hiring themselves out as agricultural workers. 85 Eventually, their numbers on these margins having increased, the Arameans became a factor in the power equation of Near Eastern politics. It surfaced in the war of Tiglath-pileser against the Ahlamean Arameans on the Euphrates in the 12th century b.c. It may be added that Ahlameans are now attested in an Old Babylonian letter about events in Suhum. 86

84. The letter, A.1333, was edited by F. van Koppen, in “L’expédition à Tilmun et la révolte des bédouins,” MARI 8 (1997), 418–21. 85. See the data on Suteans in appendix 2. 86. AbB 13 60.

The Hana

29

4. Groups That Cannot Be Linked to a Language and Whose Ethnicity Cannot Be Defined (1) The Turukku appear often in the Mari documentation and nowhere else. They were in the habit of crossing the Tigris from the east bank in the area of Nineveh or farther south and of raiding settlements on the west bank as far south as Assur. Their ruler at the time of Zimri-Lim was Zaziya, who bore the royal title nuldanu. 87 His name may be Akkadian, in which case it was pronounced Sasiya and means “Little-Moth.” He was, at least temporarily, a vassal of king Sasum of the Qutum. As mentioned above, Sasum may mean “moth.” Mountain areas are often inhabited by a plurality of ethnic groups with their own languages, each living in a different watershed. This may also have been the case in the mountainous hinterland of the middle course of the Tigris, and the Turukku may have been one of many Zagros people. If we take the language list of Sag B as our guide, we find a different picture: only three languages were listed for the wide, long belt of mountainlands that borders Mesopotamia in the northeast. Perhaps the population of the area was not as dissected and varied as it is in other mountain areas. (2) The Lullu are mentioned only rarely. They are associated with localities in the foothills of the Anatolian mountains that border Mesopotamia in the north.

E. The Hana The territory of the kingdom of Mari consisted of stretches of the river Euphrates and its tributaries Habur and Balih, which were lined with agricultural land and permanent settlements, and steppe land where seasonal vegetation allowed for the pasturing of sheep and goats. So Mari society, as far as it produced food and fed itself, consisted of farmers and shepherds. The latter were called Hana. Anbar gives an instructive survey of the different views on the character of this segment of Mesopotamian society (in Tribus, 9–24). They tend to cluster around two positions. According to one, the Hana were nomads, some of whom eventually adopted a sedentary lifestyle, while others adhered to their original lifestyle. The most recent formulation of this position can be found in Streck, Amurriter I, 24–76. According to the other position, they were pasturalists seasonally sent out by their sedentary relatives to pasture sheep and goats. The texts contain evidence that supports both opinions. The life of the Hana differed markedly from that of their agricultural and urban kin. They were experienced outdoor people and highly valued soldiers. They could deal with lions where urbanites failed (26 106) and found the tastiest locusts for the royal table in faraway locations (27 64). Their military prowess is documented frequently and clearly. Two examples: A Mariote, trying to prevent a vassal king from 87. See D. Beyer and Charpin, “Le sceau de Zaziya, roi des Turukkéens,” MARI 6 (1990), 625; and J. Eidem, NABU 1990 63.

30

Introduction

breaking away from Mari, pointed out that “the lance of Zimri-Lim and the Hana” is the basis for security in the land (26 303), and a witness of the final assault on the city of Larsa reports in 26 386: “And ªconsidering thatº [I] ªsawº the zeal of the Hana ªsome time agoº, I (realize that I) had never seen their (true) zeal (until now).” The Hana had evolved a culture of their own that is slowly emerging from the texts. They held “parleys” (rihßum), which were formal occasions when an individual Hana could be heard, 88 and they had diviners called “prophets.” 89 1. Hana Encampments The life of the Hana centered around pastures, flocks, and their encampments. These fixtures of their life were expressed in the single word, nawûm. 90 Different translators prefer one of these three features in translation. I normally translate “encampment.” Such encampments were not compact living areas, such as tent cities, but ranges within which the Hana and their flocks were spread far and wide. For concerted action, they assembled in traditional locations that presumably provided water, windbreak, and shade and may have been improved by generations of pasturalists. These assembly points often developed into settlements. Their names are written with and without a place determinative, which indicates that the scribes were not sure about their status as settlements. None of the names is easily translatable. 91 The pasturing range was dotted with folds where the animals could be sheltered at night against wolves and lions. Like assembly points, folds occasionally developed into settlements, retaining their original function as their name. 92 The encampments of the Simªal Hana were under the control of a royal official, the pasture-chief, whose reports to the king provide us with a good measure of information about the lifestyle of the Hana. The richest source is 26 180, in which IbalPi-El, the pasture-chief of the northern sector of the kingdom, reports about oracular inquiries that were undertaken in order to assess the security of the four encampments under his supervision. The report was written at a time when the encampments were “settling in.” It was written before ZL 9u. 93 88. Durand discovered this institution and described it in 26/1, 181–87. 89. Nabû, which is cognate with nabîª, the word for “prophet” in Hebrew and Arabic. So far, these prophets are only mentioned once, in 26 216. According to that text, they practiced extispicy. 90. See comment 1 to 26 31. 91. Saphum, Guppurum, Raßum, Nasrum, Siharata. Saphum means “scattered” in Akkadian, which would be ironic for an assembly point. The labial could be /b/. Written /h/ represented not less than five Amorite phonemes (ª, º, h, ˙, or h). Saphum is also a common name for settlements. Durand connected Guppurum with Hebrew gibborim “heroes,” which Streck, Amurriter I, 90, finds implausible. Raßum, like Saphum, is a common name for settlements without obvious Akkadian etymology. Nasrum is probably the Amorite word for “eagle” and may have designated a place by a lone tree or high cliff with the nest of an eagle. 92. See Haßiratum in the vicinity of Ekallatum and Haßura (Hazor) in Galilee. 93. After that time, Ibal-Pi-El was commander-in-chief of the Mariote troops in Babylon, and after his return from Babylon, Kurda canceled permission to encamp in its territory.

spread is 6 points long

The Hana

31

The first encampment was called the “steppe encampment.” Its location was not given. The second encampment was “east and west of Sinjar,” or, as the text also describes it, “in Sinjar.” The Sinjar range was territory of the kingdom of Kurda. That Simªal Hana did pasture on Kurdean territory is documented in 26 392, where the king of Kurda is quoted: “Withdraw your troops that are with Atamrum and withdraw your encampment that is settled in my district!” It is unclear why the location of the encampment is given as “east and west of Sinjar.” Was it a way of saying “all of Sinjar,” or was there perhaps a core area of the kingdom of Kurda from which Simªal Hana were excluded? The third encampment was “settled [ ] to Gassum.” Gassum was a city in Idamaraß. Charpin quotes evidence associating it with Asnakkum, 94 which belonged to upper Idamaraß (5 51). If we restore “settled [from Sinjar] to Gassum,” the encampment encompassed central Idamaraß. The occasional presence of Hana in this area is well attested. At times, this resulted in conflicts with the inhabitants of the numerous small kingdoms in the area. For example, Idamaraßeans allied together and attacked a Hana encampment, according to a letter from Qa††ara (OBRT 9). To prevent conflicts, the Hana allied themselves with the kings of Idamaraß. One such treaty was negotiated by the pasture-chief Ibal-El. He reported that Isme-Addu, the king of Asnakkum, and the elders of a number of the Idamaraßean cities gathered and made a peace treaty with the Hana; the Hana were greatly satisfied because they now had no enemies “in all of Idamaraß up to Hurra,” a city on the northern fringe of Idamaraß. 95 In the beginning of his reign, Zimri-Lim was reminded that his pasture was in territories of the kings of Idamaraß. He should therefore act like his predecessor, Yahdun-Lim, who “gave presents to the fathers of Idamaraß, and his pasture was safe.” 96 Good relations between the Hana and Idamaraß were needed for peace in the area. Isme-Addu, upon becoming king of Asnakkum, exhorted a correspondent to abstain from driving a wedge between Hana and Idamaraß: “The Hana and the land of ªIdamaraߺ were ever one finger and ªoneº heart. Now why do you divide one finger to (make) two?” 97 An Idamaraßean king wrote to Zimri-Lim: “Between the Hana and Idamaraß is ªpeaceº. They pasture up to Zara [ ].” 98 The fourth encampment was from Gassum to the encampment of Sarrum-Kin. One normally spoke of encampments of groups of people, such as the encampment of the Hana, the Yamina, or of Suhum. The Simªal Hana encampments were also occasionally called “encampments of Zimri-Lim.” Sarrum-Kin may also have been a king whose subjects included pasturalists with an encampment. Sarrum-Kin, alias Sargon, the famous founder of the dynasty of Akkad, lived about half a millennium 94. 95. 96. 97. 98.

Charpin, “Campagne,” 182 n. 41. 2 37, A.2226, and A.1056, edited by Charpin in “Isme-Addu,” 182–86. A.1098, quoted by Charpin in “Campagne,” 188 n. 70. A.2326, edited by Charpin in “Isme-Addu,” 172 (photo) and 175. M.9623, edited by Charpin in “Kahat,” 79.

32

Introduction

earlier. He was never forgotten, and it is not inconceivable that a pasture area with his name still existed in the Old Babylonian period. More likely, the name belonged to a contemporary king. He seems to be unattested, which is surprising because we are well informed about the kingdoms in the orbit of Idamaraß. This circumstance leads me to suspect that Sarrum-Kin was the full name of Sarraya, king of Razama of Yussan. If so, the fourth encampment would be east of Idamaraß. 99 The third and fourth encampments were contiguous, because the city of Gassum bordered on both. If the second and the third encampments were also contiguous, the three non-steppe encampments would encompass the western part of the Hilly Arc and the central Northern Plains. 2. Encampments Outside the Hilly Arc and the Northern Plains Here is a list of attested locations of encampments: (1) According to 26 41, scouts were stationed on the west bank of the Euphrates between Appan and Niattum-Burtum with orders to prevent trespassing on the encampment. Appan was a settlement on the west bank of the Euphrates, not far north of Mari. Niattum-Burtum was a well or cistern. Its location is unknown. The encampment must have been accessible from the line between this well and Appan. (2) A governor of Terqa communicated in 3 15 his concern about Hana flocks grazing on the left side of the Euphrates. He thought it possible that “the enemy,” whom he did not identify, would descend on the encampment, and suggested that a location on the right side of the river would be safer. The encampment should have been at least partly in the territory of the province of Terqa. (3) A governor of Qa††unan reported in 27 65 that Imarites headed for Qa††unan took the shortcut from Tuttul by way of the Hana encampment. If the shortcut was in more or less a straight line between Tuttul and Qa††unan, the encampment was south of Jebel Abd el-Aziz. The Imarites crossed it unnoticed. Text 26 27 is a report by Asqudum on recruiting Hana at the assembly point of Guppurum for a campaign to the north. Asqudum wrote the letter in or near Manuhatan on the 99. The location of Razama and the land of Yussan, or Yassan as it is also spelled, is sought in the eastern part of the Northern Plains. In 1986, Charpin and Durand thought Razama was the easternmost city of Idamaraß (“Fils,” 148); in 1988, Lafont suggested a location midway between the Tigris and Subat-Enlil and referred to a future article that has not yet appeared (26/2, 477); in 1990, Charpin put it in the same general location, somewhere east of the land of Apum, an area that he placed east of Idamaraß (“Apum,” 118); in the same year, Joannès suggested identification with Tell Hawa (“Une expédition dans la région de Shoubat-Enlil,” Dossiers d’Archéologie 155, 45). This would place it some 25 km from the Tigris; in 1994, Guichard pointed to registrations of gifts in Subat-Enlil in 19 VI 7u and Razama in 22 VI 7u and concluded that ZimriLim needed two days to go from Subat-Enlil to Razama, which would exclude Tell Hawa (“Dame de Nagar,” 241 n. 20). Even if we agree with Guichard’s silent assumption that the dates of the registrations of gifts coincided with the presence of the king, these dates allow four days for covering the distance. Joannès’s suggestion fits with the fact that Razama and Íubat-Estar were close, if indeed Charpin’s localization of Íubat-Estar “not far from the Tigris” is correct (“Campagne,” 180).

spread is 6 points long

The Hana

33

upper reaches of the Mari-controlled Euphrates Valley. He planned to join forces with the king in Qa††unan, so Guppurum should be sought somewhere between Manuhatan and Qa††unan. This would roughly place it in the area where the Imarites passed through the Hana encampment. (4) According to 26 31, Hana assembled in Qa††unan, so their encampment should have been in the vicinity. A governor of Qa††unan reported in 27 43 that a boat was lost when Hana used it for crossing the Habur at ˇabatum on the northern border of the province of Qa††unan. (5) A number of references place Hana encampments close to Lasqum. According to Durand, Lasqum designated the basalt sill that runs across the Euphrates a little upstream from Deir ez-Zor. 100 Stol identified Lasqum with the area called Óamma today. 101 The pastureland of the area was primarily used by the Yamina. In 14 81, a governor of Saggaratum reported: “I sent border guards to ªLasqumº to check, and they then brought back a report as follows: ‘The sheep of the Hana graze up to ªLasqumº. The enclosures reach ª. . .º.’ ” He reported in 14 85: “I heard the following from those around me: ‘Sheep graze in the encampment [of ] the Yamina ªinº Lasqum.’ ” In sum, encampments of Simªal Hana in the northern sector outside of the Hilly Arc and the Northern Plains are attested on either side of the Euphrates, on the west side in the area of Mari, on the east side upstream to Lasqum, and on either side of the middle course of the Habur. The pastures of the southern sector in and around Suhum, which were supervised by the pasture-chief Meptum, are poorly documented. According to 26 420, the encampment was at some point close enough to Assur and Ekallatum to raise concern about a possible attack of the king of Ekallatum. The pasture-chief responsible for this southern encampment was apparently stationed in Suhum at all times. It would follow that the southern pasturalists stayed in the area year-round. 3. Transhumance Ibal-Pi-El reported in 26 180 that he arranged for divination “as the encampment is settling in.” The phrase implies that the pasturalists and their flocks had been somewhere else prior to this time and so reveals something about their movements. Since the Northern Plains represented the northern border of their overall range, they must have come from farther south. When did they settle in—at the end of winter, in spring, at the beginning of summer? Two scenarios seem possible: (1) The flocks left their winter quarters as soon as pasture became available in the steppe. They stayed there until the pasture and water dried up and then moved to their summer range, arriving there at the beginning of summer. (2) They moved from their winter quarters directly to their summer range. Some stayed in the steppe south of the dry-farming area; most moved to the Hilly Arc and the Northern Plains, settling in at the onset of spring. The only temporal clue that I can find is 100. Durand, 26/1, 125–26. 101. Stol, Trees, 86.

34

Introduction

26 389, which documents the existence of an encampment of Simªal Hana in the vicinity of Andarig at the very end of the year ZL 10u. If we generalize the evidence of this document, Simªal pasturalists settled in an encampment in the Hilly Arc in early spring, which fits scenario (2). But I am uneasy with such generalizations, because pasture is available in March/April on either side of the Euphrates and Habur within the territory of Mari in years with average precipitation, while it is exhausted in early summer, when the flocks would be driven north. The availability of pasture must have changed from year to year, sometimes drastically. Perhaps winter ZL 10u and spring ZL 11u were exceptionally dry, so the flocks were in the Hilly Arc earlier than usual. More datable evidence is clearly needed. I also cannot find clear information on the winter quarters of the pasturalists. The flocks and their herders may well have stayed into late autumn in the north, but would have found the outdoors increasingly uncomfortable and pointless as temperatures dropped, rains set in, days grew short, and plant growth slowed and stopped. I would suggest 2 scenarios: (1) The Hana stayed outdoors in the southern steppes, close to the Euphrates or another source of water, such as the springs in Haqat (Wadi Suab) and elsewhere, and their flocks obtained their nourishment essentially from the meager steppe vegetation and stretches of river banks that were not otherwise used. (2) They stayed indoors with their relatives in towns, grazing their flocks on young barley plants, stubble, the vegetation of fallow fields, handcollected reeds, and so on. It is likely that pasturing involved a pattern of migration, but the spatial and temporal parameters are not yet known. 102 4. The Term Hana The use of the designation “Hana” presents an interesting semantic field that was discovered step by step and still presents difficulties. Kupper, in his classic study of 1957 on nomadism in Mari, 103 encountered passages in which Hana and Yamina are contrasted and concluded that the term “Hana” designates a tribal unit on the same level as Yamina and Simªal. This view became untenable when the expression “Yamina Hana” was found. I. Gelb concluded that an originally ethnic designation “Hana” had developed into the generic term “nomad, Bedouin.” 104 Charpin and Durand concluded from the same evidence that “Hana” must designate a tribal unit above the Yamina and Simªal. 105 As more passages were published, the usefulness of Gelb’s translation became ever more apparent and was adopted generally, as well as by Durand, who then declared that the term did not designate ethnicity. 106 I believe 102. See the remarks of Durand in “Unité,” 105–6, and “Imar,” 75, about the topic of “transhumance.” He quotes in “Unité” from an unpublished text the words of the Yamina leader DadiHadun, “I passed there for 5 years . . . 10 times upstream and downstream.” His remark in “Imar” refers to 26 112. It is not evident from the quotations that these movements are connected with transhumance, as Durand assumes. 103. J.-R. Kupper, Les nomades en Mésopotamie au temps des rois de Mari. 104. Gelb, “The Early History of the West Semitic Peoples,” JCS 15 (1961), 37. 105. Charpin and Durand, in “Fils” of 1986. 106. Durand, in “Unité” of 1992.

spread is 12 points long

The Hana

35

we should retain Gelb’s, Charpin’s, and Durand’s original conclusion and allow both meanings of “Hana” to coexist. In fact, contexts indicate three meanings: (1) the ancestral tribal unit from which the Simªal and Yamutbal, and probably also the Yamina and Numha, considered themselves to be descended; (2) pasturalists or nomads, regardless of tribal identity; and (3) Simªal pasturalists. The first meaning is clearly attested in sources outside Mari. Hana, spelled Hia-na, appears as an ancestor of Amorite tribal groups, including the Numha, Awnan, and Yahrur, in a late Old Babylonian text that lists the recipients of offerings given and organized by the king of Babylon for his ancestors. 107 In the Assyrian king list, Hana, here spelled Ha-nu-ú, appears as one of seventeen kings in the past “who dwelt in tents.” The relevant passage probably dates to the time of Samsi-Adad. 108 At Mari, this meaning is attested in A.3572, 109 if I understand the passage correctly: Hittipanum, a servant of Atamrum, king of Andarig in the Hilly Arc, writes BahdiLim, the governor of the district of Mari, complaining about Hana, who took some property belonging to a Yamutbal: “[Yamutbal] and Simªal have always related as brothers and are divisions 110 of Hana. And, without being aware (of this), Hana pillaged household goods of your brothers, the Yamutbal. Are the Yamutbal not your brothers?” If brotherhood with Simªal implies descent from Hana, the Numha were presumably also regarded as being a group of Hana, because they likewise declared themselves to be a “brother of Simªal” (A.3577). In view of the correspondence of terms—the Simªal as northerners and the Yamina as southerners—the Yamina may also have been considered as descendants of Hana. If so, Hana would essentially equal our term “Amorite.” An intriguing passage in 28 95 may be relevant here, too: inhabitants of the city of Kiduh in the land of Apum in the center of the Northern Plains were described as follows: “Those men are sons (dumu.mes) of Hana (Hanaki). They are not citizens of his (Ili-Estar’s) land (of Suna).” As city-dwellers, these Hana could not be the pasturalists or nomads of meanings 2 and 3 of the term. They appear to be contrasted, as descendants of Hana (presumably Yamutbal), with the inhabitants of Suna, perhaps Hurrians. The second meaning is abundantly documented and needs no justification. I quote a few examples. “Like a merchant who moves ªbetweenº war and ªpeaceº, the Hana ªmoveº [between] war and peace in their comings and goings.” 111 “My lord must not get angry because I did not arrive before my lord. My lord knows that the mayors and the Hana are staying with me in Samanum. And for the reason that they did not meet their brothers, the city dwellers, since many days, they are staying 107. J. J. Finkelstein, “The Genealogy of the Hammurabi Dynasty,” JCS 20 (1966), 95– 118. The list also includes a series of “times of rule” (bal = palû), the first two being those of Amurrum and Hana. 108. See F. R. Kraus, Könige, die in Zelten wohnten (Amsterdam, 1965), 11–13. 109. Edited by Durand in “Unité,” 114–17. 110. Pursat, a new word. The basic meaning of the root prs “separation” and the context strongly suggest the translation “division.” 111. A.350+, edited by Charpin in “Apum,” 120–22.

36

Introduction

so long.” 112 In M.6060, 113 “the Hana of the encampment and the people of the cities” are contrasted. The tribal affiliation of pasturalists called “Hana” is sometimes given. Text 23 87 enumerates Hana of the Simªal clan Nihad; in 5 81 it is reported that “the Hana Yamahammu” crossed the Euphrates; and a group of Hana that pastured in eastern Idamaraß is identified by tribal designation in 26 358. Often the pasturalists of the Yamina are called “Yamina Hana.” The term sets them apart from “Hana” in the third meaning of the word, namely, “Simªal pasturalists.” This specific meaning arose in the context of the governmental control of Simªal pasturalists, which is often a topic in our sources. Especially during the reign of Zimri-Lim, who was a Simªal himself, Simªal pasturalists represented his most important support because he could rely on their loyalty. As a result, the Simªal Hana were often mentioned and often simply called “Hana.” For example, the pasturechief Ibal-El concluded his reports with the formula “the encampments of my lord and the Simªal are safe,” while referring to these “Simªal” in the body of the report as “Hana.” Zimri-Lim’s predecessor, Yahdun-Lim, called himself “king of Mari and the land of the Hana,” while his daughter Nagiha called him “king of Mari and the land of the Simªal” 114 in the legend of her seal. Zimri-Lim adopted Yahdun-Lim’s title. If its meaning did not change, we must understand “Hana” in the title as Simªal pasturalists rather than as pasturalists in a general sense. 115 When reference was made to the frequent problems between Simªal and Yamina Hana, the former were called “Hana” and the latter “Yamina.” 116 To quote one of many examples: A governor of Qa††unan reported in 27 17 that “the Hana ªof the vicinity of Qa††unanº, 200 troops, ªassembled, and Yatar-Limº is their guide. They went to make war on the encampment of ªthe Yaminaº.” Streck believes that “Hana” was a geographical name that cannot be further etymologized and that evolved the meaning “nomads” because its population tended to have a nomadic lifestyle. 117 Durand explains the word “hanû” as one “who lives in a tent,” which he derives from Biblical Hebrew ˙nª, “des sens analogue.” 118 Streck remarks that the Hebrew word has no specific connection with tents and means “to camp” in a general way. 119 Such a meaning fits the Hana very well, because they are typically found in encampments. 112. A.3080 = Durand, Mélanges Perrot, 102–6 = LAPO 17 733. 113. Edited by Durand in “Protocoles,” 50–52. 114. Charpin and Durand, “Fils,” 152. 115. Durand uses the general meaning for “Hana” in this phrase and translates, “pays béduin” (for example, in LAPO 17 432). 116. This is the kind of terminology that led to Kupper’s opinion of “Hana” as a tribal term like “Yamina.” 117. Streck, “In der Regel nomadisierende Bewohner von Hana > Nomaden” (Amurriter I, 50). 118. Durand, LAPO 17 417. 119. Streck, Amurriter I, 93.

Chapter 2

Reconstruction of Events during Years 9u to 11u of Zimri-Lim’s Reign

A. Introduction 1. On the Eve of Hammu-Rabi’s Unification of Mesopotamia The political history of southern Mesopotamia from 2500 to 1500 b.c. can be understood as three and one-half lengths of a wave, beginning and ending with a trough—the troughs being periods of fragmentation and the crests periods of unification. The second crest represents the rule of the Third Dynasty of Ur. With the disintegration of the kingdom of Ur around 2000 b.c., southern Mesopotamia entered the third trough, characterized by the fragmentation of political power and the movement of Amorites into leading positions. 1 In our conventional periodization of Mesopotamian history, the Old Babylonian period begins during this time, which is around 1850 b.c. according to the Middle Chronology followed here. 2 The wave was on the upswing again, and the elimination of weaker by stronger kingdoms characterized this phase. In the south, the kingdoms of Esnuna, Larsa, and Babylon became dominant, possessing as heartlands the delta areas of the Diyala, the Tigris, and the Euphrates, respectively; in the north, Samsi-Adad eliminated all rivals and ruled over the middle courses of the Tigris and Euphrates, the Hilly Arc, and the Northern Plains. In the end, Hammu-Rabi of Babylon conquered Larsa, Esnuna, and Mari, and so pushed the wave to the crest by unifying the entire territory of Mesopotamia under his rule. The three years of Zimri-Lim’s reign, whose main events are reconstructed here, include Hammu-Rabi’s conquest of Larsa and Esnuna, and are followed immediately by his conquest of Mari. Within the movement of the ascending wave, the three years are located just before it reaches its summit. 1. The period was called the Second Intermediate Period in D. O. Edzard’s classical study Die “Zweite Zwischenzeit” Babyloniens (Wiesbaden, 1957). 2. I favor this chronology because it is most widely used. See below, §5, for other chronologies.

37

38

Reconstruction of Events during Years 9u to 11u of Zimri-Lim’s Reign 2. The Tin Factor

The Old Babylonian period belongs to the Middle Bronze Age of the Near East, a time when weapons, tools, containers, and sculptures were mainly made of bronze. The type of bronze in that age was an alloy of copper and tin, the two metals that functioned as the strategic metals of the time. No country of consequence could afford to be without them. Copper was widely available. In the early periods, Mesopotamians imported the bulk of their copper from Oman. By the Old Babylonian period, the copper mines of Alasiya (Cyprus) became the main suppliers. As a result, the kingdom of Halab (Aleppo), the major power between Mesopotamia and Alasiya, profited. Tin is not found in or near the area of the Near East. In later times it was imported into the Mediterranean area from Cornwall in England. In the Old Babylonian period, tin came from Elam to Mesopotamia and to the lands farther north and west. There were presumably no resources of tin in Elam. It must have come from farther afield. The Roman historian Strabo mentioned as one source the Drangiana, which equals the modern province of Seistan in eastern Iran that straddles the border with Afghanistan. An Old Babylonian, or perhaps older, story about a legendary ruler of Uruk states that the walls of Aratta were made of tin. 3 Sumerian stories locate Aratta beyond seven mountains east of Elam, which points to the same general area. But tin is not found in Seistan either. Its source remains a mystery. Mesopotamians, obtaining their tin from Elam, must have provided that country with wealth and the ability to choke off Mesopotamian bronze production. 4 But it is difficult to document the effects of the tin factor. Perhaps it motivated HammuRabi’s astonishing feat of Real-Politik to forget and forgive the Elamite attack on his kingdom and to renew diplomatic relations with the ruler of Elam at the instant of Elamite withdrawal from Babylonia; 5 perhaps it was the basis for the acknowledgment of contemporaries (including Hammu-Rabi of Babylon) that the ruler of Elam ranked above them. 6 3. The Last Days of Zimri-Lim’s Predecessor Samsi-Adad, whose kingdom spanned all of northern Mesopotamia, delegated rule of Ekallatum to his older son, Isme-Dagan, and of Mari to a younger son, Yasmah-Addu. When the kingdom crumbled and Samsi-Adad died, Isme-Dagan retained the kingship of Ekallatum, but his brother Yasmah-Addu lost control of Mari and was succeeded by Zimri-Lim. It is usually assumed that Zimri-Lim ousted Yasmah-Addu, but the documentation does not favor this view. The changeover 3. Im-bi im an-na “its (the city-wall bricks’) earth is tin-earth.” C. Wilcke, Das Lugalbandaepos (Wiesbaden, 1969), 128–29, lines 414–15. Wilcke understands “tin-earth” as the name of the stone na4.im-an-na. See his comments on pp. 221–22. 4. The tin trade between Mari and Elam is treated in detail by Joannès, in “L’étain.” 5. See §46. 6. See Charpin and Durand, “Suzeraineté.”

Introduction

39

from Yasmah-Addu’s administration to Zimri-Lim’s fell between the 11th day of the month of Mamitum during the last year of Yasmah-Addu’s rule and the 4th day of the first month in the first year of Zimri-Lim. 7 The month of Mamitum was the 5th month of the calendar in use under Samsi-Adad, a calendar in which the year started in fall. It corresponds to the 10th month of the calendar that was used in Mari before the time of Yasmah-Addu and restored by Zimri-Lim. The year in that calendar started in spring. The gap between the administrations of Yasmah-Addu and Zimri-Lim is therefore a little over two and one-half months. The incoming administration could have used the calendar of the outgoing administration until the beginning of the new year to make accounting easier. If this were the case, the date of one text alone would not reveal to which administration it belonged. But we have a text from the 1st day of that month of Mamitum that registers an expenditure of myrtle oil for the “great king,” a title not used in the time of Zimri-Lim. If we are very careful and declare this text the last proved text of the administration of Yasmah-Addu, the gap between the two administrations was 3 months and 3 days. 8 Two documents from the month preceding the last records of the administration of Yasmah-Addu report expenditures of ointment for fugitives. The first fugitive came from Dir. The expenditure was registered in Mari on the 17th day (7 33). The other fugitive came from Tizrah. The expenditure for him was registered on the 21st day (7 35). Dir and Tizrah were settlements in the district of Mari, Dir being located a short way south of the city. Anbar connected the flight of a person from Tizrah to a passage in the so-called “victory stele of Zimri-Lim.” 9 This text, written on a clay tablet, was written in archaic characters that were used for monumental inscriptions in stone. 10 The badly preserved text contains statements about at least four military defeats, two livestock rustlings, and some other topics. Dossin, the first editor, understood lines 17u–20u to be reporting the victory of Zimri-Lim over Yasmah-Addu at Tizrah, even if Zimri-Lim’s name is not mentioned. 11 Charpin and Durand, having reedited the text in MARI 4, 321, thought it was possible that it described victories of the brothers Isme-Dagan and Yasmah-Addu. They translated 7. See Charpin and Durand, “Pouvoir,” 304; a list of the last texts of the administration of Yasmah-Addu is included in Charpin, “Les archives d’époque ‘assyrienne’ dans la palais de Mari,” MARI 4 (1985), 265. For their historical relevance, see Anbar, “La fin de règne de SamsiAddu I,” Mélanges Finet, 12. The first text of the administration of Zimri-Lim is 22 313. 8. Durand and Guichard argue in “Rituels,” 30–31, that Zimri-Lim wanted the start of his rule to coincide with the start of his calendar and therefore regarded the last month of YasmahAddu’s rule as the last month of a year, which would have advanced the official year two months with respect to the solar year. I hesitate to follow this theory because this year or the next few years were not reset by intercalation. 9. Anbar, “Fin,” 13. 10. Clay tablets with similar characters were published in photographs by Charpin in “Inscriptions votives d’époque assyrienne,” MARI 3 (1984), 41–81. See especially, #2 on p. 69 and #10 on p. 72. 11. Dossin, “Documents de Mari,” Syria 48 (1971), 6.

40

Reconstruction of Events during Years 9u to 11u of Zimri-Lim’s Reign

the lines as follows: “Yasmah-Addu, à Tizrah, en tua x mille et 260, dans le combat,” referring with “en” to the previous statement about Suheans’ having rustled x thousand cows and 30 thousand sheep at the gate of Ekallatum. 12 Accordingly, YasmahAddu would have succeeded in confronting a very large livestock-rustling party of Suheans in the vicinity of Mari and killed 1,260 of them. This is unlikely because the number is much too high for a time when it was more important to take prisoners of war than to kill enemies and when rustling parties were hardly numerous. I have the impression that the text has no plot. It is a school text, and the teacher may have told his pupil to write something historical with battles and lots of numbers and place-names in monumental script. The various episodes by themselves may have been factual, perhaps even the numbers. The real problem with the passage under discussion is rooted in one missing sign. 13 The overall historical context favors the defeat of Yasmah-Addu, just as the link with the fugitive from Tizrah places it at the end of Yasmah-Addu’s administration. But Yasmah-Addu may also have been—or at least appeared to be—in a rather strong military position before his end—strong enough in any case for two soldiers to desert another army (one from Dir; the second four days later from Tizrah) and seek refuge in Mari. Correspondence from the time of Zimri-Lim is mostly silent on the change of rule from Yasmah-Addu to Zimri-Lim, which is unexpected, if indeed Zimri-Lim defeated Yasmah-Addu. Would not his many admirers and flatterers have found an opportunity to hail and remember the victory that made him king? Charpin and Durand have the impression that the event was tabooed, but they propose no explanation. 14 Zimri-Lim did mention one essential detail. In a letter to a queen who had requested a maid from him, he offered as excuse: “When Yasmah-Addu went out from Mari, the palace was looted. And since I kept departing on expeditions, I provided the prisoners of war, as many as my hand caught them, to (staff my palace).” 15 The intransitive nature of the phrase “when Yasmah-Addu went out from Mari” does not fit the scenario of Zimri-Lim’s defeating Yasmah-Addu in battle. The cause of his leaving was given in a passage from an unpublished text that Charpin and 12. The word ªliº-im in line 17u is singular, as opposed to li-mi in line 14u, so “[1] thousand” can be restored. 13. The preserved text of lines 17u–20u is as follows: [x] ªliº-im 2 me-tim 1 su-si / [da]-aw-daa-am / [x] Ya-ás-ma-ah-dªAdduº / [i-na] Ti-iz-ra-ahki i-du-[ku]. If [sa] is restored as the first sign of line 19u, we must translate “[1] ªthousandº 2 hundred sixty defeated Yasmah-Addu [in] Tizrah.” The construction of dawdâm dâkum with sa introducing the defeated party is common. If the Personenkeil is restored, Yasmah-Addu becomes the victor and the 1,260 become the defeated party. When a number of troops is the object, dâkum can be construed with a double accusative, as in 27 16:9–10 (5 me ßa-ba-am . . . dawdâm iduk). The placement of the subject between the object dawdâm and the predicate is attested elsewhere, as pointed out by Charpin and Durand. “Troops” generally occurs as the grammatical subject of the verb “to defeat” (e.g., 26 365bis:3), but I cannot find another example where a specific number of troops is called the victor. 14. Charpin and Durand, “Pouvoir,” 325 n. 139. 15. 10 140 = LAPO 18 1184.

Introduction

41

Durand quoted 16 but, unfortunately, it is lost in a break. I have quoted it already in the introduction as an example of the problem of restoration. A servant of ZimriLim says: “[When ] defeated Isme-Dagan and made Yasmah-Addu go out from Mari, and when the sons of Yamina made war with my lord. . . .” Charpin and Durand restore “[my lord]” as the grammatical subject of the act of defeating—that is, ZimriLim. In light of Esnunakeans’ presence on the scene at that very time, a restoration of “[the Esnunakean]” is also possible. In a letter to Zimri-Lim, who had recently been installed as king of Mari, the king of Esnuna, Ibal-Pi-El (II), proposed a treaty that would fix the border between Esnuna and Mari on the Euphrates at Haradum, close to the southern end of the district of Mari. 17 Ibal-Pi-El, recalling the recent past, said, “[I wrested that] land in a hard battle from the hand of Samsi-Addu. 18 I returned (it) to my side up to Bab Nahli.” Bab Nahli was much closer to Mari than Haradum, so his proposal of a border at Haradum was generous. Ibal-Pi-El did not mention a battle at Tizrah, which supports the theory that it was a victory by Yasmah-Addu. It would have been his last, and very short-lived, victory. If he was subsequently defeated by Esnuna, the “taboo” is explained: Zimri-Lim could not boast of having evicted Yasmah-Addu, because it was not he who did it. New evidence from texts found in Tuttul appear to document an aspect of the transition from Yasmah-Addu to Zimri-Lim. Tuttul belonged to the kingdom of Samsi-Adad and was administered by Yasmah-Addu from Mari. A few texts were found dated up to the next to the last year of Yasmah-Addu’s rule, and four texts were dated according to the calendar that Zimri-Lim reintroduced in Mari. One of these texts has “the year Zimri-Lim entered Tuttul” as year-name; another “the year Zikri-Lim entered Tuttul,” which must be the same name misspelled. It is likely that the year-name refers to the conquest of Tuttul by Zimri-Lim, prior to the ouster of Yasmah-Addu from Mari in the year before his last year of reign. Text 28 77 refers to the time when “[my father (Zimri-Lim)] stayed in ªTuttulº,” whereas he “[had] now ªgainedº possession of the city of Mari.” There is little chance of finding other restorations, and the conclusion that the passage documents Zimri-Lim’s stay in Tuttul prior to gaining possession of Mari seems inevitable. The two remaining texts from Tuttul with Zimri-Lim’s calendar are dated only to the month. If the months are converted to Yasmah-Addu’s calendar, it appears that Zimri-Lim stayed in Tuttul at least from the 11th month of the year before the last of Yasmah-Addu until two months after Yasmah-Addu’s ouster from Mari, which was days before the first texts of Zimri-Lim’s administration were written in Mari. 19

16. A.489, in Charpin and Durand, “Pouvoir,” 323 n. 131. 17. The source is A.1289+, published by Charpin with photos and copy in “Traité.” 18. Ibal-Pi-El uses the Amorite pronunciation of Samsi-Adad’s name. 19. See the more detailed exposition in my review of the texts from Tuttul in a forthcoming issue of Orientalia.

42

Reconstruction of Events during Years 9u to 11u of Zimri-Lim’s Reign 4. The Early Years of Zimri-Lim’s Reign a. Gaining the Throne

Zimri-Lim was the son of a certain Hadni-Addu, who belonged to the upper crust of Mari society, perhaps to the family of the past king, Yahdun-Lim. 20 When Mari fell to Samsi-Adad, Zimri-Lim may have found refuge in Halab. Nine years later, when Yasmah-Addu “went out from Mari,” Yarim-Lim of Halab intervened and put Zimri-Lim on the throne, as Zimri-Lim gratefully acknowledged outright or by crediting the gods of Halab. 21 This scenario makes sense out of the “taboo” on mentioning how Zimri-Lim gained the kingship of Mari. Just as there was no reason for Zimri-Lim to celebrate the memory of Yasmah-Addu’s leaving Mari because Esnuna was the cause, so also there was no reason to celebrate his ascendancy to kingship because he was made king by Yarim-Lim. b. The First Campaign: To Idamaraß In 26 411 the situation of the newly installed king of Karana is described from the vantage point of the head of the military force that was sent to shore up the security of the new kingdom: “Before the troops of my lord (Zimri-Lim) arrived in Karana, his (Askur-Addu’s) land was restless, and he choked (in fear). Since the day I ªarrivedº before him, [his land] ªhas calmedº and he has established his bases.” We do not have a comparable document from a military commander of Halab about the first steps of Zimri-Lim, the newly installed king of Mari. The documentation comes exclusively from within Mari, and it is rather spotty. Still, it confirms what one would expect: Zimri-Lim had to fight on many fronts to secure his kingdom and his kingship, and he did. He gained control of Mari in winter. In spring, when the year of his calendar started, he went out on his first campaign as king of Mari, heading north to Idamaraß. Some details can be gleaned from 26 5, a letter from Bannum, who replaced Zimri-Lim in Mari during his absence from the capital. The king first went to Terqa, where he underwent an elaborate ritual in the temple of Dagan, the principal god of his kingdom. He made some appointments, and then he was off. His baggage caravan lagged behind. It may have been at about this time that he sent a circular to kings in the north. Two exemplars are known: one was addressed to Tis-Ulme, but 20. Zimri-Lim’s seal mentioning his father, Ha-ad-ni-d[Addu], is published by Charpin and Durand in “Pouvoir,” 337. The restoration [Addu] is based on the fact that Addu-Duri, who was likely Zimri-Lim’s mother, was the wife of a Hadni-Addu (“Pouvoir,” n. 221). The daughters of Hadni-Addu are listed before the daughters of Yahdun-Lim’s immediate successor, SumuYamam, in a fragment that dates to the time before the reign of Samsi-Addu. See Durand, Les dames du palais de Mari,” MARI 4 (1985), 431. 21. The storm gods of Halab claim to have made him king. See the quotation of relevant passages in Charpin, “Traité,” 158 n. 39. The letter A.1153 that is quoted by Charpin is now published as 28 16.

Introduction

43

was not sent out and was still in its “envelope,” on which Zimri-Lim’s seal was impressed, stating his filiation from Hadni-Addu; 22 the other was to Abi-Samar and Iksud-La-Semisu (28 148). The letter to Tis-Ulme, king of Mardaman, reads: “The land, all of it, returned to my side. And everyone entered upon the throne of the house of his father. And I heard the following: ‘The land of Idamaraß, all of it, which was holding on to fortresses, 23 pays attention to Zimri-Lim.’ Now write! I shall come and pronounce a strong oath to you. Give me (your) city, and I shall give it its lord! And I shall settle you together with your belongings wherever you say. Quickly send me a response to my tablet!” Obviously, not all of the numerous city-states of Idamaraß opened their gates, chased off their current king, and waited for a new king appointed by Zimri-Lim, even if the new king would have been the original king, who had been removed in the time of Samsi-Adad. Zimri-Lim laid siege to some of these rebellious cities, spreading out his forces, and soon he needed more soldiers. At this point, so I believe, he requested troops from Ibal-Pi-El of Esnuna: “My father (that is Ibal-Pi-El) must dispatch me 3,000 troops whose provisions I will fully bear. [I shall] ªseizeº these cities that I am besieging.” 24 One of them was Kahat. Its conquest was celebrated in the name of the following year: “the year Zimri-Lim seized Kahat.” c. Relationship with Esnuna Esnuna fought its way up the Euphrates into the immediate vicinity of Mari at the end of Yasmah-Addu’s reign. When Zimri-Lim ascended the throne, the Esnunakeans must have withdrawn from the immediate vicinity of Mari. They either had left for the winter on their own, or troops from Halab, who would have accompanied Zimri-Lim as part of Yarim-Lim’s assistance in establishing him in Mari, had pushed them downstream. The source for the earliest contacts between Mari under Zimri-Lim and Esnuna are references to the past in Ibal-Pi-El’s long letter. The first issue mentioned in the letter is Zimri-Lim’s request for 3,000 troops. It is not clear whether Ibal-Pi-El initially honored the request. 25 But by the time he sent the letter, he refused the dispatch of troops, nimbly arguing that his siege of Situllum was as good as dispatching 10,000 troops to Mari. Situllum was the border town between Esnuna and Ekallatum, and Ekallatum was the seat of Isme-Dagan, whom Ibal-Pi-El 22. The text was published by Birot under the title “La lettre de Zimri-Lim à Tis-Ulme” in Mélanges Finet, 21–25, and was treated again as LAPO 16 247. 23. I-na (Birot) / ªsaº (Durand) dannatim ukallu. The formulation in 28 148 differs: “the land of Idamaraß [x] e-em dannatim ukallu. Durand suggests the reading [†]e4-e-em and Kupper restores [sa] e-em. All versions are grammatically and semantically too involved for me to resolve. The passage could mean that the population of Idamaraß was forced to live in fortresses or, more generally, that it held out during hard times. 24. A.1289+. See n. 150. 25. Charpin finds indications in the first, partly broken, column of the letter that Ibal-Pi-El actually had provided Zimri-Lim with troops.

44

Reconstruction of Events during Years 9u to 11u of Zimri-Lim’s Reign

identified in his letter as the main enemy of Zimri-Lim. The principal issue in IbalPi-El’s letter was the proposal of a treaty that would fix the border between Esnuna and Mari at Haradum on the Euphrates. Zimri-Lim rejected it. He sent an envoy to Halab to inform his benefactor Yarim-Lim of the Esnunakean initiative and stressed his unflagging loyalty to Halab: Esnunakean messengers had come three times to offer peace and were sent back at the border each time with the answer that ZimriLim would not make peace without authorization from Yarim-Lim. 26 Yarim-Lim rejected the creation of an alliance between Mari and Esnuna, including the dispatch of Esnunakean troops to Mari. If Mari needed troops to overcome an enemy, he would provide them. 27 If Zimri-Lim could afford to reject drawing the border at Haradum, the Esnunakean hold on the Middle Euphrates area had weakened considerably since the last days of Yasmah-Addu. In fact, Esnuna had withdrawn completely from Suhum and Mari had filled the vacuum. But Esnuna was on the rebound in ZL 2. A text dated to the 10th month of that year records an expenditure of oil “for anointing Hana, soldiers, and Yabliyaites, when Yabliya was evacuated.” 28 The oil was expended in Dir, the city near Mari. The evacuation of Yabliya and other cities in the area is the subject of 26 35, a report by Asqudum and Asmad from Hurban in upper Suhum. Asmad was a Hana who had risen high in the administration and assisted the king in matters concerning the Hana. Meptum, the pasture-chief stationed in Suhum, had come up from Harbe in lower Suhum in order to assist Asqudum and Asmad in the evacuation of troops that had been settled in southern Suhum. He told them that he himself had settled them, “many days ago, 2,000 strong lancetroops” and that “their population” numbered 10,000, women included, and that there were 3,600 tons of grain and 240 tons of sesame oil in the magazines of the three main cities of lower Suhum. Asqudum and Meptum decided that grain and oil should not be left behind, because the palace could ill afford feeding the evacuees on their way north. They wrote the king for a means of transportation, and the king sent Bahdi-Lim with boats. 29 The settling of 2,000 Mariote troops in lower Suhum shows that Mari regarded lower Suhum as its southern border and had secured it by settling troops there. When did this happen? Meptum said that he settled them “many days ago.” If he had served Yasmah-Addu, which is not currently documented but is not inconceiv26. Charpin noted that expenditures for Esnunakean messengers recorded on 19 X, 1 XI, and 17 XI, obviously match the three Esnunakean embassies. The three records belong to a group of tablets that were sealed by Asqudum. Durand demonstrated that the tablets belong to one and the same year (21, 16–17) and Charpin and Durand suggested that it was the first regnal year (“Pouvoir,” 326). This is now confirmed by 23 257, another tablet of the group, which is dated to 8 X. It lists the expenditure of mutton for the pasture-chief Bannum. He died before IX ZL 2 (26/1, 74 n. 27), that is before any tenth month except the one in ZL 1. 27. The source is A.2988+, edited by Charpin in “Traité,” 160–62. 28. FM 3 58. See appendix 3. 29. Bahdi-Lim reported about his mission from Hanat in upper Suhum in 6 71.

Introduction

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able, the 2,000 could have come to lower Suhum at the time when Samsi-Adad fixed the border in that area, giving Hammu-Rabi of Babylon the city of Rapiqum in the process (26 449). But how could the 2,000 have survived Esnunakean occupation of the area unscathed at the end of Yasmah-Addu’s reign? It seems more likely that they filled the vacuum that withdrawing Esnunakeans left at the very beginning of Zimri-Lim’s reign. The need to evacuate Mariotes from lower Suhum implies a renewed offensive of Esnuna in ZL 2. We can look forward to the publication of sources for this period and this theater of operations in a future volume of ARM. For the time being, the details remain unknown. There was intensive diplomatic activity between Esnuna and Mari during that year. 30 It appears that negotiations between Mari and Esnuna solved the crises between the two kingdoms for the time being by compromising on a border between upper and lower Suhum instead of at Haradum or the southern border of southern Suhum. d. Relationship with the Yamina Zimri-Lim was a Simªal, and his kingdom included many areas settled by the rival tribe of the Yamina. He must have tread very carefully if he wanted to prevent the latent antagonism between the two tribes from developing into war, and there are indeed indications to this effect. Two Yamina leaders, Hardum and Yagih-Addu, were treated to lamb meat and mutton according to records dated to the 9th and 10th month of Zimri-Lim’s first regnal year (21 17 and 23 257), and Zimri-Lim tried to engage the Yamina in joint campaigning. A letter from his servant Sumu-Hadu speaks about a grand plan to get possession of the treasures that Samsi-Adad had accumulated in his residence in Subat-Enlil. The city was still in the hands of an official of Samsi-Adad, who held off the attempts of kings in the vicinity to gain control of the city. One of these was Turum-Natki, king of the land of Apum. He was not able to achieve his goal on his own and asked Zimri-Lim to join him. Sumu-Hadu in 30. Itur-Asdu reported in A.2800 (Jean, “Lettres de Mari IV,” 67–70 = LAPO 16 377) about arrivals of envoys in Mari: “the day I sent this tablet of mine to my lord, Sub-Na-El son of Ibal-Pi-El, a man of Tizrah, messenger of my lord, ªAhhu-ˇabuº and Ipiq-Mammi, 2 messengers, consuls, and 1 messenger from before Sallurum, 2 Esnunakean messengers and 1 messenger of Sallurum from Esnuna, arrived in Mari to (see) my lord.” The statement is far from clear, either because we know too little about the circumstances or because Itur-Asdu did not express himself clearly. I believe that 4 messengers came from Sallurum in southern Suhum, 3 directly, one after having gone to Esnuna, and 2 messengers came from the king of Esnuna. See also 2 128, another report of Itur-Asdu: “2 messengers, consuls, came from the Esnunakean Sallurum to Mari to my lord. Now I have readied them (for travel) with the Esnunakean messenger Ißi-Nabu and dispatched them to my lord. Further: I spoke to the Esnunakean Samas-Reªum who came from Andarig as follows: I (said) ‘go to Esnuna! Do not delay (it)!’ ” According to A.2801 (Dossin, “Adassum et kirhum dans des textes de Mari,” RA 66 [1972], 118–20 = LAPO 16 268), a third letter by Itur-Asdu, the Mariote guide of Ißi-Nabu, spilled confidential information. That letter is dated to 12 XI ZL 2 (Birot, “Simahlânê, roi de Kurda,” RA 66 [1972], 132–33).

46

Reconstruction of Events during Years 9u to 11u of Zimri-Lim’s Reign

turn asked Yamina pasturalists to join “their Simªal brothers,” enticing them with the words “let a person without slave take away a slave for himself; let a person without maid take away a maid for himself; let a person without donkey take away a donkey for himself.” 31 During ZL 1u, war between Yamina and Simªal broke out, which culminated in a defeat of the Yamina in Saggaratum during that year. The defeat was celebrated in the name of the following year. 32 The first cogent outline of subsequent events, based on published and unpublished material, was given by Durand in 26/1, 139 of 1988. It goes as follows: The defeat of the Yamina at the hands of Zimri-Lim ended their “first revolt” and forced them to flee to the northwest to Qa†anum and to Imar. After intervention by YarimLim on behalf of Zimri-Lim, the Yamina had to move again, this time to the upper Balih, where they found refuge and active help from the king of Harran and other kings of the land of Zalmaqum. With their help, they embarked on their second “attack” or “revolt,” descending the Balih to Tuttul and the Euphrates toward Mari. All this happened in the course of ZL 2u. By the end of that year, the Yamina sent an embassy to Esnuna that secured the assistance of Ibal-Pi-El against Mari. So far Durand. A key event in the eventual defeat of the Yamina was the razing of the walls of Mislan and Samanum. Mislan was the capital of the Yamina clan of Yahrur. It was located in the northern part of the district of Mari. Samanum was the capital of the Yamina clan of Uprapu. It was located in the district of Terqa. The razing of the walls of these cities is documented in a year-name that was used occasionally for records of the 2d month. Villard dated the event to ZL 2u, noting that prisoners of war from Mislan, Samanum, and Raqqum were registered in texts of that year. 33 Anbar argued that Mislan must have already been destroyed in ZL 1u because administrative text 25 424, which is dated 26 VIII 1u, records the weighing of silver (see Durand, NABU 1988 60) that was entrusted to three persons “in Mislan.” He concluded that Mislan was at that time in possession of Zimri-Lim. 34 Charpin separated the destruction of Mislan and Samanum from the taking of prisoners of war at Mislan, Samanum, and Raqqum, understanding the first event as the conclusion of the first “revolt” of the Yamina in the second month of ZL 1u and the second as an episode of the second “revolt” of ZL 2u. 35 Charpin’s view implies that Mislan and Samanum regained military significance after their walls had been razed. 31. Sumu-Hadu’s letter was published by J. Eidem as number 116 in FM 2. Zimri-Lim eventually went to Subat-Enlil at the end of ZL 1u (23 370) for a short trip (Anbar, “Compte rendu,” 387). The grand campaign of which Sumu-Hadu speaks probably did not materialize. 32. The full name is “The year Zimri-Lim defeated the Yamina and their kings in Saggaratum” (G. Dossin, “Les noms d’années et d’éponymes dans les ‘Archives de Mari,’ ” Studia Mariana [Leiden, 1950], 55 #6). It was usually abbreviated to “The year Zimri-Lim defeated the Yamina.” 33. In 23, 484. 34. Anbar, “Compte rendu,” 387. 35. Charpin, NABU 2000 57.

Introduction

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There are two additional pieces of relevant information: 170 arrowheads were “carried to Raqqum for ªthe kingº” in 24 VII ZL 2u, 36 and “a camp of Mislan” existed in 11 VIII ZL 2u. 37 Zimri-Lim’s need for arrowheads in Raqqum suggests that he was fighting in the area and thus agrees well with the appearance of prisoners of war from Raqqum in administrative texts dated 1 and 2 months later. The “camp of Mislan” was likely the camp of Mariote troops in front of the city of Mislan before that city was conquered. Villard was accordingly tempted to date “The year that ZimriLim destroyed the wall of Mislan and Samanum” to ZL 3u, but added that this was “very unlikely” because the letters from Mislan, 26 168–72, “were written during the weeks before the conquest of Mislan,” at harvest time. 38 Their authors, who were diviners, predicted that the enemy, Mari, would not lay siege to Mislan. The fields around the city, even across the Euphrates, were being harvested, even though raids were expected. They requested troops to provide more security for the city. Clearly, there is no camp to interdict movement in and out of the city. The letters are not dated, and I can see no reason why they could not have been written during the harvest at the beginning of ZL 2u and the Mariote camp established some time before the 8th month of that year. I would arrange the available information as follows: (1) Zimri-Lim defeated Yamina troops in ZL 1u, the only clear documentation being the name of the subsequent year, “The year Zimri-Lim defeated the Yamina in Saggaratum.” (2) In early ZL 2u, at harvesttime, Mislan was expecting Mari to attack at any time. (3) The attack came in the form of a fall campaign, progressing from Mislan to Samanum and Raqqum. Mariote troops laid siege to Mislan and Samanum, but did not overcome the defenses of the cities. The prisoners of war were taken outside the cities. (4) Mislan and Samanum held out until the first or second month of ZL 3u. 39

36. According to 22 230, after collation by Durand. See D. Lacambre, “La gestion du bronze dans le palais de Mari,” FM 3 (1997), 111 with n. 135. 37. The source is 24 300, which was collated by Durand (see FM 3 [1997], 105 n. 93) and noted by Villard, “Kahat,” 319 n. 29. 38. Ibid. 39. My reconstruction implies that the dating of the fall of Mislan and Samanum in ZL 1u or ZL 2u cannot be correct. Since Charpin, in NABU 2000 57, has already removed the arguments in favor of ZL 2u, I will address only his and Anbar’s arguments in favor of ZL 1u: The action of entrusting silver to 3 individuals during ZL 1u in Mislan as part of the activities of Zimri-Lim’s administration can be dated to a time before (my view) and after (Anbar’s view) conditions prevented such a transaction. The similarity of structure and contents between 9 12, which is dated to the 2d month of “The year Zimri-Lim destroyed the wall of Mislan and Samanum,” and 24 120, which is dated to the 2d month of the “official” year-name of ZL 1u, may be rooted in chronological proximity (Charpin’s view) or typological proximity (my view). Zimri-Lim’s trip to Subat-Enlil in the last month of ZL 1u implies that a threat from a city as close to Mari as Mislan did not exist anymore (Charpin). I can easily conceive of the neutralization of a military threat from Mislan during the absence of the king from the capital.

48

Reconstruction of Events during Years 9u to 11u of Zimri-Lim’s Reign e. Relationship with the Numha and Yamutbal

In a letter to the king’s mother, Hali-Hadun wrote that the king, who was in Aslakka, had dispatched him to arrange peace between Kurda and Andarig, the two major kingdoms of the Hilly Arc, their capitals a dozen kilometers apart and forever in competition that often erupted in warfare. 40 The antagonism between the kingdoms was probably fueled by the different tribal affiliations, Kurda being populated by Numha and Andarig by Yamutbal. The area was a buffer between Mari and Esnuna or Ekallatum during the entire reign of Zimri-Lim, and peace between Kurda and Andarig was an important matter for Mari. Published documentation from the early years of Zimri-Lim is patchy. The first king of Kurda after Samsi-Addu was Simah-Ilane, helped to his throne by Zimri-Lim. The principal source is a letter by a certain Ishi-Madar who suggested to Zimri-Lim to “bring out” Simah-Ilane from “where he was staying.” If he would do this, the Simªal and Numha would “turn into one finger that could not be separated,” and Simah-Ilane would return the favor by joining Mari and Babylon as a junior partner. Ishi-Madar made this suggestion “when we arrived in Mari with our lord” (that is Zimri-Lim), a formulation evoking the image of Zimri-Lim’s initial entry into Mari in the midst of his supporters, including a group of Numha headed by Ishi-Madar. 41 Ishi-Madar’s suggestion was put into action and Simah-Ilane became king of Kurda. Simah-Ilane joined Mari and Babylon, who were apparently allied already, but protested the junior status that Mari had in mind, wanting to be regarded an equal partner with Zimri-Lim, so that the two kings would call each other “brother” rather than “father” (Zimri-Lim) and “son” (Simah-Ilane). Such definitions of rank among the kings in Mari’s orbit were taken very seriously and created all kinds of diplomatic difficulties. In ZL 2, SimahIlane visited Babylon and came to Mari on his return. He arrived, escorted by 150 Babylonian soldiers and 50 of his own Numha soldiers, on 12 XI 2; he went with Zimri-Lim to make offerings to Istar of Dir near Mari; and he stayed in Mari until 3 XII before returning to Kurda. 42 Simah-Ilane was eager to gain control of Subat-Enlil, which had been SamsiAdad’s residence, and whose possession was coveted by many kings. The city and its presumed treasures was still being guarded by a holdout of Samsi-Adad’s administration, and there were a number of kings in the area who shared his wish. One episode in Simah-Ilane’s quest is preserved in a letter from Simatum to her father, ZimriLim. Simatum was married to Haya-Sumu, king of Ilan-Íura. According to her letter, her husband was in communication with Turum-Natki, the king of Apum, which was the land surrounding the city of Subat-Enlil. The land of Apum should normally have been ruled from the city, but such was not the case at the time. This is what Simatum said: “About the Numhean Simah-Ilane: he came wanting to en40. See 10 157 = LAPO 18 1092. 41. The source is A.433+, published by Lafont as FM 2 117, and reinterpreted by me in NABU 2002 59. 42. M. Birot, “Simahlânê, roi de Kurda,” RA 66 (1972), 131–39.

Introduction

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ter Subat-Enlil, and Turum-Natki and Haya-Sumu joined forces and dispatched him with shock troops.” 43 What came of it is not known. Simah-Ilane is also mentioned as a potential ally in Sumu-Hadu’s proposal to Zimri-Lim about taking control of Subat-Enlil. 44 One intention of this proposal, if not the principal intention, was to keep allies satisfied who were wavering in their loyalty to Zimri-Lim. Looting SubatEnlil would make Yamina and Simªal recognize each other as brothers; it would also motivate Kurda and Andarig to remain on Mari’s side and not to change sides to Esnuna. The hope for a united front consisting of all the tribes of the area, Simªal, Yamina, Numha, and Yamutbal, was not fulfilled. War broke out between Simªal and Yamina, and the relations between Kurda and Andarig deteriorated during ZL 2u. In ZL 3u, when Hali-Hadun wrote his letter to the king’s mother, Mari tried to arrange peace between the two kingdoms. A renewed attack on the area by Esnuna finally brought the tribes together under the leadership of Mari. f. War with Esnuna After Zimri-Lim’s rejection of Ibal-Pi-El’s proposal to draw the border at Haradum and the eventual compromise that gave Esnuna control over lower Suhum and Mari over upper Suhum, the two kingdoms pursued their interests without military clashes for some time. Beginning in ZL 2u, continuing in ZL 3u, and culminating in ZL 4u, relations between the kingdoms were hostile and deteriorated to open warfare. 45 Most informative for the reconstruction of events is a letter by the Mariote general Yassi-Dagan, an exceptionally long and well-preserved document. 46 43. Simatum’s letter was published by Dossin as 10 5. It is difficult to understand. Durand, in his reedition, LAPO 18 1222, understands Simatum to say that Haya-Sumu and Turum-Natki sent Simah-Ilane back home, translating, “Sim(m)aª ila-hanêm . . . , étant allé pour entrer à Subat-Enlil, . . . l’ont réexpédié chez lui grâce au gros de l’armée.” 44. FM 2 116, edited by J. Eidem under the title “Raiders of the Lost Treasure of SamsiAddu.” 45. The first sketch of the events was given by Durand in 1988 in 26/1, 140–49. He characterized them as “war with Esnuna” on three fronts in Suhum, the northeast, and the area of Aslakka during ZL 3u. Durand’s sketch was very influential. It underlies Anbar’s terse description in “Compte rendu,” 389, of 1993. As new sources became available, Durand changed some aspects of his view. In LAPO 17, 144–45, of 1998, he speaks of the Esnunakean assault as twofronted, dropping the front in Aslakka. He dates A.1610 and 1212, a source for the last stages of the war, to ZL 3u in “Talhâyum,” 108, and to ZL 4u in LAPO 17. A brief summary of the documentation that is available today is given in appendix 3. Anbar, reconstructing the events in “L’expédition d’Esnunna et les relations entre Mari et Andarig durant les années ZL 3u et ZL 4u: Problèmes chronologiques,” IOS 17 (1998) 297–309, comes to different conclusions. Durand and Charpin have announced publication of many letters that will provide additional information. 46. A.1025, published by Kupper under the title “Une lettre du général Yassi-Dagan,” MARI 6 (1990), 337–47. Durand gave his own translation and interpretation as LAPO 17 545. He could draw on collations done independently by Charpin and Ziegler.

50

Reconstruction of Events during Years 9u to 11u of Zimri-Lim’s Reign

Yassi-Dagan reported that the kings in the Hilly Arc were frustrated by Zimri-Lim’s having left the area prematurely and withdrawn to the Euphrates. They had hoped he would “tear the claw of the Esnunakean from the land and save them,” but were now openly doubting that he ever would. Their doubts were fueled by a secret message carried by a shepherd instead of a messenger from Zimri-Lim to Qarni-Lim. Qarni-Lim, who had succeeded Simah-Ilane as king of Kurda, was at the moment officially an ally of Esnuna. The message was intercepted and became known. It included the statement “about the secret matter for which I sent the herder to you, fix up this matter for me quickly!” To Mari’s allies it sounded as if Zimri-Lim was about to make peace with Esnuna behind their backs: “They heard this tablet, and they started ªblackeningº my lord as if my lord had made peace with the Esnunakean.” Sasiya, king of the Turukkeans, saw his chance to replace the leadership of Zimri-Lim in the Hilly Arc with his own, which would allow him to deal directly with his enemy Hadnu-Rabi of Qa††ara. Chiding the kings for having chosen Zimri-Lim as “father,” a man who had adopted the despicable habit of having himself carried in a litter, he argued that Zimri-Lim’s actions in the area during the last two years did not show him to be a friend of the region: “What are these things that Zimri-Lim decided on (doing)? Last year he ªcame upº to the interior of the land. The kings adopted him as their father and leader, and he gave troops to Hadnu-Rabi. He (Hadnu-Rabi) took my cities, attacked my sheep, and kept setting snares for me. Afterwards the Esnunakean came up, and Zimri-Lim rose and departed for his land. He did not save you. Now he came up a second time and called on the life of the god with Qarni-Lim and the Esnunakean and departed for his land.” Yassi-Dagan wrote his letter in winter. He said, “ªAfterº the days have improved and these parts have warmed up, we shall ªfightº with the Esnunakean.” As will be shown below, Mari and Esnuna did fight in ZL 4u. According to Sasiya, however, they did not fight. It seems to follow that Sasiya was speaking about the years ZL 2u and ZL 3u. 47 The conflict between Esnuna and Mari in the area of the Hilly Arc and the Northern Plains was at first indirect. The kingdoms tried to gain a foothold by making allies, and both campaigned in the area, but, as Sasiya’s words suggest, they came at different times. Esnuna actually informed Mari of its plans to “firm up” its border region and march to Subat-Enlil. Esnuna may have wanted to keep good relations with Mari despite encroaching on its sphere of influence, or to warn Mari against interference. Zimri-Lim related the information to Asmad, a Hana leader, who in turn communicated it “to the kings, all of them.” All 17, ostensibly allies of ZimriLim, are mentioned by name, providing us with a valuable list of who was who among Zimri-Lim’s allies in ZL 2u (see appendix 5). The list appears to be geographically organized. The scribe proceeded in counterclockwise fashion, beginning with the kingdoms of the Hilly Arc, continuing to the eastern, central, and western portions of the Northern Plains, and ending up with a clockwise swing to the kingdoms 47. Durand, LAPO 17 545u, comes to the same conclusion.

Introduction

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of Zalmaqum farther north. 48 Qarni-Lim of Andarig and Ibal-Addu of Aslakka are missing. The former was apparently already collaborating with Esnuna; the latter was not yet king of Aslakka. At the end of the letter, Asmad mentions that the Yamina leaders Hardum and Yagih-Addu had been driven from the land (A.3591). 49 According to Sasiya’s speech, the Esnunakeans came up in ZL 2u after Zimri-Lim had left. What they accomplished is unclear. Perhaps they conquered, or peacefully incorporated, Assur and Ekallatum, an event that Meptum describes in A.2459 with the words, “after Assur, Ekallatum and Esnuna have now become one house.” 50 In the same year, Esnuna moved against lower Suhum and the northern reaches of the kingdom of Babylon. The city of Rapiqum was destroyed and celebrated in the name of the next year, which was Ibal-Pi-El’s 9th regnal year and corresponds to ZL 3u. Rapiqum belonged to the kingdom of Babylon. It was located close to its northern border, near the head of the Euphrates Delta. Mariote allied troops were stationed there. They were warned of Esnunakean troops headed for the city (28 178) and left the city during the 7th month, withdrawing to Yabliya in lower Suhum; they fortified lower Suhum but left the cities of Id and Harbe without their protection. Five thousand Babylonian troops came up to Harbe at that time. Buqaqum said that they had come “either to view the border region, or else for another reason” (26 477). Mariote indifference to the cities between Rapiqum and Yabliya, the appearance of Babylonian troops in Harbe, and Buqaqum’s remark indicate that Babylon was responsible for the defense of the Euphrates Valley up to Yabliya at this time. The Esnunakeans eventually attacked Rapiqum, defeating the troops that had come out of the city. They did not lay siege to the city but rustled sheep, advancing upstream as far as Yabliya (26 504). The destruction of Rapiqum is not documented in published letters. It presumably capped Esnunakean advances in the area in ZL 2u, and the campaign season ended with Mari holding on to Yabliya. I assume further that Zimri-Lim expected a renewed struggle during the next campaign season and used the winter to rally the support of Mari’s allies. This phase may be represented by the letters from Qa††ara (OBRT 3 and 4) and 10 157. 51 In ZL 3u, Esnuna fought its way up the Euphrates in a massive assault. Yabliya was taken and Mulhan, the northernmost city of lower Suhum, endangered (A.2459; 26 503; 26 479 and 480). During the same campaign season, Esnunakean troops appeared in the far northeast, defeating Sarraya of Razama of Yussan and two 48. The geographical criterion is dropped in favor of listing the two Razama together. 49. See Guichard, “Dame de Nagar,” 257 n. 77. The land from which they were driven and Asmad’s location at the time he wrote the letter are presumably the same, yet unidentified. 50. Charpin and Durand date the letter (in “Assur,” 373) to ZL 3u. But Meptum concluded it by saying “the district is safe.” While it is true that this formula is found in letters that report troubles, so that it actually means “otherwise the district is safe,” the problems in Suhum were so severe in ZL 3u that the formula would be out of place at that date. 51. The dating appears to include an illogical element, inasmuch as Hadnu-Rabi planned to send troops to save Zimri-Lim (OBRT 4) and Sasiya says that Zimri-Lim sent troops to Hadnu-Rabi (A.1025). But other examples for such mutual troop exchanges exist. See §36.

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Reconstruction of Events during Years 9u to 11u of Zimri-Lim’s Reign

neighboring kingdoms, and creating a situation that motivated Kurda and Qa††ara to lean toward accommodating Esnuna (14 106). But Esnunakean peace offerings were rejected by Kurda after all, and eventually Esnunakean troops laid siege to the city of Kurda (27 19). They did not fare well. Kurda beat the besiegers in a sortie and chased them all the way to their ally Qarni-Lim in Andarig (27 16). A Mariote task force of 200 Hana troops sent to support Kurda against Esnuna arrived after the Esnunakeans had left. 52 It was autumn, and the end of the campaign season in the north was near. The Esnunakeans accompanied their ally Qarni-Lim of Andarig to Subat-Enlil— Qarni-Lim to bury the king of Apum Turum-Natki and Esnuna to retrieve its share of the household goods of Samsi-Adad prior to returning home. 53 From the viewpoint of Esnuna, the events of the campaign season were a success that was celebrated in the name of the coming year, Ibal-Pi-El’s 10th regnal year, as defeat of “Subartum and Hena.” Subartum should refer to the victory over Sarraya; “Hena” should refer to the Hana troops who were pushed upstream in Suhum, or the Simªal population of Suhum, if the use of Hana in this meaning was current in Esnuna. Esnuna renewed its military effort in Suhum and the Hilly Arc in the following year. It still may have wanted to draw the border in Haradum on the Euphrates and establish a permanent presence in Subat-Enlil. Charpin believes that its wish to rule over the Middle Euphrates region, the Hilly Arc, and the Northern Plains sprang from a geopolitical logic that shaped the great kingdoms of Naram-Sin, an earlier king of Esnuna, and of Samsi-Adad. 54 Measured against such a goal, the accomplishments of ZL 3u had been meager: a foothold in the eastern section of the Northern Plains by reducing some of its kings to vassals, occupation of parts of the head of the deltaland that belonged traditionally to Babylon (namely, Rapiqum on the Euphrates and the area north of Kakkulatum on the Zubi, the western arm of the Tigris), 55 and occupation of lower Suhum. 52. The source is A.2821, edited partially by Jean, Révue des études sémitiques (1938), 128–29. Durand in 26/1, 159 n. 12, and Charpin in “Subat-Enlil,” 136 n. 37, assert that Jean’s treatment is full of mistakes. One of these must be his rendering of the explanation that the king of Kurda gives to the commander of the force of 200: “J’ai fait une alliance défensive (sa-lima-am na-ßa-ra-tim) avec ‘l’homme’ d’Esnunna et Qarnilim.” The sequence of the words is ungrammatical, and a word that would be spelled na-ßa-ra-tim is not attested elsewhere. Perhaps the correct reading is sa-li-ma-am i-na sà-ra-tim “(I made) a peace treaty through lies.” 53. An interesting parallel to the retrieval of household goods (enutum), which is mentioned in 27 17, is provided by OBRT 5, a letter in which Bunu-Estar tells Hadnu-Rabi, “since you ªbrought outº the share of Zimri-Lim from among the e-nu-[tim] that you brought out (tuseßßênim is dialectal for tuseßênim, which mimics a present tense form) of Subat-Enlil, . . .” Later on in the text, Bunu-Estar is quoted as saying that he heard that “the Esnunakean has quit already (ina panimma, translation S. Dalley),” which presumably refers to the return of Esnunakeans from Subat-Enlil in A.2821. It appears then that “the treasures of Samsi-Adad” from Subat-Enlil were divided between Mari, Kurda, Qa††ara, Esnuna, and presumably Andarig. It would be interesting to know how this division came about. 54. Charpin, “Engrenage,” 100–102. 55. Meptum sent his men to the gate of Kakkulatum in order to gather information about the land of Esnuna (10 155). This implies that Kakkulatum was a border town at the time.

spread is 1 pica long

Introduction

53

In ZL 4u, Esnuna changed tactics, leaving the situation in Suhum unchanged and concentrating its efforts on the Hilly Arc. Fifteen thousand troops, led by the Yamina Yagih-Addu and Atamrum, king of Allahad, came up from Esnuna (10 155; 28 168). They were believed to be headed for the Euphrates at first. When it became clear that they were advancing on the Hilly Arc, it was expected that they would march on Qa††ara, Allahad, Andarig, Kurda, and across Mount Saggar in order to conquer “the land of Subartum, all of it” (A.2119). The political scene in the Hilly Arc had changed in the meantime. Most importantly, Qarni-Lim of Andarig had changed sides, so that all of the major kingdoms in the area were now lined up against Esnuna. Mari had engineered the entry of Andarig into the coalition. It also included many important kings of Idamaraß. Even Sasiya, who had rallied against Mari a few months before, was on board. A spate of letters informed Zimri-Lim of the stages in which the military forces closed in on each other (28 168; A.654; 26 508; 27 64). In the last of these letters, the Esnunakeans were close to Allahad, a safe haven for them because its king Atamrum was one of the commanders of the Esnunakean troops (26 467). At this point, the documentation of contemporary letters stops. Unless such letters exist and are unpublished, we can assume that the king arrived at the scene. Administrative records and a reference to the events in a later letter mention the key events. The Esnunakean camp in Nagibum was conquered and occupied by Mariotes, and the Esnunakeans withdrew behind the walls of Andarig. Whether the citizens of Andarig opened the gates or the Esnunakeans fought their way inside is unknown. A year-name used occasionally shows that Zimri-Lim laid siege to Andarig. 56 It was used to date a text that registers the receipt of a gift “in Nagibum” (25 35). Another year-name that appears occasionally, summing up the actions of Zimri-Lim in more general terms, is found on the record of a muster of Hana troops: “year Zimri-Lim went up to save Andarig” (M.5705). The essence of Zimri-Lim’s actions was expressed five years later by a Mariote royal servant who tried to keep a wavering ally from abandoning Mari by saying: “Do you not know that my lord removed the Esnunakean, a strong king, without (the help of) allied troops from the gate of Andarig?” (26 303). In light of the large allied force that Zimri-Lim brought to the confrontation with the Esnunakeans, the statement is remarkable. The removal of Esnuna from Andarig was decisive. Esnuna ceased its assault on Mari, and the two kingdoms formally established peace during ZL 4u. The Yamina, who had lost their most powerful sponsor against Zimri-Lim, clung to the desperate hope that an overconfident Mari would be vulnerable to raiding and fortified Abattum beyond the Mariote border upstream on the Euphrates (14 84). But nothing came of it, and the war between Simªal and Yamina petered out. Many Yamina prisoners of war were allowed to be ransomed by their families. 57 Yamina leaders 56. “Year Zimri-Lim laid siege to Andarig.” Charpin, “Engrenage,” 101, believes that the yearname refers to the siege of Andarig by Hadnu-Rabi that is mentioned in OBRT 2. I cannot believe that the military feat of a vassal would be celebrated as the deed of his suzerain by a year-name. 57. Villard, 23, 476–503.

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Reconstruction of Events during Years 9u to 11u of Zimri-Lim’s Reign

who had spearheaded the fight against Mari, among them Yagih-Addu, disappeared, and a new group of leaders friendly to Mari, among them Íura-Hammu of the clan of Awnan, took their place. g. The Middle Years After the battles with Esnuna and the Yamina had been fought, a more tranquil phase of Zimri-Lim’s reign began. Mari had difficulties with strife among its many allies and vassals in the Hilly Arc and the Northern Plains, and the border with the kingdom of Babylon on the Euphrates proved a stubborn problem, but the middle years were essentially devoted to improvements within the kingdom. The population was counted, taxes were collected, public works were organized, canals were dug, new fields were planted, and temples were refurbished. The turbulence of the last years were foreshadowed in ZL 7u, when Zimri-Lim decided to support Elam against Esnuna. But the shadow was not recognized. Mari was unconcerned about helping to remove the buffer between itself and Elam. When the winter of ZL 8u lost its grip on the land, Zimri-Lim started on a journey to visit Yarim-Lim, the king of Halab, his sponsor, who was now also his father-in-law; and the two kings, with family and retinue, traveled to the shores of the Mediterranean Sea. At the same time, Elam advanced on Babylon and the Northern Plains. And with this event, I begin a detailed reconstruction of the three years labeled ZL 9u–11u, but not before looking at aspects of the Mariote calendar during the reign of Zimri-Lim. 5. Calendrical Problems The three years of ZL 9u–11u correspond to 1765–1763 b.c. according to the middle chronology, or 1701–1699 according to the short chronology, or 1669–1667 according to the ultrashort chronology, which is gaining acceptance these days. 58 As elsewhere in Mesopotamia, the year in Mari was solar and the months were lunar. A lunar month had 29.5 days. It started with the first visibility of the new moon, which implies the start of the day in the evening, and lasted either 29 or 30 full days. 59 The names of several months were connected with the seasons. Thus, 58. H. Gasche, J. A. Armstrong, S. W. Cole, and V. G. Gurzadyan, Dating the Fall of Babylon (Chicago, 1998). 59. Tabulating the administrative records published in 7, 9, 11, 12, 21, 23–25 according to date, I find 4 consecutive months of 30 days, namely: 30 X 1u (23 206), 30 XI 1u (21 226; 21 311), 30 XII 1u (23 140; 22 196; 22 303), and 30 I 2u (11 38). Such a run of true lunar months does not happen. Since months X to I are in the rainy season, it is possible that the first visibility could not be observed and that a 30-day month was assumed. There was a motif: 30-day months were considered lucky and 29-day months unlucky. A denser documentation of dates is necessary to determine how such day-inflation was rectified, or whether an administrative calendar of 30-day months existed, which would not be without precedence (see R. K. Englund, “Administrative Timekeeping in Ancient Mesopotamia,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 31 [1988] 121–85).

Introduction

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the 12th month in Mari was called “Harvest Month.” 60 In order to keep the months from moving throughout the solar year, 354 days of 12 lunar months were synchronized with the 365 days of the solar year by the occasional intercalation of a 13th month. The relation between months and seasons is relevant for historical reconstruction because some of the letters are dated to the month and some passages in the letters refer to seasons. It would greatly facilitate chronological sequencing if seasons and months were in a rigid relationship. Alas, they are not. We can assume that the ancient Mesopotamians knew the solstices and equinoxes. All it took to find them was to observe sunrises from one and the same location, let us say from a particular spot behind an adobe wall enclosing a yard, to wait until the places of sunrise stopped moving to the south, to mark the day by incising a line pointing in the direction of the sunrise, and to count the days until the sun returned to that point. The Mesopotamians, especially those living in the south with its clear skies, were keen observers of the movement of planets, among which they included the sun. They were also much concerned with counting, so it would have been easy for them to find a mathematical standard for synchronizing their lunar months and solar years. Yet intercalation was strangely irregular. In several instances, 13th months were bunched so closely that it seems as if one wanted to restore the months to their proper season after a long period of neglecting intercalation. T. Gomi discussed an example from Umma at the time of the Ur III kingdom and aptly called the phenomenon a case of “embolism,” without, however, finding its explanation. 61 The picture emerging from the tabulation mentioned in n. 62 is strange. Strangest of all is that three intercalary months are attested in year 5u, which would make a year of 442.5 days if the months were strictly lunar and 450 days if they were all 30-day months. Yet, texts dated to intercalary months are so grossly underrepresented, that intercalation does not appear to have been observed by the administration as a whole. I am unable to explain this strange phenomenon. 62

60. Actually, the harvest fell in the 2d and 3d months in Mari, and even in southern Mesopotamia, where one harvested earlier, one did not do so in the 12th month. 61. Gomi, “Embolism in the Umma calendar under Shulgi of the Ur III period,” ASJ 6 (1984), 1–18. 62. # of references intercalary month to corresponding following year # of references nonintercalary month XII XII II III V I V V

2 2u 5u 5u 5u 8u 10u 11u

1 6 6 2 5 1 1 6

3 13 31 24 22 0 1 13

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Reconstruction of Events during Years 9u to 11u of Zimri-Lim’s Reign

While the question of the lengths of months and the practice of intercalation are unresolved, the months of the year agree with the seasons if we assume that the first month began around the spring equinox during the years under consideration in the following reconstruction of events: sheep-shearing took place around the turn of the year, the harvest around the 2d month, and the campaign season extended from the beginning of the year to about the 8th month.

B. Clash between Elam and Babylon 6. Elam In §2, I already pointed out the fact that Elam was in a singular position of power during the Old Babylonian period because it provided the entire Near East with tin. The political history of Elam in this period has recently been treated by F. Vallat. 63 He distinguished three phases in its relationship to Mesopotamia. In the early Old Babylonian period, the kings of southern Mesopotamia continued the pattern of the preceding Ur III period, raiding Elamite territory at times and giving their daughters in marriage to Elamite rulers at other times. A quiet phase followed, and finally Elam started intervening in Mesopotamian affairs and ended up trying to conquer the breadth and width of Mesopotamia, as is documented in the texts translated here. The Elamite ruler who embarked on this adventure was Siwe-Palar-Huppak, pronounced “Seplarpak” in Mari. 64 He was called “king of Ansan,” “great king,” “Grand Vizier of Elam,” “Vizier of Elam,” or simply “The Vizier.” The title “Grand Vizier” harks back to the Ur III period when a “Grand Vizier” ruled the eastern border provinces of the kingdom of Ur that at times included lowland Elam. Technically, he was not a vizier, which, when used of royal administration, corresponds approximately to our minister. The Vizier of Elam was a dynastic ruler, in Mari parlance a “king” (sarrum). There existed another “vizier” in Elam at the time, Kudusulus, called “Vizier of Susa” and also “king of Susa.” There is no information on the relationship between the two viziers other than that the “Grand Vizier” was superior to the “Vizier of Susa.” Vallat suggested that they were brothers. Elamite sources show that Ansan, the capital of highland Elam, and Susim (Susa), the capital of lowland Elam, formed one kingdom. It is confirmed by M.6435+, the draft of a treaty between Zimri-Lim and Hammu-Rabi, where Seplarpak alone is mentioned as representative of a hostile Elam. That Kudusulus was second in command follows also from registrations of gifts from Zimri-Lim for Elam, where Kudusulus is listed after Seplarpak and receives less-valuable gifts. Susim, the residence of Kudusulus, 63. Vallat, “L’Élam a l’époque paléo-babylonienne,” Amurru 1 (1996), 297–319. 64. In M.6435+ the name is written Íiwa-Palar-Huhpak, which is very close to its presumed Elamite pronunciation.

Clash between Elam and Babylon

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was closer to Mesopotamia than Ansan, but Seplarpak does not seem to have delegated command of military operations against Mesopotamia to Kudusulus. Seplarpak died at the end of ZL 10u, shortly after the failure of his Mesopotamian venture. Kudusulus is last mentioned in 23 542, which is dated in the fourth month of ZL 9u. His death may be mentioned in 2 121: “4 tablets that the Vizier of Susa {of Elam}, whom they killed, 65 was carrying, which they (then) took in the campaign, those ªtabletsº I opened. . . . There is not any news in them about the issue of territory and land.” The letter contains no chronological clue that would allow more exact dating of the death of Kudusulus. 7. Elam’s Conquest of Esnuna The year-name of ZL 8u is “Zimri-Lim came to the assistance of Elam,” which is an event that must have happened in ZL 7u. While the formation and date of an alliance between Mari and Elam are not documented, the episode of Mari’s assistance may be referred to in a report on the arrival of Mariote troops before The Vizier. The report, 26 255, was sent by the Mariote military commander Ishi-Dagan. He said that he and his troops “drew close to the Esnunakean, met safe and sound with The Vizier and built their camp abreast of the Babylonians.” Another piece of information is contained in 26 362, a report by Yarim-Addu, the Mariote envoy in Babylon, about goings-on at the court of Hammu-Rabi, specifically on the arrival of a message from The Vizier. Yarim-Addu quoted The Vizier as saying to Hammu-Rabi: “I am headed for Larsa. Secure [your] ªregularsº, the troops of the headpad contingent and your servants whom I saw in Esnuna, and they must be ready to meet me. Once a man among the troops whom I saw objects, I will turn on you.” A headpad contingent consisted of troops who moved earth in baskets that they carried on their heads. Earth had to be moved in large quantities on the occasion of the siege of a city, when the besiegers constructed an earthen rampart in order to get over the city wall. In the present context, the Babylonian headpad contingent had assisted The Vizier in a siege of Esnuna. If we connect the clues in 26 362 and 26 255, we arrive at the following scenario: Babylonian and Mariote troops assisted The Vizier in the attempt to conquer the city of Esnuna through a siege. The allies were positioned facing the walls of Esnuna, each in his own camp. The Vizier seized Esnuna during the first 45 days of ZL 9u. The event is documented in M.8806, the small fragment of an administrative text. It registers the expenditure of a “presentation gift” (subultum) for The Vizier “when he seized Esnuna.” Presentation gifts were made by rulers and sent with messengers. According to the format of texts that register the expenditure of such gifts, the location from 65. The verb dâkum means “to kill” or “to beat,” specifically in military encounters. Normally, the context indicates the meaning “to kill” when a single person, or a few persons, are the object and “to beat” when a whole army, or a division, or persons in large numbers are the object. Accordingly, I prefer here the meaning “to kill,” which implies that the letter documents the death of Kudusulus. Durand, in LAPO 16 434, uses the translation “to beat.”

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Reconstruction of Events during Years 9u to 11u of Zimri-Lim’s Reign

which the messengers departed with the gifts was indicated after mentioning the recipient of the gift. In the case of fragment M.8806, the line of text where the name of this location must have appeared is only partly preserved. Dossin, the first editor of the text, did not bother to copy it, but Durand succeeded in deciphering the entry by the mere heads of the wedges. The location turned out to be Halab. ZimriLim stayed there in the 2d month of ZL 9u on his way to the Mediterranean and again in the 4th month of the same year on his way back. 66 On the latter occasion he also sent presentation gifts to Elam. These gifts were different from the ones registered in M.8806, 67 which means that the presentation gifts in M.8806 must have been made in the 2d month of ZL 9u. The news of the seizure of Esnuna had to travel a distance of more than 800 km from Esnuna. If we reckon that couriers made an average of 50 km per day, the information took 16 days to get to Zimri-Lim. The seizure of Esnuna can therefore not have happened later than the middle of the 2d month of ZL 9u. The chronological spacing of Mari’s “coming to the assistance of Elam” in ZL 7u, the arrival of Mariote troops to camp facing the walls of Esnuna (26 255), and The Vizier “seeing” Babylonian troops “in Esnuna,” including a headpad contingent (26 362), is not known. We shall see below that the first Elamite attack on HammuRabi happened in early ZL 9u, according to the logic of the situation immediately after The Vizier seized Esnuna. Unless the Elamite attack was unexpected and unforeseen by Hammu-Rabi, Babylonian troops would have been withdrawn sometime before early ZL 9u. Also, if Mariote troops participated in the seizure of Esnuna at that time, we would expect some allusion to their return to Mari. On the basis of the sparse documentation at hand, I assume that Elam forged an alliance with Babylon and Mari against Esnuna in ZL 7u. The allies besieged Esnuna but were unable to overcome its defenses. As time wore on, Babylonian and Mariote participation in the venture waned, and in the end Elam seized Esnuna on its own. 8. An Elamite Ploy Backfires We return to the contents of Yarim-Addu’s letter 26 362: Hammu-Rabi answered The Vizier’s request for troops to be used against Larsa by saying that he was ready to provide and dispatch them as soon as The Vizier was set to go. The Vizier simultaneously sent a message to Rim-Sin, the king of Larsa, informing him of a plan to march against Babylon and requesting the participation of Larsaite troops. Rim-Sin, who seems to have known what to expect from The Vizier, sent the tablet with the message to Hammu-Rabi, who returned the favor by sending Rim-Sin the tablet he had received. The exchange of letters surely caused merriment in both cities. There was a thaw in relations. Hammu-Rabi sent his minister of foreign affairs,

66. See Villard, “Roi,” 390–91. 67. Compare the second line of M.8806 with line 22 of 23 542 in Villard’s copy in MARI 6, 592.

Clash between Elam and Babylon

59

Sin-Bel-Aplim, and an unnamed secretary to Larsa. In exchange, Rim-Sin sent a minister to Babylon, and messengers started to shuttle between the two kingdoms. Sometime later, when the return of Hammu-Rabi’s envoys was expected, YarimAddu wrote 26 367. He reported that the envoys had not yet returned but that Rim-Sin had sent a message to Hammu-Rabi, assuring him that his troops and small-boats were ready to come to his assistance if the Elamites moved against him. In exchange, he requested the same of Hammu-Rabi. Hammu-Rabi’s answer to The Vizier and Rim-Sin’s answer to Hammu-Rabi share the stamp of diplomacy as it is still practiced: positive but conditional, with the unspoken intention of evading action if the condition is fulfilled. 9. Elamite Moves from Esnuna In 14 124, Yaqqim-Addu, governor of the province of Saggaratum, writing from Hanat in upper Suhum on his way to Babylon, relayed the news that the Elamites had divided their forces, one group marching north to Ekallatum, the other [marching] 68 south to Babylon. Yaqqim-Addu did not say where this happened but geographical logic points to Esnuna or the Tigris crossing at Mankisum, where the roads to Babylon and Ekallatum diverged. He did mention something about Larsa, but what he said is not preserved. Larsa played a pivotal role in the relationship between Babylon and Elam, even if it did nothing, and Zimri-Lim would have been keenly interested in its stance at a moment when Elamite troops [were marching] toward Babylon. If Larsa and Elam cooperated, they might just be able to overpower Hammu-Rabi. It is very unfortunate that a break in the text prevents us from learning what Larsa did at this moment. Just about three signs are lost in the break, and it is clear that the break covers all that Yaqqim-Addu said about Larsa. It cannot have been more than the predicate of a short clause in the form “The Larsaite [did/ was].” Birot, the first editor of the letter, did not speculate on the missing predicate; Durand guessed, “un homme de Larsa [la (i.e., the half of the troops marching on Babylon) conduit].” In view of the thaw of relations between Babylon and Larsa documented in 26 362 and Larsa’s hesitation to throw its support to Babylon documented in 26 367, I believe that Larsa did not act for or against Elam or Babylon, and I conjecture “The Larsaite [stood aside].” Yaqqim-Addu was not overly concerned about the event, which is understandable because the Elamites did not march toward Mari territory, something they might have done by heading due west toward Suhum. He promised the king to write again from Sippir, where he expected to obtain further news. He could have been more proactive and sent someone across the Tharthar depression to check on the progress of the Elamite troops marching north, but he did not do so. On his way to

68. The context makes this restoration quite certain. The restoration is important for the reconstruction of events, and by keeping the brackets here and in similar cases, I want to alert the reader to the fact that it is, after all, a restoration.

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Reconstruction of Events during Years 9u to 11u of Zimri-Lim’s Reign

or from Sippir he also found time to witness a river ordeal in Id, on which he reports in 26 254. 69 There is no word on Elamite troop movement in that report. 10. Events around Upi The Elamite [march] toward Babylon did not get very far. Yarim-Addu wrote in 26 366 that the Elamites had laid siege to the city of Upi and were in the process of piling up an earthen rampart against the city wall, and that the Babylonians were preparing countermoves. Upi, or Yupi as it is spelled in Yarim-Addu’s letters, was located on the east bank of the Tigris, not far downstream from the present confluence of the Diyala and Tigris. 70 The alluvium of the Diyala defined the natural extent of the territory of the kingdom of Esnuna, and Upi on the east bank of the Tigris naturally belonged to Esnuna, as it did politically during the reign of SamsiAdad. 71 Now Babylonians occupied it and therewith possessed a bridgehead that gave them access to the land of Esnuna. For the Elamites, gaining possession of it amounted to completing the conquest of Esnuna; but because it was across the river from Babylonian territory, Upi was also a potential threat to Babylon if it was occupied by an enemy. In reaction to the Elamite siege, Hammu-Rabi’s “conscripts, field men and rescue formations linked up” and were ready to take on the Elamite shock troops. Yarim-Addu’s terse formulation leaves us wondering how to connect the Elamite and Babylonian moves. The “linking up” of various Babylonian troop contingents can hardly refer to the Babylonians inside the besieged city. More likely, the “linking up” of different formations was in preparation for an expected field encounter. It would have to be fought on one side of the Tigris, which required the Elamites to cross to the west bank or the Babylonians to the left bank. With the bridgehead Upi under siege, the left bank was presumably occupied by Elamite troops and the right bank by Babylonian troops. It was springtime and the Tigris was running high. Large numbers of boats were required to ferry the troops. Unfortunately, there are no sources to tell us what The Vizier and Hammu-Rabi and their generals planned to do or what they did do in the end. Yarim-Addu further reported that 1,000 Mutiabalean troops had arrived in Babylon. 72 In the early Old Babylonian period, the Mutiabaleans of Kasalluk were 69. The connection between 14 124 and 26 254 was suggested by Joannès according to Durand’s n. to 26 254. 70. This was recognized by E. Weidner and A. Goetze (see the references in RGTC 3) and confirmed by Charpin in 26/2, 150 n. 68, on the basis of an unpublished text. 71. According to 4 26. See Charpin, 26/2, 150. Upi may have been only one of “the cities of Esnuna” that Hammu-Rabi held and whose ceding The Vizier demanded according to a passage from the unpublished letter A.3618, communicated by Charpin and Durand in “Suzeraineté,” 63 n. 24. 72. Charpin, in 26/2, 152 n. 76, suggested that the Mutiabalean troops were the ones who decided to stay loyal to Hammu-Rabi in the conflict brought about by a Mutiabalean prisoner of

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independent and fought with the kingdoms of Larsa and Babylon. 73 Around 1800, they still had their own king. 74 In ZL 9u, they were subjects of Babylon. The situation was unchanged when Yarim-Addu wrote 26 363. He reported that the Elamites had established a camp by 75 Upi. Hammu-Rabi’s war preparations were in full swing. A general mobilization was proclaimed. All males were drafted. The king even ordered the release of slaves, which would allow him to draft them too. On the diplomatic front, the Elamite messengers in Babylon were incarcerated. The envoys who had been sent to Larsa were still not back, and messengers were sent daily to reiterate the request for troops. Larsa did not live up to its promise of providing troops at a time of acute danger to Babylon. Elam may have succeeded after all in exploiting the rivalry between Larsa and Babylon, and Larsa’s wish to have a weak Babylon as neighbor may have been greater than its fear of Elam. It is also possible that Elamite troops occupied Larsaite territory and were in a position to interdict Larsaite assistance to Babylon. A letter from the end of ZL 10u alludes to some unspecified time in the past when “the claw of Elam was torn from the land of Larsa” by the great gods (26 385). In 26 369, Yarim-Addu reported that the Babylonian troops evacuated Upi and left by boat. Elamite troops [ ] and left a garrison there, returning to Esnuna. The Babylonian buildup continued, augmented by the first contingent of Mariote allied troops arriving in northern Babylonia. 11. A Battle with the Elamites and the Sack of Kasalluk Eventually there was a battle between the Elamites and the Babylonians. It is not directly documented but is implied by the story of Mutiabalean deserters. As mentioned, Yarim-Addu reported in 26 366 that 1,000 Mutiabalean troops came to Babylon at the time of the Elamite siege of Upi. He mentioned them again in 26 368. They had run away from a battle and fled to Larsa. Yarim-Addu does not mention Babylon’s antagonist in the battle, but it can only have been Elam. It was presumably during this battle that a Mutiabalean commander was taken prisoner by the Elamites. The episode will be treated in detail below. Yarim-Addu reported further that the Babylonian envoys who had been sent to Rim-Sin were finally back. They returned from Maskan-Sapir, the second-ranking city in the land of Larsa. It was located in the northern part of the kingdom, due east of Babylon and south of Esnuna, and closer to the theater of events than the city of Larsa. The envoys came

war in Elam. I believe that the battle in which the latter was made prisoner took place later. See the next section. 73. See D. O. Edzard, Die “Zweite Zwischenzeit” Babyloniens (1957), 126–27. 74. Daganma-El. See W. F. Leemans, “The Asiru,” RA 55 (1961), 72. 75. The preposition is ina. The standard translation “in” cannot apply here because the Elamites were not yet in the city.

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without Larsaite troops and with a message in which Rim-Sin explained that troops were not sent because Elamites were not headed for Babylonia. The assertion may have been correct, because the conquest of Upi by the Elamites was a matter of completing the conquest of the territory of Esnuna and, at least formally, not an attack on territory of Babylon. The locality of the Elamite-Babylonian battle is unknown. If Rim-Sin was correct, it must have been fought ouside Babylonian territory. A positive sign of Larsa’s intentions of continuing serious relations with Babylon was the high rank of its envoys accompanying the returning Babylonian messengers from Maskan-Sapir. Yarim-Addu also reported on the treatment of Elamite messengers in Babylon. During the period between the Babylonian withdrawal from Upi and the ElamiteBabylonian battle, they had been “in fetters” (26 363), which means that Babylon considered itself at war with Elam. The messengers must have been freed later, because they were put under detention again, this time in a warehouse, and their dinner allowance was cut back. In 26 370, Yarim-Addu gave further details of this latest twist of their fate in Babylon. They had staged a demonstration at the gate of the palace, shouting, ripping their clothes, and complaining about the fact that they had not been received by Hammu-Rabi, despite the “good words” they were bringing. The Babylonian minister of foreigners delegated the matter to lower-ranking officials, who came out and declared that The Vizier of Elam had violated the oath of the gods. Thereupon, the messengers were marched to the warehouse of a Babylonian official. Still in 26 370, Yarim-Addu reported that an Esnunakean had escaped Elamite occupation and fled to Babylon, and that after his arrival Esnunakean messengers and troops imprisoned in Babylon were released and allowed freedom of movement within the city. These Esnunakean messengers must have been in prison since the war between Babylon and Esnuna, when Babylon was allied with Mari and Elam against Esnuna. The Esnunakean troops may have been captured at that time, or later, when Esnunakean troops fought under Elamite command. Yarim-Addu referred to the coming of the Esnunakean in one context as having fled and in another as having been sent. Since Esnuna was under Elamite occupation, an Esnunakean coming to Babylon would be a fugitive or a spy. If he was “sent,” but not a spy, there must have been a group of Esnunakeans who worked against Elamite occupation within Esnuna. In 26 365, Yarim-Addu reported on a Mutiabalean staff commander in the Babylonian army who was captured “[last] ªmonthº” by the Elamites. The occasion was probably the battle with Elamite troops in which other Mutiabaleans ran away and crossed the border into Larsa. The captured staff commander told The Vizier that the Mutiabaleans had been waiting for a chance to revolt against Babylon and offered to instigate such a revolt in exchange for his freedom. The Vizier took the chance and gave him a message for the headmen of Kasalluk. The staff commander was released, returned to Babylon, where he must have fabricated some story to ex-

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plain his release from captivity, went home to Kasalluk, and delivered the message of The Vizier. The headmen of the city answered the message without consulting Hammu-Rabi, which amounted to treason. Hammu-Rabi heard of it, summoned the headmen and ordered them to send [cattle], grain, straw, and children to Babylon, while they could stay behind with their sheep. 76 The headmen promised to make the necessary arrangements. Hammu-Rabi sent 6,000 men and boats to effect the transport to Babylon, a considerable number, which gives some indication of the population size of Kasalluk. At this point, a message from The Vizier arrived in Kasalluk. The Mutiabaleans turned against Hammu-Rabi “like one man” and killed the Babylonians whom they could catch. Hammu-Rabi answered by sending in the army. The entire force of Mutiabaleans came out to defend themselves. They were roundly defeated. According to text fragment 26 365-bis, Hammu-Rabi “tore down and burnt their [houses].” 12. Chronological Considerations Text fragment 26 356-bis provides a link with events in the north and therewith a clue for the timing of the battle of Kasalluk. Yarim-Addu referred to ZimriLim’s journey to the west and the siege of Razama. This much is readable: “[ ] of my lord ªtoº the land of Yamhad [ ] Razama and the land of ªSubartumº.” This means that the contest around Upi and the Mutiabalean revolt happened in early ZL 9u. The failed Elamite ploy to play Babylon against Larsa must reach back to ZL 8u, because it resulted in the thaw in relations between Babylon and Larsa that had already happened when the Elamites captured Upi. Most likely, The Vizier sent the parallel letters in the winter of ZL 8u, when he was preparing the spring campaign of ZL 9u. There is an interesting piece of information in 26 364. Yarim-Addu sent this letter not long after the Elamite capture of Upi and before the Mutiabalean revolt, that is, in early, probably very early, ZL 9u. Yarim-Addu, speaking about the general situation of the kingdom of Babylon in the face of a possible Elamite attack, mentioned that the population of the countryside of the kingdom did not flee to the capital Babylon “[like] last year.” What happened to Babylon “last year,” that is, in ZL 8u? Was there already a confrontation between Elam and Babylon? Was it then that Babylon attacked erstwhile Esnunakean territory and ended up occupying several cities, including Upi?

76. Hammu-Rabi’s plan is hard to understand. Durand believes it was a ruse that consisted of “offrir généreusement de mettre à l’abri à Babylone les réserves de grain et de fourrage ainsi que la jeunesse de Kazallu pour, en fait, s’en servir comme ôtages et empêcher d’agir les traîtres.” I see it as an openly insulting order. The Mutiabaleans were ordered to give up that on which their sedentary life and their future was based. They were allowed to keep their sheep, which would reduce them to a childless band of pasturalists.

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Reconstruction of Events during Years 9u to 11u of Zimri-Lim’s Reign

C. Events in the North 13. Attempted Coup-d’État in Ekallatum As mentioned, Yarim-Addu reported in 26 370 on the demonstration of Elamite messengers in front of the palace in Babylon and the arrival of a fugitive from Esnuna. He also told news about dramatic events in Ekallatum. Its king, IsmeDagan, was in Babylon at the time. He was gravely ill. His son Mut-Askur replaced him in Ekallatum. Information reached Babylon that a certain Hammutar had “tied up” Mut-Askur. It happened in connection with a sworn agreement between a party of Ekallateans and Atamrum, king of Allahad. Yarim-Addu’s report is extremely terse and leaves us guessing: Charpin believes that the plot was to replace the father with the son, which was followed by Hammutar’s action. 77 I believe that Atamrum and the party of Ekallateans had plotted to overthrow Isme-Dagan’s rule at the opportune moment, when Isme-Dagan was in Babylon because of his illness, and that Hammutar was to be the new king in Ekallatum. When Isme-Dagan heard the news, he had himself carried “into the palace,” which was Hammu-Rabi’s palace in Babylon. He surely came to request help from Hammu-Rabi. The next day something was done with luxury furniture, weapons, textiles, and slaves. In 26 371, Yarim-Addu reported on incidents that shed light on the continuation of Isme-Dagan’s troubles. Isme-Dagan went in person to The Vizier, who may have been in Esnuna at the time, bringing with him precious gifts, including “grain and stores” that were taken from the treasury of Marduk, the principal in Babylon. He did not continue on to Ekallatum, as was expected in Babylon, but returned to Babylon, still gravely ill. These facts can be extracted from Yarim-Addu’s rendering of the public pronouncements of a prophet of Marduk who was incensed at having seen the belongings of his divine lord diminished. He predicted that Isme-Dagan would lose all future support of Marduk and that the god would not allow him to get away with it, pursuing him even beyond the borders of Babylon. The reaction of the citizens to these outbursts was silence. They may have sympathized with the gravely ill king and been embarrassed by the hawkish priest. If we identify the treasure listed in 26 370 78 with the treasure of Marduk in 26 371, we arrive at the following scenario: Atamrum intended to put a man on the throne in Ekallatum who would in effect be his vassal. This was Hammutar. Atamrum was allied with Elam at the time and was in effect a vassal of Elam. Isme-Dagan requested valuable goods from Hammu-Rabi to present to The Vizier as a reward for carrying out an Elamite order to Atamrum to remove Hammutar.

77. See 26/2, 155. 78. Charpin, in the introduction to his edition of the text, suggested that the valuables were a ransom for Mut-Askur.

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14. Death of Qarni-Lim and Prelude to the Siege of Razama The resolution of the coup-d’état in Ekallatum probably strengthened Elam’s influence in the north. Three events happened there in short sequence during the spring of ZL 9u that furthered its position dramatically. Qarni-Lim, king of Andarig, was killed; Atamrum led Elamite and Esnunakean troops against Sarraya, king of Razama of Yussan, and laid siege to Razama, an action that was probably negotiated with Elam, when Elam forced Atamrum to abandon his plans for Ekallatum; an Elamite commander, Kunnam, entered Subat-Enlil with numerous troops. QarniLim of Andarig had been and Sarraya of Razama was an ally of Zimri-Lim, and their territories shielded the Northern Plains from possible encroaches by Ekallatum, Esnuna, or Elam. Subat-Enlil was the “fortress in the midst of the land” from which the plains could be ruled. When the cleaned grain was collected and brought in to be stored, that is, in May or June, Bahdi-Lim, writing from Mari, sent a report in 6 37 to Zimri-Lim, who was on his journey to the Mediterranean, about a headless body and the head that was severed from it. Charpin recognized that the body and head were the remains of Qarni-Lim. 79 At the time of Bahdi-Lim’s letter, the governors of Qa††unan and Saggaratum were under strict orders to search for the body, but they had not found it. There was a rumor that “they buried his body in (his) clothes and left it to the Habur,” in other words that it was dumped into the river. The head was in Qa††unan. Bahdi-Lim asked his king where and how it should be buried. The household goods of Qarni-Lim had been brought from Qa††unan and Saggaratum to Terqa. The specific circumstances of Qarni-Lim’s death are unknown. Haya-Sumu, the king of Ilan-Íura, expressed his belief that he died because Zimri-Lim was unable or unwilling to save him (26 305). The official version in Mari was that a god “called him to account” for his refusal to give troops to Zimri-Lim when requested. It is documented in A.2730, a letter from the pasture-chief Ibal-El to Zimri-Lim. Ibal-El also commented in that letter on a message that Atamrum had sent ZimriLim, requesting troops for the siege of Razama. Ibal-El told the king what he wanted him to answer: that Zimri-Lim and the king of Razama were blood-brothers and that he was bound by an oath to him; that unlike Qarni-Lim, Sarraya had not refused to provide troops when he needed them. If Atamrum would lay siege to another city, he would send him troops, but not for the siege of Razama. Ibal-El referred to the triple-alliance between Zimri-Lim, Sarraya, and Qarni-Lim, which dated from ZL 5u. 80

79. Charpin, NABU 1994 59. 80. I assume that Qarni-Lim’s visit to Mari in ZL 5u followed the conclusion of the alliance. At that time, Sarraya, who was supposed to join him, could not come. One year later, Zimri-Lim urged both to come to Mari, and this time Sarraya came, but Qarni-Lim stayed. See 27 72, 72bis; 2 78; 27 127; 9 149 (16 IX 6u).

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Atamrum’s demand is astonishing; Charpin calls it audacious. Atamrum cannot have been ignorant of the alliance between Zimri-Lim and Sarraya. He was a client of Elam at the time, and his request resembles the crude and seemingly unintelligent Elamite ploy of sending simultaneous messages to Babylon and Larsa demanding troops from each for action against the other. Another Elamite diplomatic blunder may belong to the same period of war preparations: The Mariote representative in Kurda quoted a message from The Vizier to Hammu-Rabi of Kurda in A.6, warning him against contacts with Mari and Babylon and ordering him to subordinate himself to Atamrum, who had “accepted him as son.” Given what we know about the position of Kurda at the time, The Vizier’s order must have been an insult to the king of Kurda. In the light of such actions, Atamrum’s troop request from Mari for action against an ally of Mari looks as if it was done on order of The Vizier. The timing of Atamrum’s message cannot be ascertained. Charpin is sure that it was sent sometime after Atamrum laid siege to Razama. 81 It could also have been written in anticipation of the siege. Perhaps Atamrum wanted to test Zimri-Lim’s resolve. If Zimri-Lim wrote him what Ibal-El wanted him to write, Atamrum might well have concluded that no decisive action against him was to be expected. 15. First Phase of the Siege of Razama Zimri-Addu, the governor of Qa††unan, wrote in 27 132 that Atamrum was besieging the city of Razama. He had gained access to the lower town, there was constant fighting, and the outcome was uncertain. Zimri-Addu held out the possibility that all of Idamaraß would go over to Elam if Razama could not withstand the assault. Ibal-Pi-El, Zimri-Lim’s chief of staff, vowed to “evict or burn” Atamrum. The letter also mentions a battering ram. 82 Bahdi-Lim wrote in 6 65 about new developments in the siege of Razama: Sarraya had staged a sortie and had beaten 500 troops. BahdiLim also mentioned leather workers and battering-ram makers, but the action regarding them is broken. Texts 27 132 and 6 65 also reported on the progress of the household goods of Qarni-Lim. Zimri-Addu reported from Qa††unan in 27 132: “about the belongings of Qarni-Lim—ªa tabletº of Bahdi-Lim ªcame, andº [I] ªplacedº escorts for his sons, his maids, the courtiers and the donkeys, and they will bring them safely to Saggaratum!” Bahdi-Lim reported from Mari in 6 65, “And the household goods of Qarni-Lim, [his] ªwives, hisº children and the donkeys, who [ ] to Saggaratum [ ] with the donkeys and the household goods [ ] in Saggaratum [ ].” The preserved part of 6 65 suggests that the belongings of Qarni-Lim had arrived in Saggaratum. Report 27 132 is therefore the first known report on the siege of Razama. In 6 65 Bahdi-Lim actually refers to an earlier report on Razama. Chances are that it was based on information received from Zimri-Addu in Qa††unan. I reconstruct the initial phase of the siege as follows: A force of Elamites and Esnunakeans led by Atamrum appeared before the walls of Razama and immediately 81. See 26/2, 32–33. 82. Birot believed that Ibal-Pi-El vowed to “bring out and burn” the battering ram.

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gained access to the wall of the lower city. This is described in the sentence, “He (Atamrum) is astride ªthe lowerº city.” The Razameans fought back, but the outcome was unclear. Ibal-Pi-El, hurrying to assist the Razameans, stopped over in Qa††unan, where he added troops of the governor to his force and picked up a battering ram. He expected Atamrum to have gained access to the city by the time of his arrival and vowed to evict him, or, if that was not possible, to burn him with the city. Letter 27 132 was written at this point. A few days, or one day, or even hours, after the information left the scene, the Razameans made a sortie and beat the besiegers, then numbering about 500. They also seem to have succeeded in [capturing] leather workers and battering-ram experts. Ibal-Pi-El, having learned of the Razamean victory, did not continue on to Razama. At this point the information reported in 6 65 left the scene. 16. Continuation of the Siege of Razama In 3 17, Kibri-Dagan, the governor of Terqa reported that the household goods of Qarni-Lim had arrived in Terqa. Bahdi-Lim gave the same information in 6 37 and added news on Razama. Three men had escaped from the Esnunakean troops facing Razama and provided eye-witness reports. What they told is broken, but we know their story from 14 104+, a letter from Yaqqim-Addu, the governor of Saggaratum. It tells about the beginning of the siege and its continuation beyond the state of affairs reflected in 6 65. The beginning of the siege according to 14 104+ differs: As soon as the Elamite and Esnunakean troops arrived before the walls of Razama, the Razameans made a sortie, “and they beat the 700 Elamites and 600 Esnunakeans.” The initial success of Atamrum was not mentioned, probably because it had been eclipsed by the subsequent spectacular success of the defenders. The number of defeated besiegers had become 1,300, almost 3 times the original 500. Perhaps the numbers grew in the telling of the story, or the 3 men totaled the number of enemies beaten in several sorties, or 500 were actively involved in the fighting and the 1,300 constituted the entire force of besiegers. After defeating “1,300” troops, the Razameans “took a break for ten days, and then the elders came out to Atamrum and told him the following: They (said) ‘we are for making peace. The (besieging) troops must withdraw one half mile ªfromº their camp, and I shall supply silver.’ ” The condition of withdrawal by the besieging forces for one-half a mile, which equals 5.5 km, would have removed the besiegers from access to the city wall, but why was one-half mile specified? As is reported later on in the letter, the besieging troops complained about having to bring water from half a mile’s distance to the camp. Perhaps the inhabitants of Razama needed access to this source of water. It is also possible that it would have allowed the Razameans to bring in their grain. The siege began when grain was stored in Mari. In Razama, which is farther north, they harvested two weeks or so later, so their harvest may not yet have been in at the time. 83 83. I owe this explanation to a suggestion by my student S. Liebhaber.

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Reconstruction of Events during Years 9u to 11u of Zimri-Lim’s Reign

Another letter from the governor of Saggaratum, 14 103, provides further information on the events at this point. 84 Zimri-Lim had sent his messenger Yawi-Addu to Atamrum, ordering him to quit the siege of Razama. On his return, Yawi-Addu stopped in Saggaratum and reported to the governor. He had learned of a message sent by Atamrum to The Vizier: “I put a chokehold on the city. Write me if you want me to quit, and I shall receive the tribute of the city [and] quit. Otherwise [I shall take down] the city.” Atamrum’s chokehold was obviously what motivated the elders of Razama to make the peace treaty conditional on moving one-half mile away from the city, and their offer “to supply silver” was an offer of tribute. As the governor reported in 14 104+, Atamrum decided to spurn the offer of the elders and to continue the siege, probably after having been instructed to do so by The Vizier. He answered the elders of the city that he supposed they were attempting to deceive him, asked why they and not their king Sarraya had made the peace offer, and gave them sarcastic advice to strengthen their city and fight. They retorted that the city belonged to Zimri-Lim, that Zimri-Lim had gone away with his army, and, repaying sarcasm with sarcasm, that Atamrum might as well wait for his arrival. Besiegers and defenders continued their struggle. The defenders kept making sorties and beating Esnunakean troops; 85 the besiegers started constructing an earthen ramp against the wall. The defenders, judging the defense of the threatened section of the wall a hopeless undertaking, built a wall inside the city around that section. In the night after the ramp had reached the parapet and the besiegers were in a position to storm the wall the next day, the defenders entered the space between the threatened section of the city wall and the newly constructed wall inside. They pierced two holes in the city wall, right and left of the edge of the ramp, and used them for a sortie in the early morning, surprising the attackers, and capturing half of their number. 86 Time went by, and the hope that Zimri-Lim would come to the rescue was growing in Razama, while apprehension was growing in the camp of the besiegers. Atamrum armed 30 strangers and instructed them to go before the city wall and masquerade as soldiers of Zimri-Lim. They did, but it did not fool the inhabitants: “You (Atamrum) equipped cheats, and you let them approach. Yes, in 5 days, the troops who are with Zimri-Lim will arrive for you. You will see.” The besiegers took extra precautions: they were awakened twice during the night. They were also concerned about being killed while fetching water. At that point, the 3 men managed to run away from camp and make their way to Mariote territory, and their story reached Yaqqim-Addu in Saggaratum.

84. Charpin, 26/2, 33–34, dates the letter to the time after Zimri-Lim’s departure for Razama at the end of month V. 85. Elamite troops are not mentioned anymore. Had they left? 86. Durand judges this interpretation, which I proposed in NABU 1996 102, to be unrealistic. The attack and defense of city walls has challenged ingenuity for many millennia. The best solutions were those that were judged unrealistic before they succeeded.

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17. Chronology of the Continuation of the Siege The span of time from the arrival of the Elamites and Esnunakeans to camp in front of the walls of Razama to the time when the 3 men left the camp cannot be accurately gauged on the basis of their story. Here is a minimalist model: 2 days for the initial assault, 10 for the interruption of hostilities at which time Atamrum wrote to The Vizier and received a reply, 10 for constructing the ramp, 2 for the failed ruse and the deterioration of mood in the camp, four days for the 3 men and their story to reach Qa††unan—that is, 28 days. Letter 14 104+ was sent on the 27th of the 3d month. Accordingly, the siege would have begun right at the beginning of the 3d month. A minimalist model agrees well with the fact that the cleaned barley was being stored in Mari at the beginning of the siege of Razama (6 37 and 65). It is interesting to note that the imminent arrival of Zimri-Lim was expected in Razama at the point when he actually began his return trip from Ugarit, 500 km to the west. This follows from 25 134, which registers a gift to a Razamean on 5 IV 9u in Hazazar, a place somewhere between Ugarit on the Mediterranean coast and Halab. The text implies that Zimri-Lim was in Hazazar at this date, because the message from Razama must have been of the utmost urgency, and the messenger would have gone straight to the king. He may have received his gift after a rest of a day or two. Given the urgency of Zimri-Lim’s reply, he would not have lingered. He would have been back in Razama about 10 days later with the message that ZimriLim would reach Razama a few days after him, which would correspond to about 20 days after his arrival was expected. While it is understandable that the Razameans were cut off from information (the Razamean messenger may have been the first to make it through enemy lines), it is astonishing that Atamrum did not estimate Zimri-Lim’s actual arrival time more accurately. The information should have been of vital importance to him. The same chronological miscalculation can be detected in 14 103. Yaqqim-Addu reported at the end of that letter that he did not dispatch messengers coming from Atamrum directly to Zimri-Lim, saying, “I spoke to them [as follows]: I (said) ‘the king will arrive within 3 days. ªThe kingº goes on the other side (of the river), and he marches [ ].’ ” Letter 14 103 was written before the end of the 3d month, when Zimri-Lim was still in Ugarit. Yaqqim-Addu’s information on the whereabouts of Zimri-Lim was grossly wrong, or he knew better and gave the messengers grossly wrong information. 18. Askur-Addu’s Entrance into Subat-Enlil Subat-Enlil belonged to Andarig during the reign of Qarni-Lim. 87 What happened to the city after his death is not known. Zimri-Addu reported from Qa††unan in 27 133 that Askur-Addu left the camp at Razama with 4,000 troops at the time of one of Razama’s successful sorties and entered Subat-Enlil. According to 27 134, 87. See P. Akkermans et al., NABU 1991 99, who cautiously suggest that Qarni-Lim may have exerted direct or indirect control of the city.

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Askur-Addu traveled from Subat-Enlil to Urgis with 2,000 troops. Nothing is said about the other 2,000 troops. They may have been left as garrison in Subat-Enlil. Five hundred Esnunakean troops entered Tilla at the same time. These events must have happened before Kunnam’s entrance into Subat-Enlil. 88 Since they were contemporaneous with the siege of Razama, they can also be placed after the time when the cleaned grain was brought into storage in Mari, which was done according to 6 65, during the initial phase of the siege. Harvesting normally lasted into the 2d month; 89 storage of the cleaned grain could therefore not have been much earlier than the 3d month. Kunnam is positively attested in Subat-Enlil in 10 IV. It follows that Askur-Addu’s entrance preceded Kunnam’s entrance by very little time. The fact that Askur-Addu lead 4,000 troops from the camp at Razama implies that he was ultimately under orders of The Vizier and immediately under those of Atamrum. Askur-Addu’s entrance into Subat-Enlil thus paved the way for Kunnam. His march to Urgis and the entrance of Esnunakean troops into Tilla suggest a concerted, Elamite-inspired action to gain control of Idamaraß. 19. Kunnam’s Entrance into Subat-Enlil Yamßum reported in 26 323, “when Kunnam entered Subat-Enlil there were no doubt many troops with him. And the entire land was stirred up.” It happened shortly after Askur-Addu’s entrance, at some point during the siege of Razama and before 10 IV, at which point Kunnam’s presence in Subat-Enlil is positively attested by the contents and the date of 26 311. Twelve or thirteen days earlier YaqqimAddu’s letter 14 104+ was sent off. It includes a passage demonstrating that SubatEnlil was already under Elamite control: “And according to what I ªwrote myº lord some time ago about Subat-Enlil, the city Subat-Enlil has not been seized. [They do] not [allow] ªthe manº [of ] to enter inside the city (saying) ‘the city is a city of The Vizier. No [troops] will enter.’ ” Charpin took this to mean that Kunnam was in charge of the city. 90 If so, he had just entered. But since “there were no doubt many troops with him” when he entered, it seems unlikely that anyone would have demanded entry right then. I understand the absence of any mention of Kunnam’s entry into the city as indication that it had not yet happened when Yaqqim-Addu sent 14 104+ on 27 III. The news would have traveled about three days from the area of Subat-Enlil to Saggaratum, so Kunnam’s entrance happened between 25 III and 10 IV. Considerations in §23 (below) lead to a narrowing of this window of time to between 25 III and 7 IV. 91 88. Kunnam left Subat-Enlil later in ZL 9u, but by that time Zimri-Addu had left Qa††unan. When he wrote 27 134, he was still governor in Qa††unan. 89. See for example, 27 34. Harvest is attested for all of the first three months of the year; see Charpin, “Les archives d’époque ‘assyrienne’ dans la palais de Mari,” MARI 4 (1985), 246. 90. See 26/2, 36. 91. I am not entirely convinced by my interpretation of the passage in 14 104+, because the phrase “has not been seized” is in conflict with the fact that Askur-Addu had entered it with

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From Ilan-Íura Haya-Sumu communicated his reaction to the appearance of Elamite and Esnunakean troops to Bahdi-Lim, and Bahdi-Lim relayed it to ZimriLim in 6 66. Haya-Sumu said that the troops had “come up to the interior of Idamaraß,” and that there was nobody who could do anything about it. If Zimri-Lim did not return from his journey, Idamaraß would be lost. Durand believes that HayaSumu was referring to Atamrum’s march on Razama, but Haya-Sumu’s statement “the troops came up to the interior of Idamaraß” makes that unlikely, because Razama was not in Idamaraß. Haya-Sumu may have been referring to the movements of Askur-Addu, but his 4,000 troops could hardly have been a force nobody could oppose, so the coming up of Kunnam was probably meant. The fact that Haya-Sumu did not mention Kunnam and Subat-Enlil indicates that he did not yet know who led the troops and where they were headed. Very shortly thereafter, Yamßum reported about Kunnam’s entrance into SubatEnlil in 26 323. He reacted by ordering the Mariote troops on the walls, a reasonable precaution given the closeness of Subat-Enlil to Ilan-Íura. When his herald relayed the order to the troops, Ustasni-El, the second-in-command of the Mariote garrison, refused to obey, saying, “his troops would not go up on the wall.” 92 A day later, Yamßum, distraught about the insubordination at this critical moment, informed Haya-Sumu. Unexpectedly, the latter was unconcerned and appeared rather nonchalant in the face of a possible Elamite move against Ilan-Íura. 20. Haya-Sumu’s Submission to Elam In his letter to Bahdi-Lim, Haya-Sumu expressed his conviction that nobody could save Idamaraß in the absence of Zimri-Lim. It is therefore not surprising that Haya-Sumu decided to submit to Kunnam. Submission meant rupture with Mari, so Yamßum, as Mari’s representative in Ilan-Íura, was probably the last person whom Haya-Sumu informed. Letter 26 326 fits well into the period when Haya-Sumu would have been negotiating his submission to Kunnam, shielding all information from Yamßum. Yamßum could see the Elamites coming and going, but “did not hear their words.” He sent out word to capture Elamites, managed to get hold of two of them without Haya-Sumu’s knowledge, and sent them to Zimri-Lim without saying what he had learned from them. They may have spoken only Elamite, and he may not have had an interpreter. Eventually, Haya-Sumu informed Yamßum of his decision to submit to Kunnam, and Yamßum reported on his attempts to reverse the decision in 26 303. He pointed out that two of Haya-Sumu’s enemies stayed with Kunnam and would surely “waste” him. One of these was an otherwise unknown person by the name of Addi-Addu; the other was Isme-Addu, alias Yasim-Addu, king of Asnakkum. This city had long

thousands of troops. Perhaps the Esnunakean garrison had already been challenged before, and Yaqqim-Addu was referring to a second attempt to enter the city by “the man of [ ].” 92. The affair of the insubordination is discussed in §24 below.

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competed with Ilan-Íura for leadership among the kings and kinglets of Idamaraß. So Haya-Sumu must have been concerned about his rival’s gaining an edge with Kunnam’s help. The day after Yamßum’s attempt to dissuade Haya-Sumu from going to SubatEnlil, Ulluri, a roving envoy of Zimri-Lim, made another attempt. Ulluri had come with a message from Zimri-Lim for Haya-Sumu. It must have contained exhortations to stay loyal to Mari and resist Elam. Haya-Sumu reacted with sarcasm: Mari would save him as it had saved Sub-Ram and Sammetar. Ulluri replied with the accusation that it was Haya-Sumu who had “destroyed” them. Sammetar was the predecessor of Isme-Addu on the throne of Asnakkum. Haya-Sumu’s remark implies that he was removed by the Elamites and replaced with Isme-Addu. According to a passage in A.3194, 93 Sammetar was delivered to the Elamites “wrapped in skin.” The concrete reason for Ulluri’s accusation that Haya-Sumu “destroyed” Sammetar is not known. But relations between the two men were bad enough that either could be suspected of having used any occasion to hurt the other. 94 Sub-Ram, the other king singled out by Haya-Sumu as an example of the failure of Zimri-Lim as protector, was probably the king of Susa. According to A.3194, his household and his belongings were confiscated by a commoner. Susa entered litigation with Ilan-Íura about ownership of territory and finally resorted to a river ordeal about it (26 249). Against the background of such relations between the cities, Ulluri’s accusation about Haya-Sumu’s responsibility for what happened to Sub-Ram is clearly conceivable. After reporting Haya-Sumu’s sarcastic remark and Ulluri’s accusatory answer, Yamßum continued at length, in a rambling style, citing what he had told HayaSumu: that he, Haya-Sumu, had been unjust in refusing to admit his own responsibility for the fate of Sub-Ram and Sammetar; that he was short-sighted in underestimating the power of Zimri-Lim; that he ought to be grateful to Zimri-Lim who gave him two of his daughters for wives; that his present behavior was an insult to Zimri-Lim. Ulluri’s rebuff and Yamßum’s reproaches averted the worst. Haya-Sumu did not go to Subat-Enlil to submit to Haya-Sumu. But it was a small compromise. He sent his governor Íuriya and his vizier Aqba-Abum to submit for him. “They declared a sacred oath ªwithº Kunnam, Addi-Addu [and] Isme-Addu.” Thus, there was now a triple alliance under the protection of Kunnam: Addi-Addu of an unknown kingdom, 95 Isme-Addu of Asnakkum, and their erstwhile enemy Haya-Sumu of Ilan-Íura.

93. Quoted by Guichard in “Les aspects religieux de la guerre à Mari,” RA 93 (1999), 28. 94. Note, for example, that Saknum, who preceded Yamßum as Mariote representative at the court of Haya-Sumu, reported in 26 347 on a declaration of the kings of Idamaraß to regard Zimri-Lim and Haya-Sumu “their lord and father,” while Sammetar stayed away, “seizing untoward things in his hand and placing disagreement among the kings of Idamaraß.” 95. Perhaps the Elamites installed him in place of Sub-Ram as king of Susa.

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A.3206, a letter from Isme-Addu to Ibal-Addu, king of Aslakka, provides additional information about this time: The king of Aslakka remained loyal to Mari and resisted Isme-Addu’s attempts to bring him into the Elamite fold. Isme-Addu chided him for “holding up the torch” and warning the land about the Elamites when there was none to be warned anymore: “Zimri-Lim and the entire land has carried its tribute to the Grand Vizier of Elam. Peace and good relations have been established in the land, all of it.” Isme-Addu’s statement probably was an exaggeration. There is no evidence or conceivable reason for Mari’s having paid tribute to Elam. Isme-Addu may have interpreted Haya-Sumu’s tribute to Kunnam as Mariote tribute to Elam, because Haya-Sumu was a client of Mari and Kunnam an agent of Elam. Isme-Addu added another piece of information that refers to the time after Kunnam’s entrance: “When the commoners tied up their kings, your brothers, and (when) they led them to me, did I not guard them? And do they not now rule?” Elamite presence apparently had led to a number of rebellions, a development that explains Sub-Rams’s fate at the hand of a commoner. The fact that the royal victims were not killed or chased away but were bound and delivered to Isme-Addu, who later restored them to their thrones, indicates an orchestrated plan. Its beneficiaries were Elam and Isme-Addu, who had gained control over and the gratitude of the kings. What Haya-Sumu must have feared had actually happened. The rival city of Asnakkum had gained influence throughout Idamaraß. An important objective of Elamite control of Idamaraß in the framework of its overall strategic planning is revealed by Yamßum at the end of 26 303: “Now the messengers of The Vizier are staying with the ªkings.º They (say) ‘conduct [troops] and go. I will lay siege to Babylon.’ ” Elam obviously expected to use the manpower of Idamaraß for its push on Babylon. A case in point may have been the 300 troops of Haya-Sumu that [carried] tribute to Subat-Enlil, as Yamßum reported in 26 304, assuming that the troops were part of the tribute and were henceforth commanded by Kunnam. Haya-Sumu’s vizier, Aqba-Abum, went along to present goods and troops. Eventually, Haya-Sumu submitted in person. Yamßum reported in 26 305 that he went to Kunnam, taking with him substantial sums of silver and gold, oxen and sheep, and bowed three times. Yamßum also reported a dialogue between HayaSumu and Kunnam on the modality of Ilan-Íura’s disengagement from Mari. HayaSumu would send the Mariote garrison back to Mari. He asked Kunnam not to send his troops before the Mariote troops had left. Kunnam consented but vowed to take steps if Zimri-Lim resisted withdrawal of his troops. Before the text breaks off, Yamßum reported a statement by Kunnam on “those of Nahur.” He was probably speaking of the Mariote garrison in Nahur that Kunnam also wanted withdrawn. 21. Zimri-Lim Leaves for Razama During the 5th month, at about the time Haya-Sumu submitted to Kunnam, Zimri-Lim finally arrived in Mari, back from his trip to the Mediterranean. By the

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8th he had not yet arrived; 96 by the 16th he was in Mari. 97 A record of the receipt of textiles is dated to day [10xn]+3 of this month “[when] ªthe king wentº to Razama.” 98 Since Zimri-Lim was in Mari on the 16th, the date cannot be [10x1]+3 and must be the 23d. 99 There is some information on the events in and around Razama in the period between 27 III, when 14 104+ was written, and 23 V. (1) Yamßum reported from Ilan-Íura in 26 318 that Sarraya had managed to set a siege tower on fire and that Atamrum had asked Sarraya for tribute and release of the troops that Sarraya had captured. Yamßum had the impression that Atamrum would soon give up the siege and urged Zimri-Lim to hasten to Razama, so he would not miss the chance of earning the fame of savior of the city. In the same letter Yamßum referred to the king’s request to choose a “strong” messenger to carry the mail. Zimri-Lim was obviously eager to get information on the siege of Razama, and to get it fast. The perilous state of the siege is confirmed by Atamrum’s moves. His general La-Awil-Addu went to Esnuna to ask for additional troops and was expected to urge The Vizier to invade Mariote territory if Zimri-Lim approached Razama. But his request for additional troops was denied, and he returned empty-handed. 100 (2) At some point during the siege, Atamrum was expected to leave the camp facing Razama and to make a foray into Idamaraß. Ibal-Addu, the king of Aslakka, wrote Zimri-Lim in 28 57 that this possibility made it difficult for him to rally opposition to Kunnam; and Ibal-Pi-El reported in 2 21 from Babylon that a message from Meptum in Suhum had been received according to which a force of 20,000 troops, consisting of 10,000 Yamhadeans and 10,000 Zalmaqeans, were headed for Idamaraß against Atamrum. It is noteworthy that the information about troop movements in the north traveled from Suhum, via Babylon, to Mari. Zimri-Lim surely knew more about the affair, and Ibal-Pi-El simply reported what filtered through to Babylon. The topic of Yamhadean and Zalmaqean support for Mari is taken up below in §35. (3) Charpin has traced the advance of Zimri-Lim to Razama by identifying administrative records that imply the presence of the king. 101 Accordingly, he was in Qa††unan on 6 VI and in Zanasi on 4 and 13 VII. The location of Zanasi is un96. Bahdi-Lim, who was in charge in Mari during the king’s absence, wrote 6 34 on that date. 97. According to an unpublished text mentioned by Charpin in 26/2, 35. 98. Letter 23 545. Only ]-tim of the month-name is preserved. It can be restored as [iti Lili-ia]-tim, which would be the 9th month, or as [iti Hi-bi-ir]-tim, the 5th month. Villard, “Roi,” 409 n. 159; and Charpin, 26/2, 36, give reasons for choosing the 5th month. 99. See Charpin 26/2, 35. 100. The information comes from letters 6 51 and 52 that Hammu-Rabi of Babylon sent Bahdi-Lim in Mari and Buqaqum in Suhum. Charpin suggested in 26/2, 38 n. 66, that the Elamites were short of troops because they concentrated them on the Babylonian front. The Vizier does not seem to have been fully behind Atamrum’s siege of Razama at any time. Already earlier during the siege, when the elders of Razama made a peace proposal, he ordered Atamrum to abandon the siege and join him (14 103). 101. See 26/2, 35.

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known. Charpin is sure that Zimri-Lim reached Razama; he explains the absence of letters mentioning his presence in Razama and the fate of the city and its intrepid ruler as a sign of his presence there. It seems likely to me that Zimri-Lim was too late and was unable to prevent the fall of Razama to Atamrum (see §51). 22. Turning Point Yamßum wrote in 26 307 that communication between him and Haya-Sumu had effectively ended when Kunnam entered Subat-Enlil. He was not admitted to consultations, and the contents of messages from Atamrum and Kunnam were kept from him. The interruption of information was so effective that Yamßum wrote 26 308 and 309 to colleagues in order to get information on messages sent by HayaSumu to the kings with whom Mari was allied. 26 308 is addressed to Aqba-Ahum in Kurda, about 100 km south of Ilan-Íura. It is not known whether this 200-km detour of information flow functioned. Yamßum received some information from Ibni-Addu, who was on good terms with Kunnam and Zimri-Lim: for example, that The Vizier told Kunnam to secure an alliance with the Turukkeans. Kunnam sent a messenger, but the initiative came to naught (26 310). At the very end of the preserved part of 26 307, Yamßum described Haya-Sumu’s reaction to the news of a victory by Zimri-Lim. It probably was achieved when Zimri-Lim made contact with the enemy as he was leaving Mariote territory on his way to Razama, that is, after his stay in Qa††unan on 6 VI. Yamßum’s letter 26 306 was probably written in the aftermath of Zimri-Lim’s victory. Yamßum had interesting news that had been extracted from “a criminal.” He says that Haya-Sumu had planned to go to Nahur, that he had talked to Kunnam, and that Kunnam pressed him to hand Nahur over to him. Nahur was a “strong” city (28 50) and with its surrounding land constituted one of four districts of upper Idamaraß (5 51). It had been seized by Zimri-Lim early on, 102 and a representative of Mari was installed there. The first was Saknum (author of 26 346–48); the second was Itur-Asdu, most of whose correspondence has not yet been published. Nahur had no king, which is unusual for an Idamaraßean city, especially an important one. Haya-Sumu, who functioned as a link between Zimri-Lim and the Idamaraßean kings, exercised a leadership role among these kings in an assembly that often met there—under the watchful eye of the resident representative of Mari. If Kunnam was demanding control of Nahur from Haya-Sumu, he was aiming at the heart of Mariote control of Idamaraß. Yamßum immediately communicated the threat to Itur-Asdu, who reacted by ordering extispicies. They indicated no danger. The divinity proved right. The Elamite case was suddenly lost. Haya-Sumu’s attitude toward Yamßum had changed. He called him in and started backpedaling: not he, but Isme-Addu, king of Asnakkum, his former enemy and more recently partner of the triple alliance under the protection of the Elamites, was to blame for coziness with Elam. Haya-Sumu 102. According to Charpin, 26/2, 117, in ZL 2u.

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also graced Yamßum with a piece of wisdom on Elam: “It devours what is ªat warº or peace with it.” Thus, he hinted that Elam would devour him despite his peaceful intentions, and that he was now ready to oppose Elam and return to Mari’s corner and his position as leader of the kings of Idamaraß. The kings assumed a waiting attitude. They delivered sheep, but they did not go in person to Kunnam. They were about to assemble in Nahur, where the relationship with Kunnam would certainly be the most important issue. There was a possibility that Kunnam could “devour” the kings of Idamaraß in one stroke. Haya-Sumu may indeed have planned to be in Nahur, as the information from “the criminal” that “Haya-Sumu goes to Nahur” indicates. Had Haya-Sumu gone, he would have appeared in the assembly as a vassal of Elam, and Kunnam would have requested, before the assembled kings of Idamaraß, his handover of Nahur to Elam. Surely it was the news of Zimri-Lim’s victory that motivated Haya-Sumu to act decisively against the Elamites instead. He warned the kings of Idamaraß against holding the assembly and informed them of his belief that the true intentions of Elam were to “hunt them.” As result, in Yamßum’s words, “the entire land is now leaning toward my lord.” Another perspective on conditions in Idamaraß during the time when Kunnam lost influence is documented in the letters of Ibal-Addu, the king of Aslakka. In A.3206, Isme-Addu of Asnakkum ridiculed Ibal-Addu for sounding the alarm about an Elamite invasion of Idamaraß at a time when Elamites were already in full control of Idamaraß. In 28 57 Ibal-Addu assessed public opinion in Idamaraß as being still on the side of Mari. If Zimri-Lim would send him “1 thousand, 2 thousand,” troops, the land could still be saved; otherwise the enemy would succeed in extending a web of alliances all the way to Zalmaqum to the north. Already the gods by whom oaths of allegiance to Elam would be sworn were being brought up. He himself was under pressure. Kunnam urged him to come to Subat-Enlil, and he considered giving up his fight and leaving his city. But then he started to work actively against the Elamites. By the time he wrote 28 55, he had “pulled in city after city,” binding them with an oath. Again, he asked Zimri-Lim for troops, arguing that this would enable him to motivate the “upper land and Idamaraß” to refuse the offers and demands of Elam. When he wrote 28 56, he had succeeded, apparently without Mariote troops. Idamaraß and the upper land did refuse Elamite requests, and the kings did not provide troops to Kunnam or Atamrum. If we believe Ibal-Addu, it was he who brought about the turning point with his stubborn resistance to the Elamite cause. More likely, it was Zimri-Lim’s victory, which predated 28 56. Zakira-Hammu, governor of Qa††unan, reported the arrival of an Elamite messenger from Kunnam in 27 88. He detained him and asked the king for instruction. He must have been told to send him on to Saggaratum. Yaqqim-Addu, the governor of Saggaratum, reported the arrival of the messenger in 14 102. He asked the Mariote escort about Kunnam’s message 103 and learned that Kunnam wished to visit 103. This was standard procedure. A messenger from land A, when sent to land B, was accompanied by an escort of messenger status from land B. The escort was privy to the message.

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Zimri-Lim, because he regarded himself as his “son.” The slow progress of Kunnam’s messenger toward Mari is remarkable, especially the fact that he was detained in Saggaratum. The authorities in Mari could have instructed the governor of Saggaratum and Qa††unan at the same time to let the messenger pass. They did not, and he may actually never have gotten farther than Saggaratum. Why did Kunnam send a messenger to Mari, and why did he acknowledge Zimri-Lim’s superior rank? Was he attempting to deceive him? Perhaps he was desperate. His power in Idamaraß was waning, and Zimri-Lim’s power was waxing. He may have thought that direct contact with Zimri-Lim might show up a rift between Mari and Babylon and an interest in a special relationship between Elam and Mari. If he had such thoughts, he was deceiving himself. Mariote troops were marching to Babylonia to help in the fight against Elam at the time. I suspect that Kunnam’s initiative was undertaken after Zimri-Lim’s victory, and that this victory represented the turning point after which Kunnam’s position of power in Idamaraß started to crumble. 23. Arrest of Ibni-Addu Three affairs involving Haya-Sumu overlap with the time of Kunnam’s stay in Subat-Enlil: the arrest of Ibni-Addu of Tadum by Haya-Sumu, the conflict between Yamßum and Ustasni-El, and the development of irreconcilable differences between Haya-Sumu and his wife Kirum. Yamßum told the beginning of Ibni-Addu’s story in 26 310: Zimri-Lim had installed him as king of Tadum, a city in the vicinity of Ilan-Íura. But “they,” presumably citizens of Tadum who leaned toward Haya-Sumu, removed him. When Kunnam came to Subat-Enlil, Ibni-Addu went to him and asked for help in his quest to regain his kingship. Kunnam gave him a soldier who would escort him to Tadum. Haya-Sumu, who had learned of Ibni-Addu’s impending return to Tadum, sent a message asking the Tadites to kill him. When Ibni-Addu arrived with the lone soldier of Kunnam, the clever Tadites did not kill him and so did not affront Kunnam, but they did not accept him as their king either and so did not affront Haya-Sumu. Ibni-Addu returned to Kunnam. He stayed in Subat-Enlil for some time and was a guest at Kunnam’s table. Yamßum reports an episode during that time, in 26 311, which is dated 10 IV: Kunnam, under the influence of alcohol and ignorant of Ibni-Addu’s continuing friendship with Zimri-Lim, told him how secrets were passed from Mari to Elam. Ibni-Addu relayed the information to Yamßum. In the same letter, Yamßum quoted Zimri-Lim’s request to dispatch Ibni-Addu to Mari. The king may have wanted to remove him from a dangerous situation. The agents of Haya-Sumu were still after him, and a word to Kunnam about his contacts with Yamßum would probably have cost his head. But Ibni-Addu felt safe, “since the finger of Zimri-Lim has secured a hold on me,” as he told Yamßum. But he underestimated Haya-Sumu. When we hear of him next in 26 312, he had regained his position in Tadum and was staying in his palace. But Aqba-Abum, Íuriya, and Simatum, the three main political agents of Haya-Sumu, succeeded in having him

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tied up “inside ªhisº palace” and brought to Elali, where he was incarcerated. Yamßum reacted strongly to the news of his arrest. He told Haya-Sumu that there was no good reason to treat Ibni-Addu as a criminal and that his arrest was not due to a crime other than loyalty to Mari. He warned that Ibni-Addu was a servant of Zimri-Lim and under his protection. Haya-Sumu defended his action by pointing out that Ibni-Addu had collaborated with an unnamed rival of his. Yamßum wrote Zimri-Lim, “Idamaraß, all of it, will be dead, not alive, because of that man. Because he is a man of Idamaraß you should keep that man alive.” He asked for the dispatch of “a rider of donkeys who does not mince words,” who could convince Haya-Sumu to free Ibni-Addu. Chronologically, this first part of the story of Ibni-Addu (the last part is found below, in §30) spans the time from the beginning of Kunnam’s stay in Subat-Enlil, when Kunnam had enough influence to help an Idamaraßean regain his throne, to the time when he had lost this influence. The story of Ibni-Addu yields a clue to the date of Kunnam’s entrance into Subat-Enlil: As detailed in §19, it must have happened between III 25 and 10 IV, the date of 10 IV being the date of Yamßum’s letter 26 311. Kunnam was obviously already in Subat-Enlil when Yamßum wrote that Ibni-Addu went to Kunnam in Subat-Enlil in 26 310. Letter 26 310 antedates 26 311. The events reported in 26 310, the travel of Ibni-Addu and an Elamite soldier from Subat-Enlil to Tadum and back, took at least one day. It is not likely that IbniAddu approached Kunnam on the very day of Kunnam’s entrance into Subat-Enlil, while it is likely that a number of claimants to kingship in Idamaraßean cities, including Isme-Addu, Addi-Addu, and Ibni-Addu, did not wait long before approaching Kunnam. We also have to allow some time for the information to reach Yamßum. These three factors suggest that Kunnam was in Subat-Enlil at least three days before 10 IV. The window of time for Kunnam’s entrance can thus be narrowed to the time between 25 III and 7 IV. 24. Conflict between Yamßum and Ustasni-El When the news of Kunnam’s entrance into Subat-Enlil reached Ilan-Íura, Yamßum reported on the fact and his reaction in 26 323. He had ordered the troops of the Mariote garrison to ascend the wall. A herald relayed the order, but UstasniEl, a Mariote military commander, declared that “his” troops would not go on the wall. The herald stated that it was an order of his superior, Yamßum. Ustasni-El pushed him. The herald exhorted those present to serve as witnesses to the fact that Ustasni-El had committed an act of rebellion. We would expect Yamßum to have been informed immediately and to have taken action immediately; UstasniEl would have been executed on the spot, or at least shackled, sent to Mari, and executed there. None of this happened. Actually, nothing happened immediately. The next day, Yamßum assembled the troops. They confirmed the insubordination, and Yamßum tore his clothes. He then went before Haya-Sumu and informed him of the events. Haya-Sumu reacted lamely, saying something to the effect that the

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matter would cause no harm as long as it did not reach Zimri-Lim’s ears. It did reach the ears of Zimri-Lim, however, and he sent Sumu-Takim to look into this and other issues. In 26 322, Sumu-Takim reported from Ilan-Íura. He had assembled the troops and asked them whom they wanted to obey, Ustasni-El or Yamßum. The majority declared themselves unwilling to follow Ustasni-El; 15 were willing. Sumu-Takim scheduled another assembly to repeat the question. If it confirmed the results of the first assembly, he would take Ustasni-El back to Mari with him. Yamßum reported in the second part of 26 323 an additional detail about Sumu-Takim’s mission and his popularity contest with Ustasni-El. Sumu-Takim (and consequently, Yamßum) relayed to Haya-Sumu Zimri-Lim’s statement delegating the decision on leadership of the Mariote garrison in Ilan-Íura to Haya-Sumu: “Dispatch who must be dispatched and keep whom you keep!” Haya-Sumu declared in Yamßum’s presence, “Ustasni-El must stay, and Yamßum must go!” Yamßum, disregarding Zimri-Lim’s apparent delegation of the question to Haya-Sumu, retorted that he would go only after being told so by Zimri-Lim. But he anticipated that Haya-Sumu would prevail and told his troops that he would leave. They were upset and told him that they would follow him: four years’ service for Haya-Sumu were long enough, and without Yamßum they would not want to serve any longer. The troops then took matters into their own hands and went to Haya-Sumu, telling him that they would take no orders from Ustasni-El. Haya-Sumu refused to deal with the troops as one body and demanded that one should speak for them. Someone named Rabiyam did, but a break interrupts the text at this point. Sometime later, Zimri-Lim sent a second envoy, Ulluri. During his stay in IlanÍura, Ustasni-El approached him, complaining that Yamßum had “turned the mouth of the troops against him.” Ulluri informed him that he was taking care of Yamßum’s interest. He should approach the king’s secretary, Su-Nuhra-Halu, who would be taking care of his interests. In a second meeting, Ulluri fired Ustasni-El from his post. Ustasni-El was unmoved, telling him that he would not leave his post until told so by the king. He followed up on Ulluri’s advice and wrote Su-NuhraHalu. The letter is 26 344. In it, he told the story of his clashes with Ulluri. UstasniEl must have prevailed, because one year later, in 26 345, he wrote the king again, asking to find a replacement for him or to restate his appointment to the garrison in Ilan-Íura. He explained that he had stayed five years in his post and had lately grown concerned about his household, because the mayor of his hometown was taking advantage of his absence. The affair of Ustasni-El is difficult to explain. How could his insubordination go unpunished? The herald’s conduct and words imply that he was subordinate to Yamßum. Ustasni-El is conspicuously absent in 26 314, where Yamßum details the rank and file of the garrison: Yamßum was commander with the rank of general; Ubariya was his division commander; there was one unnamed lieutenant and an unspecified number of unranked soldiers. In light of his actions and the arrangement of a vote, pitting Yamßum against him, Ustasni-El could hardly have been the

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lieutenant. He came in ZL 5u to Ilan-Íura; Yamßum came four years later. Perhaps the troops that they led were not integrated, and there was no chain of command? 25. The Unhappy Marriage of Kirum Kirum, “Garden,” was the younger of two daughters of Zimri-Lim who were married to Haya-Sumu. 104 The older one was Simatum. By ZL 9u, the spouses had developed seemingly irreconcilable differences, and Kirum wanted to return to Mari. Most of Sumu-Takim’s letter 26 322 addresses the issue of her departure from Ilan-Íura, the rest dealing with the conflict between Yamßum and Ustasni-El. In two meetings Haya-Sumu assured Sumu-Takim that she was free to go and that Sumu-Takim was free to communicate this to her. Zimri-Lim wrote his wife Sibtu in 10 135 that he had sent a message to Haya-Sumu—the carrier of the message would have been Sumu-Takim—and Haya-Sumu had assured him that she was free to go. Yamßum reported on the accomplishments of Sumu-Takim’s mission in 26 323. Sumu-Takim probably took this report back to Mari. So far, things were going according to plan: Sumu-Takim had dealt with the aftermath of Ustasni-El’s insubordination and secured Haya-Sumu’s permission for Kirum’s return. Sumu-Takim did not take Kirum back to Mari himself. It fell to Yamßum to follow up on Haya-Sumu’s promise and organize the return. It took time. In 26 324, Yamßum quoted a new instruction from Zimri-Lim to dispatch Kirum. The king had lost patience, telling him, “take action!” When Yamßum approached Haya-Sumu about it, the latter “did not agree.” He had reversed himself and did not honor the promise given to Sumu-Takim. Yamßum used strong words and apparently managed to change Haya-Sumu’s decision again. He now asked Zimri-Lim to provide seven pack asses and a coach to bring Kirum to Mari. 105 It is not known whether the donkeys and the coach were ever sent. Kirum remained in Ilan-Íura, and it took another envoy, this time Ulluri, to request her release from Haya-Sumu. Ulluri was sent to Ilan-Íura also in order to prevent HayaSumu’s submission to Kunnam. Yamßum reported extensively on this aspect of his mission without mentioning the problem of Kirum’s return (26 303). On his way back from Ilan-Íura, Ulluri passed Saggaratum and talked to Yaqqim-Addu. The latter expressed his surprise that Ulluri had come without Kirum in 14 118. Asked about it, Ulluri said that he had used “good and strong words,” but to no avail. Matters got worse. At the time that Haya-Sumu tendered his submission to Elam, Yamßum wrote in 26 304 about Kirum. She had asked him to write her father that Haya-Sumu “could not care less about her” and added that, because of this, “either a woman is killed, or else she falls from a roof.” Kirum wrote her father herself. 104. Much has been written on this marriage, the marriage of her sister Simatum, and the relationship between the sisters. See especially Durand, “Trois études,” 162–72; Charpin, 26/2, 43–46; Ziegler, FM 4 (1999), 64. 105. It is remarkable that Yamßum did not have the donkeys at his disposal and that HayaSumu was not forthcoming in providing the means for Kirum’s departure.

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Her letter, 10 33 , may actually have been mailed to Mari together with 26 304. She said her life had “become short” as a consequence of “hearing again and again the word of Simatum,” and she threatened to commit suicide: “If my lord does not conduct me to Mari, I will not hesitate to throw myself from the roof.” 106 In a second letter to her father, 10 32, Kirum quoted the word of Simatum. It was uttered when Simatum “rose to her face,” and said: “ªasº my star may do to me whatever [he] wishes, ªsoº I [shall] do to you whatever [I] wish.” With “my star,” Simatum referred to her father. At the time Simatum uttered the ominous word, Haya-Sumu threatened to kill his wife Kirum outright. She wrote her father: “And Haya-Sumu rose to my face and (said) ‘you occupy the position of (my) representative right here. In the end, I will kill you. (Then) let your star come and bring you back!’ ” The utter disregard of Haya-Sumu for the power of his overlord Zimri-Lim, which is expressed in the expectation that the father will have to come to collect the body of his daughter, is astounding and must have been especially ominous for Kirum. Haya-Sumu’s insistence that Kirum serve as his representative finds its explanation in 10 34+. In this letter, Kirum wrote her father that Haya-Sumu, who was about to leave for Mari, had told her: “To whom will we leave the city (of IlanÍura)? Stay over here until I return from Mari!” Zimri-Lim probably had requested the visit. Yamßum had counseled the king to issue an invitation at the time of Ulluri’s mission (26 303), and there was clearly much to take care of between IlanÍura and Mari. Maybe it was too much for Haya-Sumu. We have no indication whether he came to Mari at this time. Kirum stayed on in Ilan-Íura. She did not jump from the roof and Haya-Sumu did not kill her, but things did not improve either. Several months later, Yamßum reported a second altercation in a badly preserved section of 26 315. Haya-Sumu was planning to leave Ilan-Íura, and this time he wanted his wife to accompany him, but she refused. She told him that she felt bad enough in Ilan-Íura as it was and wanted to go back to Mari. Haya-Sumu threatened to kill her “with a bronze dagger” if she did not come with him. Yamßum, after reporting the affair, advised the king to keep the threat to himself and not tell it to his messenger, presumably the messenger shuttling between Ilan-Íura and Mari. He may have been concerned that Haya-Sumu would act on his threat if it became public knowledge. 107 This is the last we hear of Kirum. Durand is convinced that a vassal would never kill a wife who was the daughter of his overlord. In a world where a wife was called the “maid” of her husband and treated accordingly, Haya-Sumu might have killed Kirum and remained within the bounds of accepted behavior. 106. The contemporaneity of 26 304 and 10 33 is assumed here on the basis of the identical threat to commit suicide by jumping from the roof. It is of course possible that Kirum threatened it repeatedly. 107. Charpin understands the words “he will kill Kirum, not let her live” as Zimri-Lim’s question to the messenger about whether Kirum had been killed. Note that the verbal forms are in present tense and thus contradict Charpin’s translation.

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Reconstruction of Events during Years 9u to 11u of Zimri-Lim’s Reign 26. Atamrum Changes Sides

Hammu-Rabi of Babylon tried to form a grand alliance against Elam after losing Upi in the campaign season of ZL 9u. One piece of his plan was to prop up IsmeDagan in Ekallatum, and another was to persuade Atamrum to leave the Elamite camp. This emerges from A.4515, a letter written in Babylon. The writer, whose name is broken, quoted Hammu-Rabi of Babylon as having said that he dispatched 5,000 troops to Ekallatum for Isme-Dagan. They were to go up the Euphrates, pass into Suhum, which was controlled by Mari, and reach Ekallatum by way of the steppe. This circuitous route was necessary in order to avoid the stretch of the Tigris route near Esnuna that the Elamites controlled. Hammu-Rabi requested the participation of Mariote troops. The primary mission of the combined Babylonian-Mariote force presumably was to allow Isme-Dagan to stand up to Elamite forces. It could also induce Atamrum to change sides because he would be cut off from easy communication with the Elamites in Esnuna and, in case he did change sides, he could be shielded from the wrath of the Elamites in Esnuna. Atamrum had been approached about this before, but he had refused then, because he feared that IsmeDagan would denounce him to The Vizier. Kunnam was in Subat-Enlil with a strong contingent of troops and could have pounced on Atamrum, if Atamrum had been perceived as a risk to Elamite interests. Isme-Dagan could then have gained an advantage for betraying Atamrum’s intention to change sides. A strong BabylonianMariote presence in Ekallatum would counteract such developments. In addition, Hammu-Rabi instructed the writer of the letter to tell Zimri-Lim to march up to the northern border of his territory and induce the main rulers of the Hilly Arc— Hammu-Rabi of Kurda, Atamrum of Allahad, and Hadnu-Rabi of Qa††ara—to break free from Elam and join the Babylonian-Mariote alliance. Motivated by the promise of Hammu-Rabi’s plan and the erosion of Kunnam’s power, Atamrum indeed took steps to make peace with Mari. One such step is reported in a letter from the governor of Saggaratum to Zimri-Lim (14 101): Atamrum had solicited the support of Hammu-Rabi of Kurda toward arranging a meeting with Zimri-Lim. As a price for peace with Mari, he would go to Subat-Enlil, evict or kill Kunnam, and turn the city over “to its lord” Zimri-Lim. He actually took steps to go to Subat-Enlil. In 26 334, the Mariote roving envoy, Ulluri, and the head of the Mariote garrison, Yamßum, reported from Ilan-Íura, which is close to SubatEnlil, that they had received information about Atamrum’s having gone up to Luhayan, calling “on the kings” repeatedly, and having planned to go to Subat-Enlil. A little later, Ulluri wrote to Zakira-Hammu, the governor in Qa††unan, that Atamrum had not succeeded in assembling “the kings” in Luhayan and had returned to Razama to take down the fortifications of that city. Zakira-Hammu relayed this news in 27 89. Atamrum eventually made a treaty with Mari. The text of a commitment that he swore to Zimri-Lim is preserved in A.96. It ends with the following words: “I did not write him [under] ªpretenseº or for reasons of evil. Indeed, with my full heart I

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have written him. The good words which [I swore] to Zimri-Lim, son of YahdunLim, king of Mari and the land of the Hana, I shall indeed adhere to with my full heart, I shall indeed make a knot [for him (which cannot be untied)].” When did Atamrum change sides? The last dated hostile act against Mari dates to 27 III (14 104+), when he was besieging Razama. Still after that date he requested more troops from Elam. That request was denied. On 23 V, Zimri-Lim started out for Razama, but we do not know whether the city was still under siege. The first friendly act was his promise to remove Kunnam from Subat-Enlil as a reward for a meeting with Zimri-Lim (14 101). Kunnam left the city near the end of ZL 9u or very early in ZL 10u. When Atamrum forced a treaty on Haya-Sumu in early ZL 10u, as will be explained in detail in the next section, he argued that there was already a treaty between him and Zimri-Lim (26 328). Atamrum’s solicitation of support from Hammu-Rabi of Kurda would have been most timely before HammuRabi visited Mari at the time of the offerings for Estar during the 9th month. The year of that visit is not known, but it may have been ZL 9u. 108 It follows that Atamrum changed sides between the 4th and 9th months of ZL 9u. 27. Kunnam Hands over Subat-Enlil to Simat-Huluris Yamßum reported in 26 325 that Kunnam turned the responsibility for the city of Subat-Enlil over to Simat-Huluris, a fellow Elamite according to the name, then led the Elamite troops away. His departure seems to have come as unexpectedly as his arrival. The land was again “stirred up.” Yamßum added: “All the kings had provided their troops.” These were the troops that kings of Idamaraß handed over to Kunnam as part of the price of being protected by Elam, such as the 300 troops who carried tribute from Ilan-Íura to Subat-Enlil (26 304). Kunnam probably took these troops along in keeping with the plan of The Vizier, whose messengers had told the kings in Subat-Enlil: “Conduct [troops] and go! I will lay siege to Babylon” (26 303). 109 Yamßum did not have much to say about the momentous event. He probably did not have much information. He caught two Elamites, but did not relay any information from them, probably because he still did not have anyone who could translate Elamite. His intention of sending them on to Zimri-Lim was frustrated by Haya-Sumu’s intervention. Relations between Haya-Sumu and Yamßum were once again bad—so bad that Haya-Sumu ordered Yamßum to leave, a sure sign that HayaSumu was not in great need of the Mariote garrison at the moment. Haya-Sumu also undertook a military move, sending out troops and a general. Again Yamßum did not know more than this bare fact. Kunnam’s departure left Simat-Huluris in a difficult situation. The city was isolated and there was little hope for an Elamite rescue action. Yamßum reported in 26 327 that Elamite messengers had managed to enter the city secretly and told Simat108. For the visit of Hammu-Rabi of Kurda to Mari, see §58. 109. See §20 above.

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Huluris that The Vizier had withdrawn from Babylonia and returned to Elam. Publicly, the brave Simat-Huluris refused to believe it. The grain reserves in the city gave him two months’ time (26 328). Yamßum urged Zimri-Lim to come up, presumably to take direct control of the city himself. There were others who aimed to fill the vacuum. Isme-Dagan, freed from the Elamite yoke and flush with Babylonian troops, made a military move that could have been followed up by a grab for Subat-Enlil. Ibal-Pi-El reported on it in 2 49, not hiding his suspicions that Isme-Dagan had big plans. He recommended letting Atamrum seize Subat-Enlil before Isme-Dagan did. Haya-Sumu had his plans, too. Yamßum reported in 26 328 that Haya-Sumu had sent messengers to ask to whom the city would open its gate and to declare that he would serve as intermediary in case the gates would be opened for Zimri-Lim. Perhaps the troops whose dispatch Yamßum had mentioned before (26 325) were actually headed for Subat-Enlil, in which case the messengers and their message would have packed some punch. Simat-Huluris reacted defiantly to the question. He bravely pledged to guard the city for The Vizier until rescued by him or until his death or capture. Yanuh-Samar, the second in command in Subat-Enlil since the time of Qarni-Lim, obviously an able survivalist, answered without committing himself in any way. He probably anticipated that Atamrum would become his new master. His brother shuttled already between Subat-Enlil and Atamrum. Atamrum, who would win Subat-Enlil in the end, sent his general, La-Awil-Addu, to Ilan-Íura first. I assume that he intended to prevent Haya-Sumu from further meddling in the quest for control of Subat-Enlil. Yamßum learned from Haya-Sumu that La-AwilAddu was coming with a tower, which meant that he was equipped to force his way into Ilan-Íura if that proved necessary. Yamßum’s reaction was uncompromising. He would not let La-Awil-Addu enter and was ready to risk force of arms in order to preserve the interests of Mari. It seems that La-Awil-Addu came without a tower. Perhaps Haya-Sumu had sent word of Yamßum’s uncompromising stance. Yamßum remained suspicious. He noted that La-Awil-Addu led 500 troops and equipment, and he repeated his refusal to let La-Awil-Addu enter: If Haya-Sumu wanted to meet them, he would have to leave the city. Yamßum then dictated the precise conditions for a meeting inside or outside the city, conditions that were not to the liking of Haya-Sumu, and “his [face] darkened.” The next day, the conflict was solved by an oath of allegiance to Atamrum sworn by Íuriya, the governor of Ilan-Íura. Haya-Sumu had submitted again. 28. Atamrum Becomes the New Master of Subat-Enlil After La-Awil-Addu’s presence at the walls of Ilan-Íura had motivated HayaSumu to let his governor, Íuriya, swear an oath of allegiance to Atamrum, La-AwilAddu probably picked up the tower, which had been left out of sight of Ilan-Íura and, having received reinforcements that boosted the number of his troops from 500 to 2000, established a camp outside the gate of Subat-Enlil. In 26 320, Yamßum

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mentioned the number of troops and the establishment of the camp after citing an order from Atamrum and Hammu-Rabi of Kurda to their respective troops to assemble on the 10th day rather than the end of the month. We have to fill in the scenario in order to turn his terse statements into an understandable process: there had been a plan of concerted military action by Atamrum of Allahad and HammuRabi of Kurda, specifically the enlistment of troops, probably for securing the control of Subat-Enlil. Events forced immediate action. Allahad and Kurda evidently wanted to forestall action by other parties, especially by Zimri-Lim. Fifteen hundred troops were enlisted and rushed to augment the 500 troops that La-Awil-Addu had at his disposal. The combined 2,000 troops set up camp before Subat-Enlil. It is interesting that Atamrum’s call to arms went to Allahad, as Hammu-Rabi’s went to Kurda. Apparently, Allahad was still the capital of Atamrum’s kingdom, and Atamrum was not yet officially king of Andarig, even though the previous king of Andarig, Qarni-Lim, had been dead for about one year. Yamßum had repeatedly, but unsuccessfully, urged Zimri-Lim to come and take control of Subat-Enlil himself. Instead, Zimri-Lim had ordered Yamßum to send someone to Yanuh-Samar and Simat-Huluris to obtain a full report on the situation in the city. Yamßum sent his men to find out and reported on their mission in 26 316. They were stopped by the troops of La-Awil-Addu outside Subat-Enlil but managed to obtain some information: the Esnunakean troops had sworn allegiance to Atamrum and handed over the city; 110 La-Awil-Addu had entered the city and was now occupying it; 400 Elamite soldiers that Kunnam had left with SimatHuluris had been conducted to Andarig; La-Awil-Addu had taken the Esnunakean and the Qutean soldiers under his command; Assyrian merchants, who had been evicted by the Elamites, were allowed back and returned to their houses. Saknum, who was also in Ilan-Íura at this time, wrote in 26 354 that HayaAbum, the king of the land Apum, had been “called to account” and that La-AwilAddu had left Subat-Enlil with 3,000 Esnunakean troops. Nobody knew where he was headed. Saknum considered Asnakkum or Surusum to be possible destinations. 111 In 26 319, Yamßum reported that Haya-Abum had been killed, and that Yanuh-Samar was put under house arrest. Yamßum did not say what happened to Simat-Huluris. If he was not killed outright, he was marched with the Elamite troops to Andarig. Yamßum also reported that La-Awil-Addu had left Subat-Enlil with his troops, heading “upland.” He was concerned that they might go to Nahur. Saknum mentioned a third foray by La-Awil-Addu in 26 355. At that time, Atamrum’s general left with 5,000 troops. His destination was again unknown.

110. The episode is also described in 26 372 by Yarim-Addu from information gathered in Babylon. Accordingly, Atamrum also made a sworn commitment to the Esnunakean troops. 111. For historical antecedents of such a move, see Charpin, “Engrenage,” 101–2.

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Reconstruction of Events during Years 9u to 11u of Zimri-Lim’s Reign 29. Taki’s Rescue of Subat-Enlil

At this time, probably during one of La-Awil-Addu’s forays, the city of SubatEnlil was attacked. Yamßum reported in 26 313 that Taki, another general of Atamrum, came to the rescue of the city and then proceeded to Suna and Amaz. In all three places he defeated the enemy. Yamßum was impressed by his success and added that no enemy would have escaped had Taki and his troops been present from the beginning. Yamßum’s statement implies that the enemy did achieve some initial gain. Yamßum did not identify the enemy. If the sequence of defeats is a description of the retreat, the enemies were, or included, the Eluhteans, because they probably controlled Amaz at the time. 112 Yamßum’s report includes a badly preserved passage about the interaction between his and Taki’s troops. It concludes with the statement “those are truly [servants] of my lord,” and there are sentence fragments in the preceding lines that indicate a good working relationship between Yamßum and Taki and his men. 113 In 26 331, Yamßum reported that he was sending ribs, probably the ribs of an aurochs, to La-Awil-Addu and a shoulder to Taki. Obviously, relations were cordial. On the other hand, Yamßum’s relationship with Haya-Sumu was again very bad. He reported in 26 325 that Haya-Sumu had ordered him to leave. In 26 313, he quoted himself as having told Taki that he and the Mariote garrison were about to return to Mari. After Taki’s rout of his enemies, Yamßum received a response to his letter 26 325. Zimri-Lim had decided that it was time to forcefully stand behind his servant. He wrote a letter to Haya-Sumu, whose contents we do not know, and instructed Yamßum to be uncompromising: if again asked by Haya-Sumu to leave, he should agree but make clear that he would not leave by himself and then take the Mariote troops with him. He should also challenge Haya-Sumu to show his enmity openly and to cut the ties with Mari. 30. The End of Ibni-Addu In Yamßum’s report 26 319 on one of La-Awil-Addu’s forays from the camp outside Subat-Enlil, we hear again about Ibni-Addu, who had been languishing in prison in Elali for many months. 114 Ibni-Addu had requested going to Mari, but his request was denied by Haya-Sumu. Yamßum in turn requested that Zimri-Lim order his extradition to Mari. By the time of Taki’s rescue of Subat-Enlil, Ibni-Addu had been moved from Elali to Miskillum. 115 His life was still in danger, and Yamßum sug112. See §68. 113. Lines 35–37 are read by Charpin: inanna awilum su [ ] / ana sir be[liya ustamriß] / u isa[ris itti beliya ul itawi]. I restore the corresponding positive statements: ana sir be[liya imaqqut] / u isa[ris itti beliya itawi]. 114. See §23. 115. A town on the border between Hazzikkannum and Ilan-Íura. Guichard placed it in the center of the triangle formed by the cities Ilan-Íura, Tadum, and Hazzikkannum (“Dame de Nagar,” 241).

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gested in 26 313 detaining Íuriya, the governor of Ilan-Íura, who was in Mari at the time, until Haya-Sumu released Ibni-Addu and his household goods. According to 26 315, Zimri-Lim eventually did write to Haya-Sumu about Ibni-Addu. HayaSumu’s reply was ominous: He would not free Ibni-Addu, who was his enemy, and he would cut off his head instead. Yamßum again suggested using Íuriya as a pawn for Ibni-Addu. As an afterthought, he extended his suggestion to Simatum, HayaSumu’s wife and Zimri-Lim’s daughter, who was in Mari with Íuriya. Nothing more is heard of Ibni-Addu. Haya-Sumu probably had him killed. One factor in (or perhaps the main reason for) his pursuit of Ibni-Addu’s removal was his intent to install his own son in Tadum, where Ibni-Addu had been king. In 26 315, Yamßum quotes Haya-Sumu as having said “I will give [ ] to my son. My [son] will go there, and he will occupy that house.” Charpin restored [Kurda], but this is impossible because the king of Kurda at the time was Hammu-Rabi, and there is no indication that his position was so tenuous as to allow Haya-Sumu to envision replacing him with his son. I would restore [Tadum]. 116 31. The Flour Problem It was customary to provide troops, including allied troops, with flour. The custom is documented, for example, in 14 74, where Yaqqim-Addu writes, “a pest has befallen the flour which I caused to be milled some time ago to meet (the need) of the allied troops.” 117 Yamßum mentioned the problem of flour provisions that had plagued the Mariote garrison in Ilan-Íura for some time in the last paragraph of 26 313. Zimri-Lim had already written “[once], ªtwiceº, and 10 times” to Haya-Sumu about it, but apparently without success. The problem undermined the morale of the troops to such an extent that a division commander, Ubariya, wrote a letter, 26 356, directly to Zimri-Lim. He told Zimri-Lim that the troops were angry and might rise up at any time and leave. The reasons were two: they had been promised to be replaced and were not replaced, and they received unmilled barley, which they had to grind themselves. In 26 314, Yamßum suggested that the troops of Ilan-Íura in Mari should be treated like the Mariote troops in Ilan-Íura. It probably had the desired effect because nothing is heard of the issue again. The details of Yamßum’s suggestion provide us with precious information. We learn that there were troops of Ilan-Íura in Mari at the same time that Mariote troops stayed in Ilan-Íura. They may have been the Ilan-Íurean contingent of the 2,000 troops of Haya-Sumu and Sub-Ram, whose 116. Charpin was led to his restoration by a passage in 26 304 that he translated, “Maintenant, depuis qu’il (Haya-Sumu) a intronisé son fils roi de Kurdâ.” In the meantime, it has become clear that the Akkadian verb that he translated “intronisé” means something else. Durand, 28, 209, suggested “to extend protection to someone.” 117. The terminology is not as clear as one would hope. In 26 437, it is reported that Babylonian troops operating from Andarig received “grain” as provisions. I suspect that “grain” is used here in a general sense for “milled grain.”

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arrival in Qa††unan was reported by Governor Zakira-Hammu in 27 69. The highest-ranking soldier of Ilan-Íura in Mari was a general who, like Yamßum, received three donkey-loads of grain per month. It follows that Yamßum had the rank of a general. Next, there were one Ilan-Íurean division commander and several lieutenants. They corresponded to the division commander Ubariya and just one lieutenant of the Mariotes. The contingent of Ilan-Íura in Mari was either more numerous or differently structured than the Mariote contingent in Ilan-Íura. Both ranks were paid, presumably contrary to custom, like soldiers in Ilan-Íura. The pay was 21 liters per soldier per month. It was a meager rate, amounting to about two-thirds of the rate a Sumerian day-laborer earned in the Ur III period. 32. An Alleged Oath Violation Yamßum reported in 26 302 on the aftermath of an accusation that he had violated an oath by accepting seven Numha slaves from Yasim-El, his colleague in Andarig. An inquiry was made in Andarig and Ilan-Íura by Aqba-Ahum, Mari’s representative in Kurda, and Yamßum’s senior. It did not substantiate the charge. For Yamßum, the negative outcome constituted vindication and proof that HayaSumu had been denouncing him groundlessly. At the end of the long letter, Yamßum mentioned that Yasim-El had sent him an ox, and that “a boy” of Yasim-El had driven that ox to Qa††unan. That boy, said Yamßum, might have been given by the Atamrum to Yasim-El, or else Yasim-El might have captured him. It is known from 26 408 that Atamrum distributed prisoners of war to his allies, the Mariote contingent in Andarig included, so the boy was probably a prisoner of war. Andarig fought in Numhaite territory, so it seems rather likely that the boy was a Numha. As prisoner of war, he was a slave, a Numha slave. Yamßum did not say that he returned him to Yasim-El, so he probably did not. Thus it appears that Haya-Sumu’s accusation was not completely groundless. Yamßum had in fact accepted one Numha slave, perhaps at other times one of two others, but not seven, as charged. Yamßum reported that Aqba-Ahum returned to Atamrum after his inquiry, not to his post in Kurda. Accordingly, he was in Andarig before he came to Ilan-Íura. He would have investigated the transfer of “the boy” of Yasim-El to Yamßum from the perspective of Andarig and returned to Andarig in order to wrap up the affair. We can even go one step further in the elucidation of the background of the affair by assuming that Aqba-Ahum was chosen for the mission because Hammu-Rabi of Kurda had complained about his Numha subjects turning up as slaves of Mariote officials. The relationship with Kurda was always a sore point for Mari, so Aqba-Ahum would have been ordered to follow up on Hammu-Rabi’s complaint. In his report, Yamßum refers to the instructions regarding his duties in Ilan-Íura that he received from Zimri-Lim in Silhan. Zimri-Lim stayed there late in ZL 8u on his way to the Mediterranean. Charpin concluded that the letter was written close to that date, which would make it one of the first reports of Yamßum. 118 The dating 118. See 26/2, 52.

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implies that Yasim-El was already in Andarig in late ZL 8u. Yet the group of YasimEl’s chronologically contiguous reports from Andarig begins in ZL 10u. Joannès, 26/ 2, 239, suggested an early short visit by Yasim-El to “Emutbal-Numha” with Atamrum as a solution to the discrepancy. It would follow that Atamrum was already king of Andarig, which contradicts indications that Atamrum became king of Andarig much later. 119 It is also known that Yasim-El was with Zimri-Lim in Ugarit in early ZL 9u, which makes it very difficult to find time for his presence in the Hilly Arc. The difficulties dissolve if we assume that Yamßum was referring in 26 302 to his initial instructions, more than a year before. He mentioned them, because he wanted the king to know that he had always followed his instructions, from the very moment they were given to him until the present time, when he was exonerated in the inquiry of Aqba-Ahum.

D. Back in the South In early ZL 10u, Simat-Huluris, holding Subat-Enlil for The Vizier after the departure of Kunnam, refused to believe that his compatriots had gone home after failing in their siege of Hiritum and abandoning their goal to lay siege to Babylon. But it was true. We will go back to the year ZL 9u in order to bring the events in the south up to this point in time. 33. Mariote Troops Come to Babylonia In the campaign season of ZL 9u, Hammu-Rabi of Babylon lost to the Elamites the city of Upi, which was his bridgehead on the Tigris. The city had belonged to Esnuna, so the conquest of Upi rounded off the Elamite conquest of the territory of Esnuna and was not an attack on the territory of Babylon. Yet it involved matching arms and may have represented a dress rehearsal for Elam’s goal of penetrating into the heart of the kingdom of Babylon and laying siege to the city of Babylon itself. Hammu-Rabi reckoned with the possibility of an immediate Elamite attack and ordered a general mobilization. Yet Elam did not press its success at the time and gave Hammu-Rabi the opportunity to strengthen the defense of his land by assembling allied troops. Already in late ZL 8u, when Elam involuntarily precipitated a thaw in relations with Larsa, he had sent high-level envoys to Larsa with a request for troops. They stayed longer than expected and eventually returned empty-handed. Hammu-Rabi hoped that the Esnunakeans would revolt against the Elamite occupiers and swell his ranks. But this hope did not materialize at that time either. Allied troops did come from Mari. They arrived in successive groups throughout the first half of ZL 9u. It represented a major effort on the part of Mari, important

119. See §48.

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enough to be celebrated in the name of the following year: “Zimri-Lim came to the assistance of Babylon.” Good information on the operation is contained in letters by Zimri-Addu. The king had ordered him to quit his post as governor in Qa††unan. The former governor, Zakira-Hammu, was called back, and Zimri-Addu was to serve with the rank of a general in the Babylonian campaign. The commander-in-chief of Mariote troops in Babylon was the pasture-chief Ibal-Pi-El. The two men, both stubborn people with large egos, did not get along well. When it came to rank, Zimri-Addu was a real stickler. At some point, he complained to the king about the amount of his food rations, and the king rebuked him for griping about such things. Zimri-Addu responded in 27 152 with more griping about hurt feelings, stemming from not being given food and drink rations appropriate to his rank. Ibal-Pi-El rubbed salt in ZimriAddu’s wound when he stated (as quoted in 27 151) that he would not have appointed him to a rank higher than foreman of ten. Ibal-Pi-El was not an easy man to get along with either, and Zimri-Addu was not the only one to complain about him. When Ibal-Pi-El served as pasture-chief, Hana had complained that he did not keep them informed about orders from the king (26 45). When he was in charge of the Mariote troops in Babylonia, the diviners accompanying the troops complained that he had turned them away from a seat at his table, as if they were mere division commanders (26 101). Zimri-Addu complained about him in the same terms at the end of his long letter, 27 151. The bickering, complaining, and denouncing of ZimriAddu, and Ibal-Pi-El’s contempt for Zimri-Addu became issues that prompted Sarrum-Íululi, one of the Mariote generals in Babylon, to inform Zimri-Lim in his letter 26 380 of the situation and its potential for creating a bad image of the Mariote army in Babylon. One of Zimri-Addu’s complaints in 27 151 was the handling of the roster with the names of soldiers under his command. On the occasion of the main muster of troops going to Babylon, which was conducted by Bahdi-Lim in Hanat, Ibal-Pi-El insisted on keeping the roster of soldiers under Zimri-Addu’s command locked under his seal. Yet Zimri-Addu needed access to the roster in order to make a roll-call in Babylon and compile a list of soldiers who were on furlough or had died on the way from Hanat to Babylon, as ordered by Bahdi-Lim in Hanat. In his complaint, Zimri-Addu enumerated his colleagues, the other generals, who kept the roster of soldiers under their command themselves and therefore were able to check on absentees. The enumeration provides us with detailed information of the build-up of Mariote troops in Babylon. A force of Suhean soldiers came first. Their arrival in Kullizi near the northern border of the kingdom of Babylon and their reception in Babylon were reported by Yarim-Addu, the Mariote ambassador, in 26 369. They numbered 600 and were led by Sakirum. Their arrival in Kullizi was roughly contemporaneous with the withdrawal of Babylonian troops from Upi, which is mentioned as news in the same letter and happened early in ZL 9u.

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The second contingent was commanded by Ibal-Pi-El and Zimri-Addu. It numbered 1,300 soldiers. They were soldiers of “the bank of the Euphrates” who came from the provinces of Mari, Terqa, and Saggaratum. 120 Zimri-Addu, having been governor of Qa††unan, may have brought troops from that province also, but this is never explicitly stated. If he did, the respective responsibilities of the two men would be clear: Ibal-Pi-El would have been commander of the troops from “the bank of the Euphrates,” and Zimri-Addu was commander of the troops from the province of Qa††unan. The exact date of their arrival is not known. Zimri-Addu was still at his post in Qa††unan when Askur-Addu entered Subat-Enlil, which happened shortly before the entrance of Kunnam into that city during the early part of IV 9u. Since Zimri-Addu’s letters from Qa††unan never mention Kunnam, it is likely that Zimri-Addu left in the short interval between Askur-Addu’s and Kunnam’s entrances during the 3d month. It is difficult to assess how much time elapsed before he arrived in Babylonia. He wrote Su-Nuhra-Halu, the king’s secretary, in 27 136 that he had not yet received the king’s letter that would introduce him to HammuRabi of Babylon. That might have taken some time. Then there were surely delays in assembling his troops. He was present at the muster of Bahdi-Lim in Hanat. This process also took some time. So Zimri-Addu may have arrived in Babylon during the 4th or 5th month. Ibal-Pi-El was in Babylon when the Hana soldiers arrived, which was before 8 V (see below). An episode of the enlistment of troops from the district of Terqa is included in reports of the governor of that district on his part in the effort (3 19 and 20). He delegated the enlistment to agents and limited his activity to having a master list written and sent to the king. 121 The king was not satisfied with the number of enlisted troops, and the governor had to defend himself. He mentions that he did not send agents to the Yamina in his district. The Yamina of Terqa were eventually drafted in ZL 10u for the second campaign to Babylon. 122 An episode involving enlistment in the district of Saggaratum is also known. Its governor, Yaqqim-Addu, handled his duty in an unusual manner. He delegated the enlistment to the mayors, their lieutenants, and the elders of the district. They were slow in following his orders. During a visit to Mari, the king must have told the governor to speed things up. Yaqqim-Addu assembled the tardy heads of his district on his return to Saggaratum and then reported on having confronted them with the fact that the whole country was already on the way to Babylon, and not only that, even troops from 120. See Joannès, “Les méthodes de pesée à Mari,” RA 83 (1989), 147, comment c. 121. In 3 19 he speaks of employing “agents city by city.” They enlisted troops in the 4 Simªal cities of the district. In 3 20 he mentions “3 agents” whom he had “stationed in the cities.” Perhaps the cities Himmaran and Hanna, which are attested least often in the documentation, were rather small places and could be handled by a single agent. 122. Soubeyran, 23, 362–64, included 3 19 and 20 in his documentation for the enlistment of Yamina troops for the Babylonian campaign despite the fact that the cities from which the governor enlisted troops had a Simªal population. Durand, LAPO 17, 175, follows Soubeyran.

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Yamhad and Qa†anum who, owing to the much-greater distance of their lands from Babylon, would have a much better excuse to be as late as they (14 65). 123 The third contingent consisted of Hana troops led by Bahdi-Addu. Their arrival in Babylon is described by Ibal-Pi-El in A.486+. He had learned of it when he was returning with Hammu-Rabi from a trip to Kis. He invited Hammu-Rabi to meet the Hana troops. Hammu-Rabi agreed and gave them a grand reception. They dined in a garden, and the standard-bearers of the Hana paraded. Hammu-Rabi appeared happy and presented gifts to Bahdi-Addu and his commanders. It may have been this reception among other things that caused Bahdi-Addu to write Zimri-Lim in 2 118 that the mission was all “play and laughter.” The number and composition of Bahdi-Addu’s troops is detailed in administrative text 25 815, which registers the gifts they received in Babylon. The number of division commanders and lieutenants implies a nominal strength of 1,000 men, but only 804 reached Babylon. An episode involving the enlistment of these troops may be documented in 2 33, a letter from the pasture-chief Ibal-El. 124 He reported having informed the Hana mayors who did the enlisting about a message from Hammu-Rabi of Babylon requesting troops from Zimri-Lim and asked them to consult about it. Hammu-Rabi stressed in his message that he planned to meet Rim-Sin of Larsa and expected the support of Esnuna. He obviously wanted to assure the Mariotes that they would not be the only ones to share the burden of war with him. In doing so, he overstated what could be expected at the time. Larsa had not yet provided troops when the Elamites and Babylonians wrestled for control of Upi. There is also no evidence that Hammu-Rabi met with Rim-Sin. 125 Esnuna was still occupied by Elam, and its support could only materialize after a successful revolt against Elam, which HammuRabi expected. In the end, the mayors rounded up 800 troops, but it seemed unlikely that they would come up with the additional 200 that were requested of them. The king asked Bahdi-Lim to get together with the mayors and to dispatch the 800 men. Bahdi-Lim reported in 6 38+ that he dispatched these 800. The Hana arrived in Babylon before Ibal-Pi-El wrote 2 23, which he did before 8 V, when Babylonian troops departed for Mari. 126 The fourth and last contingent to be mentioned in 27 151 consisted of additional troops with a nominal strength of 500 men. They were led by Yantin-Erah. Bahdi-Lim reported on his appointment in 6 28: Yantin-Erah had approached him with a request to serve as general of the contingent. Bahdi-Lim was reluctant, because the number of soldiers did not justify a leader with the rank of a general. In Mari, a general commanded 1,000 men. 127 Yet there was no reasonable alternative 123. Soubeyran and Durand also include this letter in their documentation for the enlistment of Yamina troops. 124. For the date of this letter, see my note, NABU 2000 35. 125. The archives of neither ruler have been found, so this argument ex silentio is particularly weak. 126. See §36, phase 1. 127. This is documented clearly in A.486+.

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to appointing Yantin-Erah. So Bahdi-Lim recommended letting Yantin-Erah have his wish. He noted that a general leading 500 men was not unprecedented. After all, the Babylonians appointed generals for just 200 to 300 men. Once in Babylonia, Yantin-Erah would be subordinate to Zimri-Addu. 128 When did Zimri-Addu write 27 151? He mentions in a partly preserved context that he was stationed at Hiritum. The dramatic end-phase of the siege of this city, which Zimri-Addu described in other letters, is not mentioned. It is therefore likely that he wrote before the siege in early ZL 10u. He wrote it after the arrival of YantinErah with the additional troops. This did not happen before the 6th month, if 2 21 refers to these troops. 129 Accordingly, 27 151 was written in the 7th month or later that year. It follows that Mariote troop movements to Babylon spanned at least the first half of ZL 9u. Villard noted a geographical factor in the sequence of troop contingents. They came from areas ever farther from Babylonia: first from neighboring Suhum, then from the provinces of the Mari, finally from the areas in the north where the Hana were presumably recruited. 130 The magnitude of the undertaking can also be measured by the number of troops. The number of contingents was 600 Suheans under the command of Sakirum, plus 1,300 of the provinces under the command of Ibal-Pi-El and ZimriAddu, plus 1,000 Hana under the command of Bahdi-Addu, plus 500 reinforcements under the command of Yantin-Erah—in sum, 3,400 men. In 23 435, the number of soldiers under the command of Bahdi-Addu is given as 1,500. The additional 500 soldiers were probably commanded by a certain Yatti-Addu, who appears in this text as the recipient of gifts with values comparable to those of the other commanders. Since he and his troops are not mentioned in 27 151, they may have arrived after the letter was written. The total of the Mariote expeditionary corps of ZL 9u in Babylon would then have been 3,900 men. There is an intriguing passage about the quality of the troops from the banks of the Euphrates in a letter in which the governor of Terqa reports on the muster of troops from this district for the campaign to Babylon (3 19). The governor says that the sick and old and the members of the upper class (“gents”) stayed at home. The latter had provided a replacement, presumably their slaves. 128. The letter is particularly hard to understand. Durand’s interpretation and translation differ considerably from mine. He groups the text with 6 67, where Bahdi-Lim reports on having decided to let Yantin-Erah go at the head of the troops. While this seems to be the very topic treated in 6 28, Bahdi-Lim requests gifts for Yantin-Erah and a certain Inni-Han, “who goes before the Hana,” in 6 67. Yet this Inni-Han is not mentioned among the officers and troops of the campaign to Babylon, for whom gifts are registered in 23 435. Furthermore, Bahdi-Lim defers the decision of letting Yantin-Erah lead the additionals to Babylon to the king in 6 28, while he makes the decision himself in 6 67. I therefore believe that 6 67 refers to a different time in Yantin-Erah’s military career. Being the last pick may have been the story of Yantin-Erah’s military career. 129. For this possibility, see §36, phase 3. 130. Villard, “Parade militaire dans les jardins de Babylone,” FM 1 (1992), 144.

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Reconstruction of Events during Years 9u to 11u of Zimri-Lim’s Reign 34. Reports of a Diviner Who Accompanied Troops Going to Babylonia

Troops on the march were accompanied by a diviner, who ensured safety en route. 131 One of the troop contingents marching down the Euphrates to Babylon was accompanied by the diviner Erib-Sin. He performed extispicies along the way and reported on them to the king. Erib-Sin’s first report is 26 95. It is a very short letter: A message from the pasture-chief in Suhum had arrived, instructing the troops to cross the Euphrates to Sa Hiddan, and 60 troops had already crossed. EribSin did not mention that he performed extispicies occasioned by the change of route and that the extispicies were sound, the route was deemed safe, and the first group of soldiers had crossed at the time the letter was written. The following letters from Erib-Sin do not leave out these details. The king’s secretary, Su-Nuhra-Halu, probably wrote him to be more explicit and not to forget to mention his extispicies, which were the reason for his being sent on this mission. Sa Hiddan should have been located on the west bank, opposite Hiddan, which was spelled Hindanu in later periods. 132 Presumably, the original plan had been for the troops to march down on the east bank, and it was for that route that extispicies had been performed in Mari. Safety throughout Suhum on the west bank was occasionally compromised by Suteans, but this should not have been a problem for troops. Some other consideration must have been the reason for the change. Erib-Sin’s next letter, 26 97, came from Hanat, where he performed extispicies for the route down to Sapiratum, as the king had instructed him in Mari. These instructions were given before the change of route. This means that the troops who crossed at Sa Hiddan re-crossed at, or upstream of, Hanat or that the original route included crossing to the east bank at, or upstream of, Hanat. The locations of Hanat and Sapiratum do not help clarify the question of west or east bank because these cities, or at least their central parts, were located on islands. For some reason, the troops had to stay in Hanat. The extispicies may have indicated danger, so they had to wait until the danger had passed; or they waited for another group of troops, or they had to be mustered before proceeding. The last alternative is most likely, because Erib-Sin ended his letter with the apparent result of a muster, reporting that 50 Hana troops had decided to take their leave before coming to Hanat because of a lack of provisions. Promises made by their division commander did not change their decision. If Erib-Sin was communicating this detail about the troops with whom he was marching, which is probable, then he was attached to the contingent of Hana led by Bahdi-Addu that arrived in Babylon in IV 9u. In the preserved part of 26 99, Erib-Sin reported that he had received instructions from Asqudum, a servant of the pasture-chief Meptum, to perform extispicies with a relatively short period of five days’ validity for the safety of a city whose name 131. See 26 17; 114; 404; 27 16. 132. The later spellings are probably hypercorrections, and the name was always pronounced Hiddan.

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is broken. When he arrived there, he performed the extispicies. Durand restores Sapiratum, and Charpin considers this restoration, which would place the text geographically between Erib-Sin’s stay in Hanat (26 97) and Yabliya (26 98). Divination for the city was not strictly part of Erib-Sin’s assignment. Meptum probably saw a potential threat to the city for a few days’ duration and used the services of the diviner. Letter 26 98 was written in Yabliya, a major city of Lower Suhum. The troops divided into two groups. Two hundred went with Meptum from Yabliya to Qaßa. Erib-Sin performed the extispicies for this route. He limited their validity to 15 days, and the outcome was favorable. Qaßa was located south of Id and may have been the southernmost locality in Mari-controlled Suhum. Erib-Sin’s colleague Dada performed the extispicies for another group, also of 200 men, who went by another route. The extispicies for the remaining 404 of the 804 Hana soldiers must have been performed by one or the other of four diviners who are attested in connection with the campaign to Babylon: Inib-Samas, Hali-Hadun, Ilsu-Naßir, and Kakka-Ruqqum. Hali-Hadun and Ilsu-Naßir accompanied the contingent commanded by Ibal-Pi-El and Zimri-Addu. The last understandable report, 26 100-bis, came from Halhala below Sippir— that is, either one of the two cities with that name. Erib-Sin performed extispicies for the safety of the troops, specifically for finding out whether Hammu-Rabi would “not catch, not kill, not cause to kill, not detain for evil or peaceful intentions” the troops and whether those who went out by the city gate of Mari would return and enter it alive. Both extispicies were favorable. The Mariotes saw actual combat in Babylonia, and it is therefore very unlikely that all returned. As so often, the divination was proved wrong by events. It did not invalidate their belief in divination, as is usually the case, given the nature of belief. 35. Support from Yamhad and Zalmaqum The Mariote envoy Abi-Mekim reported in 26 468 from Babylon on negotiations with Hammu-Rabi concerning unresolved issues in drawing the border between the kingdoms of Mari and Babylon. On that occasion, Hammu-Rabi expressed his satisfaction that Yarim-Lim of Halab, Zimri-Lim, and he had become allies and were now in a position to “pull the claw of that enemy (Elam) from the land.” Abi-Mekim stated that Zimri-Lim had been the one who “attached the (upper) land, all of it, to the alliance” and that he “went forth to fell fiend and foe and to pull his (the Elamite’s) claw from the land of Akkad.” Hammu-Rabi’s words must have been spoken not long before the death of Yarim-Lim between months III and VIII of ZL 9u, because only during the reign of his successor, also a Hammu-Rabi, are concrete results from this anti-Elamite alliance attested. In 28 12, a long letter to Hammu-Rabi of Babylon of which only a fragment containing the opening lines and some lines near the end have been identified, Zimri-Lim reported that this Hammu-Rabi of Halab had dispatched troops after repeated exhortations on his

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part, and that these troops had now arrived in Mari. He also expected the kings of Zalmaqum to send troops, at least those of the lower, southern, part of that widespread country. Zalmaqean troops did come to Mari. They passed Qa††unan on the way and Governor Zakira-Hammu reported on it in 27 78–81. According to his two first letters, 2,000 troops of the king of Hanzat and 2,000 of Bunuma-Addu of Nihriya passed by. The governor was reproached by the king for not reviewing the troops and for giving inflated numbers, and he excused himself by saying that he intended to impress “fiend and foe.” In 27 80, his numbers sound more realistic: 800 men had come from the king of Suda and 400 from the king of Harran. Still, the 1,200 men are inexplicably totaled as “1,000 Zalmaqean troops.” Even if the earlier count of 4,000 was grossly inflated, the number of troops was considerable. The Zalmaqeans however did not go on to Babylon as Zimri-Lim promised in 28 12. The governor of Saggaratum reported in 14 76 on the arrival of Zalmaqean messengers, who were on their way south with the message that the troops of their land had been provided for Zimri-Lim but were not allowed to move on to Babylon. Yamhadean troops, on the other hand, did move on to Babylon, as we know from 2 71, a letter from the Mariote chief-musician Warad-Ilisu, who was staying in Halab at the time. He reported that the king of Halab was happy to have received the news that Zimri-Lim had sent his troops to Babylon. He quoted the king as having said, “Good! My brother (i.e., Zimri-Lim) dispatched my troops to Babylon.” In 14 75, the governor of Saggaratum reported on repeated disappearances of Yamhadean and Zalmaqean soldiers. A case in point is documented by Bahdi-Lim’s letter in 6 35: A, or the, Yamhadean general came to see Bahdi-Lim, informing him of the disappearance of four of his men. The king was in the vicinity of Terqa and Saggaratum at the time, so Bahdi-Lim asked him to make sure that the governors of the districts were informed. If 14 75 and 6 35 belong to the time under consideration, it follows that not all Yamhadean troops had moved on to Babylon. As already mentioned, the dispatch of troops by Hammu-Rabi of Halab resulted from an alliance between Babylon and Mari that Halab joined in the days of YarimLim, who died between III and VIII 9u. The Zalmaqean troops came to Mari later, but not by much. When they passed Qa††unan, the reporting governor was ZakiraHammu. This governor came back to replace Zimri-Addu when the latter went to Babylon during IV or V 9u. Accordingly, the Zalmaqean troops passed Qa††unan after that date. A letter by Ibal-Pi-El from Babylon, 2 21, confirms this date: information had been received in Babylon that 20,000 Yamhadean and Zalmaqean troops were marching against Atamrum toward Idamaraß. Hammu-Rabi of Babylon was puzzled by the news because he was under the impression that Zimri-Lim was moving against Atamrum. Zimri-Lim left for Razama at the end of V 9u. I would connect the events as follows: At the end of ZL 8u, when Elam planned its move against Babylon, Babylon planned its countermoves. Part of its plan was to include Halab in the alliance with Mari. Zimri-Lim convinced Yarim-Lim to join. The two kings had plenty of time to talk about details on their trip to the Mediterranean dur-

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ing early ZL 9u. Yarim-Lim brought the Zalmaqeans into the alliance. It was agreed that troops from the three northern powers would be sent to Babylon. Yamhadean and Zalmaqean troops may have been dispatched to Mari as early as III 9u, when Zimri-Lim was still in the west and Yarim-Lim was alive. The troops stayed in various locations in the kingdom of Mari. After Yarim-Lim’s death, some of the Yamhadean troops went on to Babylon. The Yamhadean troops remaining in Mari and the Zalmaqean troops joined Zimri-Lim when he marched against Atamrum at the end of V 9u. Their numbers were grossly overstated as the information made its way to Babylon. 133 It is possible that Qa†anum joined the alliance also. As already mentioned in §33, the governor of Saggaratum reproached leaders of his district for being tardy, while troops from Yamhad and Qa†anum were already underway to Babylon (14 65). He may have exaggerated a bit. The stance of Qa†anum at this time is actually unclear. Ishi-Addu, the king of that city, told Elamite diplomats that his land was in Elam’s hands and that the Elamites would not be “caught” if they came up (A.266). Yet his words may not have been more serious than those of Hammu-Rabi of Babylon when he promised the Elamites military help right before the outbreak of hostilities between the two powers. Qa†anum is also mentioned in 2 21, but the context is not recoverable. 36. Babylonian Troops Come to Mari It may seem strange at first sight that Babylonian troops were dispatched to the kingdom of Mari at the same time that Mariote troops were dispatched to the 133. Several other documents mentioning troops of Yamhad in Mari have been connected with the Babylonian campaign but appear to belong to a different time. (1) In 3 30, Kibri-Dagan reported about Yamhadean troops who arrived in his district of Terqa. Governor Kibri-Dagan wanted them to stay in a place called Mulhe, which according to the meaning of the name, “Salts,” was an unattractive location. They refused and camped out near Terqa. According to Kibri-Dagan’s letter 3 13, the previous governor, Sammetar, repeatedly requested the use of Yamhadean troops. They were the same troops, because Kibri-Dagan mentioned again that they refused to stay in Mulhe. Durand dated the letter in his new edition, LAPO 17 691, to the end of ZL 5u at the latest—Sammetar died at the beginning of ZL 6u (26/1, 576). He suggested that the troops came to help Zimri-Lim against the Yamina. He dated 3 30, which is LAPO 17 841, to the formation of the allied force going to Babylon in ZL 9u, but this is as unlikely as the connection with 3 13 is likely. (2) Governor Yaqqim-Addu reported the arrival of Yamhadean troops in Dur-Yahdun-Lim in 14 83. In the same letter, he described a conversation with the Yamina leader Íura-Hammu about the difficulties in organizing participation of Yamina in a campaign by Zimri-Lim. There was division among the leaders, and one of them wanted to harvest rather than go on a campaign. Lacambre believes that this must be the harvest of ZL 10u, because at this time the reluctance of the Yamina to participate in Zimri-Lim’s military assistance for Babylon is attested in several letters (“Hiritum,” 437–38). Yet at harvesttime in ZL 10u, Yamina troops were in fact going to Babylon (23, 428–29). Whichever harvest it was, a harvest date does not correspond to the middle of the year, when the Zalmaqean troops came to Mari in ZL 10u, as proposed.

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kingdom of Babylon, but such was the case. The feature of troop exchange between allies is actually well attested. Mariote troops were in Ilan-Íura while Ilan-Íurean troops were in Mari (§31). The king of Andarig suggested an exchange of troops with the king of Karana (26 394). He also sent 500 troops to Mari while a Mariote garrison was present in Andarig (26 404). The advantages of such arrangements are not quite clear. There was the danger that troops stationed with an ally would become cannon fodder, pawns, hostages, or prisoners of war. The troops were also unhappy to be stationed far from home, and flight seems to have been common. On the other hand, troop exchange between allies gave their alliance more cohesiveness, and that is likely to have been the principal reason, ranging the custom next to marriages between the ruling houses of allied powers and the elaborate oaths that were sworn in order to cement alliances. Alliances nevertheless were frequently broken, turning allied troops into prisoners of war, princesses into slaves, and oaths into crimes. The troop exchange between Mari and Babylon was a complex affair. The documentation appears to be quite good, but it is difficult to bring the sources into a convincing chronological and logical order. I distinguish four phases. (1) Mari was desperate for Babylonian troops to help control the situation in Idamaraß in the face of Elamite aggression and the occupation of Subat-Enlil, while Babylon was hesitant to shift troops to the north because it, too, was threatened by Elam. (2) Babylon recognized that Elam was applying more pressure in the north and sent troops to Suhum and farther north. (3) Babylon became apprehensive of troop concentrations under Mari’s command. (4) Babylon reversed itself again and sent additional troops to Mari. Phase 1. After having written Hammu-Rabi “once, twice,” Zimri-Lim sent a third message, which arrived in Babylon and was presented to Hammu-Rabi by IbalPi-El and Zimri-Addu. Ibal-Pi-El reported on the matter in 2 23. He and ZimriAddu renewed the request for an immediate dispatch of 10,000 Babylonian troops to Mari, the return of the 1,000 Hana troops whom Bahdi-Addu had brought to Babylon, and the dispatch of a third group of troops whose identity and number is lost in a break. Zimri-Lim needed the troops in order to put a stop to the growing influence of Elam in the north, a goal that Ibal-Pi-El diplomatically expressed as returning the kings of Hilly Arc and Northern Plains, who were lending their ear to Elam, to Hammu-Rabi’s side. If Zimri-Lim would march with his own troops and allied Babylonian troops to prop up the most important of these kings, HammuRabi of Kurda, the kings would stop lending their ear to Elam. Hammu-Rabi reacted cautiously and suggested waiting “5 days,” when he would review incoming reports, consult, and then act. The letter is, as usual, undated. It must have been written after the arrival of the Hana and before 8 V, when Babylonian troops would actually depart for Mari. 134

134. Durand’s interpretation and dating in LAPO 17 590 differ. See my note, NABU 2000 35.

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Phase 2. The Mariote envoy Abi-Mekim had come to Babylon to find a solution to the problem of the border between Babylon and Mari in Suhum. When it became clear after lengthy negotiations that this problem would not be solved at this time, Zimri-Lim ordered him back to Mari and asked him to bring back “the troops.” Abi-Mekim’s answer is 26 470. He mentioned three contingents of Babylonian troops. Two had already been dispatched, and he would lead the third in “5 days.” The first was led by the Mariote messenger Kalalum and his Babylonian companion, Puzur-Marduk. 135 The passage that describes their departure is partly broken and the extant text lacks information on the number or type of troops. The departure of this contingent from Babylon is probably the topic of Hammu-Rabi’s letter 6 54 to Bahdi-Lim. Hammu-Rabi said that he had dispatched troops with heavy gear to Zimri-Lim, noting that they had a long trip ahead of them. The note suggests that Mari was impatiently waiting for the arrival of these troops and that their destination was not just Suhum, beyond the border of the kingdom of Babylon. Hammu-Rabi also asked for news about Zimri-Lim and the siege of Razama, which means that Zimri-Lim was still on the way back from his journey to the Mediterranean, and the siege of Razama was in progress. The second contingent consisted of 5,000 troops and 600 small boats under the command of the Babylonian Nidnat-Sin and 3 Babylonian generals. It had been sent to Buqaqum, the mayor of Sapiratum, with the mission of securing Suhum. The third contingent, which AbiMekim expected to lead to Mari in five days, consisted of shock troops, but AbiMekim, who was in Babylon when the troops assembled “in [GN],” did not know their number. At the time, he wrote Meptum, who would be responsible for the safety of the troops on their march through Suhum. Meptum then wrote BahdiLim and Bahdi-Lim wrote the king in 6 34 on 8 V 9u that Babylonian troops had assembled in [GN], were headed for “our lord,” and were led by Abi-Mekim. Phase 3. Abi-Mekim did not leave in five days, but had to stay in Babylon for two more months. During this period, Ibal-Pi-El wrote 2 21, a long report, badly preserved, and difficult to understand. 136 It is mainly concerned with HammuRabi’s reaction to the message from Meptum on the 10,000 Yamhadean and 10,000 Zalmaqean troops that were on their way to Idamaraß to confront Atamrum. I mentioned in the last section that these were troops that had come to the kingdom of Mari. The numbers were probably grossly inflated, and the mission of the troops was wrongly generalized. We have seen that some of the Yamhadean troops actually went to Babylon and that the others stayed on Mariote territory. When Zimri-Lim 135. A dispatch of Kalalum and Puzur-Marduk from Babylon was mentioned by AbiMekim already in the first letter he wrote after arrival in Babylon (26 468). Abi-Mekim was detained in Babylon for some time (26 470), enough to give Kalalum and Puzur-Marduk the opportunity to make two round trips from Babylon to Mari. I assume that they returned from their first trip with Zimri-Lim’s message, which Abi-Mekim answered in 26 470. It was their second trip when they led Babylonian troops to Mari. 136. Durand wondered, in his note to the new edition of the text as LAPO 16 350, “what demon” caused Jean to publish this text in 1950 when it could not possibly be understood.

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departed for Razama he probably took some of these troops with him. Nevertheless, Hammu-Rabi was concerned that someone (Durand believes that it was HammuRabi of Kurda; I believe it was Zimri-Lim) would have more troops at his disposal than he. Hammu-Rabi of Babylon may also have known that the Elamite threat to Idamaraß was somewhat hollow, that Atamrum would switch sides before engaging in serious battle, or that the Esnunakean troops that were fighting under Elamite orders were on the verge of rebellion. In any case, he reverted to the more conservative strategy of concentrating the forces in his own land. Consequently, he insisted that Mari send to Babylon the balance of the troops that had been promised. These were the reinforcements, the 4th Mariote contingent, that would be brought down by Yantin-Erah (see §33). I date phase 3 to the 6th month, the time when news about Zimri-Lim’s preparations and/or departure for his campaign to Razama against Atamrum reached Babylon. Phase 4. Bahdi-Lim informed the king in 6 18, dated 8 VII, of the arrival of the Mariote envoy Isim-Ea and his Babylonian companion, Marduk-Nisu. Isim-Ea told him, “Abi-Mekim will take [ ].” I follow Durand’s convincing restoration “Abi-Mekim will take [their (that is the troop’s) lead].” This was the third contingent of Babylonian troops that Hammu-Rabi had finally dispatched. What changed Hammu-Rabi’s mind again? The threat of Atamrum was gone, the influence of Kunnam in Idamaraß was waning, the campaign season was drawing to an end. Perhaps he was afraid that the Elamites would concentrate their forces by rounding up as many soldiers as possible in Idamaraß, give up their occupation of Subat-Enlil and move south in preparation for a push in the direction of Babylon as soon as the weather would allow it in the coming campaign season. If so, Babylonian troops in Mari were in a position to keep the two parts of the Elamite army separate. Despite Hammu-Rabi’s instinct of concentrating troops in his kingdom, the investment of Babylonian troops in Mari had grown remarkably and surpassed that of Mariote troops in Babylon in the end. Mari sent at most 3,900 troops to Babylon. Babylon sent 5,000 troops and 600 small boats to secure Suhum and an unknown number led by Kalalum and later by Abi-Mekim. 37. Elamite Moves in ZL 9u Hammu-Rabi’s flip-flops in the matter of troop exchange with Mari would be easier to understand if we had better information regarding the diplomatic and military moves of Elam during mid-ZL 9u. We know something about what Elam did not do: It did not grant Atamrum’s request for additional troops for the siege of Razama, and it did not invade Mariote territory when Zimri-Lim marched on Razama, as Atamrum had suggested. Elam also did not invade Babylonian territory. The only military action that probably belongs to this period was an Elamite encounter with the Quteans. It is documented in Ibal-Pi-El’s letter 2 26. He reported that Elamite troops had returned from the land of the Quteans and that there were two rumors about the outcome. Some said that the Quteans prepared to fight when the Elamites

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approached. Thereupon, the Elamites offered peace, which was accepted. Others said that the Quteans seized their own general, a woman, and delivered her to the Elamites. If the latter was true, the general must have been released, because she commanded troops again a year later (6 27). Quteans were valued as soldiers, and the Elamites may have gone to their land in search of more troops. As mentioned in §28, a Qutean contingent was part of the Elamite-led force that occupied SubatEnlil. Ibal-Pi-El wrote 2 26 from Babylon, where he stayed from at least V 9u on. At the height of the battle with Babylon early in ZL 10u, the Elamites would hardly have had time for the Qutean campaign. Later, it would not have been news. So the campaign should have taken place in ZL 9u. The land of the Quteans must be sought in the hills and mountains east of the Tigris, where campaigns would not have been timed for deep winter. So the event probably took place sometime between the 5th and the 8th month of ZL 9u. 137 38. Babylonian and Elamite Troops Move into Position Zimri-Addu reported in 27 140 that Babylonian troops had left the capital and stationed themselves “ªbelowº Sippir, toward Asa[-Sin], in the city of Namsi, to meet the [enemy]. And [they harvest] grain ªbetweenº Tigris and Irnina. And the troops of my lord and the Babylonian crossed (the Irnina) and. . . .” The geography of the area is relatively well known from the description of the northern provinces of the Ur III kingdom at the time of Ur-Nammu. 138 Accordingly, we know that Namsi was located on the left bank of the Irnina. 139 “Sippir” meant Great Sippir. 140 Zimri-Addu added that the Elamite army had crossed the Tigris at Mankisum and established a camp, which would have been on the west bank of the river. The exact location of Mankisum is not known. According to the Urbana itinerary, it was reached from the south after passing Kar Kakkulatim and Kar Samas. These cities were located on the Zubi, the western branch of the Tigris that joined the Irnina. 141 137. This date is feebly confirmed by a possible mention of [SAL N]a-wa-ri-[tum] in 26 470 by Abi-Mekim, a letter that was written in V 9u. 138. Edited by F. R. Kraus as “Provinzen des neusumerischen Reiches von Ur,” ZA 51 (1955), 45–75. 139. See Kraus’s text A III 12–22 and P. Steinkeller’s map in “On the Reading and the Location of the Toponyms URxU.KI and A.HA.KI,” JCS 32 (1980), 33. 140. So, according to a passage in the unpublished letter A.1873, as communicated by Charpin in “Sippar: Deux villes jumelles,” RA 82 (1988), 17 n. 22. It follows that Great Sippir was located on the Irnina, not the Zubi, as Charpin assumed on the basis of a map published by Gibson, which in turn is based on an unproved hypothesis of T. Jacobsen. 141. The indirect linkage of the Euphrates and Tigris systems appears to have allowed boat traffic between Mankisum and the two Sippirs, according to UET 5 685. W. F. Leemans, Foreign Trade in the Old Babylonian Periods Revealed by Texts from Southern Mesopotamia” (Leiden, 1960), 170–71, thought that payment of a marsh fisherman (su-HA apparim) on the leg between Mankisum and Namsi in that text indicated that the route crossed a marsh.

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When Zimri-Addu wrote 27 140, the Elamites were staying in their camp, and he did not know in which direction they would move—north to Situllum and Ekallatum, west to the head of the Euphrates Delta and on to Suhum, or south to Babylon. The fact that Mariotes and Babylonians were stationed at Namsi on the Irnina indicates that Hammu-Rabi knew what Zimri-Addu did not know, namely, that the Elamites intended to march to the Irnina. Hammu-Rabi ordered his generals Nidnat-Sin and Ilan-Semea to bring their troops down to the Irnina, informing Buqaqum in Suhum (28 6). These were the 5,000 men that Hammu-Rabi had dispatched in V 9u (see §36). They probably came down to the Irnina on the 600 small boats that had been sent with them. Several administrative documents dated to II 10u register gifts for Babylonian troops and Nidnat-Sin and his generals on the occasion of their departure for the Irnina. 142 We cannot be sure that the date of the records coincides exactly with the date of the transactions recorded in them. They left before the date of 24 94, which is unfortunately broken. Expenditures for Babylonian Troops and Their Leaders Date

Text

Transaction

9 II 10u

23 564

expenditure of wine for dinner of Babylonians

9 II 10u

23 565

expenditure of wine for Babylonian generals when they received their gifts

9 II 10u

23 566

expenditure of wine as gift for Babylonian troops

29 II 10u

21 100

honey for Babylonian generals Nidnat-Sin, Nuham-Ili, Apil-Ilisu, Ahi-Lumur

[

24 94

goblets for Babylonian generals when they departed with NidnatSin

]

39. Isme-Dagan Joins Coalition against Elam The unknown writer of A.3669+ mentions that Zimri-Lim motivated Ekallatum and Andarig to change sides from Elam to the Mariote-Babylonian alliance and that this change was a factor in the eventual defeat of the Elamites. An episode of Zimri-Lim’s initiative with respect to Ekallatum is documented. Next to the registration of gifts for the Babylonian generals in 24 94, this entry is found: “6 . . . goblets that Napsi-Erah brought to Ekallatum as wanted items of the palace (in Ekallatum).” A man by that relatively rare name, who is likely the same person, was sent by Buqaqum and Ibal-Pi-El from Ekallatum to Qabra, farther east. Buqaqum and Ibal-Pi-El were in Ekallatum on a mission to make arrangements for a trip to Mari by Isme-Dagan. They reported on it in 26 489. Having come from the south, Buqaqum from Suhum and Ibal-Pi-El from Babylon, they first went to Assur. The 142. I cannot explain the absence of Ilan-Semea in 21 100.

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news in Assur was about events in the east, about Kakmum and Qabra. This was also the talk in Ekallatum, when they met with Isme-Dagan. There was disagreement on the actions of some Quteans, and Isme-Dagan contradicted Buqaqum and Ibal-Pi-El. Buqaqum and Ibal-Pi-El speculated that he had reacted emotionally to something Zimri-Lim had said and were not sure about Isme-Dagan’s truthfulness. There was distrust on both sides, as could be expected. The Mariotes found IsmeDagan in bad physical shape and predicted that he would not be able to make the trip even if his son Mut-Askur and a man named Lu-Nanna 143 would come up to bring him to Mari. If the writer of A.3369+ was correct (his letter praises Zimri-Lim so lavishingly that the veracity of its statements are not beyond doubt), the Mariotes succeeded in bringing Isme-Dagan into the Babylonian-Mariote alliance against Elam in the end. As mentioned, Buqaqum dispatched Napsi-Erah from Ekallatum to Qabra. He also dispatched a certain Samas-Lamassasu to Kawilhum, a city of Sasiya. Their mission was presumably to bring the kingdom of Qabra and the Turukkeans into the alliance, too. The mission to Ekallatum has been dated differently by Lackenbacher and Durand on the basis of 2 119, which is the first report by Buqaqum and Ibal-Pi-El from their mission in Ekallatum. The text is badly preserved and does not provide an intelligible text beyond the fact that the writers announced their arrival in Ekallatum. A “son of Samu-Addu” whose name ends with the element “Addu” is mentioned at the end of the letter. It gave rise to Munn-Rankin’s idea that Askur-Addu, the king of Karana, was the son of Samu-Addu, who was governor of Samsi-Adad in Karana and presumably its earlier king. Lackenbacher accepted the idea (26/2, 406) and dated the mission of Buqaqum and Ibal-Pi-El in Ekallatum to the time when AskurAddu became king, which happened not long before IX 10u. In my opinion, there is good evidence to the effect that Askur-Addu was not Samu-Addu’s son, and so I do not feel bound to Lackenbacher’s dating. Durand connected 2 119 with 2 45, which he re-edited as LAPO 16 373. That text belongs to the time after Íilli-Sin became king of Esnuna, but it is a report by Bahdi-Lim about a mission to Ekallatum taken by Ishi-Addu, not by Buqaqum and Ibal-Pi-El. 40. Siege of Hiritum Hammu-Rabi guessed well or was informed well, when he stationed troops in Namsi. It turned out that the confrontation on the Irnina concentrated on the siege of Hiritum, a city not far upstream. Documentation for the beginning of the siege is missing. The earliest report is 27 141, in which Zimri-Addu described a situation after the Elamites had lost one of their two siege towers. Fortunately, Zimri-Addu repeated information from his previous letter: The tower had stood on the “lower fringe,” possibly the pathway between the wall and the river. It was probably set up at the corner from which one stretch of the wall ran along the river and the other 143. According to Charpin and Durand, “Assur,” 391, comment b, he was the foreign minister of Isme-Dagan.

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ran away from the river, and next to the edge of the earthen ramp of the besiegers that was heaped up for about 120 m from that corner and away from the river. The defenders managed to burn this tower. The new information in the letter concerned the defense against the remaining tower and the earthen ramp from which the enemy attempted to gain access to the top of the city wall. In an effort to thwart the Elamites, the defenders constructed a contraption called luªu hamannu. It fronted the earthen ramp and allowed the defenders to elevate their wall and thus maintain the advantage of fighting from above. It was constructed of earth, presumably a pack of earth heaped up on top of the wall to gain height. They could have added layers of brick, but they may not have had sufficient time. Packed earth could be put in place faster, but it would have needed braces to prevent the earth from spilling over the edge of the wall and giving way under the feet of the defenders. Perhaps the mysterious luªu hamannu were such braces. 144 Zimri-Addu concluded his report on an upbeat note: the Babylonians confidently said, “the enemy will not be able to do anything to this city.” In 27 142, he reported on an episode in which Mariote troops were stationed opposite the tower and the ramp. Helped by Babylonians, they succeeded in pushing the enemy off the ramp. The next day, the enemy was having difficulty with the top of its ramp and a fire was burning in front of the tower. 145 There was talk that the Elamites would be unable to replace their last tower. Ibal-Pi-El reported in 2 30+ on the last phase of the siege. 146 The braces are again mentioned, this time in connection with the measure of “3 cubits, 4 cubits,” which may be their height. Ibal-Pi-El was concerned that they could be toppled by the battering ram. When the Elamites realized that their ramp did not gain them access to the crown of the wall because of the earthen pack and because their ramp was deteriorating as one end was washed into the river, and that they also could not cross the Irnina and so outflank the city, their only course of action was retreat. In the eyes of contemporary analysts, it was the ingenious braces that carried the day. The unknown writer of A.3669+ reported on the situation after the Elamite retreat: “Hammu-Rabi went to Hiritum, and he went repeatedly along both braces. Larsean messengers and allied messengers of my lord went with him, and he

144. As already suggested in my note, NABU 1997 103. 145. It is very unfortunate that the passage is not fully preserved, because it obviously describes problems with the use of the humudaya, which Durand translates as “gangways” and I as “leaners.” I am not convinced that gangways were used, because the method of physically getting to the top of the wall from outside was an earthen ramp. I assume that humudaya is connected with emedum “to lean,” and that they are the uprights of a siege tower. The problem with the top of the earthworks may have been that the earth slid down and pressed against the uprights of the tower until they gave way. Streck, Amurriter 1, 99, adduces cognates that also suggest a vertical feature. He thinks of “leaners” as ladders leaned against the wall. 146. The letter is difficult to understand because of the poor state of preservation and because the topics do not seem to have been treated in their proper chronological order, which is a common feature of Mari letters. The second topic of his letter is probably what happened first.

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had them shown the interior of the city and the wall.” Zimri-Addu reported in 27 145 that the contraption was dismantled a short time later. 41. During the Siege of Hiritum Zimri-Addu reported in 27 141 at the time when the siege of Hiritum was in full swing that one group of Babylonian troops burned the harvest on Esnunakean territory and another, consisting of 3,000 Babylonian and 2,000 Mariote troops, operated at the head of the Euphrates Delta in the vicinity of Sa Baßim. This group was led by Ibal-Pi-El. The troops had pitched camp on the east bank of the Euphrates opposite Sa Baßim. They made a foray from that camp, but word had reached the enemy and they returned empty-handed, much to the dismay of the brass back in Babylon, who wondered how 5,000 troops could be so unsuccessful. At the time of Zimri-Addu’s letter, a second foray was scheduled to last ten days. Ibal-Pi-El’s failure was of course sweet music to Zimri-Addu’s ears. He could not refrain from telling the king that he had given Ibal-Pi-El advice to consult extispicies next time. The unsuccessful operation is also mentioned in A.3669+. According to this source, the number of Babylonian troops was 4,000, and their mission was stopping an expeditionary corps of Elamites on its way to The Vizier in Hiritum. Marching to Hiritum and passing in the vicinity of Sa Baßim means that these troops came from farther up north. I believe that they were the Elamite troops with whom Kunnam left Subat-Enlil, including the allied contingents of Idamaraßean kings. The unknown writer of A.3669+, who was certainly a Mariote, said that Ibal-Pi-El had suggested ambushing the Elamites but that his idea was not accepted, and the Babylonian troops retreated. The writer, sounding apologetic, expressed his view that a bad situation could have been worse without the involvement of Ibal-Pi-El and BahdiAddu. If indeed the Babylonian-Mariote task force failed to stop Elamite and allied troops coming from Subat-Enlil from augmenting the Elamite forces besieging Hiritum, it must have been a major military setback for Babylon. There are two letters from Ibal-Pi-El that may refer to the aftermath of the affair. In A.522+:19u–29u 147 he quoted an order by Hammu-Rabi that may be understood as a redeployment of the Babylonian-Mariote taskforce. Its mission was now “to close the Irnina” 148 and to make sure that Mariote troops would cross to the west bank and stay in Sippir-ofSamas (Abu Habba). Ibal-Pi-El, following Hammu-Rabi’s order, crossed with his troops below Sa Baßim and positioned himself in Sippir-of-Samas. In 2 22, Ibal-PiEl reported on a conversation in which Hammu-Rabi addressed the debacle of the Babylonian-Mariote task force. Hammu-Rabi spoke of shock troops that went to attack a marching column of the enemy but failed because “there was no bridge for 147. Quoted by Charpin in “Sippar: Deux villes jumelles,” RA 82 (1988), 18 n. 25. 148. It is not likely that the interruption of the flow of the Irnina is meant, which could hardly be accomplished, and would render the crossing to the east bank pointless. Perhaps the phrase means preventing the Elamites from crossing.

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use in laying an ambush.” Instead, they should have used light troops and kept themselves informed about the position of the enemy at all times. Hammu-Rabi’s example reveals the nature of Ibal-Pi-El’s failure: Ibal-Pi-El was moving cumbersomely with his 5,000 heavily armed troops and their gear to intercept the enemy, who was marching downstream on the other side of a watercourse. Yet without a pontoon bridge in place, which would have allowed them to cross quickly, and without knowledge of how far downstream the enemy really was, he never had an opportunity to set up a position ahead of the enemy. 149 Still in 2 22, Ibal-Pi-El reported of having dispatched Sakirum with 300 troops to Sa Baßim. They operated alongside 300 Babylonian troops and secured the important Euphrates crossing after the force led by Ibal-Pi-El was redeployed farther south. The contemporaneousness of operations at the head of the Euphrates Delta, the linkup of Kunnam’s troops with the Elamite forces in Babylonia, the Babylonian raid on Esnunakean territory, and the siege of Hiritum show that the war between Elam and Babylon was fought on a number of fronts. When Kunnam withdrew from Subat-Enlil, the Elamites effectively shortened their front line and focused more on Babylonia. But it was too little too late. 42. Date of the Siege of Hiritum Charpin argued for dating the battle of Hiritum to ZL 10u on the basis of the following considerations: Hammu-Rabi named his 30th regnal year after a victory over Elam. The Elamite withdrawal from Babylonia was certainly the outcome of this victory. Since the year-name reflects an event in the previous year, the victory must have occurred in Hammu-Rabi 29, which likely corresponds to ZL 10u. 150 In the second paragraph of 27 141, Zimri-Addu reported that Babylonian troops made an incursion into Esnunakean territory, where they burned grain. The ideal time for burning grain is after reaping, when it is bundled in sheaves on the fields. Before reaping, the plants may look dry but are green inside and do not burn well; and after threshing, it is difficult to burn grain. At the time of the letter, the siege of Hiritum had not yet ended. Lacambre, using a wide array of documentation comes to the same conclusion. 151 The most accurate indication is provided by 21 100 (see §38). Its date of 29 II 10u is approximately contemporaneous with the Elamite troop movements from Mankisum to Hiritum. So the siege would fall into the 3d month, when some grain was drying on the fields, while other grain was already being threshed. 149. Since Ibal-Pi-El was on the east bank of the Irnina and the Elamites intended to join their army, which was also stationed on the east side of the Irnina, Hammu-Rabi’s example and Ibal-Pi-El’s dilemma can only be strictly parallel if there was a watercourse east of the Irnina on whose east bank the Elamites were marching south. 150. Charpin, “Elamites,” n. 49. Note that this dating supersedes his dating of the battle to ZL 9u in the introduction to chap. 2 of 26/2. 151. Lacambre, “Hirîtum,” 432–39.

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43. Elamite Withdrawal The Elamites had come to an impasse before Hiritum. They were unable to overcome the defenses of the city and they were unable to cross the Irnina, which was the last natural obstacle on the way to Babylon. They could also see that the Babylonians had taken the initiative in the territory of Esnuna, which was to their rear. These factors alone may have been enough to force the Elamites to retreat. There were also adverse political developments. Isme-Dagan of Ekallatum and Atamrum had changed allegiance from Elam to Mari. The writer of A.3669+, who reported this fact, stated his belief that this change was in fact the real reason for the retreat and that Hammu-Rabi could not have forced the Elamite retreat without Mariote troops. But the view of this flatterer probably distorted reality in proportion to his intent of ingratiating himself with the king. According to Ibal-Pi-El’s letter 2 30+, the first stage of Elamite disengagement from Hiritum was retreat in the direction of Kakkulatum. Ibal-Pi-El’s concern was that the Elamites would veer to the west and turn on Suhum: “I am afraid 10 thousand will go out, and he (the enemy) will dispatch (these) 10 thousand ªtroopsº, and they will start an uprising in Suhum.” He sent a reconnoiterer to check on the enemy and to warn Meptum in Suhum in writing as soon as he saw “a trace” of evidence that the Elamites intended to march on Suhum. Ibal-Pi-El also dispatched a force of 30 Suheans to Kakkulatum and instructed their leader to inform him and Zimri-Lim if the enemy headed upstream from Kakkulatum. He himself took the steppe route, possibly a route between the Euphrates and the Tigris, which would have allowed him to bar the way to the Elamites in case they decided to march up the Tigris from Kakkulatum and turn west across the Tharthar depression above the extensive salt marshes into which the Tharthar River empties. Zimri-Addu was still in the camp by, or in, Hiritum at the time and wrote the king from there that the enemy had taken the route to Kakkulatum. The letter is probably 27 144, which is mostly destroyed. Zimri-Lim fortunately repeated the information in his next letter, 27 145. At that time, the Babylonians were removing the earthworks on and in front of the wall of Hiritum. The enemy had reached the Zubi opposite Kakkulatum, crossed the river, regrouped, and destroyed the city. A recently published excerpt from the unpublished Epos of Zimri-Lim indicates that the retreat to Kakkulatum was disastrous for the Elamite army: “. . . the Elamite troops from Kuzabat until Kakkulatum. On the route on which the enemy went, on the right of the road and the left, was there 1 thousand a corpse that was dead? And donkeys (even) more than humankind that had fallen, and lance, its blade taken, and its handle dropped, unspeakably (much).” 152 Remarkably, the only possible reference to a rout in Zimri-Addu’s letter 27 145 is his expression “regrouped.” ZimriAddu added that the work-detail, that is the men who had heaped up the ramp, had been released from duty and was on the way to Elam, and that 30,000 troops of The 152. Guichard, “Guerre,” 46.

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Vizier, consisting of 10,000 Elamites and 20,000 Esnunakeans (27 147), were marching upstream toward Mankisum. Zimri-Addu was told that The Vizier would stay in Mankisum and dispatch troops from there to Ekallatum. A little later, Zimri-Addu’s troops moved from the camp in Hiritum north to Great Sippir (Tell ed-Der) and Zimri-Addu sent letter 27 146. It contains no new information on the Elamites. By the time of the next letter, 27 147, The Vizier had actually dispatched the 30,000 troops “to the land of Subartum.” At that time, the Esnunakeans finally took concrete steps to disengage themselves from the Elamites and asked Hammu-Rabi for assistance. In the third letter, 27 148, Zimri-Addu reported on information that had been elicited from Elamite informers: There were now just 5,000 Elamite troops accompanying the 20,000 Esnunakean troops. Their destination was Situllum, the southernmost city in Ekallatean territory. The troops were supposed to lay siege to the city and to inform The Vizier when the city was surrounded; he would then join them with the remainder of his troops that had been left in the camp opposite Mankisum. Nothing seems to have come of the siege of Situllum, at least nothing more was said about it. The Vizier stayed in Esnuna. The only information about this time is 26 361, a letter from Yarim-Addu in Babylon. It was expected there that The Vizier would withdraw to Elam. In reaction to his continued stay in Esnuna and in an action that would please the restive Esnunakeans, Hammu-Rabi tightened the screws on the Elamite messengers who were still marooned in Babylon. He had planned earlier to let them go. Now they were put under guard in their rest houses. The Vizier finally left Esnuna, but not without looting the city (26 377). Zimri-Addu took up the story in 27 149. When The Vizier reached Diniktum, the war was over for Babylon, and Hammu-Rabi released the Elamite messengers. His escort, who went with the messengers, had a message for The Vizier in which Hammu-Rabi mentioned that the Esnunakeans had revolted in the end; then gleefully, and somewhat uncharacteristically, he added, “I told you so.” 44. A New King in Esnuna Sarrum-Íululi, leader of a Mariote troop contingent in Babylonia, reported in 26 377 that the Esnunakean troops “installed a king of their own” while The Vizier was en route between Diniktum and Elam. He characterized the new king this way: “That man is a commoner. [He is not] ªson ofº nobility. His name is ªÍilli-Sinº. He is a division commander.” This development put an end to the vacuum that had developed when the Elamites retreated from Esnuna and led to suggestions that ZimriLim or Hammu-Rabi of Babylon step in to control Esnuna directly. According to A. 257 it was Zimri-Lim who suggested to Hammu-Rabi to rule Esnuna himself or, in case the Esnunakeans disagreed, to choose a noble Esnunakean from among those staying in exile in Babylon and appoint him king. But Ibal-Pi-El, the writer of the letter, knew already that a division commander (he may not yet have known his

spread is 1 line short = 12 points

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name) had been, or would be, chosen. 153 Dossin connected this incident with A.2741, a letter in which the Uprapean leader Atamrel urged Zimri-Lim “not to release Esnuna from his hand.” 154 Atamrel stressed that the mayors and pasture-chiefs of the Yamina pasturalists agreed with him and had on their part suggested that Zimri-Lim should install a nobleman in Esnuna if relations with the Esnunakeans were not to his liking. In case this was not an option, Zimri-Lim should “return Esnuna to his hand.” This letter may have been written at the time Ibal-Pi-El sent letter A.257 but before the news of the installation of Íilli-Sin had reached Atamrel. 155 45. A New Order In 26 377 Sarrum-Íululi expressed his expectation that Hammu-Rabi would be happy to hear of Elam’s withdrawal from Esnuna. A serious threat was gone, but the rise of a new kingdom of Esnuna in the summer of ZL 10u must have caused concern. A few years earlier, Esnuna had been enough of a threat for Elam, Babylon, and Mari to form an alliance against it. Esnuna would need some time to overcome the results of occupation and looting. But it was capital of a populous and agriculturally rich land in a central location and would soon be a major player in Mesopotamia again. In 26 372, Yarim-Addu reported from Babylon on Hammu-Rabi’s moves. They responded to, and helped shape, the new order of ZL 10u. It is a very long letter, reviewing the result of initiatives that Hammu-Rabi had just undertaken, in panoramic fashion. It is divided by rulings into three sections that treat the state of affairs with Esnuna, Larsa and the eastern kingdoms that had sprung up in the wake of the Elamite withdrawal, and Andarig in the north. Elam is not mentioned anymore. Esnunakean messengers had arrived. Hammu-Rabi, having received their message, about whose contents Yarim-Addu is silent, appointed envoys to return with them to Esnuna and gave them “the small tablet.” Yarim-Addu expected Íilli-Sin, the new king of Esnuna, to commit himself to the text of this tablet. Íilli-Sin would then send his “small tablet” to Hammu-Rabi who would commit himself to its text. In a second stage, Hammu-Rabi would send the “large tablet” with the final text of a treaty. Íilli-Sin would swear to abide by it. Finally Íilli-Sin would send his “large tablet” to Hammu-Rabi, who would swear to abide by it. In this manner, the kings would establish ties between them. Examples of “small” and “large tablets” are 153. See Lacambre, NABU 1994 76. 154. Dossin, “Madarum,” 54. 155. For a reinterpretation of A.2741, see my note, NABU 1998 59. Durand, NABU 1998 94, rejected my interpretation and dating without offering an alternative explanation for the essential point, which is that the period between the retreat of Elam and the enthronement of Íilli-Sin was the only time when Atamrel’s suggestion made sense. The difference in interpretation is the result of different a priori assumptions. Durand assumes that Atamrel died in the war between Mari and the Yamina and thus cannot appear in ZL 10u. I assume that A.2741 must be dated to ZL 10u, demonstrating that Atamrel was still alive then.

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known 156 but not a matching small and large pair. They were formulated unilaterally, producing a text to which the addressee, but not the author, committed himself. Thus the texts of the small and large tablets of the king of Esnuna and HammuRabi were different, and reciprocity was established by the exchange of the texts. 157 Relations with Larsa had significantly deteriorated since the winter of ZL 8u, when Rim-Sin and Hammu-Rabi exchanged letters received from The Vizier. At the time of 26 372, Larsa was making raids on Babylonian territory. There were no Babylonian envoys in Maskan-Sapir, and the messengers of Rim-Sin in Babylon had been locked up, which meant that Babylon considered itself at war with Larsa. In contrast, relations with Malgum flourished. This kingdom on the road from Esnuna to Elam reappeared as soon as the Elamites withdrew. Messengers of its King IpiqEstar and Hammu-Rabi shuttled back and forth. The kingdom of Der, located on the same route and closer to Elam, also reappeared, and the messengers of the king of Der were expected, but had not yet arrived. In the north, Hammu-Rabi was cultivating relations with Atamrum. He had sent two envoys, who brought Atamrum a message, gifts, and a “tablet of a sacred oath.” Atamrum questioned the fact that additional gods by whom to swear and additional words to which to commit were written into the text. He also quoted one issue of the tablet verbatim. It contains Hammu-Rabi’s text of his (Atamrum’s) selfcommitment to treat the enemies of Babylon as his enemies and honor the peaceful relations that Babylon entertained with other kingdoms. A case in point were the Esnunakean troops that had come under Atamrum’s control after his conquest of Subat-Enlil. Atamrum reported in his letter to Hammu-Rabi that he was committed to their safety and that they were free to pass from his territory to Ekallatum. Thereupon, Hammu-Rabi wrote Isme-Dagan to expect arrival of these troops and to send them home to Esnuna. Bahdi-Lim mentioned in 6 70 that “Isar-Lim ªtook the leadº of . . . the Esnunakean troops.” Isar-Lim was an official of Isme-Dagan, so the statement probably refers to the cooperation of Ekallatum in the repatriation. 158 Hammu-Rabi’s show of good will would have made it easier for Esnuna to accept the planned treaty with Babylon. 46. Renewal of Relations with Elam The war between Elam and Babylon had threatened the existence of HammuRabi’s kingdom, but as soon as it was over, Hammu-Rabi relaxed his stance. When the retreating Vizier arrived in Diniktum, Hammu-Rabi released the Elamite messengers in Babylon from custody and sent a messenger of his own to The Vizier (27 156. Examples of small tablets are M.6435+ and A.96. A large tablet is A.361, which is edited by Charpin in “Traité,” 140–45. 157. The process is described by Charpin in 26/2, 144–45. 158. Some Esnunakean troops were still in Andarig at the time of Habdu-Malik’s mission there at the beginning of ZL 11u. He reported in 26 389 that they had been relocated to a ruined settlement and were complaining about it.

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149). The Vizier reciprocated immediately, admitting wrong and proposing a renewal of relations (27 150). When he was back in Elam and the kingdoms of Esnuna, Malgum, and Der had sprung up in his wake, he sent an embassy to Babylon. Yarim-Addu reported on the trip of the Elamite messengers in 26 373. The Dirites conducted them through their land from the Elamite border to the border of Malgum, and the Malgites conducted them to Babylon. But when the messengers wanted to return, they found that the Esnunakeans blocked their way. 159 The motive of Esnuna is clear: once an alliance between Babylon and Elam had brought down the last kingship of Esnuna, the new king could not have been comfortable with close relations between these powers. Hammu-Rabi on the other hand was interested in a renewal of relations with Elam. He did not like The Vizier personally, as we know from his reaction to The Vizier’s death, but he was a rational man. Elam still had much to offer. It had tin, and Babylon looked at the rise of a new Esnunakean kingdom with apprehension. It was always possible that Esnuna would become a threat to Babylon again and make another alliance with Elam desirable. Seeing that the normal route to Elam was blocked by Esnuna, Hammu-Rabi sent his messengers through an area of Esnunakean territory that had been abandoned and lay waste. They reached Elam without crossing the territories of Malgum and Der, most likely by rounding the north end of the Pusht-i-Kuh and following that mountain range along its northeast flank. The episode demonstrates that there was no direct route between Susa and Babylon at the time. The obstacle may have been a physical barrier of marshlands or the bad relations between Babylon and Larsa. 160 Yarim-Addu also reported that Babylonian relations with Malgum had intensified. Hammu-Rabi propped up the kingdom with 120 pounds of silver, a sizable sum, and 70 bushels of grain, a sizable amount. Clearly, a viable kingdom of Malgum meant much to Hammu-Rabi. It had a common border with Esnuna and with Larsa, the potential and actual rivals of Babylon. The king of Malgum, Ipiq-Estar, “touched his throat for Hammu-Rabi.” The text of his commitment is not known. Yarim-Addu finally mentioned a rumor that a Babylonian contingent of 6,000 troops, a sizable force, would be leaving the next month for Ekallatum. Their mission was, according to his source, to deal with the current enemies of Ekallatum— Sasiya, the king of the Turukkeans, and the unnamed king of Qabra. 47. Mariote Troops Return Home With Elam’s withdrawal from southern Mesopotamia, Mariote troops had ended the mission for which they had come to Babylonia and returned to their land, or so I interpret the sources. According to current opinion, the troops stayed on in Babylonia, supported Hammu-Rabi in his war against Larsa, and were kept there 159. Esnuna probably controlled land between Malgum and Der. 160. During the Ur III period, a much-traveled route led from Girsu in southern Mesopotamia through Sabum to Susa.

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still after the fall of Larsa. 161 I believe that the troops, at least those commanded by Yantin-Erah, Bahdi-Addu, Zimri-Addu, and Ibal-Pi-El, returned in ZL 10u, and that Zimri-Addu and Ibal-Pi-El went down to Babylonia for a second time with fresh troops in ZL 11u to participate in the war against Larsa. My reconstruction is based on a passage in 27 162. In that letter, Zimri-Addu tells about a certain Kapi-Dagan, who did something against Mari’s interest in Babylon and was entrusted to YantinErah by Ibal-Pi-El and Zimri-Addu to be taken to Mari “with the first troops.” Partway there, Kapi-Dagan, who was afraid of being punished, managed to return to Babylon, but “we (that is, Ibal-Pi-El and Zimri-Addu) did not know that that boy ªhad returnedº to Babylon until we reached Mari.” Zimri-Addu wrote 27 162 from the area of Larsa, where he was stationed after the fall of the city in ZL 11u. The reference to “the first troops” implies that other troops had returned to Mari as part of the same overall troop movement. I assume that Zimri-Addu and Ibal-Pi-El were leading the troops under their command when they went to Mari after Kapi-Dagan escaped, and they then returned to Babylonia to assist in the war against Larsa. 162 Nothing further is known about the return of Yantin-Erah and his recruits. But some details about the return of Ibal-Pi-El are known. They come from a series of letters by Buqaqum and from three letters by Ibal-Pi-El himself. In 26 488, Buqaqum relayed information from a group of persons on their way to Mari to the effect that Hammu-Rabi had promised to dispatch Ibal-Pi-El. At the same time, Buqaqum was informed that the king of Esnuna had called up every eligible person for military service and that the army had gathered in Tuttub. A little later, Ibal-Pi-El wrote 2 25. He reported that Hammu-Rabi was reluctant to let Mariote troops go or to dispatch Babylonian troops with them, as Zimri-Lim had requested, because he was concerned about the intentions of the Esnunakean army. They were at the Tigris crossing of Mankisum by then, but it was not known which route they would take, upstream along the west bank toward Situllum, across the Tharthar depression toward Suhum, or south toward Babylon. When a report came in that they were in fact headed for Situllum, Hammu-Rabi declared himself ready to comply with Zimri-Lim’s request. That request was for the return of the Hana soldiers, 500 of the soldiers from the banks of the Euphrates, and the dispatch of a whopping 10,000 Babylonian troops. It was the long-standing request that had already been put to Hammu-Rabi about one year earlier, but had been refused by him then. 163 Ibal-Pi-El dispatched Yantin-Erah, commander of the reinforcements, and Bahdi-Addu, commander of the Hana. He was concerned that the king would reproach him for not dispatching the troops on the banks of the 161. See, for example, Durand, LAPO 17, 215–16 and Lackenbacher 26/1, 405. 162. Birot, who published 27 162, did not submit to the logic of the passage, stating in comment d that the return of the “first troops” may have taken place after the fall of Larsa, or earlier in ZL 9u or 10u. If the first alternative were true, Zimri-Addu would have gone to Mari after the fall of Larsa and been back in Babylonia at about the same time. 163. See §36.

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Euphrates along with them and explained that the “attitude” of the Hana would have created difficulties. He further indicated that Yantin-Erah would give a full explanation. Why Ibal-Pi-El feared Zimri-Lim’s reproach for not having dispatched 1,000 troops when Hammu-Rabi had only consented to the dispatch of 500 is not quite clear. Ibal-Pi-El’s next report is RA 33. Two days after he had dispatched the Hana troops under Bahdi-Addu, Yaqqim-Addu came from Mari with a message for Hammu-Rabi. It included something about the Hana troops. But since they had already departed, Ibal-Pi-El and Yaqqim-Addu decided to keep that part to themselves and presented the remainder of the message to Hammu-Rabi. It must have concerned the dispatch of Babylonian troops to Mari. Three days later, they approached Hammu-Rabi again and pressed him for an answer to Zimri-Lim and for Babylonian troops that Yaqqim-Addu could bring back. Hammu-Rabi was content to send Yaqqim-Addu back, but without troops. In the face of Ibal-Pi-El’s and Yaqqim-Addu’s protests, Hammu-Rabi seemed to relent. He excused himself again with uncertainty about the intentions of Esnuna: a report might come in five days, and Yaqqim-Addu could return then. Nothing was said about Babylonian troops. At the end of his report, Ibal-Pi-El mentioned that Mariote and Babylonian troops had captured an “informer” at the gate of Mankisum. The informer would be brought to Mari, presumably with Yaqqim-Addu and Ibal-Pi-El’s letter. Hammu-Rabi had good reason to be concerned about Esnuna and the situation in the east generally. The new king of Esnuna had ordered a full mobilization, and even if his troops were headed north along the Tigris rather than west to Babylon, it was known that Esnunakean intentions were ultimately directed against Babylon. A glimpse—and not more—of the turbulence of the time can be had from 6 27, a letter from Bahdi-Lim to Zimri-Lim, who was away from the capital. It is dated to the 5th month. 164 Bahdi-Lim reported that an Esnunakean messenger and his Ekallatean and Kurdean companions were caught “in the midst of livestock” (presumably belonging to Suhum, who herded their animals far to the east, up to the vicinity of Assur) and brought to Meptum, who sent them on to Mari. There they were interrogated and provided the following news: 12,000 Esnunakean troops were marching up to Situllum (a fact that had already become known in Babylon right before Ibal-Pi-El wrote 2 25); Esnuna had given Elam a large amount of grain; 10,000 Qutean troops under the command of Nawaritum were headed for Larsa—whether to attack it or to support it against Babylon, Bahdi-Lim does not say; Babylonian troops, operating from Malgum, went to rustle Elamite sheep. The Esnunakean messenger also had to reveal the message that he was carrying: 164. That is, the 5th month of ZL 10u. Charpin, “Chronologie,” 56–57, understood the events reported in the letter to precede the defeat of Esnuna by Hammu-Rabi in his 31st year, which corresponds to ZL 12u. I believe that the Esnunakean troops, or at least some of them, were allied forces sent to Isme-Dagan. Their presence in Ekallatum and Razama became a prime factor in the political situation in the Hilly Arc in ZL 11u.

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Hammu-Rabi of Kurda and Isme-Dagan of Ekallatum were asked not to provide troops to Babylon and urged Zimri-Lim not to provide troops to Babylon either. Under such circumstances, it is not surprising that Hammu-Rabi hesitated to send large numbers of his own troops to Mari. He allowed the Mariote troops under the command of Yantin-Erah and Bahdi-Addu to return, but Babylonian troops were not dispatched after all. It also took numerous requests from Mari to get IbalPi-El back. When Ibal-Pi-El had finally left Babylon and was close to the Mariote border, he wrote 2 24. He explained that he had not written earlier because he was afraid Hammu-Rabi might change his mind again. Ibal-Pi-El’s final argument in favor of letting him go had been that Babylon had destroyed its enemy (which must have been a reference to Elam) and that even if “the” or “a god” motivated Esnuna to “overstep the good words he had placed between Babylon and Esnuna,” HammuRabi still could not act on such outrage because the cold season was coming, which would make it impossible to attack a land and lay a siege. Ibal-Pi-El’s arguments had fallen on deaf ears, but a message from Zimri-Lim, brought to Hammu-Rabi by a certain Etel-Pi-Samas did the trick. Ibal-Pi-El said in wonderment that Zimri-Lim’s words were the same as those with which Hammu-Rabi had instructed him for his trip back to Mari. I assume that Zimri-Lim had reached the same compromise independently. As future developments show, the compromise may have been to let the Mariote troops return for the cold season on condition that they, or at least some of them, would return for the coming campaign season. Ibal-Pi-El also wrote a letter to Buqaqum in Suhum, announcing his arrival there in five days. Buqaqum relayed the information to Mari in 26 486. He also mentioned a rumor that 2,000 or 3,000 Babylonian troops would be dispatched with Ibal-Pi-El. 165 In 26 487, Buqaqum relayed the information that he had gathered from a servant whom he had sent downstream to meet Ibal-Pi-El: there were no Babylonian troops with Ibal-Pi-El, just a Babylonian messenger.

E. Back in the North 48. Atamrum Becomes King of Andarig Atamrum was king of Allahad, a city located somewhere between Andarig and Karana. He was apparently still king of Allahad in early ZL 10u when Yamßum reported in 26 320 that La-Awil-Addu was establishing a camp near Subat-Enlil. Not much later, Atamrum seems to have assumed the kingship of Andarig, which had lain dormant for more than a year after Qarni-Lim’s death. Documentation attest165. In the same letter, Buqaqum reported the arrival of four Babylonian messengers with their diplomatic companions. Two messengers and their Andarigite companion were on their way to Andarig, and the other two were headed for Mari. Their companion was Yattin-Erah. This is certainly not the commander who passed Suhum earlier, bringing troops back from Babylonia.

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ing the fact and the date is minimal. In his review of the new order that established itself after the withdrawal of Elam from Mesopotamia in early ZL 10u, Yarim-Addu mentioned that Atamrum had received gifts from Hammu-Rabi of Babylon (26 372). Among them was a chair, which, as pointed out by Charpin, indicates that Atamrum had just become king. 166 He was already king of Allahad, so the chair would have marked Atamrum’s assumption of the kingship of Andarig. An important aspect of Atamrum’s belated assumption of the kingship may have been the measure of legitimacy for his claim to Subat-Enlil that came with it, because that city had had close ties with Qarni-Lim, king of Andarig. Clearly, Atamrum’s career flourished as political power shifted in the Hilly Arc and the Northern Plains from Elam to Mari. Atamrum first succeeded in changing his status with respect to Mari from enemy to ally, then he gained control of SubatEnlil, and finally he assumed the kingship of Andarig. 49. Haya-Sumu’s Star Is Fading Haya-Sumu’s meek submission to Atamrum in early ZL 1 0u did not gain him security with Atamrum. A few months later he wrote Zimri-Lim that the inhabitants of Suhpad, a city he considered his possession, had asked Yasim-El, Mari’s representative in Andarig, Zu-Hadni, king of neighboring Surnat, and a third person for protection against Atamrum. However, Atamrum had seized the city anyway and installed his regent there. The exact location of Suhpad is not known, but since it was claimed by Haya-Sumu and Atamrum it probably lay in the vicinity of IlanÍura and Subat-Enlil. 167 It was Zimri-Lim’s understanding that the city actually belonged to Haya-Sumu, and he asked Yasim-El about the affair. Yasim-El answered in 26 409. Mari was deeply involved, because Yasim-El had accompanied Atamrum to the city at the head of Mariote troops. Three days after “coming close (and camping before)” the city, Atamrum obtained a peaceful settlement. Atamrum committed himself not to “hunt,” kill, or deport the residents, and they in turn committed themselves not to “hunt” or kill his regent and not to bring back their former king. The citizens also swore that Atamrum would henceforward be “lord of the soil,” that is, presumably, ruler of the territory of Suhpad. However, the villages of Suhpad did not feel bound by this oath, for which reason Andarigite and Mariote forces remained in the area (§54). Yasim-El rejected Haya-Sumu’s claim that the Suhpadeans had asked for his protection. Had they done so, he argued, he would have honored their plea and not allowed the city to become a possession of Atamrum. In fact, he would take away from Atamrum any city that asked for his protection. On the other hand, he did not question Zimri-Lim’s opinion that the city belonged to Haya-Sumu. He acknowledged that the city had been promised to Haya-Sumu and then, “by bad luck, confusion settled on the land and those matters were not sorted out until this day.” There are elements in Yasim-El’s description of his conduct that 166. See Charpin, “Traité,” 158. 167. Joannès, “Routes,” 343 n. 89, placed it on the route between Subat-Enlil and Amaz.

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do not sound straightforward. His dismissal of the veracity of the Suhpadeans’ assertion that they approached him for help includes a hypothetical argument and is a bit shrill. His praise of Atamrum’s loyalty to Zimri-Lim and vague explanation of how Atamrum could have had a legitimate claim on Suhpad indicate that Yasim-El knew very well that the seizure of Suhpad was raw aggression against Haya-Sumu, that the Suhpadeans may very well have asked him for help, and that he sided with the new best friend of Mari since Haya-Sumu’s status in Mari was declining. Atamrum, on his part, acted as if the matter had not yet been decided and left the final decision to his “elder brother” Zimri-Lim. He cannot have had much respect for Haya-Sumu, who bowed to him when threatened over control of Subat-Enlil and evaded direct confrontation with him over Suhpad. Zimri-Lim wrote Haya-Sumu, assuring him of his understanding that Suhpad did indeed belong to Ilan-Íura and stating that he had told Atamrum to give the city back. Haya-Sumu responded in 28 81. He acknowledged Zimri-Lim’s assurance and urged him to return the city to him. After recalling an incident when Zimri-Lim’s promise proved empty and another when Zimri-Lim did not reply to his question, he invited Zimri-Lim to take joint action with him against the city of Tilla. And if Zimri-Lim could not help in person, would he write Atamrum to free Mariote troops stationed in Andarig so they could help him against Tilla? Tilla was the first of four way stations between Subat-Enlil and Saggaratum (1 26) and must have been located close to Ilan-Íura, probably southwest of it. The city was antagonistic to Mari throughout the reign of Zimri-Lim. In his very first campaign, Zimri-Lim had sacked Kahat and Tilla, as emerges from an early letter of Kirum (10 31). In ZL 5u or 6u, Samsi-Erah of Tilla was allied with Kahat and Kurda against Mari (26 357). At the time of Askur-Addu’s entrance into Subat-Enlil in ZL 9u, 500 Esnunakean troops entered Tilla, presumably by invitation of Samsi-Erah, placing Tilla firmly among the Elamite sympathizers in Idamaraß (27 134). At the time of Taki’s rescue of Subat-Enlil in early or middle ZL 10u, Samsi-Erah was still allied with Kurda. Yamßum said in 26 313, “besides Samsi-ªErahº, [the man of Tilla, nobody] who has caused [grief ] to the person of my lord. . . .” So Haya-Sumu’s plea for Mariote troops against Samsi-Erah would have fallen on sympathetic ears in Mari. But his letter shows that his star was sinking: Atamrum was nibbling at his territory, he would not fight neighboring Tilla without Mariote help, he reproached Zimri-Lim for not keeping his promises yet asked him for help against Tilla, and he misjudged reality when he requested the assistance of Mariote troops stationed in Andarig, as if Mari would value him higher than Andarig. In the recent past, he had betrayed Mari when Kunnam came to Subat-Enlil; he showed himself weak when threatened by Atamrum; he treated his wife Kirum, daughter of Zimri-Lim, badly; he created difficulties for Mari’s representative Yamßum. Yet he was dependent on Mari on all fronts. Things did not look good for him.

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50. Atamrum Besieges Asihum and Adallaya Atamrum was not content with possession of Subat-Enlil and with chipping off territory from Haya-Sumu. He also attacked territory in Kurda. His first goal was the conquest of Asihum. According to 27 72-bis, this city had been ruled several years earlier by a king with the Hurrian name Hazip-Ulme. He and the rulers of Alilanum and Íubat-Estar were at the time vassals of Sarraya of Razama of Yussan. According to Charpin’s reconstruction of one of Yahdun-Lim’s campaigns, Íubat-Estar was located close to the Tigris at about the point of the modern border between Iraq and Turkey. 168 It is likely that it shared a border with Yussan, the land of its overlord. It is further likely that Alilanum and Asihum shared a border with Yussan. At the time of Atamrum’s siege of Asihum, the city was in the hands of Kurda. So Asihum was probably situated between the southern border of Yussan and the northern border of Kurda—that is, north of the eastern part of Jebel Sinjar. If Razama was located in the area of Tell Kotchek, Asihum would have been in the area of Tell al-Sawr. A very different location is suggested by an itinerary of Samsi-Adad (1 26), who planned to go from Subat-Enlil to Saggaratum with overnight stays in Tilla, Asihum, Iyati, and Lakusir. The distance is about 130 miles in a straight line if we place Saggaratum on the Habur, 20 miles upstream from its confluence with the Euphrates. Samsi-Adad would have covered an average of 26 miles a day, a good day’s march, and Asihum would have been located several miles southwest of Mount Murdi in the vicinity of modern Gubeibah. The area of Tell al-Sawr lies too far east to fit into Samsi-Adad’s route. In fact, any place on his route is too far west of any conceivable border of Yussan. I therefore assume that Samsi-Adad’s Asihum and Hazip-Ulme’s Asihum were two different places. According to location, both the western and eastern Asihum might have been contested by Kurda and Andarig under Atamrum. But the siege description indicates a rather important settlement, and I therefore assume that it was the eastern Asihum of Hazip-Ulme. Yasim-El described the start of the siege in 26 405. Atamrum had established a camp “toward” the city, probably on the road leading to its gate, and settled the Mariote contingent under Yasim-El in a separate camp “close to the base of the city.” The city was defended aggressively by 1,000 soldiers (Yasim-El rated them as “good”) under the command of Saggar-Abum, a general under Hammu-Rabi of Kurda. Yasim-El found himself in an awkward position. As Atamrum’s ally, he probably had no choice but to join the siege. But he did not want to fight because Mari and Kurda had a nonaggression treaty, and he had not heard of any enmity toward HammuRabi of Kurda from Zimri-Lim. Saggar-Abum of course treated him as the ally of Atamrum and an enemy, making repeated sorties against him. 169 The Mariotes 168. Charpin, “Campagne,” 180. 169. The description of the location of the Mariote camp “close to the base of the city” and the fact that Mariotes were subject to sorties indicates that the Mariote camp was closer to the city than Atamrum’s camp. This would mean that Atamrum had wanted the Mariotes in a more exposed position and that Yasim-El had not objected.

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eventually became embroiled in the fighting, and Yasim-El sent word to SaggarAbum that fighting between them violated the oath sworn by their kings and that he, Saggar-Abum, was the aggressor. In his answer, Saggar-Abum referred to the action of Mariote commanders as evidence that the Mariotes were the aggressor. At some point, Hammu-Rabi of Kurda and Atamrum exchanged messages on the situation. Hammu-Rabi offered to cede a city, perhaps Asihum or Harbe, to Atamrum if Sasiya, the king of the Turukkeans, would authorize the action. Atamrum countered by offering to cede a city in return or, for that matter, any number of cities in exchange for an equal number of cities ceded to him, if Hammu-Rabi of Babylon or [Zimri-Lim] would authorize the action. The passage contains seemingly important information on the political constellation of the hour. Sasiya appears as suzerain of Hammu-Rabi of Kurda; HammuRabi of Babylon and Zimri-Lim as suzerains of Atamrum. The suzerainty of Sasiya over Kurda is surprising. Nothing but this passage indicates it. Perhaps HammuRabi of Kurda overstated Sasiya’s rank somewhat because he wanted Atamrum to trust the sincerity of his peace initiative. More likely, his suggestion was sarcastic. Atamrum’s response also smacks of sarcasm. It is hard to imagine that he, the aggressor, was really interested in a peace based on equality. At the end of his report on the siege of Asihum, Yasim-El mentioned that Arrapha-Adal, king of the land of Sirwunum and, based on his name, a Hurrian like the former king of Asihum, was expected to come and lay siege to Adallaya, another city in Kurda, on behalf of Atamrum. Memo 26 406 shows that Atamrum ended up besieging Adallaya himself, and that there was doubt about aid forthcoming from Arrapha-Adal. On the other hand, Yamßum reported in 26 343 that unidentified persons, possibly Atamrum and Arrapha-Adal, collaborated in surrounding “Adalle,” which is how the name of the city was pronounced. In 26 407, Yasim-El reported on the actual siege operations. Arrapha-Adal is not mentioned in the preserved parts of the letter, but much of the tablet is missing. At the time of the siege of Asihum and Adallaya, the Mariote soldiers grew concerned about the impending cold season, because they had not brought any sheep along or silver to buy sheep. It must have been the cold season of ZL 10u, because in ZL 11u Atamrum was in Babylonia throughout the summer and autumn and returned at the end of the 9th month, that is, in deep winter. A date in ZL 9u is impossible because Yasim-El was not stationed with Atamrum during that year. 170 170. For the date in ZL 10u, see already Joannès. Even if a date in ZL 11u is impossible, it is instructive to note that there are a number of facts that point to ZL 11u: (1) Sasiya made a treaty with Hammu-Rabi of Kurda in ZL 11u, which gives the appearance of agreement with Atamrum’s reference to cities of Hammu-Rabi that might be ceded on command of the Turukkeans. (2) Hammu-Rabi built up Asihum in ZL 11u and stationed 1,000 soldiers there. (3) Sadu-Sarrum was reported ready to go to Mari at the time of the siege of Adallaya, which followed immediately the siege of Asihum. The 3 correspondences do not, in fact, exclude a date in ZL 10u. The ceding of Kurdean cities at the command of Sasiya may be sarcastic, as pointed out. Asihum was ideally, and therefore repeatedly, defended by 1,000 men, and Sadu-Sarrum put off his planned trip to Mari in ZL 10u (see the next section).

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The outcome of Atamrum’s sieges of Asihum and Adallaya is not known. He may not have been successful. By the 5th month of ZL 11u, the cities were in the hands of Hammu-Rabi of Kurda. 51. Sadu-Sarrum Aborts His Plan to Go to Mari After reporting on Atamrum’s siege of Adallaya in 26 407, Yasim-El mentioned a rumor that “Sadum-Sarrum goes” (i.e., was expected to go to Mari) and that he would write as soon as more information on the matter became available. SaduSarrum was king of Azuhinum. He fought beside Razama of Yussan against Esnuna in ZL 3u (14 106). The Esnunakeans won the battle, a general of Sadu-Sarrum was killed, and Razama and Azuhinum changed allegiance from Mari to Esnuna (above, §4 f). Later, Razama and Azuhinum realigned themselves with Mari, and at some point Sarraya came to Mari accompanied by the kings of Asihum and Alilanum and the generals of Tupham and Azuhinum. 171 This visit took place when Qarni-Lim was king of Andarig, that is, in ZL 8u or earlier. In 14 108, Yaqqim-Addu announced the arrival of a general from Azuhinum, who was on his way to Mari, and declared himself a follower of Hammu-Rabi of Kurda. It must have happened after Sarraya lost his power, which caused Azuhinum to realign itself with Kurda. In the second half of ZL 10u, at the time of the siege of Adallaya, Sadu-Sarrum himself was expected to come to Mari, but failed to do so. He may have been prevented by the state of war in the area, which also disrupted communication between Andarig and Mari (26 407). It is likely that Mari asked Yasim-El to dispatch 50 troops of the Mariote contingent in Andarig to Azuhinum in preparation for the planned trip in ZL 10u. The troops would have guarded the city while its king was in Mari. Yasim-El reported in 26 437 that he approached Atamrum about it and that he agreed. At the same time, Babylonian troops stationed in Andarig left the city. Yasim-El did not know their destination, but he must have expected them to head for Azuhinum—though not to guard it but to attack it. So, he warned, “the land Azuhinum and Tupham” and “the entire land has gathered in the bastions.” It is interesting to see that Mari and Babylon effectively operated against each other at that time and in that area. 172 It is also interesting to note that the action of the moment was concentrated in Asihum and Azuhinum, in the Razama’s zone of influence. Hammu-Rabi of Kurda extended his control into this zone and in the process clashed with Atamrum in Asihum; Zimri-Lim propped up Sadu-Sarrum of Azuhinum. These actions suggest that a power vacuum was being filled. The vacuum presumably formed at the end of Sarraya’s rule. Unfortunately, little is known of his fate or that of his city Razama after Zimri-Lim left for the city in ª23 Vº 9u. In the last paragraph of 26 409, Yasim-El 171. For this trip, see Birot’s comment a on 27 127. 172. Joannès believes that the letter was written after the return of Atamrum from Babylon. Yet the fact that Atamrum talked to Yasim-El, even agreed with him, and that Atamrum referred to Zimri-Lim as his father, does not accord with the situation after his return from Babylon.

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reported that Atamrum provided grain to 2,000 Razameans staying in Andarig and encouraged them to return and build up their city. The passage suggests that the population of Razama had been evicted from their city and was in the possession of Atamrum and Askur-Addu. This in turn confirms the collaboration between Atamrum and Askur-Addu that is already documented by Askur-Addu’s move from the camp facing Razama to Subat-Enlil (see §18), and it makes it likely that Atamrum and Askur-Addu, not Zimri-Lim, conquered Razama. The city does not seem to have recovered. 173 It plays no detectable role after Zimri-Lim left for it. With regard to Sadu-Sarrum, he ended up staying in his city. It took another year before he came to Mari, as will be explained in §70. 52. A Thaw in Relations between Hammu-Rabi of Kurda and Atamrum Mari was formally allied with Atamrum and Hammu-Rabi of Kurda but actually more with Atamrum and less with Hammu-Rabi. Tensions between the two kings meant danger for Mari, because it drove one or the other into the arms of Mari’s enemies. Concerted action by Kurda, Ekallatum, and Esnuna against Andarig and Mari; or Andarig, Ekallatum, and Esnuna against Kurda and Mari would present a serious threat to Mari’s hold on the Hilly Arc. Peace between Kurda and Andarig was therefore a main objective of Mari diplomacy. We know of at least two initiatives to establish such a peace. The first is documented in 26 410. The letter was written by more than one author, but their names are lost. One of them was probably Yasim-El. It tells of Mariote emissaries who came to Atamrum and urged him to make peace with Hammu-Rabi of Kurda. Atamrum showed himself agreeable. If Hammu-Rabi would agree that the city of Harbe belonged to Atamrum, there would be no further obstacle to establishing good relations, and all outstanding matters between them could be arbitrated by Zimri-Lim. Hammu-Rabi showed himself agreeable too. He accepted Atamrum’s conditions and “abandoned his life to his lord” Zimri-Lim “the same way as Atamrum”—in other words, he committed himself by oath to the Maribrokered peace with Andarig. Hammu-Rabi evacuated Harbe and brought its inhabitants into Kurda, and Atamrum took possession of the city and its territory. Harbe is certainly the city which is elsewhere called Harbe of Yamutbal. The majority of Atamrum’s subjects were Yamutbal, so Atamrum’s claim may have been grounded in and/or supported by the tribal identity of Harbe’s population. The events described in 26 410 must have happened before the revolt of Kukkutanum in IX 10u, because Harbe was in Atamrum’s possession at the time of that revolt. As Joannès pointed out in 26/2, 266, this peace ended the phase of open warfare between Atamrum and Hammu-Rabi of Kurda in which Hammu-Rabi had attacked Harbe and Atamrum had countered by laying siege to Asihum and Adallaya. 173. In 27 89, which dates to about the middle of ZL 9u, the governor of Qa††unan expresses his expectation that Atamrum, who was on his way to Razama, would “destroy the city.” The verb naqarum “destroy” often refers to the taking down of the defenses of a city. If that meaning applies here, Atamrum had in fact conquered the city and planned to raze its wall.

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53. Askur-Addu Becomes King of Karana The exact date of Askur-Addu’s enthronement as king of Karana is not known. Durand quoted M.11655 of 9 XI 10u as terminus ante quem. 174 This can be set back two months: In 26 401 Menirum reported on a mission to arrange a peace treaty between Karana and Mari, when Askur-Addu was already king of Karana. The report was written before the revolt of Kukkutanum in IX 10u. Only bits and pieces of Askur-Addu’s career before becoming king of Karana are known. The conjecture that he was the son of a former king of Karana, the fact that women of his household appear in the “harem” of Ibal-Addu of Aslakka, 175 and his appearance in various military encounters have given rise to the hypothetical vita of a prince of Karana who was expelled by Hadnu-Rabi, the king of neighboring Qa††ara, found temporary refuge in the kingdom of Aslakka during the reign of IbalAddu, was expelled again, lived as a roving “condottiere” in various places in Idamaraß, and finally gained his father’s throne with Zimri-Lim’s help. As already mentioned, the first element of this vita is based on a restoration by J. M. MunnRankin, who rendered a badly preserved phrase in a badly preserved context in 2 119 as “[Asqur]-Adad, son of Samû-Adad (king of Karanâ) rendered homage.” 176 In my view, the context suggests that “[ ]-Addu, son of Samu-Addu,” is the name of the Ekallatean companion of Ibal-Pi-El and Buqaqum, who had been sent on an embassy to Ekallatum and wrote the letter. Even if this is not correct, MunnRankin’s restoration is unlikely because it is contrary to the convention of Mari letters not to identify well-known persons by their father’s name. 177 If Askur-Addu was not the son of a former king of Karana, he may have originally been king of Admatum near Aslakka. Ibal-Addu of Aslakka would have conquered Admatum and appropriated Askur-Addu’s women. The sources for Askur-Addu’s existence as “condottiere” are difficult to place in a meaningful context. One thing that is clear is that he, like Atamrum, served the Elamites for some time in ZL 9u, 178 and that he managed, again like Atamrum, to change sides from Elam to Mari and gain power in the process. He somehow ingratiated himself with Zimri-Lim to such an extent that Zimri-Lim promised him the kingship of Nahur. 179 This did not come to pass. Zimri-Lim made him king of Karana instead.

174. Durand, in 26/2, 131 n. 8. 175. See Marello, “Esclaves et reines,” FM 2 (1994), 115–24. 176. Munn-Rankin, “Diplomacy in Western Asia,” Iraq 18 (1956), 76. Munn-Rankin’s translation is based on dalalum as describing “performance of hommage.” She read the verb id-lulam. The word it-lu-lam is also possible. I translate the passage, “He [ ] ªPNº, son of SamuAddu, as our companion for us. He is allied [ ] our tablet [ ].” 177. See for the time being Durand’s treatment in LAPO 16 351. Durand follows the hypothesis of Munn-Rankin, but expresses doubts about the meaning of the context. 178. See §18. 179. See my note, NABU 2000 32.

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The circumstances of his installation as king are fairly well documented. Durand and Joannès quoted from the unpublished text A.230 relevant excerpts. The first excerpt shows that the land and the incoming king made a treaty in which the former asserted that Zimri-Lim was their father and lord and demanded of the latter strict adherence to a rank below Zimri-Lim. The second excerpt shows that Babylon sent gifts, including a chair, just as on the occasion of Atamrum’s enthronement in Andarig. 180 M.7259 is the text of a loyalty oath that was sworn by subjects of Askur-Addu in connection with his enthronement. In the two preserved paragraphs of the text, the person pronouncing the oath committed himself (1) not to communicate with Haqba-Hammu and the other principal servants of the king by written message, to report any actions by them directed against Askur-Addu, to inform Zimri-Lim if they urged Askur-Addu to change allegiance, and to remain loyal to Askur-Addu as long as he remained loyal to Zimri-Lim; (2) not to communicate directly with Hadnu-Rabi. Haqba-Hammu, a diviner, and effectively the leader of the Numha population in the kingdom of Karana, enjoyed an unusual degree of independence in relation to his king, and he might well have challenged the king for leadership of the country. 181 Hadnu-Rabi had been king of the neighboring city of Qa††ara since, at least, ZL 2u. He and Hammu-Rabi of Kurda rejected an Elamite bid to sever allegiance to Mari in late ZL 8u or during ZL 9u. At some point, he lost his throne but regained it with the help of the Turukkeans. Durand dates this episode to the middle of ZL 10u. 182 M.7259 shows that he was still alive and a force to be reckoned with at the time of Askur-Addu’s enthronement. Menirum reported in 26 401 that Askur-Addu sentenced five persons who had “turned their ears” to Hadnu-Rabi. Hadnu-Rabi can hardly have been king of Qa††ara for any length of time after Askur-Addu’s enthronement. Early in Askur-Addu’s reign, one-third of the Mariote troops in Karana were dispatched to Qa††ara in order to prevent trouble for AskurAddu’s fledgling kingship (26 411). It is most likely that Hadnu-Rabi was forced to renounce his claim on the kingship of Qa††ara at the time Askur-Addu was made king of Karana. That he was not killed at this point indicates that Mari guaranteed his security as part of the deal. Another piece of information on the time of enthronement is preserved in 6 26, a letter of Bahdi-Lim to the king, who was absent from Mari. Messengers of AskurAddu had arrived from Karana. In the last part of their message they quoted the subjects of Askur-Addu as having urged him “to seize the coat-tail of Zimri-Lim” and marry Zimri-Lim’s daughter and make her queen. Askur-Addu assured Zimri-Lim in his message that he shared their wishes and hoped Zimri-Lim would not repulse him. It is not known whether the marriage took place. 180. See the end of §48. 181. For his status during and after the reign of Askur-Addu, see Charpin, “Les archives du devin Asqudum,” MARI 4 (1985), 457–58, and §61. 182. In Durand’s note to LAPO 17 592.

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Returning to Munn-Rankin’s hypothesis that Askur-Addu was the son of a former king of Karana, I would stress that the testimony of A.230, M.7259, and 6 26 documents the perception among Mariotes that the relationship between King Askur-Addu and his land was fragile and needed the strong hand of Mari to succeed. It does not seem likely that Askur-Addu was the long-lost son of the city who returned to the throne of his father, but rather that he hailed from elsewhere and had to find his place with respect to the land and its indigenous leaders, HaqbaHammu and Hadnu-Rabi. Menirum’s report 26 401 contains a summary of events at the beginning of Askur-Addu’s reign. Menirum is attested from various important diplomatic missions, two to Karana and one to Babylon. Letter 26 401 is the report from his first mission to Karana. He had gone there with images of Zimri-Lim’s gods in front of whom Askur-Addu had sworn the paragraphs of his commitment to Mari. A few days before Menirum’s arrival, Askur-Addu had sentenced a brother and his 3 children to death. 183 His general Kukkutanum was ordered to carry out the sinister sentences. Kukkutanum told Menirum that he would not obey. By the time Menirum wrote his report, Kukkutanum had just left for Mari to obtain troops. Menirum recommended that the king give him 500 men. Askur-Addu needed the troops to secure his eastern border against the encroachments of Isme-Dagan. Relations with his western neighbor Atamrum were also not good. According to Askur-Addu, Atamrum was collaborating with Isme-Dagan. He was in possession of Aramanima, a city claimed by Askur-Addu, and had ceded it to Isme-Dagan. Askur-Addu succeeded in defeating the 50 troops of Isme-Dagan as they were about to enter, but it was just a momentary victory. He found himself between two hostile neighbors. His enmity with Isme-Dagan was an asset in the eyes of Mari, and Askur-Addu stressed that he rather than Atamrum was the more reliable ally on that front. He could see, so he stated, that Mari had talked forthrightly with Atamrum. But did Mari know that Atamrum had talked wholeheartedly with Isme-Dagan at the same time and had offered to submit his entire land to him? To the skeptical observer, AskurAddu’s claim sounds incredible. By changing from alliance with Elam to alliance with Mari, Atamrum had already demonstrated that he had more ambition than just delivering his land and career to Isme-Dagan. Buqaqum, a Mariote skeptic, demonstrated to Zimri-Lim on another occasion (26 490) that Askur-Addu had “cried wolf.” He may have been “crying wolf ” to Menirum as well. 184 183. They are said to have come up from Esnuna. If it happened at that time and not considerably earlier, the sentenced brother cannot be identical with the brother whom one-half of Idamaraß supported at the time of the plan to install Askur-Addu as king of Nahur, as Charpin assumes in comment c to 26 359. 184. While Atamrum may have put his land at the disposal of Isme-Dagan verbally, such a thing did not necessarily mean much. Compare A.266, according to which Ishi-Addu, king of Qa†anum, told Elamite diplomats that his land was in Elam’s hands, and this at a time when it may have joined an anti-Elamite alliance (see §35). On the other hand, a close relationship between

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Askur-Addu’s situation is typical for the tense initial phase of an upstart king: potential rivals and collaborators with the enemy are killed, attacks from right and left are countered, and a strong ally is sought. This strong ally was Mari. Menirum had come to form the alliance. The swearing of the treaty-oath went without a hitch, a general of Karana was underway to ask for troops, and the representative of Mari in Karana recommended a sizable number. Things were looking up. 54. Yasim-El Goes to Karana Seven days after Atamrum laid siege to Asihum, Yasim-El wrote in report 26 405 that he was about to escort Askur-Addu to Mari when a letter from the king arrived, ordering him back to his post in Andarig. The reason was presumably a planned muster of Mariote troops under Yasim-El’s command. Yasim-El explained that he could not do it because the troops were dispersed in three different places. He does not mention where they were. Presumably, one group was stationed in the vicinity of Suhpad to keep the villages in check that had not submitted to Atamrum, another was camped near Asihum, and the third was garrisoned in Andarig. In 26 408, Yasim-El reported that the muster was finally done. He attached interesting news to this report: (1) Since the arrival of Mariote troops in Andarig, Atamrum had made 200 prisoners of war. He shared them with his allies, who were Esnunakeans, Babylonians, Mariotes, and unidentified people, the latter most likely from small kingdoms that had become Atamrum’s vassals. Atamrum still kept his old ties to Esnuna and was, in this respect, better connected than Mari and Babylon, who had no treaty with Esnuna. (2) Mari had asked about the extradition of two “criminals” from Andarig to Mari. Atamrum was reluctant to yield to Mari in the matter, and Yasim-El counseled not to press it. Both issues show the considerable power of Atamrum. With the muster behind him, Yasim-El was free to go to Karana. The peace treaty that Menirum had made surely included an agreement on stationing Mariote troops in that city. These Yasim-El brought now. Letter 26 411 is his report on the mission. He came just in time. Isme-Dagan’s son, Mut-Askur, who was staying with 2,000 Babylonian troops and a force of 2,000 Ekallatean and Assyrian troops in Razama, 185 intended to march on Karana. When Mut-Askur was informed that Yasim-El was marching toward Karana, he abandoned his plan and ferried grain from Razama to Ekallatum instead. The 2,000 Babylonian troops under Ekallatean command were presumably part, or all, of the 6,000 troops that Hammu-Rabi of Babylon was expected to send to Isme-Dagan at the time of the restoration of relations between Babylon and Elam (26 373). Atamrum and Isme-Dagan is attested in 26 391, where Habdu-Malik recalls a time when Hammu-Rabi of Kurda had told Zimri-Lim to “separate” Atamrum from Isme-Dagan (see §58). 185. That is, Razama of Yamutbal, as also in the following account unless otherwise indicated. After its destruction by Atamrum (see n. 173 above), Razama of Yussan disappears completely from the documentation.

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The arrival of Yasim-El put a tense Karana at ease. Yasim-El found that the land had been “sleepless” and Askur-Addu “choking” with fear. However, things cannot have been all that bad, because Haqba-Hammu, who served Askur-Addu as chief of staff, was out besieging a city. Perhaps Askur-Addu had painted things darker than they were. Yasim-El, seeing that the situation was stable, renewed the request that Askur-Addu go to Mari. He would escort him and leave behind the 300 Mariote garrison troops to guard the city, but Askur-Addu did not think this was the right moment to leave his land. It was further decided that Qa††ara also needed the protection of Mariote soldiers. Danger was indicated by bad omens. So 100 of the 300 Mariote garrison troops were stationed in that city. Iddiyatum was put in charge of the troops, and Menirum, who was still in Karana after negotiating the peace treaty, was expected to return to Mari, escorted by Yatar-Salim, the brother of HaqbaHammu. Thus things were settled in Karana, the “land calmed,” and Askur-Addu “established his base.” 55. Revolt by Kukkutanum The omens for Qa††ara were right for a change. The city soon became embroiled in a rebellion that almost toppled Askur-Addu. Yasim-El reported in 26 412 that General Kukkutanum, who earlier had departed for Mari when Menirum wrote about the successful conclusion of the treaty with Karana and, on that occasion, had voiced his intention of foregoing an order by Askur-Addu—this Kukkutanum had returned to Karana from Mari with a certain Kakiya. Kakiya denounced him. As a result, Kukkutanum was “blackened,” ousted from his position, and put under house arrest. Thereupon, Numha troops, presumably the troops that he had commanded, assembled in Qa††ara. Kukkutanum, violating his house arrest, joined them and laid out his case before them. His problem, so he said, was with Haqba-Hammu, because he, Kukkutanum, had accused him of siding with Isme-Dagan, whereupon HaqbaHammu had denounced him before Askur-Addu. This was Kukkutanum’s view, or at least the view that he wanted his audience to believe. Yasim-El said that Kakiya had denounced him. Kukkutanum raised other points in the assembly, which Yasim-El did not specify, and caused the assembled troops to take his side. Haqba-Hammu, aware of the assembly of troops, but apparently unaware of their state of mind, sent Kakiya there. Kakiya was immediately killed. During the next nine days, the troops in Qa††ara were in rebellion and consolidated their position. If we can believe YasimEl, the 100 Mariote troops in the city were instrumental in crushing the rebellion in the end. Kukkutanum disappeared. Yasim-El obliged the population to swear loyalty to Askur-Addu in the presence of Askur-Addu’s and Zimri-Lim’s gods, and the rebellion was over. Menirum, about to depart for Mari, would bring a full report. It turns out that Kukkutanum sought refuge with Atamrum in Andarig. YasimEl reported in 26 413 that Askur-Addu and Atamrum agreed on a swap of prisoners. Atamrum extradited Kukkutanum to Askur-Addu and received five “criminals” in exchange. Askur-Addu handed the handcuffed Kukkutanum to Haqba-Hammu. Kukkutanum was placed in hand blocks, killed “with reed,” that is perhaps shot to

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death with arrows or something even more ghastly, tied to something, probably a chariot, and dragged throughout the land. 56. Askur-Addu’s Trip to Mari With the rebellion over in Qa††ara and Kukkutanum dead, Yasim-El attempted for the third time to convince Askur-Addu to travel to Mari. He reported on it in 26 413. This time Askur-Addu’s excuse was the continued threats to the security of his land and a lack of slaves that he could take with him as gifts for Zimri-Lim. In 26 416, Yasim-El reported on two other occasions when Askur-Addu had put off his trip to Zimri-Lim. Askur-Addu’s reason for the first delay was the situation on the front with Ekallatum. Isme-Dagan had “come out from his land” and laid siege to the city of Adme, 186 and Askur-Addu felt that he could not stay away for long. If Zimri-Lim would come “near” his land, he would meet him. Subsequent developments encouraged Yasim-El to urge Askur-Addu once more to visit Zimri-Lim. The events are described in four damaged lines of text. The traces show only that Andarig was somehow involved. Adme is not mentioned again, so the situation on the front with Ekallatum seems to have improved. The concerns now were the security of Askur-Addu on his way to Zimri-Lim and the security of Andarig. In a general way, the security of a friendly Andarig was important for Karana, because the two kingdoms were neighbors. But why AskurAddu should be concerned personally about the security of Andarig, which was not his city, is not quite clear. In order to allay Askur-Addu’s concerns, Yasim-El proposed dividing the troops under his command into two groups. He would escort Askur-Addu to Zimri-Lim with one group and leave the other group behind to guard Andarig. Or he would stay behind in Andarig and give him some troops as escort. He formulated the last option as follows: “Otherwise I shall stay behind with the commissioned troops, and I shall guard the city of Andarig [until] the arrival of my lord, and the remainder of the troops will go with you to my lord!” It is difficult to assign the two occurrences of “my lord” in the sentence to the same person. If both occurrences of “lord” refer to Zimri-Lim, Yasim-El was suggesting that they wait in Andarig for the arrival of Zimri-Lim to an unnamed place near enough to Karana for Askur-Addu to go meet Zimri-Lim. Yasim-El would have stayed in Andarig with one part of his troops, and the other part would have escorted Askur-Addu to the unnamed location. Alternatively, the first occurrence of “my lord” refers to Atamrum and the second to Zimri-Lim. 187 In this case, Askur-Addu would go to see Zimri-Lim in Mari or a location nearer to Karana, such as Qa††unan, and Yasim-El would either escort him or stay in Andarig until the arrival of Atamrum. The second solution 186. According to the context, the city was located on Karanean territory near the border with Ekallatum. Joannès’s identification, in 26/2, 295, with Admum, a way station between Nahur and Mardaman, is geographically impossible. 187. The designation “my lord” for two persons in one letter is attested in 10 84. In 26 501, Buqaqum speaks of Zimri-Lim as “my lord” and of Atamrum as “my lord Atamrum.”

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agrees with Askur-Addu’s reaction to Yasim-El’s suggestions. He said, “As long as your lord has not arrived, and (as long as) you have not entrusted the city to the hand of your lord, the responsibility of the city is on you.” If “your lord” was ZimriLim, he would have been expected to come to Andarig, which rules out the first solution, according to which Zimri-Lim could not have stayed in Andarig. Deciding for the second solution, I would guess that Atamrum, planning an absence from Andarig, had asked Askur-Addu to make sure that Yasim-El did not absent himself from Andarig for any reason. Atamrum then left the city, and Askur-Addu fulfilled his obligation by preventing Yasim-El from leaving. Zimri-Lim finally sent Menirum, who had negotiated the treaty with Karana, and Zimri-Addu, who had returned from Babylon, to Askur-Addu. They reported on their mission in 27 154. According to their instructions, they had proposed an alternative. Either Yasim-El’s troops would stay in Karana, or Iddiyatum’s troops would. In the first case, Askur-Addu would be escorted by Iddiyatum; in the second, by Yasim-El. Askur-Addu preferred the second alternative, made no further excuses, and the trip was finally on. The day the letter was “mailed,” Yasim-El had already left, and it was expected that Askur-Addu would leave the next day. Askur-Addu did leave for Mari, whether it was in fact the next day or not. In 6 62, Bahdi-Lim wrote from Mari to Zimri-Lim, who by now had left Mari, presumably for the campaign of ZL 11u. A delegation had arrived from Karana, and the courier reported that the baggage of Askur-Addu had left Karana and that Askur-Addu would depart the day after. Hazip-Tessup, a member of the delegation, added that Iddiyatum would stay in Karana and that Askur-Addu would be escorted by Yasim-El, just as Menirum and Zimri-Addu had said. 57. Habdu-Malik Sets Out on a Peace Mission to Andarig and Kurda Habdu-Malik was Zimri-Lim’s vizier. 188 While it remains to be seen exactly what a vizier, or minister (as the word sukkallum is also translated) was in that time and place, there is no doubt that he ranked high in the kingdom and that Zimri-Lim could hardly have chosen a higher-ranking representative when he sent him to Hammu-Rabi of Kurda and Atamrum of Andarig to establish peace between them. It appears that the thaw in the relation between these two kingdoms, which is treated in §52, had not lasted long. There was constant friction between the two kingdoms that was exacerbated by the fact that the territory of Kurda sat astride the routes between Andarig and Subat-Enlil, the two poles of Atamrum’s kingdom. The date of the end of Habdu-Malik’s peace mission is known. He stayed on 27 I 11u in Kurda and planned to return to Andarig the next day, travel to Karana one day later, and then return to Mari (26 392). On 19 II 11u, gifts from Hammu-Rabi of Kurda, Atamrum, and Askur-Addu, which Habdu-Malik had brought with him to Mari, were registered. The length of the mission is hard to pin down because it is not entirely clear how many times Habdu-Malik shuttled between Atamrum and 188. Charpin, 26/2, 207.

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Hammu-Rabi, but it was clearly a fast-paced process that probably did not last more than 20 days. It may have been timed before the onset of the campaign season to prevent a flare-up between the two antagonists. A side issue of Habdu-Malik’s mission was consolidation of the alliances of Mari in the area of the Hilly Arc. It was especially important because Zimri-Lim planned to campaign in Idamaraß. The mission was urgent but had a slow start. When Habdu-Malik, who planned to visit Atamrum first, arrived in Qa††unan, Atamrum was reportedly still in SubatEnlil or already on his way to Andarig. Habdu-Malik seems to have stayed the remainder of the day in Qa††unan and advanced the next day to the “cliff of Yabniya.” Still, he was concerned that the king would be displeased about his slow progress and therefore wrote to him and to Secretary Su-Nuhra-Halu to explain the situation and dispel possible suspicions about his slowness. The letter to Su-Nuhra-Halu is 26 388. Habdu-Malik reported that he stopped at the “cliff of Yabniya” and sent his boys from there to Subat-Enlil and Andarig to ascertain the whereabouts of Atamrum. He also sent them to the pasture-chief about another matter, which he does not identify. The letter to the king that went with the same mail may be 26 387. 189 It is also possible that 26 387 was sent later, because Habdu-Malik was now in Sapurrata, where he (still) could chose a route to either location. 190 He was informed there that Atamrum “[had gone/was going/would be going] ªby way of the interiorº of the land” to Andarig. A fairly direct and easy route from Subat-Enlil to Andarig ran over the pass between Mount Saggar and Mount Murdi. However, that pass was likely occupied by Kurda and closed to Atamrum. He probably chose an alternate route that circumvented the territory of Kurda in the west and crossed near, if not through, territory of the province of Qa††unan. Such a route is described in 27 65: “Yassi-Dagan ªwentº out from Subat-Enlil, and he is well. And he arrived in ˇabatum. He got going from ˇabatum, and he arrived on the flat above Tehran, and then he got going from the flat above Tehran, and he took a short cut by way of the steppe to Andarig.” 58. First Attempt to Establish Peace between Kurda and Andarig The first known report of the progress of his mission is 26 390. The beginning is lost. Habdu-Malik states in the first preserved lines that he arrived from Kurda: “I arrived from Kurda to take [ ] for making him declare [ ],” which I restore as: “I arrived from Kurda to take [the lead of the gods of Atamrum] for making him (Hammu-Rabi) declare [an oath of god].” 191 Accordingly, Habdu-Malik had returned to Andarig from successful exploratory talks with Hammu-Rabi in Kurda, 189. As Charpin suggests in comment d to 26 388. 190. The argument is weak because Sapurrata and the cliff of Yabniya may have been right next to each other. 191. Charpin restores [ana pan Hammu-Rabi] ßabatim and translates “Je suis arrrivé [à NG] depuis Kurda pour aller [à la rencontre d’Hammu-rabi (in Kasapa, as Charpin assumes)] et lui faire prêter serment par les dieux.” I can find no example for ßabatum “to take a route” without the explicit accusative mentioning the route.

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on which he presumably reported in a letter now lost or unidentified, and intended to fetch the gods of Atamrum, by whom Hammu-Rabi would swear and thus commit himself to Atamrum. In Andarig, news had just come in that troops had entered Razama and that Esnunakean troops were headed in a direction that led to Andarig or Karana. Habdu-Malik wanted to know from Zimri-Lim whether the Mariote troops in Andarig should stay or leave the city in case the Esnunakeans approached it. Habdu-Malik’s next letter is 26 391. He reported on his arrival in Kurda. Hammu-Rabi also knew about the entrance of troops into Razama. Ekallatean messengers had informed him. If Habdu-Malik hoped that Hammu-Rabi would swear the oath of commitment to Atamrum, he was disappointed. Hammu-Rabi was clearly not ready to do so, and Habdu-Malik had the impression that he was under pressure from the elders not to give in to Mari unless Atamrum ceded territory to Kurda in exchange for peace. Habdu-Malik tried to move Hammu-Rabi closer to a commitment in a long speech in which he reviewed past developments in the relationship between Kurda, Andarig, and Mari. Since the history of the Mari, Kurda, and Andarig triangle is only imperfectly known from other sources, Habdu-Malik’s review is important. It is also replete with cases of hysteron proteron, which makes interpretation difficult. Future publication of the letters of Haqba-Abum, Mari’s representative in Kurda, will hopefully clear up the situation. In the sequence of his report, Habdu-Malik mentioned the following issues: (a) Hammu-Rabi of Kurda swore an oath of allegiance to Isme-Dagan. (b1) Zimri-Lim caused Atamrum to commit himself to Hammu-Rabi. (b2) “On that day,” Zimri-Lim swore an oath of allegiance to Atamrum, which he would not have done had Hammu-Rabi told him that he considered Atamrum his enemy. (c) “Now” Hammu-Rabi brought up the Esnunakeans. (d) Hammu-Rabi did not reveal his enmity for Atamrum to Zimri-Lim when they talked together “after church.” (e) Habdu-Malik is ear witness to the fact that Hammu-Rabi requested from Zimri-Lim Atamrum’s “separation” from Isme-Dagan. (f) Habdu-Malik and an unspecified person, or persons, “separated” Atamrum from Isme-Dagan. (g) “Now” Hammu-Rabi is a treaty partner of Isme-Dagan, and Atamrum is an enemy of Isme-Dagan. Items (c) and (g) describe the situation at the time of Habdu-Malik’s report. There was then a treaty between Hammu-Rabi and Isme-Dagan, and as result of it, or in conjunction with it, Esnunakean troops had come up and were now threatening Andarig and Karana. The treaty was concluded when Hammu-Rabi swore an oath of allegiance to Isme-Dagan some time earlier (a). The other elements may all refer to “that day” when Zimri-Lim and Hammu-Rabi talked together “after church.” Probably Habdu-Malik was there too, and the king and his servants were

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the unspecified persons of (f). Hammu-Rabi failed to mention his enmity for Atamrum on that occasion and thus motivated Zimri-Lim, who was pursuing his goal of having peace in the Hilly Arc, to convince Atamrum to disengage from IsmeDagan and to commit himself to peace with Hammu-Rabi. Hammu-Rabi, Zimri-Lim, and Habdu-Malik were in the same place at the talk after church. Most likely Hammu-Rabi had come to Mari at the time of offerings to Estar in the 9th month. 192 Indeed, his visit in Mari is attested in several letters. Aqba-Abum, Mari’s representative in Kurda, wrote 27 74 to Zakira-Hammu, governor of Qa††unan, about making arrangements in Qa††unan for Hammu-Rabi, and Zakira-Hammu wrote 27 75 to the king for instructions about them. The year of the visit should be ZL 10u, because Atamrum had close relations with Ekallatum at that time. Askur-Addu told Menirum this much (26 401) just before IX 10u, and the “separation” of Atamrum from Ekallatum that was effected at the meeting “after church” implies close relations. 193 It appears then that the relationships between Kurda, Andarig, Ekallatum, and Mari since the time when all were unified with Hammu-Rabi of Babylon in the antiElamite coalition of ZL 9u had shifted with the defeat of the Elamites and was replaced by a bipolar system—with Mari and Ekallatum constituting the poles; and with the major secondary powers, Andarig and Kurda, aligning themselves with opposite poles because of their basically antagonistic relationship. At first HammuRabi of Kurda was aligned with Mari and Atamrum with Ekallatum; then, after the meeting “after church” on IX 10u, Atamrum changed sides to Mari and Kurda to Ekallatum. Beyond this system loomed the newly risen kingdom of Esnuna, which threatened to upset the balance of power by supporting Ekallatum and Kurda. If only Mari would succeed in arranging a peace treaty between Kurda and Andarig, the fault line would move farther to the east and away from Mari. It is clear: HabduMalik’s mission was important. Returning to Yamßum’s report 26 391: Hammu-Rabi appeared absentminded to Habdu-Malik during the latter’s review of the relationship between Kurda and Mari. Yasim-El quoted his response, but the text is too damaged to be understandable. The end of the letter is broken off, but it is clear that Habdu-Malik was left without concrete result. Hammu-Rabi had not made any decision, and Habdu192. The most recent documentation for the date of these offerings is given by Durand and Guichard in “Rituels,” 29–30. Zimri-Lim also invited the king of Qa†anum (26 25), Haya-Sumu (26 352), and Ibal-Addu of Aslakka (28 50 and 51) for that occasion. 193. Birot notes in 27, 26, that Zakira-Hammu was in Bit Kapan when he received the letter from Aqba-Abum and assumed that Zakira-Hammu wrote 27 91 during the same stay there. He attributed 27 91 to the time when Kunnam was still in Subat-Enlil and Atamrum asked Hammu-Rabi for his good services in bringing him together with Zimri-Lim, which places Hammu-Rabi’s visit in ZL 9u. The understandable words and names of this badly preserved text are “Hammu-Rabi, Atamrum, Numha, Yamutbal,” and the phrase “between them.” They can be interpreted to refer to a time of good relations between Numha and Yamutbal, and between Hammu-Rabi and Atamrum, in which case Birot’s dating is likely correct; or to a time of bad relations between them, in which case ZL 10u is the more likely date.

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Malik had only the hope that he would overcome the hard line of his elders in “5, 6, days.” 59. Habdu-Malik Visits Karana Five or six days seemed time enough to Habdu-Malik to return to Andarig and pay a visit to Askur-Addu in Karana. He reported on the trip in 26 393. On his way from Andarig to Karana, a courier from Iddiyatum, the leader of the Mariote garrison in Karana, arrived with the news that Askur-Addu had repulsed an Ekallatean initiative to draw him into the camp of Esnuna. He had detained the Ekallatean messengers who brought the message and gathered the entire population of his land inside the protective walls of Karana, presumably in anticipation of an Ekallatean attack. In 26 394, Habdu-Malik reported on his visit to Karana. Unfortunately for us, he decided not to write a full report because, as he said, it would have been too long to fit on one tablet, and he would have a chance to inform the king upon his return to Mari in person anyway. 194 To make things even more difficult for us, the middle part of the letter is broken off. Only a few understandable pieces of information remain: Askur-Addu had just received the result of extispicies for the impending harvest (which dates the report to early ZL 11u, if indeed the extispicies were made shortly before the harvest); the message from Zimri-Lim that Habdu-Malik carried exhorted Askur-Addu to make peace with Atamrum; and Atamrum had balked at a transfer of 100 Mariote troops from Andarig to Karana. Instead he offered 600 of his Yamutbalean troops to Askur-Addu, while requesting Numha troops from Askur-Addu to replace them. 60. Habdu-Malik’s Mission Fails Habdu-Malik returned from his visit with Askur-Addu and reported on his stay in Andarig in 26 389. 195 Zimri-Lim was interested in the fate of Esnunakean troops and earlier had asked Habdu-Malik to be on the lookout for them. Only now, Habdu-Malik reported, did he learn that they had been moved from Andarig to “their fellows.” They may have been Esnunakean troops who went over to Atamrum when he entered Subat-Enlil, in which case the attempt of Hammu-Rabi of Babylon to repatriate them failed, at least partly. 196 The troops that were moved complained that their new quarters were in “a city in ruins.” The deterioration of their status was 194. Would the mail sack have been too heavy? 195. Charpin places 26 389 at the beginning of Habdu-Malik’s mission. Indeed, the first two paragraphs sound much like a first report, especially if one restores “[herewith]” instead of “[some time ago]” at the beginning of Atamrum’s quote of Zimri-Lim’s message. Yet the third paragraph—especially the contrast between the time when Habdu-Malik was in Andarig but did not yet know about the fate of the Esnunakean troops and now, when he had learned about it— shows that the letter could not have been written early in Habdu-Malik’s mission. 196. See the end of §45.

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probably linked to the deterioration in the relation between Andarig and Esnuna that had manifested itself in the recent menacing movements of Esnunakean troops. Before departing for Kurda, Habdu-Malik saw Atamrum, who had received a message from Zimri-Lim. Atamrum told Habdu-Malik that Zimri-Lim had asked to send him back to Mari if things were “well” and to keep him in Andarig if not. There was no peace treaty with Kurda yet, so things were not “well” and HabduMalik would stay. However, Atamrum did not want him to keep staying in Andarig but to stay with the pasture-chief instead. There he could make sure that the Hana under the command of the pasture-chief were quickly mobilized if Atamrum needed them. One might suspect that the Mariote pasturalists in Andarigite territory were obligated to render military assistance in exchange for using pasture and water, but since nothing of the sort is known from other sources, even though the documentation on the relationship between host country and foreign pasturalists is relatively good, it seems more likely that the price for Atamrum’s willingness to make peace with Kurda was the promise of military assistance from the Hana pasturing on his territory. Atamrum had already made a step toward peace: he had given HabduMalik his gods to bring to Kurda. Habdu-Malik, about to return to Kurda, was not optimistic about the outcome of his mission. He assured Zimri-Lim that this would be his last attempt and that he was in need of the help of Zimri-Lim’s god. The god did not help. In 26 392, HabduMalik reported on his last talk with Hammu-Rabi. It was frank. The letter is a remarkable document, which starkly expresses the drama of the moment. HammuRabi received Habdu-Malik alone and set his conditions for peace squarely before him. It was clear that his elders had prevailed: Atamrum would have to cede all cities except Allahad and Andarig, Mariote troops would have to withdraw from Atamrum’s territory, and the Hana controlled by Mari would have to leave Kurdaite territory. There was probably no expectation on either side that Hammu-Rabi’s conditions would be met. Habdu-Malik told Zimri-Lim how he would wrap up his mission: he would go to Andarig and inform Atamrum, then to Karana, then return to Andarig on the 1st day of the 2d month, go to Kurda for a last time, and return to Mari. Given the uncompromising stance of Hammu-Rabi, Habdu-Malik’s intention to return to Kurda is remarkable. Perhaps the customs of diplomacy of the time required him to inform Hammu-Rabi of Atamrum’s reaction to Hammu-Rabi’s decision, even if it was obvious to all parties that the peace effort was dead. On his way back to Mari, Habdu-Malik executed a royal instruction to gather up carpenters and boatmen in the districts of Saggaratum and Terqa (26 398) to dispatch to Mari. When he arrived in Terqa, there was an unusually intense cold spell, and he made arrangements for gathering up ice (26 400). The gifts from Atamrum, Hammu-Rabi of Kurda, and Askur-Addu that Habdu-Malik had brought back from his mission were registered on 19 II 11u in Mari. 197

197. M.11948, quoted by Charpin in 26/2, 209.

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61. Treaty between Atamrum and Askur-Addu Habdu-Malik was back in Mari. His mission had failed to change the hostile relations between Hammu-Rabi and Atamrum, but shuttling between Andarig and Karana succeeded in establishing peace between Atamrum and Askur-Addu. The peace was affirmed in a treaty between the two kings. It was witnessed by Yasim-El, who had come from Karana for the occasion. Three days after his return to Andarig, he reported on it in detail in 26 404. His report is remarkable for its length, detail, and explanatory passages, and the text is remarkable for its excellent state of preservation. The conclusion of the treaty must have followed soon after Habdu-Malik’s departure: Habdu-Malik reported in 26 395 that “Turukkean troops have crossed” the Tigris, and that he would leave for Mari in 5 days, and at the end of 26 404, Yasim-El referred to the same event. He knew by then that the Turukkean force was lead by Iniskibal and was expected to lay siege to Razama. Atamrum initiated the conclusion of the treaty by sending his servant Hittipanum to Karana. Íidqum was suggested as the meeting place. Yasim-El described Íidqum as a locality “in the border region of Numhum-Karana and upper Yamutbal.” The term “upper Yamutbal” occurs only here. It could refer to the upper, that is northern, part of the land ruled by Atamrum or to the entire area ruled by Atamrum in distinction from “lower Yamutbal,” which would be the territory of the kingdom of Larsa, or at least the area around Maskan-Sapir, 198 in southern Babylonia. Joannès understood the sequence “Numhum Karana” as an additive and translated, accordingly, “à la frontière du Numhâ, de Karanâ et de l’Emutbal 199 supérieure.” I think that the location of Íidqum was defined in respect to two reference points— one in the territory of Atamrum and the other in Askur-Addu. Therefore, I prefer to see “Numhum Karana” as a designation of one of several units of the larger area of Numhum, namely, the territory of the kingdom of Karana. After conclusion of the treaty, “Askur-Addu retreated to his land and Atamrum retreated to the interior of ªAndarigº.” 200 Askur-Addu agreed to the meeting and sent his grand cantor to escort Atamrum and his party. Present in Íidqum were representatives of Mari—namely, YasimEl, the envoy Yarih-Abum, and an unspecified number of Yasim-El’s attendants, among them two who helped him maintain proper posture because he was ill at the time and could not stand on his own. There were also representatives of Babylon, Esnuna, and the Turukkeans present. Atamrum had come with seven vassal kings and troops of his allies. Askur-Addu was accompanied by Haqba-Hammu, the

198. So Charpin. See n. 59. 199. The text has “Yamutbalum,” which constitutes the Babylonianized writing of the Amorite pronunciation. Joannès uses the form Emutbal, which is closer to the actual pronunciation. 200. If the formulation is precise, Íidqum was located in Atamrum’s territory. But the fact that an official of Askur-Addu escorted Atamrum to Íidqum indicates that it was located in Askur-Addu’s territory.

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second in command in Karana, and “the elders of the Numha.” The kings probably had soldiers with them, so altogether they must have been quite a crowd. Atamrum started the negotiations with a declaration about his and AskurAddu’s relationship to Zimri-Lim: “Besides Zimri-Lim, our father, our elder brother and our guide, there is no other king.” Later on in the letter, Yasim-El quoted Atamrum addressing Askur-Addu as his son and Askur-Addu referring to Zimri-Lim as his father. So Atamrum spoke for Askur-Addu when he called Zimri-Lim “our father” and for himself when he called him “our elder brother.” Zimri-Lim expressed his rank relative to Atamrum differently. He is quoted in 26 394 as having said: “Atamrum calls me father. [And I] call Atamrum son.” This is also the way AskurAddu saw it: Yasim-El quoted him later in 26 404 as referring to Zimri-Lim as “our father,” including Atamrum in “our” and not specifying his relationship to ZimriLim as one of a younger to an elder brother. Yasim-El did not object to Atamrum’s use of the term “elder brother.” The representatives of Babylon and Esnuna did object, not to his expressions of rank, but to the exclusionary meaning of the words “apart from Zimri-Lim there is no other king.” A Babylonian courtier took the Mariote Yarih-Abum aside, presumably a man of his rank, and asked him a rhetorical question about the relationship of the three major powers: “Really? Zimri-Lim is the king of the upper land and Hammu-Rabi and the Esnunakean are not anywhere close?” Clearly, the fact of the presence of representatives of Esnuna and Babylon implied that these kingdoms were involved in some fashion. The presence of Esnunakeans is remarkable because its alliance with Ekallatum made it the indirect enemy of Karana and Andarig. It is also surprising that an Esnunakean diplomat was present while Esnunakean troops were marooned in a miserable place somewhere in Atamrum’s kingdom. AskurAddu, who overheard the remark of the Babylonian courtier, immediately attempted to diffuse the tension. Atamrum next addressed Askur-Addu. He stated their respective ranks as father and son and exhorted him to preserve them. Next he turned to Haqba-Hammu and the elders of Numha and invited them to raise any concerns. They claimed a field as theirs. Atamrum stated that he had already sowed and proposed to have the ownership decided by divination after he had brought in the harvest. The proposal was accepted. It is astounding that the territorial question was negotiated between Atamrum on one side and Haqba-Hammu and the elders of Numha on the other. Would not the king decide territorial issues in his kingdom? As Yasim-El reports it, there seems to have existed two separate powers in Karana, the king and HaqbaHammu at the head of the elders. It is of course possible that Yasim-El’s report abbreviated by leaving out Atamrum’s delegation of the matter to Haqba-Hammu, or that Atamrum’s statement “I shall talk with Haqba-Hammu and the elders of Numha” was the proper form in which “the father” Atamrum asked his “son” AskurAddu to delegate the matter. Still, why did Atamrum rather than Askur-Addu call Haqba-Hammu? The relationship between Askur-Addu and Haqba-Hammu appears more equal than the usual relationship of a king and even his highest-ranking

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official, and the relationship between Haqba-Hammu and the elders of Numha suggests that Haqba-Hammu, rather than the king, was their leader. 201 Haqba-Hammu and the elders did not raise a further claim. Yasim-El made an explanatory statement about the conclusion of a treaty by killing a stallion, which is interesting for us, but should have been unnecessary for Zimri-Lim. He also reported that the two sides had brought forward issues, and he mentioned one of these: both kings verbalized their fear that the other would conclude a separate peace with Hammu-Rabi of Kurda. With all issues cleared between Atamrum and Askur-Addu, “the ties were tied,” and a stallion was killed. “Brother made ªbrother declareº a sacred ªoathº, and they sat down to drink. After they consorted and ªdrankº, brother brought a gift to brother, and Askur-Addu retreated to his land. And Atamrum retreated to the interior of ªAndarigº.” Atamrum and Askur-Addu were “father and son.” The “brothers” where probably subjects of the two kings who exchanged oaths and gifts, perhaps according to equal rank, and shared drink. The Babylonians, who had come close to spoiling the harmony of the event when Atamrum made his statement about the singularity of Zimri-Lim’s importance in the upper land, close enough to motivate Askur-Addu to appease them, now threw another barb by asking Atamrum about troops that they expected him to dispatch to Babylon. Atamrum reacted with sarcasm. Yes, he would dispatch troops, but they would go to Zimri-Lim, “lord of this land,” and Zimri-Lim could sell them into slavery if he so wished. Yasim-El probably heard the exchange with satisfaction. He announced to Zimri-Lim that the 500 troops that Zimri-Lim had requested from Atamrum would soon arrive in Mari as well as Atamrum himself, accompanied by troops of his allies and his seven vassals. The only thing not yet decided was by which of three existing routes they would travel. It would be determined by extispicy. 62. The Ekallatean Attack on Nusar The fronts in the northeast had become clear after the formation of the treaty between Andarig and Karana: on one side were Atamrum of Andarig and AskurAddu of Karana, supported by Mari; on the other were Hammu-Rabi of Kurda and Isme-Dagan of Ekallatum, supported by Esnuna. 202 Not long after Habdu-Malik’s stay in Karana and probably shortly after the forming of the treaty between Andarig and Karana, Ekallatum went on the attack against Karana. In 26 414 Yasim-El 201. As detailed in §53, Haqba-Hammu was regarded a potential threat to Askur-Addu at the time of his enthronement. 202. Lafont, 26/2, 474, takes the presence of Esnunakean and Turukkean representatives at the making of the treaty between Atamrum and Askur-Addu as an indication that these two powers were part of a Mari-Babylon-Andarig-Karana alliance. But there did not exist a treaty between Babylon and Esnuna at the time. I believe that the Esnunakeans and Turukkeans sent observers who were tolerated because Andarig and Karana were not enemies of Esnuna and Turukkum at the time.

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related news received from a certain Yaqqim-Lim, a Mariote stationed in Qa††ara: Ekallatean messengers had stayed for 10 days in town, and their presence was kept a secret—obviously with little success. Yaqqim-Addu connected their stay in some way (the text is damaged) to Habdu-Malik. Three days later, Yasim-El learned that there had been an Ekallatean attack on the city of Nusar in which the attackers made off with cattle and sheep. Iddiyatum mentioned the same attack in 26 514. According to him, the Ekallateans captured not only livestock but also 30 men and women. They killed 2 men and 1 woman and 20 of the troops that came out of the city to pursue them. Iddiyatum reported on the aftermath of the attack in 26 515. After the enemy left, Karana started sending out patrols to prevent another surprise attack, and a messenger came from Ekallatum to say that the attackers were not Ekallateans but impostors. As proof, Isme-Dagan appealed to the fact that he and Askur-Addu were brothers and mentioned an oath. The text is damaged at this point, but Isme-Dagan was most likely referring to a treaty of nonaggression between Ekallatum and Karana, which, if it existed, would shed some doubt on the sincerity of AskurAddu’s many protestations of loyalty to Mari and enmity with Ekallatum. After the Ekallatean messenger made his point, someone, most likely Haqba-Hammu, recounted the details of the attack. The enemy had come as close as half a mile (i.e., almost 5 km) to Karana, had captured 40 men and women, and had driven off 100 head of cattle and 2,000 sheep. When a Karanean task force went out to confront them, they quickly left. But people in the kingdom of Karana were frightened and had stopped working outside, and Haqba-Hammu asked Askur-Addu to allow them into the strongholds. As an afterthought, Iddiyatum added incriminating evidence against Ekallatum and the claim of the impostors: the enemy was 800 troops strong and had returned to Razama. This many troops is a strong force, and the operations of such a force require discipline, structure, and organization. Which impostor in the area could muster such a force? Furthermore, Razama, to which they had returned, was the city that Isme-Dagan regularly used as a base for military moves against Karana. 63. Isme-Dagan Withdraws from Urzikka In the action against Nusar, Isme-Dagan acted on his own. At some point, probably soon thereafter, Hammu-Rabi of Kurda and Isme-Dagan coordinated their actions. This was not an easy matter, because the direct route between Kurda and Ekallatum crossed Karanean territory. The routes farther south crossed territory of Andarig. A route rounding Karana in the north would have been quite long and may have been insecure. Communication between Kurda and Ekallatum was indeed so difficult that Kurdaite messengers crossed Karanean territory on their way to Ekallatum, risking arrest. One such case, quite possibly the first, is documented. The Kurdaite messengers were forced to reveal the message they were carrying, and Iddiyatum relayed it to Zimri-Lim in 26 511. In it, Hammu-Rabi of Kurda stated: “It

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is indeed a ªknown factº that we, I and you, [met] in Raßum.” Hammu-Rabi, IsmeDagan, and Raßum are also mentioned together in 26 417, which is a fragment of a letter by Yasim-El. According to the preserved part, Isme-Dagan was followed for some distance by troops of Askur-Addu and Atamrum on his way back from Raßum to Ekallatum. In 26 418, Yasim-El reported that Isme-Dagan and Hammu-Rabi shared a camp in Urzikka and raided villages of Surra from there. They also surrounded and harassed the city of Surra for a day. Surra must be sought in an area where the interests of Kurda, Andarig, and Karana intersected. Control of it was already being contested by these three kingdoms during the reign of Qarni-Lim. 203 In 26 415, Yasim-El relayed a report by Iddiyatum that gives information on another phase of the operations against Surra: Ekallatean forces attacked the area of the cities of Purattum and Asan of Numha, taking some prisoners whom they brought to Razama; and Zimriya, the king of Surra, wanted Yasim-El to inform Zimri-Lim of the threat of Isme-Dagan and his allies, who were nearby. The allies were presumably forces of Hammu-Rabi of Kurda. The operations of Hammu-Rabi of Kurda and Isme-Dagan in the area of Surra were not perceived as a serious threat in Andarig or Karana. Yasim-El reported in 26 419 that Himdiya and Haqba-Hammu, the military leaders of the two kingdoms, crossed Mount Saggar and attacked Tilla in the northwest, rather than moving in the direction of Surra and coming to the aid of its king, Zimriya. At the same time, Isme-Dagan heard that Zimri-Lim had arrived in Qa††unan. He abandoned the camp in Urzikka and moved back to the Numha city of Hamadanum. Yasim-El told Zimri-Lim that Isme-Dagan would probably withdraw altogether and so “slip from his (Zimri-Lim’s) hand.” Zimri-Lim was in fact headed for him. On 29 III 11u he was in Surra and used Urzikka as a base for operations in the area. 204 Letter 26 419 is also dated to the 3d month. A little later, Atamrum left Andarig for Mari. Yasim-El announced in 26 417 that Atamrum would arrive in Mari three days after the arrival of his tablet. 205 After a stay in Mari, Atamrum continued on to Babylon. 64. Events in the Fifth Month In 26 420, which is dated to the 5th month, Yasim-El called Zimri-Lim’s return to Mari from the yearly campaign in the north two months earlier a “retreat” and connected it with the fact that messengers from Isme-Dagan were again shuttling between Kurda and Ekallatum. Of course, Yasim-El would not criticize the actions 203. Yaqqim-Lim reported in 14 109 that Hammu-Rabi of Kurda and Hadnu-Rabi of Qa††ara accosted Qarni-Lim, who was bringing grain from Subat-Enlil to Andarig, on the crest of Mount Saggar and gave him the choice of a fight or withdrawal from Surra. 204. See Durand, “Noms d’années de Zimri-Lim,” MARI 5 (1987), 617; and Joannès, 26/2, 305 n. 1. 205. Charpin, “Sapiratum,” 352 n. 39, doubts that conclusive evidence exists for Atamrum’s stay in Mari at this time.

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of his king or think of blaming him, nor does the word “retreat” necessarily have a negative connotation. However, the fact is that hostile action in the Hilly Arc ebbed in the 4th month and picked up in the 5th more forcefully than it had been in the initial phase of collaboration between Kurda and Ekallatum in the 3d month. Hammu-Rabi of Kurda imprisoned two Mariote courtiers, one in Kurda and the other in Kasapa. Mariote property in slaves and livestock was confiscated. On the other hand, relations between Kurda and Mari still allowed Yasim-El to send someone to Kurda to obtain information, and Mariote messengers were still in Kurda. Hammu-Rabi “concealed” Ekallatean messengers from them. But given the open words between Habdu-Malik and Hammu-Rabi three months earlier and the open hostility of Kurda against Mari now, the concealment hardly meant that Kurda attempted to keep Mari in the dark about the existence of contacts with Ekallatum. It is more likely that Kurda barred Mariote messengers from audiences in which Ekallatean messengers were to give reports. Hammu-Rabi and Isme-Dagan were probably hatching new plans to attack Andarig and Karana. Yasim-El also obtained information from two soldiers who had been taken prisoner by Isme-Dagan in Harbe, 206 had been brought to Ekallatum, had escaped, and had fled to Andarig. They told him that Isme-Dagan had dispatched spies to the encampments in Suhum. Yasim-El immediately ordered withdrawal of the encampments from the vicinity of Ekallatum and Assur. In 26 421, written not much later, Yasim-El responded to the instruction by Zimri-Lim to ransom the courtier who was imprisoned in Kurda. It was not necessary anymore; his brothers had already ransomed him for 22 shekels of silver. Hammu-Rabi of Kurda had gone on an attack against Atamrum. He “devoured” villages and brought their loot into Adallaya, the city that Atamrum had besieged more than eight months earlier. Surra was also threatened again. On the 26th of the month, Yasim-El wrote in 26 422 that a large number of sheep, which were branded with the mark of the palace of Zimri-Lim, had been driven off by Numha and Idamaraßeans. The participation of the latter could not have been a good sign. Idamaraß was apparently not firmly in the Mariote camp, another indication that any success of Zimri-Lim’s campaign two months earlier had had no lasting effect. Hammu-Rabi kept up his attack. He dispatched 1,000 troops to Asihum, and they fortified the city. 207 In another action, Hammu-Rabi dispatched a force of 2,000 troops with orders to attack the city of Surnat. They captured people and livestock in its vicinity. The inhabitants took refuge in the citadel.

206. Harbe is a common place-name. It is unlikely that Harbe in Yamutbal is meant, because we have no information on a successful Ekallatean operation in that city of Atamrum. Was it Harbe in Suhum? 207. When Atamrum besieged Asihum, it was defended by the same number of Kurdaite troops. See §50.

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65. Isme-Dagan’s Last Hurrah On 5 VI, the Mariote envoy Belsunu came to Andarig with an order by the king to enlist 300 Babylonian or 200 Mariote troops, whose mission it would be “to hold” Karana, presumably against Ekallatum. Yasim-El reported in 26 423 that he consulted with Belsunu and Himdiya (the latter was standing in for the absent king of Andarig in military matters) and then went with Belsunu to Karana in order to consult with Askur-Addu. Shortly after their arrival, they learned from Askur-Addu that Isme-Dagan had entered Razama. Askur-Addu wanted the Babylonian troops to come and sent his vizier Yanßibum with Yasim-El and Belsunu back to Andarig so they could bring them. The Mariotes were also briefed by Haqba-Hammu’s brother Yatar-Salim on an Ekallatean-Esnunakean diplomatic initiative with the goal of making Askur-Addu change sides from Mari to Esnuna. Iddiyatum reported Yasim-El’s and Belsunu’s arrival in Karana in 26 512, duplicating much of the information in Yasim-El’s report. In addition, he said that Haqba-Hammu was busy in the north, having seized cities in the land of Hadnum and defeated troops of Mardaman who had come to the support of Hadnum. Indications are that Hadnum was located north of the Hilly Arc and bordered the west bank of the Tigris. If so, it would have been part of the eastern section of the Northern Plains and across the northern border from Karana. 208 As Haqba-Hammu wrote Zimri-Lim in 2 50, the land of Hadnum had changed sides to Kurda, and he departed with 2,000 troops on a “rescue mission.” I assume that the outcome of his mission was his conquest of the cities. 209 There is no mention of the entry of Ekallatean troops in Iddiyatum’s report. Apparently, it was not yet known to him. Iddiyatum may not have been present at Askur-Addu’s meeting with Yasim-El when the information broke. Yasim-El, Belsunu, and Yanßibum returned immediately to Andarig to bring up the Babylonian troops. After they left, Iddiyatum sent 26 513. He knew then that the Ekallateans had entered Razama and that Esnunakean troops had taken part in the action. It was believed that the combined forces planned to march on Haßarum. Iddiyatum also had an additional bit of concrete information on the diplomatic initiative: Isme-Dagan’s messenger had urged Askur-Addu to evict the Mariotes from Karana, which would make Andarig their only remaining enemy. According to Iddiyatum, lack of grain was the motive driving the actions of Ekallatum. He believed that Isme-Dagan would ally himself with anyone who could give him grain. Events proved Iddiyatum right. 208. Lafont, in 26/2, 475, locates it northeast of Jebel Sinjar. A location in the plains is suggested by the etymology of the name that was suggested by Durand (“le plat-pays”) in LAPO 17 601a. 209. Having changed sides to Kurda, Hadnum must have been formerly on the side of Mari, Andarig, and Karana. The conquest of cities in Hadnum by Haqba-Hammu therefore follows Hadnum’s change of sides, and the change of sides precedes 26 512. On the other hand, HaqbaHammu’s letter includes events that happened after 26 512 and will be treated in the next section.

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At the same time Yasim-El reported his actions in 26 424. He stressed his speed, reminding the king that he and Belsunu had learned of the entry of Ekallatean troops into Razama on the 5th of the month in Andarig. The next day, Yasim-El and Belsunu, accompanied by Askur-Addu’s vizier, had left and then returned to Andarig and, having taken the lead of the Babylonian troops, were again on the road to Karana “at bedtime,” which would be the evening (that is, beginning) of the 7th day. Assuming that Andarig is Tell Khoshi and Karana Tell Afar, the distance was about 45 km. If Yasim-El and Belsunu went on foot, they must have been excellent walkers. More likely, they traveled by coach or chariot. 210 The troops had to walk and, considering that it might have been quite warm at the beginning of the 6th month, they would have preferred to march at night. On the 7th of the month (the day started at sundown before their night march) they were half a mile, circa 5.5 km, from Karana, when a message sent from Karana by Iddiyatum arrived: IsmeDagan was approaching the city of Kiyatan “below Karana” with his troops and Esnunakean allies, and Yasim-El should return to Andarig. Yasim-El’s report gave no reason for his return; he also did not report what Belsunu, Yanßibum, and the Babylonian troops did, but since the enemy was “below Karana,” they certainly continued on to Karana. Yasim-El turned around immediately. When he arrived in Andarig, another messenger from Karana caught up with him and told him that the enemy had now seized the lower city of Kiyatan and established his camp there, while the citizens had taken refuge in the citadel, which was rated as “strong.” The messenger must have been a fast runner, considering that Yasim-El hardly returned to Andarig at a leisurely pace himself. The Babylonian generals who went to Karana also wrote reports on these events to Zimri-Lim. All three of them wrote 26 427; 211 one of them, Munawwirum, wrote 26 426. The three generals reported that after their arrival in Andarig they received a letter from the king, telling them to support Karana because IsmeDagan had attacked Haßarum. Zimri-Lim must have written his letter after receiving Iddiyatum’s report 26 513, taking a rumor for a fact, and before learning that Kiyatan, not Haßarum, had been Isme-Dagan’s destination. The generals told the king that, obeying his command, they had indeed gone to the rescue of Karana and that “Imdiya,” which is the Babylonian pronunciation of “Himdiya,” had been with 210. See 26 125, where the fastest method of travel for an urgently needed physician was said to be by chariot or small boat. 211. If the Babylonian task force consisted of the 300 soldiers that are mentioned in 26 423, one general would have commanded 100 troops. Mariote generals usually commanded about 10 times as many. According to 6 28, the appointment of Yantin-Erah as general was a problem because he would only command 500 troops. Bahdi-Lim used as argument in favor of his appointment the fact that Babylonian generals sometimes commanded as few as 200 or 300 troops (see §33). Three generals for 300 troops would be out of the ordinary even for Babylonian troops. It is therefore possible that there were more than 300 Babylonian troops in Andarig and that Zimri-Lim’s suggestion of transferring 300 to Karana did not refer to all available Babylonian troops.

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them. Isme-Dagan had come close to Karana with his troops, but there was no reason for concern. They were ready for any enemy and would not allow anything bad to happen in the land of Atamrum. It is interesting to note that the Babylonian troops were assisted by Himdiya. In fact, it supplies the reason why Iddiyatum told Yasim-El to return to Andarig: Askur-Addu was afraid that he would not be able to stem the attack of Isme-Dagan and his Esnunakean allies without additional troops from Andarig. He ordered Iddiyatum to send Yasim-El back to Andarig so Yasim-El could alert Himdiya and request his help. Munawwirum’s letter 26 426 was probably sent later than 26 427. The letter is not well preserved. It probably refers to the action in and around Kiyatan. Iddiyatum’s report 26 521 is the better source. Isme-Dagan had “seized the city of Kiyatan which he (had) besieged” and did something to, or with, its prisoners of war. He apparently had succeeded in taking the “strong” citadel. Donkey trains were transporting grain to Razama. Askur-Addu approached to within a third of a mile, that is approximately 4 km. This he did “once, twice,” and returned to his camp. The entire land of Numha was sleepless with fear. Askur-Addu asked Iddiyatum for 30 Mariote troops from the garrison to join him in camp and Iddiyatum dispatched them. The troops did not motivate bolder acts on the part of Askur-Addu. Probably their role was mainly to reassure his troops and keep them from running away. Iddiyatum tried to fill the ranks of his garrison with 20 troops from the garrison in Andarig, but Yasim-El refused to provide them. 66. Esnuna Withdraws from Ekallatum The dramatic chain of events that followed Isme-Dagan’s last hurrah in Kiyatan is documented in the letters of many authors. It is not easy to untangle the chronology of events. One key in understanding it, or at least in constructing a possible scenario, is the realization that letters 2 50 and 28 171 summarized discontinuous past events from hindsight. The two letters were not written by servants of Zimri-Lim, who furnished him with a continuous stream of information but by Haqba-Hammu and Himdiya, who wrote Zimri-Lim only if they had something spectacular to tell about their own accomplishments for the sake of Mari. The other key is the realization that the chronological order of letters 26 522 and 523 of Iddiyatum has to be reversed. The resulting chronology is summarized in appendix 7 (pp. 655ff.). In the narrative, I treat separately the six developments that overlapped each other partly or fully: (1) Ekallatum’s attempts to get grain; (2) troubles on Karana’s northern border; (3) Isme-Dagan’s moves from Kiyatan to Razama; (4) Askur-Addu’s move of camp of operations from near Kiyatan to Rakna; (5) the moves of the Turukkeans; (6) the withdrawal of Esnunakean troops from the kingdom of Ekallatum. (1) Yamßum, writing from Karana, relayed information gathered from three fugitives who had escaped from Ekallatum in 26 341. They said that Isme-Dagan planned to buy grain in Mankisum and had readied boats for the transport. A letter

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by Buqaqum, 26 494, preserves some details of the episode. Isme-Dagan had suggested that his subjects sell their children for grain in the market of Mankisum. They refused, and Isme-Dagan sold 400 of his troops instead. 212 In 26 342, Yamßum reported that troops, probably Ekallateans, had carried grain from Karana to Ekallatum, but that they were unable to transport as much on the backs of their soldiers as was needed. So they wanted the donkeys of the merchants of Assur to do the transport. The foreman of merchants of Assur went to Karana with a “contribution” for Askur-Addu and made an agreement that Assyrian merchants would arrange to get the grain from Karana to Ekallatum. The measure of desperation in Ekallatum was presumably equal to the profits the Assyrian merchants expected to make and to the contribution that the foreman of the merchants brought Askur-Addu. The deal was against the letter and spirit of Askur-Addu’s alliance with Andarig and Mari. It was kept a secret, and Yamßum prided himself at having succeeded in discovering it. Possibly this deal was discovered within the time period of the peace agreement between Karana and Ekallatum that Buqaqum mentions in 26 490 as having been concluded a month before and having ended at the time Buqaqum wrote. (2) Also in 26 342, Yamßum reported that Isme-Dagan’s troops had made prisoners in the area of Raßu and Sa Hadnim on the Tigris. Sa Hadnim, according to its name, was a place by a river crossing. It must have been located on the east bank of the Tigris, and travelers would have crossed from there to the land of Hadnum. Hadnum had just seen military action when Haqba-Hammu seized cities there (see the last section). More serious trouble on the northern border of Karana was an attack on the city of Íubatum, which was actually in Karanean territory on the west bank of the Tigris. The attack was reported by Iddiyatum in 26 523. Iddiyatum was not sure about the identity of the attackers but assumed that they were Hadnean or Turukkean. In reaction to the incursion, Askur-Addu decided that the threats in the area needed a permanent solution. He issued a decree establishing a zone of defensive settlements in the border area. 213 There was a diplomatic exchange between Karana and Kurda about the attack on Íubatum. Iddiyatum reported on it in 26 522. The relevant passage is not fully preserved. Askur-Addu reminded HammuRabi that he had acted in Hammu-Rabi’s interests when he prevented an action connected with the attack. Hammu-Rabi answered that he could not have come to the rescue of Íubatum because Askur-Addu was an ally of his enemy Atamrum. (3) Isme-Dagan himself was still in the area of Kiyatan but seems to have reached his objective there, which was to plunder the grain stores and to organize the transport of grain to Razama. He had donkeys for the transport. When he and his troops were on the way to Razama, he was attacked by Haqba-Hammu, who proudly wrote Zimri-Lim about the action in 2 50. He said he pursued Isme-Dagan 212. See my note, NABU 1998 47. 213. The decree is quoted by Iddiyatum in 26 523 and interpreted in my comment on the translation of the passage.

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so closely that his troops left their gear behind, dropped their weapons, and IsmeDagan made it into Razama by “the skin of his teeth,” without even “one bread.” The grain did not make it into Razama either. But it was not Haqba-Hammu’s doing, and it could not have been the result of enemy action because the donkeys were not lost; they returned empty to Ekallatum. What happened to the donkey drivers is not said. The information originated from deserters who ran away from Razama at night and reported to Askur-Addu. Haqba-Hammu told the story to Iddiyatum, and Iddiyatum relayed it in 26 524. (4) Askur-Addu matched Isme-Dagan’s move from Kiyatan to Razama, leaving the camp near Kiyatan from which he had operated so ineffectually and building a new camp at Rakna (26 522). His Babylonian, Mariote, and Andarigite allies were stationed in this camp. The Andarigite contingent was led by Atamrum’s chief of staff, Himdiya himself. He wrote 28 171 to Zimri-Lim from camp. He relayed the news from Ekallatum, mentioned that Isme-Dagan was moving from Kiyatan to Razama, but did not mention that Haqba-Hammu had chased Isme-Dagan into Razama, either because he did not yet know or because he was uninterested in extolling the success of another. He added the otherwise undocumented news that 300 Turukkeans “arrived inside our camp.” (5) Iddiyatum reported the rumor that 4,000 Turukkeans had crossed the Tigris and marched on Ekallatum in 26 522. It is chronologically possible that the 300 Turukkeans who turned up in the camp of Rakna were part of those 4,000. (6) As relayed by Yamßum in 26 341, which he wrote in Karana, three fugitives from Ekallatum said that Mut-Askur, Isme-Dagan’s son, had been sent to Esnuna to obtain additional Esnunakean troops when it became known that Atamrum’s return to Andarig was imminent. Atamrum had been in Babylon for some time, and IsmeDagan feared, or knew, that he would be accompanied by Babylonian troops and that these troops would be used against him. Buqaqum wrote in 26 494 that MutAskur left Ekallatum for Esnuna 214 six days before Isme-Dagan sent off 400 soldiers to be sold for grain in Mankisum. He probably returned immediately. In 26 523 Iddiyatum relayed this dramatic news, gathered from two men who were captured outside the gate of Assur: 215 Mut-Askur had returned from Esnuna. His gift had 214. Letter 26 494:27 gives the name of the place of Mut-Askur’s destination, which is not, as expected, Esnuna. The signs are only partially preserved. Lackenbacher did not suggest a reading; Durand suggested Ni-nu-ú? as writing for Ninuªa = Nineveh. While this reading is faithful to Lackenbacher’s copy, it is hardly conceivable that Mut-Askur went upstream to get troops from downstream. Buqaqum says that Mut-Askur left by boat. So the unreadable name could be a place on the Tigris where a traveler to Esnuna disembarked and crossed over to the Diyala Plain. 215. The informers are identified by Iddiyatum in 26 523 as “8 merchants, informed persons,” which also can be understood as “8 merchants (and) informed persons.” They were captured by a task force sent to “Ekallatum.” Himdiya says in 28 171 “2 ªmenº” captured “ªinº the gate of Assur.” I would harmonize the differing statements by assuming that the task force was sent to the land of Ekallatum and succeeded in capturing some merchants at the gate of Assur, two of whom provided the information.

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been rejected and his request for additional troops denied. He was accompanied by a high-ranking Esnunakean envoy who was charged with bringing home the Esnunakean troops stationed in the kingdom of Ekallatum. Babylon and Esnuna had made peace. In 26 524, Iddiyatum reported on the actions of the Esnunakean envoy: he had started the repatriation with the troops of his land that were stationed in Razama. As soon as he showed his face there, the prisoners rose up. Isme-Dagan apparently had maintained control over the city by imprisoning a significant number of its citizens. The city was called “Razama of Yamutbal,” so they may have been Yamutbaleans and sympathizers of Andarig. Given the lack of grain, the prisoners also must have been starved and desperate. Without the support of the Esnunakean garrison, Isme-Dagan lost control in Razama. He left with his troops for Ekallatum “in the middle of the night,” after pleading with the Esnunakean emissary to leave behind at least the 500 troops that were stationed in Ekallatum. Without them, he said, he was afraid for his life. Buqaqum took up the story in 26 491. He had sent out one of his men, a certain Yasim-Hammu, from Parpara which is somewhere near Assur and Ekallatum, 216 to Karana to obtain information. On the way, Yasim-Hammu happened upon a deserter from Ekallatum who told him about the events in that city: Isme-Dagan was desperate. He accused the Esnunakeans of being a “blind snake,” which probably means as much as our “not having any teeth,” and complained that he was not on good terms with his land and would have to go with them into exile to Esnuna if they left. In the end, he detained the Esnunakean commander, Lipit-Sin, and his 500 troops in Ekallatum. Iddiyatum reported the same story in 26 525. 217 The principal loser of the withdrawal of Esnunakean troops from the kingdom of Ekallatum was obviously Isme-Dagan. The allied troops were gone or detained against their will. The need for grain continued unabated despite desperate acts to secure grain. His subjects did not stand behind him. Hammu-Rabi of Babylon, his benefactor in the past, had pulled the rug out from under his feet. Karana was probably the winner. The hostile, dangerously desperate neighbor Ekallatum was essentially destroyed; its sponsor, Esnuna, was removed from the scene. More indirectly, the entire alliance of Andarig, Mari, and Babylon won because the eastern front became quiet. Esnuna must have gained something, but what it was I could not say. Was its troop withdrawal from Ekallatum a unilateral move? Iddiyatum reported in 26 523 that Askur-Addu was planning to send the Babylonian troops from the camp of Rakna back to Andarig. It is possible that he was not in need of them anymore. 216. As implied by 26 493. 217. It is remarkable that the information in the letters is identical not just in content but also in wording. The very sentences used in Buqaqum’s letter are found also in Iddiyatum’s letter. Since they wrote from different places, the identical sentences must be a result of the fact that the informant said exactly the same thing to Buqaqum and to Iddiyatum and that both reported exactly what he said.

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It is also possible that Babylon had pledged to Esnuna to withdraw its troops from Karana as Esnunakean troops withdrew from Ekallatum. In that case, Askur-Addu’s statement would have meant that he had nothing against the withdrawal of Babylonian troops from his country. Hammu-Rabi of Kurda was distanced from his powerful ally Esnuna. If the alliance between the two kingdoms survived, it must have become ineffectual. Kurda soon allied itself with the Turukkeans (see next section). The conflict with Andarig and Karana lost its teeth. Iddiyatum reported in 26 524 that Hammu-Rabi of Kurda had complained that sheep from Karana were using his pastureland and wells. 67. Sasiya Cheats Isme-Dagan When Isme-Dagan detained the Esnunakean garrison of Ekallatum, he may have averted disaster for himself for the moment, but he could not have entertained hope of keeping the 500 Esnunakeans in the city against their will indefinitely. He needed to replace them somehow, and an alliance seemed the only way to accomplish this. But with whom? There was open war with Karana and Andarig in the west. He might have turned to Babylon, which had sent him troops before, but Hammu-Rabi had just pulled the rug out from under his feet. His enemy Atamrum was staying in Babylon and poised to return with Babylonian troops. Isme-Dagan decided that the remaining choice was an alliance with the king of the Turukkeans, Sasiya. It was a desperate move. Sasiya was married to Isme-Dagan’s daughter, but this had not prevented him from killing an ally of Isme-Dagan and sending his head to Ekallatum just three months before (26 511). At the present time, a large force of Turukkeans, estimated at 4,000 troops, was reported to have crossed the Tigris and to be marching toward Ekallatum (26 522). Still, Isme-Dagan offered peace, as Buqaqum in 26 491 and Iddiyatum in 26 525 reported. He collected the large sum of 8 talents of silver to be sent to Sasiya, and secured boats to ferry grain from Kawalhum down to Ekallatum. 218 Buqaqum and Iddiyatum added news on Sasiya that could have warned Isme-Dagan about Sasiya’s idea of loyalty: Sasiya submitted to the Qutean Sasum by paying tribute, providing his sons as hostages, and extraditing the king of Simurrum, whom he had earlier granted asylum. Iddiyatum relayed in 26 526 what an Ekallatean messenger and Assyrian merchants had told him about the outcome of Isme-Dagan’s desperate idea to make peace with Sasiya. While the gods were with Sasiya so that Sasiya could swear an oath of allegiance, and while the boats were in Kawalhum to ferry grain to starved Ekallatum, and presumably after the 8 talents of silver were delivered to Sasiya, the latter “tricked” Isme-Dagan. He dispatched 3,000 troops. These must be the “4,000” troops that Iddiyatum mentioned in 26 522. They came right up to the gates of Ekallatum, 218. Lafont suggested in 26/2, 471, that the sum was part of the bride price paid by IsmeDagan for the daughter of Sasiya. It consisted of “gold and silver” according to Yasim-El’s report 2 40. But that report must belong to an earlier time, because it includes the news that Esnuna sent additional soldiers to Ekallatum.

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killed or beat 100 Ekallatean troops, took hundreds of men and women prisoner, attacked the four cities remaining to Isme-Dagan, and ravaged the land all the way down to Kurdissatum. Except for the city of Ekallatum, nothing was spared. The Esnunakean garrison was still in Ekallatum and probably held the city for their own safety. But by the time Iddiyatum wrote his letter, the Esnunakean commander had managed to extract his troops from Ekallatum and was on his way to Esnuna. Hammu-Rabi of Kurda, the former ally of Isme-Dagan, had concluded a treaty with Sasiya. The fall of Ekallatum was imminent. Iddiyatum sent his agents with Assyrian merchants to get the latest news. A curious variation on these events is found in Yasim-El’s short letter 26 425, in which he relayed information received from Iddiyatum. He also mentioned that Sasiya raided Ekallatean territory down to Kurdissatum. He located this action on the east side of the Tigris. The number of troops killed or beaten was now 500. The inhabitants and goods of four cities of Isme-Dagan were carried off, sheep were rounded up in the countryside, and nothing was left for wide stretches. It seems that Isme-Dagan died soon after this. Someone, probably Buqaqum, 219 reported in 26 493 having heard a rumor to this effect. Buqaqum reported on the same or another rumor about Isme-Dagan’s death in 26 495, this time in more detail: a refugee from Ekallatum, who used to live in Ekallatum in the house of someone close to the palace, heard about Isme-Dagan’s death. He noticed that the master of the house kept staying overnight in the palace from that time on. Buqaqum kept asking Ekallateans that came to him but, skeptical as ever, stated that he was unable to confirm the report. Isme-Dagan had a tragic life full of disappointments and hardship. Early on hailed by his father, Samsi-Adad, for his military talents and groomed by him as successor, sensitive to the difficult psychological situation of his brother Yasmah-Addu, he labored for close to fourteen years against the continuous, unstoppable, downslide of the kingdom of Ekallatum, absorbing many humiliations and savoring few successes. For much of this time he was in ill health. At least once he was publicly called a cripple (26 519). He had many enemies and few friends. 68. The Issue of Amaz The rivalry between the great powers of Mari and Esnuna for influence in the Hilly Arc and the Northern Plains had forced the lesser kingdoms in the area to align themselves with one or the other of these powers. The withdrawal of Esnuna from Ekallatum and the decline of the kingdom of Ekallatum allowed them to concentrate on their own affairs, however. Hammu-Rabi of Kurda and Himdiya struck out in search of conquests in the Northern Plains, and the hitherto good relations between Andarig and Karana showed some cracks. Little is known about the ac219. Because the city of Parpara is mentioned here and in 26 491, which is a letter from Buqaqum.

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tions of Hammu-Rabi of Kurda. According to Yasim-El’s report 26 430, he mobilized troops and sent them out, and he brought siege equipment to Luhaya, either to lay siege to that city or to use it as a staging area for conquest elsewhere. Yasim-El reported further that Himdiya reacted to Hammu-Rabi’s moves by marching across Mount Sinjar with his and allied Babylonian troops. Yasim-El said, “He went to Subat-Enlil in order to calm the interior of the land” but added that he was actually headed for the city of Amaz according to “those around me.” The destination of Subat-Enlil and the calming of the land were probably for the consumption of Yasim-El. Himdiya surely knew that Mari would be opposed to his actual destination. Amaz was a city in the Northern Plains. The exact location is unknown. It was within the zone of influence of Subat-Enlil and Eluhtum, but since the location of Eluhtum is also unknown, we can say no more than that it was not far from SubatEnlil. Yasim-El had hearsay information that the inhabitants of Amaz had killed their king and turned the rule of the city over to the king of Suna, a city whose location is also unknown. Ekallatum still showed some feeble signs of life. Ekallatean reservists were said to have left Ekallatum. Their destination was unknown. They were regarded as a livestock-rustling party, and Yasim-El warned Buqaqum, who was still in the area. 220 In 26 433, Yasim-El reported that Himdiya took the lower city of Amaz by force and established peace with the inhabitants of the citadel. The former king, Hißriya, who had not been killed, was brought back. Himdiya established good relation between the citizens and their former king and charged him with the administration of the city. The action caused a flap between Mari and Andarig. Zimri-Lim wrote at length to Inbatum, who represented her husband, Atamrum, during his stay in Babylon, and who was also Zimri-Lim’s daughter. She responded in 10 84, stating that she was unaware that Amaz “went behind” Zimri-Lim and was on the contrary convinced that the city had always belonged to Andarig. Sub-Ram, Andarig’s governor in Subat-Enlil, had informed her of the city’s rebellion, and Himdiya had gone there, recovered it, and installed the former king, Hißriya, as mayor. In a letter to Inbatum, Zimri-Lim must have protested the taking of prisoners of war in Amaz. Inbatum replied that Himdiya did not take any prisoners. This turned out to be untrue. Zimri-Lim had also written to Himdiya about the matter, and Yasim-El reported on Himdiya’s response in 26 436. The soldiers, Himdiya asserted, had looted the lower part of the city but not touched the citadel. On the question of prisoners, he stated that, yes, prisoners were taken, but some had already been ransomed. He tried to mollify Zimri-Lim’s reaction to the taking of prisoners by promising to share some with Mari, saying that he would register the remaining prisoners “for the gods to whom my lord assigned me.” These were probably the gods by whom Atamrum had sworn his allegiance to Zimri-Lim. His claim that prisoners were ransomed or would be given to the gods of Mari was not the full truth either. 220. Buqaqum was normally stationed in Suhum, but operated close to Ekallatum during the second half of ZL 11u.

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Yasim-El saw some of the prisoners in the Babylonians’ possession. He asked Himdiya to release them, but Himdiya refused. Mari and Andarig were not the only parties with claims on Amaz. In 26 435, Yasim-El included a copy of a letter written by Sukru-Tesub, king of Eluhtum, to Sub-Ram, Atamrum’s governor of Subat-Enlil. Sukru-Tesub also protested the seizure of Amaz, claiming the city as his possession. Sub-Ram knew very well, so he wrote, that the city belonged to him, Sukru-Tesub, because his commissioner was stationed in the city. He deplored the lack of communication between him and Sub-Ram that had brought about the unfortunate affair and expressed his hope that it could be solved by an exchange of messages with “his father,” that is, probably Atamrum. 221 Sukru-Tesub also mentioned that the Amazites had “lifted their hand to the Susean Sub-Ram.” I assume that the addressee of Sukru-Tesub’s letter and the “Susean Sub-Ram” were two persons named Sub-Ram, 222 which leads me to a complex scenario: The Amazites asked the king of Susa to grant them protection and thus cancelled their allegiance to Andarig. The king of Susa delegated the responsibility of protection to the king of Eluhtum for unknown reasons and under unknown circumstances. The king of Eluhtum installed his commissioner in Amaz. Sukru-Tesub mentioned the role of Susa because it resulted in the legitimacy of Eluhtum’s claim on Amaz.

221. Joannès thinks that Sukru-Tesub was referring to Zimri-Lim and believes that SukruTesub attempted to threaten Sub-Ram by involving Zimri-Lim. 222. Joannès, in comment a to 26 435, and Durand, in comment b to LAPO 16 332, believe that the Susean Sub-Ram is none other than the governor Sub-Ram. Earlier, Charpin, who had established the difference between Sub-Ram, king of Susa, and Sub-Ram, governor of Atamrum, had not excluded the possibility that these were two functions of the same person (“Subat-Enlil,” 135 n. 32). Durand, referring to A.3194 (see now Guichard, “Guerre,” 28–29), explained that Sub-Ram lost the kingship of Susa in ZL 9u and became Atamrum’s governor of Subat-Enlil. Joannès and Durand translate the phrase as a question (“Did the Amazeans lift their hand to the Susean Sub-Ram?”). According to the context, it could only be a rhetorical question, begging the answer “no.” Sukru-Tesub was implying that, had the Amazites asked for the help of Sub-Ram, he would have had a legitimate reason to seize the city. This is conceivable. The other case of citizens’ “lifting their hands” is similar. In connection with the siege of Suhpad, Yasim-El stressed his obligation and willingness to seize any city that “lifted its hand” to his lord (26 409). I hesitate to follow Joannès’s and Durand’s interpretation because of SukruTesub’s phrasing. Why would he not say to Sub-Ram, “Did the Amazites lift their hand to you?” And even if it was possible in his style of writing to refer to his interlocutor in the second and the third person, why did he refer to Sub-Ram’s past or other identity? Sukru-Tesub might have been referring to an episode in the past, when he was king of Susa and the Amazites approached him. Yet in this case I would still expect him to say, “Did the Amazites lift their hand to you when you were king of Susa?” Sukru-Tesub’s expressed identification of the Sub-Ram to whom the Amazites lifted their hand as “the Susean Sub-Ram” strongly indicates that he was not SubRam, the addressee of the letter.

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69. A Flap between Andarig and Karana As mentioned in §66, the foreman of the Assyrian merchants made a deal with Karana early in the second half of ZL 11u to supply Ekallatum with grain. It was surely in consequence of this deal that an Assyrian caravan of 300 merchants and 300 donkeys came from Ekallatum to Karana. Yasim-El reported in 26 432 that 30 merchants continued on and crossed the border to the kingdom of Andarig en route to Kurda. They were stopped and detained in Allahad by the governor of that city. Yasim-El asked for instructions on whether or not to release them. By the time of his next letter, 26 433, the detaining of the merchants had become a thorny issue. Askur-Addu, having been informed that the merchants were detained in Allahad, had requested their release from Inbatum, Atamrum’s wife. She had answered, saying that she had not received a request for permission for the merchants to pass the border between Karana and Andarig. She would not release the merchants without hearing from Zimri-Lim, who was the lord of the land during the absence of her husband, and to whom she had written already about it. When Yasim-El wrote 26 436, Inbatum had effectively buckled under the pressure exerted on her by Askur-Addu. The latter had repeated his protest and accused her of causing confusion in the land while her husband was absent. She then agreed to release the merchants even if she had not yet received Zimri-Lim’s answer on the matter. Now Yasim-El protested, pointing out that she should have waited for Zimri-Lim’s answer, and canceled the release. Thereupon Inbatum ordered him to release them, explaining that bad relations with Karana might precipitate good relations between Karana and Ekallatum. Askur-Addu had prevailed, but Mari was wary about allowing Assyrian merchants to travel freely through the territories of Karana and Andarig. There had been another incident when 50 merchants sent by Isme-Dagan passed Karanean and probably also Andarigite territory on their way to Anatolia. Zimri-Lim sent Yasim-El to Karana in order to get control of this issue, and Yasim-El reported about his mission in A.285. He was accompanied by Mari’s representative in Karana, Iddiyatum, and the roving envoy Belsunu, and the three consulted with Askur-Addu and his advisers. The group worked out a procedure for handling future border crossings between Karana and Andarig. Ekallatean citizens, including Assyrian merchants, were allowed into Karana. They could cross the border to Andarig as long as they carried a pass sealed by Askur-Addu. If they, or any Numha, entered without a pass, their fate was entirely in the hands of the authorities in Andarig. 223 70. Sadu-Sarrum Finally Goes to Mari The king of Azuhinum was expected to visit Mari in ZL 10u, but he did not come then. 224 At the time that Himdiya went to seize Amaz, Yasim-El reported in 223. Joannès narrated the affair of Amaz and the flap between Andarig and Karana in “Une expedition dans la région de Shoubat-Enlil,” Les Dossiers d’Archéologie 155 (1990), 42–48. 224. See §51.

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26 431 of having heard that Sadu-Sarrum “goes” to Zimri-Lim, which may mean that he was already underway or expected to go. When the Assyrian merchants were detained in Allahad, Yasim-El urged Zimri-Lim to write Atamrum’s governor in Suhpad in connection with Sadu-Sarrum’s trip and/or the transport of his gifts (26 432). Apparently Yasim-El did not have the authority to do this himself. On 10 IX, Sadu-Sarrum arrived in Andarig, and on the same day he proceeded on his way to Mari (26 435). 225

F. North and South Become a Single Theater of Operations 71. Conquest of Maskan-Sapir Babylon and Larsa were the only kingdoms left in southern Mesopotamia during the reign of Zimri-Lim. As such, they competed and must have continually been scheming to gain the upper hand and remove the only remaining antagonist in the area. Events put that antagonism on the back burner. During the early years of Zimri-Lim, it was the rivalry between Esnuna and Babylon that drove Babylonian politics. After the Elamite-Mariote-Babylonian alliance succeeded in toppling Esnuna, Elam became the foremost menace in southern Mesopotamia. Because conflict with Elam was looming, Larsa and Babylon had a brief thaw of relations when they shared information about Elamite designs at the end of ZL 8u. When war broke out, Larsa remained on the sidelines. Rim-Sin promised to support Hammu-Rabi if Elam turned against Babylon, but the promise turned out to be empty. He also sheltered soldiers from Kasalluk, who had defected from Babylonian command. With the end of the war with Elam, the relationship between Babylon and Larsa deteriorated. The Mariote envoy in Babylon, Yarim-Addu, said that Larsean soldiers had trespassed on Babylonian territory, and Rim-Sin had become an enemy of HammuRabi (26 372). As Hammu-Rabi explained it to the unknown author of 26 385, the great gods showed much kindness to the king of Larsa after they “tore the claw of the Elamite” from the land, but he did not repay their kindness. Instead Larsa attacked him repeatedly. So he asked Samas and Marduk whether he should counterattack. The gods answered affirmatively. To the observer, Hammu-Rabi’s words smack of self-serving political propaganda and Yarim-Addu’s report smacks of being influenced by it. Why would Larsa choose to start hassling Babylon with border incursions and make itself an enemy of Hammu-Rabi just when Babylon’s hands were free to act again? It seems to me more likely that Babylon was the aggressor and Larsa’s incursions were in reaction to it, or directed at territory claimed and annexed by Babylon, or crude fabrication. Additionally, Hammu-Rabi’s reaction to 225. Administrative text 24 30 registers domestic and wild ungulates that were received from him in Mari in the 6th month of ZL 11u, which may have been sent in anticipation of Sadu-Sarrum’s visit.

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Larsa’s hostility surpassed by far any measured response to the “repeated attacks” mentioned in 26 385. Hammu-Rabi opened full-scale war on Larsa by sending his troops and allied Mariote troops—again commanded by Ibal-Pi-El and Zimri-Addu—to seize Maskan-Sapir, the second city of the kingdom of Larsa, telling them that Larsa had violated the oath of Marduk and Samas. He instructed the troops to spare the city if it opened its gates. Soon after, Rim-Sin’s brother Sin-Muballi†, his three generals, and troops in unknown multiples of thousands found themselves besieged in MaskanSapir by the Babylonians. There were no sorties; at least none are reported. The city was expected to open its gates and the land to change allegiance to Hammu-Rabi. To the writer of 26 385 (his name is lost in a break) Hammu-Rabi showed himself very grateful for the help of Mari and credited Zimri-Lim for being the only true supporter besides the gods. Troops of Malgum were expected to join the BabylonianMariote force. Yasim-Hammu reported the fall of Maskan-Sapir in 26 383. The entire land of Yamutbal hailed Hammu-Rabi as their new lord, and Hammu-Rabi led the Babylonian and Yamutbalean troops south to lay siege to Larsa in the Babylonian intercalary month at the end of the year. 226 Yasim-Hammu also relayed the information that The Vizier of Elam had died and that Hammu-Rabi was happy about it. Elam was no threat to Babylon at the moment, so Hammu-Rabi’s happiness betrayed his personal animosity, which contrasted with his rational and diplomatic relations with the living Vizier. But his happiness may have been premature (see the next section). Last, Yasim-Hammu reported about two groups of messengers. One was caught in front of the gate of Larsa. The messengers were from far-away Qa†anum. The others were Esnunakean messengers, who had been staying, presumably in confinement, in an unnamed Babylonian city, and were now brought to some village and guarded. The deterioration of their condition mirrored the deterioration of relations between Esnuna and Babylon. It may have been connected with the alliance between Esnuna and Ekallatum that threatened the stability of the Hilly Arc: during the siege of Larsa 4,000 or 6,000 Esnunakean troops were said to have been sent to Isme-Dagan (26 378). Some of them entered Razama and were expected to continue on to the cities of the Hilly Arc at the time of Habdu-Malik’s mission there in I 11u. 227 72. During the Siege of Larsa The loss of Maskan-Sapir demonstrated that Larsa’s power was on the downswing, but it was still a formidable city, and the siege dragged on for a long time. The documentation is not very good, presumably because little was happening. SarrumÍululi reported in 26 378 that he had arrived with his troops outside Larsa and pitched camp. The besiegers were engaged in the laborious task of constructing an earthen ramp. Letter 26 379 also was probably written during the siege. It provides 226. See Anbar, NABU 1995 65. 227. See §58.

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an indication of the magnitude of the military contest between Larsa and Babylon: Hammu-Rabi was apprehensive about the high number of enemy troops and levied more troops in order to take on a force of 40,000. An Audience in the Camp Outside Larsa Yasim-Hammu reported in 26 384 on an audience of Mariote and Ekallatean messengers with Hammu-Rabi in Dildaba. This place was located near Larsa and was presumably the location of the Babylonian siege camp. The letter is a lively report on a lively audience. It provides a rare glimpse of Hammu-Rabi in action, revealing a combative and uncompromising person. He mercilessly put the Ekallateans on the spot, probably to the delight of Yasim-Hammu and the other Mariotes present. According to custom, Mariotes and Ekallateans were expected to attend the audience together and deliver their messages openly. But the Ekallateans did not want the Mariotes, who were their professional colleagues but also allies of their enemies Andarig and Karana, to hear their message and refused to enter with them. Sin-BelAplim, the Babylonian “vizier of foreigners,” insisted that the two parties enter together, and the Ekallateans had to deliver their message in front of the Mariotes after all. In the message, Isme-Dagan complained of having been treated unfairly by Babylon despite the fact that he had made sacrifices on behalf of Babylon during the Elamite war. Later, when Sasiya attacked his land, he had expected Hammu-Rabi to return the favor and requested troops. Babylon did not send troops to him but sent them elsewhere. At this point Hammu-Rabi interrupted, apparently irritated about the inclusion of a hint in the message, and asked the Ekallateans to reveal where he had dispatched troops. He ordered them to do so “5, 6, times.” In the end they gave in. The place was Andarig; the number of troops was 400. After this give and take, the messengers concluded their message. 228 Hammu-Rabi was not convinced that the message was complete. He asked whether there was a confidential part to their message. They denied it and pleaded with Hammu-Rabi not to be so hard on them. Hammu-Rabi called on the Babylonian messenger who had escorted the Ekallateans as their “companion” and knew their entire message. 229 He ordered him to finish it. The Babylonian repeated the message that the Ekallateans had delivered and added the end, which they had not. It contained a complaint by Isme-Dagan about having been forced by Hammu-Rabi to address Zimri-Lim as his father and thereby acknowledge his own inferior rank. Mari was the more powerful kingdom at the time, but Isme-Dagan clung to the past, when his father had ruled Mari. He protested against Hammu-Rabi’s instruction, and asked whether Zimri-Lim was not his, IsmeDagan’s, servant. Hammu-Rabi did not hide his indignation, interrupting the deliv228. Five lines are missing at this point. They may not have included additional content of the message but instead may have described the manner in which the audience was concluded. 229. Messengers of the kingdoms that exchanged messages often worked in tandem. They knew the content of the other’s message verbatim, as the present passage shows. See Lafont, “Messagers,” 182, who highlights the testimony of the present passage.

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ery of the message again, this time with the exclamation “I am robbed,” the Akkadian expression of indignation, exasperation, and frustration. Thereupon, the Ekallateans beat a hasty retreat, claiming that there was a misunderstanding. IsmeDagan had really complained about having to address Atamrum, not Zimri-Lim, as father. Hammu-Rabi did not let them get away with this attempt at face-saving. He reminded them that he had written to Isme-Dagan unmistakably that Zimri-Lim was equal in rank to him, Hammu-Rabi, and that Isme-Dagan was inferior in rank to both of them. The last part of the message, as preserved on the damaged tablet, was another complaint, less important but probably equally bitter: when Isme-Dagan stayed in Babylon, his gift was not accepted and his opinion was not respected, while the Mariote messengers were dined with the best that a Babylonian royal kitchen had to offer. The letter contains a good clue about the time when it was written. The 400 Babylonian troops sent to Atamrum according to the Ekallateans were presumably the 300 Babylonian troops that were stationed in Andarig in mid-ZL 11u. 230 Atamrum’s Visit When the war against the kingdom of Larsa was essentially a siege of the city of Larsa, Atamrum visited Hammu-Rabi in Babylon. He departed from Andarig in III 11u, possibly late in the month, perhaps even early in the 4th month, and went to Mari. 231 It is not known how long he stayed there. Meptum reported in A.162 that he crossed the border from Mariote to Babylonian territory by boat. The Mariote boats transporting him and his Mariote escorts did not stop at the border in Hit, because there were no Babylonian boats available there, but continued on to Rapiqum. Zimri-Addu and Menirum reported on his arrival near Larsa in 27 164. The Babylonians had prepared Atamrum’s quarters in “the tower of Ninurta-Nisu,” which was about 2 km from the Mariote camp. But Menirum, who was escorting him from Mari to Larsa, had already written Zimri-Addu that Atamrum would stay in the Mariote camp, and a house had been built for him there. Atamrum stayed a day in the tower and then asked for permission to stay with the troops of “his father Zimri-Lim.” The question of his quarters was symptomatic of his position: he was essentially a client of two lords who vied for influence on him. In their letter, Zimri-Addu and Menirum reported on his first meeting with Hammu-Rabi. They said Atamrum sat on a chair facing Hammu-Rabi when they entered. Menirum delivered the message of Zimri-Lim, and Hammu-Rabi reacted graciously to it and assured them that he would speak forthrightly with Atamrum and dispatch him back without delay. When he rose to go, Atamrum prostrated. Some subtle discrepancies seem to be lurking beneath the surface of the report. Why did Zimri-Addu and Menirum describe Atamrum’s conduct before Hammu-Rabi, 230. They are attested from 5 VI 11u (26 423) onward. 231. See the end of §63.

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noting that Atamrum sat on a chair when the Mariotes entered and prostrated when Hammu-Rabi left. Would we not expect him to have stood before Hammu-Rabi if he prostrated later? Royal servants stood before the king on cylinder seals, and kings did not prostrate before other kings. 232 Was Atamrum Hammu-Rabi’s servant or a king in his own right, even if junior in rank? Zimri-Addu mentioned another instance of precisely this discrepancy in 27 162: messengers of Atamrum were, as he put it, “mixed up” when they presented a message from Atamrum to Hammu-Rabi. They referred to Atamrum one time as Hammu-Rabi’s servant and another time as his son. Another odd feature is Hammu-Rabi’s assurance that he would dispatch Atamrum without delay, as if he were Zimri-Lim’s emissary. Atamrum’s move to the Mariote camp and his declaration that he would stay with the troops of “his father” are also remarkable. He used to call Zimri-Lim his “big brother” when his actual power was rather less. I have the impression that Hammu-Rabi and Atamrum were charading before Zimri-Addu and Menirum, wanting to hide plans that were directed against Mari. Zimri-Addu and Menirum were not fooled and relayed their rather keen observations, leaving it to Zimri-Lim to draw his own conclusions. The future would show that Hammu-Rabi did not dispatch Atamrum quickly, that he prevented him from returning to Mari, and that he used him as an instrument to lessen Mari’s influence in the Hilly Arc. 73. Before the Fall of Larsa Sarrum-Íululi, who was stationed with his contingent of troops in a camp near Larsa at the time of the siege, succeeded in befriending two of Hammu-Rabi’s courtiers and obtaining inside information from them. He reported on it in 26 381. The text is not well preserved, but fragments of a speech by Hammu-Rabi are indicative of how little we know: The Elamites were involved again somehow, possibly in a military encounter at Maskan-Sar. Hammu-Rabi stated his intention of taking Larsa and mentioned that he would be worshiping the gods in observation of the 30th of the month. It was believed to be a good sign when the new moon that ushers in the month appeared on the 31st day after the last new moon, thus allowing a 30th day to the previous month. It is also known that solar eclipses, which were regarded as bad signs, occurred during this time. While Hammu-Rabi was concerned about the conquest of Larsa, the Mariotes were concerned about obtaining troops from him. Sarrum-Íululi and a colleague, whose identity is lost in a break of the text, urged Hammu-Rabi to provide troops. Hammu-Rabi put off a decision on their request until after the expected fall of Larsa. The Mariotes suggested as temporary solution the dispatch of a token 1,000 or 2,000 Babylonian troops to Mari so that “the allies” would hear it. But all they achieved was Hammu-Rabi’s standard promise to act within five days. If by that time Larsa had not fallen, he would dispatch a 232. This follows from a passage in 26 21, in which the king of Aleppo informs Asqudum that his ambassador would represent his person in Mari and therefore would not prostrate. See the interpretation of Durand in NABU 1990 24.

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token 1,000 troops, and if the city had fallen, he would dispatch whatever was written in the broken first part of line 24u of the text. Abi-Mekim had been sent to Babylonia in order to bring troops up to Mari and reported on his mission in 26 471. This was the second time in two years that he had come to Babylon with the mission of convincing Hammu-Rabi to send troops to Mari. 233 He may have been the colleague whom Sarrum-Íululi mentioned in his report. If so, Abi-Mekim spoke of the same audience with Hammu-Rabi. 234 He said that, after he delivered Zimri-Lim’s message, Hammu-Rabi promised to give him shock troops if Larsa were conquered in five days. Subsequently, in the same audience or at a later occasion, another Mariote royal servant, Ahi-Erra, spoke to Hammu-Rabi. Abi-Mekim’s report of what Ahi-Erra said is not preserved, but Hammu-Rabi’s answer shows that Ahi-Erra must have requested the immediate dispatch of troops, even if they were lightly armed. Hammu-Rabi rejected the idea. He reiterated the promise to dispatch troops in 5 days, but this time he offered an option: if Larsa had fallen by then, they would be shock troops; if not, they would be any troops that he could spare. 74. The Fall of Larsa Larsa’s fall is reported in the short but revealing letter 26 386 by a certain Yeskit-El. The writer described his general impression of the final assault in a way that must have pleased Zimri-Lim but rings true nevertheless. He marveled at the zeal of the Hana and credited the god of Zimri-Lim for breaking the arms of the enemy. The “zeal of the Hana” is an interesting characterization. It indicates that Hana could be outstanding fighters and that the success of Zimri-Lim as king of Mari and king of the Hana was not in small measure based on this trait. 235 Zimri-Addu also wrote a report, 27 156, on the fall of the city, but the text is badly broken. All that remains is the information that in the last phase of the siege the citizens had run out of grain and that the Babylonian entered the city in the early morning and brought King Rim-Sin out alive. Zimri-Addu added in 27 158 the information that they brought Rim-Sin and his belongings to Babylon. He was an old man, in his 60th regnal year. Zimri-Addu had been instructed by Zimri-Lim to bring the Mariote and the Babylonian troops that had been promised by Hammu-Rabi to Mari as soon as Larsa 233. For the first mission, see §36. 234. This is Charpin’s view. See his comment e to 26 381. He believes that 2 23 of Ibal-PiEl and an unpublished letter of an unidentified author also were reports from this audience. In 26/2, 156, Charpin links 2 23 with events that he dates to ZL 12u. Yet 26 381 dates from before the fall of Larsa, which happened in the middle of ZL 11u. I believe 2 23 was written in IV 9u. See §36 and my note, NABU 2000 35. 235. The cliché that nomads are conditioned by their lifestyle to be effective fighters may be only half the truth. They were also less likely to have slaves than their settled peers and thus could not send replacements to military service.

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fell. He quoted this instruction in 27 157, and, while he did not state that he was unable or felt unable to do so, this must have been the case. He indicated that the mission was not yet over, pointing out that Hammu-Rabi himself had stayed on in the city of Larsa in order to stabilize the situation, and asking for further instruction. When he wrote 27 158 to report that the Babylonian army was taking down the defenses of Larsa, he excused his continued stay outside Larsa as being due to the lack of response to his request for further instruction. It appears that Hammu-Rabi was not ready or willing to send the Mariote troops home or to send a contingent of his own shock troops along. After the fall of Maskan-Sapir the entire land of Yamutbal was reported to have been happy and to have hailed the victor. The fall of Larsa, however, seems to have left gloom and despair. Zimri-Addu speaks about it in 27 161. He had received instructions from Zimri-Lim to buy lapis lazuli in Larsa. The entire land of Larsa, according to Zimri-Addu, was in fear. The people had brought their livestock into their houses and did not let them out of “the gate,” presumably the city gate. The countryside was not safe. Suteans had taken advantage of the situation. About 50 of them were ensconced in a place some 30 km distant and kept approaching Larsa, capturing a person here and a person there, carrying off grain, and returning for more. Hammu-Rabi sent out a force of 200 Babylonian troops against them and asked Zimri-Addu to contribute 100 troops. Zimri-Addu enlisted 50 Hana and 50 Suheans. They conducted themselves very well, managing to kill 6 Suteans and capture 3. Hammu-Rabi rewarded them generously. Hammu-Rabi also took the opportunity to give presents to the remaining 650 troops under the command of Zimri-Addu. He may have wanted to buy himself some good will at a time when the troops, expecting to return home, were still being kept in Babylonia. Zimri-Addu’s search for lapis lazuli was in vain. As instructed, he went to the merchant Isar-Lim, who also had no lapis lazuli. Isar-Lim explained that nobody was coming from Susim (Susa of Elam). Another item in Zimri-Addu’s letter concerned Erib-Sin, the diviner who had accompanied a contingent of troops from Mari to Babylonia in ZL 9u and was again, or still, with the troops in Babylonia. Erib-Sin had approached Zimri-Addu, telling him that he was charged by Zimri-Lim with making extispicies together with the Babylonian diviners and reporting on them. Erib-Sin had run into difficulties and wanted Zimri-Addu to talk to Hammu-Rabi so that this joint divination could take place. Zimri-Addu complied and reported that Hammu-Rabi refused to employ Erib-Sin for any further extispicies. Erib-Sin himself wrote Zimri-Lim that he was not allowed to work with the Babylonian diviners. His letter, 26 96, is dated to the 5th month. Zimri-Addu’s letter, 27 161, is roughly contemporaneous, if indeed the Erib-Sin affair in both letters is one and the same. 236 The date is corroborated by

236. Note that the restorations of the passage in 27 161 are based on this assumption. I follow Birot’s comment k.

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25 9, which registers a present from Zimri-Lim for Hammu-Rabi “when he seized Larsa” on 17 VI 11u. 75. Atamrum’s Return from Babylonia Buqaqum reported from Suhum in 26 497 that Zimri-Addu and Kibsi-Addu had written him. They were finally on the way home from Babylonia and had arrived in Sippir. The troops they were bringing home were well, and Menirum would depart Babylon and join them in Sippir in two days. Presumably at the same time, ZimriAddu and Kibsi-Addu wrote 27 167. What remains of their report is concerned with Atamrum. They quoted him as talking about his own return from Babylon, particularly his reluctance to go by way of Mari. Atamrum gave an incursion into his land that would not allow him to detour 40 miles to Mari as the reason. 237 Zimri-Addu and Kibsi-Addu thought he would leave the Euphrates route at Id or Harbe and reach Andarig by way of the steppe. In 26 439, a fragment of their next letter, Zimri-Addu, Kibsi-Addu, and presumably Menirum, told Zimri-Lim what they had told Atamrum, that it would be an insult to bypass Mari. He had been sent to Babylon with instructions from his “father” in Mari, so he should return to his “father” to report. Atamrum was not moved. He would go to Andarig by way of the steppe. About this time, Buqaqum, in 26 498, relayed information from the three Mariotes. They had been somewhere downstream from a place called Tamarisk, which was downstream from Harbe in southernmost Suhum. They were about to depart for Yabliya. Atamrum was expected to leave the Euphrates route at Tamarisk, Harbe, or Yabliya. Buqaqum also mentioned that Atamrum was accompanied by 8,000 Babylonian troops. When he later saw these troops, he estimated them at 6,000 (26 500). By the time he sent 26 499, Buqaqum knew that Atamrum and the Babylonian troops would be staying overnight in Id, then crossing the Euphrates at Sa Baßim, and proceeding by the steppe route on the plateau along the Euphrates. Buqaqum would leave to meet them at Yabliya, meet up with Atamrum, and report. Letter 26 500 is that report. He first met with and debriefed Zimri-Addu, Menirum, Kibsi-Addu; then he met Atamrum and asked him point-blank about his route. Atamrum could not or would not make a decision right then but promised to tell him in Sapiratum. He would again take the faster route on the plateau. Buqaqum promised to report again from Sapiratum. This report has not been found or identified. 238 Buqaqum’s last known report is the short letter 26 501. He was in Haradum close to the border of the district of Mari. He stated that everything was fine. “His” lord Atamrum, he himself, and the troops were safe, and the king need not be concerned. This assurance is repeated at the end of the letter. Buqaqum was 237. This would be about 450 km, which constitutes a gross exaggeration. Going to Andarig from Id in a straight line as opposed to taking a route through Mari, Saggaratum, and Qa††unan would have saved him about half that much. 238. It is hardly 26 496, which is a short note that includes the statement that Atamrum passed by and that the short days and the cold were back.

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clearly worried that the king would be concerned. Nothing was said about Atamrum’s itinerary. Atamrum may still have been with Buqaqum in Haradum, as suggested by Buqaqum’s statement that Atamrum was fine. But in that case, Atamrum would have been so close to Mari that a shortcut would have ceased to be a credible excuse for not going all the way to Mari. We know that Atamrum did not go to Mari. Buqaqum called Atamrum “my lord” in this letter, an expression that was hardly fitting for a man who was about to do or had just done an outrageous, insulting thing by skipping his visit with Zimri-Lim. The expression rings of sympathy. Was Atamrum coerced and acted against his will? Perhaps he had been sincere in his loyalty to Mari all along—when he offended the Babylonians by demonstrating his loyalty to Zimri-Lim at the start of the treaty negotiations with Askur-Addu in Íidqum and when he changed quarters in Babylonia to stay with the troops of “his father” Zimri-Lim. Perhaps Hammu-Rabi had some power over him that he resented. The Babylonian troops may have leaned on him to go straight to Andarig at the outset, and he may have convinced them somehow to follow the Euphrates route, promising to turn east into the steppe at Id and head straight toward Andarig, then promising again at Tamarisk, Harbe, Yabliya, and Sapiratum until at or before Haradum the Babylonian troops forced him to abandon his increasingly obvious intention to go to Mari after all. 239 The Mariote agent in Andarig, surely Yasim-El, wrote a report in 26 438, that was sent on 29 IX, after Atamrum’s return to Andarig. The Babylonian troops were stationed in Allahad and Andarig. Yasim-El described the number of troops as “extensive,” a statement that can be compared with Buqaqum’s information (6,000 troops). Yasim-El reported that Zimri-Lim’s men in Andarig, his agents and the officers of the Mariote garrison, were barred from the dinner round. Yatar-Salim, Haqba-Hammu’s brother, came from Karana, but Yasim-El was not called in when he gave his report. The next day, Haqba-Hammu himself came. Again, Yasim-El was not called in. The Babylonians had taken over. They had their audience with Atamrum “before the crack of dawn.” Yasim-El was side-lined. He protested to Atamrum and the Babylonians, to no avail. Zimri-Lim had anticipated the new situation. At the time of the letter, Yasim-El had already received instructions to make a last attempt at convincing Atamrum to come to Mari. If the attempt failed, he should take the Mariote troops and leave. Yasim-El went to Atamrum and told him what ZimriAddu, Menirum, and Kibsi-Addu had told him already—that his behavior was an insult. Atamrum’s response is broken. If he made an attempt to go to Mari, he never reached it. 76. Babylon Builds a Bridgehead at Allahad Atamrum’s return to Andarig was his last documented act. He must have died, or more likely been killed, shortly thereafter. His death must have been dramatic 239. Birot also felt that Atamrum had in fact been a hostage of the Babylonians ever since they had stationed troops in Andarig (27, 35).

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news, but the available texts contain no indication of the way he died. Zimri-Lim referred to the event in general terms in two letters. He wrote Iddiyatum (13 97) and his wife Sibtu (26 185-bis) that Atamrum had brought evil upon Mari and that a god had called him to account. If Atamrum was a virtual hostage of the Babylonians, Zimri-Lim’s words were not generous. The evil that he brought was surely the Babylonians. There were 300 of them in Andarig before Atamrum returned from Babylonia; Atamrum brought 6,000 more. A whopping 20,000 more came up after his death. The first we hear about them is in 2 122, a letter that Meptum wrote from Suhum to Askur-Addu in Karana. Meptum reported that he had been informed four days before sending his tablet that 10,000 Babylonian troops had “crossed from Sippir.” They probably crossed the steppe instead of marching along the river. The steppe route skirted Suhum and avoided conflict with Mari. The troops were accompanied by the Ekallatean Mutu-Hadqim, who was no friend of Mari (26 104), and led by Hulalum, whom they would later install as king of Allahad. Meptum told Askur-Addu to forward this urgent news to Zimri-Lim. Zimri-Lim was campaigning in the north. The campaign had resulted in the conquest of Aslakka, which would be celebrated in the name of Zimri-Lim’s next (and last) regnal year. Considering the reluctance of the ancients to campaign in winter, the date of Meptum’s letter is probably very late ZL 11u or very early ZL 12u. Askur-Addu forwarded Meptum’s letter to Zimri-Lim and wrote 26 440-bis as a cover letter. 240 He repeated the information and added that Meptum “came to the rescue” and that he, Askur-Addu, was keeping his troops in the strongholds until the situation cleared up. Meptum and Askur-Addu apparently perceived the Babylonian action as a threat to Karana. Letter 26 440 was written a little later, also by Askur-Addu, as Abrahami recognized. Himdiya had succeeded Atamrum as king of Andarig. Askur-Addu had definite information on the number of Babylonian troops. There were 20,000. Meptum received information with the same number from 2 Suheans who were among the 20,000. They had run away and reached a certain Halu-Rabi, who relayed their story to Meptum in A.19. The 2 Suheans also knew details about their route, which is unfortunately not understandable, and their leadership. The latter included Nabum-Malik and Rim-Addu, in addition to Mutu-Hadqim. Like Mutu-Hadqim, Rim-Addu was an Ekallatean and also no friend of Mari (26 104). 77. Inbatum’s Troubles After Atamrum’s death, but before Himdiya’s accession to the throne of Andarig, 241 widowed Inbatum, Zimri-Lim’s daughter, wanted to go home to Mari. According to custom, she and the other members of Atamrum’s harem would have been incorporated into the harem of the new king, forming a harem within a harem, 240. This was recognized by Abrahami. See his note, NABU 1992 1. 241. The first attestation of Himdiya as king of Andarig is an unpublished administrative text dated 10+[n] II 12u (26/2, 242 n. 34).

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as Ziegler calls the phenomenon. 242 But she also faced a dramatic deterioration of her status. She had been Atamrum’s principal wife, representing her husband during his stay in Babylon, but the incoming king, Himdiya, moved her and the other women of Atamrum’s harem from the capital to a village and deprived her of all personal attendants. She described her diminished status in 10 29+, a letter to her father’s secretary, mentioning the fact that she did not have even a maid to wash her feet as being Himdiya’s most outrageous discourtesy. She told him that she was determined to return to Mari and asked him to send her an attendant as soon as he heard of her departure. Inbatum certainly sent another letter to her father that arrived with the other letter. It is lost or not identified or not published yet. ZimriLim, who was not necessarily concerned about the fate of his daughters, did take one step to bring her back. He instructed Buqaqum to see to her return on the occasion of a mission to the kingdoms of the Hilly Arc in the aftermath of Atamrum’s death. Buqaqum saw, or corresponded with, Inbatum when he was in Andarig and learned that she was in dire straits and very anxious to go home to Mari. He then went to Kurda and Karana. On his way back to Andarig, in Raßum, he wrote Inbatum 26 502. He told her that he was aware of her unhappiness and anxiety to go home, but he had been held up with his chores. He still would have to wrap up things in Andarig, including recovering her throne—this was the chair that came with her to Andarig at the time of her marriage, the throne of her role as queen, which reverted to her father’s possession at the expiration of her queenship. If that was done he would be writing her again and she could be happy on that day because it would mean that her return home would be imminent. 243 Buqaqum would have needed Himdiya’s consent to take Inbatum home. We do not know whether she ever saw Mari again. It may be mentioned that the relationship between Zimri-Lim and Himdiya may have been rather complex. At the time of Atamrum’s stay in Babylonia, right after Himdiya had left for Subat-Enlil, Yasim-El wrote in 26 429 that he was safeguarding the secret “tablets” that Zimri-Lim had sent to him. A little later, in the aftermath of the conquest of Amaz and at a time when Atamrum was away from his kingdom, Yasim El mentioned in 26 435 that he had told Himdiya of Zimri-Lim’s request to visit Mari. It clearly was an inappropriate request, and Himdiya answered, as he should have, that it was not proper to come without asking Atamrum. Did Zimri-Lim already know that Atamrum would betray his allegiance to Mari and therefore attempted to place Himdiya on the throne? Himdiya rebuked Zimri-Lim’s initiative. He may not have been inclined to ingratiate himself with Mari by letting Inbatum go.

242. FM 4 (1999), 33, regarding the harem of Yasmah-Addu that was included in Zimri-Lim’s harem. For other examples, see Ziegler’s article “Le harem du vaincu,” in RA 93 (1999), 1–20. 243. For the discussion of this interpretation, see E. Salgues’s and my note, NABU 2000 31 concerning 26 502 and my note in NABU 2002 60 concerning 10 29+.

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78. End of Zimri-Lim and Mari The establishment of Babylonian control of Upper Yamutbal that took the form of partitioning Atamrum’s kingdom into the kingdoms of Allahad and Andarig; the installation of a Babylonian puppet king, Hulalum, in Allahad; and the stationing of 20,000 Babylonian troops in the area effectively superseded Mariote control. We can only speculate on the reason for the large investment of Babylonian troops. The year-name for Hammu-Rabi’s 32d regnal year documents a Babylonian defeat of Esnuna in ZL 12u. The deployment of troops in Upper Yamutbal would have allowed the Babylonians to open a second front against Esnuna, and it would have neutralized the danger of an alliance between Mari and Esnuna. The name of HammuRabi’s 33d regnal year documents a Babylonian defeat of Mari in the year after ZL 12u. It should have happened right at the beginning of that year because the lastknown documents of a working administration of Mari under Zimri-Lim date to the last month of ZL 12u. 244 The Babylonian base in Upper Yamutbal could have again served as the staging point for a second front, this time against Mari. An important factor affecting the stability of the area must have been the stance of Kurda. A.3577, the name of whose author is lost, contains a report on the deliberations of an assembly in which Hammu-Rabi of Kurda and his subjects, “Numha, all of them,” considered questions of political allegiance. Hammu-Rabi reviewed the relations of Kurda with Mari during Zimri-Lim’s reign, stating that Zimri-Lim had been on the side of Andarig at the time of Qarni-Lim and Atamrum, and that it was to be expected that he would now side with Himdiya against Kurda. Therefore, he proposed cooperating with the Babylonians and regarding “Simªal,” that is Mari, as an enemy. His subjects disagreed. Yes, they were on good terms with the Babylonians, but Simªal was their brother and they would always have to live close to him. The disagreement between king and vox populi was a compromise: he would wait and see, and they would [ ] Zimri-Lim. The words of Hammu-Rabi of Kurda as reported by the unknown writer include a strange inconsistency: on the one hand, he feared that Mari would make common cause with Himdiya against Kurda; on the other hand, he proposed common cause with Babylon against Mari. Yet Himdiya was installed as king by Babylon (26 440) and was no friend of Mari and Zimri-Lim. Hammu-Rabi of Kurda was perhaps so wedded to the decision to rupture his relationship with Mari once and for all, a decision that he had made at the time of the peace initiative of Habdu-Malik, that he overlooked the fact that the political constellation had changed. 245 Nothing much is known about the third major power in the Hilly Arc, Karana. The kingdom was physically separated from Mari by the Babylonian presence and the stance of Kurda. However loyal Askur-Addu may have been to his perennial 244. See Sasson’s tabulation of the dates and contents of administrative records from ZL 12u in “King,” 467. 245. See §60.

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supporter, Zimri-Lim, he could not help him now, and if he needed help, Mari could not render it. The positioning of a large contingent of Babylonian troops in upper Yamutbal was accompanied by anti-Mariote behavior on the part of Atamrum and the Babylonians alike, which led to the withdrawal of Mariote troops from Andarig. There is evidence that the Babylonian presence in upper Yamutbal was felt as a threat to Mari after Atamrum’s death. This information is found in Zimri-Lim’s letter to his wife Siptu 26 185-bis, which is quoted above in §76. After stating that Atamrum had died because he had brought evil upon Mari (and “evil,” under the circumstances, can only be a reference to Babylon), Zimri-Lim asked his wife to ask the gods whether Hammu-Rabi of Babylon would die, tell the truth, wage war against Mari, or come up and besiege Mari. At this point we come to the end of meaningful information on the reign of Zimri-Lim and the events that led to its end and the end of Mari as a political center. We are left with the testimony of administrative records that span ZL 12u. They were tabulated by Sasson. 246 It appears that the king was in the area of Aslakka in the first month. Since the conquest of that city was celebrated in the name of ZL 12u, that conquest probably happened in early spring at the very end of ZL 11u, and the king lingered in the area for another month. During that time he received presents from Sub-Ram, surely the king of Susa with that name, and from potentates in the immediate vicinity of Aslakka. At the end of the 2d, beginning of the 3d month, he set siege to, or planned the siege of, Sinah near Urgis. In the 3d month, presents for Askur-Addu were registered in Urgis. In the 4th month, various transactions were registered in Ilan-Íura. In the 5th month, a transaction in Qa††unan was made “when the king returned,” Siptu went to meet her husband in Saggaratum, and he reached Mari on the 26th. The only hints regarding external relations for the rest of the year are deliveries of wine from Ursum on the upper Euphrates and gifts for the king of Kar-Kamis. In the 8th month, gifts were sent to the king of Esnuna and to Hammu-Rabi, either the king of Kurda or, more likely, the king of Babylon. The present to Esnuna is remarkable because it shows that Esnuna was not yet conquered by Babylon or that the news of the conquest had not yet reached Mari. Epistolary documentation for ZL 12u appears to be missing. Charpin suggested as a reason the conjecture that Zimri-Lim, who used to place the letters that reached him on campaign in an archive in his palace in Mari after his return, may not have returned from his last campaign to stay at his palace. 247 But Zimri-Lim returned to Mari, 248 and there is no proof that he did not stay at his palace. Given the fact that letters were mostly left undated, some of the letters we have may actually 246. See n. 244. 247. Charpin, “La fin des archives dans le palais de Mari,” RA 89 (1995), 39 n. 39. 248. Villard, “Le déplacement des trésors royaux d’après les archives royales de Mari,” RAI XXXVIII, 199 with n. 36.

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date to ZL 12u without our being able to prove it today. 249 There may have been little mail anyway. There was no Iddiyatum in Karana, no Yasim-El in Andarig, and apparently no stationary Mariote agent in Idamaraß to report what went on in these areas. If a Mariote representative remained in Kurda, he would have been cut off from important information. Reports from Suhum by Buqaqum and Meptum do not seem to exist. It is to be expected that we would recognize reports from the area about the approach of the hostile Babylonian army that eventually conquered Mari. Durand thought that A.19 was such a report, 250 but this text refers to the 20,000 Babylonian troops who went up to Allahad at the end of ZL 11u, at least eight months before the fall of Mari. Regarding the last chapter of Mari, we merely have the evidence of the name of Hammu-Rabi’s 33d year, the tablet tags of the boxes that housed the correspondence of Zimri-Lim that were dated to the 7th month of the 32d year, the name of Hammu-Rabi’s 35th year, and the archaeological evidence of two burned palaces. The name of Hammu-Rabi’s 33d year states that “he felled the troops of Malgium and Mari in battle and, as their friend, took Mari and [ ] and the cities of Subartum, one by one, under his command.” 251 After this event, in the 7th month, agents of Hammu-Rabi went through the royal correspondence in the palace in Mari, and two years later “he destroyed the wall of Mari and the wall of Malgium,” on which occasion the palace may have been burned. Hammu-Rabi’s motive, the events during the two years, and the strangely parallel fate of Mari and Malgium, cities far removed from each other, remain mysteries. 249. G. Ozan mentions that the receipt of gifts from Esnuna announced by Manatan in his letter, FM 3 142, is part of the same gift exchange that saw a gift for Esnuna registered in 25 19. Note that Charpin’s reference to “A.3947” in “Chronologie,” 56, probably means the same text. 25 19 = A.3493. A.3947, as quoted by Durand in comment l to LAPO 17 545, appears to be a letter. 250. Edited by him in “Espionage,” FM 1 (1992), 51–52, and reedited by Charpin in “Sapiratum,” 359. 251. Stol, History, 38, translates “Mari and its villages and the various cities of Subartum submitted peacefully to his rule.” Sasson, “King,” 461, understands the formulation as an indication of a “peaceful transfer of power.” The formulation “as their friend,” Stol’s “peacefully,” is of course a relative term in a propagandistic formulation. It may not mean much more than a lessrigorous treatment of, for example, the fate of Kasalluk (see §11).

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Chapter 3

Introduction to Translations

Creating a Mess Propelled by the revelation of 26 404 as described in the foreword, and wanting to have at my disposal an English translation of this letter, I began translating. Soon I wanted to use other major letters of the volume, and eventually all the letters of this volume as well as those of volumes 26/1 and 27 and indeed all published Mari letters in order to give the students of my history class something to read and study. I found that only a very few of the letters were translated into English. My last serious encounter with Old Babylonian letters had been almost 30 years back, when Adam Falkenstein read the letters from Tell Harmal and those published in TCL 17 in Intermediate Akkadian. By the time I started translating Mari letters, my knowledge had gained somewhat in an unsystematic way, but it had also rusted, so that I had much to learn. My teachers this time were the editors of the letters: Birot, Charpin, Durand, Joannès, Lackenbacher, and Lafont. In the crunch of preparing materials for an ongoing course, I did not linger over words but made quick decisions. Continued reading soon revealed initial misunderstandings and mistakes, and suggested better choices of words, phrases, forms, and sentence structures. I changed my translations frequently. For example, ahka la tanaddi went from literal “do not drop your arm” to idiomatic “do not fold your arms,” to “don’t be lazy,” and finally to the standard translation “do not be negligent.” When I changed from “dropping” to “folding” arms, I did not bother to update all previously translated references, because I was not completely content with the folded arms and had in mind returning to the dropped ones. But then I started experimenting with “being lazy,” until I was overcome with an anti-iconoclastic impulse and reverted to the standard translation “to be negligent.” This process repeated itself with numerous other words. Especially bothersome was a group of verbs including amarum, kasadum, and pa†arum, and the noun †emum, whose presumed basic meanings, “see, reach, obstruct,” and “report,” often did not fit the context. In fact, each new context seemed to call for another translation so that the inventory of English translations became rather 167

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large. The proliferation of translations soon created overlaps. For example, contexts for amarum suggested a meaning “to understand,” a translation which I had used already for ahazum. ˇemum is sometimes used where a translation “issue” suggested itself, but I had used this translation already for some instances of awatum. In the end, I had made so many changes, and there were so many overlaps, that I had to acknowledge that I had created a mess and that I needed some method, some kind of pilot, to steer me in the right direction.

Searching for Help I turned to what other translators had said in the introductions to their translations. Oppenheim’s essay “Can These Bones Live?” in Letters from Mesopotamia, 1 warned me not to use “the less-than-adequate translation methods traditionally applied in Assyriology.” I was to understand the cultural background of the letters, understand their message, and translate them “in a way that makes the new wording a meaningful carrier of the original message,” but not by clinging to a literal translation or being afraid to jump “the gap” between Mariote and my culture. My problem was that I saw no way to understand the message of the letters without anchoring myself to a literal translation and looking out from that terrain in search of the meaning that context, common sense, and my personal knowledge and experience suggested. In addition, I did not agree with many of the translations in the Mari letters that Oppenheim had made. Take, for example, 26 234. Oppenheim translates the affirmation of well-being in the introductory formula as “the gods Dagan and Ikrub-El are fine.” “Gods” is not in the text. They are presumably Oppenheim’s explanation to the reader who might not know that Dagan and Ikrub-El were gods. “Fine” is functionally correct, but stylistically, for my taste, just a little too distant and refined. In the central part of the letter he translates, “on the day after he had this dream . . . ,” but “after” is not found in the text. It may have been an oversight by Oppenheim or an example of gap-jumping. The night in Mari was the first part of a 24-hour day and came before the daylight part of the day. We perceive the daylight part as being “after” the night. Oppenheim’s translation is either incorrect or it glosses over a peculiarity of Mesopotamian culture. His translation “had a dream” instead of more literal “saw a dream” is good in the given context but creates difficulties in others as explained in the next section. All in all, I found Oppenheim’s essay too negative for practical help and his translations a mixed bag. I found some solace in what W. G. Lambert and A. R. Millard say in the introduction to their translation of the story of Atra-Hasis: “A modern reader must not expect to find our translation immediately appealing and fully intelligible. Literary taste has changed over the past 3,000 years, and, if one may use a musical analogy, to turn from the 1. Oppenheim, “Can These Bones Live?” Letters from Mesopotamia (Chicago, 1967), 54–67.

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English classics to Atra-Hasis will be like turning from Wagner and Chopin to plainsong.” 2 These authors did not engage in gap-jumping but relied on the intelligence and patience of the reader to acclimatize to the different tone and environment of Akkadian literature that was preserved in their translation. I also found the words of B. Foster reassuring: “My translations tend to be literal at the expense of English style because I am not confident that, at the present state of knowledge, one can write English and translate from Akkadian at the same time.” 3 Most important in my struggle to find criteria to clean up the mess I had created was the introduction by M. T. Roth to her translations of laws written in cuneiform script: “Wherever possible, I use the simplest, most neutral English word, in order to avoid imposing my interpretations on the texts. . . . The translations remain faithful to the moods and tenses of the original languages. . . . In the apodosis (of formulations of laws), the third person imperfect-future tense usually is translated here with the auxiliary ‘shall.’ . . . Injunctions expressed with Akkadian la are translated ‘he shall not. . . .’ ” One page crammed with concrete rules and conventions of translations follows. 4 Here was a description of method. I agree heartily with the two basic maxims: the ideal not to coat the original text with one’s interpretation and the articulation of rules that render the translation accountable.

Creating Order The overlaps bothered me the most. Without transliterations at hand, I could not be sure whether translated “understand” was equivalent to amarum or ahazum; “here” to annanum, annis, or annikiam; “before” to ina panitim, pananum, or the bewildering variety of compound expressions with the element panum, etc., etc. This state of affairs negated the usefulness of the search command on the word processor for my file of translations. I wanted to search “understand,” being sure that it always represented the same Akkadian word. There were two ways to accomplish my wish. I could choose a synonym of “understand” for the translation for amarum and limit the translation “understand” to ahazum, or I could choose a synonym for ahazum and translate only amarum with “understand.” The consideration of the second way led me to an inspiration: ahazum is really best translated “grasp.” Checking the translations of the verb in CAD, I found “to seize, to hold a person, to take a wife, to hold, to possess, to take over, to learn, to understand, to mount (an object in precious metal).” The verb “to grasp” is the common denominator of all these meanings, leading them back to one and the same semantic field—herding them into one 2. Lambert and Millard, Atra-Hasis: The Babylonian Story of the Flood (Oxford, 1969; repr. Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns, 1999), 6. 3. Foster, Before the Muses: An Anthology of Akkadian Literature (Bethesda, 1993), 1.xxvii. 4. Roth, Law Collections from Mesopotamia and Asia Minor (Writings from the Ancient World; Society of Biblical Literature 6; Atlanta, 1995), 7–9.

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corral, so to speak. 5 And more: not only did “grasp” allow me to remove the overlap in the translations of ahazum and amarum, the constraint that I had imposed on myself proved to be of heuristical value. Returning to amarum, the question arose of how to separate the more central meaning of the semantic field, which identifies various ways to use one’s eyes, from the meanings of naplusum and na†alum, which do the same. The process led to another bout of changes. Here is the result: amarum

see, regard, have a vision, watch, view

naplusum

observe, behold

na†alum

have before the eyes, look, perceive

In this way I reorganized my translations. Roget’s International Thesaurus was my constant companion, and I realized with satisfaction that the creek of Akkadian vocabulary is easily absorbed into the river of English. But I will admit that some measure of stiffness and artificiality goes with the method. For example, the verb na†alum is used for the perception of dreams. I would have liked to use Oppenheim’s “have a dream,” which agrees with Roth’s “simplest, most neutral English.” But this translation creates difficulties in other contexts. When “dream” is predicated by the stative of na†alum, the resulting translation becomes a somewhat odd “his dream was had” (29 82), and where the dream is not the grammatical object but in the locative dimension of na†alum (26 229), it is outright impossible, unless the difference of construction is leveled. The most natural solution would be to translate na†alum with dreams as “see.” I kept to my program and translated “to have before the eyes.” I found it especially hard to separate the verbs qabûm and dababum. After many attempts to juggle the hundreds of references, I decided to translate the former with “say, speak, mention” and the latter with “talk, tell, proclaim.” In 29 4, the distribution leads to the following translation: “Where he talked, he told many things,” but I have the feeling that the scribe meant to say, “where he spoke, he said many things.” I have the impression that the choice of one or the other verb by the authors of the letters was not so much a matter of semantics as one of style and personal predilection, perhaps also of dialect. Accordingly, my semantic separation would be beside the point. There are verbs in all languages that are used often and with many meanings. If such verbs are Akkadian, a large number of English translations are necessary; if they are English, they cannot be limited too strictly to one Akkadian word. For example “take” is my translation for leqûm, but the many uses of “take” in set phrases and idioms must be freed for translation of other Akkadian words. Here are my translations: “take a bite out of ” is akalum, “take long” is urrukum, “take the initiative” is bâªum, “take a short cut” is bazarum, “take advantage of ” is dubbubum, “take 5. Including the taking of a wife, which in Akkadian conception is a grasping by the husband, which presumably harks back to a time when this was literally done; and including the mounting of an object, where the metal does the grasping.

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away” is ekemum, “take shelter” is emedum ana, “take complete possession of ” is gummurum, and so on. I also translate both subulum and saparum as “send.” But they remain separate because saparum in this meaning takes only humans as object, and subulum takes only nonhumans. The method can be applied to nouns, verbs, adjectives, and—with difficulty— adverbs. Particles mostly fell through any net I could knot. Occasionally, I devised a way to make differences in Akkadian transparent in the translation. For example, Akkadian uses two conjunctions that are translated “and,” namely, u and enclitic ma. The conjunction u connects nouns and clauses; ma, only clauses. When ma appears, I run the sentence on; I start a new sentence when u appears. “He gave him instructions and dispatched him” is connected by ma. “He gave him instructions. And he dispatched him” is connected by u. The Akkadian of the letters quite frequently connects clauses with both conjunctions. I translate them “and then, and now, and also, and so, and still.” But there remain cases in which any modification of the connection appears artificial, and so I simply use “and.” Another example: Akkadian uses the preposition ana “to, for” without any semantic restriction on the following noun, but ana ßer “to, for” is restricted to nouns describing or identifying persons. In the latter case, the general ana or the specific ana ßer is used. I distinguish between the two by using the accusative for ana and “to” for ana ßer. “Zimri-Lim wrote Hammu-Rabi” translates Zimri-Lim ana Hammu-Rabi ispur; “Zimri-Lim wrote to Hammu-Rabi” translates Zimri-Lim ana ßer Hammu-Rabi ispur. In the area of verbal “tenses” I started rigidly by translating the preterit (iprus) with the simple past, the present-future (iparras) with the present or future, and the perfect (iptaras) with the perfect. It did not work. A friend who looked at samples of my translations according to this “method” dryly remarked that there was a point at which I needed to translate. Present-future forms often express the circumstance in which an event occurred in the past. I did not want to go quite as far as Streck, who translates the Akkadian finite present-future form with a participle, as in “weinend setzte er sich”; 6 I translate them with the verb “to be” plus the participle: “he sat down, (and) he was crying.” The function of the Akkadian perfect is a mystery to me. 7 The alleged function of Nachzeitigkeit, that is the designation of a past action as having taken place later than another past action, a feature described as consecutio temporum, quickly loses its credibility, because the reader of Mari letters encounters myriad examples of sequences of preterit forms describing chronological series of events. I translate perfect forms with the perfect whenever it makes sense, still cherishing a sense of satisfaction that it works sometimes, but I have no qualms about translating with the past tense if that is more appropriate. Conversely, I translate past tense forms with the perfect when the context demands it—as, for example, after inanna “now” and adini “until now.” 6. Streck, Orientalia 64 (1995), 33–91. 7. G. Buccellati denies its existence in A Structural Grammar of Babylonian (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1996), 108–12.

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I translate the modes rigidly: the cohortative with “shall”; the precative with “must”; “let” (“let him come”); “may” before the subject and with an exclamation mark at the end of the clause (“may he come!”); and “may” in the rare case of permissive function (see the last sentence of 26 103). In syntax, I leave the paratactic sequencing of the Akkadian by and large untouched. I make an exception in the case of the paratactic figure “finite verbal form in present tense + ma followed by another finite verbal form in present tense,” where I make the first member a dependent clause introduced by “once.” Ana ßer beliya akassadam-ma †emam gamram mahar beliya asakkan = “Once I arrive before my lord, I will place a full report before my lord.” In working on the translations, it occasionally crossed my mind that I was adhering to something that Oppenheim characterized as “the age-old type of translation in which every word of the foreign language is considered to be in one-to-one correspondence with a word of the translator’s tongue; the translator replaces unit by unit and sees in the quaintness of the text produced an adequate rendering of the otherness of the original.” But then, a little quaintness can preserve a measure of the otherness of the world that produced the translated letters, and this is a good thing. Besides, my translations are not based on one-to-one but one-to-several correspondences, as far as choice of words is concerned. In the end, I found it much more important to provide a measure of accountability in translating and to prevent my subjective style from coloring the translations.

Chapter 4

Translation of Texts from ARM 26/1

The common theme of many of letters 26 1–190 is extispicy—that is, divination by means of inspecting the entrails of sacrificial animals. It was the most widely practiced method of divination in ancient Mesopotamia. The Akkadian word translated “extispicy” is tertum, which means more literally “directive.” It was believed that the configuration of entrails contained divine “directives” about future events. A particular configuration corresponded to a particular event and, since the number of configurations is practically limitless, extispicy represented a wide field of knowledge and was practiced by professional diviners. The diviners were always male and learned the craft from their father (26 109). They also used texts that listed configurations and their meanings for the future (26 2 and 3). The diviners of the Mari texts were royal appointees. They served the king personally or were stationed in the provinces or accompanied troops on campaign, often working in teams of two. They inspected the entrails of male lambs and occasionally also adult rams (26 92), or, if sheep were not available, they used pigeons (26 145). Before looking at the entrails, the diviner asked the divinity about the safety of places or areas during a defined period of time, or he asked about the outcome of specific events. Inspection of the entrails normally yielded a positive or negative answer to the question, and specific aspects of the configuration of the entrails (such as marks on the liver or unusual coloration of the stomach) revealed indications concerning aspects of the future that were not part of the question. An extispicy was usually verified by an additional extispicy. If a clear answer did not emerge, another round of extispicies was made. In one case, the answer to one and the same question was sought in no less than five rounds (26 152). If a diviner wanted an oracle about an absent person or another city, he needed a physical part, hair, and hem of the person (for example 26 182 and 198) or a clod of earth from the city (for example 26 184) in order to identify the person or city for the divinity. Often entrails and their description were sent by provincial diviners to the king so that he and his diviners could check them (for example 26 109 and 123). They were always or occasionally “baked” for this purpose (see 26 98 and 169). Oppenheim thought that the diviners modeled the entrails in clay, baked them, and sent them in this form (“The 173

174

Translation

Text 26 1

Archives of the Palace of Mari,” JNES 13 [1954], 143–44). Clay models of livers actually have been found in Mari. 1 The most variable organ of the entrails, the liver, yielded most of the clues sought by the diviner and consequently inspection of the liver, or hepatoscopy, was highly developed. The diviner scanned the backside of the liver (facies visceralis), moving counterclockwise through twelve significant areas, including the gall bladder. These areas were given specific names. The gall bladder, for example, was called “shepherd,” the processus caudatus “finger,” and so on. The divine being that answered the question of a diviner was the sun-god Samas. He was actively involved in the formation of a liver (see the second sentence in 26 3), which is expressed elsewhere as his “writing omens within the ram.” 2 The topic of diviners and extispicy is treated in detail in Durand’s introduction to 26/1. A particularly instructive text from Babylonia was published by Starr. Leiderer is indispensable for understanding the technique of hepatoscopy. The names of the ominous parts of the liver are listed in appendix 8. See also the entry “diviners” in the index of group designations.

1–3: Texts

26 1 Oath of office for diviners. For the text group and this text, see Durand, “Protocoles,” 13–71, which includes a photograph of the tablet on p. 15.

[2 lines] [ that] occurs [in extispicies of ] ªa commonerº, and (that) I see, [a bad omen or] ªa good oneº, whatever I see, I will indeed mention (it) [to my lord Zimri-Lim]. (I swear that) 3 I will not hide (it). (I swear that) I will not mention to a human being, whatever his name, a ªbad omenº [or a good one] that occurs in extispicies of [my lord] ªZimri-Lim, inº an abnormal birth, or in . . . , 4 and (which) I see. And a ªconfidentialº word that my lord Zimri-Lim mentions to me for making extispicies, or (that he) mentions to my fellow diviner, and I hear of, or else see, that omen1 during the execution of extispicies in the hand of my ªfellow divinerº, I will indeed guard that word. ªThe wordº of a human being, whatever his name, who [ ] ªa hostileº mouth, 5 [and] (who) does ªnotº let it go out but [ ] my lord [ ] for evil rebellion and [ ] of my lord Zimri-Lim [ ] (I swear that) [I will] not [ ] the human being, whatever his name.2 And the execution of ªevilº rebellion [against ] of [my] lord Zimri-Lim that he (the human being) mentions to me for making extispicies, or (that he) mentions to my fellow ªdivinerº, [and I] ªhearº of, or else see, (the resulting omen) during the extispicies [in] ªthe handº of my fellow ªdivinerº, (I swear that) [I] will [not] ªhideº it. On that day I will 1. See Durand, 26/1, 52 n. 251. 2. O. R. Gurney, The Sultantepe Tablets I (London, 1957), text 60:15. 3. In the text of an oath, positive statements are rendered, “I will indeed . . .” (lu + verb in the indicative of the present tense) and negative statements, “I will not . . .” (la + verb in subjunctive of present tense). I assume that the subjunctive is dependent on the virtual clause “I swear that. . . .” 4. uzu iZ-mi-im. The determinative indicates that iZmum is of flesh. 5. pé-em na-ak-[ra-am]. Durand restores idabbubu as a verb and translates “qui tiendrait des propos hostiles.” See also pí-ú nakrum in 26 237:17.

Text 26 2

Translation

indeed ªspeakº [to] my lord ªZimri-Limº, [ him (the human being).3

175

], (I swear that) I will not hide it, not plead for

(The remaining 7 + n lines are not well preserved and do not yield a comprehensible text. The last sentence is:) “[ ] I will indeed do as long as I live.” 1. 2.

3.

There is no omen mentioned to which “that omen” could refer. I assume that the confidential word that was submitted to divination by extispicy is here somewhat loosely called “omen.” Durand restores this passage as follows: “L’affair (par contre) d’un quidam, quel qu’il soit, qui tiendrait des propos hostiles, en voulant que cela ne soit pas connu, voudrait attaquer mon Seigneur et ferait faire des présages en vue d’une mauvaise rebellion ou de l’assassinat de Zimri-Lim, mon Seigneur, je ne prendrai en rien les oracles pour ce quidam, quel qu’il soit.” I have the impression that the difficulties in understanding this text do not stem exclusively from the many breaks but also from the phrasing of the author who, wanting to be very exact, failed to be very clear. I summarize the contents as I understand them. The diviner swears: to reveal information to the king from extispicies done for commoners, to keep confidential information from extispicies done for the king (paragraph 1); to keep confidential matters that the king ordered to submit to extispicies, whether the diviner or a colleague was charged with it (paragraph 2); to refuse service to someone plotting rebellion against Zimri-Lim (so Durand’s interpretation of the first sentence of paragraph 3); to reveal solicitation of his or a colleague’s service by such a person.

26 2 and 3 are collections of liver omens.

26 2 The day (when during extispicy) a fiber1 from the head of a finger of the middle back2 is attached to the middle of the shepherd: decrease; something of a dead being is seized by a living being.3 The day a fiber on the right (side) of ªthe fingerº is attached to the place of the strike of the face [of the enemy] and the finger lies on (its) right, the king’s hand will ªcatchº territory that is not ªhisº. And for ªthe commonerº: catch of the hand. 6 1. 2.

3.

According to Leiderer, 149, a “fiber” designates a parasite-induced alteration of connective liver tissue. The diviner differentiated various “backs,” or surfaces, of the finger. In addition, he distinguished head, center, and base of a surface. Accordingly, I expect “the head of the middle back of the finger” to be parallel to “on the head of the back of the right of the finger” (Leiderer 538). The reference is probably to valuables that were stored or displayed in the accessible part of a tomb. Durand quotes as illustration the treasures of the tomb of Yahdun-Lim, which were inventoried when Yasmah-Addu took power in Mari.

26 3 If the path is in place: ªhisº god is ªpresent atº the man’s offering. If he1 caused the path to descend toward the right: the man will escape from adversity.

If he caused the path to descend toward the right and toward the left: major dispossession; the enemy will attack and carry off livestock. If it floods: it will take the harvest of the ªlandº. And if (it is done) for a sick man: he will die. 6. kisid qatim. The phrase designates spoils, including prisoners of war.

176

Translation

Text 26 4

ªIfº he caused ªthe pathº to descend toward the right and (then) caused it to ascend: the man will escape from ªtroubleº. And ªifº (it is done) for a ªsickº man: he will live. And if it is ªa lost itemº of his: after many days he will find it. (Blank line) If in the fold of [ ]: (clash of) ªweaponº follows upon (clash of) ªweaponº. If it is found in execution (of an extispicy) of the king: [ ]. And if for a commoner: [ ]. If a weapon2 crossed the shepherd from the left to the right: [ ]. And if it was for a commoner: Whatever the man ªwishesº, [ ]. If a weapon ªlooksº to the narrow part of the duct of the shepherd: [ ] and Nergal will ªcomeº to my (the diviner’s) own side, [and ] and the unit of troops of the left [ ] weapons. (Blank line) If the cleft 7 is continuous: his god is ªpresent atº the man’s offering. If there are two clefts: well-being and [ ]. If there are three clefts: the god will not [ ] with the man. If the cleft is like a dadum (fish): well-being of ªthe enemyº. If the cleft [ ] from the duct of the shepherd and below [ ]: it will rain. If he made it descend toward the palace gate: the rains [ ]. If the cleft is like a ªcrescentº: stand of [ ]. If the cleft assembled 8 toward weapons, and its face is (turned) toward the palace gate: the king takes over the households of his servants. 1. 2.

“He” is probably the sun-god Samas. See Durand’s comment b and the statement in the description of the extispicy “he broke the finger” in 26 96. Leiderer, 36: “ein Teilchen aus Lebergewebe, das an seinem keulenförmigen freien Ende einen eigenen Serosaüberzug besitzt.”

26 4–88 are letters by, to, and concerning Asqudum, a diviner by profession, who already in the time of Yasmah-Addu belonged to the upper circle of power (see 26 4) and later became perhaps Zimri-Lim’s most influential aide. Durand included letters to other persons by this name in his collection (26 8 and 26 34).

26 4

to the D

To my lord (Yasmah-Addu) speak! Your servant Laªum (says), “The diviner Asqudum came from before the king (Samsi-Adad). Where he talked, he told many things. [So] 9 they said to me. He denounced ªmeº, Sin-Iddinam [and] ªSamas-Tillassu beforeº the king. 7. sulmum designates the groove on the lobus quadratus of the liver. The lobus quadratus itself was called erßet sulmim “locality of the s.” A. Goetze suggested that the word is not identical to sulmum “well-being” but derives from the root tlm that includes the Arabic word tulmatun “notch.” See the discussion in Leiderer, 82–83. I agree with Goetze because the word is descriptive of a feature of the throat (Starr, 31:24 with comment) and the liver part “outgrowth” (26 100-bis:27). The use of the logogram silim(-ma) and the link with “well-being” (sulmum) in many predictions is wordplay. 8. iphur. It is unclear what is meant. 9. [ke-em]. Durand restores [a-na].

Text 26 5

Translation

177

ªNobodyº is safe in his hands. Once I arrive before my lord, I will place a full report before my lord.”

26 5–7 are letters by Bannum. He was Zimri-Lim’s first pasture-chief and served, according to 5 and 6, as caretaker in Mari during the king’s absence. He died before 25 IX 2 (see Durand, 26/1, 74 n. 27; and Villard, “Nomination,” 293 n. 1), so his letters come from the beginning of Zimri-Lim’s reign. The contents of 5 and 6 indicate that these letters were written at the very beginning of the reign.

26 5 Zimri-Lim informed Asqudum in 26 61 that Bannum had arrived in Mari to take his (Zimri-Lim’s) place and that he would leave for Terqa in order to make an offering to the gods before starting on his campaign. The present letter was written after the king had completed his offerings in Terqa, proceeded to Saggaratum, where he met with Bannum, and left for the campaign.

To my lord speak! Your servant Bannum (says), “Are these things nice 10 that Asqudum keeps forcing upon you ªuntoward thingsº, and (that) you keep listening to his words? When you set your sight on the expedition and stayed the 7 days of circles1 in the house of Dagan, you left me behind in Mari and instructed me as follows: You (said), ‘the day I ªget upº from the circles, join me in Terqa!’ This you said to me, but I was held back in Mari, and Asqudum told you untoward words, and you ªinstalledº him in the office of mayor of Hisamta. He deceived you with words a second time, and you installed Enlil-Ipus in the office of majordomo of Hisamta. I came to Saggaratum, and I was hearing all those matters and called out, ‘I am robbed!’ And I had a word with you as follows: I (said), ‘How can you install a citizen of Ekallatum in the office of mayor of Hisamta? And you installed Enlil-Ipus in the office of majordomo!’ This I said to you and fired that man, ªandº your servant Belsunu, who is getting fat like a pig, and whom you could slaughter, [for whom] nobody will seize your hand, 11 I gave instructions for (serving as) majordomo.2 “Asqudum, a catch of my hands, decided on untoward things in his heart, and you should ªinstallº servants in executive positions of whom the person of my lord and the sons of Simªal will not be sorry. I saw 12 that that man’s ear is set on evil, and (that) he talks with my lord about untoward things with evil intentions and has ªinstalledº former servants of Isme-Dagan in executive positions. Isme-Dagan ªwill hearº this news ªandº be very glad. ªHeº (will say), ‘my former servants [exercise] executive positions [and] ªwill actº to turn this land away (from Zimri-Lim), [and] it does not cost [me] one bread.’ My lord [ ] not ª º the words of that man. As that man will not ª º to erect obstacles for the palace, my lord must not depend on that man. That man is. . . . 13 Reliable diviners attend to my lord. Those men are sons of Simªal. They are devoted to the person of my lord. My lord must have that man conducted to me. Otherwise I will bring his household and the household of Hali-Hadun into the palace.3 That man must get here quickly.

10. 11. 12. 13.

annêtan damqa. See my note, NABU 1996 62. In the context of 26 39:43, the idiom “seizing one’s hand” denotes asking for a favor. amur kima. If amur is infinitive, the translation should be “Understand that . . .” (Sasson). suhhu. Durand, “fondamentalment hostile.”

178

Translation

Text 26 6

“Moreover, when my lord went out from Saggaratum, he told you the following: He (said), ‘I am ill.’ The baggage of my lord has been left behind in Saggaratum without a responsible person. What baggage that was left behind on that day because of the lack of porters?4 “Further: Is it nice of Sumu-Hadum, ªwhoº wrote to my lord, ‘I seized the ªtabletsº of Samsi-Addu?’ Who is this ªboyº of his who seized ªthose tabletsº, and (who) took them along ªto meº, and I did not give him [a gift]? The boys of ªSumu-Hadumº [did not] ªobtainº those ªtabletsº, and [I did not give] gifts ªto themº. If a defeat [ ]. If they do not [ ] with yes, [ ]. I saw that 14 that man [ ] ªevilº [and] untoward [words] to my lord. My lord must [know] this! “Further: 2 hundred sheep of Zu-Hadnim that [ ] ªtake alongº to you at bedtime, they indeed concealed them! I seized those sheep. I will guard them until your coming ªhereº. Once you come, you will ªhearº the report on those sheep.” 1.

2. 3.

4.

Durand provides references from unpublished texts for the “7 days of circles.” This phrase may designate a purification rite similar to the Babylonian rite Bit Rimki, according to which the king went through a succession of 7 “huts,” washing off any evil that might have attached itself to him. Another 7-day rite of ablutions for the king is mentioned in 26 216. It is not clear why Belsunu’s corpulence would recommend him for the position of majordomo. When royal officials died or were fired from their position, their belongings were inventoried and divided between the household of the official and the palace. In this way, private and institutional property was separated. The removal of the entire household of an official to the palace could be punitive, which is what Bannum intends. For more detail, see my article “Disposition of Households of Officials in Ur III and Mari,” ASJ 19 (1997), 68; and van Koppen, “Seized.” Bannum may refer to an excuse of Asqudum that there were no porters available.

26 6 [To] ªmyº lord speak! Your servant Bannum (says), “Are these things ªniceº that [my lord] ªwroteº me painfully about the majordomo of Íuprum ‘the former majordomo of Íuprum was installed 5 months ªago. Whichº are his accounts that were done, and which are the deficits that he incurred, that you remove him from his executive office and install Maprakum? What are these things that you lift your eyes to one shekel of silver and remove an executive and install another in his executive position? You scold me as follows: “Do not go by the opinion of a denunciator! And do not listen to denunciations!” A bitch is scolding her children, (saying), “Do not lay your hands on anything!” And she got there first, raised the skin of the flews and proceeded to eat.1 Now you keep acting just like it. Already, I installed Enlil-Ipus as majordomo of Hisamta, and then you removed him and installed Belsunu in his stead. Now, until I return, do not remove and install any executive. I myself will call an executive to account for his wrongs.’ This my lord painfully ªwroteº me. Now, why did my lord write me ª. . . 15º that an ªincompetentº and inefficient man . . . 16 removes an executive from 14. See n. 12 above. 15. Durand restores s[a a-ia-si-i]m and translates “ce que m’a. . . .” 16. Durand restores ªiº-[na é-kál-l]im ù da-tim i-ir-ba i-na m[a-ti-ma-a i]-na la i-di-im . . . and translates “(que c’est un incapable . . .) qui est entré au palais et à la douane? Est-ce que jamais . . . ,” announcing a study on “dâtum = douane.” I believe †atum “bribe” fits the context better, but I do not understand the structure of the sentence.

Text 26 7

Translation

179

his executive position ªwithº no reason. [And] from whom did I receive silver, ªandº which executive did I remove [with no] reason, and (which) ªotherº did I install 17? And these untoward things you wrote me. Sir Maprakum, 18 whom I sent you, held that executive position for a long time. That man is competent and able to manage the palace. Now then, ªaskº that man, ªandº let him speak to you about the silver that I received from him! “This ªletterº that you wrote me is ªnotº yours. The one who keeps forcing upon you untoward matters, I know him. And I will guard the tablet of this letter until the return of my lord. “Now Enlil-Ipus, whom you said to install in the office of majordomo in Dur-YahdunLim, I will certainly not install until your return. The former majordomo remains. And Belsunu, whom I installed as majordomo in Hisamta, I will fire ªhim, andº Yaqqim-Addu will return to his executive position. Some time ago, I was away from you for a whole day, and you undertook to install Asqudum in the office of mayor of Hisamta, and now you did not yet reach Qa††unan and write me untoward things! ªSinceº he keeps forcing upon you untoward things, and you keep listening to them, [and] I am lifting my ªeyesº at one shekel of silver, [in accordance with] your pronouncement, [from] ªnow onº I will not approach the responsibilities of ªthe palaceº. [5 lines]. “ªFurtherº: the Esnunakean Íilli-Istaran [and] the Numhaite ªYanßib-Adduº will transport ª. . . 19º of Yanßib-Addu to Esnuna. ª11 lines. The city of º Mari, the palace, and the bank of the Euphrates are well. [ . My lord] must guard [his person].” 1.

For the various attempts to understand this simile, see B. Groneberg, NABU 1993 44; my note, NABU 1996 45; and J.-A. Scurlock, NABU 1997 91.

26 7 To Asqudum speak! Bannum (says), “I listened to your tablets that you sent ªmeº. You wrote me as follows: You (said), ‘I made extispicies for the well-being of ªthe districtº, and [my] ªextispiciesº [were bad]. The footprint of an enemy [was placed (on the liver)]. 20 And have extispicies done for ªTerqaº, Saggaratum and ªDur-Yahdun-Limº for the days of a year or else for [6] ªmonthsº!’ 21 According to your letter I had extispicies done. The lambs concerning which you wrote me ªwill reach youº three days after this tablet of mine. 17. as-ku-nu. The subjunctive may be an error. Durand restores the subjunctive particle [sa] in the beginning of line 34. However, this subjunctive would follow -ma “and” on the previous line, which can hardly be expected. 18. lú Maprakum. For examples of lú PN and their interpretation, see Durand, NABU 1987 12b. He translates here “le sieur Maprakum.” lú writes awilum, as shown by the spelling lú-lum in 28 60:5. The word is often, but not always, used ironically. 19. [x s]a-aB-la-at. Durand reads saplat “la vaiselle.” 20. Durand reads igi {na} lú na-ak-ri-im si[la4-há i-qí] “sacrifie des agneaux devant l’ennemi.” I read gìr instead of igi {na} lú, even if it is not a clear gìr-sign. The scribe was apparently not quite sure what to write or how to write it. Note that he wrote te-er-tim instead of te-re-tim in line 7. gìr = sepum designates a mark on the liver. Compare 26 169:13 sep saddim ittaskan. The sign transliterated si[la4 by Durand could be s[a or i[t according to the photo. 21. u4-mu-kam ú-lu it[i-6-ka]m. Durand restores it[i u4-30-ka]m and translates, “soit par jour soit pour un mois complet” without comment. “Par jour” would probably be written u4-1-kam. But

180

Translation

Text 26 8

“Further: About your house concerning which you wrote me—some time ago, you spoke to me as follows: You (said), ‘I seized 2 houses. I will seize1 the one good house; one house I will release.’ This you said to me. Now, you can stay in the house you like. Nobody will approach your house.” 1.

The scribe means “retain.”

26 8 To my lord speak! Your servant Kalalum (says), “Milki-Addu, the majordomo of the ªstewardº Asqudum,1 and [his] brothers [and] their [children], his family, they conducted ªtoº [me], and [they ] the 15th day, at ªnightº. When they informed ªme of thisº, I ªwroteº his district [and] gave strict orders. I dispatched a rescue detachment. And I wrote to Buqaqum.” 1.

It seems very unlikely that the Asqudum of this letter is the diviner, as Durand argues. A man named Kalalum was involved with the joint attempt of Babylon and Mari to secure lower Suhum in early ZL 10u (26 468 and 470). The Kalalum of the present letter is probably identical with him because the appearance of Buqaqum points to Suhum. I believe that the steward Asqudum is identical with the “boy of Meptum” in A.4535-bis (MARI 8, 389–91).

In 26 9–13, Asqudum and Risiya report about two journeys to Halab. Text 26 9 is the only letter from the first journey. During their stay in Halab at the time of their second journey, Sumu-Na-Abi, the mother of Yarim-Lim, king of Halab, died. They returned with Siptu, Yarim-Lim’s daughter and Zimri-Lim’s bride. The chronology of the letters is worked out in detail by Villard in “Kahat,” 325–26. Accordingly, 26 9 was written before the 5th month of ZL 2, and 26 10–11 during the 4th or 5th month of ZL 1u.

26 9 To my lord speak! Your servant Risiya (says), “I am well. 22 We brought to a close a safe voyage for my lord, and the king (Yarim-Lim) is very happy. We placed the instructions with which my lord instructed Asqudum and me before Simru, and Simru was very happy about the instructions of our lord. And Simru has adopted our interests 23 with respect to King Yarim-Lim. Simru will keep placing before the King what is necessary to implement the instructions of our lord and to answer us forthrightly. “Further: Simru spoke as follows: He (said), ‘What about the singer concerning whom I wrote my lord (Zimri-Lim) repeatedly, and (whom) he did not send?’ Now, the day my lord hears this tablet, he must let the singer Karanatum ride the lagu1 of Yasim-Dagan or else of another, and she must leave the day after (the arrival of) this tablet of mine. She must get here quickly. My lord must ªdoº what is necessary for that singer to get here quickly so that Simru can wrap up before the king the matters with which we are charged.” 1.

An equid and/or conveyance pulled by that equid.

the scribe cannot be trusted (see the previous note). A period of validity of one year or one day would be unique; 6 months is attested also in 26 88. 22. The photo shows sa-al-ma-ku at the end of line 3. 23. abbut awatini ßabit. Literally, “seized the fathership of our matters.”

Text 26 10

Translation

181

26 10 [To our lord speak! Your] ªservantsº [Asqudum and] ªRisiya (say), “Yarim-Lim addressed usº as follows: ‘[Bring] ªthe presentº!1 And my mother [is ill]. And I am afraid ªsomethingº [bad] ªwill happenº in my palace. And your days (of departure) are ªnearº.’ So we hurried [and] brought in the present that my lord ªsentº with us. And we dropped veils on the daughter.2 On the third day after we brought in the present, Sumu-Na-Abi went to her fate. King ªYarim-Limº sent ªˇab-Bala†iº to us (to speak) as follows: ‘Go, view my ªstrong citiesº and my houses!’ We consulted and wrote the king as follows: We (said), ‘Why did our lord write us this missive, (namely), “go, view my strong cities and my houses!’ ” Later we wrote as follows: We (said), ‘was ªnotº Sumu-Na-Abi our lady? If we are not staying ªwithº our lord and ªthisº matter is heard in Mari, it will certainly [ ]. And the servants of your son (Zimri-Lim) [ ].’ ª º did not ªanswerº [ . And] ªhe sent backº his servants. He (said), ‘Did you see [my land]? Go!’ I (said), [13 lines] are there. Our lord must send 20 gold goblets, and they must be placed in a rack 24 of our lord.” 1.

2.

The nature of the “present” (biblum) has been discussed a great deal. R. Westbrook defines it as a “gift of various items other than money made on the occasion of marriage celebrations by members of the groom’s family to members of the bride’s family” (Old Babylonian Marriage Law [Archiv für Orientforschung, Beiheft 23; Horn, Austria, 1988], 101). See also Villard, “Kahat,” 326 n. 84. C. Michel, NABU 1997 40, gives examples for veiling of a bride.

26 11 To our lord speak! Your servants Asqudum and Risiya (say), “As Sumu-Na-Abi died, Yarim-Lim spoke to us as follows: ‘Until this wake is over, go, view my land!’ We toured his land 15 days and returned. After we returned, [I] ªpreparedº the sheep that some time ago, when I left (them) behind for offerings of the daughter, the remainder of sheep that I had left for my disposal,1 and [1] gold ring of 6 shekels, [1] sakkum fabric, 1 u†ublum fabric of first (quality), 5 u†ublum fabrics of second (quality), 21 regular fabrics of second (quality), 2 hundred tisanu,2 bigtail sheep and birds, for Yarim-Lim; 1 thin fabric, 2 gold clasps of 2 shekels (each), 2 gold clasps of 1 shekel (each), x + 25 20 sheep, for Gasera; 1 Maradean fabric, 4 gold clasps of 2 shekels (each) for the daughter Siptu was the later contribution. It was satisfactory like the earlier contribution.3 Yarim-Lim’s face shone brightly. ‘What shall I do regarding your earlier contribution? 26 There was nothing (comparable from) any of the kings ever, (even) now (that) the kings of the whole land are assembled.’ Therefore, Yarim-Lim was very happy. And after the ªstallion offeringº I will ªinsistº, [so we] can depart quickly. The decisions have indeed been made.”

24. ina kannim. Durand translates “dans le cellier,” which would imply that Zimri-Lim had a cellar in Halab. I believe that the request is for the (probably expensive) rack in which the goblets could be displayed. 25. Durand proposes reading ù. Perhaps it is a number. 26. surubtaka panitam minam lupus is difficult. Durand translates “ton apport précédent, comment pourrais-je le faire.” epesum is here construed with two accusatives. This is also the case in 26 212:5u–6u and A.3206:29, where it means “to do something to someone.” Perhaps Yarim-Lim wonders how he can match the presents.

182 1.

2. 3.

Translation

Text 26 12

The sentence is botched. Perhaps they are referring to the sheep that remained at the disposal of Asqudum after his expenditure of sheep for the offering of Yarim-Lim’s daughter. I do not know what the phrase “the offerings of the daughter” means. The genitive may be subjective, in which case the daughter would have offered; or objective, in which case the offerings would have been destined for the daughter. Perhaps the daughter, that is, the bride Siptu, brought offerings in connection with her status as bride, and the groom Zimri-Lim was responsible for furnishing the sacrificial animals. The tisanu is a wool-bearing animal. See B. Lion, NABU 1991 60. The transport of the animals to Yamhad is recorded in FM 3 60:46. The former contribution may have been the gift that Yarim-Lim wanted to receive before the death of his mother (26 10). The later contribution is the one detailed here.

26 12 To our lord speak! Your servants Asqudum and Risiya (say), “[About ] ªthe journeyº on which our lord [n lines] ª º they dropped ª º on 27 the kings of [Zalmaqum],1 (saying), ‘We shall go. We shall ªaskº 28 our kings or else our mayors, and then they must come to an agreement with you.’ And Yarim-Lim spoke to us as follows: ‘I have dispatched my messengers with their messengers, (saying), “As long as you (pl.) are staying, two of their kings from among them must come. And if their kings do not come, their mayors can do the conducting. 29 And if you go back on your word, I shall [ ] and whichever untoward thing it might be that I seized in his hand!’ ” 30 ªThe messengersº [of ] did not yet ªcomeº. Therefore [we did not write] our lord ªa fullº report.”2 1. 2.

Durand’s restoration is convincing. A plurality of kings in the orbit of Halab and of interest to Mari are likely the kings of Zalmaqum. They often acted together. The lack of the central part of the letter makes understanding difficult. Since kings or mayors of Zalmaqum are to conduct people or animals and since Asqudum and Risiya are vitally interested in the reply to Yarim-Lim’s message, the issue may be to conduct Zalmaqean troops to Mari.

26 13 [To my lord] ªspeakº! Your servant ªAsqudum (says), “Yarim-Lim addressedº [me] as follows: ‘I ªkeptº hearing, “The gods in the palace are strong.”1 Where will the household goods of my daughter enter?’ I (said), ‘The apartments2 of ªyourº daughter are good.’ He (said), 27. [x-x]-tim. Durand [an-né]-tim “these.” Also possible is [a-wa]-tim “words.” Perhaps the expression is related to 26 45:5–6, “to drop (the name of) PN on the mouth of persons,” which means “initiate discussion on PN.” 28. Durand reads ni-i†-r[a-ad], referring to the PN A-hu-la-ab-la-a† as justification for the occurrence of /a/ where /u/ is expected. It is difficult to think of interlocutors of Yarim-Lim who would have the authority of dispatching kings. I expect ni-is-t[a-al] “we shall ªaskº,” yet the traces of the signs according to the photo do favor Durand’s reading -it-. 29. i-ta-ru-ú. Durand translates “mènent (l’ambassade).” However, the verb tarûm seems to be used only with humans or animals as objects. 30. Durand reads i-na bi-ti-su “in his house.” See 26 347:19–20 and 28 63:8–9, which attest the idiom “to seize untoward things in one’s hand.” A spelling qá-ti-su is unusual, but so would be bi-ti-su instead of é-(ti-)-su.

Text 26 14

Translation

183

‘The effects of my daughter must be placed ªinº her apartments. My ªdaughterº may stay with her husband! And in 5 days, in 6 days, she may leave, and she may concern herself with her apartments!’3 Now my lord must give instructions and select the apartments. They must tidy them up for his daughter, so that his servants, who come with me, see and return word to their lord. “Herewith I have written to my lord what I heard from the mouth of Yarim-Lim. My lord must consult, and ªthey must concern themselves withº the apartments that they ªsecureº for ªthatº daughter. “Further: [9 lines] ªaboutº the litter bearers [concerning whom] I wrote him—[my lord] ªmustº have (them) conducted here, so that, as long as I am staying (here), they get those apartments ready.” 1.

2.

3.

The statement is mysterious. Perhaps Yarim-Lim was afraid that the belongings of his daughter would be consecrated to the gods or that there was not enough space in the palace to accommodate them. The word translated here as “apartments” also means “house” and is so translated by Durand. I find it hard to believe that Zimri-Lim’s wife, who would be queen, that is wife of first rank, would not live under the same roof as her husband, who probably lived outside the palace, or in the women’s quarters of the palace of Mari. Yarim-Lim’s otherwise enigmatic concern with the strength of the gods in the palace of Mari seems to imply that he expected his daughter to live in the palace. I also assume that the “house of Mari” and the house “of Kiru” in Ilan-Íura (see FM 4 [1999], 64) are apartments in the palace or in the king’s residence, if that was not the palace. Durand believes that Yarim-Lim’s words refer exclusively to his daughter’s future life as wife of Zimri-Lim and concludes that her father wanted her to live 5 to 6 days each month, that is during menstruation, in her house and the rest of the time with the king (26/1, 105). Sasson, “Messages,” 304 n. 14, understands Yarim-Lim’s words to mean that his daughter should live in the palace of Mari “only during the 5–6 days (presumably when menstruating); all other time she must spend in her husband’s own apartment, presumably to ensure for her a successful pregnancy.” I cannot believe that Yarim-Lim would instruct Asqudum about such a topic, and I assume that the 5 to 6 days refer to the time when his daughter would be allowed to leave Halab, go to Mari, and “concern herself with her new apartments.”

26 14–16 are concerned with the journey of Siptu and her retinue to Mari. Sammetar was governor of Terqa at the time, and Sumu-Hadu was governor of Saggaratum.

26 14 [To] my lord ªspeakº! Your ªservantº Sammetar (says), “I heard about the journey on which Asqudum goes and escorts my lady (Siptu), and many women go with my lady. And the women who go are delicate. And that route is (all) desert. It is hard, not good for travel these days. These days are hard. I am afraid somebody, or else something, will suffer harm because of thirst, and afterwards my lord will be angered. Who goes that route, does not go during this month. They go that route in ªspringº or else autumn. He (Asqudum) must not ªgoº that route [in] this month. This month will be completed in 5 days. The coming month, (which is) the month of Igikur (VI), in 10 days or else 5, the days will cool, and the Euphrates will ªfillº with water.1 And for going [9 lines]. I wrote my lord a token of my servitude. My lord must consult (with his servants). He will certainly do what suits his kingship.”

184 1.

Translation

Text 26 15

Durand remarks that the water level in the Euphrates starts rising mid-November. It would follow that the calendar was almost two months behind the season. The curve of monthly maximum level from gauge readings at Ramadi from before the construction of the Tabqa Dam shows a slight rise in mid-September from the lowest level (Iraq, Geographical Handbook Series, Naval Intelligence Division, 25). Sammetar’s statement could have been more expectation than conviction, so I would not judge this passage to be sufficient evidence for a stark discrepancy between calendar and season.

26 15 To our lord speak! Your servant Asqudum and Risiya (say), “We sent this tablet of ours to our lord from Imar on the 10th. We will arrive in 3 [+ n] days in Mari. “[9 lines] so that he sees and then returns his brothers. “Further: Our lord must make an assignment for us, namely, if the daughter will go up 31 to the palaces, the palace of Dur-Yahdun-Lim, or else to Saggaratum, ªor elseº to the palace of Terqa. A light courier or else ª 32º must hurry to us so that we can make the arrangements.”

26 16 To my lord speak! Your servant Sumu-Hadu (says), “I ªsentº my lord this tablet of mine from ªDur-Yahdun-Limº. That day the lady was arriving at bedtime in -Yahdun-Lim. And Asqudum wrote me as follows: ‘Supply (pl.) dinner for the lady and the wedding delegation (for the trip) from Dur-Yahdun-Lim to Tillizibi.’ I do not agree.1 I will ªbringº the lady into ªDur-Yahdun-Limº. I ªreadiedº launches in ªGanibatumº. The valets [are] in Hurran. I became afraid of the sons of Yamina and did not dispatch (the party) to Ganibatum. They can embark in Hurran. She stays one day in Dur-Yahdun-Lim, the second day she arrives in Zibnatum, on the third day in Terqa, on the fourth ªdayº in Íuprum. In Íuprum she can spend the night and rise and ªenterº Mari before ªthe fifth dayº. At night, [up to 3 lines].” 1.

Sumu-Hadu disagrees with the route, not the dinner. Asqudum wanted him to provide provisions for a dinner that the party would take along on the leg of the journey to Tillizibi.

26 17–23 are reports by Asqudum about trips on the Upper Euphrates and to Halab.

26 17 To ªmyº lord speak! Your servant Asqudum (says), “I assembled the vanguard of ªmyº travel group in Tillazibi. And from there I will embark in small-boats.1 After I pass Lasqum, I will perform extispicies, and according to the looks of my extispicies I will ªtakeº the drum and the luggage and have (it) carried. And I will take the children in coaches and make my appearance in Imar in 3 days. I do this so that I arrrive 3 or else 4 days before Hiyar2 (in Halab). My lord [must] know. 31. Durand reads i[t-t]e-li “doit monter.” A form of elûm with double /t/ could result from a shift of the length from the first vowel to the first consonant (itelli > ittelli), which, however, is rarely expressed in writing. The travel is downstream, so the “going up” should refer to the elevated location of the palaces with respect to the surrounding settlement. 32. Durand restores [1 sa p]é-er-ri, which is otherwise not attested.

spread is 6 points long

Text 26 18

Translation

185

“Further: The god spreads infection in the ªupper districtº. I passed in a hurry. And my lord must give instructions, and ªinhabitantsº of any cities that are infected must not enter cities that are not infected. I am afraid they will infect ªthe landº, all of it. And ªifº there will be a ªcampaignº of my lord to the upper district, my lord must stop in Terqa. He must not move on to Saggaratum. The land is infected.” 1.

2.

The translation “small-boat” is based on the meaning of the logogram má.tur. Small-boats are mentioned more often than any other boats. They were actually smaller than other boats (26 274) and allowed speedy travel (26 125). Individuals, including the king, and troops used them. They were occasionally used for transporting the harvest (26 58). The term was not restricted to a type of river-boat. Guichard published a text mentioning a Cretan small-boat in NABU 1993 53. Hiyar was a month and the festival of that month in the west, attested also in Imar, Alalah, and Ugarit. Durand believes that the name is a variant spelling of the word for “stallion.” Krebernik demonstrated in KTT, 158–59, that the word of the month and festival and the word for “stallion” come from different roots.

26 18 An overall interpretation of the letter is given by Durand in “Imar,” 42–43. For the route, see Joannès, “Routes,” 330.

[To] my ªlordº speak! Your servant ªAsqudumº (says), “[ ] Hammu-Samar, my companion,1 spoke to my lord ªat the time ofº carrying the drum as follows: He (said), ‘Let them get that drum to Tuttul. I will have it carried from Tuttul to Halab.’ 2 This he said in the presence of my lord. On the way, in the small-boats, the cold seized me, and the troops, all of them, were cut by the cold again and again and not able to pull the small-boats. I moved on anyway and ªleftº behind my travel provisions, all of them, in the small-boats and took travel provisions for 5 days and went the upper route. According to what was said before my lord, (namely), ‘8 men carry the drum,’ 8 men carried but were not able to move it. 12 men carried but were not able. 16 men carried it. [Among] ªthe portersº whom they provided were 5 on furlough3—men of (great) strength were they—I chose (them) 33 and laid ªthe drumº [on them]. And I assigned a relief team for them from ªthe regularsº [who] go ªwithº me and got that drum to Tuttul. ªThe remainderº of my troops ªcarriedº . . . , 34 the ‘Mouse,’ 35 (and) eagles in several reed boxes. 36 33. e-bé-er = eber (or ebêr), from bêrum. Durand interprets e-bi-ir = ebir, from eberum, “j’ai traversé.” 34. ba-zi-HI-tam. Durand proposes “le strict minimum.” 35. [bi]-ha-za -am (the restoration is from 26 20:12). Durand interprets this spelling in 26/1, 120, as [pí]-ªa4-ßa-am “mouse” on the basis of a passage from the Amarna letters that details a gift from Mitanni to Egypt called mu-me-e[r]-ri-tum sa per6(nam)-a-zi. He links it with mu-wa-arri-tim sa pi-ih-ha-zi in Mari (25 707), which is an object of cast bronze weighing 10 shekels. Noting the variant pur-ªa-s[u] from an Assur text for pi-a-zu (Materialien zum Sumerischen Lexicon 8/2; Rome, 1962, 21:184), Durand identifies per6-a-zi (Amarna) with piªaßum (Mari) and interprets the mouse as designation of a hook that was attached to a weapon and allowed its handler to tear or shred like a mouse. 36. an-zu-tam sa g i . p i s a n . d i d l i . h á . Durand points out in 26/1, 121, that anzû was a generic term for eagle in Mari and that the form anzûtam is difficult to explain. He considers “ensemble d’aigles.” Perhaps the word was (not declinable) an-zu-ud as non-Akkadianized Sumerian.

186

Translation

Text 26 18

“I (said to Hammu-Samar), ‘ªThe troopsº are choking (of exhaustion). [ ] let ªthemº rest (from carrying) the drum!’ [He] ª º and did not ask, 37 (saying), ‘You get it to Imar!’ [I] ªsearched for troopsº in Tuttul by means of fire signals but did not find (any). They (said), ‘It is the cold.’ ªNowº I was hard on my troops and ªgotº them to Imar ªandº left them. I (said to Hammu-Samar), ‘You have it carried!’ And I left him . . . 38 for him to have it carried. And I saw that the opinion of the land had turned rebellious and ªdidº not ªreturnº to ªTuttulº, and [ ] 2 shekels of silver [ ], and I let the troops eat dinner. I moved on and stayed overnight 39 within a mile. Yanßib-Addu saw that the drum had been abandoned and loaded it on his troops and got it to (my) place of overnight stay. I will bring the drum all the way to Halab with my own troops. And I am keeping 30 troops, regulars who went with me. My lord must know. “I am afraid they ªwill supplyº urnu trees but will leave (them) in Imar. They (said), [ ] push ªthemº off [ ] cedars [ ] I kept the troops. [ ] in Tuttul [ ] Imar [ ] I kept for their travel provisions.”4 1.

2.

3. 4.

A Mariote official who crossed into another sovereign state was accompanied by a citizen of that state, mostly his equal in rank. Such a person was called “companion” (alik idim). In this case, Hammu-Samar was a citizen of Aleppo. In Mariote territory he was protected by Asqudum; in Halab territory he protected Asqudum. Tuttul was at the time on the border of the zones of influence of Mari and Halab. So it was only fair that Asqudum would have been responsible for the transport of the drum to Tuttul and Hammu-Samar for the remainder of the way to Halab. It turned out to be an empty promise. They would have to be paid wages for work. Asqudum probably mentions this fact in order to explain unforeseen expenses. I am not sure of many aspects of my translation. This is what I understand of the text: Asqudum, Hammu-Samar, and Mariote troops transported a large drum and other merchandise from Mari to Halab. Somewhere between Mari and Tuttul, a severe cold spell prevented the troops from pulling the boats upstream. Asqudum, Hammu-Samar, and some of the troops separated, taking the drum with them but leaving the other merchandise, notably the “mouse” and the eagles, as well as the travel provisions with the troops that remained by the river. Asqudum and his party took travel provisions for five days and went by way of the high road over the plateau on the right side of the river to Tuttul. The transport of the drum turned out to be more difficult than anticipated, and Asqudum needed to employ soldiers on furlough for pay. In Tuttul, Hammu-Samar did not take charge of the transport as he promised the king in Mari. Asqudum summoned other porters, but nobody came because of the cold. So he forced his own troops to transport it to Imar. He would have returned from there to Tuttul, probably to pick up Mariote troops whom he had expected in Imar but who had not arrived (so according to 26 20), but decided against it because security on the stretch between Imar and Tuttul was compromised. He went ahead toward Halab instead, leaving the transport of the drum to Hammu-Samar. After 1 mile (11 km) he stayed overnight. But the drum stayed where Asqudum had left it, and Yanßib-Addu, presumably a Mariote officer, made his troops transport it to Asqudum’s overnight stay. At this point, Asqudum sent the letter. He anticipated that he would have to transport the drum with his own troops all the way to

The eagles should have been alive, and the genitive “eagles of reedboxes” should have been descriptive of the content and container; hence, my translation “in.” 37. Durand reads tentatively [a-w]a-tam-ma ul isal. I assume [x]-ªxº-uT-ma ul isal. The context indicates that Hammu-Samar was not concerned about the state of the troops. 38. Durand reads tá[q-ri-ib-tam] “une escorte.” 39. a-bi-it = abit. Durand interprets the form as stative of abatum, describing the state of the troops, and translates “elle était anéantie.”

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Text 26 19

Translation

187

Halab. He was also concerned about a delivery of trees bound for Mari that had come from upstream, probably from Kar-Kamis. He anticipated that they would not get farther than Imar because of the security problems on the stretch between Imar and Tuttul.

26 19 To my lord speak! Your servant Asqudum (says), “I sent this tablet of mine from ªImarº to my lord. I will arrive 5 days before Hiyar.1 The ªjourneyº was safe; [the servants] of my lord who go with me are well. I am getting underway.” 1.

When sending 26 17, Asqudum expected to arrive in Imar in 3 days so that he could be (in Halab) 3 or 4 days before Hiyar. Despite the difficulties with the transport of the drum, he seems to have gotten to Imar 1 or 2 days earlier than expected.

26 20 To [my] lord speak! Your servant Asqudum (says), “My journey, all of it, was safe. The servants of [my] ªlordº whom I took along are well. They have ªentered Halabº. They offered the donkey of Addu and offerings. “And about ªthe troopsº of whom my lord ªspokeº, (saying), ‘Troops will arrive to meet you in ªImarº’—no troops arrived in Imar. I brought the drum, the ‘Mouse,’ the eagles, and the servants of my lord all the way to Halab with the troops who went with me and my boys. And the drum kept all the troops hopping, 40 and they . . . 41 their arms from cause of carrying. And concerning what my lord said, ‘[8 men] can carry it’—30 ªmenº barely ªcarriedº it. And their 30 alternates ª2 linesº to Halab [ ] shower [ca. 4 lines] ªboatmenº [ ] and a dinner. My lord knows. This matter became apparent in Terqa ªafterº my departure, and I searched for sheep to conduct but did not find any. In . . . 42 I saw sheep of the boys of ªYasubAdduº and conducted 6 lambs and 10 weak goats and arrived in Sahru and purified 4 lambs1 for my journey. I entrusted 6 weak lambs to Yatarum. And 10 strong goats arrived for me in Tuttul and were ªkeptº (there). I entrusted them to Lanasum. And 50 of my own rams arrived in Halab for the offerings of the servants of my lord. They are not enough for as long as I am staying. My lord must dispatch me 50 good rams. For the dinner of the servants of my lord [circa 3 lines] ª º, and [I] ªwroteº my lord to the best of my knowledge.” 1.

The purification of the lambs was preparatory to extispicies.

26 21 To my lord speak! Your servant Asqudum (says), “I have the answer. 43 My trip to my lord is near. And they (Yarim-Lim’s servants) did ªnotº tell me (until now) that the day of 40. uddakkik. Durand quotes Charpin’s suggestion to base the meaning of the idiom on dukkukum “to crush” in comment b. Durand translates “a moulu de fatigue.” I base my translation on dakakum “to hop.” 41. Durand, [um-t]a-†ú-ú “s’est épuisé.” 42. x-x-di-i ki. Perhaps Nihadi in the district of Saggaratum (23 427 IV). 43. aplaku. Durand suggests “je suis payé” and “je me suis acquitté de ce que je devais.” I believe it refers to the common problem that envoys are not sent back promptly. Asqudum had asked for a departure date.

188

Translation

Text 26 22

my departure had been determined. ªThereforeº [I did] not [write] a determination ªof the dayº of my departure to my lord. [ca. 21 lines]. [ I spoke to] ªYarim-Lim as followsº: ªIº (said), ‘Give me a boy of yours who will go [ ].’ His heart became angry. ‘Why [did you make] this pronouncement? Are the servants of my son not my servants?’1 Therefore, I (herewith) send my lord ªthisº tablet of mine. My lord must send that tablet with the travel group that is moving on to Babylon.2 “And herewith I send to my lord saplings of fig 44 and Semsara boxwood. My lord must give strict instructions, and they must plant those trees quickly. “[And] Yarim-Lim had a word about Ili-Lim with me, (saying), ‘I am afraid they will make difficulties for him because of the prostration.’ Yarim-Lim spoke as follows: ‘I dispatched ªthe manº to represent my own person.’ My lord must not require that man to prostrate.3 And the one who hears it [will speak] ªas followsº: ‘ªYarim-Limº talks with ªZimri-Limº from [his full] ªheartº.’ About [ ] ªhe dispatchedº [10 lines].” 1.

2. 3.

The son is Zimri-Lim, who ranks below Yarim-Lim. Yarim-Lim seems to equate Zimri-Lim’s servants with his servants. Should Asqudum have said, “All your boys who serve Zimri-Lim are otherwise occupied; give me a boy of yours who serves you”? “That tablet” was presumably a letter from Yarim-Lim to Hammu-Rabi, which explains YarimLim’s irritation: Asqudum had asked him to have the letter carried by one of his own servants. In NABU 1990 24, Durand explains that Yarim-Lim is sending Ili-Lim to represent his person in the form of strict impersonation, which would render prostration inappropriate. One wonders whether Zimri-Lim was also required to address Ili-Lim as his father and treat him accordingly.

26 22 [To] my lord speak! Your [servant] Asqudum (says), “ªPrior toº my leaving, my lord was constantly worried (about other things), and my lord did not instruct me on which wanted items to obtain for the palace. Now ªthe tabletº of my lord about which wanted items to obtain reached me in ªManuhatanº. And what my lord wrote ªme is veryº good. Had I gone (without having received the tablet), I would have gone despite not feeling secure 45 about the wanted items for the palace. I will obtain all the wanted items that my lord wrote me (to obtain). I will keep the small-boats 10 days in Imar, and if Yarim-Lim gives me the wanted items for my lord quickly, (and) as long as I am (busy with) getting those wanted items to Imar, I will keep the ªsmall-boatsº. (If necessary) I will (also) hire ªsmall-boatsº and Imarite boats and obtain the wanted items for my lord as soon as possible, cedar, cypress, Elammakum, boxwood, copper, lead, and all other wanted items. Otherwise, should Yarim-Lim be late in giving 46 the wanted items, I will buy oil for 1 pound of silver and load it and 47 44. So Lafont, “Techniques arboricoles à Mari,” FM 3 (1997), 265, instead of Durand’s reading m i s . t a s k a r i n “boxwood.” The sign is not well preserved but is ma rather than túg. Compare the clearly written m i s . t a s k a r i n in 26 22:25. R. Zadok, “On the Amorite Material from Mesopotamia,” in The Tablet and the Scroll: Near Eastern Studies in Honour of William W. Hallo (ed. M. E. Cohen et al.; Bethesda, 1993), 321, realized that Durand’s pí-ig-lam is bi-iq-lam. The word is also regarded as an Amorite loanword in Akkadian by Streck in Amurriter 1, 86–87, but the root is attested in Akkadian buqlum “malt,” that is “sprouted (matter).” 45. [a]-na/[i]-na la lakê. See my note, NABU 1995 87. 46. The text has i-na na-da-tim ulappatam. Durand translates “je ferai mettre dans des sacs de cuir.” I assume scribal error for na-da-nim. 47. The photo shows -ma after usarkabam.

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Text 26 23

Translation

189

dispatch the small-boats. “And about the silver deficit concerning which my lord wrote me, ‘Write me! Let them give you more silver!’—if I have too little silver, I will take the missing silver from any merchants whom I see. If I write for silver to my lord, (too many) days will ªgo byº. 48 I find the diction of this letter difficult to comprehend. Here is how I read it: Asqudum was sent to Halab to obtain wood, metals, and other merchandise. The king was too preoccupied to give detailed instructions at the time of Asqudum’s departure and sent a messenger with a tablet detailing them. The messenger caught up with the party of Asqudum, who was traveling in small-boats, in Manuhatan, halfway between Mari and Imar. Asqudum gave him the present tablet for the king. In it, he lays out his plans. He will keep the small-boats in Imar for 10 days, in which time he hopes to get the wanted merchandise overland from Halab to Imar. He will hire additional boats as necessary for the transport to Mari. If he cannot get the merchandise to Imar in 10 days, he will buy oil in Imar, load it on the smallboats, and dispatch them. Asqudum does not say it, but he presumably planned to stay behind in order to supervise the belated transport to Imar and hire boats for the return trip. The basic problem appears to be that the palace did not want the small-boats to lie idle for more than 10 days. Indications are that the palace was in constant need of boats. See 26 261; 274; 503; 27 43.

26 23 ªToº [my] lord speak! [Your] servant Asqudum (says), “I sent this tablet of mine to my lord from ªImarº. Tupki-Ishara who is in possession of ªa vineyardº 49 in Imar—that man is very attentive to the mention (of the name) of [my] ªlordº, and that man addressed me and (said), [n lines].”

26 24 Report of Asmad, a Hana leader and assistant of the pasture-chief Ibal-El at the time of 27 93, about a treaty between Yamina and the kings of Zalmaqum, dated to ZL 2u by Durand (26/1, 139). The reference to Numha, Isqa and Qaªa, and Esnuna in the badly preserved part of the letter indicates political events of wide importance.

[To] Asqudum speak! Asmad who loves you (says), “I sent (my boys) to Zalpah and Ahuna, and they checked for me, and the report that I wrote some time ago to my lord has turned out to be true. Yagih-Addu, Hardum, and Samsi-Addu have entered Ahuna. KilªaMaraß and the Uprapean Atamrel1 fled 50 to Tuttul prior to their (arrival). Asdi-Takim and the kings of Zalmaqum and the mayors and the elders of the sons of Yamina killed stallions2 in the house of Sin of Harran.3 ªThe kingsº of the land of Zalmaqum ªwere proclaimingº the following: ‘We will go to war against Dir. And we, the kings, ªwill be presentº.’ This the kings of Zalmaqum proclaimed, and ªHammanº, mayor of Dir, heard it and wrote to me, (saying), ‘ªDispatchº me [n] ªHaneansº, and they must guard the city.’ [ ] are guarding the 48. adi . . . asapparam umu [i-r]i-ku. Durand reads [i-r]e-qú and translates, following Charpin’s interpretation, “(sinon) le temps que j’écrive à mon Seigneur pour l’argent, les jours seront inemployés.” 49. The stative of ßabatum specifically designates control of land. It indicates that karanum designates a vineyard. The word does not seem to be attested elsewhere, so possibly it is a Canaanite word. 50. in-ne-ru-bu. Durand derives the form from erebum “to enter.” I derive it from nerubum “to flee.”

190

Translation

Text 26 25

city of Dir for the moment that the Hana [ ]. ªIn the pastº, Yahdun-Lim (even) held vagrants, 51 [and ] ªinº the midst of the land. ªNowº , let the Hana ª º [ ] east bank [ ] road [ ] Numha. Let him/them ªkillº stallions [with] ªIsqaº and Qaªa. [ ]. ªBeforeº the Esnunakean ªmakesº his decision in [16 lines mostly destroyed] of ªthe son ofº Simªal [ ] pay attention, and when the water [ ] some time ago, the kings of the land of [ ] wrote to me ‘[ ] meet with us!’ ª º [ ] Hamman, the Dirite, stepped on my foot, (saying), ‘[n lines.’] “[n lines] ªbring it to the attentionº of the king, [and] they must guard ªDunnumº and the ªtracts of Mislan that are watered by drawingº (water) up to the. . . . 52 I indeed did what was necessary (in preparation) for the king to come up to this land [and] to establish his ªpositionº quickly. Pay close attention to my letter and do not neglect it!” 1. 2. 3.

Or: “The Uprapeans K. and A.” Treaties were finalized by killing stallions. The symbolism is unknown. They may have been consecrated to the gods who guaranteed the treaty and subsequently eaten by the treaty partners. I do not understand the connection between the entry of Yamina leaders into Ahuna and the Yamina mayors and elders who are treaty partners of the kings of Zalmaqum. I expect the leaders to be the treaty partners and the mayors and elders to be included in the treaty ceremony as a means of preventing strife between Yamina clans.

26 25 This is one of the rare letters from the king. Durand, in 26/1, 140, describes the letter’s historical background and concludes that it was written in ZL 2u, when Zimri-Lim was facing an alliance of Ibal-Pi-El of Esnuna and the Yamina. The stance of Amut-Pi-El, king of Qa†anum, must have been of crucial importance at this time. The letter includes the copy of a letter to Amut-Pi-El. Kupper (28, 15) believes that 28 14 is Amut-Pi-El’s answer.

To Asqudum speak! Your lord (says), “According to the letter that you ªwroteº me, once the month of Kinunum (VII) is completed, at ªthe beginning of the month of Daganº (VIII), the troops will move out and go upstream to meet you. By ªnoº means ªpostponeº the deadline that you wrote me! And herewith I have ªwritten downº on (this) tablet a copy of the tablet that I sent Amut-Pi-El, and I have sent it to you. Listen to it! Bring that message to ªthe attention of Amut-Pi-Elº!” To ªAmut-Pi-El speakº! Your brother Zimri-Lim (says), “ªYour messenger whom you dispatchedº to ªEsnunaº and (concerning whom) you wrote ªtoº me as follows: ªYou (said), ‘Placeº escorts for him! They must escort him to ªEsnunaº.’ [This] you wrote me. That ªmessenger of yoursº I kept [with] ªmeº. ªAsº in the proverb [ ] ªthey tellº [6 lines] ªyou dispatchº [to] the fire?1 And he2 repeatedly threatened ªthe messengersº of Yarim-Lim who ªcameº, (saying), ‘Why did he not ªgiveº me the ªurnuº-wood that I wanted from him?’ And he treated them as one should not treat anyone. Therefore, I have kept ªyourº messenger ªwithº me.º And I quickly wrote you a full ªreportº. Now write [me], so or not so, a ªfullº report in view of your consultations! Until your response to my ªtablet comes backº, I ªam keepingº your servant with me.

51. lú ha-ab-ba-t[e.m e s ú]-ki-il-[su-nu-ti]. Durand, “contint les pillards.” Perhaps the example from history refers to the successful employment of people not usually employed, illustrating Hamman’s unconventional use of persons to guard the city until the arrival of the Hana. 52. qaqqarim, literally “the ground.”

Text 26 26

Translation

191

“Further: Your are invited to the offering of the body rites3 of Dagan and the offerings of Estar. Come!” 1. 2. 3.

In 28 14, Amut-Pi-El quotes Zimri-Lim words as follows: “I ªkeptº him ªbeforeº [me]. They ªput yourº former ªmessenger to deathº. And shall we ªnowº toss this one ªin the same wayº into fire?” According to 28 14, “he” is the king of Esnuna. For the offering of the body rite, see Birot’s comment to 14 12 and 27 59a, and Durand and Guichard, “Rituels,” 35–36. The rite is connected with Dagan. It is also attested in Ugarit. In a prophecy relayed in 26 220, Dagan requests an offering of the rite for a specific day. Dagan’s request to be “given a body” in 26 233 is likely connected with the rite.

26 26–33 are reports of Asqudum about military matters.

26 26 To my lord speak! Your servant Asqudum (says), “My lord spoke to me as follows: ‘No, the troops are ªassembledº in Terqa.’ I arrived and waited 3 days in Terqa, and no troops whatsoever were ªassembledº. I set out and arrived the next day in ªDur-Yahdun-Limº and, ªas ofº my ªarrival, askedº Kibri-Estar and (said), ‘Where are the troops?’ He (said), ‘Presently 53 they will come as scheduled.’ I (said), ‘ªSince the troopsº have not arrived, [circa 10 lines].’

26 27 The military backbone of Mari was Hana troops, and their enlistment was an important aspect of government and not always an easy task. In the situation of the present letter, Asqudum, serving as the king’s agent, relied on the pasture-chief, Ibal-El, and the Hana leader, Hali-Hadun. See also 26 31 and the second paragraph of 26 40.

To my lord [speak]! Your ªservant Asqudumº (says), “Before the arrival of the tablet of my lord, which is about assembling the Hana in Guppurum, 54 I consulted and sent the Hanean Ibal-El to the Hana and Hali-Hadun. I (said), ‘Go to the Hana and Hali-Hadun! Speak as follows: You (say), “The troops, all of them, are conscripts, 55 and Asqudum has taken their lead. He is staying in Manuhatan and secures their travel provisions.’ ” I wrote this to the Hana and then set for him (Hali-Hadun) 6 days as a date. Once Ibal-El reports back to me on the outcome of assembling the Hana and the place where they are headed, I will write 53. pa-na-su. I have guessed at the meaning. Durand translates, “son avant-garde.” There is no noun panûm (< panaªum) in AHw. or adverb panasu, but I assume their existence in my translation. 54. There is no place determinative, which is not uncommon for assembly places of the Hana. See above, p. 30. Durand understands it as an appellative and translates it in LAPO 18 1233b as “en force.” 55. gi-BI-tum. Durand suggests the translation “conscrits.” According to the context here, the designation of troops as gi-BI-tum is an inducement for the Hana to join the troops that are being assembled. According to 26 363, Babylonian gi-BI-e-tum troops held the line against an Elamite threat that was severe enough to necessitate a total mobilization; in 26 366 gi-BI-e-tum troops are contrasted with “fieldmen” and “rescue formations.”

192

Translation

Text 26 28

to my lord a full report on that which Ibal-El reported back. If he reports back the news that they go, [I will let] the diviners make ªexptispiciesº. [8 lines] “And about the issue of Sasiya [ ]—my lord must understand that Dagan had taken the lead of [the troops]. And he handed the land, all of it, over to my lord. ªSasiyaº, to ªwhomº my lord carried silver and gold in the past, and who was ªnotº agreeable, now ªDaganº has placed ªgoodº words between my lord and Sasiya. “And if the Hana are ªdecidedº to go, I will have the troops who [go] with me, all of them, ªobtainº 56 the travel provisions for it 57 over here. And I will depart from here for Qa††unan ªbeforeº its travel provisions are ªseizedº.1 And my lord must catch up with me in Qa††unan. I will do what is necessary to prevent the troops from going (all the way) until Saggaratum2 and from getting dispersed. 58 I will be on guard over here. My lord must know.” 1. 2.

That is to say, “before the process of obtaining travel provisions is completed.” The plan is for the king and Asqudum to meet in Qa††unan. Asqudum is in Manuhatan, a fair distance upstream from Saggaratum on the Euphrates. The direct route from Manuhatan to Qa††unan runs through the steppe south of Jebel Abd el-Aziz. The phrase “until Saggaratum” suggests a route along the Euphrates, then turning northeast off the valley and continuing on to the Habur, while leaving Saggaratum not too far distant on the right. Perhaps Asqudum did not want the troops to pass Saggaratum because visits of relatives and other diversions would slow them down.

26 28 To my lord speak! Your servant Asqudum (says), “I have arrived in Qa††unan. The Qa†anean troops are with me, and the cold has caused the troops suffering. And if I did not go with them and ªcater to their wishesº 59 all the time, [ ] wherever [8 lines] ªmoreoverº [ ] must hurry to ªSaggaratumº!”

26 29 To my lord speak! Your servant Asqudum (says), “Messengers of Hali-Hadun arrived from before the Hana. Those men were worn out, and I kept them. And the tablet that they ªcarryº for my lord and the tablet that they ªcarryº for me [I] ªsealedº and sent (them) on to [my] ªlordº. [10 lines] My lord [ ] the road [ ] must dispatch [ ] must ªreachº Mari. My lord must quickly catch up with ªthe troopsº. I did (extispicy of) ªthe white sheepº 60 of Kalalum. My lord must get here quickly. 56. Durand, ú-sa-al-[la-am] “parachèverai.” I assume ú-sa-al-[qa]. See 26 424:5–6. 57. No reference for the feminine possessive suffix is found in the text. It possibly refers to unspoken harranum “road, expedition” or girrum “campaign.” 58. na-AS-pu-uh-su. Durand, whose interpretation of the passage differs, reads -às-, derived from sapahum, and translates “licenciement.” Since AS is not normally used for /as/, it is perhaps better to read nasp/buhsu and derive the form from sapahum (AHw.) or sabahum (CAD). This verb has a similar meaning and is perhaps simply a variant pronunciation of sapahum (see Durand’s comment f). In both cases, the sense of the passage is improved if we assume that the negation of the first infinitive, la alak (ßabim), also applies to naspuhsu. 59. For this idiom, see n. 203 to 26 176. 60. ßú-u[p-p]é. Durand, “les agneaux-ßuppum”; AHw. ßuppu III, “weisses Schaf,” according to the Sumerian equivalent u d u . b a b b a r .

Text 26 30

Translation

193

“Further: The troops seized travel provisions. And there is no oil. And it is a time of cold. I calculated their oil rations now, and they must supply me quickly by [boat] with 8 bushels and 22 liters of oil for oil rations of the troops,1 and [ ] quickly. My lord knows ªthatº the troops are not [able to] ªdo battleº in the cold without the oil.” 1.

Durand, in comment d, calculates 3,928 troops on the basis of an oil ration of 15 shekels.

26 30 To [my] ªlordº speak! Your [servant] Asqudum (says), “ªMessengers of Hali-Hadun arrivedº [from] ªbeforeº the Hana. They (said), ‘The Hana, all of them, are assembled ªinº Saphum.’ I (said), ‘You (pl.) will take the lead of these troops ª º. And take along spies!’ [n lines].”

26 31 [To] our lord speak! Your servants Asqudum and Hali-Hadun (say), “Since (the time) that we departed from before our lord, we arrived at the encampment,1 and as long as HaliHadun was bringing out (from their homes) the Hana who are to go to my lord and (join) the troops—until this day (when that was accomplished), we did not decree2 (anything) for the Hana. And I arrived in Qa††unan and collected (and) brought in the grain of the palace. Now Hali-Hadun arrived, and the Hana assembled in Qa††unan, [and] we did issue a decree, [namely] on ªcollectingº 2 hundred sheep and ªthe harvestº.3 5 days after [I sent this] tablet to my lord, [9 lines] any that ªwere comingº ªfrom the bankº [of the Euphrates] ªweº asked ªaboutº the harvest, ªandº [they] ªwere speakingº [to us] as follows: ‘The collection of the harvest is being ªneglectedº. Our lord [must] ªgive strict ordersº, namely, on ªcollecting the harvestº [of the bank] of the Euphrates quickly.’ ªAsº our lord always goes with his thinking at last, he will certainly do [what] seems ªtoº him!” 1.

2.

3.

The word nawûm, which translated “encampment” in this context, was studied by F. R. Kraus, who concluded that it designates “Sommerweidegebiet und/oder die dort befindlichen Herden und/oder die Personen bei den Herden” (“Akkadische Wörter und Ausdrücke, XI,” RA 70 [1976], 172–79). Durand translates “steppe,” which creates the problem of the semantic differentiation of a whole slate of words translated “steppe”; Charpin translates “troupeaux.” In the present context, the encampment was the place from which the agents of the king supervised the enlistment of Hana troops. See above, p. 30. I suspect that the word translated “to decree” (sapa†um) here designates the issuing of marching orders. The word is of special interest because the word translated “governor” is sapi†um, which means literally, “the one who decrees.” Which harvest? Durand comments that Asqudum harvested the grain of the palace and that the Hana subsequently harvested the grain of the “impôt locale.” Perhaps the statements about Asqudum’s harvesting and the Hana’s harvesting are not separate, as the phrasing suggests, but instead are complementary: Asqudum brought in the harvest with the help of the Hana after they arrived in Qa††unan.

26 32 [To our] ªlordº speak! Your servants ªAsqudumº and ªHali-Hadunº (say), “Messengers ªofº Bunuma-Addu and ªSibku-Na-Addu arrivedº before us ª º a messenger of [ ]. [We]

194

Translation

Text 26 33

ªheard theirº words.1 Their words were evil, and we were inclined to send them back but were in fear of our lord. Now, herewith we have dispatched those ªmen toº our lord. My 61 lord must not listen to their words. Their words are false. And our lord must have a word with them as follows: ‘For 8 months I have kept writing to you for peace. And my gods ªare placedº with ªyour godsº.2 I shall ªsend youº [ ]. I ªwantº from you ªwell-beingº for my ªlandº.’ These [words] my lord [must say to] ªthemº. [n lines]. “[Further]: Our ªlordº must give [strict orders] to Meptum, so they can arrest [ ]. He (Meptum) must come after [ ]. And he must dispatch his boys.” 1. 2.

They may be quoted in 28 31, a letter of Sibku-Na-Addu to Hali-Hadun. It was customary for treaty partners to swear by the gods of the other party. In this case Mari had sent its gods to the two kings of Zalmaqum. It is not known what kind of divine representations were sent—certainly not the large valuable divine images that served as the focus for the temple cult.

26 33 [To] my lord ªspeakº! Your [servant] Asqudum (says), “Yasim-Dagan mustered his troops, and there are ªsoldiers on furloughº. And I ªsentº [to] my lord a name-list. [ ] go on an expedition [circa 14 lines. I have] ªsentº you ªthisº [tablet] from Saluhum.”

26 34 The writer of this letter was probably an otherwise unknown vassal of Zimri-Lim and not the diviner Asqudum, spelled Hasqudum.

To [my] lord speak! Your servant Hasqudum (says), “About the tablet that I sent my lord some time ago—I sent1 my lord as follows: ‘Since I ªwroteº for troops, you did not ªprovideº [n lines] this report ª º.’ Thus I spoke to him. That tablet that you sent [ ] ªlordº” (remainder not understandable). 1.

The scribe may have wanted to write “wrote” but repeated “sent” by mistake.

26 35–38 Affairs of Suhum. Charpin and Durand suggest in “Assur,” 391, comment a, that Asqudum of these letters was not the diviner but the servant of Meptum, who is mentioned in A.4535-bis. Yet Asqudum’s role as “headman” of Meptum (26 35) shows that he ranked higher than Meptum, which leads me to believe that he is the diviner after all. The campaign of Sallurum, which is mentioned in 26 37, was dated to ZL 3u by Durand (26/1, 144). FM 3 58 reveals that Yabliya was evacuated in ZL 2. See §4c.

61. be-lí. Durand emends to bené, but the suffix “our” in this letter is, as often, written -ne. Change of grammatical number in self-reference in letters with two senders is not uncommon.

Text 26 35

Translation

195

26 35 [To our lord speak]! Your [servants Asqudum and Asmad] (say), “We arrived in Hurban, and Meptum came from Harbe to meet us and placed a full report before us. He (said), ‘Many days ago I settled 2 thousand strong lance-troops and land1 up to Wurqana for my lord. Now you have come as a headmen. You have been installed as mouthpieces of your lord. Do what you have to do! If you evacuate the troops, their population is 10 thousand men and women. And in Yabliya, Ayyabe, and Harbe, there are 3 thousand tracts of grain and 2 hundred tracts of plant oil.’2 This (word) Meptum placed before us, and we consulted and (said), ‘Once we evacuate a population of 10 thousand and also leave their grain behind, it will be a heavy burden for the palace to feed (them).’ Now I will write to our lord regarding the situation that I see. Boats and ªpack assesº, indeed ªcartsº [15 lines].3 “And herewith I have conducted to my lord an informer whom they captured from Situllum. My lord must ask him.” 1. 2. 3.

Durand translates “des gens du royaume.” Perhaps the families and servants are meant. Note that the evacuation of 10,000 people is at stake. Durand believes that these numbers represent the reserves in the palaces of the three cities. The 2,000 soldiers and their families presumably had been settled in and around Yabliya, Ayyabe, and Harbe. The king decided to move them from the southern border of the kingdom to various locations, one of which was Qa††unan on the northern border (27 7). The Yabliyaites among them were issued oil in Dir near Mari in month X of ZL 2 (FM 3 58). The evacuation of southern Suhum is also mentioned in 26 38 and 481.

26 36 ªToº [my lord] speak! Your servant Asqudum (says), “Meptum wrote some time ago to my lord, ‘The Hurbanite Yarim-Addu preoccupies me. Herewith I dispatch 2 men with him to my lord. My lord must detain them in ªMariº.’ And I ª 62º him, and prior to my leaving I spoke [to] my [lord] ªas followsº: I (said), ‘According to the letter of Meptum, my lord must detain that man ªhereº until I understand the issue.’ Now who, unreasonably, brought (it) to the attention of my lord (that the man be released), and my lord released that man, and he (that man, Yarim-Addu) then warned 63 the land, all of it, (saying), ‘The Hana came to devour you.’ “Further: If Buqaqum [6 lines] I dispatch for the sheep, and then those sheep will enter the palace safe and sound.”

26 37 To my lord speak! Your servant Asqudum (says), “From ªHarbe I wrote as followsº to Sallurum: I (said), ‘The men who ªliftedº bronze lances ªagainstº the troops of the house of Tispak1 and did harm to The Prince,2 I arrested them. I will take them along to ªmy lordº. [And] The Prince will write to his son (Zimri-Lim), and they will treat them [according to] 62. Durand reads ªaº-m[u-u]r-su-ma. The photo does not show readable traces. 63. uwaZZir. Durand suggests “il avait excité” on the basis of the context and suggests a contrast between Mari wzr and Babylonian *yzr (= ªzr in AHw. and nzr in CAD). Stol, JAOS 111 (1991), 628 brings together forms of a verb wußßurum with the meaning “to alarm.”

196

Translation

Text 26 38

his pronouncement. And those men were about to depart ªforº Babylon. Had I not caught them, those men would have departed and established grounds for reclamation for the tablet of . . . 64 for many days to come.3 “ ‘Now ªdispatchº your agents, ªand the grainº of those cities [n lines]. “[I wrote Sallurum as follows: ‘n lines] write me! [ ] If not so, write [ ]!’ This I wrote ªSallurumº. My lord must know. And ªso far a responseº to my letter did not ªreturnº. And until a response to my letter returns, I will leave 2 hundred troops in Harbe. And as last time, I ªbroughtº the troops of the outposts ªto full strengthº. “Further: I keep hearing contrary things among the opinions of the Hana ªwhoº came ªwithº Asmad. They (said), ‘Choose citizens of Rapiqum whom they distributed 65 in the cities that we evacuated, and give them to us ªas prisoners of warº!’ I (said), ‘They will [ ] these to [ ] of the interior of the land.’ They (said), ‘It4 will take fright.’ Now I carried it out after all. 66 And the Haneans do not have the right attitude. I am afraid they will lay hands on (them), and they will loot the population. My lord must consult and come to Hanat, or else a place of his liking, to meet the troops. If not so, my lord must give strict orders, and [ ] must bring [ ] and ªthe mayorsº. “[ ] is well. ªThe heartº [of my lord need] not [be concerned] about a thing.” 1. 2. 3. 4.

Tispak is the principal god of the city of Esnuna, and “house of Tispak” is a circumlocution for Esnuna. “Prince” is a title of the king of Esnuna. See Charpin, “Chronologie,” 62–64. Note that the Sumerian name of the city includes the title “prince.” It means “Sanctuary of the Prince.” Mari would have been liable for damage caused by the troops, and it would have complicated matters if they were beyond the reach of Mariote authorities in the territory of Babylon. I assume, with Durand, that “it” refers to the land.

26 38 See 26 481.

To our lord speak! Your servants Asqudum and Asmad (say), “Some time ago, we wrote to our lord about the trip of our lord to Hanat to meet the troops. Now our lord must not put it off. He must bring the guards of the city of Mari to full strength, and our lord must come to Hanat to meet the troops, and our lord must perform an offering before (the goddess) Hanat. And he must see the troops whom we moved ªandº calm their heart, which is frightened. Our lord may make the trip back in 6 days. If our lord does not come, the persons whom we evacuated, together with their little boys and girls—we will take them along to our lord. So or not so, our lord must quickly send a response to our tablet.”

26 39 To Asqudum speak! Nahimum (says), “You wrote me about my trip to my lord ZimriLim. You (said), ‘5 mayors must come with you, and (you) hear the lip of your lord and ob64. ki-im-ki-ma-an. 65. i-zu-[z]u-ú. Durand derives the form from izuzzum and translates “qui restent.” I derive from zâzum, which has /u/ as a stem-vowel. 66. istu ullanum usallimam. Durand translates “depuis lors, je suis arrivé à mes fins.”

Text 26 40

Translation

197

tain the consolation of your heart!’ ªI—with whatº does my heart concern itself, and [ ] 67 to go to Zimri-Lim? My lord alerted me, (speaking) as follows: 68 ‘Declare (pl.) me a sacred [oath]! And I shall ªkillº a stallion of peace between (me and) Mutebal. Once wrong and harm happen, I will not let you live.’ With this my lord instructed me, and therefore I keep writing to Ibal-Pi-El and Yanßiban.1 Since my lord established peace between (himself and) Mutebal, I guarded the instruction of my lord, and wrong and harm did not happen. Still, the heart of my lord was very angry. (He said), ‘[3 lines]. And however many ªcome downº the river I will put in jail.’ Is it right? Have you (pl.) set your sight on doing injustice? And you make prisoners of war of your fellows during the state of peace? The days of peace go by, and we keep worrying about war. You well know: once they2 are being stirred up, they never clear up. And the future will be more painful than the past. Will not the evil and the nogood be happy about this? Seize the hand of your lord, and they should not make a criminal of the one ªwhoº goes down the river! Who goes down may go down: who comes up may ªcome upº! Confusion must not develop!”3 1. 2. 3.

Ibal-Pi-El is a Mariote pasture-chief. Nahimum kept contact with him, presumably because the location were he stayed was closer than Mari. The unmentioned subject of the verb is a feminine plural. I assume the days of peace are meant. Durand quotes from the unpublished letter A.1281, in which Íura-Hammu, the king of Awnan, writes Zimri-Lim that he sent Nahimum to suppress talk of people who went downstream and ran into difficulties with Mariote authorities. On the other hand, he warned Zimri-Lim not to appropriate the fields and houses of such “sons of the river.” The same affair is dealt with on a lower level, between Nahimum and Asqudum in the present letter. The designation “sons of the river” suggests a group of people whose livelihood depended principally on the river. The geographical indications of the letters that mention Nahimum, which are all quoted by Durand, indicate that the river was the Balih or the Euphrates in the vicinity of the mouth of the Balih. The term “Mutebal” is also attested in FM 2 116, where it is used as general designation for pasturalist Yamina. See above, p. 17.

26 40–41 More affairs of Suhum.

26 40 To my lord speak! Your servant Asqudum (says), “My lord [ ] the message of the tablet of Hammu-Rabi, ªking of Babylonº, which came to my lord. Finally! 69 My ªlordº can see that the message of Hammu-Rabi and [ ]. Did my [lord] not know that [the king] of Babylon [will not] ªcommit himselfº to my lord? And about ªthe issueº [ ] my [lord] wrote me, ‘I placed ªthatº issue before my servants, and we consulted about ªcedingº Id, and my servants (said), “Go to 70 [ ] and see the kings of your alliance [and] ªwriteº about ceding Id to [your] 67. Durand reads [ú-ul at-ta]-a ana ßer Zimri-Lim a-la-kam [ka-l]e-et “N’est-ce point toi qui empêche d’aller chez Zimri-Lim?” 68. The photo shows ki-a-am, which is left out in Durand’s transliteration. 69. Durand suggests the reading [k]i watar and translates “combien est excessif (ce que dit H.).” I read [l]a watar. The translation is based on the context of 26 346:9. 70. ana ßer. Based on the use of this prepositional phrase, the name of a person, perhaps Yarim-Lim, is lost in the break.

198

26 41

Translation

Text 26 41

ªbrotherº Hammu-Rabi!” And now I sent 2 light couriers [to] ªBabylonº.’ [This] my lord wrote me. And I placed the news of the text of the tablet [of ] Hammu-Rabi before YaqqimAddu and Zimri-Erah, servants of my lord.1 “About the issue of the Hana, on which my lord gave me instructions—I got underway as my lord instructed me. I was not detained a single day anywhere. I reached Raßum, the locality of the appointment, and 10 personal guards and 10 Suheans whom my lord dispatched with me, those men I sent in all directions, one each to the sheepfolds.2 And I lighted a fire [ ] the mayors and the first group 71 [of the Hana] have arrived. The issue of assembling the Hana [ ] The Hana [ ] barely in one month. And the Hana, any that ªarriveº [28 lines, partly preserved, continuing the topic of the Hana] I will give ªthemº [into] ªthe handsº of my lord, [and] I will write the full [report on] ªthe Hanaº to my lord.3 “I keep ªhearingº that 72 Qarni-Lim [and] the Kurdaite ªHammu-Rabiº [ ] to do battle. I sent ªPNº to Qarni-Lim to check on news of them. [And] I sent [ ]-Lim to Hammu-Rabi. Once they arrive, I will write a full report to my lord. “And my lord need not worry about the fact that ªthe Hanaº are late in assembling. The Hana, all of them, will ªassembleº like one man.” 1.

2.

3.

Control over the city of Id was sought and at some point shared by Mari and Babylon (see comment 4 to 26 249). The topic is treated by Lackenbacher in 26/2, 451–57. This letter is the earliest to mention the affair. See 26 160 and 468. The passage exemplifies the difficulties in rounding up Hana for military service. Asqudum sends his men to sheepfolds, where the shepherds presumably gathered in the evening with their livestock to protect them from predators during the night. Such sheepfolds were (always?, occasionally?) run by men who did not necessarily own sheep themselves (27 70). For the enlistment of Hana troops, see 26 27.

26 41 = 2 98 = LAPO 17 546 The letter may be speaking of the evacuees of Suhum and the concern that some of them may want to evade state authority by shedding their belongings and making their way to relatives among the Hana rather than being forced to settle somewhere.

To my lord speak! Your servant Asqudum (says), “In everything that I carried out and (in which) no wrong at all occurred, ªprior toº my ªdeparture from Yabliyaº, [n lines] they must stay, and they (the evacuees) will take along those men, 73 slaves, oxen and [sheep]. And they (the authorities) must arrest anyone who goes empty-handed. And scouts must stay on the right bank from Appan to Niattum-Burtum, 74 and anyone who is headed toward 71. ma-ah-ri/e-i/et. Durand transcribes mahrêtum, sees in mahrêt Hana a synonym of qaqqadat Hana, and translates “les principaux.” Another example of mahritum = first group is 26 47:9. 72. [es15-te]-ne-em-me-e-ma. Durand translates -ma as “que.” I emend to -ma. 73. Durand reads, after first collation, lú N[u-u]m-[h]a-yu-ªúº.mes; after second collation, lú ªsu*-nuº*-ti. 74. C. Kühne published a text from Tell Chuera that associates certain days with U.tu niattu (“Ein mittelassyrischer Kulttext aus der westlichen Gezira,” AoF 24 [1997], 383–89). He argued for reading burtu niattu. The literal meaning of the expression, “well belonging to us,” suggests for the Mari reference that this well still belonged to the settled inhabitants on the bank of the Euphrates. The wells beyond it would have belonged to the Hana. There are in this area, currently called “canyon lands” (bilad al-wadiyat), many wells on the bottom of the large, long

Text 26 42

Translation

199

moving on to an encampment, they (the scouts) must arrest and gather them up to meet the mayors of the Hana in Mari. This my lord must not disregard. And he must write the governors [ ], and they must ªarrestº as many [of these] as they see.”

26 42–88 Various letters of Asqudum.

26 42 To my lord speak! Your servant Asqudum (says), “The bearers of good news who arrived from before the Hana1 stayed overnight with me. I did not believe this news until those bearers of good news arrived. Now those bearers of good news herewith move on to my lord. May my lord be happy!” 1.

These were possibly the three Hana Zakura-Ahum, Hanzan, and Yatasrum, “bearers of good news,” who received garments according to 22 167, 327 and 23 448–51 on or before 15 XI 2u.

26 44 To my lord speak! Your servant Asqudum (says), “Some time ago, my lord spoke to ªthe mayorsº as follows: ‘There is a taboo ªamong youº. [They (exorcists and purifiers)] must ªwash offº the taboo.’1 ªAsº my lord dropped those ªwordsº among them, and ª º to them, [ ] ªa commoner roseº. [And he spoke as follows]: [5 lines]. ªNowº my lord [must dispatch] ªexorcistsº and purifiers.2 When the Hana ªparleyº,3 they must wipe [them] clean. And the matter must be ªset rightº, [and] the taboo must [ ]. “Further: My tablet [ ] to [ ], (saying), ‘[ ] tablet [ ].’ Herewith I dispatch ªyou (Zimri-Lim and the mayors)º [the exorcists] and the purifiers [ ].When the Hana parley, they must clean ªthemº. [ ] return [them]!” 1.

2. 3.

The word translated “taboo” here is Akkadian asakkum, which derives from Sumerian á - s ì g “arm hitter.” I believe that the word originally designated rigor mortis (because á - s ì g was turned into stone according to the Ninurta-myth “Lugal-e Ud Melambi Nirgal”), the feared end result of transgressing a taboo. Charpin reconstructed a rite of swearing an oath in which the juror ate plants that he believed would harm him if he transgressed the oath (Charpin, “Manger”). It explains the expressions “to eat a taboo” and “to place a taboo in the mouth of someone” (26 52). Anbar believes that the transgression of a taboo in the present letter occurred when Hana took spoils (Tribus, 146). The taboos that had to be gathered up and brought to Addu of Halab (26 194) and the taboos that came from various cities (26 206) were apparently concrete items and may well have been spoils of war also. The right of the common soldier to keep his spoil was also a taboo according to 2 13. It was guaranteed by an oath that military officers swore to the highest gods and the king. Durand, NABU 1990 1, suggests that the “purifiers” (mussiru) were technicians who ministered to persons swearing an oath before divine weapons. The terms “parley” (rihßum) and “parleying” (rahaßum) designate the function of an assembly whereby individuals could voice their opinions frankly. The expenditure of a lamb for a “parley”

canyons that drain wide areas west of the Euphrates. One might also connect the name with 3 33, where fields are said to be located i-na ni-i-ia-tim “in ours.” Durand sees a place-name, “Niªatum,” in the latter (LAPO 17 779a).

200

Translation

Text 26 45

indicates that it had a ceremonial component (26/1, 185 n. 18). For more details, see Durand, 26/1, 181–87.

26 45 Durand notes that the letter was written by the same hand as 26 46.

To my lord speak! Your servant Asqudum (says), “My lord wrote me about Iti-Lim, ‘I am afraid he will drop (the name of) Ibal-Pi-El to (elicit) the opinions of the Hana 75 at the time of the parley.’ (It is bad enough that even) before we hear anything from the mouth of ItiLim, I keep hearing ªfromº Bit Kapan untoward things ªaboutº Ibal-Pi-El from the mouth of ªmanyº, (namely), ‘Ibal-Pi-El never gave us good news and did not mention to us the words of our lord.’ I keep hearing these things ªfrom the mouthº of many. Now my lord wrote me about Iti-Lim. Before the parley, I will send Iti-Lim to ˇabatum or else to Haya-Sumu, and he will not be present at the parley. I will detain those who rise and (who) talk of Ibal-Pi-El in the parley. When the Hana have assembled, and then the parley has been set, so or not so, I will write a full report to my lord.”

26 46 To my lord ªspeak! Yourº servant Asqudum (says), “ªThe Hanaº, all of them, ªassembled. Nowº, 76 [as] always when my lord lit fires, 77 ªthe Hanaº, all of them, assembled? The Hana, all of them, are assembled now,1 and I delivered the instruction of my lord. I caused them relief with words. And they rose and proclaimed favorable words and greetings to [my] ªlordº. 78 There was not a single objection. And herewith ªYaqqim-Adduº brings back the news on ªthe Hana, allº [of them], whatever he has heard, and I dispatch him to my lord. My lord must pay close attention to his words. And ªIº [ ] the report on the kings [of ] after (sending) this tablet of mine. [2 lines] ªifº [my] lord [says (so)], I will ªdepartº.” 1.

The triple confirmation of the assembly of all of Hana seems odd. Perhaps the second mention is an expression of surprise: “They are assembled; I never believed that they would, but, in fact, they are assembled.”

26 47 ªTo my lord speakº! [Your servant] Asqudum (says), “I ªmusteredº [the cattle] and equids of the ªpickº 79 [of in] Qa††unan. 13 bulls, 52 cows, 50 [stallions and n] mares of ªthe first 75. ana pî Hana Ibal-pi-El inaddi, which means literally, “he (Iti-Lim) will drop Ibal-Pi-El onto the mouth of the Hana.” Durand translates “j’ai peur . . . I. ne fasse l’objet de critiques de la part de Hanéens.” The idiom is also attested in 27 36:31–32: sumi ana la damqatim ana pî halßim ittanaddi “he keeps dropping my name maliciously to (elicit) the opinions of the district.” 76. Durand restores [sa i-n]a. I restore [i-na-an-n]a. inanna is used so much that its occurrence in the very next sentence does not seem problematic. 77. See Marti, NABU 2001 79. 78. I read sulum be-l[í-i]a id-bu-bu instead of Durand’s sulum be-l[í-ia l]i-id-bu-bu. The photo is not readable. 79. laqtum: according to Bardet, a livestock tax (23, 50–51). Commenting on 27 112, Birot

Text 26 48

26 48

Translation

201

groupº; 8 cows are increment. [ ] that are not ªsuitableº for being received; 3 cows (and) 2 equids are ªdeadº [ ]. And I [set] ªhandº to assembling the sheep. They are assembling (them), and [I will write] a report to [my lord] on which [of them are] on hand and which of them are dead. “Further: I ªhadº extispicies done in two ªroundsº [for the well-being] of the lower district, ªfromº ªYabliyaº and up to ªHarbeº [from] ªthe fifth of thisº month [to the nth of the month] of Dagan. [ ] are ªbadº [ ].”

26 48 = 2 95 = LAPO 16 264 To our lord speak! Your servants Asqudum and Hali-Hadun (say), “Niqman, together with the elders of Qaªa, arrived before us, and we have dispatched them to our lord. Our lord must listen to their words, and our lord must answer them forthrightly in view of their words and dispatch them.”1 1.

That is, “send them back and not detain them!”

26 50 To [my] lord speak! [Your] servant Asqudum (says), “ª6 linesº The cows are well. Any that cross the river, they (the people on the other side of the river) will return to [ ]. I wrote my lord the news that reached me [and] of which I became aware.” Cattle can swim well and over long distances, so even the Euphrates may be meant here.

26 51 [To my] lord ªspeak! [Your] servant ªAsqudumº (says), “[About] the reed [ ], I sent (some) ªquickly for the workº [of ] ªthe craftsmen. Now, theyº [ ] ªthe governorsº, and [ for] the work of the craftsmen. ªNowº, my ªlordº was worried sick that they did [not] execute the orders of my lord, and ª7 linesº. My lord must send [ ] with Bannum ªhereº. [ ] the governors, and they must float down reed [or else] ªfirewoodº for ªthe work of the craftsmenº. I have postponed [ ] ªover hereº. I will bring a boat with reed ªwithº my own boys, and they will float it down, ªso thatº the craftsmen will not be ªidleº.”

26 52 To [my] lord speak! Your servant Asqudum (says), “[My] lord ªwroteº me ªabout the guardsmenº 80 under the authority of Kaªalan, (saying), ‘What? 81 ªEnlistedº men left their guard of the road of Abullatum and departed?’ I gathered them up. I placed the taboo of my lord in their mouth.”1 (remainder destroyed) 1.

See comment 1 to 26 44.

considers the possibility that the animals of the laqtum were captured. The translation “pick” is based on the presumed literal meaning of laqatum. 80. I follow Durand’s reading, [nu]n.na. 81. ma la-[a]p-tu-tum. I assume that ma stands for ma-a. Durand reads ma-la -[a]p-tutum . . . and translates “tous le réquisitionnés.”

202

Translation

Text 26 53

26 53 To [my] lord speak! Your servant Asqudum (says), “About ªthe collection ofº [silver], concerning which [my] ªlordº [wrote me], ª5 linesº. Now I set ªhand toº the collection of ªsilverº. I will carry out the collection of silver and write a full report to my lord, so or not so.”1 1.

The formula “so or not so” (annitam la annitam) refers to the outcome of a choice. It is not obvious which is the choice in the present case and the next letter. Perhaps the king had demanded a certain sum, and Asqudum did not know whether it could be reached.

26 54 [To] my [lord] speak! Your servant Asqudum (says), “Today I carry out the collection of silver. And I seal the silver promptly, each time I receive it, inside bags 82 and place it bag inside bag for . . . 83 and bring it out and entrust it [to ]. And my lord ªknowsº that [ ] ªsilver ªis collectedº in the same way from the commoners. ª16 linesº. “ªFurtherº: About the guard of the city—40 men, reliable gents, 84 have been ªenlistedº. They entered ªwithº me. Men in ªthe districtº of Mari, Terqa, and Saggaratum guard the (respective) city in one double-hour shifts. 85 [And] Meptum and Kaªalan guard ªthe approachesº of the crossings. 86 ªThe guardº of the city is strong. “ªSo or not soº, my lord must quickly ªsendº [a response to] my [tablet], ªso that I can embarkº at dusk time on a small-boat and depart.”

26 55 To my lord speak! Your servant Asqudum (says), “The herdboys addressed me, (saying), ‘Last year they (royal officials) summoned 87 the sheep to Íuprum, but the one-year-olds1 had not given birth to ªearlyº lambs. Now once again, once they conduct the sheep to Íuprum for muster, one-year-olds will not give birth to early lambs.’ 88 My ªlordº [must] dispatch tab82. sa-AG-sa-tum. Durand connects it with taksûm. The singular is written sa-aG-sa-am and sa-aG-si-im. 83. a-na ªxº [x]. Durand reads a-na-k[u-ma]. 84. d u mu . m e s l ú . m e s ták-lu-tum probably represents mar awili taklutum. Durand translates “gens libres.” Draftees of the upper class often sent their servants as substitutes. I believe Asqudum means to say that the 40 soldiers who were enlisted for the guard of the city were gentlemen who actually served themselves. The translation “gents” for mar awili does not imply that the Akkadian word was used colloquially. It attempts to preserve the etymological connection with awilum “gentleman.” 85. 1-àm bi-ru. Durand considered this translation but preferred the spatial interpretation “for up to one mile distance.” He quotes malak bi-ra “n’ayant que deux heures” in support of it in A.2. Joannès, who follows Durand, “Routes,” 327 n. 9, refers to 3 17, where border guards are said to be on the lookout for up to 5 or 6 miles distant from their posts. 86. pani eberi. Durand, “gués.” The word for “ford” is neberum. I assume that here “face” designates the area leading to the crossings. 87. i-si-ru-si-na-ti-ma. Durand derives the form from eserum II = “to enclose.” It produces an ill fit with ana Íuprum “to Íuprum.” I derive the form from eserum III. 88. The “early lambs” = haripu. Durand shows that this word refers to lambs born in fall, not in spring, as was assumed before.

spread is 12 points long

Text 26 56

Translation

203

lets and scribes to me, and they must muster them ªhereº. And on the pasture their [ ] must ªnotº diminish. [And] the herdboys must ªnot gainº a reason to complain.2 [circa 4 lines]” 1.

2.

They will be mustered for the first time and are, in fact, in their second year of life. See F. R. Kraus, Staatliche Viehhaltung im Altbabylonischen Lande Larsa (Mededelingen der Koninklijke Nederlandse Akademie van Wetenschappen, Afd. Letterkunde n.s. 29/5; Amsterdam, 1966), 26. The shepherds may have been concerned because they feared that recently impregnated ewes, who would give birth to “early lambs” in fall, would not carry their offspring to term because of the rigors of the spring drive to Íuprum.

26 56 To [my lord] ªspeakº! Your servant Asqudum (says), “About the garments of first quality that are sealed in ªreed boxesº—the garments will not be readily available in Mari for the wardrobe of my lord. And Daris-Libur urges me (to get them ready). If those 89 garments are to be ªtakenº to Mari for the wardrobe of [my lord], my lord must ªwriteº [me, and I shall choose] individual garments from the reed boxes [and send them] to [my] ªlordº. If not so, [and] (if) those garments are not to be ªtakenº to ªMariº, they will be ªdepositedº in Saggaratum. My lord must write [me], so or not so, [and] I shall pluck them clean. 90 “The day I sent ªthisº tablet of mine ªtoº [my lord], I set hand to closing the breach of (the levee at) Bit Kusaya.”

26 57 Asqudum probably wrote this letter during his tenure as mayor of Hisamta, to which Zimri-Lim appointed him at the beginning of his reign (26 5).

To my lord speak! Your servant Asqudum (says), “About the woman who is staying by herself in the palace of Hisamta—the matter does not meet the eye. It would be good if 5 women who do wool work 91 were staying with her. Now the woman can pay attention (only) to herself. If it meets the eye of my lord, let them take along that woman, either to Terqa or else to Íuprum, and she need not pay attention (to herself) ªalone likeº a screech-owl.”

26 58 To my lord speak! Your servant Asqudum (says), “My lord must instruct Yantin-Addu, the foreman of fishermen, and he (Yantin-Addu) ªmustº seize 10 small-boats on the right bank and 10 small-boats on the left bank (upstream) from Dir and collect ªfor meº as many boats as there are, be it from the palace, be it from the commoners, ªupº to Mislan. I dispatched Iddin-Ilaba from here to Samanum to collect boats. My lord must take action, 92 and 89. The text has erroneously, su-nu-ti. In the parallel line 18, the correct su-nu is found. 90. lu-na-pí-su-nu-[ti]. Durand translates “j’éclaircisse,” which he derives from the idiom nikkassam nuppußum “to clear an account.” I derive the form from napasum II D, which means “to pluck” wool from a garment. It may mean more generally the process of getting a garment ready to be worn. 91. s í g . h á mahrisa i-pé-sa. Durand derives the form from “epesu II,” for which Landsberger proposed the meaning “to weave a rug.” 92. li-iß-ßí-ri-im-ma. Durand understands it as Gtn of ßaramum, which should be lißßarrim. I emend to li-iß-{zi}-ri-im-ma.

204

26 60

Translation

Text 26 60

I shall do what is necessary for gathering this (year’s) grain for (storage) inside Mari. Otherwise, the days will go by, and ªa showerº will catch the grain.”

26 60 = 2 96 = LAPO 16 8 To my lord speak! Your servant Asqudum (says), “I requested a rug 93 from my lord, and they did not give me (one). As of my arrival, I had an informed person 94 conducted to my lord. And now I have had a second informed person conducted. My lord must ask him for news. My lord must employ a secret agent who takes an informed person along.”1 1.

Durand believes that the informed person of this statement was the “second informed person” of the previous statement. Normally, the letter-writers only report about the bringing in of informed persons. If that is the case here too, Asqudum counseled the king to obtain information from a third informed person. The employment of a secret agent for this purpose indicates that it was not an easy task.

26 61 The letter was written a short while before Bannum wrote 26 5 and 26 6 to the king.

[To] my lord ªspeakº! Your [servant] Asqudum (says), “[My lord] wrote me ªas followsº: ‘When Bannum has arrived [in] ªMariº, I will go up to the upper ªdistrictº and [then] stay in Terqa. I will offer the ªofferings.’ Thisº my lord wrote me. [n lines] “[n lines] men of ªthe palaceº [ ] for harvesting or else dinners of the king [ ], ªhowever muchº was left over, has been used up as fare for the harvesters.”

26 62 = 2 99 = LAPO 17 735 To my lord speak! Your servant Asqudum (says), “I arrived in the district of Hisamta and Terqa, and there were masses of 95 Numha (and) Yamutbal, together with (their) little boys and girls, slaves, maids, oxen, and donkeys. After they use up (their) grain, they will destroy the sedge and reed of the bank of the Euphrates. I saw (it), and ª11 linesº.1 They2 must ªnotº pass [ ] ªfromº Qa††unan. “Further: As of ªmyº arrival, I had a word with the Terqaites as follows: I (said), ‘Spare ªfield areaº, and I shall get plows of the palace ready.’ And they answered me as follows: They (said), ‘Since we (already) are in possession of our parcels, look for, and take land of the palace!’ I checked, and the field-area that is left over is not enough ªforº 2 plows. There is a steady [ ] of my lord to Terqa. [ ] I readied 5 plows in the district of Terqa. It is not pos93. túg mardatum. The meaning “rug” was established by W. Mayer, “Mardatu ‘Teppich,’ ” Ugarit-Forschungen 9 (1977), 173–89. 94. Von Soden, Orientalia 56 (1987), 103–4, pointed out that the word ahizum, since it is an active participle of ahazum, could not literally mean “informer.” Birot, 27 17d, considered the possibility that the word was actually ahizum “individus bien informé.” 95. The Akkadian text uses the idiom “the Numha etc. have no front and gate,” which indicates the unorganized nature of the mass of people and their animals. Durand refers to the parallels collected in CAD babum and remarks that the expression may be typically Syrian.

Text 26 70

Translation

205

sible. ªNowº, when [ ] the rider3 of Terqa and ªthe domesticsº worked (on it), ª6 linesº of that rider [ ]. And I shall give him a gift. I shall sow ªsesameº. I shall give [ ] to the Terqaites. [ ], which are readily available, they will give [ ].”4 1. 2.

3. 4.

Completely restored by Durand. “They” cannot be the masses of Numha and Yamutbal, because the latter have already passed Qa††unan. If there was a massive influx of refugees from the northeast—the people may have fled the Esnunakean advance in ZL 3u (see Durand 26/1, 141)—it is likely that there were refugees in Qa††unan at this time. Given the situation in Terqa, Asqudum does not want a second wave of refugees to advance to the Euphrates. “Rider” (rakibum) was an irrigation canal that was constructed on the upper terrace of the river valley, upon which it “rode.” See LAPO 17, 580–81. The timing of the passage is given in the sentence “I shall sow sesame.” Sesame is a summer fruit and was sown after the grain harvest (H. Waetzoldt, “Ölpflanzen und Pflanzenöle,” Bulletin on Sumerian Agriculture 2 [1985], 77–87). The breaks prevent a clear understanding of the passage. It appears as though the field area that could be planted with sesame was distributed according to fixed shares. The Terqaite commoners had already picked their lots within the irrigated field area and presumably had started cultivation. So Asqudum’s request came too late.

26 70 To Mukannisum speak! Asqudum (says), “Open my locker 96 and send 2 jars of red wine, 7 jars of second-quality wine for the king, and 2 jars of wine of good quality for me with those (the jars) for the king!”

26 71 To Mukannisum speak! Asqudum (says), “Herewith open [my] ªlockerº [and] entrust one ªhelmetº 97 to the hand of the person bringing ªthisº tablet of mine! He must bring (it) to me quickly.” (On the edge of the tablet is written: “About writing the king.”)

26 71-bis = 18 24 = LAPO 16 189 The letter may have been written before the siege of Mislan, in which case 26 168 describes the activities mentioned here from the point of view of the Mislanites.

[To] ªMukannisum speak!º Asqudum (says), “ªThe (very) day thatº a tablet of the king about ªordering a transport ofº pines comes to Itur-Asdu, ªloadº on one boat those pines from among the dry pines ªthatº are with you, (that is) 40 pines of 2 reeds (length) for ladders, 20 pines for kammu, 98 20 pines for leaners, 99 and ªprovide silver for (buying) travel provisionsº 96. É ku-nu-ki-ia. Literally, “the house/room/container of my seal.” 97. The word qurpissum was formerly translated “body-armor.” Durand, LAPO 17, 391, showed that it means “helmet.” 98. Durand, LAPO 16 189, translates “traverses”; in LAPO 17, 298, he defines “traverses” as ladders that were shorter than the ladders called simmiltum. 99. hu-mu-da-ia. Durand believes that these were gangways that allowed access from a siege tower to the crown of a city wall. According to 26 318, such leaners were burned in a fire that brought down a siege tower. They were made of wood and rope (21 141, as read by Birot 27 142,

206

Translation

Text 26 73

for the haulers, and ªthose pieces of wood must arriveº tomorrow. Do not ªneglectº this ªletter of mineº. “ªFurther: Sendº a blade of one pound for the battering ram! The assault is on hold for ª9 daysº.”

26 73 To Iddin-Annu speak! Asqudum (says), “About the 20 (wooden) boards that they kept from you—I ªspokeº to the king, and [he] (said), ‘He may take ªthemº.’ Now [take] those boards! “Further: The ªUrzababa-lyreº of which you spoke ªsome time ago—[you (said), ‘ ] . . . 100 I will ªlookº [at it].’ It is ªurgentº. Do not ªkeepº [it].”

26 74 To Yassi-Dagan speak! Asqudum (says), “I listened to your tablet that you sent ªmeº. You (said), ‘Mislanites approached the king, (saying), “Asqudum is in possession of a field (of ours).” ’ As a dog has no need of gold, I have no need of their fields and of them.1 And you, why do you raise objections ªbefore the kingº about their ªhouseholdsº? You know that their troops are. . . . 101 “Now about the fields of Zarri, concerning which you wrote me—ªÍura-Hammuº is staying with ªthe kingº and talks about whatever is in his heart. Now he received one-ªhalfº of the courtyard of the House of Paintings for cultivation!” 2 1. 2.

Letter 26 76 shows that Asqudum was very much involved in cultivation in Mislan. This is the main courtyard in the palace of Mari. Íura-Hammu was the king of the Awnanean Yamina. His visit to Mari during the 5th month of ZL 4u is well documented in administrative texts; see G. Bardet, 23, 17–21.

26 75 This is a letter from a southern Mesopotamian. Its syrupy introduction is typical of that culture.

[To] Asqudum ªspeakº! Hulalum (says), “May ªSamasº and Marduk keep you alive for a long time! [Among] our ªbrothersº, (as many as) there are, we love each other. [And] there is nobody who loves me as [much] as you do. [And] there is nobody who loves you as much as I do. [ ] ªWhenº this [and] that land saw our mutual respect, you were not changing

comment b). The translation “leaners” is based on a derivation of that word from emedum “to lean.” Sasson, “Mari and the Bible,” 105, and Streck, Amurriter 1, 99, adduce ºammud “pillar” as a possible Hebrew cognate. 100. Birot, in comment c to 27 7, suggests restoring the verb taraßum “to string.” 101. ma-ar-DU. Durand derives the word from Hebrew mrd “to be rebellious,” adding another word to this crowded semantic field. Sasson, “Mari and the Bible,” 108, understands it as “bilingual gamesmanship.” mar†u from mara†u, which AHw. and CAD translate “to scratch,” is also possible. I expect “on edge.” The troops are probably workers.

Text 26 76

Translation

207

(your behavior) toward me, and there was no insult [for] ªmeº. So it is. 102 Samas [and] ªDaganº have greatly called your name, and they ªcalledº [ ]. Your communication is good. [ ] like the numerous sheep [ ] 3 hundred sheep [n lines] ª8 linesº. I have [not] sent you [ ] with your (pl.) messenger. [This] ªyearº usummu 103 are ªveryº expensive. ªAboutº the 9 pounds of tin that I sent you—ªMardukº, who will keep you alive for a long time, ªindeedº knows that that tin is not mine. ªThatº [tin] belongs to a diviner from among my acquaintances. They (my acquaintances?) will proceed [on] a trip to Elam. At the time tin is expensive ªin Babylonº. I sent you [the n] ªpoundsº of good ªtinº for one pound of ªsilver º with the boys [ ] 2 [days] nothing [ ].”

26 76 Letter from the majordomo of Dur-Yahdun-Lim about the placement of plow oxen. A “plow” was the basic agricultural work unit for the holdings of the palace. It consisted of some 7 to 12 plow oxen (24 13) and 15 workers (27 1). The area worked by one plow varied widely. One thousand dikes in Qa††unan correspond to 7 plows in 27 37. The most essential work of the plow teams was “seeding,” which included the preparation of a field for seeding and the seeding itself by means of a funnel that was attached to the plow and allowed for insertion of the seed into the furrow at a steady rate.

To Asqudum speak! Your son Enlil-Ipus (says), “When you assigned us the assignments of the cultivators in Mislan, you instructed us on the work quota of the plows as follows: You (said), ‘1 plow must seed 70 dikes of field-area.’ And on the same day you spoke to us as follows: You (said), ‘I placed the matter of the work quota of the plows before the king, and the king became enraged, (saying), “How? One plow seeds 70 dikes of field-area? They must seed 1 hundred dikes of field-area.” ’ Now, since (the time) that I ªdepartedº from before you, the city gate of Dur-Yahdun-Lim has been sealed all the time. It never opens. And the seeder oxen are idle. Now, until things calm down in the district of Dur-Yahdun-Lim (and the oxen can go out to work), write me, and I shall dispatch the oxen and the cultivators to a place where there is inundated 104 land, to Terqa or else to Hisamta. Let them seed there. The oxen must not be idle. I hope you will not speak later ªas followsº: ‘The oxen of your plows are idle. Why did you not inform me?’ ”

26 77 There are unorthographic spellings, ungrammatical verbal forms, and wrong words in this letter.

102. kima-ma. Durand understands the phrase as introducing the following sentence and translates “tout comme” according to Old Assyrian use. 103. Landsberger suggested the translation “dormouse” for usummu. In RLA, Maus §4.3a– b, I noted that this northern forest animal cannot be expected in Mesopotamia; further, that Babylonian usummu corresponds to Assyrian akbaru. For the latter, Landsberger suggested the jerboa, which also does not exist in the floodplains and delta of the Tigris and Euphrates. R. Englund, “There Is a Rat in My Soup,” AoF 22 (1995), 37–55, suggested identification with the Indian bandicoot rat. For the time being, the only information with promise for the question of identity is the connection with the canebrake, presumably its habitat. 104. Durand reads ra-†à-ab-tum and refers to ra†ibtum. I read ra-hi-ìß-tum. The implication in both cases is that the soil being prepared for seeding has to be soaked first.

208

Translation

Text 26 78

To Asqudum speak! Your servant Bali-Addu (says), “ªYou sentº me 105 a tablet about Sarrum-Nur-Matisu. Now, as of hearing the tablet and dispatching the man to you, 106 I put that man in prison.1 Now that man must not die. A tablet of the king must come and that man must go (to) you. 107 Let him place before you the words, however many I have communicated to him.”2 1.

2.

The word neparum is supposed to be quite unlike a modern prison and instead a place where debtors and criminals worked under guard. Accordingly, it is translated into French as “ergastule.” See M.-F. Scouflaire, “Premières réflexions sur l’organisation des ‘prisons’ dans le royaume de Mari,” Mélanges Finet (1989), 157–60. There can be no doubt about the existence of correctional facilities of dungeon character in contemporary southern Mesopotamia that earn the translation “prison” (see M. Civil, “On Mesopotamian Jails and Their Lady Warden,” in The Tablet and the Scroll [ed. M. Cohen et al.; Bethesda, 1993], 72–78). The neparum in Mari was a fearful place, where inmates died of starvation and disease (A.1401 [Joannès, “Nouveaux mémorandums,” Mélanges Birot, 101], 26 264). It was also an important aspect of palace administration, as shown by the occasional inclusion of prisons in confirmations of well-being in letterheads (for example 26 105) and the fact that extispicies were performed about their well-being (for example 26 152). The extent of their role within the system of governmental enforcement has not yet been discussed. A prison escape is mentioned in 10 150, an uprising in 26 524. The text has “you.”

26 78 To Asqudum speak! Sadu-[ ] who loves you (says), “Some time ago, you wrote [me] as follows: ‘For what [are you] my ªfriendº [that] you did not [write] to me?’ What shall I write [you]? You never sent [your] ªboyº [to me]. Perhaps you have no needs. About [my] needs— ˇab-Wasabsu, [my boy], has learned the. . . . 108 I am well. May my ªfriend be wellº!”

26 80 See 26 464.

To ªAsqudum speakº! [Your ] ªBunuma-Adduº (says), “When I was detained in ªKurdaº, you kept writing on my ªbehalfº. Your ªgreatº favor [ ]. ªNowº [they] released [me]. [circa 6 lines] ªNowº return the favor to ªthe godº [and Samas] and bring ª 109º out from prison! ªSendº [them]! Perhaps upon their arrival they will release my people from ªthe palaceº.” 105. tusebilanni instead of normal tusebilam. It is interesting to note that the tendency to replace datives with accusatives is also common in English. 106. kima †uppim samêm u ana ßerika l ú . m e s †aradim. Durand translates “à l’audition de la tablette et afin d’envoyer l’individu chez toi.” But why would Bali-Addu put Sarrum-Nur-Matisu in jail if he wanted to dispatch him to Asqudum? I guess the scribe wanted to say that Bali-Addu was about to dispatch Sarrum-Nur-Matisu when the order to incarcerate him arrived. 107. The dative is again replaced by the accusative. 108. te-pi -it. Durand interprets this as †e4-wi-it “la façon de tisser.” 109. Durand reads sa ªéº-[ti-ia] and translates “ceux de ma maisonnée.” But why would Bunuma-Addu want to exchange members of his household for his people. I expect that Bunuma-Addu asked Asqudum to release imprisoned Kurdaites in exchange for his people.

Text 26 81

Translation

209

26 81 ªTo myº lord speak! ªYour servantº Asqudum (says), “An eclipse of Sin (the moon) occurred on the 14th ªdayº. And the occurrence of ªthatº eclipse bodes ill. 110 I made ªextispiciesº for the well-being of my lord and for ªthe well-beingº of the upper district, and ªthe extispiciesº were sound. Now my lord [must] ªhave (extispicies) done there forº [his] wellbeing and the well-being of the city of Mari, and ªthe heartº of my lord need not ªbe concernedº. [And] my lord must send [me] a response to ªmyº tablet, [and my heart] will ªcalmº!”

26 82 To my lord speak! Your servant Asqudum (says), “Yasim-Dagan had a dream before his eyes. ªThe dreamº is serious and is raising concern. I had an ªextispicy ofº his dream done, and his ªdream wasº (in fact) before his eyes.1 [ ], and must make [ ]. And my lord must give ªstrict ordersº to guard the strongholds.” 1.

For a dream that was not “before the eyes,” see 26 142.

26 83 To my lord speak! Your servant Asqudum (says), “ªAccordingº to the letter of ªmy lordº, I made extispicies for Sattam-Kiazi.1 The extispicies that I made indicate the hand of Estar Radan of Ekallatum. The goddess urges 111 her about her trip to Ekallatum. Unless she goes to Ekallatum, her illness will not go out (from her).” 1.

Sattam-Kiazi had requested permission to bring an offering to Estar Radan of Ekallatum in order to cure her illness, which was suspected of being caused by the hand of the goddess (10 87). The king asked Asqudum to verify the cause of her illness, and the present letter is Asqudum’s reply.

26 84 To my lord (Yasmah-Addu) speak! Your servant Asqudum (says), “The son of Binum ª 112º. And they ªwroteº me from the fortress [of my] lord,1 and at first I made [extispicies2] for the ªwell-beingº [ ], and ªthe extispiciesº . And I made (extispicies) for (verifying the presence of) the hand of a god, and it indicated a vow to Sin. Did my lord perhaps give his word to Sin? (The sign of) [my] ªlord is presentº (in the extispicy). 113 Or else, the king (Samsi-Adad) ªmade a vowº to Sin. ªNowº my lord must write me so [or not] ªsoº. I will not write ªto the kingº until ªa tabletº of my lord has arrived.” 1.

That is, Dur-Yasmah-Addu “Fortress of Yasmah-Addu,” as Dur Yahdun-Lim was called during the reign of Yasmah-Addu.

110. maruß. Literally, “is painful.” Durand translates “est un fait désagréable.” 111. ú-da-aB-si. Durand derives the form from daªapu and translates “fait pression sur elle.” I assume scribal error: ú-da-ab-si. 112. Durand restores im-[hu-ra-ni] “est venu me trouver.” He considers and rejects im-[ra-aß] “he fell ill.” Another possibility is im-[tu-ut] “he has died.” The son of Binum belonged to high society. See Sasson, NABU 1993 52. 113. [it]-ta-za-az. My translation follows Durand’s comment f.

210 2.

Translation

Text 26 85

This restoration was proposed by Sasson, NABU 1993 52 n. 2.

26 85 To my lord speak! Your servant Asqudum (says), “I kept vomiting gall during the illness with which I was afflicted, but I have ªrecoveredº. And [my] lord ªgave strict orders aboutº not traveling. ªA liver omen was placedº in the offering of ªa commonerº.” (The remainder of the text is partly preserved and widely restored by Durand.)

26 86 To my lord (Yasmah-Addu) speak! Your servant Asqudum (says), “According to the instruction of my lord (I waited until) the month cleared,1 and [I] ªwentº to Halabit and ªmadeº extispicies in ªHalabitº for a month of 30 .2 The extispicies were bad, not sound. The pasture-chiefs3 are in Tuttul before my lord. My lord must give them strict instructions, and they must not neglect (supervision of) their scouts. Their sheep are widely dispersed. They herd from above Halabit to Surman. And they are negligent.” 1. 2. 3.

Durand, 26/1, 36 n. 154, shows that the expression refers to the time when the possibility of an eclipse had passed. Mesopotamian calendars had lunar months, which are 29 or 30 days long. Looking to the future, the ancients always reckoned with months of 30 days. See §5. It is remarkable that a plurality of pasture-chiefs was found in one place. Under the administration of Zimri-Lim, there seem to have been only two acting pasture-chiefs at one time. One, IbalEl or Ibal-Pi-El serving in the north; another, Meptum, in the south.

26 87 = 2 97 = LAPO 18 945 To my lord (Yasmah-Addu) speak! Your servant Asqudum (says), “I made extispicies for the well-being of the messengers, and they were bad. I will make (extispicies) for them again, and ªwhenº the extispicies have come out sound, I will dispatch them. “Further: About ªscoutsº of the district of Iksud-Appasu and Habduma-Dagan—no scouts whatsoever are in place. And my lord knows how many dispossessions 114 keep appearing in the offerings of my lord. The (supervision of) scouts is being neglected. And the extispicies made ªforº the well-being of their district are ªbadº.”

26 88 = 5 65 = LAPO 18 950 Oppenheim, Letters, 99–100.

[To] ªmyº lord] Yasmah-Addu ªspeakº! Your servant Asqudum (says), “As of my arrival in Terqa, Tarim-Sakim arrived, and I asked him the following: I (said), “Did Zunan perform extispicies for the well-being of the land and the strong cities?’1 He answered me as follows: 114. nekemetum. Durand understands the word on the basis of J. Nougayrol, JCS 21 (1967), 222 n. 26, as part of the configuration of the intestines and translates “organes atrophiés”; the term designates an event foretold by hepatoscopy in 26 3 and a sign found on the liver that indicates dispossession in 26 152. The latter meaning fits here too.

Text 26 90

Translation

211

‘He did not make (them).’ I returned with him to Saggaratum at the clearing of this month,2 and I made extispicies for the well-being of the city of Saggaratum for 6 months, and the extispicies were sound. And prior to my (departure) I will make (extispicies) for 115 the fortress of my lord, Terqa, Íuprum, and Mari, and I will promptly ªwriteº a full report to my lord. [And] in Saggaratum [ made] (extispicies) ªforº the offering of the month [and] ªforº the offering of my lord, and I saw ªthe extispicyº, and the left of the finger was ªnotchedº,3 the middle finger of the lung approached the right (finger): an omen of fame. May my lord be happy!” 1. 2. 3.

Named “strong cities” are Mari, Terqa, and Saggaratum (26 235); Mislan at the time of the Yamina rebellion (26 171); Babylon (26 364). See comment 1 to 26 86. This is what the diviner wishes to see, according to Yale Oriental Series—Babylonian Texts 11 23: 58 (Starr, 32). The translation “notched” follows Leiderer, 71.

26 90–167 are letters by and about other diviners and their namesakes. Letters 26 90–94 are from persons called Apil-Ilisu, which is a very common name. The letters were written maximally by four persons, which seems to me the most likely solution. Durand, 26/1, 232–33, referring to the example of Asqudum, whom he characterizes as diviner-turned-administrator, discusses the possibility of a oneperson solution. Letters 90 and 91 were written by one and the same person because they refer to the same episode; 91 was written when Hadanum was at large; 90 after he had been apprehended; 92 was written by a diviner; 94 by a cultivator.

bout Other

26 90 To my lord (Yasmah-Addu) speak! Your servant Apil-Ilisu (says), “Herewith I have Hadanum conducted to my lord. May my lord be happy!”

26 91 To my lord (Yasmah-Addu) speak! Your servant Apil-Ilisu (says), “About Adanum, the brewer of Laªum, Sammetar spoke to Ilum-Asu as follows: “He has ªfledº.” 116 [And] IlumAsu gave ªstrict ordersº to ªthe butlerº [n lines] to Mari [ ] to Subat-Enlil. [ ] These things about removing them are at the instigation of Iksud-Appasu. “And further: About the message of the large tablet that I sent my lord—my lord must quickly send me a response to my tablet.”

115. The text has “in.” Since Asqudum could not perform extispicies in the cities mentioned while staying in Saggaratum, I correct i-na “in” to a-na “for.” 116. Durand reads it-[ta-ª]ì-id and translates “c’est un homme consciencieux.” I read it-[ta-b]i-it.

212

Translation

Text 26 92

26 92 [To my] lord (Yasmah-Addu) ªspeakº! [Your servant] ªApil-Ilisu (says), “[I have] ªobtainedº the offeringº that [my] lord ªoffered andº whose extispicies he sent, and [the god] accepted the offering of my lord. I saw ªthe extispiciesº, and a stone [was in place] in the right lung [in the first] ªramº. [ ] was in place in the area of the caretaker [and] gravel 117 in the area of the shepherd [in] ªthe secondº ram. The area of the finger was broken, [ ] was surrounded, [ ] was notched ªinº the third ram. ªThe extispiciesº of the offering of my lord are [not1] ªdangerousº; they are sound. [ ] Ninua ª5 linesº.” 1.

I follow Durand’s restoration. Anbar’s restorations in NABU 1998 3 are unparalleled.

26 93 To my lord speak! Your servant Apil-Ilisu (says), “I said to my lord that Ibal-Pi-El detained me. I (said), ‘Ibal-Pi-El ªdetainsº [me].’1 Will my lord ªnot releaseº me? What will I do here? He tempts me with the office of majordomo of his house. My lord ªmustº write Ibal-PiEl. I wish to depart for my lord.” 1.

This is an instructive example for the existence of direct and indirect speech in Akkadian writing of the time. Normally direct speech was preferred. Indirect speech gained a foothold with dependent sentences introduced by “that” (kima). Here, the scribe, wanting to be clear, used both possibilities.

26 94 To Erib-Sin speak! Apil-Ilisu (says), “You wrote me about a report on the field that I sowed. I have sowed 20 dikes of field-area. The seed is used up. Send 1 hundred liters of sesame, and I shall have the field finished up. Do not say, ‘You did not write me.’ Herewith I send you (this) tablet. The field will lose its moisture. Do not be negligent!”

26 95–100-bis are reports by the diviner Erib-Sin, who accompanied Mariote troops, probably the contingent of Hana led by Bahdi-Addu, on their march to Babylon in mid–ZL 9u (95 and 97 through 100-bis). According to 96, he was still, or again, with Mariote troops in Babylonia in V 13. Charpin rearranged the reports of the march through Suhum in “Sapiratum,” 351–52, and determined their original sequence to be 95, 97, 99, 98, and 100. See §34 and, for 96, §74.

26 95 [To] my lord ªspeakº! Your [servant] Erib-Sin (says), “A boy of Menihum arrived from Meptum, (saying), ‘The troops must cross to Sa Hiddan.’ Now 60 troops ªcrossed toº Sa Hiddan. [This my lord] must know.”

117. See Leiderer, 146.

Text 26 96 = Dossin

Translation

213

26 96 = Dossin (copy) and J. Nougayrol, “Rapports,” 227–29 To my lord speak! Your servant ªErib-Sinº (says), “The troops of my lord are well. After the second day of the month of Hibirtum (V), I made extispicies for the well-being of the troops (for a period) of a month of 30 days and 30 nights, and in my first set the lookout was in place. The path was in place. The palace gate was sound. The cleft was in place. ªThe two bases of the shepherdº were attached right and left. The finger was sound. The outgrowth was a (male) battle ax. 118 Lung and heart [were] ªsoundº. My upper parts were sound. “In my verification the outlook was in place. The path descended toward the seat of the left. The palace gate was sound. The cleft was in place. The two bases of the shepherd were pulled out on the right and attached on the left. On the left, he1 broke the finger. The outgrowth was a (female) battle ax. Lung, heart, and my upper parts were sound. My extispicies were sound for their days. “Further: They did not call me in with the diviners of Hammu-Rabi, and so I did not make an extispicy with them and so cannot write a report on their ªactionsº to my [lord].”2 1. 2.

“He” is the god who forms the liver. See the introduction to texts 1–190. The king had asked Erib-Sin to conduct extispicies with his colleagues from Babylon (27 161).

26 97 To my lord speak! Your servant ªErib-Sinº (says), “Prior to my leaving, my lord instructed me as follows: ‘Go to Hanat and perform extispicies in Hanat and (then) let the troops go to Sapiratum!’ ªAsº my lord instructed me, [I made] ªextispicies for Sapiratumº 119 [n lines] ªwroteº me. He (said), ‘Until [ ] to you, the troops must stay in ªHanatº.’ Now the troops are staying in Hanat. “Further: The day the troops arrived in Hanat, (it turned out that) 50 Hana quit since (passing) Hurban. They (said), ‘We have no travel provisions.’ And Yakun-Arari 120 spoke to them as follows: He (said), ‘I shall [ ] grain for [ ]. I shall [ ].’ ªThisº he said ªtoº [them. They] did not [ , and] ªthey departedº.”

26 98 To [my lord] ªspeakº! Your servant ªErib-Sinº (says), “The troops are well. I made extispicies for the well-being of the 2 hundred [troops] who are going with Meptum (for the 118. magsar. In the description of the verification, the text has magsarat. Nougayrol notes that the grammatical gender of ßibtum vacillates between masculine and feminine. This leads him to assume that magsarum is a verbal adjective “d’un type inédit” (JCS 21 [1967], 229 n. 62). The other references (quoted in Starr, 84) clearly show that the word was used as noun and that magsaru was, like “weapon,” a mark on the liver. In CT 20 39:20 magsarum it is explained as a “weapon of Samas.” AHw. suggests that it was a battle ax. The existence of the feminine byform magsartum is not unparalleled. Note that mapras and maprast forms may be used to designate the same thing—as, for example, the pair mayyalum mayyaltum. Yet the occurrence of both forms in the same text indicates a difference. Perhaps the diviners distinguished particular appearances of the battle ax with the two forms. Durand translates “chose énorme.” 119. Read according to Charpin (and Guichard) in “Sapiratum,” 351 n. 33. 120. He is probably the division commander who is listed as Yakun-Arru in 23 596 I 23u.

214

Translation

Text 26 99

route) from ªYabliyaº to Qaßa for 15 days, and my extispicies were sound. The intestines were bloated in my verification. Dada [made extispicies] for the well-being of 2 hundred ªtroopsº1 for [n lines]. [In] his ªverification the stomachº was bruised (to look) like a . . . 121 on the right. I baked those extispicies2 and sealed them in a box and sent (it) to my lord.” 1. 2.

This should be a different group of soldiers. There would have been no reason to duplicate the sound extispicies of Erib-Sin. See the introduction to 26 1–190.

26 99 To my lord speak! Your servant Erib-Sin (says), “Asqudum1 instructed me as follows: He (said), ‘Have ªextispiciesº done for 5 days for the well-being of [ ]!’ I arrived [in]. . . . 122 [And I made the extispicies for] ªthe well-beingº of the city for 5 days. ªMy extispiciesº [circa 9 lines].” 1.

This cannot be the diviner, because he died before this letter was written. See Durand, 26/1, 77– 78. I believe that the present Asqudum was the servant of Meptum. See the comment to 26 8.

26 100 To my lord speak! Your [servant] Erib-Sin (says), “[n lines]. This I ªsaid to himº, and he (said), ‘You stay over here a month of 30 days.’ I (said), ‘I fear my lord. I will not stay.’ This I said to him. ªWithoutº his . . . 123 [I ] my donkey, [and] I ªwanderedº [ ] half a mile [ ].”

26 100-bis = J. Nougayrol, “Rapports,” 229–32 To my lord speak! Your servant Erib-Sin (says), “The troops of my lord are well. About the issue of securing the well-being of ªthe troops on whichº my lord instructed me: [I made (extispicies) with] a white ram in the city of Halhala ªbelow Sippirº, [and] I made extispicies for the well-being of the troops, and in my ªfirstº set the outlook was in place. ªThe pathº [ ]. The seat of the left was notched in two places. The palace gate [ ]. The mystery was in place. A weapon was in place in the locality of the cleft, and it ªwas looking atº the duct of the shepherd. The two bases of the shepherd were torn off 124 at the duct and attached at the top. On the left they were not firm. The shepherd had dropped in the stronghold of the left.1 On the left there was a notch. 125 The strike of the face of the enemy was in place. The ªdropº [of the chair] was folded. The finger was [ ] to the palace. The lungs [9 lines, con121. hudussum. AHw. “eine Altersklasse?”; the word is attested as the governing noun of meseru “belt.” Durand proposes identification with hudus[tu], which designates a frog made of lapis-lazuli. An ominous hudussum on a stomach is also mentioned in 26 109. 122. The last sign with which the place-name is written is [ti]m, according to Durand’s transliteration. 123. ta-li-su. Durand derives the word from talalum and suggests the translation “son aide.” 124. Durand reads pa-ar-d[a] and translates “inquiétantes.” See 26 155f. I expect a term describing the liver and read pa-ar-†[á]. 125. pi†rum. Durand translates “fente”; Leiderer, “Einkerbung.” The pi†rum is typically found on the gall bladder.

Text 26 101

Translation

215

taining the end of the first set and the beginning of the verification] on the left of the shepherd [ ] the drop of the chair [ ] a cleft of the outgrowth was in place. The ªlungº [ ]. upper parts were sound. [My] ªextispiciesº [were sound]. I turned around and made a second round as follows: ‘If [the troops], whom he dispatched to Hammu-Rabi, (arrive), will Hammu-Rabi not catch, not kill, not cause to kill, not detain for evil or peaceful intentions ªthoseº troops? Will those who went out through the gate of Mari alive enter the gate of Mari alive?’ I made the extispicies, and in my first set the outlook was in place. The path was in place. The palace gate was sound. The mystery was in place. The cleft was looking toward [ ] of the palette. The two bases of the shepherd were ªattachedº on the right [and on the left]. The strike of the face of the enemy was in place. [ ] The left of the finger was broken. The outgrowth [was ]. My upper parts were ªsoundº. [ ] In my verification [the outlook ]. The path was ªsoundº. [ ]. The seat of the ªleftº [ ]. The palace gate [ . The two bases of the shepherd] were torn on the right [and on the left]. On the left of [ ] was elongated. The strike of the face of the enemy [ ]. The drop of ªthe chairº was in place. The finger was sound. The outgrowth had collapsed. The lungs were sound. The heart was sound. My upper parts were sound. My extispicies were sound. [ ] of my lord to his troops [ ].” 1.

Leiderer, Abb. 51, illustrates a gall bladder that might be described as “dropped.”

26 101–7. Hali-Hadun of 101–4 and 107 is a diviner; Hali-Hadun of 105 and 106 a commander of the guard of the city gate of Mari.

26 101 To [our] lord [speak]! ªYourº servants] ªHali-Hadunº and Ilsu-Naßir (say), “We listened to the tablet that our lord sent us and paid close attention to the text of the tablet of our lord. We presented that tablet to Ibal-Pi-El and spoke to him as follows: We (said), ‘Once you do not give us lambs, we cannot make the monthly extispicies for the well-being of the troops. Now, what shall we write to the king for consolation?’ These things we told him, and he did not listen to us. But we will not neglect the well-being of the troops. We will do what is necessary for the well-being of the troops of our lord. Our lord must write Ibal-Pi-El, and they must give us lambs, and we shall write ªmonthlyº (about) the well-being of the troops ªtoº our ªlordº. [6 lines] Ibal-Pi-El turned us away. We are not present in his private council.1 We do not enter the palace with him. He has forgotten about us, and we are being turned away from (our) seat (at the royal table) like some division commander. My lord must assign (us) our duty 126 and send a tablet to him (Ibal-Pi-El). He (Ibal-Pi-El) must not turn us away.” 1.

Durand notes that the private council of Hammu-Rabi of Babylon must be meant. The third person of the preceding and succeeding statements is Ibal-Pi-El, creating the impression that Ibal-PiEl had a private council of his own. It is not documented elsewhere.

126. isiktani lisikam. Durand, “doit nous fixer ce qu’il nous revient de faire.” See also 26/1, 13 n. 35. The haruspices have their assignments already. They wanted the king to spell out their privileges to Ibal-Pi-El, possibly in the form of a reassignment.

216

Translation

Text 26 102

26 102 A comparison of this letter with 26 103 shows that 26 102 was sent by Hali-Hadun and Inib-Samas to Zimri-Lim.

“[n lines] ªweº devised [extispicies for] the well-being of Situllum, Assur, 127 Andarig, Kurda, and the banks of the Euphrates and for the nonseizure [of ] 128 Subat-Enlil with the diviners of Hammu-Rabi, and our extispicies were sound. When we were ªmakingº the extispicies, one diviner of ªHammu-Rabiº was making one round with me. And one diviner was making the second round with Inib-Samas. And we were comparing our rounds. On the ªsecondº day, Inib-Samas made it for ªSitullumº and Assur. And I made it for ªSubat-Enlilº and the bank of ªthe Euphratesº. We presented our extispicies ªbefore Hammu-Rabiº, and the diviners, [his] servants, would not make their statements. And his face was turned toward us. He (said), ‘Speak!’ We answered him as follows: We (said), ‘Let your servants, the diviners, our great brothers speak.’ They rose and (said), ‘You speak!’ Since they were unwilling, we spoke as follows: We (said), ‘All the cities for which we made extispicies ª 129º. The enemy will not reach Subat-Enlil. Zimri-Lim will seize that city of Subat-Enlil. ªThe enemyº [n lines].’ ”

26 103 To [my] lord speak! Your servant ªIbal-Pi-Elº (says), “Hammu-Rabi sent ªHali-Hadun] and Inib-Samas, the servants of my lord, to [his diviners], and they, ªwithº his own, devised ªextispiciesº for the well-being of the bank of ªthe Euphrates, Kurda, Andarigº, [Situllum], Ekallatum, Assur, ª4 linesº [7 lines] we ªdevisedº [ , and we] (said), ‘Without ªclodº [ ]. And he1 answered [us/me] as follows: He (said), “This is ªhowº [we do] our round. We have ªextispiciesº made without clod.”2 This [he] ªsaidº [to us].’ This Hali-Hadun and Inib-Samas said to me. I had extispicies done for the well-being of the troops of my lord and [ ] until the end of ªthisº month, and the extispicies [were sound, and] the troops may move from [their] position 2 double-hours, 3 double-hours ªdistanceº, up or else down, and they will be ªwellº.”3 1. 2. 3.

“He” must be one of the diviners from Babylon. The Mariotes used clods of soil to identify the city for which an extispicy was made to the divine agency answering the oracular question. See 26 153. Durand understands the statement about the troop movement as a quotation of the oracular question and translates it as an interrogative sentence. I understand it as a result of the extispicy.

26 104 In 26/2, 156, Charpin discusses the historical situation of this and related letters and suggests that the events reported in it may have constituted a factor in the final conflict between Babylon and Mari and

127. an.a.mùski. For the spelling here and in 26 103, see Guichard, NABU 1995 81. 128. a-na la ßa-ba-t[im sa]. Durand reads La-za-ba-t[imki ù]. Lazab/pat is a settlement in the vicinity of Subat-Enlil. The destruction of its fortifications is reported in 27 170. Both interpretations seem possible. My preference is based on the presence of the second “and.” Furthermore, Lazab/pat is not in the same league as the other cities. 129. Durand reads ni-p[u-s]u-x?. Instead of -x?, sa-al-ma “will be well” is expected.

Text 26 105

Translation

217

should be dated to ZL 12u. Isar-Lim, Mutu-Hadqim, and Rim-Addu were Hammu-Rabi’s influential counselors already by ZL 9u, when 2 23 was written (see my note, NABU 2000 35). So 26 104 may have been written as early as that date.

To my lord speak! Your servant Ibal-Pi-El (says), “Isar-Lim, Mutu-Hadqim and RimAddu, servants of Isme-Dagan, pushed aside the locals and turned into members of the private council of Hammu-Rabi. 130 He (Hammu-Rabi) does not go beyond (word of) their mouth. When Hali-Hadun and Inib-Samas made extispicies, ªonce, twiceº, and when they ª 131º the extispicies, Isar-Lim, Mutu-Hadqim, and Rim-Addu were not stepping aside. They remained standing and were listening to the text of the extispicies. Besides the secret of a diviner, what other secret is there? After all, his (Hammu-Rabi’s) own servants do not hear the secret of a diviner. And they (Isar-Lim etc.) hear (it)? Besides [15 lines] wholeheartedly with my lord [ ]. Those men and Isme-Dagan ªplaced ungoodº words ªbetween HammuRabiº and [my lord]. I thought [in] my ªheartº about the ªmattersº that I ªsawº and ªwroteº my lord. My lord must listen to this tablet of mine, [and] my lord must be aware of this matter in his heart for whenever (it might become an issue)!”

26 105 [To] our [lord speak]! Your servants ªHali-Hadunº and Kaªalan (say), “The city of Mari, the houses of the gods, the palace and the prisons are ªwellº. “Further: The day [we] sent this tablet to our lord, the Babylonian messenger Mannanum and his Qa†anean companion, ªwhoº passed (on the way) to Babylon, rented a boat and loaded 30 jars of wine and 10 boards of boxwood, their visitation gift, and both of them ªtogetherº pushed off their ªboatº.”

26 106 = Guichard, “Présages,” 321–23 To [our] ªlord speakº! Your servants Hali-Hadun and Kaªalan (say), “For the city of Mari, the palace, the houses of the gods, the prisons and our guards, all is well. “Two lions crouched at the . . . 132 of Abullatum [in] the early part of the night. The ªcultivatorsº of Abullatum [and] troops from here and there ªassembledº, 133 but they [could 130. “Locals” translates belu matim, literally, “lords of the land”; and “members of the private council” translates belu piristim, literally, “lords of the private council.” When belum serves as governing noun for genitive constructions, it has the usual meaning “lord,” as in bel bitim “lord of a house(hold),” or it designates a variety of relationships between a person and a matter. For example, bel arnim “lord of crime” = criminal; bel lemuttim “lord of evil” = adversary; bel bilatim “lord of taxes” = taxpayer; bel marßatim “lord of painful things” = victim (see n. 614 to 26 434). Durand uses the first alternative for his translation “Seigneurs du Pays” and “Seigneurs du conseil”; I use the second. 131. Durand, ú-[te-r]u-ú “rapportèrent.” 132. kutlum. CAD “fence”; AHw. “etwa Seitenwand.” Note that kutlum is close to kutallum = a - g a = porch. For the latter, see my article “The Gates of Eninnu,” JCS 48 (1996), 18. Probably kutlum designates a feature of the outside of the wall close to the city gate. kutlatum in 27 116 is the plural form. There it designates a feature outside “central Qa††unan.” Durand translates it “Les Haies.” 133. Durand restores [iß-ßu-r]u-ma “montait la garde.” I restore [ip-hu-r]u.

218

Translation

Text 26 107

not] chase them off. We dispatched [ ]. These ªHanaº killed [1 lion. And 1] ªlionº was chased off. [Now], herewith we dispatch Zikri-Lim [of the division of ] Napsi-Pi-El, who killed that lion, to our lord.”1 1.

Zikri-Lim was dispatched to collect his reward from the king. Letter 25 143 = Guichard, “Présages,” 326, registers the expenditure of a silver ring for another Hana “who killed a lion.”

26 107 ªTo Daris-Libur speak! Your sister Zunana (says), “Ifº you are [truly] my brother and love me, [ ] about [the fact that no] food rations ªwere receivedº. 3 tracts of [grain . . . n lines] The diviner Hali-Hadun made an opening into his field for catching fish, 134 (saying), ‘The king directed me.’ Now that field has been closed for some time. “If you are really my brother and love me, they must not take advantage of my boys.” Because the central part is missing, it is not easy to make sense of the letter as a whole. Perhaps Zunana complained of loss of grain on her field because Hali-Hadun took her allotment of irrigation water when he flooded his field in order to capture fish.

26 108 and 108-bis are letters by the diviner Ibal-Pi-El from the time of YasmahAddu.

26 108 To my lord (Yasmah-Addu) speak! Your servant Ibal-Pi-El (says), “ª4 linesº.1 I am well. I ªstroveº to protect myself in a boat. The god of my lord may protect me! As my lord wrote me, I protect myself. I have established a great name for my lord through the message of divination.” 1.

The lines express the good wishes of the writer. They are restored by Durand.

26 108-bis [To my lord (Yasmah-Addu)] ªspeakº! Your servant Ibal-Pi-El (says), “Prior to my leaving, 135 [I spoke] to my lord about retaining ªApil-Ilisu as followsº: I (said), ‘Since the trip of my lord [ ], Apil-Ilisu must [ ].’ My ªlord answeredº [me] as follows: ‘Who will be with me?’ I (said), ‘Sin-Remenni is staying in Kahat. Let him attend to my lord!’ As my lord entered ª4 linesº. I saw [ ], and I have dispatched the physician Hab[ ] to him (SinRemenni) yesterday, (saying), ‘My donkeys were not readily available.’ ªNowº he (SinRemenni) departed. [Let] him attend to my lord! And if there is an omen . . . , 136 as my lord wrote me (there might be), my lord must send me (it), and I shall ªseeº.”

134. as-sum k u 6.há bá-ri. For PA = bá, see Durand, “Trois études,” 175. 135. i-na pa-ni wa-ªßi-timº may be a conflation of the formulas ina panitim “some time ago” and ina pani waßiya “prior to my leaving.” Or -tim is simply error for -ia. 136. ú ba ru um. Durand translates “ou un devin.” The sign ù is used one line earlier for u “and.” u “and” and u “or” were not usually differentiated in writing.

Text 26 109

Translation

219

I am unable to give a meaningful translation for this letter. An overall interpretation is given by Durand in 26/1, 34. I suspect that Ibal-Pi-El bungled the assignment of providing a diviner who would accompany the king on a trip/campaign and that he used a number of excuses to cover it up.

26 109 To Samas-In-Matim speak! Your son Ibbi-Amurru (says), “In the extispicy of an offering of a commoner, the heart the lung were bruised left and right, and inside the heart the walls came near the top of the heart, and it (the heart) was bruised with a dark spot like a hudussum.1 Herewith I have sent you those extispicies. Pay close attention to them!” 1.

A hudussum on a stomach is mentioned in 26 98.

26 110 [To my lord] ªspeakº! Your servant ªInib-Samasº (says), “My extispicies, which were for the well-being of the city of Nasir, were ªsoundº. I made (them) for 20 days, 30 days,1 and they were sound. My lord must pay attention to them. I ªalertedº Ibal-pi-El about the guard of the wall. [ ] I made them [for the well-being] of ªMulhanº [and] ªNasirº,2 and [ ] a voice [ ] for 30 days [7 lines]. “ 1.

2.

Normally a definite period of validity is given, most often a month of 30 days. Durand translates “pour 20 (et) 30 jours.” Two sets of extispicies, one for 20 days, and another for the following 30 days, are without parallel and seem illogical. Mari diction was fond of describing estimates by giving a range of ascending numbers: “about once, twice, ten times” (26 316), and so on. Inib-Samas may have formulated the period of validity of his oracular query in this manner. No harm was done because the validity of 30 days included that of 20 days. Nasir was apparently located in the vicinity of Mulhan. It was the central place (rebitum) of the clans of Suhum (Charpin, NABU 1991 112), which agrees with the central geographical location of the area of Mulhan within Suhum. Charpin assumes that it was identical with Nasir (23 590), more commonly spelled Nisir, in the district of Mari.

26 111 = 2 139 = LAPO 18 960 To my lord speak! Your servant Mukannisum (says), “About the message of Addu on which my lord instructed me—I dug out 137 the message on which my lord instructed me for the diviners Inib-Samas and Ilsu-Naßir, and they treated 4 lambs, and I sent ªtheirº extispicies to my lord. My lord must write me a full report.1 “Herewith I have dispatched 6 silver-plated bronze knives to my lord, 3 large axes, 1 ax of 1 1/2 pounds, 1 large agasilikku ax, [n] piercers 138 of one pound, [n] engraving tools of 10 shekels, [1] drawing tool of bronze, [n] bronze pegs of 5 pounds, their ªweightº being 21 1/3 pounds of bronze [in total], 1 linen strap . . . , 139 [ ] linen straps, [ ] bed, [ ].” 137. appul. Durand, “je l’ai fait investiguer,” with explanatory notes in 26 and LAPO. napalum typically has a concrete object. Accordingly, I understand †emum here as message written on a tablet that was filed and searched by Mukannisum. 138. naqqabu. Durand translates “hammers.” 139. nalbasu. Durand, 21, 420 n. 110, judged the conventional translation “coats” to be a product of etymological fantasy. Here is another such product: “coat-hangers?”

220 1.

Translation

Text 26 112

The topic of the requested report is unclear. Perhaps Mukannisum expected further queries in the same matter and needed detailed information to “dig up” more documents.

26 112–18 and 121–22 are letters by, and 123 and 125 are letters about the diviner Ishi-Addu; 126–29 are letters by a military officer of that name. The name of the sender of 120 has Ishi- as the first element, which is common. If he was in fact Ishi[Addu], he would have been the military officer. The theater of operations in this letter is the Balih area, while that of letters 126–29 is the northern plains.

26 112 See 26 122, which may concern the same group of travelers.

To my lord speak! Your servant Ishi-Addu (says), “According to the letter of my lord, I made extispicies for letting the female astalû singers move on, and they have been dropped.1 They are not sound. And I made (extispicies) for Yasmah-Addu and Usaris-Hetil. They are sound. I dispatched them. The day I send this tablet of mine to my lord, the cattle, sheep, and donkey mares reached Imar.2 They are well.” 1. 2.

Durand suggests that the diviner, having made repeated extispicies, gave up on obtaining a clear oracle. According to Durand, “Imar,” 75, the movement of the animals would constitute “la transhumance d’un grande chef nomade.” The animals may have been merchandise or gifts. See pp. 33–34.

26 113 = Nougayrol, “Rapports,” 226–27 To my lord speak! Your servant Ishi-Addu (says), “I saw the extispicy of the lamb of a diviner which was (later) burnt before ªthe godº. In that extispicy the ªoutlookº [was in place] in the locality of the truth. 140 The path was in place, and [ ]. The mystery [ ] the reinforcement. 141 The palace gate was unblemished. A weapon was in place on the duct of the shepherd and ªfollowedº the shepherd. The two bases of the shepherd were incised on the ªright, tornº on the left. ªThe strongholdº of the left was . . . 142 notched. The right of the finger was ªbruisedº. The left of the finger was ªattachedº. The outgrowth was a [(male/ female)] ªbattle-axº. The lungs were ªsoundº. [The heart ] an obstruction. The upper sides were ªsoundº.”

140. ina qaqqar kittim. The genitive construction renders Durand’s translation “à l’endroit normal” unlikely. See Leiderer 208, qaqqar martim “locality of the gall bladder,” and 26 100-bis ina qaqqar sulmi “in the locality of the cleft.” These parallels point to kittum “truth” as liver part. 141. The diviner checked the liver for the presence of the reinforcement (ligamentum teres hepatis) and would then state that it had or did not have reinforcement (dananam isu / ul isu), subintelligating the liver as subject of his statement (see, e.g., Leiderer 185). Nougayrol restored accordingly ú-u[l i-su?]. But here the mystery (puzrum) is the subject of the sentence. Interaction between mystery and reinforcement is conceivable as these parts are adjacent. 142. za-aG-Ki?-[x].

Text 26 114

Translation

221

26 114 To my lord speak! Your servant Ishi-Addu (says), “ªDadi-Hadnuº came and entrusted this ªtravel groupº [to] his pasture-chief. I made ªextispiciesº and touched the forehead of the pasture-chief,1 and my extispicies were sound. And I (herewith) send this tablet of mine to my lord. I have dispatched the travel group. It has gone out.” 1.

The touch identified the person for the divinity who would provide the oracle. See also 26 174 and Durand 26/1, 39. In 26 224, the touch of a sacrificial animal by the offerer identified the offerer for the divinity receiving the offering when the offerer could not be physically present. The function of touching the forehead in 26 205 is different and unclear.

26 115 To my lord speak! Your servant Ishi-Addu (says), “My lord instructed me about making ªextispiciesº prior to his departure as follows: ‘Do your former round again and make (another) extispicy!’ This instruction my lord gave me. Now, according to the instruction that my lord gave me, [ ] ªaboutº the slave who [ ] the ªslave-mark, shackleº [and fetter] [n lines]. ‘If [ ] ªshackleº [ ] a slave, may he be of the palace, may he be of ªa commonerº, his slave-mark will be shaved, his shackle will be broken, his fetter will be loosened, and he then walks about inside the city—are they 143 indeed agreeable?’ This I did.1 The god agreed to this. I now have sent those extispicies to my lord. My lord must ªseeº those extispicies.” 1.

The sentence “This I did” indicates that the preceding passage is the formulation of an oracular question. It seems to be concerned with the propriety of a former slave walking about in a city, presumably the city where he was slave.

26 116 To my lord speak! Your servant Ishi-Addu (says), “[n lines] on the left side the enlarged part 144 was bruised and the constricted part on the left was raised. The troops are well. The camp is ªwellº.”

26 117 [To] my lord ªspeakº! Your servant Ishi-Addu (says), “I made extispicies on seizing the city1 for (the next) 3 days, and my ªextispiciesº were sound. The stomach was bruised on the left side. [And] the intestines were bloated. My ªextispiciesº included incidents of catching. My lord will seize the city ªin a hardº battle. ª º Hali-Hadu made ªextispicies forº the well-being of the troops [and] the camp, and his ªextispicies were sound. The camp is wellº [and] ªthe troopsº are well.” 1.

Probably Ahuna; see 26 120.

143. The feminine plural reference of the stative magra “are agreeable” probably refers to the implied awatum “matters” or annêtum “these (things).” 144. †apasum. See Durand’s detailed discussion of the term.

222

Translation

Text 26 118

26 118 To my lord speak! Your servant Ishi-Addu (says), “I ªmadeº the extispicies of this month and the coming (month) until its completion for the well-being of Íuprum, and [5 lines] I have sent my lord. My extispicies are sound for the days for which I made them.”

26 119 [To my lord] speak! Your servant ªBahdi-Limº (says), “[About what my lord] ªwroteº me—[I], ªYasim-Sumuº,1 [Kibri-Dagan], and Yaqqim-Addu [consulted], and our counsel is: [if my lord] ªdepartsº, my lord must go among the shock troops, chariots, and gear. And if my lord goes: when my lord arrives before the troops and prays for 145 the troops and then instructs an agent and dispatches (him), it is good. Now, the first day the troops will stay overnight in Saggaratum. The second day ªthe troopsº will proceed from Saggaratum and stay overnight [at] the bridge. My lord must offer front of Dagan, and may the god give sound extispicies to my lord! If the god answers with yes to my lord’s going on expedition, my lord will arrive here, and my lord will go among the shock troops, chariots, and gear. And if my lord goes on campaign, my lord will arrive before the troops and pray [for] ªthe troopsº. And my lord will instruct [an agent] and [dispatch (him). This] is the counsel which we, [YasimSumu], ªKibri-Daganº, [Yaqqim-Addu, and I], reached in consultation.2 [6 lines].” 1. 2.

Maul, “Sparmassnahme,” 761 n.s that Yasim-Sumu participated in the planning of a campaign as manager of the provisions of the troops. The wording of the letter is awkward and repetitive. Bahdi-Lim wants to get the following points across: the king should (1) offer to Dagan, probably in Terqa, in order to secure the god’s support; (2) join the troops “at the bridge,” one day’s march from Saggaratum; (3) dispatch an agent, who would presumably organize things ahead of the king’s location (see 26 190 for a similar mission of an agent); and (4) march among the shock troops for added protection.

26 120 To my lord [speak! Your servant] ªIshi-Addu (says), “Yaqqim-Adduº [n lines] And according to ªthe letterº of Yaqqim-Addu, which he wrote me, I sent ªthisº tablet of mine in light of the sound extispicies to my lord. I dispatched the troops of my lord to Ahuna. My lord [n lines].”

26 121 To my lord ªspeakº! [Your] ªservantº Ishi-Addu (says), “About the extispicies that ª 146º from ª 147º to my lord, my lord instructed me as follows: ‘Go ªtoº Dur-Yahdun-Lim! ªVerifyº the [exstispicies on] the Qa†aneans and ªthe Zalmaqeansº! About ªthe sons of Yaminaº (perform extispicies as follows): “If, when Zimri-Lim and [his troops] ªset outº on the road, [ ] will the sons of Yamina, ªtogether withº their troops and [ ], be united?1 ªWill they lay 145. ikarrabu. Durand translates “salutes.” 146. Durand restores il-[li-ka-nim] “sont arrivés.” 147. Durand restores ka-r[a-si-im] “depuis le camp.”

Text 26 122

26 122

Translation

223

siegeº to [Dur-Yahdun-Lim] and seize (it) by (force of) ªarmsº or else by ªdoingº [ ]?’ ” This omen [ ] these omens [ ] not [ ] aspirations [ ] ªsound. Perhaps the Qa†aneans, perhaps the Zalmaqeansº [ ] ªtheseº instructions [ ] of my heart [ ] ªungoodº omens [n lines].” 1.

The Yamina were divided into several tribal groups and represented a serious danger when they were united.

26 122 = 2 134 = LAPO 18 957 The journey of the chief musician Warad-Ilisu is known from other texts that are published by Durand in FM 7, 29–58. See also 26 163. The “girls” may be the astalû singers of 26 112.

To my lord speak! Your servant Ishi-Addu (says), “I and Ibbi-Amurru collaborated 148 on the voyage of Warad-Ilisu to the left bank, and our extispicies were not sound. I have sent those extispicies to my lord. My lord must pay close attention to those extispicies. Now, if my lord says (so), I ªshallº make (extispicies) for the embarkation of the girls on boats. Otherwise my lord can dispatch me an escort detail that will bring (them) as far as Imar. Let my lord dispatch (them), and I shall act. My lord must write to me, so or not ªsoº.”

26 123 To my lord speak! Your servant Sammetar (says), “I had extispicies done for the wellbeing of the troops and the camp, and herewith I send those extispicies to my lord. And herewith the tablet of Ishi-Addu containing (description of) the signs of those extispicies goes to my lord.1 “Further: As long as my lord is staying yonder, 149 he may as well take a close look at the troops.” 1.

The wording is awkward. I assume that the extispicies, the tablet describing them, and the present text, which is the cover letter, went out in the same delivery.

26 125 “[more than 14 lines] corpse ªofº [ ]. ªTheyº must get the physician ªMeranumº [here]. He must get here ªquicklyº. And [my lord] must dispatch me ªthe divinerº Ishi-Addu ªwithº him, and [ ] Ishi-Addu can make the extispicy, and ªMeranumº can dress (the wounds). [My lord must] give strict orders, and they must get [those] ªmenº here quickly [by] ªsmallboatº or else by chariot. Some time ago, [n lines].”

26 126 See 26 347 for the third paragraph.

To [my] lord speak! Your servant Ishi-Addu (says), “My lord assigned me to Haya-Sumu. And Haya-Sumu is not yet at ease with the interior of his land and did not assign (his own) 148. nustamhir. Durand translates “nous avons comparé nos résultats.” In comment a in LAPO, he lists other translations. 149. anummanum, a rare word.

224

Translation

Text 26 127

troops to the gate of his palace1 and worries all the time. Now (things) go up and down 150 for the troops whom my lord dispatched with me. Now, of the 50 troops whom my lord dispatched, the 34 men who are staying with me are in receipt of clothes. Their bread and their ªmalt flourº is contracted for. They do not go hungry. 16 men are on furlough. ªThisº my lord must know. “[And about] the ungentlemanlike ªwordsº [of ] ªIbal-Pi-Elº [against] ªNur-Sinº, (namely), ‘ªTogether withº my people [and] household goods [ ] they [must] ªescortº me [to ]’ [ ], and I entrusted him to the hand of [ ], together with his people [and his] ªhousehold goodsº. He will ªarriveº before my ªlordº the [n]th day ªafterº this tablet of mine. “And further: Zakura-Abu, Ibal-Addu, Yamut-Lim and Tamarzi assembled (and came) to Sub-Ram, and they (said), ‘We will not go to Sammetar. And we could not care less about Sammetar. You will take our lead and take ªusº along to ªHaya-Sumuº.’ The day I sent this tablet of mine to my lord, ªHaya-Sumuº [ ] to Bunu-Estar [2 lines].” 1.

The opposite is expected. Perhaps Haya-Sumu did not trust his own soldiers to guard him and used soldiers of the Mariote garrison instead.

26 127 To my lord speak! Your ªservantº Ishi-Addu (says), “My ªlord sentº me to take the lead of Sadu-Sarrum. The day I arrived in the land of Tadum, he sent word because of his visitation gift. And he spoke to me as follows: ‘Hold off three days until my meeting (with Sarraya) approaches!’ On the third day, Belis-Tikal, the vizier of Sarraya, came to Sadu-Sarrum. And he spoke as follows: ‘Sarraya (says), “Come, and we shall meet! And if you do not come, I shall come, and we shall meet.” This he (Sarraya) wrote him (Sadu-Sarrum) so.’ I am staying now until I hear his (Sadu-Sarrum’s further) message. Once I obtain confirmation of (these) matters from Sarraya and Sadu-Sarrum, I will go to my lord.” The letter is written in a difficult style. There are two possible translations of the first statement of IshiAddu. (1) “The day I arrived, he sent word to the land of Tadum because of his visitation gift.” (2) “The day I arrived in the land of Tadum, he sent (emissaries) because of his visitation gift.” Durand chooses the first translation and arrives at the following scenario: when Ishi-Addu arrived in Azuhinum, the royal capital of Sadu-Sarrum, his mission was delayed first by Sadu-Sarrum’s wish to receive gifts due him from the land of Tadum and second by the plan of a meeting with Sarraya, king of Razama. I believe that the “visitation gift” was the gift that Sadu-Sarrum planned to take with him to Mari. I also believe that the timing of the expected arrival of the presentation gift and the actual arrival of the vizier of Sarraya is not coincidental. But why would the availability of the presentation gift be linked to a meeting between Sadu-Sarrum and Sarraya, the kings of Azuhinum and Razama, respectively? I assume that Azuhinum was a vassal of Razama, that the state visit of the vassal king in Mari had to be coordinated with his suzerain, and that the nature of the visitation gift needed to be determined in the course of this coordination. Thus, I arrive at the following scenario: When Ishi-Addu arrived in the land of Tadum on his way to Azuhinum, he received a message from Sadu-Sarrum, telling him to wait three days, at which time the presentation gift would be available. Sadu-Sarrum had sent a messenger to Sarraya about the gift. Sarraya sent his vizier to Azuhinum to arrange a meeting with Sadu-Sarrum. At this point, Ishi-Addu sent the present letter, informing Zimri-Lim that he would have to wait until Sarraya and Sadu-Sarrum had met. I take it that his last statement, “I will go to my lord,” implies that he planned to escort Sadu-Sarrum.

150. The verbal forms indicate a feminine plural subject. The phrase seems to be an idiom.

Text 26 128

Translation

225

26 128 To my lord speak! Your ªservantº Ishi-Addu (says), “Qarni-Lim and ªSarrayaº entered Mardaman. Before Qarni-Lim entered, ªSarraya enteredº prior to him, ªandº Sarraya [ ] 3 hundred men and [n] women, [ ] Hadnum.1 ªLater, when Qarni-Limº had arrived (in Mardaman), they took (another) 1 thousand ªprisonersº and shared the 1 thousand prisoners between them. Qarni-Lim took 5 hundred. And Sarraya took 5 hundred. And [2 lines] and ªthe cityº [ ] is not ªstayingº. And 2 thousand ªTurukkeansº laid an ambush for them. This my lord must know.” 1.

Mardaman and Hadnum are also associated in 26 512.

26 129 To my lord speak! Your servant Ishi-Addu (says), “I guard the instruction of my lord according to what my lord instructed me on.1 “Further: My lord ªinstructedº [me] to thoroughly learn the news of the land. I kept ªwritingº (my lord) the news of the land. ªAccording toº what my lord himself perceived of them, [the kings (of Idamaraß)] did not act like enemies [and] ªagreementº has been established ªbetweenº them. [And] Haya-Sumu keeps writing them all the time as follows: He (says), ‘Since you did not dispatch 151 your troops to Sasiya, enlist your troops now 152 (and) come to me, and we shall go 153 either against the army or else against the cities of [the Turukkean], and ªtogetherº we shall ring the border area (with defenses).’ This ªHaya-Sumuº keeps writing them. And they are not in agreement (with him). This my lord must know.” 1.

In other words: “I follow the instruction of my lord to the letter.” The meaningless “further” in the following statement, the renewed introduction to the issue of the message after “further,” and the lack of information on current events indicate that Ishi-Addu felt it his duty to report without having much to say. This may be one reason for the awkward phrasing of the letter; another is an inept scribe.

26 130 = 1 59 = LAPO 18 943 To Yasmah-Addu speak! Your ªfatherº Samsi-Adad (says), “The boys, the lagu donkeys, ªandº his maid, (that is) ªof the divinerº Itur-Asdu, entrust to the hand of a boy of his and ªletº him depart!”

26 131 See Durand, “Espionnage,” 51.

To my lord speak! Your servant ªYatar-Adduº (says), “4 thousand ªgoodº troops, ªthe generals Hammu-Rabiº [and] Dada, [and] ªthe divinerº Kakka-Ruqqum, [3] riders of donkeys, are those in the lead of those troops. Three days ago (reckoned from) the day I sent this 151. The scribe writes †à-at-ru-da instead of ta-a†-ru-da. 152. The scribe sprinkles the affix -ma liberally throughout the letter. Here, he even adds it to inanna “here,” which is highly unusual. 153. The scribe confuses the precative and the cohortative, writing i li-il-li-ik for i ni-il-li-ik.

226

Translation

Text 26 132

tablet of mine to my lord, we set out from Babylon. ªOnº the fourth day (from today) ªthe troops will be close toº Hanat.1 My ªlord mustº take ªhis dispositionsº!” 1.

It is approximately 350 km from Babylon to Hanat. They were making a respectable 50 km a day.

26 132 See the next text.

[To] my lord (Yasmah-Addu) speak! Your [servant] ªNaram-Sinº (says), “Some time ago, I [and] Zikri-Hanat made an extispicy [about] ªplatingº the face of Nin-Biri, and I wrote [my] ªlordº a report on those extispicies. Now I did my round again and made an extispicy for plating her face with silver and gold, and ªthe extispiciesº were not sound.”

26 134 See the previous text and 26 294.

“[n lines] those men [ ] did not return. They must supply ªwhite alumº, black alum, and drill-emery as soon as possible. Further: The work [on the face] 154 of Nin-Biri is completely done. And some time ago, ªthey madeº extispicies about ªplatingº [her] face, and the extispicy was sound. And ªEressum-Matumº spoke to me [as follows: “ ] they plate [1 line] plate [with] silver [n lines].”

26 135 ªToº my lord (Yasmah-Addu) speak! Your servant Naram-Sin (says), “My lord assigned 50 dikes1 of field-area in that (the field area) of the palace to the silversmith Eressu-Matum. (Remainder not legible).” 1.

18 hectares. The large size of the assignment is remarkable and indicates that this silversmith was a man of high standing.

26 136 See 26 298.

To [my] ªlord (Yasmah-Addu) speakº! Your servant ªNaram-Sinº (says), “For the second time I made an extispicy about the illness of Beltum. It is not the hand of [ ], but the illness of ªBeltumº was a seizure.1 ªHeat ofº [n lines] is not ªfavorableº. I ªmadeº an extispicy, [and] they (the individual findings) ªwere mixedº. 1 bag and [ ]. Her illness is ªnotº [severe]. [She] ªwill liveº. The heart of [my] ªlordº need not ªbe concernedº.” 1.

The passage shows that “seizure” was not caused by the touch (hand) of a god but was believed to have a natural cause.

154. Durand restores si-pí-i[r alam] “le travail de la statue.” Note that images of divinities are not usually referred to as alam = ßalmu but designated with the name of the divinity alone.

Text 26 137

Translation

227

26 137 [To my] ªlordº (Yasmah-Addu) speak! Your servant Naram-Sin (says), “For the second time, I made extispicies for the messengers who go to Qa†anum, and they were not sound. And Laªum spoke to me as follows: ‘If the extispicies are not sound, you and the messengers, go to Terqa!1 [4 lines] I will write [to] my lord.’ ” 1.

Presumably Laªum advised him to take the messengers on the first leg of their trip to Qa†anum and repeat the extispicies in Terqa.

26 138 To [my] lord (Yasmah-Addu) speak! Your servant Mut-Bisir (says), “The diviner Naram-Sin is ªstayingº [in] Rapiqum. [4 lines] is suited to attend to my lord. Before my lord sends word, and [ ] ªhimº, my lord [must] quickly write, and [2 lines]. And let him attend to my lord!”

26 138-bis = 2 15 = LAPO 16 61 The first 29 lines are reedited by Durand under this number. For the remainder, see Jean’s edition in 2 15 and Durand’s translation in LAPO. See also M.6950 = 26/1, 247–48 = LAPO 16 62.

[To] ªYasmah-Addu speakº! Your brother Isme-Dagan (says), “About ªthe diviner Naram-Sin concerning whomº you wrote me—the king (Samsi-Adad) ªassigned himº to the district of Situllum. And you know that that district is a border region. ªNowº I have written the king as follows: ‘Naram-Sin [ ] for Yasmah-Addu. He (Yasmah-Addu) wrote me as follows: “Ibal-Pi-El [and ] 155 will ªassistº my lord.1 [If not] Naram-Sin, [who] is there who can serve me?” ªNowº [my father] must dispatch [another] diviner [to] Situllum!’ [I] ªwroteº [this] to the king. [ ], and [the district] of Situllum is border region. [And that] (region) ªcannotº be without diviner. “[When] the king assigned a diviner [to] that district, ªthe kingº wrote you about having towers carried. I am afraid you . . . , 156 and you are forgetting. Be sensible and have those towers carried to the place that the king mentioned to you.

155. Durand restores [“and his son”]. According to M.6950, a restoration “[and Zunan]” is also possible. 156. ina rapsatim ta-an-na-ZA-aQ-ma [ta]-ma-as-si; Durand proposes the reading -aq- in LAPO instead of Jean’s -az- and suggests the existence of a verb nazaqum B (u, or a/a). He assigns to it the phrase eqlum na-Zi-iK in 3 1:16 and 8:13, which he translates as “être en mauvaise condition.” This would fit well if eqlum meant “field,” but the context indicates that it means “area.” In both cases I read nasik “far flung.” Durand also assigns occurrences of the S-stem suzzuqum “causer beaucoup de tort” to nazaqum B, this time without reference. But since such meaning needs only slight modification to agree with the well-established meaning “to cause anger” of nazaqum (i/i), this S-stem cannot be used for establishing the meaning of nazaqum B. Von Soden, AHw. rapsu I 3, wanted to read tannassah and understood the phrase as an idiom. I also suspect an idiom, but I cannot identify the verb or the literal meaning.

228

Translation

Text 26 139

“And your servant Assur-Íululi wrote me about the doors, ‘They take ªthoseº doors to the house of Dagan.’2 Since when to the house of Dagan? Who says what? You know the palace of Kurda, [how] large its [ are. And] ªyouº know the vicinity of Kurda, ª7 linesº.” 1.

2.

Durand, 26/1, 239 n. 42, identifies “my lord” with Isme-Dagan, noting that Yasmah-Addu calls his brother “lord” in 1 113. I do not share this interpretation, believing that in 1 113 Yasmah-Addu distinguishes his double relationship to Samsi-Adad as son and servant and calls him accordingly “father” and “lord.” In the present case, “my lord” refers again to Samsi-Adad. The situation was as follows: Yasmah-Adad requested that his father lend him the diviner Naram-Sin. The father refused because he needed a diviner in Situllum. Yasmah-Addu wrote Isme-Dagan about it. IsmeDagan wrote the father, quoting Yasmah-Addu’s letter to him. In this letter Yasmah-Addu made the point that two diviners were serving the father and implied that one could be sent to Situllum. Villard, “Administrateurs,” 16–17 and n. 49, quotes a unique case where Yasmah-Addu addresses Isme-Dagan in the letter head as his lord. Villard points out that the contents of the letter show that it was written during the lifetime of Samsi-Adad, so that the unusual address cannot be related to the time when Isme-Dagan had succeeded to Samsi-Adad. Doors for Dagan are also mentioned in 26 215.

26 139–41 are letters from Nur-Addu. While the contents of 139 and 140 do not give the impression that a diviner is speaking, FM 2 51 spells it out. I would arrange the events mentioned and implied in the letters as follows: Nur-Addu comes before the king to complain about his employment in Qa††unan. The king “answers him forthrightly” and sends him back to Qa††unan, requesting him to transmit instructions to a certain Zikri-Addu. Nur-Addu returns. Governor Aksak-Magir does not clear up the problem of his employment and Zikri-Addu does not act on the royal instruction. Nur-Addu writes 139, threatening to leave his post. The king writes Aksak-Magir to do something about the employment of Nur-Addu. Aksak-Magir answers with 141, blaming his predecessor, Ilsu-Naßir. Nur-Addu follows up on the matter of the royal instructions to Zikri-Addu about employing border guards. Nothing had been done about it, and Nur-Addu explains at length in 140 about the damaging effect of Zikri-Addu’s negligence. At the same time the king and governor, Aksak-Magir, correspond about this problem, probably because of Nur-Addu’s insistence. In FM 2 51, Aksak-Magir reports that the border guards have at last been dispatched to their outposts. For Durand’s interpretation see “Administrateurs,” 84–85.

26 139 To my lord speak! Your servant Nur-Addu (says), “I went to my lord, and my lord answered me forthrightly. I arrived (in Qa††unan) and brought the tablet of my lord to ZikriAddu, and he could not care less. I and my people. . . . 157 My lord must write Aksak-Magir, and he (Aksak-Magir) must answer me forthrightly. (Then) I will not (be forced to) abandon the district of my lord and depart. Sir Zikri-Addu keeps acting for himself.”

157. x-ha-tim a-ta-na-mud; Durand reads x = pulx(lagabxes) and suggests “je vis dans la terreur” as a possible translation.

Text 26 140

Translation

229

26 140 To my lord speak! Your servant Nur-Addu (says), “My lord gave me ªinstructionsº for Zikri-Addu about guarding the district and [not] ªabandoningº the outposts. My lord ªinstructedº me as follows: ‘Do not neglect guarding the district and (guarding against) ªexpeditionsº of the enemy. And the Hanean Yahßib-El, together with his troops—employ them forthrightly (in exchange) for grain, and let them strengthen the district. And let the border guards depart (for their outposts).1 And they must not let the enemy pass freely through the interior of the land.’ My lord gave me this instruction for Zikri-Addu. Zikri-Addu does not care. And I placed the tablet of my lord in his hand, and he refused to answer. Yahßib-El (on the other hand), he (said), ‘I am hungry. I will depart for the river.’2 ªThusº he answered me, and I fell [to] the feet of Yahßib-El [and] his fellows, and ªthey listened to meº. I kept them (from going). Sir Zikri-Addu keeps answering them untoward things. He will make this district slip from the hand of my lord. My lord must write him ªstrict ordersº, and he (ZikriAddu) must answer persons forthrightly, and I shall [ ] this district for my lord. And fiend, ªenemyº, will not win out ªover this districtº. If my lord does not write me quickly, I will depart for my lord.” 1. 2.

The phrasing suggests that the border guards and Yahßib-El and his men were two different groups, but FM 2 51 shows that they were actually one and the same. Durand believes that Yahßib-El “was hungry” for pasture land. He may have been hungry for food. The river is the Euphrates. Letter 27 25 reports that commoners who were left without grain in the district of Qa††unan “went to the river.”

26 141 [To my lord speak! Your servant Aksak-Magir] (says), “My lord spoke about employing ªNur-Adduº [ ]. He (Nur-Addu) placed his gripe before me upon my arrival in Qa††unan. That man is (actually) not employed. My lord assigned his employment, and Ilsu-Naßir did not provide (it). I dispatched him (Nur-Addu) to ˇabatum on the spot and had (him) do an extispicy for the well-being of ªthe Hanaº and the border region. My lord must employ that ªmanº. “And they did not provide the 2 oxen that my lord mentioned.”

26 142 ªTo my lord speakº! Your servant ªSamas-In-Matimº (says), “I made ªextispiciesº for ª1º month of ª30 daysº for the left bank ªfrom Sarunaº up to Hidar1 (to make sure) that ªthe enemyº will not make an incursion. In my first set the hem was tied. And in my same first set, ªthe intestinesº were swollen. The stomach was bruised on the left. I verified (it), and in my verification the stomach was bruised on left and right. I have sent them (the extispicies), [and they] ªare soundº for their days. “And I made (extispicies) about the dream of Sammetar. That dream was one of dusk. It was ªnotº before his eyes.” 1.

The localities define the border of the district of Terqa on the east bank of the Euphrates. See my note, NABU 1996 14.

230

Translation

Text 26 143

26 143 To my lord speak! Your servant Sammetar (says), “The day Samas-In-Matim arrived, that day it rained, and he did not perform extispicies. The next day he made extispicies, and for the extispicies that he brought from Mari1 and (that were destined) for the well-being of the city of Terqa < >.2 And by now [he] ªmadeº the extispicies. I sent those to my lord.3 The city of Terqa, Dagan, and the district are well. The heart of my lord need not be concerned about a thing.” 1.

2. 3.

The word “extispicies” here designates the animals on which the extispicies were performed. Conversely, extispicies can be designated by the name of the animal from which they were taken, as, for example, 26 160: “I made 2 lambs as follows. . . .” The sentence is unfinished. The letter is not well written. It seems to be in response to an urgent need for extispicies to be performed in Terqa. Perhaps the animals came with the diviner so that there would be no loss of time in searching for suitable ones in Terqa. Urgency is also indicated by the fact that the governor felt it necessary to explain that the delay was due to a rainy day.

26 144 See comment 3 to 26 35.

[To my lord speak! Your servant Sammetar (says), “ ] made [extispicies]. Those ªextispiciesº were bad. ªRebellionº was repeatedly indicated. I have put the city gates on notice about the citizens of Rapiqum. The next day Samas-Ina-Matim made extispicies about evicting the citizens of Rapiqum from the city of Terqa and (said), ‘Evict the citizens of Rapiqum ªwhoº [are staying] ªinsideº Terqa, however many they ªareº, from ªthe cityº!’ I have evicted the citizens of ªRapiqum who were stayingº in Terqa, and I ªmadeº 158 another set of extispicies [for] the villages1 ªaboutº those troops2, and my lord must know ªthisº. “I am on good terms with the Larsaites.3 I mix sons of Simªal with those (of the Larsaites) who guard the city, and they guard ªthe cityº (together). “The grain of the palace in my district, all of it, is collected (and) put in storage. Dagan is well, [ ] is well. [2 lines] ªthisº silver [ ] ªwithº Habdu-Malik. Now [ ] to my lord.” 1. 2. 3.

Where the Rapiqeans stayed after their eviction from the city. “Those troops” must be the citizens of Rapiqum. The word “troops” is used as in 26 35. These should be the Larsaites who were drafted into the Babylonian army after the fall of Larsa to Hammu-Rabi and who were subsequently sent to Mari.

26 145 The royal administration leased agricultural land to higher-ranking servants, including diviners. Often the lease was granted by the king but not put into effect by the administration, and the land was not released.

To my lord ªspeakº! Your servant Samas-Inaya (says), “I met with my lord, and I did not tell my lord anything of my ill feelings, and they1 answered, ‘Outside!’ and so I departed. 158. epus “I made” is presumably erroneous for usepis “I caused to be made.” As Durand explains in his note on the letter, the writer must be the governor of Terqa, who was not a diviner.

Text 26 146

Translation

231

And I did not speak to my lord ªon my behalfº, and (as a result) I am not in possession of ªa fieldº. [And] they (the king’s staff) must instruct the ªexecutive officesº, 159 and they (the executives) must give me a ªfieldº. I must [not] go hungry. “Further: ªInº the district where I am staying they give me no diviner,2 no pigeons.3 As I ªstrainedº (to express) once, twice, to my lord, god forbid, a wrong will happen sooner or later. My lord must know. The district is well. Dir4 is well.” 1. 2. 3. 4.

Samas-Inaya was probably admitted to a royal audience and evicted before he could state his complaints. Samas-Inaya, who is a diviner himself, desires an assistant. Divination was often done by a pair of diviners. For use of birds in divination generally, see Starr, 60–63; for their use in Mari, Durand 26/1, 38. This is Dir on the Balih. See the next letter.

26 146 To my lord speak! Your servant Hamman (says), “My lord wrote me about the grain of Dur-Íabim.1 Upon my arrival I consequently assembled the citizens of Dir, and they harvested the grain of Dur-Íabim in one day. [And] 4 carts will do the transport in 15 days. I am not negligent. “Further: Samas-Inaya made an extispicy until the end of the month, and they (the individual oracular findings) were sound. Samas-Inaya complains daily about a field, (saying), ‘Release me (it)! I shall request a field from my lord.’ Upon hearing this tablet of mine, my lord must give Samas-Inaya a field. His household must not go hungry. The district is well. Dir is well.” 1.

In “Locusts,” 106, I suggested locating Dur-Íabim between Qa††unan and the Balih. The context here shows clearly that it was located in the vicinity of Dir. It could have been just what its name, “Fortress-of-the-Troops,” means, housing the troops that secured Dir and the agricultural land in its vicinity, including the granaries (see the next letter).

26 147 [To my lord] ªspeak! Yourº servant ªHammanº (says), “About the troops ªwhoº are with ªSub-Ramº1 concerning whom my lord wrote me, ‘Your troops quit; are the troops staying 160 with Sub-Ram?’—with the remaining troops I am rebuilding the (part of the) wall that has collapsed, concerning which I wrote my lord. 161 The heart of my lord need not be concerned 159. Durand understands [t]e-re-tim as extispicies. A good example of the fact that executives were instrumental in the distribution of land to royal officials is 27 108. 160. ßabum wa-as-bu-ú. Durand understands the verbal form as “subjonctive d’insistance.” I doubt the existence of such a form. It also would not account for the plene-writing here. ßabum can be construed as plural (ALM §69d and e), and the plene-writing shows that the clause is interrogative. As interrogative, the clause must be Zimri-Lim’s words. There is no explicit answer to the question. Instead, the answer is implied in the opening formula, “about the troops who are with Sub-Ram.” I assume that this is a case of awkward phrasing. The scribe of Hamman might have written: “About the troops concerning whom my lord wrote me, ‘. . . ,’ they are (in fact) with Sub-Ram.” 161. The sign -ia is missing after be-lí, and the verb form is indicative.

232

Translation

Text 26 148

about a thing. The district is well. Dir is well. The diviner (Samas-Inaya) gripes. [And about] the freeing 162 of a field, ªhe keeps worryingº. [ ] ªdivinerº [ ].” 1.

If the kings of Kirdahat and Susa by this name were different persons, the present Sub-Ram was probably the king of Kirdahat, because that city is closer to Dir on the Balih than Susa.

26 148 [To] my lord Zimri-Lim ªspeakº! Your ªservantº Yalªa-Addu (says), “I ªlistened toº the tablet that my lord sent me. Since you keep hurrying my trip to you, my lord must listen to this tablet of mine,1 and he must write to his father, ªYarim-Limº, as follows: ‘[I] ªkeep writingº to your servant Yalªa-Addu ªaboutº his coming down to me, and (he says), “I will not come down [without] (the consent) of my lord.” ªWriteº him and [let] him ªcomeº to me.’ Write your father these things, and [n lines. PN (said), ‘[n lines] we shall ªclose upº past matters. From this day on, I will establish ªgood relationsº between you and between ªyourº sons.’2 “Further: What . . . 163 your eyes for the oxen? Perhaps my lord made (words) in his heart as follows: ‘Once I give him plow oxen now, when he comes, what then? Once I dispatch him (later), he will make me give another.’3 Perhaps my lord decided on these things in his heart. He need ªnotº give me a thing when I come to my lord. ªDispatch YarimDaganº . . . 164 to [ ]. And I wrote to my lord that [ ]. My lord will see that ª º behind my mouth. 165 ªThere isº no servant who will prove stronger than [me].” 1. 2. 3.

The writer uses 2d and 3d person in referring to Zimri-Lim. It is unlikely that Yalªa-Addu would say this to Zimri-Lim, so it should be the end of quoted speech. I do not understand why Zimri-Lim would be obliged to provide Yalªa-Addu with another plow oxen.

26 149 [To] my lord Zimri-Lim ªspeak! Yourº [servant] Yalªa-Addu (says), “ªYarim-Daganº [n lines. ‘n lines ] for 1 pound of bronze, ªfor whichº I can raise a claim against you. I will weigh out 10 shekels of silver.’ “And about the corpse of Asqudum concerning which I wrote—did I myself go, and did I ªseeº the corpse? I ªheardº from those around me, ‘The corpse ªlies above Halabitº.’ ” 1 1.

Durand shows in 26/1, 77–78 that the corpse of Asqudum could not have been that of the diviner by that name.

162. ip†iri eqlim. Durand translates “prix de rachat du champ.” This meaning of ip†irum is well attested as the designation of ransom for prisoners of war. Here, the question is not about the sale of real estate but the release of a field (see the second paragraph of the previous letter) of crown land to a royal appointee. 163. id-da-as. Durand reads id-da-àß “pourquoi as-tu trouvé bon de me refuser.” The value àß of as is not established at Mari. 164. Durand translates ina qaqqadim kabtim “avec honneur.” 165. Durand restores warki piya [is-sa-a]n-ni-qú and translates “que j’honorerai mes promesses,” remarking that the expression seems to be a hapax.

Text 26 150

Translation

233

26 150 To my lord speak! Your [servant] Sammetar (says), “ªAfterº my (last) tablet that [I] sent ªmyº [lord], the cultivator Yanßibum ªarrivedº and spoke to me as follows: He (said), ‘YalªaAddu relayed ªtheirº [decision] to me. ªTheirº [kings], their administrators, [and] their mayors assembled [in] ªthe houseº of Annunitum.1 [ ] fathers [n lines. They (said), “n lines] surrounded, and we will come [indeed] to the rescue like one ªmanº. Indeed, we will do battle with him (Zimri-Lim). Indeed, together we will die and together we will live!” This was their decision. And Yalªa-Addu wrote me ªas followsº: He (said), “There was a hostile decision. I will send ªyouº [ ] on a tablet.” This ªYalªa-Adduº wrote me.’ ªNowº, I ªwriteº this news ªquicklyº to [my] lord.” 1.

Annunitum was venerated in particular by the Yamina. Accordingly, “their” refers to the Yamina.

26 151 ªToº my lord speak! Your [servant] Habduma-Dagan (says), “ªSumu-Haduº wrote me [about] the diviner Yalªa-Addu [as follows]: ‘Persuade him, and he must come ªand meetº with my lord.’ ªThis, Sumu-Hadu wroteº me. The diviner ªYalªa-Adduº [ , and] he came to Saggaratum and stayed with me. And I spoke to him as follows: I (said), ‘Go! Meet with my lord Zimri-Lim, and then he will clothe [you] in a garment!’ This I said to him. Now, herewith I have that man conducted to my lord. The 14th of the month of Kiskisum (XI) was in progress, when I sent my lord this tablet.” 166

26 152 To my ªlordº speak! Your servant Itur-Asdu (says), “The diviner Yamßi-Hadnu made extispicies for the well-being of the city of Mari and the prisons ªfrom thisº day until the end of ªthis month, andº his ªextispiciesº for the well-being of the prisons were ªbadº. He repeated (them) a second time, and his extispicies were sound until the 15th day. They did not include any cause for concern. As he went over his round one, two, three times, (he found that) a dispossession in the outback 167 was in place in his extispicies. Now my lord must give strict orders to the troops, and all of them must concern themselves with their guard (duties). And I will arrive before my lord the second day after this tablet of mine and watch closely my work detail at the start of its work assignment.”1 1.

That is to say, “when the workers start on their project.”

166. The translation follows Kupper, “Les différents moments de la journée,” in Mélanges Limet, 85, who suggests a “neutral” sense for nasahum “to elapse” and translates the formula, “au xe jour en cours.” 167. ne-ke-e-em-ti ßerim. Durand understands the phrase as the designation for a sign on the liver and translates “un ßêrum atrophié.” Sasson, NABU 1994 42, understands it as prediction and translates “stunting of the plain.” I believe that the diviner found a sign on the liver that indicated ne-ke-e-em-ti ßerim, and I translate nekemtum according to its literal meaning, “that which was taken away.” See already n. 114 to 26 87.

234

Translation

Text 26 153

26 153 [To my lord speak! Your] ªservantº [PN] (says), “Some time ago, my lord ªwroteº [me] for news from ªTuttulº. Before my lord ªwroteº, [my] tablets ªwent regularlyº all the time to ªHabduma-Daganº and Sumhu-Rabi.1 And I ªkeep sendingº my boys all the time to ªthe guardº (station) of. . . . 168 Now they made extispicies for the well-being of Tuttul, and YassiEl ªwrote downº the message of those extispicies place by place, 169 and he ªsentº [me] (it). Herewith I ªsendº my lord the tablet of Yassi-El containing the message of the extispicies that he sent me. And they brought a clod of Tuttul. One-half I kept with me for the purpose of having extispicies done, and herewith I have sent one-half to my lord. And I wrote about sending a clod of Zalpah, ªSerdaº, and Ahuna, but they did not yet bring (any). My boy ªquicklyº took the clod of Tuttul [and] ªdepartedº [7 lines].” 1.

They held positions in Tuttul during the time of Yasmah-Addu. Villard, “Administrateurs,” 90, characterized their careers as “strictly parallel.” They became governors of Saggaratum early in Zimri-Lim’s reign, Sumhu-Rabi following Habduma-Dagan in that position. Perhaps they continued their “parallel” work in Saggaratum during that time.

26 154 To our lord speak! Your servant Zikri-Hanat and Hali-Hadun (say), “I made extispicies for the well-being of Mari, and in my first set ªthe hemº was tied. The ªupper parts were soundº. In ªmyº verification ªthe intestines were bloatedº. The upper parts were ªsoundº. In my extispicies there ªwasº no . . . 170 weapon. My extispicies for the hand of . . . 171 were sound. We made reinforcements for the guard of the city and the prisons. My lord must see them (the extispicies), and (if necessary) a new round must be made.”

26 154-bis [To my lord (Yasmah-Addu) speak! Your servant PN (says), “ ] ªHammanº [ ] wrote [ ] he assembled [ ] from ªHarbeº up to ªMulhanº. And he spoke [to them] as follows: ‘50 tracts of grain [ ] for ªthe palacesº. A city [ ] according to [its] dues. 172 We shall ª º the palaces [ ] with the commoners.’ [This] he said to them, and [ ] of the commoners [ . I spoke] to Hammanum as follows: ªIº (said), ‘There is not much grain. It is not [ ]. You cannot stand against your district, all of [it]! 173 Take that grain from 2 or else 3 men on 168. Durand, ana maßßa[rti] hi-†ì-im “pour garder de (tout) manquement.” The semantic nuance “guard against” for naßaru, maßßarum, or maßßartum is not assured. If the letter belongs to the reign of Zimri-Lim, and the two officials were stationed in Saggaratum, ªmaßßartiº hi-ti-im could be a guard post at the border of the province of Saggaratum, from which the servants of the governor of Saggaratum would have brought tablets to the governor. 169. idisam. It probably refers to the oracular spots on the liver. 170. Durand reads na-[k]a?-ru-um “hostile.” 171. The name of a god is expected. Durand restores An-n[u?-ni-tim]. 172. Durand reads ki-ma ki-ìs-da-t[i-su li-pu-ul] “[doit payer] en fonction de ses avoirs.” 173. ana halßika ka-li-[sa] la tazzaz. For the meaning, see AHw. izuzzum II 5 b ; Durand reads (ú-ul [na-†ú-ú]) ana halßika ka-le-[ta] la tazzaz “il n’est pas convenable que tu le refuses à ton district. Ne restes pas inactif.”

spread is 6 points long

Text 26 155

Translation

235

whom I checked.’ He (said), ‘Oh no!’ I spoke to him again as follows: I (said), ‘There is much grain in Yabliya. Let Zikri-Hanat make an extispicy, and I shall take the 50 tracts of grain, and we shall erase the gripes of ªthe commonersº.’ He (said), ‘(Even) when he makes the extispicies, and they are completely straight, I will not (allow) one liter of grain to be provided. The commoners of my district will hear it and hit their nose.”1 I (said), ‘. . . 174 you will not receive anything, however much, of the grain that is in Harbe, Ayyabe, and Mulhan. [ ] I will write my lord, and a tablet [of my lord] ªwill comeº, the dues of ªYabliyaº [n lines].’ ”2 1.

2.

If Hamman is expressing his distaste for coddling commoners, the expression “they hit their nose” should mean something like “they will get cocky.” Durand believes that Hamman feared the commoners’ protest against the sacrilege of borrowing from the god Yabliya and concludes that the idiom expresses anguish. The preservation of the letter does not allow a secure interpretation. I provide in the following a hypothetical scenario. The writer was probably an envoy from Yasmah-Addu who was sent to Suhum to mediate a conflict between the governor and the commoners. The governor, Hamman, had assembled the representatives, perhaps the mayors, of the population of lower Suhum, requesting delivery of 60,000 liters of grain for the palaces. They protested and appealed to YasmahAddu, who in turn sent the writer of the letter to Suhum. The latter tells the governor that the commoners cannot afford to provide the requested amount of grain and that the governor cannot prevail against the commoners. He suggests alternative ways to obtain the grain, namely, (1) from individuals, perhaps merchants, with large grain reserves, presumably through purchase. The governor rejects the idea; (2) from “Yabliya,” extispicies permitting. Yabliya was a city whose name and whose tutelary deity were identical, just like Id and Hanat on the Euphrates and Assur on the Tigris. We do not know much about the constitution of such cities. The present letter indicates that Yabliya had grain reserves that could be touched by outsiders only after extispicy—that is, in accordance with the will of the god. Perhaps the harvest of the inhabitants of the city was stored as property of the temple and redistributed by the temple to the citizens. In that case, the suggestion by the writer of the letter was to take out a loan of grain from the temple of Yabliya. The governor rejected the idea again.

26 155 This report sounds as if it were written just before Mari was conquered by Babylon, but extispicies were routine on occasions when foreign soldiers entered a city even if they were allies (see 26 100-bis). The present report may have been written in ZL 2u, when Babylonian allied troops entered Mari.

To [our] lord speak! Your servants Zikri-Hanat and Inib-Samas (say), “We made the extispicies for the entry of Babylonian troops into Mari as follows: ‘If in the course of their entry to Mari, will they not cause rebellion to be committed and seize ªthe city ofº Mari?’1 [In] my first set the hem [was tied. 175 The outlook] was in place. The path ªhadº a headband. 176 ªThe seatº of the left was. . . . 177 [The palace] ªgateº was sound. ªThe cleft was in placeº. The 174. is-tu-ma an-ni-gán. Durand, “puisqu’ ici.” 175. Restored according to 26 142:9–10. 176. u.sa˛ ªiº-[su]. Durand reads puzur sa˛ and interprets “the mystery (had) a head.” But the mystery would not be in the proper place in the description of oracular findings, and puzrum “mystery” is elsewhere written syllabically. The term u.sa˛ = kubsum = headband is used of various features of innards in extispicy texts. 177. sa-ru-ir. sarir is used for various liver parts. According to AHw. sararu I, it may mean “is bent forward” or “inclined.”

236

26 156

Translation

Text 26 156

[two] ªbases of the shepherd were tornº 178 on the ªrightº and were ªsplitº on the left, and the wall was twisted. 179 ªThe strikeº [of the face of the enemy]. . . . 180 The drop of ªthe chairº [ ]. The left of the back of the center [of the finger was . On ] a weapon was in place, and [its] face [looked] upwards. The outgrowth was sound. [13 lines containing description of the verification] We (said), ‘We will repeat our round.’ ” 1.

Oracular questions regularly state the circumstance in a dependent clause introduced by “if.” Accordingly, we expect “If they enter Mari. . . .” The subjunctive particle “if ” is purely formulaic here, having lost its semantic function.

26 156 = Yuhong, 322–23 The military situation at the time of the letter was an Esnunakean advance from south to north in Suhum (see Yuhong, 316–23). Harbe was in Esnunakean hands. The location of the village that Zaªikum fortified was on the front between Esnunakeans and Mariotes. Another letter from Abi-Epuh to Yasmah-Addu about matters in Suhum is M.10991 (Charpin, “Sapiratum,” 365).

[To my lord (Yasmah-Addu) speak]! Your servant ªAbi-Epuhº (says), “The Yabliyaite Zaªikum fled to Harbe together with his people. He has fortified a village between Harbe and Ayyabe, and that village is very strong. I spoke to the Yabliyaites about placing scouts in that village. I (said), ‘I am afraid the Esnunakean will enter the village, and it will not return to the region (of our control). [Let] 50 [scouts] ªhold that villageº, [ ] is there. Your ªscoutsº must stay there on a regular basis until [my] ªscoutsº [ .’ ] They (said), ‘Since Zaªikum left his king and the gods of his city [and] seeks another ªkingº, we will ªgoº and ªtake down (the fortifications of) hisº village. We will ªanswerº all questions1 of our lord about ªthisº.’ Now, I dispatched ªZikri-Hanatº with them. I (said), ‘Make an extispicy, and if that village (still) holds out at the end of the month,2 leave the 50 men behind, and depart! If your extispicies are bad,3 take down (its fortifications) according to what the Yabliyaites say.’ “Further: About the scouts of the district of Yabliya—they are negligent. About once, ten ªtimesº, I submitted witnesses (to this effect) to the assistant of Hammanum, but he does not listen. The rescue detachment4 for my district arrived, and 50 men from the rear guards and the singles5 and ªtheir guide PNº [2 lines]. [The district] is well.” 1. 2. 3. 4.

5.

The idiom means “we take the responsibility for it with respect to our lord.” Against Esnunakean pressures to occupy it? That is to say, “if the extispicy negates the expectation that the village will hold out.” “Rescue detachment” is an etymological translation, inasmuch as the corresponding verb is usually translated “to come to the rescue.” References for the noun, which are assembled in the group index, show that these detachments were used for rapid response to military attack. In the present context, Esnunakean attacks were anticipated. “Singles” were commoners (27 26) who served as laborers in public works and as soldiers in the army. They were often paired with rear guards.

178. p[i]t-ru-†a-ma. In 26 100-bis, the bases of the shepherd are described as par†a. 179. zi-ir = zir = stative of zârum “twist,” which often refers to a liver part. Durand differs. 180. x (Durand reads [g]ìr) mahrat. mihßum “strike” is feminine. It also forms a feminine plural.

Text 26 157

Translation

237

26 157 To my lord speak! Your servant Zimri-Dagan (says), “My lord set aside field and houses in Tuttul for my brothers, all of them, my travel group, the scouts. My lord must ªgive directionº, and they (royal executive officers in Tuttul) ªmust giveº me a field and house. Let them ªreturnº 181 my house and my. . . . 182 The districts of my lord are wide. They are maltreating me, 183 and I cannot go to my lord (in person).”

26 158 The extispicies mentioned here were made for the district of Saggaratum. See my note, NABU 1996 14.

To [my] ªlord speakº! Your servant Zimri-Dagan (says), “I made ªextispiciesº for the well-being of this district from Abattum up to Saggaratum on the east bank, from Sa Hiddan up to Dur-Yahdun-Lim on the right bank, for this month [until] its ªendº, and my extispicies were sound for ªtheir daysº. My lord need not be concerned.”

26 159 [To my lord (Yasmah-Addu)] ªspeakº! Your servant Zunan (says), “ªYesterdayº my lord ªspokeº to me ªaboutº not going on an expedition, (saying), ‘Let Asqudum go [and] you stay behind!’ ªInº the past my lord [spoke] as follows: He (said), ‘ªDepartº [n lines].’ ”

26 160 See 26 40.

“[n lines] to ªcedeº [ to] the king of Babylon [ I] made extispicies as follows: ªIº 184 (said), ‘If Zimri-Lim cedes Id to the king of Babylon, will Zimri-Lim be well? Will his land be well? And will his land expand?’ I made 2 (more) lambs as follows: I (said), ‘If Zimri-Lim cedes Id to the ªkingº [of Babylon], will Zimri-Lim be ªwellº? Will his ªlandº be well? And will [his] ªland expandº?” My ªextispiciesº were ªnot soundº. [I turned around and] did it ªas followsº: “ªIfº Zimri-Lim [does not] ªcedeº [Id] to the king of Babylon, will ªZimri-Limº [be well]? Will his land be ªwellº? And will his land ªexpandº?” The extispicies for not ceding [ ]. My extispicies were ªsoundº. My lord may [ ] the city of Id and [ ] for the king of Babylon. He need not [circa 13 lines].”

181. biti . . . literrunim. Durand translates “que l’on me rende ma maison” and suggests that it was a way of asking for permission to return to his house. 182. si-r[i]-i. Durand translates “emblavature,” which is normally written si-ir-i or si-ir-hi. 183. naskuninnima. Durand translates “ils m’ont été attribués.” A derivation from sakanum N seems impossible. The stative plural with accusative suffix of the first-person singular, in itself a most unlikely formation for an N-stem, should be naskununinni. As it stands, the form means “they are in the habit of biting me.” Perhaps it refers to the abusive attitude of the officials responsible for giving out fields and houses far from the capital. 184. Durand reads [at-t]a-ma. The photo allows [a-na-k]u-ma.

238

Translation

Text 26 161

26 161 “[n lines] I made extispicies, and in [my] ªfirst set the outlook was in placeº. The path was in place. The palace gate was sound. The cleft—it was two-headed—was looking at the yoke. The two ªbasesº of the shepherd were ªattachedº on the right, torn off on ªthe leftº. On ªthe leftº of the shepherd was a ªnotchº. And the ªloopº of the finger was sound. ªThe outgrowthº was a (female) battle ax. The lungs were sound. The heart was sound. My upper parts were ªsoundº. In my verification ªthe outlookº was in place. ªThe pathº was in place. The palace [gate] was sound. [n lines].”

26 162 [To my lord] ªspeakº! Your servant [PN] (says), “ªAccording to that on whichº my lord ªinstructedº [me], I made an extispicy for the entry of the gods into the palace, and the extispicies were very ªsoundº. I made (them) for going to the houses of the gods, and they were not sound. For their entry into the palace [2 lines].”

26 163 See 26 122; and Durand FM 7, 29 n. 72.

[To my lord speak! Your servant Ishi-Addu (says), “I listened to the tablet that] my ªlordº sent me. My ªlordº wrote me as follows: ‘Go [to] ªDur-Yahdun-Limº, [and] ªmakeº extispicies ªforº the journey of Warad-Ilisu! Let his journey succeed!’ ªWarad-Ilisuº arrived in Terqa after the 25th day of [the month] of Urahum (I). He is staying [n] days in Terqa, and he will stay [the next day] ªovernightº in Zibnatum, and [ ] to ªDur-Yahdun-Limº [n lines].”

26 167 “[n lines] ‘He had me do them [ sheep] graze 185 in ªthe steppeº. My extispicies were sound for their borders. Once the sheep pass their borders, the enemy will attack them. A rescue detachment will go out. A diviner does ªnotº cheat.’ [This] I said ªtoº Buqaqum [ ] sheep [n lines] will die. I spoke [to] Buqaqum. ªForº the wrong that happened, I bear no guilt. This my lord must know. “Further: I made extispicies for the district ªfromº Mulhan to Sapiratum. 186 In my first set my upper parts were sound. The cleft in the twin-sister 187 formed a barrier. In its center the bases of the shepherd were standing opposite each other. [n lines] a voice [ ] beginning of the month. ªThe districtº [ ] that omen ªappearedº.”

26 168–72 These letters were written from Mislan by Yamina diviners to SumuDabi, leader of the Yamina revolt against Zimri-Lim, some time in early ZL 2 u (see §4d, pp. 45ff.). The location of Sumu-Dabi is not mentioned but may have been 185. Durand reads s[ip]a-ka la. . . . I assume ªi-ikº-ka-la. A photo of the text was not published. 186. Read according to Charpin’s collation in “Sapiratum,” 365. 187. masitum is the designation for a part of the gall bladder in a late text, see CAD.

Text 26 168

Translation

239

Samanum. The letters were presumably removed from Sumu-Dabi’s archive when Samanum was conquered.

168 Rev26 168 To ªourº lord (Sumu-Dabi)1 speak! Your servants Yamßi-Hadnu, Masum, and HammiEsim (say), “Our partner2 is like a pod3 that is filled 188 with locusts. He is constantly on the move. Daily he gives out bronze lance, shield, 189 and (other) weaponry. We sent a sleuth, and he checked on it and returned (word) to us. He (Zimri-Lim) makes (siege) towers.4 May god break his weapons! His aspirations are (aimed) hither. “And the harvest has arrived. Our lord must not neglect to write his brothers, and their troops from the cities and the comrads from the encampments must be assembled. A rescue detachment must arrive like one man on the day we hear the alarm of [his (Zimri-Lim’s)] coming out. Because an alarm might be heard, we ordered a herald (to be ready) to call (it) out over here (in town). We have requisitioned 60 liters of thin beer and 60 liters of flour for opening the house.5 “Further: The city where our lord is staying, and (where) he is settled—our lord must give strict orders to keep the guards of the wall and outposts at the ready by night and siesta. There must be no negligence. Here, we are concerned about the guard of wall and outposts. And at the clearing of the month we will perform extispicies for the well-being of the city and the cultivated zone and write a report on the extispicies to our lord.” 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

The “lord” of the diviners is identified as Sumu-Dabi in 26 170. Zimri-Lim. If the translation “partner” is correct, it is used here sarcastically. The egg-pod of locusts about to open is what is meant, a sort of Pandora’s box. For more detail, see my article “Locusts,” 104. For the perspective from Mari, see 26 71-bis. It is not clear which house is meant.

26 169 To our lord (Sumu-Dabi) speak! Your servant Yamßi-Hadnu and Masum (say), “The month has cleared, and on the first day (of the new month) we made extispicies with 2 lambs for the well-being of the city for one month. From the report on those extispicies of ours, (it can be seen that) this month the enemy will not move against you with his troops and his allies, and he will not besiege me.1 He will not squat before my city gate. His bronze lance will not sting. The footprint of a raid was placed (on the liver). His aspirations are to raid, and he will raid my cultivated zone. If there are troops at the disposal of our lord, [he must] ªdispatchº me 1 hundred troops, and they [must] ªenter Mislanº [5 lines] extispicies [ ]. And negligence [ ]. Our lord must not ªneglect to bring (his) guardsº of the palace gate and the outposts to full strength. And our lord might hear some word, and his heart will take fright. Still, it is safe. Our lord must ªnotº tire in keeping the guards at full strength. And let Halu-Hadun perform extispicies for the well-being of our lord, and he must bake the

188. malêt. The subjunctive is expected. GAG §164f suspects influence of Amorrite. 189. ßinnatum. Translation according to Abrahami, NABU 1991 26.

240

Translation

Text 26 170

extispicies that he makes and send me (them). And here, I will repeat them and write a report on my extispicies. “And further: Sumu-Hadum just took the short cut from Guru-Addu together with 1 hundred troops, and . . . , 190 and he. . . . 191 Our lord must keep his guards at full strength!” 1.

As often in coauthored letters, self-reference vacillates between the first-person singular and first-person plural. The first person seems to designate Yamßi-Hadnu as representative of Mislan. This is surprising because, according to the next letter, the Yamina chief Yagih-Addu stayed in the city.

26 170 ªToº our lord (Sumu-Dabi) ªspeak! Your ªservantsº Yamßi-Hadnu [and] Masum (say), “We made extispicies for the well-being of our lord for 10 days, and our extispicies ªrequestº troops. In executing (them) we did (them) as follows: ‘If Zimri-Lim, together with his ªtroopsº, approaches our lord, Sumu-Dabi, should Sumu-Dabi, with troops few or many, however many he can readily equip, draw up in (battle) formation against Zimri-Lim, should he do battle with him, and be safe, defeat him, be victorious?’ This procedure I followed, and [our extispicies] request troops. [ ] troops at the disposal of our lord [ ] he must not do battle. [12 lines] “[The day] after which we ªsendº our lord this tablet, we will set hand to harvesting. And . . . 192 we will harvest the grain of the opposite river bank. The grain of the terrace 193 of the stream—had there been one shower, it would have yielded grain like an irrigated area. Much grain (started to) come out, but without a shower it stopped (growing). We are picking up grain corresponding to our exertions. 194 The heart of our lord need not become apprehensive about the grain. When the breath of our lord is alive, (even a little bit of) grain is much. Our lord must guard himself in the place where he is staying on his excursions! The grain will not go any place. “[And] my lord wrote me about an ox for the offering: ‘Have one ox conducted to me, and I shall offer.’ ªThere isº [an ox]. And I was afraid because Zimri-Lim might pass ªhereº and did not have that [ox] conducted (to you). The heart of our lord must not say anything about that!1 “Mislan is well. Your ªbrotherº Yagih-Addu is well. [The troops are well]. We, your servants, are well. ªThe guardº of the wall and the city gates is not being neglected.” 190. ar-ri-ma. On the basis of a suggestion in RGTC 3, “Arru,” Durand identifies the word with yarrum (AHw. jarru “Teich”) and translates in LAPO 17 586m, “en prenant la route des flaches.” 191. eliya itiq. Literally, “he passed on me.” The context indicates “he surprised me.” 192. ri-ki-is-sú-ma. Durand suggests the translation “successivement.” 193. nibªum. Durand defines the word in comment d as “la zone irriguée de façon intermittente.” See also his discussion in “Problèmes d’eau et d’irrigation au royaume de Mari: L’apport des textes anciens,” Bibliotèque archéologique et historique 136 (Paris, 1990), 129–30. My translation is a guess. 194. The translation is based on the interpretation by K. R. Veenhof in NABU 1989 41. The statement probably means that, while the harvest did not look very good, it was not so bad either.

Text 26 171 1.

Translation

241

The idiom possibly means that Sumu-Dabi should not get emotional about the affair.

26 171 To our lord (Sumu-Dabi) speak! Your servants Iluma-Ahum, Yamßi-Hadnu, and Masum (say), “What is this that we write our lord, and he disregards our word? We wrote our lord once, twice, about troops entering Mislan, ªandº our lord (said), ‘Whom do you fear that you keep writing me for troops? When I and my brothers are staying over here, what can this one (Zimri-Lim) undertake against you?’ This our lord wrote us. Did ever a man revive who died of thirst (and) was thrown in a river? They can take the initiative in the end, 195 (but) a dead man does not revive. “Our lord knows: the planted land and the land (watered by) drawing water (from the wells) of Mislan is wide. The planted land of Mislan (extends) up to the city gate of Appan.1 From early morning I [ ] the cultivated zone, and [they] ªgo outº, including boys and girls, and [ ] they draw and draw water. [16 lines] [ ] of wall and city gates [ ] Who would go out [to] ªthe rescueº and face a raider and save boys and girls? As a matter of fact, 196 the extispicies that we keep making for the cultivated zone every two days, three days, are perplexing. 197 Given that our lord does not ªtrustº Yamßi-Hadnu, we (herewith) send our lord the extispicies that we have been making for the cultivated zone, and the diviners of his brothers2 must see them, and our lord must trust us! Now our lord must ªnotº disregard ªourº word. He must speak to his brothers, and they must enlist 3 hundred good troops, and they (the troops) must obtain their travel provisions, which (should be enough to last) until the harvest, and they should ªenter Mislanº, (because) there ªisº no ªstrongº city besides ªMislanº. Otherwise, once [our] ªlordº does not ªdispatch usº troops, he ªcannotº blame us ªin the futureº. We guard [the wall] and the city gates. We are afraid [about] the ªflanksº of the cultivated zone. [If there were] 1 thousand, 2 thousand troops ªthatº would be staying with us, one-half we 198 would leave on the wall, one-half we would send out on rescue missions. “Our ªlord mustº know that [we] ªwroteº our lord 1 time, 10 times. After all, he must not take [us] for ªuntruthfulº men and ªunreliableº servants.” 1. 2.

The point is that Appan was in Zimri-Lim’s hands. The other Yamina leaders who were with Sumu-Dabi.

26 172 To our lord speak! Your servants Iluma-Ahum, Yamßi-Hadnu, and Masum (say), “One man came from Mari [and] spoke to your brother ªYagih-Adduº and us as follows: ‘Ibal-Pi-El went out ªfromº Mari together with [ , and] he ªstayed overnightº in ªDur-Labirumº. He is ªheadedº [for ].’ Your brother Yagih-Addu and we, your servants, heard this and made 195. istu qatam ba-i-tam ippesu. See my note, NABU 1997 113. 196. itti la kêm. My translation is contextual. A semantic bridge from a more literal translation would be “with it not being so” = “as if it were not so.” 197. buppanam abka, literally, “turned on their face.” Durand translates “sont l’exact contraire de ce qu’il faudrait.” 198. Text i-iz-z[i]-ib. A third-person subject is excluded by the context. I assume scribal error for ni-iz-zi-ib.

242

Translation

Text 26 173

reinforcements to the guard of the wall, the city gates and the outposts. And yonder, the city where our ªlordº is staying is not ªin good repairº. 199 Already before an alarm of (the coming of) these troops is heard, our lord must give strict orders to ªguardsº and border guards ªoutsideº. They must ªnotº be ªnegligentº. “Further: One man departed ªfrom º, and [ and] appeared [ ]. He ªarrivedº [here and met] with Yagih-Addu. Yagih-Addu ªaskedº [him, ‘Did you meet] with my brother ªSumu-Dabiº?’ He (said), ‘Because he passed between [ ], and they did not notice ªmeº, I did not meet [with him].’ [2 lines] of ªguardsº [and] border guards is being neglected. If, god forbid, the enemy is not so (disposed), what then? Will he move on? 200 [Our lord] must strengthen the [ ] for the outposts very much. He must not neglect the guard of the wall. Here, [we] are ªveryº concerned about the guard of wall and city gates.”

73– 26 173 To [my lord] (Yasmah-Addu) speak! Your servant Laªum (says), “[I listened to] the tablet that my lord ªsentº [me] about ordering extispicies. My ªlord wroteº [me] ªas followsº: ‘[4 lines].’ I am staying in the district of Saggaratum and Terqa. Let him make the extispicies!”

26 174 See van Koppen, “L’expédition à Tilmun et la révolte des bédouins,” MARI 8 (1997), 422.

[To] my ªlordº (Yasmah-Addu) speak! ªYourº servant Samas-Magir (says), “About the messengers—for 4 hundred troops of Reªi-El < >.1 And they touched the forehead of ªReªiElº, and the extispicies were not sound. My lord must write me, so or not so. After (the arrival of) this tablet, Hulalum will arrive before my lord.” 1.

The sentence is not complete. Durand restores , which would make SamasMagir a diviner; also possible is , which would make him an official. The plural subject of the following sentence must refer to diviners, because a diviner touches the forehead of the person for whom an extispicy is made (26 114).

26 175 To my lord Yasmah-Addu speak! Your servant Sassaranum (says), “They made extispicies in Apqum about bringing grain into Maskurhum, and the extispicies were sound. I will go. I will have the grain brought in. And I will arrive from Maskurhum and have extispicies done for the city of Íarbat, and, if the extispicies are sound, I will approach Íarbat.”

26 176 = 6 64+ = LAPO 17 620 Durand states that the historical background of the letter is the revolt of the Yamina. The Mariotes apparently lost a border skirmish and had to scramble to raise enough troops to defend themselves.

199. So, according to Durand’s reading, ku-u[ß-ßú-ur]. 200. I follow Durand’s segmentation, ul ke-em ma-a i-it-ti-iq. Durand translates “(the enemy) n’est pas dans cette disposition, hé bien, il franchira (notre territoire).”

Text 26 177

26 177

Translation

243

ªToº my lord speak! Your servant Bahdi-Lim (says), “About the fact that the enemy has pushed the border guards out of the way and enlisted as many troops as could be enlisted, concerning which my lord wrote me—about these things my lord need not. . . . 201 They are enlisting border guards from the shock troops and enlisting (additional) ªtroopsº,1 and my lord 202 must ªkeep catering to the wishesº 203 of Dagan, Samas, and Addu about these things. As long as my lord keeps catering to the wishes of Dagan, Samas, and Addu, my lord must not hurry to do battle, and my lord must not ª 204º that enemy. He must . . . him. 205 ªWhenº Dagan, Samas, and Addu, these gods, have answered you with yes and ªyourº extispicies [are sound], then my lord [must do] battle! Since all is well with [ ] ªdistrictº, my lord need not [be concerned]. Let my lord ªdepartº! . . . 206 in the hand of my lord, [and] I [ ] in view of your extispicies. “And what are these things that my lord would walk among lightly armed [troops], among border guards? ªSinceº my ªheartº became concerned, I did not ªabandonº guarding (my lord’s) person. Why would my lord ªwalkº [ ] together with lightly armed border guards? My lord ªmustº [walk] among shock troops. “Further: There were soldiers on furlough among the troops. And I alerted 207 as many troops as they (my informers) saw in the cities that they mentioned to me and dispatched (the soldiers on furlough back to their post). My lord must tighten the orders for generals and division commanders, and they must concern themselves (with this). And they must not release troops from their authority (at such times).” 1.

“They” refers probably to the Mariotes. As Durand noted, the statements mean strengthening the force of border guards by drawing soldiers from the shock troops as the first countermove. Then more troops would be enlisted to bring the shock troops up to full strength again.

26 177 = 6 75 = LAPO 18 948 [To] my lord ªspeakº! Your [servant] Bahdi-Lim (says), “[I] had ªextispiciesº done for the well-being of the troops and dispatched the troops in light of ªsound extispiciesº. [And] herewith [I] ªhaveº sent my lord those extispicies. [And] I have dispatched ªa divinerº. [ ] half a mile [ ]. He will stay overnight [ ] Zarri. [2 lines].” 201. la i-ha-ad-da-ar. Durand translates “ne doit pas être découragé” in LAPO, referring to his discussion of the verb hadarum in comment d to LAPO 16 214 = 2 106. The bundle of verbs— adarum with stem vowels u/a and u/u (atanaddur in 26 298:7); hadarum with u/a or a/a (ihaddar in 26 176:6) and i/i (ahhaddir in 26 384:25u); and hatarum with i/i (ihattir in 26 475:11) and u/u (ahattur in 26 493:13)—is a subject for further study. For hadarum i/i N, see n. 500 to 26 385. 202. If Durand’s restoration b[e-lí] at the end of line 8 is correct, the word is written erroneously twice in the same phrase. 203. panam itaplusum means literally, “to observe the face,” which would seem a good translation here. But other contexts, especially 26 282, suggest the given translation. 204. Durand transliterates i?-x-du and suggests the translation “affronte.” 205. itabbulum litabbalsu; Durand, “afin de pouvoir en faire ce qu’il veut,” which is explained in comment d of his edition in 26/1. I think the phrase means that Zimri-Lim should exercise patience. 206. Durand restores . . . ªaº-[na-ku-ma] “Je suis à la disposition de mon Seigneur.” 207. The causative of nahadum is usually expressed with the D-stem and not, as here, the S-stem.

244

26 178

Translation

Text 26 178

26 178 and 179 treat the question of the residence of an incoming ugbabtum priestess of Dagan in Terqa. Her identity is not known. She was the highest-ranking female cleric of Dagan. For more details, see FM 4 (1999), 49.

26 178 = 3 42 = LAPO 18 958 To ªmy lord speakº! [Your] ªservant Kibri-Daganº (says), “Dagan and ªYakrub-Elº are well. The city of Terqa and the district are well. “Further: ªAsº my lord ªwroteº me ªsome time agoº, I had extispicies done ªaboutº the quarters where the ªugbabtum ofº Dagan will live, and my extispicies for the quarters of the former ugbabtum were straight. And the god answered me with yes, and I set hand to putting those quarters in order 208 and to inspecting the damage. The ugbabtum, whom my lord will take along to Dagan, can live in those quarters.”

26 179 = 3 84 = LAPO 18 959 [To] my lord ªspeakº! Your [servant] Kibri-Dagan (says), “[Some] time ago I had [extispicies] done for the quarters of the former ugbabtum, and my extispicies were straight. [And the god] answered me with ªyesº. [This] I wrote. Now we, [I and] Samas-Naßir, ªconsultedº, and (we said), “It is not suited for the dwelling of the ugbabtum. Weaver women, walkers, and craftsmen, ªhowever many there are, 209 are stayingº [in] ªthatº [ ]. ª6 linesº.’ 210 This we made the result of our consultation. The dwelling is not the right thing. [It] is (too) near to the courtyard of the palace. I had extispicies done ªforº the place where the pastry-cook Kundulatum lives, and my extispicies were straight. And the god answered me with yes. And he is ªcompletelyº gratified with the ugbabtum staying there. My lord must consult on those quarters, and I shall prepare the quarters for the (arrival) of the ugbabtum ªaccordingº to the counsel that my lord reaches in consultation and writes me. My lord must write me a full report, so or not so, and I shall make the arrangements.”

26 180 The letter is an important source for understanding the system of pasturing. See pp. 30–32. Note that the pasture animals were not exclusively ovine (the term “sheep” includes goats) but also bovine.

To my lord speak! Your [servant] Ibal-Pi-El (says), “As the encampment is settling in, I ªagainº had extispicies done in 4 ªrounds for the well-beingº of the encampment. ªRound one I had doneº for the encampment of the steppe, [and] ªthe extispiciesº that were for the encampment of ªthe steppe were soundº. I had the second round done for the encampment ªthatº is settled [on] ªthe east sideº of Saggar and on the west side, and the extispicies that were for the ªencampmentº that is settled in Saggar1 were bad. I ªkept back sheepº [and cattle] (from that area). And so far [no] ªhostilityº2 has happened, but I cannot [ ] ªthe encampmentº. [ ] Sir Hammu-Rabi (of Kurda) [ ] is not so (disposed). As soon as ªpastureº 208. Durand considers the possibility that sutesurum simply means “to sweep.” 209. ma-l[i i-ba-as-su]-ú. 210. Fully restored by Durand.

Text 26 181

Translation

245

becomes available [for sheep] and cattle, and I can move that ªencampmentº, [I] will write Hammu-Rabi favorable ªwordsº. [As] ªthirdº [round] I ªhad extispicies doneº [for] ªthe encampmentº [that] ªis settledº [ ] ªto Gassumº, and [the extispicies] ªwere soundº. As fourth round I had ªextispiciesº done [for] ªthe well-beingº of Gassum up to ªthe encampmentº of Sarrum-Kin and up to . . . 211 [ ], and the extispicies were ªveryº [ ]. “[The extispicies] of the encampment of Saggar were bad ªfor pastureº.”3 1. 2. 3.

“On the east/west side of Saggar” and “in Saggar” describe the same area. “On the east/west side of ” accordingly denotes the eastern and western halves of Saggar, not areas beyond Saggar. Between migrating Hana and indigenous Numha. The last statement of the letter reverts to the problem of bad omens for the encampment in Saggar. It implies that the extispicies for the other three encampments were unproblematic.

26 181 [To my lord speak]! Your ªservant Ilaº-[ ] (says), “Some time ago I had extispicies done for the month until the 15th day. My extispicies were sound. Now I had extispicies done for (the period) from the [15th] day until the end of the month, and my extispicies were sound. They ªcontainº no cause for concern. My lord need not be concerned. “Further: There is no ªgrainº in the palace and the houses of ªthe commonersº. Now, ªasº allies go with my lord, my lord must strengthen (his) hand against Mislan, and my ªlordº must do what is necessary to obtain from that city 1 thousand (liters) 212 of grain for the palace. [I have] ªwrittenº a token of my servitude ªtoº my lord. My lord [must] act [according to his kingship].”

26 182 [To my lord speak]! ªYourº [servant] ªSumu-Hadu (says), “The divinersº perform extispicies all the time for ªliftingº the feet, 213 and the extispicies are not straight. Herewith I have sent a lock of my head and hem my garment to my lord. My lord must instruct the diviners. He must be strict, and they must search the source. 214 My lord may . . . 215 me ªfor/inº this! ª º of my foot ª5 linesº.” 211. la-hu-mu-[. 212. Durand shows that nondesignation of a measure stands for the base-measure, which in the present case is parisu = qa (“Question de chiffres,” MARI 5 [1987], 605). The grain was needed to feed the allied troops. 213. Durand understands this as an idiom for departing. But something appears to be wrong with Sumu-Hadu’s foot. Note that problems with “feet”—or “legs”; the word sepum serves both—were common. 214. qatatim. Durand, 26/1, 47 with n. 226, understands qatum as oracular inquiry (here translated “round”) and saharum as a synonym for târum, and translates “afin qu’ils reprennent leurs donnes.” My interpretation is motivated by a different understanding of the semantic field of saharum (not “redo”) and based on the use of the word “hand” (concretely “touch”) as the source of a disease. 215. li-ir-si-en-ni. Durand, in NABU 1987 80, proposes the verb rasûm III with stem vowel i, distinct from rasûm with stem vowel u, for which see LAPO 17 474e, and meaning “to let oneself

246

Translation

Text 26 183

26 183 To my lord speak! Your servant Sumhu-Rabi (says), “The party of Hammu-Takim, Babylonian messengers who go to Kurda, arrived in Saggaratum, and I had extispicies done for the well-being of [their] ªvoyageº on the big road of the east side of ªthe bank of the Haburº. The extispicies were ªsoundº. In view of the [sound] ªextispiciesº, I ªdispatched thoseº men and with them ªMarduk-Naßirº together with 2 hundred [troops]. And [I] ªhadº [extispicies] ªdoneº for 5 days for the march of the troops [and] their return,1 and [2 lines].” 1.

These are the escort troops. They accompanied the Babylonian messengers to the border with Kurda and returned to Saggaratum. The high number of troops is remarkable.

26 184 To my lord speak! Your servant Itur-Asdu (says), “About the clod concerning which my lord wrote me—herewith I have sent a clod of Urgis, Aslakka, and Suruzum to my lord. My lord must make the extispicy over those clods.”

26 185 To ªmyº lord speak! Your maid Siptu (says), “ªThe palace is well. I offeredº the offerings for ªthe descent of Ninhursangaº. In ªthoseº extispicies the outlook . . . 216 ª. . . 217º. [I] ªhad extispicies doneº for ªthe well-beingº [of my lord. They were sound]. And the god [2 lines] that I ªtoldº, they kept ªmakingº extispicies. Those extispicies were ªsoundº. My lord is well, and he can ªgo safelyº to Mari. Somebody, ªwho talksº forthrightly with my lord, will move away from the person of ªmyº lord, and my ªlordº will be angered. “Further: The boys [of ] are ill. And [ ] of my lord [ ]. My lord must dispatch the exorcist Mut-[ ].”

26 185-bis = 10 134+ = LAPO 18 1145 26 212 may be the answer to this letter. For the topic of the disposition of officials’ households, see my article in ASJ 19 (1997), 69 and 77, and van Koppen, “Seized,” 331; for the second paragraph, see also 13 97.

To Siptu speak! Your lord (says), “About the belongings of the house of Bunuma-Addu, concerning which you wrote me—I listened to the tablet (listing) his belongings that you sent me. Release all the goods of the household, the grain, however much there is, the 50 dikes of choice field-area, and the silver of his gods,1 however much, as you wrote me. And they must give two-thirds of the 21 (members of) his personnel to his household and take one-third for the palace. And the equids of his chariot were (already) given to Samas-In-Matim. ªThoseº equids must (now) be entrusted (formally) ªtoº the household of Samas-In-Matim. be convinced, to give in.” He translates here “que mon seigneur se rende à mes prières.” The accusative does not easily fit his suggestion. 216. na-ba-a[l-k]u-ut. Durand, “dépassait.” According to Leiderer, 28, the condition described by this verb may be found in the center of the outlook. Her translation follows AHw., “sich umwenden.” There is no anatomic identification for this feature so far. 217. Durand suggests the restoration s[u-me-lam] “left” or ªiº-[mi-tam] “right.”

spred is 12 points long

Text 26 186

Translation

247

“Further: About Atamrum, about whom you asked (the gods), and (because of whom) you sent me Abi-Sadi with that2 report—Abi-Sadi arrived and spoke to me. That man (Atamrum), who brought evil upon us—a god has called him to account. Now ask about the Babylonian Hammu-Rabi. Will that man die? Does he talk forthrightly with us? Will he wage war against us? Will he come up, 218 and will he besiege us? How? Ask about that man! When you have asked once, turn around, ask a second time! The message concerning him, whatever you ask, write (it) to me!” 1.

2.

Durand considers the possibility that “silver of the god” designates a quality of silver but suggests that here it is silver that had been promised to the gods. He does not consider the question of how the gods kept their silver. Was it perhaps the silver plating of their images? See also van Koppen, “Seized,” 318–19. The report of Siptu’s inquiries about Atamrum is what is meant.

26 186 “[n lines]. [I had extispicies done] for the well-being of the city of ªMariº. The diviners ªspokeº as follows: ‘The extispicies are ªmixedº. Concern yourself with the guard of ªthe cityº and ªthe bank ofº [the Euphrates]! Our ªextispiciesº are not [sound]. And ªgiveº us lambs, and we shall repeat a round (of extispicies) the next day and do (them).’ Now [I sent] ªthe extispiciesº that I sealed the earlier day [ to] my lord. And [ ] for the city of ªMariº, [ ], the houses of the gods [and the prisons].”

26 188 [To my lord speak! Your] servant [PN] (says), “I had extispicies done for the ªwell-being of Yabliyaº of the left bank1 for one month, and the extispicies were very sound, and I had them done for the well-being of the district of ªYabliyaº of the left bank and ªthe right bank, fromº Harbe ªtoº [Mulhan 219 for] 1 month, ªand the extispicies were soundº [9 lines].” 1.

The city of Yabliya may have consisted of different quarters. “Yabliya-Rock-City” in 26 480 may have been one, “Yabliya-of-the-Left-Bank” another.

26 189 See 27 16 and FM 2 71, where the depletion of grain stores by garrison troops and Yamina is also mentioned. Birot suggests in comment k of 27 16 that the present letter was sent by Ilsu-Naßir, governor of Qa††unan.

“[n lines]. ‘[I] had [extispicies] ªdoneº [for] ªthe well-being of the district. Myº [extispicies] were bad. I gathered (the population of) the district in the strongholds. From the extispicies (I could see that) the aspirations of the enemy are (directed) ªatº the city of Qa††unan. They. . . .’ 220 ªThisº the diviner said to me, and [I] ªgatheredº [ ] in the strongholds. ª7 linesº.” 218. e-el-le-e-em may write the 1st- and 3d-person singular. Durand suggests a scenario for the 1st person in his comment h. I choose the 3d person because otherwise the sequence of 3dperson forms is interrupted. 219. Restoration of Charpin, NABU 1995 86. 220. ú-ka-sa. The D stem of akasum means “oust/chase/drive away.” Durand corrects to ú-kasa- “visaient.” But the common meanings of that verb do not fit well either. The feminine plural ending refers to “aspirations.”

248

Translation

Text 26 190

“Further: [ ] of my lord is ªnearº. And grain is not available. The sons of Yamina and the garrison troops who stayed there have used up the grain. If it had not been for them, there would have been on the contrary 221 much grain [n lines].”

26 190 “[n lines] ª º about the march of the troops and ªdoingº [battle] I continually devise (oracular inquires), but an omen does not answer me. And now I will dispatch the troops and keep all the gear before me, instead of (trying to) understand and ask (the right question)—and may the god of my lord let our campaign succeed! 222 Unless a man from among the servants of my lord comes (as) agent, and I can then entrust the gear (to him), I will not release the gear to anybody. [n lines].”

26 191, 192, and 194 are correspondence between Zimri-Lim and gods.

191

26 191 = Dossin, Syria 19 (1938), 126 To my lord River speak! Your servant Zimri-Lim (says), “Herewith I send a golden cup to my lord. Some time ago, I wrote my lord my message. My lord let [me] ªseeº a sign. May my lord complement the sign that he let ªmeº see! And may my lord not ªtireº of guarding [my] ªlifeº! May my lord not turn [his] ªfaceº to the place of another! May my lord not need another besides me!”

26 192 Collection of divine letters to Zimri-Lim.

[To Zimri-Lim speak! DN (says),] “I will return you. Your [ ] roars in. . . . 223 I dispatched my strong ªweapons ahead ofº you. 224 And I dispatched 7 nets1 to cast ªonº the Elamites. ªFromº the 15th day (of the month) until the [nth] day, you (have time to) ªget ready for the struggleº, and [4 lines].” [To] ªZimri-Lim speakº! Estar ªNinet2 (says), “Withº my ªstrongº weapons I stand by you. Build for me a bedstead house in Mari. I instruct you as follows: I (say), “When you are one double-hour from your enemies, make haste, light a fire, and the vizier Habdu-Malik ªmustº extinguish it.’ ” ªToº Zimri-Lim ªspeakº! Samas (says), “When you enter ªMariº [7 lines].”

221. nabalkat. Durand translates “en excédent.” My translation is a guess. 222. eserum is an intransitive verb, and a correction of li-si-ir to li-si-ir in the text is inevitable. 223. ina bi-it-qa-ti-im isaggum. Durand reads the verb i-sa-kum and translates “j’ai pour toi ton . . . au milieu des pertes.” Perhaps bitqatum is the plural of bitqum “dike break.” bit qatim is unlikely. Bit would be written é, and a “house of the hand” is unattested. 224. [a-n]a panika can have a negative connotation of “against you,” but the context indicates a positive connotation of “to meet you.” Durand translates “à tes devants.” I choose the restoration [i-n]a and translate accordingly.

Text 26 194 1. 2.

Translation

249

The image of gods collecting humans in a net is already depicted on the Stele of Vultures from circa 2400 b.c. The underlying belief was that gods occasionally hunt humans. It would be surprising if the goddess was Istar of Nineveh because that city was not on friendly terms with Mari at the time. OBRT 200, a list of expenditures for offerings in Qa††ara, includes an offering for Estar Ninet, implying that there was a cult image of Estar Ninet in Qa††ara. Perhaps this is the Estar Ninet in the present text, or perhaps the cult of this goddess had spread to a third place.

26 193 is a writing exercise of mostly unrelated signs, words, and phrases.

26 194 See 26 414.

ªTo Zimri-Lim speakº! The respondent1 ªof Samasº (says), “Samas (says), ‘[I am] lord of ªthe landº. A great chair as ªseat ofº [my] ªplenitudeº and your ªdaughterº,2 which I request from you—let them be rushed quickly to Sippir, ªcityº of life. ªHerewithº [I deliver] ªintoº your ªhandº the kings who ªstood againstº [you] and [ ]. ªFrom hereº . . . 225 in the land is given [you]. And before the defeat [I] ªsentº you Kanisan (with a message) about the taboo of Addu.3 Gather up the taboo, all of it, and [let] them bring it [to] ªHalabº to the house of Addu! ªThe giftº for Dagan, [which] ªthe respondentº mentioned ªto you, provide thisº! [2 lines]. “ ‘ªFurther: Nergal, kingº of Hubsalum, ªstoodº in the defeat by your ªsideº and the side of your army. Have whatever you pledged and a great bronze sword made and let them bring it to Nergal, king of Hubsalum!’4 “And further: Samas (says), ‘Hammu-Rabi, king of Kurda, ªtoldº you lies, and his hand is set in the place of another. 226 Your hand will [catch him] and you will ªcancelº debts inside [his] land.5 And ªtherewithº the land, ªall of it, will beº given into your hand. ªAs you seizeº the city, [and] (as you) cancel debts, . . . 227 your kingship ªwill be long lasting for itº. “ ‘[And] ªfurtherº: Let Zimri-Lim, the regent of ªDaganº and Addu, listen to ªthis tabletº, and let him ªsend litigantsº to my feet.’ ”6 1.

2.

“Respondent” is the literal translation of apilum. It designates a cleric who was linked to a particular god. Respondents were mostly male, even if the deity they served was female (26 208). A female respondent is mentioned in 26 204. The literal meaning indicates the function of interlocutor of a god and/or of a person seeking communication with a god. The respondent occasionally delivered a divine message as if he were the god himself, referring to divine acts in the first person (for example, 26 195, “I trample underfoot”). In the present letter he quotes the god. For more detail, see Durand 26/1, 386–94. The Samas temple in Sippir (Abu Habba) owned a cloister for women who were married to Samas, celibate on the human level, and hence called naditum “barren.” They often came from prominent families. For details, see R. Harris, “The Naditu Woman,” Studies Presented to A. Leo

225. gisgur-na-[tum]. Durand, “le bûcher sur lequel on brûle les cadavres des vaincus.” I find it difficult to believe that such an expensive method of disposing enemy bodies would have been practiced. 226. qassu asar sanêm saknat. This is apparently an idiom. Perhaps it expresses a discrepancy between the words and actions of Hammu-Rabi. The “other” could be Isme-Dagan. 227. Durand reads [ak-ke]-em, which would mean “in the same measure.”

250

3.

4. 5.

6.

26 195

Translation

Text 26 195

Oppenheim (Chicago, 1964), 106–35. It is for this cloister that Samas wants a daughter of ZimriLim. Durand states in comment f that the defeat of Zimri-Lim’s enemy must be meant here, even if this contradicts normal usage of the word in Mari. Guichard, Guerre, 42, follows this interpretation. The “taboo” was the part of the booty that was consecrated to Addu. The sword for Nergal was a customary gift. An actual sword whose inscription identifies it as a gift to the lord of Hubsalum has been found. See Charpin, NABU 1987 76. It was the custom for Mesopotamian kings to cancel debts and free slaves at the beginning of their reign. Samas appears here as sponsor of the custom. His request implies that Zimri-Lim is assuming the kingship of Kurda. See Charpin, NABU 1991 102. Samas was the god of law. The divine request for litigants demonstrates that a king, even a king whose territory did not include Sippir, could delegate a trial to him. It is remarkable that jurisdiction was solicited.

26 195–221-bis, possibly also 222, are letters that include reports of prophecies. Durand grouped them according to their historical setting. This topic is also treated by Charpin, “Prophéties.” Letters 195–206 relate to the so-called “Yamina revolt” and the war with Esnuna early in Zimri-Lim’s reign.

26 195 = 10 53 = LAPO 18 1096 Moran, ANET 3 632v.

[To] my lord ªspeakº! Your ªmaidº Addu-Duri (says), “ªThe respondentº in the house of Hisamitum, Ißi-Ahu is his name, ªrose andº (said), ‘ªAfterº you (left) they were eating your ªfoodº [and] ªdrinking from your cupº. Your ªantagonists keep bringing outº ungood [and] ªevil things aboutº you. I trample them underfoot [n lines].’ [n lines].”

26 196 Sasson, “Apocalypticism,” 287–88. Durand, 26/1, 385, suggests that the passage about the interaction of gods is the report of a dream.

To my lord speak! Your servant Samas-Naßir (says), “When my lord set [his] sight on the campaign, he instructed me as follows: ‘You are staying in the city of the god. If ªa prediction happensº in the house of the god and you hear it, write ªtoº me!’ ªSinceº that ªdayº any [7 lines. Dagan spoke as follows: ‘Let] them call [Tispak]! I shall issue ªa decreeº.’ They called Tispak, and Dagan spoke to Tispak as follows: ‘Since . . . 228 you have ruled the land. Now your day has come. 229 You will accept your day as (did) Ekallatum.’ This ªhe saidº before

228. The signs are difficult to recognize. Sasson reads Si-na-ahki. 229. ú-ut-ka. Durand proposes seeing the Sumerian word u d “day” in it. Note that u d in Sumerian may denote specifically the last day, or the day of death, for which, see A. D. Kilmer, “Speculations on Umul, the First Baby,” AOAT 25 (1976), 265. Durand’s translation of ittalkam as “est passé” and Sasson’s “has departed” assume that the ta infix designates perfect tense and movement from the speaker at the same time. I understand the form as the perfect of alakum with ventive = “to come.”

Text 26 197

Translation

251

Dagan and Yakrub-El. Hanat (said), ‘Do not neglect 230 (enforcement of) the decree that you gave!’1 “ªFurtherº: The grain of the plows2 of the palace ªofº the province of Terqa is brought into Terqa.” 1.

26 197

2.

The break in the central part of the letter severely compromises comprehension. In the passage after the break, a speaker facing Dagan relates an event in which Dagan acts, a situation for which a scenario is difficult to find. Durand tried to evade it by translating “cela (c’était) devant Dagan et Yakrub-El a dit . . . ,” but this leaves the accusative annitam “this” unexplained. K. van der Toorn proposes in NABU 1998 2 that the speaker was a prophet impersonating Dagan. He understands the words of the goddess Hanat as spoken by another prophet and concludes that the whole passage reports a theatrical performance by prophets, who are acting out a discussion between gods whose statues stood together in the sanctuary of Dagan’s temple in Terqa. I agree with van der Toorn that the speaker facing Dagan and Yakrub-El was a prophet. Yet this prophet, rather than acting as the god, may have received a vision when he was in a trance or was dreaming, facing the statues of Dagan and Yakrub-El, reporting his vision or dream in situ. Since the writer of the letter, Samas-Naßir, was reporting about the ecstatic to Zimri-Lim, the words of Dagan were a quotation within a quotation. The scenario is not completely satisfactory either, because the words of Hanat are reported after the report on the vision before Dagan and Yakrub-El. I can only explain it by faulting Samas-Naßir: he failed to place these words in their proper context and did not correct himself, as he might have, by adding “And the ecstatic also said . . . ,” or something in this vein. That is, the grain harvested by the palace’s plow units. See the introduction to 26 76.

26 197 = 10 80 = LAPO 18 1203 Moran, ANET 3 632x.

To My Star1 speak! Inibsina (says), “Some time ago, the pederast Selebum2 gave me a directive, and I wrote you. Now one shock-head3 of ªDaganº of Terqa ªcameº and spoke to me ªasº follows: She (said), ‘The peace offers of the ªEsnunakeanº are deceit. Water runs below chaff.4 And I will collect him (the Esnunakean) in the net that I knot. I will erase his city. And his wealth, which is from old, I will cause to be utterly defiled.’ 231 This she said to me. Now guard yourself! Do not enter inside the city without extispicy! I heard the following: ‘He scintillates 232 all by himself.’ Do not scintillate all by yourself!” 1. 2.

Women close to Zimri-Lim, here his sister Inibsina, affectionately called him “My Star.” Selebum belonged to the temple of Annunitum, so the “directive” comes from Annunitum.

230. ta-na-ad-di-in is erroneous for ta-na-ad-di, perhaps influenced by ta-ad-di-nu in the previous line. 231. J. Cooper, in a letter dated 5/23/97, points out that su-ul-pu-ut usalpat cannot be a paranomastic infinitive construction, because it should be sulputum(ma) usalpat. He reads la (instead of Dossin’s {ßu}) sulput and translates “And his wealth, which is from old, was not destroyed—I shall destroy it.” Paranomastic infinitives are construed as accusatives in the Assyrian dialect (see GAG §150a). So the form could be transcribed as sulputam and explained as an Assyrianism. 232. istanarrar. Durand reviews the various translations in his comment e and translates “il ne cesse de chercher à s’illustrer.” Cooper, in the letter dated 5/23/97, suggests “acts precipitously.” I adopt Sasson’s translation in “Messages,” 306. The statement is surely about Zimri-Lim.

252 3.

4.

Translation

Text 26 198

Shock-heads were females who went into trances. Their Akkadian designation is qammatum, which I derive from the verb qamamum. It designates hair standing up; hence, my translation. I suspect that they kept their hair unkempt, a widely attested practice of religious devotees. The image is of water whose surface is hidden under a cover of chaff, as happens at the time of winnowing. See my note, NABU 1996 45 (2). The same prophecy is quoted in 26 199, and the same image is used in another prophecy (26 202). The variations in reporting the prophecy are discussed by Sasson, “Water.”

26 198 “[n lines] ªZimri-Limº [ ] they search. 2 ªramsº [ ]. “Further: Selebum [ , and ] he spoke as follows: [He (said), “ ] . . . 233 beer with [ ]. When [ ] on fire and (when) ªthey gaveº [me] ªporridgeº like flour in a . . . 234 I ªobservedº 235 [ ] prior to my (departure). Twice since I came right up to ª 236º, now for the third [time], they 237 occupied the house. And I am staying ªvery muchº in excrement and urine.1 And I eat ªthe reedº of a ªfoundationº2 [n lines] the mouth of Selebum [ ]. Now, herewith [I send] hair and hem of ªSelebumº3 [2 lines].” 1.

2. 3.

The complaints of Selebum are in line with the lot decreed to pederasts by the queen of the netherworld in Istar’s Descent to the Netherworld, 104–5 (see M. Malul, NABU 1993 99): “May scraps of food from the city garbage dumps be your food. May your drink come from the sewer pipes of the city.” For the homosexual nature of the assinnum, here translated “pederast,” see J. Bottéro and H. Petschow’s article “Homosexualität” in RLA; and Durand, 26/1, 395. Durand now thinks that the pederast may in fact be a eunuch (LAPO 18 1137a). Probably a bulrush is meant. The plant is commonly found on low ground and in abandoned excavations. The lower part of its stalk is edible. Hair and hem were needed for extispicies that were made to check on the veracity of divine messages communicated by prophets.

26 199 Charpin, “Prophéties,” 23–24; Sasson, “Water,” 600–603. In his note on the text, Durand connects the letter with M.11436 of 7 VIII 6 (26/1, 396), which records the expense of a shekel of silver “for Lupahum, the respondent of Dagan, when he went to Tuttul.” Charpin, “Traité,” 164–65, connects it with the treaty between Mari and Esnuna that was established two months earlier.

To my lord speak! Your servant Sammetar (says), “Lupahum, the respondent of Dagan, arrived from Tuttul. The message with which my lord instructed him in Saggaratum, (namely), ‘Entrust 238 me to Dagan of Terqa,’ he conveyed that message, and they answered 233. idatum. 234. musihtum. Since the root sih means “grow tall,” this may have been a high-necked vessel, which would make eating from it very difficult. 235. Translated according to Durand’s reading a-a†-†ú-[ul-ma]. Also possible is a-ad-du-[ú-ma] “I dropped.” 236. Durand reads na-ak-[ri-im]. Also possible is na-ak-[ka-am-tim] “up to ªthe storeº.” 237. Feminine plural. 238. Durand, 26/1, 388, understands the form piqdanni here on the basis of the term piqittum “verification” of an extispicy, translating “fais la contre-épreuve,” and rejects the translation

spread is 6 points long

Text 26 199

Translation

253

him as follows: ‘Wherever you go, ªyou will encounterº favor of heart. Battering ram and tower are given to you. They will go by your side and keep you company.’ With this message they answered him in Tuttul. And as of his arrival, I let him come along to Dir, and he brought bolts 239 to Diritum. In the past, he had brought a sernum, (saying), ‘The sernum is not tight, and it is moist. Strengthen the sernum!’1 Now he brought bolts. And written was the following: ‘I (Dagan) am afraid you (Diritum) trust in the peace of the Esnunakean, and you weary. Your guards must be stronger than in the past.’ ªAndº he (Lupahum) mentioned to me (the full message of Dagan) as follows: ‘I am afraid the king will commit himself to the ªEsnunakeanº without asking a god, as some time ago, when ªthe sons of Yaminaº came down and stayed in Saggaratum. And I spoke to the king. I (said), “Do not kill stallions of the sons of Yamina! I will dispatch them from the . . . 240 of their nests. And the river will complete (the task) for you.” ªNowº, he (Zimri-Lim) must not ªcommit himselfº without ªasking the godº.’ This message Lupahum told me. 241 2 “After his departure, on the second ªdayº, a shock-head of Dagan of ªTerqaº came to me, and she spoke [to me] as follows: ‘Water ªrunsº below chaff. [They] keep writing [you] for peace, [and] they will dispatch their gods [to you]. And they plot a second ruse 242 in their heart. The king must not commit himself without asking the god.’ She requested a straight ewe-wool garment 243 and a nose-rope,3 and I ªgaveº it to her. And she delivered her piqdanni ana Dagan “confie-moi à Dagan” as “jeu de mots sur le français.” Sasson translates “investigate for me (the oracles) before Dagan,” but ana Dagan cannot mean “before Dagan.” The expression “to entrust PN1 to PN2” (paqadum + PN1 in the accusative ana PN2) is a common, unproblematic variation of the fuller phrase “to entrust PN1 to the hand/authority of PN2.” Typically, the person who is entrusted to someone remains physically under the latter’s authority. Here, PN2 is a god, and “entrusting” probably denotes “placing Zimri-Lim under Dagan’s authority,” or, since Zimri-Lim surely understood himself to be under Dagan’s authority, “affirming his status as being under Dagan’s authority.” 239. sikkuri. Durand understands the form as singular with the possessive suffix of the firstperson singular. I understand it as plural. 240. hu-BU-ur-re-e. Durand derives it from habarum “emigrate” and translates “je les (r)enverrai au milieu du dispersement de leurs nids.” The context suggests the meaning “shelter.” Perhaps it belongs to haparum “to encompass.” Anbar, NABU 1993 67, interprets the passage on the basis of huburum “din” in Atra-Hasis. 241. Charpin sees in the preceding speech comments of Lupahum on the inscription of the bolt. The concluding statement, †emam annêm Lupahum idbubam “this message Lupahum told me,” indicates that Lupahum was relating a message. If the words were Lupahum’s comments, the subscript should have been annitam PN iqbêm/idbubam “this PN said to/told me.” Furthermore, the words have a poetic ring, which is characteristic of the style of many divine messages. On the other hand, the message is not introduced as such, and the words in fact appear to be those of Lupahum. To remove the difficulty, I assume that Lupahum’s speech is a quotation of Dagan’s full message to Diritum. 242. sa-ra-am, literally, “wind.” Durand translates “traitrise.” Anbar, NABU 1997 15, refers to AHw. saru I 7c and translates “mensonge.” Anbar also suggests that the first “mensonge” happened the previous year, when Esnuna threatened to take over the area of Yamutbal and Idamaraß. Perhaps the god saw the Esnunakean peace initiative as a first ruse and was warning of a second ruse in the future. 243. laharûm. The translation is a guess, based on lahrum = “ewe.” See Birot’s comment to 27 161.

254

Translation

Text 26 199

instruction in the house of Belet Ekallim to ªInibsina, wifeº [of Addu]. They told me ª(this) newsº [on ], and I wrote to my lord. My lord must consider and act according to his great kingship. “And about the regular Yanßib-Dagan, a Dasranite, concerning whom my lord wrote me to cut off his head—I right away sent Abi-Epuh. They did not see that man, and he (AbiEpuh) delivered his household and ªhis people into slaveryº. The next day a tablet of YasimDagan ªarrivedº, (saying), ‘That man has arrived.’ Now my lord must write [me], so or not so, [and] I shall release his people.”4 1.

2.

3.

4.

The imperative form is feminine. Sasson concludes that the words are directed to the goddess. Yet would a cleric be giving an order to his god in the imperative, and furthermore blame her for the malfunctioning of an instrument of divination? It seems more likely that Lupahum is addressing a female cleric of Diritum. The geographical and chronological frame of the first paragraph of the letter is difficult to comprehend. Here is my interpretation: The first event was a meeting between Zimri-Lim and Lupahum in Saggaratum, at which time the king asked Lupahum “to entrust him” to Dagan of Terqa. Lupahum complied by “conveying the message.” The process of entrustment may have been the whole message, or else a particular message, not spelled out by Sammetar, accompanied the entrustment. The next thing we learn is that unidentified persons informed Lupahum of Dagan’s response in Tuttul. This is quite unexpected. Why would the answer come from Tuttul when the message was delivered to Dagan of Terqa, and why did the respondent of Dagan have no direct access to a response by Dagan of Tuttul? As so often happens, the letter does not seem to give the whole story. I fill in the blanks with the following tentative scenario: Lupahum went to Dagan in Terqa. Dagan told him to go to Tuttul where he would be given a response to the “entrustment” of Zimri-Lim. His trip to Tuttul was an affair of state of some importance, and he was presented with one shekel of silver for the occasion (M.11436). In Tuttul, Lupahum received the response. The fact that it was transmitted to him by unidentified operatives of Dagan of Tuttul indicates a pronounced distinctiveness of Dagan of Tuttul from Dagan of Terqa. A respondent of Dagan in Terqa apparently did not ex officio receive a message from Dagan of Tuttul. On his way to Dir, which is south of Mari, Lupahum stopped over in Terqa, after which he continued in the company of governor Sammetar. Sammetar reported that Lupahum brought “bolts” because a sernum that he had brought in the past had malfunctioned. The implication is that Lupahum had gone to Dir before, possibly on a regular basis, and that he had a specific mission for which he needed to use a sernum or, as in the present case, “bolts.” On it was written a message from Dagan. It addressed a female, surely the goddess Diritum, exhorting her not to trust the Esnunakean side by ratifying a pending peace treaty with Mari. Lupahum told Sammetar another divine message in which the king was warned again, but in different words, against trusting Esnuna. The message could have come from Dagan, but the fact that Lupahum informed Sammetar of it in Dir, after having brought a message from Dagan to Diritum, indicates that it was Diritum’s answer. The shock-head of Dagan of Terqa communicated her message to the governor of Terqa. From Terqa she went to Mari and communicated her message to Inibsina in the sanctuary of BeletEkallim, the “Lady-of-the-Palace.” The sanctuary was “presque sûrement” located in the palace of Mari (Durand, “Palais,” 90). Before going to Mari, she requested a garment and a nose-rope. The nose-rope was part of the paraphernalia of Belet-Ekallim and all Istar figures. It is therefore likely that she planned to go to the temple of Belet-Ekallim and that the nose-rope was her gift to BeletEkallim. There she met Inibsina, who then reported her message to the king in 26 197. The members of the household of the condemned Yanßib-Dagan were incarcerated as security for their master. If he reappeared, they would normally be released, but Sammetar did not want to make this decision himself.

Text 26 200

Translation

255

26 200 [To] ªmyº lord ªspeakº! Your [servant] Ahum, superior of [Annunitum], (says), “The (female) ecstatic Hubatum delivered a message as follows: ‘A wind 244 rises against ªthe landº. And I asked them for ªits wingsº1 and [its] 2 . . . 245 ªZimri-Limº and the sons of ªSimªalº [ ] the harvest. ªZimri-Limº [ ] the land, all of it, ªfromº [ ] ªhandº.’ And again [she spoke] ªas followsº: ‘Sons of ªYaminaº, why do you create problems? I call you to account.’ This that ecstatic ªsaidº. And herewith I have hair and hem of that woman sent ªtoº my lord.” 1.

Winds were imagined as birds. The most famous example is the Babylonian story of Adapa, who cut off the wings of the south wind in a rage. Here, the goddess probably suggests neutralizing the menace of the hostile wind by asking for its wings.

26 201 = 6 45 = LAPO 18 938 This is Bahdi-Lim’s cover letter for 26 200.

To my lord speak! Your servant Bahdi-Lim (says), “The city of Mari, the palace, and the district are well. “Further: Superior Ahum ªbrought meº hair and hem ªofº a female ecstatic. And a full report on her is written down on the tablet that Ahum sent [my] ªlordº. Herewith [I have] ªsentº my lord the tablet of Ahum (and) hair and hem of the female ecstatic.”

26 202 To my lord speak! Your servant Kanisan (says), “My father, ªKibri-Daganº, [ ] to Mari. He (said), ‘The words [that] were made [ ]. ªThey toldº [me] the following: “Water ªruns belowº [chaff ]. The god of my lord went and handed over his (the king’s) enemies.” Now the ecstatic 246 started shouting as before.’ This, Kibri-Dagan wrote [me]. My lord [must not] tire of having ªextispiciesº done for [his] well-being. And [4 lines] My lord must not postpone (it). He must offer offerings and depart!” The prophecy uses the image of water below chaff. Sasson identifies it with the prophecy of the shockhead of 26 197 and 199 (“Messages,” 306; and “Water,” 605). The prophecy comes from an ecstatic. While shock-heads probably were ecstatics, they were not so called. Also, this particular ecstatic seems to be in the habit of shouting, which is not said of shock-heads. Finally, the prophecy does not seem related to peace negotiations with Esnuna. I therefore assume that it is not identical with the prophecy of the shock-head and conclude that the image of water beneath chaff was common.

244. Whas is written is sa-ru, i.e., “winds,” and a sign before sa-. Durand takes it as the erasure of a 2. The scribe apparently wrote “2 winds,” then erased the 2, but did not add the -um necessary for the singular “wind.” The predicate is singular. 245. ta-ak-ka-[. 246. lú mu-uh-hu-[x]. x = um or tum. Accordingly, it was a male or female ecstatic.

256

Translation

Text 26 204Text = 10 2681 204 =

26 204 = 10 81 = LAPO 18 1204 Moran, ANET 3 632w.

To My Star speak! Inibsina (says), “Inni-Bana, a female respondent, rose and said the following: ‘Zimri-Lim, until his thieves [and] his enemies and those who are after him, [3 lines] must [not] ªdepartº, must [not] buy [ ], must not place (it). Herewith I give you my hair and my hem. Let them establish purity!’1 Now, herewith I send hair and hem to My Star. My Star [must] have an extispicy done. My Star must act according to his extispicy, and [My] Star must guard himself.” 1.

Durand, 26/1, 57, defines the establishment of purity on the basis of 26 242 as an expiatory rite, serving to ward off calamity. It was believed to be helpful as a response to any bad omen and consisted of offering an animal and inspecting its entrails. Another case is mentioned in 26 215.

26 205 = 25 816 “[n lines] ‘Let them break the cup in the third ª. . . 247º. Darkness will [ ] to the lower land, [and] it will be confounded. You will let ª. . . 248º for the alliance.’ Dagan let [me] grasp (its meaning, saying), ‘I shall open the weapons!’ I touched ªthe foreheadº of the ªservantsº of Zimri-Lim and dispatched (them) ªafter you (departed)º. ª10 linesº [n lines].” Guichard, “Guerre,” 38–39, suggests that the text evokes a magical rite before battle, the cup symbolizing the enemy land. The accomplished rite would create chaos in the enemy land. Guichard also likens the “opening” of the weapons by Dagan to the mouth-opening ritual. As the latter makes a living god out of a manufactured statue, so the weapons would gain their efficacy through “opening.”

26 206 To [my lord] speak! [Your] servant [Yaqqim-Addu] (says), “An ecstatic [of Dagan] came to me and [spoke to me] ªas followsº: He (said), ‘I will eat [ ] of [ . Give me] 1 ªlamb, andº I shall eat.’ [I gave] him one lamb, and ªhe ateº it alive in front of the city gate. And I assembled the elders in front of the city gate of Saggaratum,1 and he spoke as follows: He (said), ‘A devouring2 will occur. Call on the cities, and they must return the taboo. They must evict from the city (any) man who did. . . . 249 And for the well-being of your lord, ªZimri-Limº, you will clothe me in a garment.’ This he said to me, and for the well-being of [my] lord I ªclothedº [him] in a garment. Herewith [I ] the ªdirectiveº that he told me, [and] I have written to [my lord]. And he did not mention his directive to me in private. He gave his directive before the assembled elders.” 1. 2.

Yaqqim-Addu certainly assembled the elders before the ecstatic made his drastic demonstration. The unchronological sequencing of the text is a common feature of the letters. Epidemics were seen as the devouring of a god. See 26 259.

247. Durand restores ka-ra-[si-im] “camp.” 248. Durand restores tu-se-s[e-er-si] and translates “tu t’en feras un aide.” 249. lú sa ri-i-sa-am i-pu-su. Durand, “celui qui s’est livré à une action violente.” AHw. translates the other attestation of this word, JNES 15, 136:82, according to the supposed meaning of râsu as “Zerschlagung.” This verb is used of a meteor sa qaqqara irasu “that strikes the ground.”

Text 26 207 = 10 4 =

Translation

257

26 207 = 10 4 = LAPO 18 1144 Sasson, “Reflections on an Unusual Practice Reported in ARM X:4,” Orientalia 43 (1974), 404–10; Durand, “In Vino Veritas,” RA 76 (1982), 43–50; Finet, “Un cas de clédonomancie à Mari,” in Zikir Sumim: Assyriological Studies Presented to F. R. Kraus on the Occasion of His Seventieth Birthday, G. van Driel et al., eds. (Leiden, 1982), 48–55; Durand, “Trois études,” 150–56; Moran, ANET 3 629–30k.

To my lord speak! Your maid1 Siptu (says), “About the issue of the campaign on which my lord goes—I gave a male and a female signs to drink. 250 I asked, and the prediction was very good for my lord. I asked the male and the female likewise about Isme-Dagan, and the prediction concerning him was not good. And the report concerning him (is that) he is placed under the foot of my lord. They (said), ‘My lord ªliftedº a hook. 251 Toward IsmeDagan he lifted the hook and (he said), “With the hook I will overcome you. Wrestle 252 with me as you will, and in wrestling I will overcome you.” ’ I (said), ‘Will my lord come close to battle?’ They (said), ‘Battle will not be done. As of the arrival (of Zimri-Lim) his (Isme-Dagan’s) allies will scatter. And they2 will cut off the head of ªIsme-Daganº, and they will place it under the foot of my lord, (saying), “The troops of Isme-Dagan were many. And although [his troops were] ªmanyº, his allies ªscatteredº. 253 My3 own allies are Dagan, Samas, Itur-Mer and Belet-Ekallim and Addu, lord of determination, who ªgoº at the side of my lord.” ’ I am afraid my lord will [say], ‘She helped them [speak].’ 254 I certainly did not make [them] ªspeakº. There are those who talk, [and] there are those who. . . . 255 They (said), ‘The allies of ªIsme-Daganº are captives. They keep . . . 256 with him through lies [and] deceptions. They do not obey him. ªBeforeº my lord his troops will scatter.’ ” 250. Durand established the reading asqi “I gave to drink.” He understands ittatim zikaram u sinnistam as one accusative phrase and translates “j’ai fait boire les signes mâle et femelle,” commenting on the use of the word “sign” as metonymic for “sign-giver” (see detailed discussion in RA 76, 44). saqûm is construed with two accusatives, one for the drink, the other for the drinker, and I translate accordingly. The “signs” would still be the “sign giver,” but as a metonym for the drink rather than the persons. The same expression occurs in 26 212. 251. humasum. This word designates the grappling hook that wrestlers used in their matches; see AHw. umasu. Durand thinks it was a curved stick (“Trois études,” 154 n. 30) and translates it “canne” in LAPO; Sasson connected the word with Hebrew ˙omes and suggested that it was a wrestler’s belt. See Durand’s discussion in comment b of his translation in LAPO. The wrestler, “the one of the grappling hook” (sa humasim), is attested in Mari (FM 3 103). 252. I follow Moran. 253. Durand reads is-sà-ap-[h]a-su. This yields a preterit form of the N-stem that fits the context better than Dossin’s reading, is-sà-ap-[pa-h]a-su. Moran uses Dossin’s reading and translates “will be scattered from him.” If -su stands for the dative -sum, which happens occasionally in Mari, and if this dative does not express a benefit, which is its most common function, but merely establishes a neutral connection to Isme-Dagan, Moran’s translation might be defensible. Durand does not render the suffix, which yields the best sense. I assume it is a scribal mistake. 254. ina belani u[sadbibs]unuti, literally, “made them speak with carrying poles.” 255. im-ta-ha-[x]. Dossin suggests the restoration [ßú] and translates “d’autres le contestant”; Finet restores [ru] and translates the same as Dossin; Durand, in “Trois études,” restores as Dossin does and translates “d’autres résistent.” 256. it-ta-na-su. Finet translates “ils ne cesseront de s’agiter contre lui”; Durand, “ils ne sont point sûrs pour lui.” CAD emends sarratu a to it-ta-na-ku. The form could also be Gtn of nâsum.

258 1. 2.

26 208 3.

Translation

Text 26 208

Wives were called “maids,” which also served as a term for female slaves, and were so regarded and treated by their husbands. Husbands were called “lords” of their wives (see 26 249). “They” designates the persons who would cut off his head. It is noteworthy that Zimri-Lim would not do it himself. “Our” is expected. Occasionally, a plurality of persons is said to be speaking, but only one person actually speaks; this mirrors the reality of one person’s speaking on behalf of all the members of a group. The question of the speaker here has generated much discussion, for which see Veenhof, “Some Letters from Mari,” RA 76 (1982), 124–25. I follow Durand’s translation.

26 208 = 10 9 = LAPO 1142 Moran, ANET 3 632u; Sasson, “An Apocalyptic Vision from Mari?: Speculations on ARM X 9,” MARI 1 (1982), 151–67; Durand, “Trois études,” 152–53; Sasson, “Apocalypticism,” 286–87.

To my lord speak! Your maid Siptu (says), “The palace is well. Qisti-Diritim, the respondent of Diritum, [came] to the gate of the palace the second [day] (of the month). He wrote me1 as follows: ‘Against the throne of Mari, none will ªcome upº. The upper one 257 is ªgivenº to Zimri-[Lim]. The lance of the ªElamiteº [will be broken].’ This [he wrote me]. “Further: [n lines] ‘We ªwere mindful ofº the sacred oath.’ He ªcalledº (the god) Asumum. Asumum ªquicklyº [came and spoke] a word to Ea. I did not hear what Asumum [said. Ea] ªroseº [and] said, ‘[As] we declare [a sacred oath], let them take ªgreaseº and . . . 258 of the city gate [of Mari], and ªwe shall be mindful ofº the sacred oath.’ They took grease and . . . of the city gate of Mari, and they dissolved it in water, and the gods and goddesses drank.2 Ea (said), ‘. . . 259 to the gods who would cause harm to the brickwork of Mari and the guardian [of Mari]!’ ªThe godsº and ªgoddessesº [spoke as follows]: ‘We will not cause harm to the brickwork of Mari and the guardian of Mari.’ ” 1.

2.

It is noteworthy that Qisti-Diritim wrote from the palace gate, to Siptu, who lived in that palace. Probably Qisti-Diritim judged the message to be too important to entrust to a courier, yet he could not simply enter and see the queen either. Charpin, “Manger,” shows that the expression “to eat an oath” describes a custom of eating a plant in connection with swearing an oath. In the event of perjury, the ingested plant would turn

257. a-la-i-tum. Durand calls the word “une façon de dire (mâtum) elîtum,” that is, “the upper land.” The /a/ after /l/ is unexpected even in an archaic form. See, for example, a-li-u-um in M.10556 (MARI 1, 80). On the other hand, compare gentilics in -aªu, such as Maraªu “Mariotes.” The feminine singular would be -aªitum, as here. 258. rusam u sippam. M. Stol, in his review of 26/1–2 in JAOS 111 (1991), 627–28, presents evidence for rusum “grease.” See also FM 3 119, which records the expenditure of oil for cleaning the threshold of a temple gate. The formulation “grease and threshold” is odd. The parallels mentioned by Stol have the expected genitive construction “grease of a threshold.” Perhaps zi-ip-pa-am is not the word for threshold and designates decayed wood or some residue such as ßipu. Durand translates “l’argile (de décomposition) et (de l’argile) du seuil” in LAPO. 259. Sasson, in “Apocalypticism,” reads te9-ba-a and sees in the form a plural imperative of tebûm, which should be tibia or tibê. Durand reads †ì-ba-a, understands the form as a stative feminine plural of †abum, translates “est-il agréable?” and states that such a variant of the †aba that one would expect is not surprising at Mari. AHw. reads ti-ma-a and derives it from tamûm “to swear.” But, if the statement of the gods was sworn, the phrase ul nugallal “we will not cause harm” should be subjunctive.

Text 26 209

Translation

259

against the perjurer. Here, the gods who swear to preserve Mari ingest a physical part of Mari. If they allow Mari to be harmed, they will harm themselves.

26 209 26 209 = 13 23 = LAPO 18 939 Moran, ANET 3 625i.

To my lord speak! Your servant Mukannisum (says), “I offered offerings to Dagan for the life of my lord, and the respondent of Dagan of Tuttul rose and spoke as follows: ‘Babylon, what do you keep doing? 260 I will gather you up for net and. . . . 261 The houses of 7 conspirators and their wealth I will ªhand over to Zimri-Limº.’ And the respondent of ª. . .1 roseº [and] ªspoke as followsº: ‘Hammu-Rabi [4 lines].’ ” 1.

The name of a divinity is expected. Durand suggests reading Belet Ekallim or Nergal.

26 210 = 13 114 = LAPO 18 937 Moran, ANET 3 624d.

[To my lord] speak! Your servant Kibri-Dagan (says), “The day I sent this tablet of mine to my lord, before crack of dawn, 262 a woman, wife of a gentleman, came to me and spoke to me about the news from Babylon as follows: ‘Dagan sent me. Write your lord! He need not choke (in fear). And the land [need not] choke (in fear). Hammu-Rabi, [king of ] Babylon, [n lines].’ ”

26 211 To my lord speak! [Your] maid Siptu (says), “[4 lines]. She spoke to me as follows: She (said), ‘Zimri-Lim, where he went, he need not be ashamed. He will reach his goal. I will rage over there and be present in victory.’ ”

26 212 = 10 6 = LAPO 18 1146 Moran, ANET 3 630l. The letter may be a response to 26 185-bis.

To my lord ªspeakº! Your maid ªSiptuº (says), “The palace is well. ªIli-Haznaya, the pederast of Annunitum, came to meº [n lines]. [About] ªthe news from Babylonº I gave signs to drink. I asked, and that man (Hammu-Rabi) thinks up many things about this land. He will 260. te-et-te-ne-e-pé-es. This may be present tense Gtn teteneppes, pronounced tetteneppes, and written phonetically. The interrogative lengthening should be on the last syllable. Moran suggests a passive Ntn form, tettenepes, and translates “how must you be constantly treated?” 261. sa-ka-ri-im. For sakarûm or sakrûm, see Durand, “Histoire du royaume de HauteMéspotamie,” MARI 5 (1987), 187–88. Durand translates the word here as “cutlass,” which is a kind of machete. 262. lama tirik sadîm means, literally, “before the hit/darkening of the mountain.” Durand chooses the second meaning of tirkum and concludes that the evening is meant. I choose the first meaning and assume that the sun-god hits the mythical mountain Masum, through which he rises in the morning. See my note, NABU 1997 4.

260

26 213

Translation

Text 26 213

not succeed. My lord will see what the god will do to that man. You will catch him. And you will stand over him. His days1 are near. He will not live. This my lord must know. I asked 5 days before (the arrival of) the message of Ili-Haznaya, which Annunitum sent with him, and the message that Annunitum sent you and (the answer to) what I asked are the same.” 1.

“His days,” as in 26 196, “your day,” denotes the last day(s) of life.

26 213 = 10 7 = LAPO 18 1137 Moran, ANET 3 630m.

To my lord speak! Your maid Siptu (says), “The palace is well. In the house of Annunitum, on the third day (of the month), Selebum went ecstatic. Annunitum (says), ‘ZimriLim, they will test you in a rebellion. Guard yourself! Surround yourself with the servants, your agents, 263 whom you love! Let them stand (before you), and let them protect you! Do not go by yourself! And the men who ªtest youº, those ªmen I will hand overº to you.’ Now, ªherewithº I send hair [and hem] of the ªpederast toº [my lord].”

26 214 = 10 8 = LAPO 18 1138 Moran, ANET 3 630n.

To my lord speak! Your maid Siptu (says), “In the house of Annunitum in the center of the city, Ahatum, a girl of Dagan-Malik, went ecstatic and spoke as follows: ‘Zimri-Lim, even if you disregard me, I caress 264 you. I will hand over your enemies to you. And I will seize those who steal from me 265 and collect them for annihilation by Belet-Ekallim.’1 The next day, the superior Ahum brought this message, hair and hem, and I wrote my lord. I sealed hair and hem and have sent it to my lord.” 1.

Why would Belet Ekallim be involved? Perhaps there was a special link between Annunitum and Belet Ekallim because both were Istar figures, and the Yamina goddess Annunitum benefited from this link with the non-Yamina Belet Ekallim.

26 215 To my lord speak! Your servant Lanasum (says), “My lord wrote me as follows: My lord (said), ‘Herewith I am having an offering conducted to Dagan. ª 266º 1 bull and 6 rams.’ Now the offering of my lord arrived in the city (of Tuttul) safely. And it was offered before 263. So Charpin, NABU 1999 77. Durand emends to ib-bi-ka. 264. Dossin read a-ha-ab-bu-ub and translated the verb as “cajoler.” Durand read, after collation, a-ha-ab-bu-uß4(az), derived the form from AHw. habaßum II, and translated “je massacrerai pour ton compte.” Sasson, “Messages,” 305, returned to Dossin’s reading and translated “I shall hover over you.” I follow Sasson. 265. l ú . m e s sarraqiya. The possessive suffix can be used subjectively and can denote “my thieves,” which is Durand’s translation, or objectively, “thieves of my possessions,” which leads to my translation. 266. Durand, b[i-il] “apporte!”

spread is 12 points short

Text 26 216

Translation

261

Dagan. And the land sat down to a banquet.1 And the city, all of it, was very happy about the offering of my lord. And an ecstatic rose before Dagan and spoke as follows: He (said), ‘Until when can I not drink clean water? Write your lord, and he must give me clean water to drink.’2 Now, herewith I send a lock of his head and his hem to my lord. My lord must make a purification. “Further: About the impost 267 due my lord—1 reliable man from among the servants of my lord must come to me and then take the impost of my lord from the citizens. “And the citizens tore out 2 doors for Dagan in my absence.”3 1. 2.

3.

The food offered to the gods was eaten communally in Mesopotamia. Holocaust is rare (see 26 113 and FM 3 81). The request is certainly not for clean water to be shipped from Mari for the consumption of Dagan but for furnishing the temple with appropriate water containers—porous vessels in which water can be cooled by exposing them to moving air, stone containers, cups, and so forth—and perhaps also organizational help to insure the availability of clean cool water in the temple of Dagan. A good illustration for the important role of drinking water in a temple is a passage from a Sumerian hymn to the goddess Nanse (JCS 33, 88:113). The statement is strange because it is silent about the place from which the doors were “torn out,” or “removed.” Perhaps the phrase means that the doors were secondhand? Is it coincidental that doors for the temple of Dagan are mentioned in 26 138-bis?

26 216 To my lord speak! Your servant Tebi-Gerisu (says), “The day after I arrived before Asmad, I ªassembledº the prophets1 of the Hana. I had extispicies done about the well-being of my lord. I (said), ‘If my lord ªstaysº for 7 days ªoutside the wallsº when he does [his] ªablutions,2 and [ ] in well-being [n lines.’ n lines] the day [ ] outside the walls [ ]. My lord must guard ªhimselfº, [ must] ªattend toº my lord. And the guard [of ] must be strong. My lord must not neglect to guard himself.” 1. 2.

The word nabûm is translated “prophet” because of its Hebrew and Arabic cognates. Another 7-day rite held in the temple of Dagan, perhaps also involving ablutions, is mentioned in 26 5.

26 217 “[13 lines] ‘From your youth I have been fostering you, 268 and then I kept bringing you to wherever there were safe places. And (yet:) once I request something from you, you do not give me (it). Now ª 269º to Nahur for me and give me the requested item [that] I ªmentionedº to you! [That which] I [did not] grant in the past to [ ], I will [now] ªgrantº to you. [ ] there are, I will ªheap belowº your feet. Your [ ] will turn into plenty and abundance.’ These things that woman told me, and I wrote my lord the words of her mouth. Herewith I 267. sirum or sirum. The meaning of the word was established by Durand, “Imar,” 58–60. 268. ªúº-[k]a-na-ak-ka. I assume a shift of the length of the vowel to the succeeding consonant, i.e., ukannaka to ukanakka. 269. Durand restores [su-le]-em-ma and translates “envoie un ex-voto.”

262

Translation

Text 26 218

send my lord her hair and her hem. My lord must have extispicies done and act according to what the god answers my lord. “Further: I keep writing my lord about grain, and they did not bring me grain. Now Yap†ur just revolted (in the area) from Sarum to Busªan. They made their enmity known. And a secret agent came out and ªtalkedº to me [as follows: ‘ ] thousand, 5 thousand, troops. We came close to ªNahurº [ ] to Nahur [n lines.’ n lines].”

26 218 “[6 lines] the commemorative stele 270 [ ]. And I [ ] its fame forever. And an offering for that commemorative stele has not been made. And my lord spoke to me as [follows]: ‘I will send you a casting net 271 from Mari. Place it on that commemorative stele.’ ªNowº my lord [ ] Mari. He did not send the ªnetº [to me]. [circa 11 lines].”

26 219 “[n lines] Further: the day of the offering a respondent ªof Ninhursanga roseº [in] the house of Ninhursanga [and] told the following: He (said), ‘1 time, 2 times, and 3 [times] I ªmadeº my request before ªZimri-Limº, and still he did not give ªanyhingº [to me].’ 1 [7 lines]. “And further: [ ‘ ] you see a one year old female . . . 272 concerning which I ªwroteº [1 line] a good [ ] that your name [ ] send me!’ These things the ªrespondentº told. And herewith I ªsend hairº [and hem] of the respondent to my lord. My lord must do what needs to be done! [ ] Íura-Hammu [ ].” 1.

These lines are reminiscent of the wishes of the unnamed divinity in Nahur in 26 217.

26 220 = 2 90 = LAPO 18 978 Moran, ANET 3 624g.

To my lord speak! Your servant Kibri-Dagan (says), “Dagan and Yakrub-El are well. The city of Terqa and the district are well. “Further: The encampment [of ] ªthe sonsº of Yamina [ ] sheep to the bank of the Euphrates, the right bank, and they graze with the sheep of the encampment [of the Hana]. There is no wrong [at all. The heart of my lord] need not be concerned. “[3 lines] ªan ecstatic ofº Dagan [spoke] ªa wordº [as follows]: ‘Dagan sent [me] about making the offering [of the body rites], (saying), “Write your lord, and the offering of body rites must be made on the 14th of the coming month.” They must not let that offering pass by.’ This that man said to me. Now, herewith I have written my lord. My lord must do what seems favorable to him according to his consultation.” 270. hu-mu-sà-am. Translated according to Durand, NABU 1987 85; he discusses the term and the concept in “Réalités,” 27–30. 271. za-pa-ra-am. Durand derives it from saparrum, which designates a type of vehicle. I derive it from saparum. For the type of net, see P. Steinkeller, “A Note on s a . b a r = sa-par4 /pàr ‘Casting Net’,” ZA 75 (1985), 39–46. 272. te-gunû-bar, probably a writing for sapparum, an unidentified ungulate.

Text 26 221 = 3 40 =

Translation

263

26 221 = 3 40 = LAPO 18 941 Moran, ANET 3 624e.

[To] my lord speak! Your servant Kibri-Dagan (says), “Dagan and Yakrub-El are well. The city of Terqa and the district are well. “Further: an ecstatic of Dagan came to me the day I sent this tablet of mine to my lord and spoke a word to me as follows: ‘The god sent me. Hurry! Write the king, and they must pledge offerings of the dead to the spirit1 of Yahdun-Lim.’ This that ecstatic said to me, and (herewith) I have written my lord. My lord must do what seems favorable to him.” 1.

The spirit (e†emmum) in Mesopotamian conception is the divine element of a human individual. It causes the heart to beat during the life of its human host and turns into a ghost at death.

26 221-bis = 3 78 = LAPO 18 942 Moran, ANET 3 624f.

[To] my lord speak! Your [servant] Kibri-Dagan (says), “Dagan and Yakrub-El are well. The city of Terqa and the district are well. I do not neglect harvesting the grain of my district [and] unloading it onto the threshing floors. “[Further:] About [making] the new city gate—the ecstatic [PN came] to me some time ago, and he ªwas worriedº. [He (said)], ‘ªSetº [hand to work on] that city gate!’ [Now, the day] I sent this tablet of mine to my lord, that ecstatic returned and spoke to me. [And] he gave strict orders, (namely), ‘[If ] you do not make that city gate, there will be a corpse heap. You will not succeed.’ This that ecstatic said to me. And I am preoccupied with the harvest. I cannot divert my servants. [If ] my lord says (so) [n lines].”

26 222 = 10 106 = LAPO 18 1220 To Daris-Libur speak! Your [son] Usaris-Hetil (says), “ª11 linesº.1 [Before] the king arrives in Mari, say to him that that girl is dead! He must know. I am afraid the king will hear of the death of that girl upon his entering Mari, and it will seize [him, and] he will be griefstricken.” 1.

Durand restores these lines ingeniously as the episode of the death of Beltum’s daughter. A. Malamat pointed out similarities with 2 Samuel 12:13–23, in NABU 1989 88.

26 223 Fragment of a letter, reedited with photo by Charpin, “Prophètes et rois dans le Proche-Orient amorrite,” FM 6 (2002), 36–37. 26 224–40 report or mention dreams.

224

26 224 [To my lord] speak! Your servant ªSumuº-[Hadu] (says), “The dream is [very] ªgoodº for [my] lord. My lord must offer to Annunitum in Samanum upon [his] ªpassingº. Or else my lord must touch one ram, and they must bring (it) and offer. My lord must act according to his thinking.

264

Translation

Text 26 225

“[And] about the trip of my lord—the day my lord arrives, a tablet of my lord must come one day early.1 “About soaking 273 good beer [ ] a fattened ªbullº that [ ] for the dinner of my lord [circa 4 lines] dinner that ox was ªseizedº.” 1.

The formulation is awkward. I assume that the writer wanted one day’s notice before the arrival of the king. Durand suggests the translation “que le même jour une tablette . . . arrive.” It would give little time for preparations.

26 225 Sasson, “Messages,” 303 n. 12; “King,” 456 n. 8.

[To my lord speak! Your servant PN (says), “I listened to the tablet that] my [lord sent me. My lord] wrote me [as follows]: ‘The dream that was before my eyes was frightening. I am afraid the Suteans will seize Dam-Huraßi and you and (say), “As long as you do not return our home, 274 we will not release them.” ’ This my lord wrote me. As soon as I heard the tablet of my lord, I called the diviners and asked them a word as follows: I (said), ‘My [lord] wrote me in strict terms. How do you advise?’ [This I] asked them, and they gave me [ ], (saying), ‘[n lines].’ [n lines].”

26 227 [To my lord speak]! Addu-Duri (says), “[PN] had a dream before her eyes. She (said), ‘[In] my ªdreamº the ecstatics ªHadnu-Elº [and] Iddin-Kubi1 ªcame aliveº, and they entered among the cows 275 of Abba, 276 and they spoke as follows: They (said), “Speak to your (f. pl.) fetuses and let Zimri-Lim bring about a harvest of peace!” [circa 8 lines].’ ” 1.

The name means “My-fetus-gave(the child),” which is probably an allusion to a fetus that was stillborn and would have been the older brother or sister of “My-fetus-gave” (J. Stamm, Die akkadische Namengebung [reprint, Darmstadt, 1968], 306). It is hardly a coincidence that the name stands in relation to the vision.

26 228 [To my lord speak]! Your servant ªIddiyatumº (says), “Your servant Nanna-Lutil had a dream before his eyes, (namely), ‘In my dream the allies of [2 lines]. ªZimri-Lim defeatedº Elam. And he [ ] in victory [ ].’ ”

273. rasanum. The procedure is obscure. CAD translates “to brew (beer).” 274. a-di ta su-ba-at-ni. Durand expects adi sa subatni but feels compelled by the clearly written ta to posit a word tâsubâtum and to translate “tant que tu ne rendras pas nos demeures.” Sasson posits a word tasubatum “female residents” (in “Messages”) but reverts (in “King”) to Durand’s interpretation. The form cannot be plural (GAG §65k). I emend the ta to sa. 275. [l]e-et = lêt. Durand understands ana let “to the side of.” 276. If the previous note is correct, the divinity Abba derives from the Sumerian word á b “cow” + genitive a(k) without regens, i.e., “the one of cows.”

Text 26 229 = Dossin,

Translation

265

26 229 = Dossin, “Le songe de Ayala,” RA 69 (1975), 28–30 Sasson, “Mari Dreams,” 291. According to Durand, 26/1, 458, the writing dates the report to the time of Yahdun-Lim.

Ayyala had the following before the eyes in her dream: “A Sehrite woman (and) a Mariote woman fought in the gate of Annunitum of Outside the Wall. The Sehrite woman (said) to the Mariote woman: ‘Return my household goods to me! Either you stay! Or else I shall stay.’ I checked on it (the dream) with a burrowing owl, and it was seen. Herewith I send her (Ayyala’s) hair and hem. My lord must check on her.”

26 230 The text is, in my opinion, too damaged for translation. Durand and Sasson construct a cogent plot in this text.

26 231 To [my] lord speak! Your servant Sammetar (says), “My lord wrote me about [offering] warm dishes to Addu. Some time ago, a dream about warm dishes was before the eyes (of someone), and I wrote from Puzurran to my lord. I (said), ‘They must offer warm dishes to Addu and . . . 277 to Nergal on the 20th day. And likewise [it must be] offered at the end of the month, the first day, and thirdly on the [nth] day. [4 lines] what I wrote my lord some time ago, 3 times warm dishes until the harvest. And thus [they] will not be ªdelayedº. [My lord must] promptly [pay attention] to these things.’ ”

26 232 = 10 100 = LAPO 18 1262 Moran, ANET 3 631s.

To my lord speak! Your maid Zunana (says), “When I stayed in Ganibatum, I sent Kittum-Simhiya to Rubban, and they carried her off on the way. And Dagan, your lord, made a shade for me, 278 and nobody touched me.1 Dagan spoke to me as follows: He (said), ‘Was your face upwards, downwards?’2 I (said), ‘It was downwards, and I went there but did not see my girl. When my lord went to Andarig, shallots of my girl were sent up to me from Sammetar’s, and I went to him, and he answered [me] with yes.3 (Yet) he cheated me again and did not give me my girl.’ Dagan spoke to me as follows: He (said), ‘He will not let your girl go. Until (the matter) is with Zimri-Lim, nobody will release her to you.’ Now, in accordance with the command of Dagan, my lord must not keep my girl.”4 1.

2.

Durand translates “sans qu’on me fasse le rite du liptum.” He understands the rite to consist of a touch with the hand in connection with dream incubation (see 26/1, 461). Like Moran, I understand that Zunana, being under Dagan’s protection, was spared when something happened to her servant girl. In the geographical sense of upstream and downstream. Durand translates “es-tu gaie ou triste.”

277. Durand reads [k]e-em-[ma] “de même.” 278. ußallilam. Dossin, attributing the form to an otherwise unattested D stem of ßalalum “to lie,” translated “(Dagan) m’a fait tomber endormie.” Durand followed him, but exchanged the subject and object and translated “j’ai vues pendant mon sommeil (Dagan).” I follow AHw., ßullulu 6.

266 3.

26 233 4.

Translation

Text 26 233

The phrasing is extremely terse. Kittum-Simhiya revealed her whereabouts to her lady Zunana by sending her shallots. Thereupon Zunana went to Sammetar and asked him to release her servant to her. He promised to do so. By failing to instruct his servant Sammetar to release Kittum-Simhiya.

26 233 = Jean, “Lettres de Mari IV,” 125–34 Moran, ANET 3 623a; Sasson, “Mari Dreams,” 290–91.

To my lord speak! Your servant Itur-Asdu (says), “The day I sent this tablet of mine to my lord, Malik-Dagan, a man of Sa Akka, came to me and spoke to me as follows: ‘In my dream, I and a man with me, (coming) from the district of Saggaratum, (being) in the upper district, (and) having set my sight on going to Mari, I entered Terqa prior to my (going to Mari) and, as of my entering, I entered the house of Dagan and prostrated myself before Dagan. Upon my prostration, Dagan opened his mouth and spoke to me as follows: “Have the kings of the sons of Yamina and their troops made peace with the troops of Zimri-Lim who came up?” I (said), “They did not make peace.” Prior to my leaving, he spoke to me as follows: “Why are messengers of Zimri-Lim not staying with me regularly, and why does he not place his full report before me? Otherwise I would have handed the kings of the sons of ªYaminaº over to Zimri-Lim many days ago. Go now! I have sent you. You will speak to Zimri-Lim as follows: You (will say), ‘ªSendº your messengers to me ªandº then place your full report ªbefore meº, and then [I shall let] the kings [of the sons] of Yamina . . . , 279 and [I shall] ªplaceº them before you.’ ” ’ This that man had before the eyes in his dream and then told me. Now, herewith I have written my lord. My lord must check on this dream. “Further: If it pleases my lord, let my lord place his full report before Dagan! And the messengers of my lord must go to Dagan regularly. The man who mentioned this dream to me will give a body to Dagan,1 and I did not dispatch him (to my lord). And I did not take his hair and hem because that man is reliable.” 1.

Moran understands it as offerings to the dead; Durand follows him and connects it specifically with the offerings of the body rites of Dagan, for which see 26 25, comment 3.

26 234 = 13 112 = LAPO 18 935 Oppenheim, Letters, 110; Moran, ANET 3 623–24b.

To my lord speak! Your servant Kibri-Dagan (says), “ªDaganº and Yakrub-El are well. The city of [Terqa and] the district are well. [12 lines] he saw (in a dream) as follows: ‘[The god (said)], “Do (pl.) not ªrebuildº this ruined house! Once that house is being rebuilt, I will make it fall into the river.” ’ He did not ªspeakº [to] anybody on the day he saw that dream. The next day he saw the dream again (and said): ‘The god (said), 280 “Do not rebuild this house! Once you rebuild it, I will make it fall into the river.” ’ Now, herewith I have sent my lord the hem of his garment and a lock of his head. Since ªthat day, thatº boy is ªillº.”1 1.

Because he failed to communicate his dream when he first dreamed it.

279. i-na m i s .sú-us-sú-ul l ú . p e [ s . a lu-sa-a]b-si-il-su-nu-ti. Translations vary according to attribution of the verbal form to bsl or psl and to the understanding of the nature of the wooden box called sussulum. Cooper suggests “wriggle in the holding tank” in his letter of 5/23/97. 280. The speech introduction should be ummami umma ilumma and is abbreviated to ummami ilumma.

spread is 1 pica long

Text 26 235 = 13 113 =

Translation

267

26 235 = 13 113 = LAPO 18 946 Moran, ANET 3 624c. Not one line of the text of the letter is completely preserved, and most lines are severely damaged. Durand saw a coherent story line in the preserved remains: A person sees a dream and Ahum, the superior of Annunitum, relates it. Enemy troops have entered the strong cities of Mari, Terqa, and Saggaratum. They occupy the royal quarters. Moran translated what is preserved and added a few obvious restorations.

26 236 = 10 10 = LAPO 18 1139 Moran, ANET 3 630o; Sasson, “Mari Dreams,” n. 32; Durand, “Trois études,” 155–56.

[To my lord speak]! Your maid Siptu (says), “The houses of the gods, the palace, and the prisons are well. “Further: Kakka-Lidi had a vision in the house of Itur-Mer, (namely), ‘2 large barges were blocking the river, and king and retinue were riding inside. Those of the right were calling ªtoº the left, “Kingship, scepter, throne, reign, upper and lower land ªare givenº to Zimri-Lim.” And the retinue, all of ªitº, was answering “to Zimri-Lim it is given.” Those barges [ ] to the gate of the palace, and [ ].’ ”1 1.

Given that the persons in the two barges were in the king’s retinue, with the exception of the king himself, it seems strange that “all” of the retinue would answer the shouted words of those in one barge. I suppose that those in the left barge were answering those in the right barge. Durand understands the spoken words as a “chant de triomphe” of the soldiers coming from battle (“Trois études”); Guichard, as a chant of the soldiers going to battle (“Guerre,” 41).

26 237 = 10 50 = LAPO 18 1094 Moran, ANET 3 630p; Sasson, “Mari Dreams,” 286.

To my lord speak! Your maid Addu-Duri (says), “Since the end 281 of (the government of) the house of your father, I never saw such a dream. These 282 were my signs from before. I entered the house of Belet-Ekallim in my dream, and Belet-Ekallim was not sitting (in her place). And the statues that are before her were not there. And I saw it and started weeping. This dream of mine was one of dusk. I dreamt again, and Dada, the superior of Estar Bisra, was standing ªinº the gate of Belet-Ekallim, and a . . . 283 mouth 284 kept calling out as follows: ‘Turn to me, 285 oh Dagan. Turn to me, oh Dagan.’ So it kept calling. 281. su-lum. Dossin translated “(r)établissement.” Charpin and Durand, in “Pouvoir,” 327 n. 151, pointed to the phrase “from the su-lum of Agade to my kingship” in an inscription of Samsi-Adad, where the context excludes “rétablissement,” and suggested “chute” for both references. Sasson did not translate the word but assumed that it meant “restoration” and “destruction.” Durand returned to Dossin’s view in LAPO, because he felt that the word cannot have a negative connotation. CAD translates both references with “end.” 282. annittan is a pseudo-dual form of annûm. See my note, NABU 1996 62. 283. nakrum. Durand, “désagréable”; Moran, “eerie”; Sasson, “hostile”; Durand, in LAPO, considers “avec un accent étranger.” Perhaps the adjective does not refer to the voice but to the strange contents of the calls. See also n. 5 to 26 1. 284. pí-ú for pûm? 285. tu-ra. This must be a ventive/1st-person dative without m. Sasson discusses the possibility of a connection with the PN Tura-Dagan.

268

26 238

Translation

Text 26 238

“Further: A female ecstatic rose in the house of Annunitum and (said), ‘Zimri-Lim, do not go on the road! Stay in Mari, and then I will answer all questions.’ My lord must not neglect to guard himself. Herewith I seal (a container with) my1 hair and my hem, and I send it to my lord.” 1.

This would be Addu-Duri’s hair and hem. Yet how could the mother of Zimri-Lim be less reliable than Malik-Dagan in 26 233? Surely the hair and hem of the female ecstatic is meant. The scribe made a mistake.

26 238 = 10 51 = LAPO 18 1095 Moran, ANET 3 630q.

To my lord speak! Addu-Duri (says), “Iddin-Ili, the superior of Itur-Mer, saw a dream. He (said), ‘Belet-Biri stood there 286 in my dream and spoke to me as follows: She (said), “Kingship is his brickmold and reign his wall.1 Why does he keep going up the tower? He must guard himself.” ’ Now, my lord must not tire in guarding himself.” 1.

Durand, translating “dynasty” instead of “reign,” expresses the idea that the bricks are likened to the individual kings who together form the wall (LAPO 18). I understand the first image to mean that Zimri-Lim acts as befits a king, an idea that is expressed with other words by Sammetar, when he says, “(My lord) will certainly do what suits his kingship” (26 14).

26 239 = 10 94 = LAPO 18 1221 Moran, ANET 3 630r.

To my lord [speak! Your maid] Simatum (says), “Since the day on which [I ] ªfromº [Mari], I ªhave been on the runº much. And I ªsawº all their cities, as many dwellings of my lord (Haya-Sumu) and as many [ as there are]. Now if my lord (Zimri-Lim) is about to go to [Ilan-Íura], [n lines]. And about the daughter of Tepahum—a man stood there in my dream and (said), ‘Let the girl, the daughter of Tepahum, [be called] Tagid-Nawe!’ This he said to me. Now my lord must have a diviner check on it, and if [that] ªdreamº was seen, my lord [must call] the daughter ªTagid-Naweº. Thus she must be called. And may the well-being of my lord be lasting!”

26 240 = 10 117 = LAPO 18 1101 See Moran, “Review of ARM X,” JAOS 100 (1980), 188; Sasson, “Mari Dreams,” 284.

To Addu-Duri speak! Your maid Timlu (says), “It was certainly a sign that when YarªipAbba brought [me] out of Kasapa [and] I came to you, I spoke to you [as follows]: ‘I saw a dream about you, [and in] my dream Belet-[Ekallim]’ [n lines] ª7 linesº. “Further: ª 287º [and] the cap of your head send to me! I want to smell the scent of my lady, and it may revive my heart, which is dead.”

286. izzizzam. See Sasson’s discussion of the possible meanings of this form in “Mari Dreams,” 285. In the next letter, the form izziz is found in similar context. 287. Durand, LAPO, reads [1 túg sa-b]a-at-tam.

Text 26 241

Translation

269

26 241–48 relate various ominous occurrences. Letter 248 is a list of predictions for eclipses of the moon. A.3051 belongs to this group and has been included among the additional texts. Letters 241–46 were copied by Guichard, “Présages,” 309–11.

26 241 See A.3051.

To my lord speak! Your servant Sumhu-Rabi (says), “In Zarri Rabbum, among the sheep of Mayor Sasum, a freak lamb was born, but then nobody informed me when I was staying Occu with my lord in Mari. As I arrived in my district (Saggaratum), they brought it to me and spoke to me as follows: ‘(At its birth,) its head was one, its face the face of a ram, its chest, heart and innards were one. From its navel to its haunches there were 2 bodies. And when it was born, one of its shoulders was torn off, and they have . . . 288 its head.’ Now, herewith I send [it] to ªmy lordº. My lord must see it.”

26 242 [To my lord speak! Your servant PN] (says), “The palace is well. My lord wrote me [about] ªblendingº [wine] and [having it carried] to Saggaratum. I opened the wine house [and] blended 4 containers of red wine as my lord likes to drink it and 4 containers of red wine of second quality as my lord likes to drink it, and I have had (them) carried to Saggaratum. My lord [ ] the wine as [he] likes to drink it. Hopefully, I ªblendedº this with this [well] and my lord [ ], all of it. Over and above ªtheseº 4 containers, which I have had carried to ªSaggaratumº, they did not provide red wine [as] my lord likes to drink it. ª6 linesº “They1 came up from the ground. From the ªstoreroom of Sudduriº to the barber’s house2 of the gate of Sudduri [ . From] the barber’s house to the gate of the house of Dagan they came up in 2 places. ª 289º Asqudum, and he made a purification for the well-being of my lord, and the extispicies were sound. Now I (packed and) sealed (some of) those ants and a clod of soil [from] the storeroom of Sudduri and ªsend (it)º to my lord.” 1.

2.

“They” are ants, which were not only unwanted but also ominous. For the latter aspect, see S. Maul, Zukunftsbewältigung: Eine Untersuchung altorientalischen Denkens anhand der babylonischassyrischen Lösungsrituale—Namburbi (Baghdader Forschungen 18; Mainz, 1994), 349–50. A “barber’s house” seems to be an integral part of a palace. Here, it belongs to the palace in Mari, because the “house of Sudduri” is located there (see Durand’s comment d). In FM 3 61 a barber’s house in the palace in Dir 2 is attested, and in 27 9, one in the palace in Qa††unan.

26 243 [To my lord speak]! Your servant [PN] (says), “About the house of Sammetar, which ªdeveloped a bulgeº 290 some time ago—the ecstatics of ªDagan tell meº all the time, “The god 288. uptassisu. Durand translates “endommagé.” 289. ªx-xº As-qu-dam lu-[x] iqbûnimma. Durand suggests [a-n]a Às-qú-dimx(dam) lu-[ú] iqbûnimma “On l’a dit à Asqudum.” 290. So according to Durand, who restores qí-du-[tam il-li-k]u and translates “avait fait ventre.”

270

Translation

Text 26 244

ªcursedº the bricks of that house. They must [ ] ª º and the fundament, [and] they must pour soil.”1 This the ªecstaticsº of [Dagan] tell me. Now, herewith I have written my lord. My lord must consult, and a response to my tablet must come according to the ªcounselº that my lord reaches in consultation. If my lord says (so), I shall have the bricks of that house ªcarriedº (off), [and] [ ] to the top of the city wall. And the soil [n lines].” 1.

“Pouring soil” probably means to make a new floor of stamped earth.

26 244 To my lord speak! Your servant Meptum (says), “Fire broke out in the house of Tispak in Esnuna, and it caught on and burned all night. And they extinguished it with difficulty the next day. “And the predictions that keep appearing are very good for my lord. My lord may be happy! Fugitive and informer continuously come to me.”

26 245 To my lord speak! Your servant Manatan1 (says), “[n lines] “Further: About the bitch whom Elamite dogs humped—the bitch is with Iddiya, the ª º. She gave birth to 7 pups. And they are not yet recognizable.2 They are very small. [n lines].” 1. 2.

Manatan was probably in charge of guards. Accordingly, he would be interested in guard dogs. It was not yet possible to tell how they would look—something that dog fanciers are always eager to learn.

26 246 [To my lord] speak! Your [servant] Lanasum (says), “ªAboutº the silver that my lord sent ªYakbar-Limº—does he (Yakbar-Lim) always answer with excuses 291 and never gives (anything in return)? “And further: Bunuma-Addu wrote Yakbar-Lim as [follows]: He (said), ‘[I shall] come and offer to Dagan.’ And Yakbar-Lim wrote to Imar, ‘Bunuma-Addu wrote me about entering (Tuttul) and offering. What is the decision?’ The Imarites answered as follows: They (said), ‘If he comes and enters ªtogether withº 20 men [and] offers, let him come and let him offer!’1 This the Imarites wrote Yakbar-Lim. I keep hearing [ ] of the entry of that man [ ]. Herewith they have written my lord about these things. [My lord] must answer, whatever seems favorable to him.2 “And further: a 3-reed length of wall of the palace collapsed. And they set hand to restoring (it).

291. e-le-tim-ma. CAD, elitu 9, posited a noun meaning “deception” because it is found parallel to dabab la kittim. Durand translates accordingly, “(réponses) trompeuses.” The basic meaning suggests “haughty (words)”; the context and the Sumerian equivalent i n i m . s ù . g a “empty (words)” suggests “excuses.”

Text 26 247

Translation

271

“And further: The second day of the month of Dagan came, and a malikum of Addu, who keeps you alive, . . . 292 in the house. And I became extremely ill about the offerings and nearly exited life, [and] until now I did not recover.”3 1. 2. 3.

According to 14 55, Bunuma-Addu entered with 50 troops before “the elders of the city [ ].” The apparent chain of command is noteworthy: Zimri-Lim to the city of Imar to the representative of Tuttul. Despite Durand’s discussion of this paragraph, it remains incomprehensible because of the term malikum. For the various interpretations, which range from “messenger of the netherworld” to “mushroom,” see Durand 26/1, 489–91. I suspect that the offerings that made Lanasum ill are somehow related to the offerings that are destined for ma-li-ki (Talon, “Les offrandes funéraires à Mari,” Annuaire de l’Institut de Philologie et d’Histoire Orientales et Slaves 22 [1978], 65–66). An equally mysterious passage involving a malikum is A.674.

26 247 To my lord speak! Your servant Baßßum (says), “When I met with my lord, I spoke to my lord as follows: ‘The Dirites need grain.’ My lord answered me as follows: ‘Go, they must give you 1 hundred (measures) from the granary [that] is in Dur-Íabim.’1 They did not give me ªgrain. I am afraidº my lord will speak as follows: ‘They denied ªgrainº to you? Why did you not write me?’ [I] ªcameº and (found) the earlier troops have sold ªgrainº for silver. The later troops came and wasted grain. Now there are 50 donkey-loads of grain. Not that they were consuming the granary of my lord, not that they gave grain rations to anybody—and 5 hundred (measures) of grain are gone from the granary, for no reason whatsoever!2 “If it pleases my lord, they must give grain to the diviner. The district is well. I do not neglect (supervision of) scouts and guards. “Further: there is bounty in this district. My lord may be happy! And let the diviner Ismah-Samas go and kiss the feet of my lord!” 1. 2.

See comment 1 to 26 146. The statement must be sarcastic.

26 248 Eclipse predictions. Charpin, NABU 1989 93, proposes that the calendar used here is that of Rapiqum.

[ ] acquires a god. The ªriver floodsº. In the month of Sunumuna (IV) an eclipse occurs: famine [occurs]. And a king, who is famous, [ ]. And a city ªlosesº its population. In the month of Nenemar (V) an eclipse occurs: the harvest prospers. The troops of the king ªare sentº on a good mission. In the month of Kin-Inana (VI) an eclipse occurs: famine occurs. And many troops fall. In the month of Dukuga (VII) an eclipse occurs: famine occurs. And a defeat of the other king will happen.

292. irbi. The form can be derived from rabûm = “to grow large,” or rabûm = “to set” (said of the sun).

272

Translation

Text 26 249

In the month of Apindua (VIII) an eclipse occurs: sheep drop dead. And destructions occur. In the month of Gangana (IX) an eclipse occurs: famine occurs. A god devours.1 A river overflows. And the harvest prospers. In the month of Abbin 293 (X) an eclipse occurs: the harvest prospers, good [ ] occurs. In the month of Uwarum 294 (XI) an eclipse occurs: north wind ªdevelopsº. The harvest prospers. And [ ]. And [ ]. ªIn the month of Segurku (XII)º [ ] 1.

That is to say, “an epidemic occurs.”

26 249–57 and 28 95 are letters that consist of, or include, reports about the procedure and outcome of so-called river ordeals in Id. Persons were required to prove a statement by plunging into a bitumen well. When the person undergoing the ordeal was overcome by the toxic liquid and fumes and died, the statement was proved wrong. Most jumpers survived. For more details, see my article “The River Ordeal in Hit,” RA 90 (1996), 7–18. The wells were regarded as the abode of the god Id. Id is the Sumerian word for “river”; hence, “river ordeal” and the translation “River” for the god of that name (see 26 191). The name lives on in the Arabic name Hit for the town near the wells.

249

26 249

To my lord speak! Your servant Meptum (says), “About the plunging party of Sub-Ram and Haya-Sumu that my lord dispatched—I dispatched reliable agents with that plunging party, and they first let a woman take the plunge, and she came out. After her, they made an elder take the plunge, and he resolved1 (the claim of) 80 (dikes of land) inside the god and came out. After him, they made a second woman go down, and she came out. After her, a third woman. The god spat out2 the third woman. As the elder established 80 (dikes of) field-area and the god spat out the third woman, the men of ªHaya-Sumu were not willingº to let 3 other women take the plunge. They affirmed: ‘ªCityº and territory are [not] ours.’ The ªelderº fell to the feet of the men [of ] Sub-Ram, (saying), ‘Do not let the other [women] plunge, and they must not die.3 We shall procure a title guarantee concerning city and territory. In days to come no one must raise a claim (against it). City and territory are SubRam’s.’ The courtiers of Babylon4 and the [ ] of the city had a title guarantee written down before the agents. Herewith I have dispatched that plunging party to my lord. My lord must ask them. “Further: The superior (of the god River) and Astammarum, the regent of Id, came to me about the plunging party of Yarkab-Addu concerning which my lord wrote me some time ago, and about Amat-Sakkanum of the kin of Samsi-Addu, whom River spat out. They spoke to me as follows: ‘We made her take the plunge (after saying), “If your lady performed 293. ab-bi-in is a hitherto unattested syllabic spelling of Ab-ba-è. 294. ú-pi-ri-im. Durand, reading ú-wa-ri-im, refers to 9 97:26, which documents a rite with this name for the month of Kiskisum, that is, the 11th month.

Text 26 250

Translation

273

sorcery against Yarkab-Addu, her lord,5 let (a confidential) matter of the palace go out and another (than her husband) opened the thigh of your lady, (or) your lady did not fault her lord” ’6—because of these things they made her take the plunge. River spat her out, ªandº she did not [2 lines]. This [they] ªsaidº.” 1.

2.

3.

4.

5. 6.

The verb “to resolve” (pasarum ) is a technical term in the ordeal procedure, meaning “to confirm a statement by surviving the ordeal.” In the present case, the elder had made a statement concerning the ownership of 80 dikes of agricultural land, which was confirmed by the god River by letting the elder live. In the bitumen wells, warm water sometimes plumes up with increased strength, lifting out the body of any ordalist lucky enough to be caught in it. This was understood as “spitting out” (rehûm) the ordalist and probably was interpreted as forceful confirmation of the veracity of the ordalist’s statement. Before an ordeal, the parties decided on who would make which statement before plunging. The plan here apparently was that three members of Haya-Sumu’s party would ask whether the territory in dispute belonged to Sub-Ram, and three more members would subsequently ask whether it belonged to Haya-Sumu. The forceful confirmation of the statements of the first group doomed the fate of the second group. The fact that the elder pleaded for the life of the members of the second group speaks for his humanity. Lackenbacher, 26/2, 452 n. 5, sees in the presence of the Babylonian courtiers an indication that Babylon and Mari shared the government of Id at this time. Accordingly, the letter must have been written after 26 449. That is to say, “her husband.” The text of the statement is carelessly conceived. It starts out seemingly verbatim but trails off into generalities in the last phrase. A highly placed wife was accused of having performed sorcery against her husband, betraying classified information from the palace, and committing adultery. She was forced to undergo the river ordeal and sent a maid to represent her.

26 250 To my lord speak! Your servant Ibal-Pi-El (says), “On the day I stayed overnight in Id, we were present in the morning, and the brother of Hammu-Kuna and the woman, whom my lord dispatched for taking the plunge, took the plunge. The man came out. He was well. And the woman came out, and both of them came out.”

26 251 To our lord speak! Your servants Yasim-Dagan and Meptum (say), “Qisti-Mama, YarimDagan, and Sum-Na-Addu arrived, and, according to what our lord wrote me, we dispatched Íidqi-Etar, division commander of Suhum, Simhi-Erah, the son of Abu-[ ], a man of Abattum and 2 secretaries, our agents with them, and they were present with them at the plunge. A maid ªroseº. She resolved, ‘My lady said to [me], “After all, 295 my lord Zimri-Lim cast his coat-tail over me.” ’1 The Usmu2 [12 lines].”

295. Durand understands istu as subjunction even if the verb does not stand in the subjunctive. In that case the quote of what the lady said would continue into the broken section. I take it as an adverb.

274 1.

2.

Translation

Text 26 252

On the basis of a Hebrew parallel, S. Lafont proposed (in NABU 1989 45) that the gesture signified marriage. Sasson points out that the Hebrew parallel signifies protection and does not necessarily imply marriage (“Mari and the Bible,” 107). This is the Akkadian name of the vizier of the god Ea. Here a human functionary is meant. Durand, ARM 21, 531 n. 9, proposes that he may have impersonated the god. It is unfortunate that we do not know more about his role in the river ordeal, which was a form of the judgment of Ea, the divine master of an Usmu.

26 252 To my lord [speak]! Your servant Yaqqim-[Addu] (says), “About (the woman) Rumatum, a ªneighbor in the city quarterº 296 of Sin-Iddinam, a man of Dur-Yahdun-Lim, whose name the wife of Sin-Iddinam1 invoked (so that she would have) to take the plunge in River,2 and concerning whom my lord wrote me to have her conducted to my lord. According to the letter of my lord [ ] Rumatum [ ] Sin-Iddinam. [I gave] strict orders, and a (person named) Rumatum, neighbor [of ] Sin-Iddinam, does not exist. [And] they ªwent in search throughoutº the city of Dur-Yahdun-Lim, and there is [a woman] by the name of Rumatum. That woman I have had conducted to my lord.” 1. 2.

Durand, 26/1, 513–14, considers that she was identical with the wife of Sin-Iddinam who is mentioned in 26 488. The reason was that Sin-Iddinam’s wife accused her of adultery with her husband.

26 253 To my lord speak! Your servant ªMeptumº (says), “[Troops] of Yamhad came down. [Those troops] took along [a] ªgirlº, a boy, and a woman to take the plunge [in River]. I went along ªbecause ofº the pronouncement of the king. 297 [Because they] were not carrying [a tablet] of my lord, I detained ªthoseº [troops], and [n lines. PN spoke as follows: ‘n lines]. You (female) ªheardº the lip of your daughter [and] came.’ They made her speak as follows: ‘(I swear that) my daughter Marat-Estar has not performed ªsorceryº against Hammi-Epuh, son of Dadiya, (that) that female (i.e., my daughter) has not given to me pieces of wood of sorcery1 in the city quarter or anywhere else, and (that) she did not give (sorcery) to eat to Hammi-Epuh, son of Dadiya, in bread, food, beer, or whatsoever.’ As they had made her say this, she fell into the god and died. She did not resolve anything.2 That boy is . . . 298 from sorcery.

296. si-ha-at ba-bi-im. Durand, 26/1, 513, equated si-ha-at with sa-pi-tum in A.2548:14 (MARI 4, 406) and proposed the meaning “favorite” on the basis of seªitu = d a m . b à n . d a and d a m . k a s k a l . l a . B. Groneberg, NABU 1989 46, and S. Lafont, “Un ‘cas royal’ à l’époque de Mari,” RA 91 (1997), 111, followed this interpretation. I understand sihat babim as “neighbor of,” that is, in “the city quarter,” for which see CAD seªu 1b. 297. qabê lugal. Why does Meptum not refer to him as “my lord,” if the king is Zimri-Lim? Or is the king of Yamhad meant, or Hammu-Rabi of Babylon, because he shared administration of Id with Zimri-Lim at the time? Durand suggests this is a technical term, which he translates as “autorisation royale.” 298. Durand restores pu-s[u-u]r “se trouve libéré.”

Text 26 254

Translation

275

“Herewith I send my lord that message. Another time, when a plunge party comes (from abroad), without tablet of my lord [they must] not [ ]. About not detaining Yamhadean troops [ ] concerning which my lord wrote me—before the tablet of my lord arrived [ ] I asked, and those troops have gotten underway [ ].” 1. 2.

Durand 26/1, 514, suggests that this was firewood for preparing the meal. The mother must have thought her daughter innocent. Even if she was convinced that her daughter would not die in the ordeal, she may have been aware of the fact that survivors suffered lasting damage from exposure to the toxic brew and wanted to take that risk herself. That she died was doubly tragic, because having proved her daughter a sorceress, they surely burned the daughter.

26 254 To my lord speak! Your servant Yaqqim-Addu (says), “I caught up with the 1 ªthousand troopsº in Id, and in accordance with the instruction of my lord, I, Ripªi-Dagan and the courtier Yarim-Dagan were present, and they put water on the hand of the wife of Iddin-Iltum.1 On that early morning they made that woman recount according to the text of the tablet of my lord, (namely), ‘Iddin-Iltum spoke as follows: [He] (said) “. . . , 299 and I left my clothes behind, and when I came back, they had left them among the clothes of the soldiers who were in flight, 2 coats, 3 shirts, and the 1 bronze goblet, the truth of which (fact) I confirmed some time ago, and which I mentioned to my lord.” ’ She confirmed the truth (of the statement) before River. “And he (Iddin-Iltum)/she (his wife) spoke as follows: ‘My brother beat a maid and killed her, and I saw it.’ This he/she said. That ªwomanº plunged 300 and. . . . 301 ªHerewithº we [have] ªdispatchedº that maid to my lord.”2 1. 2.

The hand-washing of the ordalist before the ordeal was part of the procedure (Durand, 26/1, 517–18). I understand the affair of the bronze goblet as reference to an earlier ordeal. The success in the case of the goblet may have triggered the second case. Possibly the third, completely different, case is also that of Iddin-Iltum. His wife seems to have developed a knack for surviving the ordeal.

26 255 See §7 (pp. 57ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Ishi-Dagan (says), “The troops of my lord are well. They drew close to the Esnunakean and met safe and sound with The Vizier of Elam and built their camp abreast 302 the camp of the Babylonians. [After] 4, 5 days I [entered] the palace 299. Durand a-di {[d]i [i]n} ia-di-in-du[tu i†-r]u-dám “jusqu’à ce que Yaddin-Samas m’envoie.” 300. dengur is-li. 301. Durand reads [i-l]e-{x} {x} em “est remontée.” The person who survived an ordeal “comes out” (waßûm) or “comes out safe” (salamum). Accordingly, we can restore [is]-ªliº-im or [ú]-ªßeº-em. The latter fits the traces visible on the photo better. The traces rule out a negative outcome, which would be imtut “she has died.” 302. ina irtisu, which is rare in Old Babylonian. It is also attested in 28 121, where it designates the location of a city with respect to the capital of a hostile king. Kupper translates it as “aux abords de.” The dictionaries translate the phrase “opposite,” but in the few known Old

276

Translation

Text 26 256

(and came) before [Sin-Bel]-ªAplimº and ªrelatedº the instruction [with which] my lord instructed [me. ] his instruction [he spoke] about ªEtel-Pi-Samasº and his fellow, (saying), ‘Your lord must have those men conducted, and I shall ask them for the ways 303 of the city of Esnuna, [and] they may return with a convoy to your lord!’ “And about the dancing-boy whom he requested in the past, he now likewise said, ‘That boy must come and meet with me. And he may return with a ªconvoyº to Mari!’ This he said to us. “Further: The Vizier of Elam has dispatched 2 Elamites to take the plunge in River. And The Vizier of Elam had said to the men, our companions, the following: ‘Let those two men take the plunge in River, and you [go on] to Mari! And return those!’1 I have written ªtoº my lord. My lord must know.” 1.

“Those” seems to refer to the 2 Elamites scheduled to take the plunge. Did they anticipate that they would survive?

26 256 To my lord speak! Your servant Zu-Hadnim (says), “I arrived in Manuhatan1 and sent this tablet of mine to my lord. My companion Samsu-Bal and his consul Yabruq-Addu, who came with me—the message which they carry for my lord is very good. “Further: 80 men from Imar, headmen of the land,2 go to take the plunge in River about silver of the goddess Baªalta-Matim. [ ] go [ ] Imar [ ] their securities [3 lines] I surely will not take their securities. Yes, in 3 days after (sending) this tablet of mine I will arrive before my lord. And those men have moved on to my lord.” 1. 2.

The governor of Saggaratum reported on the arrival of Zu-Hadnim from Yamhad in 14 30. It may refer to the same trip. Durand, “Imar,” 56, equates them with the elders of Imar. Asmad and Asqudum are called “headmen” in 26 35, where the context excludes identification with elders. In the present case, the writer stresses their high rank, which contrasts the low rank of most other ordalists.

26 257 “[n lines] ª3 linesº [This Sin-Bel-Aplim] said, and I answered him as follows: [I (said)], ‘The word that he spoke is serious. It is not suited [for ]. He deserves to die for it.’ That I said to him. He did not agree with me. He went ahead and had that boy put in prison. Another time Sin-Bel-Aplim spoke as follows: ‘They must go! The Haneans who seized the boy must take the plunge in River. If they come out sound, let them drive a peg into that boy’s mouth. Otherwise that boy goes and takes the plunge in River, and let River seize him according to what came from his mouth.’ [This] ªSin-Bel-Aplimº said to me. I answered him

Babylonian references outside Mari it designates the spatial relation of different body parts of a sacrificial animal where the translation “opposite” seems pointless. Since Babylon and Mari were allies, their camps cannot have been opposed across a frontline. “Right in front of, in close contact with/to” fits the context of all Old Babylonian references. The meaning of the Neo-Assyrian idiom ina irti person alakum “to meet someone” derives easily from the Old Babylonian use. 303. alkakat alim E. Durand considers various possibilities of translation in 26/1, 535 n. 4.

Text 26 258

Translation

277

as follows: [I] (said), ‘These, the ones who seized that boy, [ ]. And now [ ] with the troops of Yakun-Arru 304 [ ] do not cost one bread. They will take the plunge in River. ª2 linesº (then) let him pound (a clump of) soil on his head and [drive a peg into his mouth.’ 305 This I] said to him, and he did not agree with me. [ ] put into prison. [n lines].” It is very unfortunate that this interesting letter is not better preserved. It seems that the Mariote writer of the letter champions the cause of the Haneans, and the Babylonian Sin-Bel-Aplim defends that of the boy.

26 258 [To my lord speak]! Your servant [PN] (says), “They brought out Belsunu, the brother of Hazzuwuh, for questioning. 306 I debriefed him, and he spoke to me as follows: He (said), “My brother Halum-Pi-Ummu spoke to me as follows: “One part of the silver was for Kabbutum. And the second part was given to the singer Tir-Ea, a man of Hisamta.” ’ [5 lines].”

Letters 26 259–65 mention epidemics. The first two, 259 and 260, may well refer to one and the same epidemic, with 260 continuing the development told in 259.

25

26 259 = Finet, “Les médecins au royaume de Mari,” AIPHOS 14 (1957), 128

To my lord (Yasmah-Addu) speak! Your servant ªLaªumº (says), “About the devouring of a god, concerning which my lord wrote me—in Tuttul there are cases of illness. Death is rare. In Dunnum below Lasqum is a corpse heap. 307 Within two days about 20 men of the troops died. And the ªDunnites leftº the city and went to the mountain 308 of Lasqum. Muban, Manuhatan, in the vicinity of Dunnum, are well. Dunnum itself is diseased. Mari is well, the land is well.”

26 260 According to Charpin the text probably dates from the eponymate of Assur-Malik. See Durand’s note to the text and Charpin’s remark in NABU 1992 30.

To my lord (Yasmah-Addu) speak! Your servant Laªum (says), “The hand of ªthe godº has abated ªon the bank of the Euphratesº and [ ]. It did not ªspread (more) infectionº. (Before,) 10 men, 5 [ died] a day. Now the hand [of the god ]. 1 man [ ] in a day. The god has 304. Ya-ku-un-ru. See the index of individuals under Yakun-Arari. 305. Restoration according to A.2071:10–19 as quoted by Durand in comment c. But there may not be enough space for it. Durand does not restore. For driving a peg into one’s mouth as a method to shut somebody up for good, see my note to 28 67 (Orientalia 69 [2000], 99) and, on a broader basis, Kupper’s note, NABU 2000 50. 306. The translation follows Stol, JAOS 111 (1991), 627. Durand interprets a-na sa-li-im as ana salîm “pour lui faire subir l’ordalie.” 307. kurullum. Durand explains the word in comment b. But see n. 312 below. 308. Written kur, presumably for sadûm.

278

Translation

Text 26 261

made peace. 309 I had [extispicies] done for [the burying of ] the corpse heap and will write a full report [to] my lord after (sending) [this tablet of mine]. “Further: Some time ago, ªI wroteº to my lord that I dispatched 5 ªboatsº [and] troops (manning them) to Id to load bitumen and asphalt for Harbe. 3 times the boats [did not] carry [anything] here, ªandº [Hammanum] wrote [about] ªIdº, ‘Agents of the king (SamsiAdad) let Esnunakean [troops and] the general Yamßi-Hadnu enter Rapiqum, and those troops brought into Rapiqum 60 liters (of grain) per day (and man) from the fields of Rapiqum that the Babylonians had planted.1 And he (Yamßi-Hadnu) dispatched 50 troops, and they are staying in Id. And they stopped the boats, (saying), “You will not transport (anything).” ’ And I wrote Hammanum as follows: I (said) ‘Write the occupier of Rapiqum as follows: You (say) “My lord wrote me as follows: ‘In the past there was enmity with the Babylonians, and they did not ªpermitº [us] to ªtransportº bitumen and asphalt for the needs of the house of Dagan. [ ] the Esnunakean [ ] establish (plural) [ ], and let them ªtransportº bitumen and asphalt for the need of the house of Dagan!’ ” ’ I wrote this to Hammanum. And so far a report concerning the transport of the boats or else their (continued) stoppage did not return to me, and I did not write my lord, and once that report returns to me, I will write to my lord.” 1.

According to Charpin, NABU 1999 77, the action of Samsi-Adad set up joint EkallateanEsnunakean control of Rapiqum.

26 261 To my lord (Yasmah-Addu) speak! Your [servant] Iksud-Appasu (says), “My lord wrote me ªabout my tripº. My lord ªknowsº that I do [not] put off a trip. The journey is on schedule. 310 And my lord wrote me strict orders about small-boats, and I was present 3 days where they fixed them up, and I had a burning fever. I am ill. I cannot go to my lord. “Further: A god spread infection in Zurubban. It did not yet calm down. And now he spreads infection in Zapad, and my lord must know this.”

26 263 [To my lord (Yasmah-Addu) speak]! Your [servant PN] (says), “The god has become reconciled with the ªlandº, [all of it. From] the 25th day [of the month of ] until the month ªof Tirumº (XII), the 5th day being in progress, [ ]. A sick (man) who was touched [ ] melted away. 311 I had extispicies done for the burying of the corpse heap on the 10th day of the month of Tirum. The god has answered. All of them were viewing (the corpses). 312 He 309. The verbal form is written i-sa-li-im. I assume it stands for the perfect issalim. It may also spell the present tense isallim. 310. uk-ku-ba-at. Durand translates “était prête à partir.” The D stem of the verb, which is registered as ekepum in CAD and AHw. and exhibits many spellings with b as third radical, is used elsewhere of the timely arrival of rain. 311. i-zu-ub from zâbum. Durand translates, without comment, “(ont) survécu.” 312. Durand reads ka-lu-su-nu im-ma-ar-ªkuº, discusses the possibilities on the basis of kalûsunu “their cantor” and kalusunu “all of them,” derives the verbal form from namarkû, and translates “tout un chacun de ceux qui subsistaient.” The derivation from namarkû is impossible for Old Babylonian if this verb is denominated from warkum, as suggested in AHw. I read im-ma-ar,

spread is 1 pica long

Text 26 264

Translation

279

(i.e., each) buried the corpse belonging to him. The exorcists and cantors cleansed the city thoroughly on the 14th of the month of Tirum. The god has become reconciled with the land. My lord must know this.”

26 264 To my lord (Yasmah-Addu) speak! Your servant Masiya (says), “About the hand of the god, which abated in [ ]—I ªdrew upº a tablet of the ªdeadº among the weaver women, the cultivators, the [ ] and the prisons [and sent (it)] to my lord. ª5 linesº [n lines].”

26 265 ª18 linesº. “Further: receiving the grain for the grain taxes has been carried to completion. Half of the grain from the threshing floors is collected. But hand is not yet set to transporting the grain rations of the tax of the cultivators from the upper district.1 The sesame plants are sown, their growth is good. But the year is hard. The cultivators have grain deficits. When my lord comes, he will hear (the complaints about) their taxes. “Further: The hand of the god has abated. The palace is well. There are numerous fatalities among the domestics, the weaver women, prisons, and cultivators. ª7 linesº.” 1.

I am not quite sure what is meant. Here is a tentative scenario: the grain taxes were received after threshing. Half of the amount was brought together from various threshing floors to a central location, the missing half being the grain from threshing floors in the upper district. I assume that “grain ration” here designates the amount each cultivator had to pay as tax rather than the amount of grain that is paid to a laborer or soldier, the “ration alimentaire” in Durand’s translation.

Letters 266–70 and 274–83 mention illnesses of individuals, 271–72 an epidemic among dogs, and 273 peculiarities of Mariote medical care.

26 266 Villard, “Administrateurs,” 121–25, collects the sources referring to a war of Samsi-Adad against Larim-Numha and places this letter in that context, proposing that the author of the letter led the troops against Larim-Numha.

“[n lines] [on] the day when I was about to start out, a shooting pain went up from my foot (while I was still) in the palace, through all of my tendons, and it was raging down to the sole of my foot and up to my midsection. So I postponed the trip. I did not dismiss the army. Assembling the army, however many were assembled, was difficult (enough). And dismissing the army is difficult. The army is ª. . . 313º in Subat-Enlil. Within 5 days the foot will get well, and I will take [the lead of the] army, and ª2 linesº Larim-Numha [n lines].”

viewing the last sign of the line as erasure, and assume that the relatives of the dead were looking for their dead kin in the corpse heap. If this is correct, kurullum actually cannot be a corpse heap (Durand’s “tas des morts”) but, rather, some kind of a makeshift morgue. 313. Durand restores [pa-a]h-ra “assembled.”

280

Translation

Text 26 267

26 267 To my lord (Yasmah-Addu) speak! Your servant Yantaqim (says), “My lord sent me a tablet about the physician Íuhhutum, (saying), ‘The physician Íuhhutum is staying in your district. Dispatch him to me.’ That man is not staying in my district. He is staying in SubatEnlil. And when I ªwentº to ªSubat-Enlilº, that man [ , and] I ªtoldº [him] the following: ‘My ªlordº sent me ªa tabletº about [you]. Depart for Mari!’ His brother (said), “Why would my brother go to Mari? He was staying there 3 years ago. And he went hungry. For what did he (Yasmah-Addu) employ him, so that he should return to Mari? I presented my brother to the king (before). And the king spoke as follows: “Your brother must stay here. I will employ him.” ’1 This his brother answered me. I wrote to my lord the answer that the brother of Íuhhutum answered me.” 1.

The speech of the brother gives the impression of rambling. He refers to the bad experience of his brother’s first employment in Mari. Then he asks why his brother should return, and then he turns again to the story of the first employment.

26 268 = Finet, “Les médecins au royaume de Mari,” AIPHOS 14 (1957), 133 To Yasmah-Addu speak! Your father Samsi-Addu (says), “You wrote me about the physician Íuhhutum. I dispatched the physician Meranu to you before your tablet arrived.”

26 269 = 4 63 = LAPO 18 1034 [To Yasmah-Addu speak]! Your brother ªIsme-Daganº (says), “About the fugitives who fled from Nurrugum, concerning whom you wrote me—dispatch me a secretary (from among them)! ªKeepº the physician with ªyouº! And from the fugitives, keep whom you want to keep and have the ªremainderº of them conducted to me! And from now on, keep those of the fugitives that come to you that you want to keep, and have conducted to me any that you do not keep, and I shall assign them where they can be assigned. About the Yamhadeans [n lines].”

26 270 To [my lord Yasmah-Addu] speak! Your servant Tarim-Sakim (says), “I spoke once, twice, to my lord about Ipiq-Enlil. That man ªknowsº the craft of a groom and a physician very well. [My lord] must see [that man, and] I requested that man from the king (SamsiAdad). That man is very capable. My lord must not leave that man behind.”

26 271 To my lord (Yasmah-Addu) speak! Your servant Girinisa (says), “My lord wrote me about Bissean1 dogs. There existed many Bissean dogs. They went mad. [Those] dogs ªdiedº. ªThere areº none (left). (So) I did not ªsendº (any) to my lord.” 1.

Apparently for Bisrean, that is, dogs from the Jebel Bishri. See the next letter.

Text 26 272

Translation

281

26 272 To my lord (Yasmah-Addu) speak! Your servant Ili-Imitti (says), “A tablet of my lord about Bisrean dogs came to me. Because of your angels, madness fell on them, and they died 3 years ago. They have disappeared. Which are the dogs concerning whom my lord writes me, and (that) I must keep? [3 lines].” Angels help. Consequently, it must have been a positive development when the Bisrean dogs “went mad,” presumably having contracted rabies, and disappeared.

26 273 Guichard, NABU 1995 115, connects the letter with 9 149 and 7 221 314 and so dates it to the end of ZL 6u.

To my lord speak! Your servant Ibal-Pi-El (says), “Iskur-Mansum, a servant of HammuRabi (of Babylon), wrote as follows to his lord: ‘Plant oil is not put 315 on sick persons. And they do not keep catering to their wishes.’ This Iskur-Mansum wrote his lord.” Durand believes that the “sick persons” were Babylonians. But why would a servant of Hammu-Rabi inform him of curiosities of Babylonian medicine? If the “sick persons” were Mariotes, he might conceivably inform the Babylonian king of curiosities of Mariote medicine. But why did Ibal-Pi-El write this to Zimri-Lim?

26 274 [To my lord speak]! Your servant [PN] (says), “The city of Mari is [well]. I provided the gifts for the ªBabylonianº troops and their upkeep, however much my lord instructed me (to provide). I contented them. I provided 20 small-boats for the sick persons to embark. And I saw [that] there were many sick persons ªamongº them. [Those] small-boats were not ªenough for themº. And [I] ªprovidedº 2 large boats [ ] for their need. [6 lines] dead.”

26 275 To my lord speak! Your servant Sammetar (says), “The day I sent this tablet of mine to my lord, Sumhu-Rabi unfortunately fell ill. Not one day (had he felt any problem), not two days, on that day (he said), ‘My foot hurts.’ Like about 316 his foot (he said), ‘[My]ª 317º hurts.’ And all of a sudden he laid down his life. I am afraid they will hear (it) in his house, and slave and maid will take fright. My lord must give instructions, and under no circumstance must they (be allowed to) take fright1 in his house.” 1.

This may not refer to the shock that their master died but to their fear about their fate when the household of Sumhu-Rabi was brought to the palace and disposed of by the king. Sammetar was probably afraid that they would run away.

314. Correcting his quote, “7 211.” 315. i-na-ad-di writes innaddi. 316. Durand reads a-di-ma se-pí-su-x and suggests the translation “au moment même où il disait “mon pied.” I read {ki} ki-ma se-pí-su-m[a]. 317. Durand suggests ri-i[t-ti] “my wrist/hand.” Perhaps re-b[i-bi-ti] “my midsection.”

282

Translation

Text 26 276

26 276 [To] my lord speak! Your servant Sammetar (says), “My lord wrote me as follows: ‘A tablet arrived from Babylon. Come! Let us listen to that tablet! Let us consult and give a response to it!’ This my lord wrote me. Some time ago, when my lord stayed in Zurubban, I sent Dari-[ ] to my lord. The physician who treats [me] spoke to me as follows: ‘If you do not go out [from your house] during these 2 days that . . . 318 at the peaking of [ ], ªa godº will not touch you and you will live.’ That the physician said to me. [And] to the offerings of Diritum [14 lines].” The letter seems to treat three topics: (1) Sammetar acknowledges receiving a message from the king, (2) he informs the king of having sent someone to him, (3) and he reports about the advice of a doctor regarding his illness. A scenario for linking the topics is this: Sammetar gives excuses for not having come to the king to discuss the message from Babylon: he was sick and sent Dari-[ ] instead.

26 277 To My Star speak! Inibsina (says), “A chair-bearer informed me, ‘Sammetar died.’ My Star must know.”

26 278 To my lord speak! Your servant ªYaqqim-Adduº (says), “A carbuncle, which some time [ago ] on the neck of (the woman) [PN], erupted, and my lord dispatched me a ªphysicianº. He dressed that carbuncle, [and] she revived. ªNowº that carbuncle has become prominent (again). Before ªthe carbuncleº gets out of hand, my lord must ªdispatch a physicianº, [and] he must dress [that] carbuncle.”

26 279 To my lord speak! Your servant Tilani-Hesud (says), “Attuzar, the maid of Hussutum, filled up with the punishment of god,1 and I evicted that woman from the palace. Senior cantors must come and cleanse the palace.” 1.

The “punishment of god” may be a particular disease or a general condition. Durand believes it is a skin condition. A similar expression is attested in A.350+ (Charpin, “Apum,” 120–22), where a Hanean gives as reason for a death: “he filled up with the water of a god and died.”

26 280 [To my lord speak!] Your servant [PN] (says), “The three sons of Batahrum, the [ ], all of them, ªdiedº together. The other day they fell ill, and then Batahrum wrote me for a diviner, and I dispatched a diviner. The next day, in the early part of evening, all of them died together, and they were left for one night in bed. They brought them out [and] ªburiedº

318. Durand, [tattan]assabu “tu ne dois absolument pas bouger,” literally, “pendant que . . . tu resteras continuellement assis.”

Text 26 281

Translation

283

them. [ ] ª 319º. [And I heard] from those around [me, ‘ ] silver, ªtabooº [of the god], 320 is with him.’1 [The city] is well. My border guards are at full strength. [32 lines]. “[About] the wood pieces for wheel naves [concerning which] my lord wrote me—some time ago, when I collected troops of my district for a rescue mission and departed for my lord, a tablet of my lord reached me in Zibnatum. I returned from the rescue mission. I have dispatched right away 10 men upland. I (said), ‘Go! Cut crosspieces for wheel naves, together with their axle housings’ 321 [circa 12 lines].” 1.

Sasson, “Mari and the Bible,” 112 n. 52, explains: “When the three sons of one man died on a single occasion, rumors explained that their father absconded with treasures belonging to the god.”

26 281 The death of Apla-Handa dates this letter to ZL 10u. See 26 537 and Lafont 26/2, 511. 322

[To my lord speak]! Your servant Istaran-Naßir (says), “Apla-Handa went to his fate. They concealed it for 4 full days, until the day of offerings to Nubandag. On the 18th day of the month of Kinunum they made the matter public. Mourning has been set. Herewith Yatar-Amu,1 [ ] of Abi-Dagan, [ ] a message. [3 lines].” 1.

Durand, in comment c, demonstrates that this is not Yatar-Ami, the successor of Apla-Handa, but the physician Yatar-Amu.

26 282 [To my lord speak! Your servant PN] (says), “[Before] I listened [to the tablet of my lord], I was [not] happy. [And] my foot is in pain all over, and I cannot step on the ground. And they carried me to the house of the barber on a bed. Excepting that, I would have catered to the wishes of my lord, for whose (face) I thirst as for the face of the sun. Since my lord seized the city of Mislan, I need no further satisfaction. 323 “Further: Some time ago, I wrote my lord as follows: I (said), ‘They must take along 2 Haneans1 to the border alive and mutilate them at the border. Let them go alive to the sons of Yamina and tell how my lord [seized] the city of Mislan by force.’ [11 lines].” 1.

These are Yaminite Hana.

26 283 (obverse too destroyed for translation)

“And herewith the Quteans who were staying in Terqa move on to my lord. And they saw that I was ill. My lord must ask them about my being ill. I am afraid my lord will [speak] as follows: ‘[ ].’ [n lines].” 319. 320. 321. 322. 323.

Durand reads [da-a]r-ka-tim ù-[ul i-si]-ma, translates “il n’a plus de descendance.” So Durand 26/1, 554 n. 99. Or perhaps [of the king]. So Charpin, “Manger,” n. 33. tiyaru. See comment 3 to 26 285. Correcting his quotation, “26 280.” ayyasi maßûmma maßi. More literally, it means “for me, there is complete satisfaction.”

CHAPTER TITLE DROP

Chapter 5

Translations of Texts from ARM 26/2

26 284–98 are letters by Ußur-Awassu to Yasmah-Addu.

84–226 284 To my lord (Yasmah-Addu) speak! Your servant Ußur-Awassu (says), “About the wool ration of the courtiers, my lord wrote me as follows: ‘Provide wool for the wool ration of the courtiers!’ I supplied wool, and nobody accepted (it) from me. 1 Now he (my lord) must dispatch me a reliable man whose (familiarity with) the courtiers my lord has checked,1 and he (the reliable man) must make the courtiers accept the wool rations.” 1.

The phrasing is awkward, as a more literal translation demonstrates: “Now, a reliable man, whom my lord has been checking on the courtiers, he must dispatch me.” Charpin’s elegant translation gives the scribe too much credit.

26 285 To my lord (Yasmah-Addu) speak! Your servant Ußur-Awassu (says), “About the grass garment that ªis beingº woven,1 I spoke to my lord some time ago as follows: I (said), ‘There is no turquoise wool available.’ Afterward, (some) turquoise wool became available. I bought (it) but had to cause that weaving-project to be dropped (after all). 2 And when my lord was staying (here), that weaving-project had been ªdroppedº. Now that garment is half [finished]. Without turquoise wool, the weaving-project is dropped. Since ªBabylonianº 3 caravans do not come, turquoise wool has become scarce in this land.2 Now, if turquoise wool 1. imhuranni. Charpin translates “mais personne ne s’est présenté à moi,” which is also possible. The couriers did not seem to trust Ußur-Awassu. Perhaps they were afraid that they would have to pay for the wool offered them. 2. A more literal translation would be “I bought and caused the weaving to be dropped,” which seems paradoxical. The writer seems to imply that he could not buy enough wool to finish the job. 3. For the reading, see Charpin, 26/1, 9 n. 3.

284

Text 26 286

Translation

285

ªbecomes availableº to my lord, [my] lord [must] ªsendº 2 pounds of turquoise wool, and ªthatº garment ªwill be finishedº for the trip of my lord. “[11+n lines] to ªKar-Kamisº ª10 linesº. My lord must know this. The ªworkº of ªIliºUßranni [ ], which [my] ªlordº assigned as his work, is not being neglected. ªAboutº the carpenters, the chariots, ª6 linesº are not available. As long as [my] ªlordº is staying in that land, he must send tiyaru-wood3 to me, and I shall bring in many wheels for the contribution of the offering of Estar. If that is not so, they will be made of poplar rather than of tiyaru. As there ªareº no tiyaru, I gave Larim-Abum (further) instructions for [my] ªlordº. “Further: I keep sending my tablets to my lord. My lord must send me a response to my tablets.” 1.

2.

3.

The word lullumtum designates an unidentified grass and a garment. The translation is based solely on this fact. As the text shows, it was made of wool. The word may refer back to a time when it was indeed made of lullumtum-grass. Charpin notes that the garment was worn by the king during an annual offering to Estar and proposes on the basis of the present text that it was woven annually for this occasion. Durand and Guichard, “Rituels,” 28, suggest that it was replaced under Zimri-Lim by the taddêtum garment. At the time of Zimri-Lim, when wool from Babylon was scarce once more, Zimri-Lim asked rhetorically, “In the past, at the time of Yahdun-Lim, Samsi-Addu, and Yasmah-Addu, did they pay attention to Babylonian wool?” (A.1285 = O. Rouault, “L’approvisionnement et la circulation de la laine à Mari,” Iraq 39 [1977], 147–53 = LAPO 16 136). The present letter shows that this was empty talk. A wood used for making “cross-pieces,” presumably axle housings.

26 286 [To] my lord (Yasmah-Addu) speak! Your servant Ußur-Awassu (says), “About the ªsoldier Gumul-Sinº who was assigned for (duty) on expeditions in the rear of my lord—that man [has] ªnot been seenº in 2 years. And they spoke to [me] as follows: ‘[He is staying] in ªTuttulº.’ “When my lord has ªturnedº his attention toward going, my lord must strengthen the guard ªof the soldiersº, [and they] ªmustº [ ] to Mari. ªcirca 11 linesº. “Further: I wrote to [my] lord about the 40 pounds of bronze that are (to be used) for the drum. And my lord wrote me as follows: ‘Obtain 1 talent of bronze that [ ]!’ I weighed the bronze pieces, and [there are] 50 pounds of bronze. And about aurochsen skins—we have located the skins that are available over here, and they ªareº not ªenoughº. As long as my lord is staying [in] ªthat landº, my lord must locate 4 large aurochsen skins for me and send (them) to me, so that, (when) they (the skins) are available, [the drum] will be completed ahead of (the arrival of) my lord.”1 1.

Villard discusses in NABU 1989 92 Mari texts with information about the use of bronze and skin in the manufacture of drums.

26 287 To [my] lord (Yasmah-Addu) speak! [Your] ªservantº Ußur-Awassu (says), “[n lines] that he gave Ibal-[ , which] the boy of Tarim-Sakim sent me. And the garments that I sent my lord are ªwhatº the commoners ªmade. The garmentsº of the palace [ ] not [ ] until now.”

286

Translation

Text 26 289

26 289 [To] our [lord Yasmah-Addu speak! Your servants PN and] Ußur-Awassu (say), “[n lines] that [ ] on the tablet of our lord [ ] are not readily available. The upper floor, concerning which [our lord] wrote us, we have not ªbuiltº, and when the roof beams . . . , 4 nothing else (is needed). And since the upper floor is not covered, the vents 5 are not [ ] for being opened. Because of that [they] do not [ ] the vents. [ ] of the roof beams of . . . 6 of [ ] wood. [ ] goes to Halabit, they will bring ªroof beamsº, and we will roof the upper floor of [ ] and open the vents, [concerning which our lord] wrote us. ª9 linesº.”

26 291 = Yuhong, 201 To my lord (Yasmah-Addu) speak! Your servant Ußur-Awassu (says), “I ªlistened toº the tablet that my lord ªsentº [me]. ªAboutº the chores [concerning which] my lord wrote me— I am having the chores done, [and] nothing at all is being neglected. The palace is well. And because until now [ , I did not] sent a tablet to [my] lord. The heart of my lord [must not ]. Until now, when they brought me the tablet of my lord and attested 7 the whereabouts of my lord, I did not [know] ªwhereº [my lord] was staying, [and] (so) I did not send my tablet to [my] ªlordº. Now, after they confirmed the whereabouts of my lord in Qabra,1 the (affirmation of) the well-being of the palace and my tablets will go continuously to my lord!” 1.

Yasmah-Addu had joined Isme-Dagan in laying siege to Qabra. See Charpin, “Toponymies amorrite et biblique: La ville de Íîbat/Íobah,” RA 92 (1998), 82.

26 292 To my lord (Yasmah-Addu) speak! Your servant Ußur-Awassu (says), “About the slab of 7 reeds (length), which was cut in Sa Hiddan—when my lord was staying in Mari, my lord instructed me as follows: ‘They must make that slab into 3 slabs of 2 reeds (length).’ These instructions my lord gave me. I consulted with Tarim-Sakim, and Tarim-Sakim (said), ‘A slab of 7 reeds. . . .’ 8 ªI am afraidº the king (Samsi-Adad) will hear, ‘A slab of 7 reeds was cut in Mari.’ Now, my lord must consult with his father, and my lord must write his servant Tarim-Sakim ªaccordingº to the consultation of my lord with his father, so or not so.”

4. Charpin reads it-ta-al-la?-ku?-ne?-si?-im? and translates “nous arriveront.” 5. musiratum. Charpin translates “fenestrons,” referring to CAD. The word is probably derived from sarum “wind,” whence my translation. 6. saritum. 7. For the verb hâ†um, its meaning, and the interpretation of the passage, see my note, NABU 1996 64. 8. Charpin reads [ß]a-l[a]-am kúr? and translates kúr “comporte la représentation (du signe) kúr,” quoting Durand’s suggestion that this was an ominous sign. The photo is unreadable. I expect “is unheard of ” or the like. In this case Tarim-Sakim would have felt it advisable to consult the king, because the size of the monument to be made from the slab would have exceeded a comparable monument at the residence of Samsi-Adad.

Text 26 294

Translation

287

26 293 The text is badly preserved. It and the following letter belong to the same group of letters as 26 132 and 34.

26 294 To [my] lord (Yasmah-Addu) speak! Your servant Ußur-Awassu (says), “About the finery of Nin-Biri: . . . , 9 clasps and . . . , 10 are attached to the body of the goddess, and the goddess is ªperfectº. [5 lines] And the ªlandº, all of ªitº, will certainly see. If it (her mouth) should not be opened,1 my lord must write me, so or not so.” 1.

As Charpin notes, the mouth-opening ritual is meant. For aspects of the rite, see M. B. Dick, Born in Heaven, Made on Earth: The Making of the Cult Image in the Ancient Near East (Winona Lake, Ind., 1999).

26 295 To my lord (Yasmah-Addu) speak! Your servant Ußur-Awassu (says), “The chef ÍilliTispak, whom my lord had conducted to me, approached me and spoke to me. He (said), ‘Nikkissida-Abi and Sep-Sin are two boys of mine. Ili-Imitti detained them in Qa††ara. And my lord wrote, and he (Ili-Imitti) did not answer a word. And those boys are not staying in the palace. They are staying in the house of Ili-Imitti.’ My lord must write (again), and they must conduct those boys to me. ªIfº not so, [4 lines].”

26 296 To my lord (Yasmah-Addu) speak! Your servant Ußur-Awassu (says), “About the physicians who are staying in Mari—my lord instructed me to dispatch (them) to him. I checked on them, [and] Iddin-Ili ªtreatsº the feet of Eressum-Matum and Yasub-Dagan. He is detained. [ ] Puzur-Malik [2 lines].”

26 297 [To my lord] (Yasmah-Addu) speak! Your servant Ußur-Awassu (says), “My lord ªwrote meº about ªblack alumº as follows: ‘[My] father [sent me] Nurrugean ªblack alumº. I shall ª. . . 11 thatº black alum. If it is good, I shall send you much of it.’ They did not bring me any black alum. “And my lord wrote [me] about the untrained 12 boys under the authority of Ilsu-Ibbisu as follows: ‘I spoke to you about blinding [their] eyes. Why have you not blinded their eyes?’ On that very day their eyes were blinded.1 I entrusted [them] safe and sound to the hand of Ilsu-Ibbisu. “Further: About the men [ ] Ikun-Pi-[Sin] [n lines] Ili-Ußranni [ ].” 9. 10. 11. 12.

hi-ib-sum. ki/di -ni-ta-tum. Charpin restores lu-ka-al-[li-im-ka] and translates “je vais t’en envoyer.” la ba-nu-tim. Charpin refers to the unpublished letters of the chief cantor Ilsu-Ibbisu.

288 1.

Translation

Text 26 298

Apparently it was believed, not without reason, that the blind make better musicians. That the boys were “sound” seems ironic to us.

26 298 To [my] lord speak! Your servant Ußur-Awassu (says), “My lord wrote me urgently about the illness of Beltum, ‘Be concerned! Do not be negligent!’ I keep being apprehensive, (yet) I am not worried sick about Milady. 13 Her illness has ªbecome lighter thanº what it was in the past. It is not ªas in the pastº. “Further: There are no high-ranking matrons in the palace who can attend to Beltum and speak to her and cause her to communicate when 14 it is appropriate. Now, if matrons, 4 or else 5, who understand the palace and are ªsuitedº to keep Beltum company, are with Mubalasaga, [my lord must] have them conducted and let them attend to her. And they must advise her when it is appropriate. And they must cause her to open up. 15 The mother 16 of Beltum who came from Qa†anum—as if that woman did not raise her (Beltum) when Beltum was little and did (not) understand her mind. That woman, they cut her completely off from (her kin in) Qa†anum the day Beltum left, and they have (now) dispatched (her) to us in Mari with Beltum. And she has no understanding whatsoever of the affairs of the palace.1 “Despite the presence of an unreliable woman2 who was keeping Milady company, women-singers brought her (Beltum) out to the house of Estar for the suraru prayer 17 at the time when the bolt of the palace was set,3 and a fever touched her in the courtyard of the painted house4, and from that time she was ill. Now, the heart of my lord need not be concerned at all. Her illness has become lighter than what it was. After (sending) this tablet of mine, I will take a break for 4 days and then write a complete report to my lord.” 1.

2. 3. 4.

Perhaps “the mother” is mentioned here as the obvious choice to get Beltum over her state of withdrawal. Yet since “the mother” is encapsulated in her own world also, being cut off from her old home and not adjusted to her new home, she cannot help Beltum. Charpin believes that the unreliable woman is “the mother,” softening the meaning “unreliable” (la takiltum) by translating “peu sûre.” Apparently gates in the palace were locked at bedtime, siesta or evening, and Beltum found herself locked out of her quarters. This is the excavated courtyard, #131. See Durand, “Palais,” 49–54.

26 300 and M.14549 = Durand, “Protocoles,” 30, provide information on the division of administrative responsibility under Samsi-Adad (26 300) and Zimri-Lim (M.14549).

13. The writing, SAL Beltiya, indicates a name rather than the appellative “my lady.” 14. asar “where” is used here and in the next sentence in the sense of “when.” See n. 409 to 26 534. 15. listaptêsi is St2 of petûm. See my article “Sutawûm,” 168. The problem was apparently that Beltum was withdrawn and would not talk. 16. She is not Beltum’s natural mother but her wet nurse. See the references in Charpin’s comment f. 17. Translation according to the Assyrian word suraru.

Text 26 300

Translation

289

30026 300 “[n lines] ªEkallatumº [ ] the stores, the house ªof executive officeº of Ekallatum [ ]. Like the stores [ ] Liter-Sarussu and Hamatil [ ] the stores of Ekallatum. Masiya, the man replacing Hamatil, is to direct the affairs of the outside, fields, plows, ports. This he must direct. . . . 18 And he is the one who makes the accounts. Ußur-Awassu [is to direct] the affairs of the inside of the city, stores, [house] of executive office, craftsmen, ªprisonº, and ªfatteningº shed [n lines].”

26 301–43 are letters by Yamßum. He wrote 26 301–21 and 323–36 in ZL 9u and 10u as representative of Mari in Ilan-Íura. Charpin observed particularities of writing and diction that he attributed to three different scribes and labeled the groups as standard, barbaric (303–6; 310–11; 323–24), and mixed (318–19). In ZL 11u, Yamßum was transferred to Karana, from where he wrote 26 339–43.

301

26 301 To my lord speak! Your [servant] Yamßum (says), “[I arrived] in the border city [of ] my lord. The city of Ilan-Íura, king ªHaya-Sumuº, [and] the troops of my lord [are well]. 29 men [n lines] Dagan [ ] I ªsentº this tablet of mine from Ilan-Íura ªtoº my lord.”

26 302 See §32 (pp. 88ff.).

[To my lord speak!] Your servant [Yamßum (says), “The city and] the troops of my lord are ªwellº. My lord [instructed me in the city] of Silhan. [My lord] (said), ‘You go to the city of Ilan-Íura. And ªyou concern yourself withº 19 that on which I instruct you!’ According to the instructions of my lord, I concerned myself. ªI carried (it) outº. I have not ªincurredº wrong and harm to my lord. I do not write any news that I hear and my eyes see here and there to my lord, until [I] ªcheck onº such news.1 I hope that [I] ªcan continue checkingº 20 on [news] in the future, and [ ] a single false word. I am not able to [ ] my lord. [And] ªwhoº went to my lord [and] ªdenouncedº me [as follows]: ‘Yasim-El entrusted 7 Numhean slaves to the hands of Yamßum. He (Yamßum) violated the oath by Itur-Mer and my lord.’ If I saw something in the hands of Yasim-El or else in the hands of the soldiers, or else brought it into the city of Ilan-Íura and then hid that matter from my lord, who will redeem me from the hand of my lord in the future? “Haqba-Ahum, the respected servant of my lord, got hold of me before Haya-Sumu and submitted the issue of the Numheans, and nothing came up (against me). And (that after) 18. ana watartim. Charpin translates “en supplément,” in which case Masiya had additional responsibilities mentioned in the broken part. 19. ta-na-[hi-id]. Charpin reads ta-na-[aß-ßa-ar] “you will guard.” 20. Charpin restores the beginning of line 14 as [ú-ul ap-t]a-ra-ás and fits the form into his overall understanding of the clause by translating “Il est possible qu’une fois ou l’autre je n’ai pas vérifié ces nouvelles.” Yet urram seram, Charpin’s “une fois ou l’autre,” refers elsewhere to the future. I restore [ap-ta-na-a]r-ra-ás and translate accordingly.

290

Translation

Text 26 303

a check was made on me! Now, on this day, my lord [must know] that Haya-Sumu keeps writing denunciations about me all the time. That man was talking with Haqba-Ahum. [ ] ªnotº [ ] before Haqba-Ahum. ªHaya-Sumuº rose, ªandº he spoke ªthisº [word] to ªHaqbaAhum as followsº: ‘Why do you ª 21º [ ] ªYamßumº? Is that assessment the right thing? Nothing will develop 22 (from it).’ Haqba-Ahum, the respected [servant of ] my [lord], made an examination, [and] when nothing came up against me, [he returned] to Atamrum. “When Yasim-El passed to the city of Siphum, he had an ox conducted to me, and my boy brought it with his boy all the way to Qa††unan. Atamrum may have given that man (his boy) to him, or else Yasim-El captured (him). I do not know. That [ ] my lord must know! “[Further:] I heard from those around me the following: ‘[n lines] Hammu-Rabi (of Kurda) [ ] to do battle [ ] Open [the ears of ] ªHammu-Rabiº and establish peace [with ]!’ [ ] of Atamrum [ ]. Haqba-Ahum departed.” 1.

Iddiyatum states in 26 521 that he wrote, then checked, then sent his message. Apparently there existed a policy to check statements for their factuality before sending them on to the king.

For 303–5, see §20 (pp. 71ff.).

26 303 Photo in Dossiers d’Archéologie 155, 67.

[To my lord speak! Your servant Yamßum] (says), “[n lines. Haya-Sumu (said)], ‘I shall go to ªSehna toº Kunnam.’ I (said), ‘Your adversaries Addi-Addu and Isme-Addu are staying there. Do not go! They will waste 23 you.’ Ulluri approached me the next day, and then we placed the message with which my lord sent him (Ulluri) before him (Haya-Sumu). He (Haya-Sumu) rose and (said), ‘Just as you saved Sub-Ram and Sammetar?1 And you will save me?’ And Ulluri rose to his face and (said), ‘Did you not . . . , 24 and did you not then destroy them?’ And I rose and (said), ‘About your fault you do not say “my fault.” Do you not realize that salvation is where my lord clamps down? 25 After Samsi-Adad died, there were 4 strong kings.2 And they did not marry two daughters of Yahdun-Lim. Now, you married two daughters of my lord.3 And you insulted my lord. Do you not know that my lord removed the Esnunakean, a strong king, without allied troops from the gate of Andarig? 26 Why do you insult my lord? Do you not know that the lance of Zimri-Lim and the Hana is strong over the land, all of it?’

21. Charpin restores [tu-u]ß-ba and translates “es-tu venu t’ajouter.” 22. I understand i-ba-as-si as a spelling of ibbassi. 23. itabbakuka. It means, literally, “they pour you out.” Charpin translates “affaibliront ta position.” 24. [s]a ti -ha-tim taskun, literally, “You placed that of. . . .” Charpin transliterates dì-ªa4-tim and translates “tu as exposé de (si mauvais) avis que. . . .” He notes that this word is otherwise exclusively attested as the object of sâlum. Moreover, it has /a/, not /i/, in the first syllable. 25. Literally, “My lord is salvation where he places his claw.” 26. bab Andarig . . . sarram . . . beli issuh. Either nasahum “to remove” is constructed here with two accusatives, which is otherwise not attested, or we must emend to bab . . . “from the gate. . . .”

Text 26 304

Translation

291

“Now, my lord must pay close attention to this tablet. Herewith now, 27 Ulluri, a true servant of my lord, who told hurtful things to his face, I and Ulluri have made him grasp (our determination), and he did not go to Sehna. [And] as he dispatched Íuriya and Aqba-Abi (as) his replacements, they declared a sacred oath ªwithº Kunnam, Addi-Addu, [and] IsmeAddu. Now the messengers of The Vizier are staying with the ªkingsº (of Idamaraß). They (quote him), ‘Conduct ª. . . 28º and go. I will lay siege to Babylon.’ The land has turned its face toward my lord. [n lines]. “Further: Write him4 and (say), ‘Come to me! We shall consult and then do what needs to be done.’ ” To my lord speak, “One lance, my lord, for Rabum!”5 1.

2. 3. 4. 5.

Guichard quotes (in “Guerre,” 28–29) parts of A.3194, where Ibal-Addu of Aslakka accuses Zimri-Lim of not having saved Sub-Ram and Sammetar. Ibal-Addu provided more detail: SubRam’s household was looted by a commoner named Samsi-Erah (not the king of Tilla), and Sammetar was “wrapped in a skin and handed over to the Elamites” by unidentified persons. According to Durand these would be Yarim-Lim of Halab, Hammu-Rabi of Babylon, Rim-Sin of Larsa, and Amut-Pi-El of Qa†na. Simatum and Kiru. Probably Haya-Sumu is meant. This is a postscript, a rare feature.

26 304 [To my lord speak]! Your [servant Yamßum] (says), “Since the day that my lord dispatched me ªhereº, Haya-Sumu did nothing without me, placing his affairs, all of them, before me. Now, since the king of Kurda extended protection 29 to his son,1 he changed his mind. He never calls me in on his affairs. He went ahead and let 3 hundred ªtroopsº [carry] tribute. And he ªdispatchedº Aqba-Abi. He (Aqba-Abi) went. He (Haya-Sumu) sent (the tribute) to Kunnam. I spoke and [ ] (said), ‘Why do you act in this manner?’ He (said), ‘Am I acting in this manner without (the permission of) Zimri-Lim? Upon the command of Zimri-Lim I am acting so!’ “And further: He let [his] ªsonº carry [ ] and [ ]. And [ ] they extended protection to [his] son, [and] they (Haya-Sumu’s men) carried [ ] as a good thing 30 according to the text of [the tablet] that he (the son) was carrying to ªKurdaº. “ªFurtherº: [ ] Dadi-Etar ªbroughtº silver and gold [ ] to Esnuna to ªAtamrumº. My lord must know these things! 27. “Herewith” probably refers to the things Ulluri and Yamßum told Haya-Sumu—in other words, “Having said that. . . .” Usually the sequence is “now herewith” (26 151:22, 313:51, etc.). 28. Charpin restores [nu-k]u8-úr-[ta-ku-nu] ta-ra-nim and translates “mettez fin à vos dissentions.” But elsewhere, the verb warûm, which forms the imperative from tarûm, means “to conduct” persons and animals. 29. marasu lugal sa Kurda ikdû. The old translation of kadûm, “install as king,” created the insurmountable difficulty that the king of Kurda at the time was Hammu-Rabi. The new translation, “gain protection for someone (acc.), from someone (acc.),” was suggested by Durand in 28, 209. 30. dum[qi] or dum[muqtam]. The context indicates a type of gift. But other references known to me that use these words do not confirm this.

292

Translation

Text 26 305

“Now, the daughter of my lord, Kiru, who ªis stayingº here, she (said), ‘Write my lord that Haya-Sumu never cares about me.’ Now she (said), ‘Since my lord could not care less about me, either a woman is killed, or else she falls from a roof.’ [n lines].” 1.

The king of Kurda probably assented to Haya-Sumu’s plan of making his son king of Tadum. See §23 (pp. 77ff.).

26 305 [To my lord speak! Your servant Yamßum] (says), “[n lines. Haya-Sumu (said), ‘ ] Zimri-Lim. However you (pl.) [saved] Qarni-Lim, you ªwill saveº me.’1 [ ] this message [ ] Simatum, of Íuriya and ªAqba-Abi. Asº he (Haya-Sumu) went to Sehna, he bowed three times to Kunnam. 4 pounds of silver, 1/2 pound of gold, 10 oxen, 50 sheep, is what he took along to Kunnam. He returned from Sehna and (said): ‘What will I do? Why does Zimri-Lim not make peace with Elam?’ I (said), ‘Be hostile to 31 your enemies! Why did you undertake to advise Zimri-Lim to make peace with Elam?’ And he rose and [spoke] to Kunnam.3 He (said), ‘I shall dispatch [the troops] of Zimri-Lim (to Mari). Do not dispatch [your troops] (here) until he (Zimri-Lim) dispatches [his troops].’ Kunnam rose and [answered him] a ªwordº. He (said), ‘If ªZimri-Limº is hostile, [I shall dispatch] these troops of mine. And those of Nahur [ ], ªwhichº I [n lines.’ n lines] leans toward [ ], and [ ] to Babylon [ ] ªobservesº, and then he chokes (from fear). [ ] ªBabylonº like Esnuna [ ] observed him/it [ ] of my lord.” 1.

2.

3.

Qarni-Lim’s head was cut off in Mariote territory. See Charpin, NABU 1994 59, for the connection with this passage. The statement is sarcastic. It is interesting to note that Haya-Sumu did not repeat his remark about the fate of Sub-Ram and Sammetar, which is reported in 26 303. It is stated in the following letter that Haya-Sumu and Kunnam talked together. Yamßum’s disjointed writing style gives the impression that the conversation followed Haya-Sumu’s personal submission in Sehna, but instead, it probably took place on that occasion. Yamßum just said that Haya-Sumu returned from Kunnam. The conversation with Kunnam could have taken place before he returned, in which case the passage is yet another example of unchronological sequencing in the letters, or the conversation took place at a later time, in which case the passage is an example for the terseness of the letters.

For 26 306–9, see §22 (pp. 75ff.).

26 306 Photo of obverse in Dossiers d’Archéologie 155, 68.

To my lord speak! Your servant Yamßum (says), “I turned over a criminal [to] ªthe assemblyº, and [then we] extracted the ªfullº story from him. [He rose and] (said), ‘There is nothing ªto eatº?’ I (said), ‘No, we have been made to hunger for flour.’1 “They (the sources of the criminal, say), ‘Haya-Sumu will go to Nahur. Kunnam and Haya-Sumu talked. Kunnam (said), “If you tell the truth,2 go and give me Nahur!” ’ I heard 31. ni-ki-ir. Charpin bases his translation, “nous n’avons pas fait d’accord avec tes ennemis,” on transitive nakarum = “to deny” on the basis of 26 489:42 and assumes that ni-ki-ir = nikkir. I use the meaning “be hostile to” in both passages and assume ni-ki-ir = imperative nikir.

Text 26 307

Translation

293

and wrote that news to Itur-Asdu. I (said), ‘Do not give (permission to) anybody to enter Nahur!’ I opened his ears. 32 And he made an omen for 5 days, and it was not straight on their mobilization.3 And ªthatº news [he wrote me]. “Now the land is [ ]. Sheep, a thousand or else [2 thousand], are said to be ªbroughtº (to Kunnam). And ªnoneº among the kings [went] to Sehna. And the king (Haya-Sumu), whom I ªsawº,4 [ ] he (said), ‘[It is] ªIsme-Adduº, the king of Asnakkum, and not I, who [ ] in [ ] of Elam. 33 And [you know] the mind of Elam. Elam devours what is ªat warº or at peace with it.’ Now he (Haya-Sumu) wrote all [the kings. He] (said), ‘Do not go to ªSehnaº! He (Kunnam) will surely hunt you! And do not convene 34 an assembly!’ The land (of Idamaraß), all of it, is now leaning toward 35 my lord. And Hammu-Rabi (of Kurda) [and] his [land], all of it, is [leaning] toward my lord. His messengers keep submitting [ ] all the time. Upon listening to ªthisº [tablet of mine], write Hammu-Rabi, and [ ] with you [circa 9 lines].” 1.

2. 3. 4.

The paragraph is a vintage example of Yamßum’s writing style. Put in proper chronological sequence and logical relationship, it says: a criminal, possibly a deserter, was apprehended and hauled before the soldiers of the Mariote garrison. He came from outside the garrison, which is demonstrated by his surprise at not being given anything to eat. He did not know what was painfully clear to any soldier of the garrison—that they received measly rations of unmilled grain (see §31, pp. 87ff.). Apparently he had asked for something to eat and expected to be given food, despite his status as a criminal. After getting an explanation instead of food, he told his story, and Yamßum relayed the relevant points in the second paragraph of the letter. About Haya-Sumu’s intention to change sides to Elam. In other words, the oracular question “Do the Elamites mobilize to enter Nahur?” was not answered “yes” by the divinity. I believe Yamßum mentioned that he saw Haya-Sumu because it ended the period of noncommunication between him and Haya-Sumu and would have been news to Zimri-Lim.

26 307 [To my lord speak! Your servant Yamßum] (says), “[n lines]. My lord wrote (Haya-Sumu) as follows: [My] lord (said), ‘My servants must be present in private council when messengers come to you.’ Since Kunnam entered Sehna, I am never present in private council. The news from Atamrum and the news from Kunnam, which they keep bringing to him, ªthatº news he himself is covering up. I did not hear the news that they were bringing. ªThatº man does not communicate from his heart ªwithº my lord. If he [ ] forthrightly [ ] my lord, he would write to my lord a full report of whatever (news) they bring to him. And he would send servants (with) reliable (information) of his to my lord. Now, in utter disregard, he 32. The expression means “I told him something he did not know.” 33. Charpin restores ul anaku sa ina [qibê] Elamtim art[abû] and translates “Ce n’est pas moi qui sur [l’ordre?] de l’Elam [suis devenu grand].” He finds confirmation of the restorations in the texts published in his article “Isme-Addu,” 167 n. 16. 34. ta-na-da-na, which is an incorrect form. Tanaddê is expected. 35. ªi-qa-adº-du-ú. Charpin translates “tourne son attention,” referring to CAD qadû B, which quotes only lexical references and argues that they belong to kuddu, which is supposed to mean “to pay attention.” I presume iqaddad. This verb is also attested in 26 410:34u, where Joannès translates “inclinent vers.”

294

Translation

Text 26 308

keeps sending to my lord servants who are not the right choice. And your servant Ulluri saw his incorrect report. My lord must know (this) from this report! “When my lord triumphed over his enemies, and (when) his messengers brought him (Haya-Sumu) that news 5 days ago, because of that news that he heard [ ] 50 lances, [ ] which he gave me [n lines].”

26 308 To Haqba-Ahum speak! Your [son] Yamßum (says), “My lord wrote about once, twice, and [ten times] to Haya-Sumu. My lord (said), ‘When messengers, however many, come to you, my servant Yamßum must [be present in] private council.’ This my lord ªwroteº. Now, the news of ªAtamrumº, the news of ªKunnamº, and the news of the kings of Subartum, which they bring him—I [am not present] in the secret council. And I do not hear [that] news. Now, my father must write me the news that he (Haya-Sumu) writes to Hammu-Rabi (of Kurda), so or not so. Haya-Sumu communicates with my lord halfheartedly. And he does not write his full report to my lord.”

26 309 Same letter, “To Yanßib-[ ], whom he (Yamßum) loves.” Yanßib-[ ] must have been stationed in a place where he had access to news on and from HayaSumu. The ruler of the city where Yanßib-[ ] was stationed is mentioned in the second part of line 19, which is unfortunately broken. For 26 310–12, see §23 (pp. 77ff.).

26 310 To [my] lord [speak]! Your servant ªYamßumº (says), “Ibni-Addu ªwent toº [Sehna]. He (said) ªto Kunnamº, ‘Zimri-Lim has installed me to be king of Tadum. And they removed me.’ And he (Kunnam) gave him a soldier. He (said), ‘Go, return to your city!’ And HayaSumu wrote to (the people of) Tadum, ‘Kill (pl.) him right now!’ But they did not kill him over there. [And] he returned to Kunnam. He (said), ‘They did not agree with me ª4 linesº.’ 36 ªKunnam imbibedº beer and made (words) to Ibni-Addu. He (said), ‘My lord (The Vizier) wrote me, “Right now Zimri-Lim will go against you. And he will stir up the land. Write the Turukkean, and the Turukkean will come down to you. Do (pl.) battle with Zimri-Lim!” ’ And he (Kunnam) wrote to the Turukkean, and they did not come to him. Now, consult with your servants and (say), ‘Why [ca. 3 lines].’ And your ªantagonistº—you (say), ‘[Why] did you invite [me] but did not come to me?’ Write him now and do not ªworryº at all! In your house [ ].”

36. Charpin reads [a-nu]-ma-na-nu-{x}ma ki {x x}-ma / [la] im-gu-ru / [m i s . s u k u r ] li-im e-emmu-uq / [é r i n . h ] á mì-at tá-na-di-na and translates “Du fait qu’eux, là-bas, ne m’on pas accepté, tu me donneras mille [lances], de quoi équiper cent [soldats],” noting that the equipment of one soldier with 10 lances is astonishing. The restoration [é r i n . h ] á is doubtful because this logogram is only used in the Babylonian writing style (see 26 426).

Text 26 311 = 2 124 =

Translation

295

26 311 = 2 124 = LAPO 17 554 To my lord speak! Your servant Yamßum (says), “Kunnam did not know that Ibni-Addu was friends with my [lord]. And in his drunkenness he made words (to Ibni-Addu). He (said), ‘Don’t you know that the word of Zimri-Lim is accessible to The Vizier?’ I (said), ‘How so?’ He (Ibni-Addu answered), ‘A Hanean, who attends to the king, keeps letting (information) go out to Isar-Lim. And moreover, there are those in the detachment 37 who keep sending messages to Isar-Lim.’ Now, my lord must check on them, and there are those who keep letting the word my lord go out. And my lord must call them to account. Kunnam never tells lies. The man represents the lips of his lord. He never tells lies. I am afraid IsarLim acts the same way as Atamrum.1 Now, about dispatching Ibni-Addu ª. . . 38º my lord wrote me, ‘Dispatch him to me!’ I approached him. I (said), ‘Rise, go!’ He (said), ‘Since the finger of Zimri-Lim ªhas secured a holdº on me, who would do anything to me?’ ” Month of Abu (IV), day 10 [being in progress]. 1.

A specific incident of Atamrum relaying confidential information to an enemy of Mari is not documented.

26 312 [To my lord speak! Your servant Yamßum] (says), “[n lines] shoved me and [ ] to [ ]. “Your servant Ibni-Addu, who [falls down] before the person of [my] ªlordº, because he was invoking the name of my lord, Íuriya, Aqba-Abum and Simatum caused untoward words to go around 39 against him, and they (his enemies in Tadum) tied up that man inside ªhisº palace and took him along to the city of Elali. They locked him in fetters. And they confiscated his household. I spoke to Haya-Sumu as follows: I (said), ‘That man has no guilt or wrong. Why did you treat that man as a criminal and had his household confiscated for the palace (of Haya-Sumu)? Because he praised Yahdun-Lim and Zimri-Lim, his lord, you treated the man as a criminal? Once something is done to that man, and [ ] of that man does not return, [then] Zimri-Lim will not communicate with you (any more). [That man] is a ªservantº of Zimri-Lim. You are not able to do ªanythingº to him.’ That I told him. [And] that man (Haya-Sumu) answered me as follows: ‘He keeps sending emissaries to my rival 40 and could not care less about me.’ Now, I do not know whether that man (Ibni-Addu) is dead or alive. My lord must check on that man. Now, if it pleases my lord—that man is truly your servant; that man is not committing a wrong (for which he must pay) with his life— 37. zu-di -e-em. Jean read Sú-di-e-em and understood this as writing for Suteans. Charpin thought they were Sudeans, that is, inhabitants of Suda. Durand reads zu-ke!-e-em, connects this with a word attested in Neo-Assyrian texts and listed in AHw. as zukum II, “Infanterie,” transcribes it as zukkum, and provides references. The translation “infantry” seems anachronistic in Mari, where everybody fought on foot anyway. The translation “detachment” is based on the phrase “1 man from one zukûm” in 5 17+:44. 38. Jean read [a-na] su-k[a-a]l-[l]i-im, Charpin [x x] ª†á-ra-diº-im, and Durand ISu!-dUtu ta-de-em. 39. Literally, “they caused words to be seized from one another.” 40. ana kaltiya. For the word kaltum, see 28, 66, with n. 95. In the references known to me, the rivalry is about kingship.

296

Translation

Text 26 313

dispatch me a reliable man, a rider of donkeys, who does not mince words, 41 and may that man (Ibni-Addu) live! Idamaraß, all of it, will be dead, not alive, because of that man. Because he is a man of Idamaraß, you must keep that man alive. My lord must be aware of these things! “Further: Simatum, who says insulting words about my lord—and my lord came before the god because of her, and the god caught her and ªmutilatedº her fingers—and (still) seizures befall her. “Now, Bali-Erah, the messenger [n lines].”

26 313 For the second paragraph, see §29 (pp. 86ff.); for the fourth paragraph, §31 (pp. 87ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Yamßum (says), “The city and the troops of my lord are ªwell. I listened toº the tablet that my lord sent me. My lord wrote me as follows: My lord (said), ‘Haya-Sumu [wrote me] about [your] ªdepartureº, “I dispatched Yamßum, and [he will get 42] ªunderwayº.” ’ My lord (also) wrote me as follows: My lord (said), ‘If Haya-Sumu says to you [“depart!”], ªanswerº [him] as follows: You (say), “If you dispatch me, dispatch me ªtogether withº my troops! Sever the hem1 and let your enmity be known, and [I shall] depart.” When [he (Haya-Sumu) makes] this decision, send your ªtabletº to me! And what I ª. . . 43 º [ ].’ This my lord wrote [me]. My lord [sent] a tablet [to Haya-Sumu, (saying)], ‘Concern yourself with (the message of) that tablet,’ and as my lord wrote him [ ] matters, he ª. . . 44º about my departure. This my lord must know. “ªBeforeº the tablet of my lord [arrived, Atamrum] dispatched [n] hundred troops. And [he dispatched] general Taki. [Taki] lead those troops, and ªIº (said), ‘We will go [to] ªMariº.’ 2 [Those] troops ªwent to the rescueº of Sehna. [From] Sehna [they went] to Suna. [From Suna] they went to Amaz. [Wherever] those troops arrive, they ªdefeatº (their enemy). [And] ªifº those troops who [went] ªto the rescueº (of Sehna) had been present (at the initial encounter) ªwithº the enemy, not one would have [gotten away]. They returned in 8 days, and [ ] I spoke to them as follows: [I] (said), ‘Over [ ] to Mari [ ] whereto we went [ ].’ Now, that man [falls down] before the person of [my] ªlordº. 45 And he [communicates] ªstraightforwardlyº [with my lord]. ª4 linesº. Besides Samsi-ªErahº, [the man of Tilla, nobody] who has caused [grief ] to the person of my lord, and who [ ] to the mention of my lord, [ ]. Those are truly [servants] of my lord. “Some time ago I wrote to my lord about your servant Ibni-Addu whom they [ ]. Now, they made ªthat manº stay in Elali, [and] they moved him on ªtoº Miskillum, [which] ªliesº 3 miles away. Now, at this time, Íuriya, the servant of Haya-Sumu, [is staying] ª. . . 46º. 41. sa ina awatim panisu ul ubbalu, literally, “who does not plead with words”; Charpin translates “soit impartial.” 42. Charpin restores a negation and suggests the translation “il ne veut pas s’en aller.” 43. a-sa-al?-[ 44. I expect “changed his decision.” But Dossin’s transliteration, pí x u m[a ], which is the only remaining source (see Charpin’s note to the text), does not seem to fit the expectation. 45. ana sir beliya [imaqqut]. Charpin restores this and the following sentence as negative statements. I believe Yamßum praises Atamrum and his servants, including Taki. 46. [x x] an na a [ ]. I expect “over there (in Mari).”

Text 26 314

Translation

297

My lord must detain him. Do [not] ªreleaseº that man [until] ªIbni-Adduº and his household goods reach my lord. My lord must ªdetainº him. The denunciators of Ibni-Addu are Íuriya, Aqba-Abum, and Simatum. ª4 lines. Therefore,º they treated him as a criminal. If it pleases my lord, let that man live (his) life! “Further: About the flour which to give the soldiers, my lord wrote to Haya-Sumu [once], ªtwiceº, and 10 times, [ ] 4 [months] the troops sifted flour. I spoke to him [as follows]: I (said), ‘Why don’t you [ ] the day after tomorrow [ ] they gave you.’ [ ] the troops were hungry, and I started receiving grain [ ] a man of Idamaraß [ ] the allies of my lord [ ] a god may strike the face of the enemy! [ ] bronze [ ] stone [ ] ªchariotsº [ ] his [partner] in peace and the Kurdaite Hammu-Rabi. Hammu-Rabi [and] ªSamsi-Erahº in [ ] they received cooked [ ] the next day for dinner [n lines].” 1. 2.

The expression denotes rupture of relations. See Guichard, “Violation du serment et casuistique à Mari,” Jurer et Maudire, 81. This abrupt statement may imply that Taki asked Yamßum to accompany him, or to give him some of the Mariote troops, and that Yamßum declined because he expected to leave with the troops for Mari.

26 314 See §31 (pp. 87ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Yamßum (says), “About giving flour to the soldiers—my lord has become tired of all that writing. I talk to him (Haya-Sumu) about giving flour to the soldiers, and he does not ªsendº word. Because of the flour, which he does not give me, I did not enter (the palace) to (attend) his dinner for 8 days. Now, there are (just) [n] ªdonkey loadsº of grain rations. The division commander, Ubariya, and the lieutenant under my authority receive grain rations like the soldiers. From now on, let his (Haya-Sumu’s) general1 receive 3 homers of rations like me; let his division commander and his lieutenants receive rations like the soldiers. My lord must not give them flour. Like the soldiers of my lord, they must receive (unmilled) grain. Now, from this day on, let the soldiers receive 21-liter grain rations. I and his general shall eat from our fodder. 47 “Further: About the herbs of sorcery2 that Simatum sent my lord—that matter is true, not false. My lord must watch that matter closely. “My lord wrote me about dead and runaway troops. My lord (said), ‘Write down a namelist and ªsendº it to me!’ Because I watch the troops closely over here, I have sent for the soldiers on furlough, (that is), now 20 days ago. Let the soldiers on furlough arrive here, and I shall inspect the name-list on the tablet and see (who are) the troops on hand and the runaway troops, and [I] will send a complete report to my lord.”3 1. 2. 3.

That is, the general of the Ilan-Íurean troops in Mari. Food was a common vehicle of sorcery. See 26 253. Charpin, noting the opposition “on hand” and “runaway,” translates these categories simply as “present” and “absent.” Yet “run-away” (b a . z à h) was a specific category of absent soldiers. See the statement in 26 408: “Herewith I have inscribed a tablet of the men on hand, (in the form of) a name-list, of the troops of the garrisons, of the furloughed soldiers, the runaways, and the dead,

47. kissatum designates animal fodder. The term is used here sarcastically.

298

Translation

Text 26 315

place by place, and sent it to my lord.” In the present context, Yamßum can only act on the king’s request after the furloughed soldiers have been called back.

26 315 See §23 (pp. 77ff.) for the first paragraph and 25 (pp. 80ff.) for the second.

To my lord speak! Your servant Yamßum (says), “The city and the troops of my lord are well. My lord sent a tablet to Haya-Sumu. My lord wrote me as follows: My lord (said), ‘Let them open the tablet (sent to Haya-Sumu) before you and listen to it!’ He (Haya-Sumu) received the tablet, and I did not hear the contents of the tablet. The next day I entered and spoke to him as follows: I (said), ‘My lord wrote me about Ibni-Addu. Have Ibni-Addu conducted to my lord!’ He spoke to me as follows: He (said), ‘Ibni-Addu is my enemy, and I have called him to account. Who handed him over to me, let him hand Askur-Addu over to me, and then I shall cut off his head. Now, let a god hand 2 ªor elseº 3 of my enemies over to me, and then I shall cut off their heads. ªBecauseº he (Ibni-Addu) entered the land ª 48º and [ ] the interior of [ ], you (Yamßum) (said), “. . . 49 [ ] to ª 50º to Kurda [ ].” I will give [Tadum] 51 to my son.1 My [son] will go there and occupy that house.’ And he spoke to my face as follows: He (said), ‘Go, write your lord! ª 52º the head of that man.’ That man is alive now, not dead. Íuriya, Aqba-Abum, and Simatum, the adversaries of that man, are staying with my lord. Until Ibni-Addu and his household goods have reached my lord, my lord must detain ªÍuriyaº, not release him. [Now, once] my lord releases that man, and he reaches [the city of ] Ilan-Íura, [the king] will kill ªIbni-Adduº, he will not let him live. [If it pleases] my lord, let that man live! “[Further: Kiru] wrote me. She (said), ‘[Haya-Sumu] spoke [as] follows: He (said), “[ ] ªtoº Zimri-Lim.” ’ She answered him [as follows]: She (said), ‘[ ] you go, and [ ] I live [ ] ªgoº and [ ].’ He spoke as follows: ªHeº (said), ‘[ ] with me and [ ].’ She answered him [as follows]: She (said), ‘ªOver hereº I am staying [in ] of heart. [ ] I will go there. You will not benefit from 53 [ ] here. I do not go ªwithº you. I will depart for Mari.’ And HayaSumu spoke to her as follows: He (said), ‘If you do not come with me, I will kill you with a bronze dagger and go.’ Now, I am afraid my lord will mention that story to his messenger without paying attention, and he (Haya-Sumu) will kill, will not let her live. May my lord know that statement in his heart alone! [ ] ªis painfulº. The god of my lord and Itur-Mer are strong, and [that man] does not communicate forthrightly [with] my lord. He does not make [ ] of my lord. [ ]. They drop (hints) about his having set his sight on fleeing. “Further: I am afraid my lord [ ] this report, [and] that woman [ ] the city will be stirred up [ ] my lord [ ]. He must [dispatch] troops, however many can be dispatched. My lord must do what is necessary for saving the city of Ilan-Íura and for not letting that man (Íuriya) and Simatum leave the city (of Mari). 48. Charpin reads mat Si?-na?-ah?ki. 49. lú s[u. Charpin reads lú s [u-ú “that man.” 50. Charpin restores ana ta-r [i-im ú-ul na-†ú-ú] “[il ne convient pas] qu’il retourne.” Possible is also ana tar[îm . . . “to take (a person). . . .” 51. Charpin restores [Kur-da ki ]. For my restoration, see the end of §30 (pp. 87ff.). 52. Charpin reads ªúº-s[a-ba-al] “I will send.” For this custom, see 26 511. 53. tuwattaram. The translation is based on AHw. watarum D 7.

Text 26 316

Translation

299

“I wrote about a bronze lance to my lord. Now my lord wrote me. My lord (said), ‘The troops do not have enough bronze lances?’ I did not write to my lord about bronze lances for the troops. I wrote my lord as follows: I (said), ‘There is no bronze lance for my hand.’ If it pleases my lord, he must send me 1 bronze lance for my hand! “The Elamites and the Esnunakeans who are staying in Sehna are stirred up against each other, and the Assyrian merchants who were staying in Sehna—they (the authorities on Sehna) have expelled them. This my lord must know.” 1.

This may be Sumu-Madar, who received a goblet on 13 XII 13 in Nagar according to 25 586, for which see Guichard’s reedition in “Zimrî-Lîm à Nagar,” MARI 8 [1997], 331.

26 316 See §28 (pp. 84ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Yamßum (says), “The city and the troops of my lord are well. About once, twice, 10 times, I kept ªwritingº about my lord coming up ªtoº the city of Sehna. Now my lord wrote as follows: My lord (said), ‘Send a boy of yours to ªYanuh-Samarº and Simat-Huluris, and they (your emissaries) must obtain a full ªreportº from them, and (then you) write to me!’ This my lord [wrote me]. I sent reliable ªboysº of mine, [but] they [were] not [able] to enter the city. [ ] Yanuh-Samar and ªSimat-Hulurisº [n lines] ªYanuhSamarº [ ] news on that city ªas followsº: [ ] (said), ‘From the garrison troops who [ ], Quteans and Elamites—nobody between them [ ]. The Esnunakeans [ ] among the remainder [ ]. La-Awil-Addu made them declare a strong sacred ªoathº to Atamrum. They handed over the city. Yanuh-Samar and Simat-Huluris pay hommage to my lord. Those men did not ªknowº, [and] then the city was left to itself. La-Awil-Addu [entered] the city. He occupied the city. And the 4 hundred Elamites, he had them conducted to Andarig. He kept the Esnunakean and the Qutean with him. The Assyrian merchants, whom they evicted before, they, all of them, have ªreturnedº to their houses. Besides the fact that the Elamites [ ] blood on the tablet of nobody. All of them [n lines.’ n lines] ªagreeº with him, my lord [ ] his 54 throne, and then [let] him act according to the pronouncement of my lord! “[PN], brother of Abum-El, [ ] is staying in the city of Sehna. [ ] they checked on him, [and] ªhe wroteº me as [follows]: ‘[Write] to [my lord], and my lord must write to Atamrum, and then I shall [go] to my lord.’ That man, your servant, is very intelligent. Atamrum understood his intelligence and took him with him from Esnuna and let him stay in Sehna. Now, my lord must ªwriteº to Atamrum, and Atamrum must not keep that man.”

26 317 See 27 86 and M.9623 = Charpin, “Kahat,” 79 = LAPO 17 549.

[To] my [lord speak]! Your servant Yamßum (says), “The city and the troops of my lord are well. On the day that Abum-El arrived, during that same night, troops went to Kahat and, upon their arrival, seized the city of Kahat and caught Kapiya. Attaya, who [is staying] with ªHaya-Sumuº, [ascended] his (Kapiya’s) throne on that early morning. Now, 20 [troops] 54. Perhaps Yamßum is advising Zimri-Lim to install Atamrum or, less likely, Haya-Abum as king of Subat-Enlil/Sehna.

300

Translation

Text 26 318

of my lord, ªattend to himº. Haya-Sumu ªspoke asº follows: He (said), ‘Until things calm down, those troops must attend to him.’ They enlisted those troops in the presence of Abum-El. “Further: The Kurdaite ªHammu-Rabiº, ªis afterº Zu-Hadni, [the man of ] ªSurnatº, 55 and he [3 lines].”

26 318 See §21 (pp. 73ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Yamßum (says), “I am well, the city and the troops are well. My lord wrote me as follows: [My lord] (said), ‘Write me news promptly, however much you ªchance uponº! Write me, and be sure about the person bringing your tablet! He must be strong.’ News from Razama broke: ‘Sarraya placed lumps of pitch opposite a tower and then lit a fire under the lumps of pitch, and the tower collapsed. And the fire consumed the leaners. 56 And the wall inside the city [5 lines].’ ªAfterº [ ], Atamrum wrote ªSarrayaº ‘[Give me tribute]! And release to me the troops that you brought inside!’ 57 He did not ªgiveº him tribute. And he did not release to him the troops that he had brought inside. And the city is strong. And I am afraid Atamrum and his troops will quit before the arrival of my lord, and so the fame of deliverance will not be established for my lord. My lord must take his dispositions and arrive here quickly.”

26 319 See §28 (pp. 84ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Yamßum (says), “After (sending) my tablets that I sent to my lord, news from Subat-Enlil broke as follows: La-Awil-Addu killed Haya-Abum, and Yanuh-Samar is confined to the gate of his house. La-Awil-Addu headed upland ªtogether withº his troops. I am afraid he has set ªhisº sight [on] Nahur. My lord must take his dispositions. “And further: Ibni-Addu (said), ‘I am carrying a word to my lord. I shall go to my lord!’ And Haya-Sumu does not permit it. Now, my lord must write here, and that man must go to my lord!”

26 320 See §28 (pp. 84ff.).

55. Charpin considers the reading [Su-u]r?-na-atki but opts for [x Tu-ru]m-na-at-ki because of Joannès’s belief that Surnat was located close to the Tigris. But Turum-Natki was active during the early reign of Zimri-Lim and not in ZL 9u. Moreover, 26 422 attests an attack by Kurda on Surnat, and Surnat is grouped with Ilan-Íura, Tadum, and Tilla in 21 3. So it fits the present context very well. Joannès relied on a half-broken passage in 26 511, where the grouping of Hadnum and Surnat may be temporal rather than geographical. 56. See n. 99 to 26 71-bis. 57. Durand, in comment l to LAPO 17 548, translates “fais évacuer la ville et donne-moi tes troupes comme appoint.”

Text 26 321

Translation

301

[To my lord] ªspeakº! Your servant Yamßum (says), “Atamrum to ªAllahadº and HammuRabi to Kurda ª 58º a decree to ªtheirº troops. They (said), ‘Who are ªyou (pl.) thatº [you are suspended] 59 from ªpegsº1 [until] the finish of the month? ªOnº the 10th day, at the torch that I ªliftº, they [must] be assembled.’ Atamrum and Hammu-Rabi ªgaveº this order. General La-Awil-Addu ªestablishesº a camp by the gate of Sehna ªtogether withº 2 thousand troops. He (said), ‘The cultivated zone must not let the inhabitants [exit, nor] enter,2 and must not [ ] life, [ ] we [ ] the city in our hand.’ [n lines].” 1.

2.

The expression recalls the episode from the Sumerian story of the descent of Inana to the Netherworld, in which Inana is turned into a piece of meat and suspended from a peg. Inana and the troops in Allahad and Kurda are, as we might say, “temporarily out of action.” The formulation is strange. Presumably Atamrum wants to interdict communication between city and the cultivated zone around the city.

26 321 See Charpin’s interpretation in “Isme-Addu,” 170 n. 39.

To my lord speak! Your servant Yamßum (says), “The city and the troops of my lord are well. My lord wrote me as follows: My lord (said), ‘Do not neglect your guard!’ Now, I do not at all neglect my guard. I wrote some time ago [to] my [lord] about the Asnakkeans and the Urgisites who gave Atamrum their full report [and] brought their ªgift of devotionº to Atamrum. [Now], he did not take their ªgift of devotionº [n lines].”

26 322 For the first paragraphs, see §25 (pp. 80ff.); for the last paragraph, §24 (pp. 78ff.).

[To my lord speak! Your servant Sumu-Takim] 1 (says), “The instructions ªwith whichº [my lord instructed me], the message, all of it, I ªtoldº [him (Haya-Sumu)]. And the message of whatever he ªansweredº [me] about those instructions—I will ªplaceº the full report (of it) before my lord when I come. I spoke to him about Kiru’s trip. He answered me [as follows]: He (said), ‘She may ªgoº!’ On my second entry (into the palace), I ªasked him for instructionsº about the trip of Kiru (again). He [answered] me the same way. I spoke to him as follows: I (said), ‘Since the woman ªgoesº, send word, and then [ ]!’ And he [answered me] as follows: [He] (said), ‘You enter in her presence, [and] speak to her, and [ ] the news!’ This he answered [me ]. From those around me [I heard] the following: ‘[n lines].’ “My lord spoke to me as follows: My lord (said), ‘[Did you hear] that word2 from the mouth of ªKiruº?’ I (said), ‘[I did] not [hear] that word from the mouth of Kiru.’ This I answered my lord. My lord (also) spoke to me as follows: My lord (said), ‘(The woman) Sarrum-Tukulti [heard] that word.’ And my lord spoke as follows: ‘[That woman that] ªword beforeº Haya-Sumu’ [n lines]. “Further: [My lord instructed me] about Ustasni-El. My lord (said), ‘Assemble the troops and [hear their] ªlipº! If the troops are willing to accept him, [he may keep] his troops!’ I assembled the troops and [I heard] the lip ªof the troopsº. They (said), ‘[We are] ªnotº [willing to accept] Ustasni-El.’ There are 15 troops who are on the side of Ustasni-El. 58. Charpin restores is-[pu-ru] “ont écrite.” 59. The restoration is assured. See Charpin’s comment b.

302

Translation

Text 26 323

All of the troops would ªagreeº to (follow) Yamßum. I will assemble the troops a second time, [and] I will hear their lip, [and] if they do not ªagree (to follow)º Ustasni-El, I will take that man with me in accordance with the pronouncement of my lord. This my lord must know.” 1. 2.

Charpin considers Yamßum to be coauthor. I assume that Sumu-Takim was the sole author, because Yamßum is referred to in the third person in the second paragraph. Perhaps this refers to “the word of Simatum,” which aggravated Kiru’s life according to 10 33 and is quoted in 10 32. See §25 (pp. 80ff.).

26 323 For the first paragraph, see §19 (pp. 70ff.); for the second paragraph, §24 (pp. 78ff.).

[To my lord speak! Your servant] Yamßum (says), “When Kunnam entered Sehna, there were no doubt many troops with him. And the land, all of it, was stirred up. I (said) to the herald, ‘Get all the troops up on the wall!’; Ustasni-El rose and (said), ‘My troopers 60 will not go up on the wall.’ The herald (said), ‘My commander sent me.’ He (Ustasni-El) acted maliciously 61 and shoved the herald. The herald (said), ‘Why [do you ] me? ªThese things are nothingº good. And the name of the ones who hear you, ªtheir nameº, [many] or few, (are witness): [you are] a rebel.’ [ ]. I assembled the troops on the next day, and my troops confirmed it. I went ahead and tore my garment in light of the fact that there were witnesses to the words. I entered and placed my ªwordº before Haya-Sumu. He (said), ‘No enmity, 62 unless [you place] that word and these words of yours before your lord.’ “Further: my lord wrote me about my staying. And you wrote me about dispatching Kiru. It was Sumu-Takim who told (these) words before the king (Haya-Sumu), namely, ‘My lord (said), “Dispatch whoever must be dispatched and keep whomever you keep!” ’ HayaSumu (said), ‘Ustasni-El must stay, and Yamßum must go!’ I (said), ‘After my lord speaks to me, [I] will depart.’ [And to] my ªbrothersº who ªstroveº 63 to get away from the palace (of Haya-Sumu) [ ] palace [ ], I (said), ‘I will depart.’ They (said), ‘So you go out, and we will depart after you. They (said), ‘Is it little that he has been exploiting us for 4 years? And now you leave us behind, and he may still exploit us?’ They entered and started talking to the king. They (said), ‘He (Ustasni-El) will not give us commands.’ Haya-Sumu (said), ‘I do hate many troops and I do love the single (man). 64 Go home!’ Rabiyam ªrose, ‘Zarhanumº is trusted. 65 [n lines.’ n lines]. Herewith he departs for my lord. If [3 lines].”

26 324 See §25 (pp. 80ff.).

60. Charpin translates “les soldats” and comments “la lettre oppose ‘la troupe’ (ßa-bu-um) et ‘les soldats’ (ßa-bu-yu).” I read ßa-bu-wa, according to GAG §42g n. 2, and §21h. 61. [ì]s-pa-aT. See Stol, BiOr 29 (1972), 276–77. The verb is probably sapatum, for which CAD guesses a meaning “to be malicious.” It fits well here and in 28 70:10. 62. la nukurtum. Charpin translates “pas de bagarre.” 63. So, according to Charpin, who reads [iß-ßa-r]i-mu-ma and translates “ne rêvent que de.” 64. Charpin translates “Je préfère une troupe unie.” 65. Zarhanum is a place-name. The statement is strange.

Text 26 325

Translation

303

To my lord speak! Your servant Yamßum (says), “About the tablet that my lord sent me about Kiru—you (said), ‘Take action and let them dispatch that woman to me!’ I listened to the tablet of my lord and [then] spoke to Haya-Sumu. He did ªnotº agree with me. ªNowº he assembled his servants (in this matter), and I (said), ‘Since you [do not] ªlistenº to my words, make light of [ ], you evict me [ ].’ I used strong words on him, and ª4 linesº [n lines]. Now, my lord [must dispatch] ªa chariotº, and the woman must ªdepartº! And 7 pack asses. As soon as my lord hears this tablet of mine, he must ªwriteº me quickly, and then [they] must ªdispatchº the woman. There are some ªunderhandedº words of ªthe palaceº (going around). Let ªthatº woman get there and tell [you] (the story) in detail! “Now, the amount 66 of [ ] that I [ ] in [ ] and the child in ªÍuprumº? They gave me a field-area of 3 dikes of surface in (settling) the suit. Hazani-El, the owner of the field, disputed the (payment of) 1/2 pound of silver and took it (the field) away. Now, herewith I have written my brother who takes care of my household. Let him enter ªbeforeº the king and make [a statement] about his (Hazani-El’s) [ ]. My lord [must] give strict orders, and then nobody must approach my house.”

26 325 See §27 (pp. 83ff.).

To my lord ªspeakº! [Your servant] Yamßum (says), “Kunnam took along ªElamitesº,1 [and he ] Simat-Huluris [ ] him in Sehna. And the land was stirred up. All the kings had provided their troops. Troops under my authority seized two Elamite informers in the border region, and I (said), ‘They must get them to my lord.’ They had chased them away 67 (as being) no enemy, no brother.2 Haya-Sumu sent (troops), and they brought them back from 2 miles’ distance, and he spoke as follows: He (said), ‘Why do you keep doing untoward things in the city where I live?’ I (said), ‘Soldiers on their way seized the men. Now, do what you want to do!’3 I returned the word to his face. 68 He has just written denunciations about me to my lord. There is no fault whatsoever on my part. Now, he spoke to me as follows: ‘Go, depart!’ I (said), ‘Unless [my] ªlordº writes me, [I will] ªnotº [go].’ That man does not communicate forthrightly with my lord. This my lord must know. He has dispatched his troops and a general.” 1. 2. 3.

Note that 400 Elamites were left in Sehna when La-Awil-Addu entered (26 316). As enemies, they would have been taken prisoner; as brothers, they would have been entitled to the benefits of hospitality. It is not easy to understand what happened. I suspect that Yamßum does not tell the events in chronological order. Those who chased the Elamites away were probably men of Haya-Sumu. The Elamites were then picked up by patroling Mariotes. But Haya-Sumu did not want them to be sent to Zimri-Lim. So he took them into custody himself.

66. babtum. Charpin, “déficit.” 67. ikassidusunuti. Charpin, “on les a envoyés.” 68. This is probably an idiom. Charpin, following a suggestion by Joannès, translates “j’ai remis l’affaire à sa discretion.”

304

Translation

Text 26 326

26 326 See §20 (pp. 71ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Yamßum (says), “The city is well; the troops of my lord are well. I saw that Haya-Sumu communicates forthrightly with the Elamites. And I do not hear their words. I sent word, and they conducted two Elamites to me, and I (said), ‘[I shall] have those men conducted to my lord. And my lord [must ask] them for a full report.’ Nobody saw ªthose menº. ªNobodyº noticed them. [ ] the report on those men [n lines.] “[n lines]. ªHe keeps writing denunciations about me to my lord º. There is no fault whatsoever ªfrom strawº to gold. And that man is biting me 69 for (eliciting) untoward words, so that I make myself a pain to the person of my lord. My lord would sooner or later check on my words, and who would save me from the hands of my lord if I write untoward things to my lord? “Further: I sent my messengers to Andarig and (said), ‘Let [them bring back] news.’ Since the 27th, news [ ] do not come [ ].”

26 327 See §27 (pp. 83ff.).

“[n lines] my lord must come up, and the land, all of [it], will be calling out, ‘Long live my lord!’ The ªmessengersº of the Elamites who entered ªthe city ofº Sehna secretly were saying [to] Simat-Huluris [that] the Elamites ªhave retiredº from near Hiritum and then ªdepartedº for their land. Simat-Huluris did not believe [n lines].”

26 328 See §27 (pp. 83ff.).

[To] my [lord] speak! Your servant Yamßum (says), “[The city] and the troops of my lord [are well]. Haya-Sumu [sent] his [boys to the city of ] Sehna. He (said), ‘To whom will you open the city? If [you open] the city to Zimri-Lim, I shall write, and whatever [ ].’ YanuhSamar ªansweredº [him] as follows: He (said), ‘[ ] within the city, and the eyes are on me.’ [ ] that message to Simat-Huluris. Simat-Huluris [answered] as follows: He (said), ‘I ªguardº the city for my lord. I will not ªopenº the city to anybody. If a rescue detachment of my lord arrives, I will have lived. Otherwise I will have been killed on [ ], and if a hand caught me, my lord will weep for ªmeº.’ He [did not believe] that the Elamites [ ] from the city of Hiritum and departed for their land. And an inbound party 70 [did] not [ ] to him. There is no grain in the city now. ªThere isº (only) grain for 2 months. The brother of Yanuh-Samar [is] with Atamrum. And he keeps ªenteringº Sehna. Perhaps he ªreportsº underhandedly to Atamrum. 69. That is, “provoking me.” Charpin provides other examples of “biting” in metaphoric use. He translates “me mord pour une affaire indigne.” See also n. 183 to 26 157. 70. eribtum. The word also appears in A.285:22u–24u (MARI 8, 385–87), “Let an inbound travel group (eribtum) consisting of merchants and citizens of Ekallatum enter, and strengthen your patrols, and do not allow an outbound travel group (waßitum) to go out.”

Text 26 329

Translation

305

“Information 71 [came] to Haya-Sumu, (namely), ‘General La-Awil-Addu [comes].’ I went up1 to Haya-Sumu, [and] I (said), ‘That man comes. What is the story?’ He (said), ‘He comes with a tower.’ I (said), ‘If he comes with a tower, I will not permit him to enter the city.’ He (La-Awil-Addu) arrived the next day in the early morning, and he arrived together with 5 hundred troops, and I went up to Haya-Sumu and (said), ‘The troops [ ] not [ ] a tower. Still, the troops came together with their equipment. I will not permit that man to enter. If you meet with him, [ ] ªtroopsº [ ], and ªmeetº with him!’ [He (said), ‘ ] troops with [ ]. If [ ] 20 troops [ ] ªaccompanyº [ ] reservists [ ].’ And the troops [ ] 30 troops, together with [ ], he made them attend to him. And I [ ] together with 1 hundred troops. He saw that [he could do] nothing. His [face] darkened. The troops who came with him [ ], reservists and ªQuteansº [ ] not do anything [ ].2 On the next day ª 72º [ ] ªcalledº and [ ] a sacred oath [ ] to Atamrum, (saying), ‘Zimri-Lim and Atamrum [declared] a sacred oath, so call on the sacred oath!’ Haya-Sumu ªtook actionº and {the sacred [oath]} made Pudal-Puri [and] ªZimri-Samas call onº the sacred oath. ª8 linesº. ‘You are an enemy of the same place that Atamrum is an enemy of, and where the troops of Atamrum go, there your troops go.’ This sacred oath he (Haya-Sumu) made ªÍuriyaº declare.” 1. 2.

To the palace on the citadel? The breaks in the text cannot be restored with confidence. The preserved parts suggest the following scenario: La-Awil-Addu left his siege tower behind, as Yamßum had requested, but he came with enough gear to enforce any request. Yamßum agreed to letting La-Awil-Addu enter with 30 soldiers and shadowed them with 100 of his own soldiers. The person who “could not do anything” and whose “face darkened” may be La-Awil-Addu or Haya-Sumu.

26 329 “[n lines] ªHaya-Sumuº. His ªwordsº went beyond [ ]. About [ ] had not been donated [ ] and [ ] to his words. My lord [wrote] ªHaya-Sumuº . . . 73 of campaigns [that] you (Zimri-Lim) will return [(object)] to the troops. 74 And you counted [him] as one among the kings. Some time ago, Ulluri came, and [ ], however many [words] my lord instructed him with, he [ ] them all. Because he (Ulluri) did ªnot excuseº 75 a single word, (Haya-Sumu said), “Ulluri must not ªreturnº.” My lord sent Abum-El to him. He (said), “Abum-El must not [return].” Yesterday Ahum-Lumu, ªservantº [of my lord], came, and, since he had delivered his report [to him], Haya-Sumu answered him as follows: He (said), “Is Yamßum staying as (Zimri-Lim’s) agent for me? If he is staying as agent for me, let him measure ªgrainº.” I answered him as follows: I (said), “My lord Zimri-Lim has no grain and dispatched me to you for ªmeasuringº grain.” This I answered him.1 As I answered him this, his face darkened. 71. tabritum. Joannès, 26 424c, collected references for this word and thought it had the narrow technical sense of “written announcement of passage.” The expected general sense of this nomen actionis of burrûm “to inform,” that is, “information,” fits all references. 72. Charpin, mu-[us-te-er-tam] “in the early morning.” 73. ina muhhi. Charpin, “en vue de.” 74. It is very difficult to make sense of the text at this point. I believe that the second person refers to Zimri-Lim, despite the third-person reference to “my lord.” Yamßum and other writers occasionally refer to the king in both third person and second person within the same sentence. 75. panisu l[a ubil].

306

Translation

Text 26 330

Now, he never before changed his mind. If my lord continues writing him hurtful words, he will not place them in his heart. 76 (The first one-half to two-thirds of the lines of much of the reverse is preserved. They do not form an understandable text.) 1.

The passage is very interesting but not easy to understand. It was presented by Charpin in NABU 1999 77 as the point of departure for a collection of references that shows a political function for the person who is called ebbum, which I translate “agent” (the standard French translation is “prud-homme”). I can understand the passage only on the basis of the assumption that agents functioned as intermediaries between suzerain and vassals (defined by the relationship of “lord” to “servant”) but not between kings of different rank (defined by the relationship of “father” and “son”). I cannot prove the assumption, but it does not contradict the evidence known to me. There are 2 passages that seem to confirm it: (1) The kings of Idamaraß sent their agents to ZimriLim after they declared him their “lord” (26 347). (2) Hammi-Kun, a later vassal of Zimri-Lim, needs the services of an agent of Zimri-Lim to ascend the throne (28 111). I assume further that a suzerain could ask for grain as tribute from a vassal but not from a junior partner. In light of these two assumptions, the passage gains some clarity. Zimri-Lim’s message that was brought by AhamLumu must have contained a request for grain whose payment was to be verified by Yamßum. It implies that Haya-Sumu was demoted from the status of junior partner, which is documented abundantly (see simply the headings of letters 28 80–88), to vassal. Haya-Sumu was asked to pay tribute and accept Yamßum, whom he hated anyway, as collector of this tribute. Upset, he rejected Yamßum’s role as agent. Yamßum, in saying that there was a need for grain in Mari, tried to mollify him.

26 330 For further information on the Quteans, see 14 116 and M.5396.

[To my lord speak]! Your servant Yamßum (says), “[The city] and the troops of my lord are well. My lord wrote [me] once, twice, ªaboutº Quteans. My lord (said), ‘Send ªmeº as many Quteans as you ªseeº!’ [This my lord] ªwroteº me. [ ] Atamrum and Hammu-Rabi [ ] bread and beer [n lines] the Quteans [ ] heard [ ] they tied up 30 of their fellows [ ] and the troops available to [my lord ] of these two offerings [ ]. Aqba-Abum (said), ‘If ªit pleasesº [my lord ] must not ªslipº from the hand of my lord. Herewith [I dispatch] 9 Quteans [to my lord]. My lord ªmustº [ ] those men, [ ] they can get ªfierceº [n lines.’ n lines].”

26 331 The letter was probably written by Saknum. See FM 4 (1999) n. 425.

“[n lines] I, ªtogether withº [ ] troops, servants [of my lord], kept it 77 close with the cows, and I brought ªitº into the city, [and] they killed it on the next day, [and] ªI sentº the ribs to La-Awil-Addu and a shoulder to General Taki [ ] which/who [ ] in Luhaya [n lines]. [n lines] mill-stones [ ] ‘You had the sheep conducted here, [and] you did not employ me [ ]. [The pasture] is exhausted. I fed [ ] ªfodderº [n lines.’ n lines].” 76. The idiom is close to our “take to heart.” Charpin translates “il n’en tient pas compte.” 77. Probably an aurochs bull.

Text 26 332

Translation

307

26 332 To my lord speak! Your [servant] Yamßum (says), “ªIº did not meet with Atamrum [about] the sheep. [n lines. ‘n lines] you wrote me. Who [took] your grain, and who ªtakes advantage 78 ofº your household?’ Aksak-Magir ªtookº 9 tracts of grain. [And] that man is encroaching on my house. ªNowº if it ªpleasesº my lord, he must [not] ªtake charge ofº [my house] and take advantage [ ] to [ ]. ªI shallº arrive, and they must make my account before a god, and [2 lines].”

26 333 [To] my lord speak! Your servant Yamßum (says), “ªBeforeº [ ] of my ªlord departed from here.º 79 [On] that ªday I understoodº, [and] ªgloomº was placed in my [body. My lord] ªlistenedº, and it was my antagonist (to whom he listened). ªMayº that ªgloomº quickly ªgo outº from my body! The god of my lord will recognize me [by what I] ªtellº.1 Since being a child, I have lived the life of a soldier. And I was not able to hold the front of a plow. [n lines] [According to] ªthe textº of the tablet that my lord ªsentº [me], they carried off 20 tracts of grain and ªtook advantage ofº my household. [There is] no grain at all in my house. One plow and [ ] personnel [ ]. Now, if it pleases [my] lord, they must return the grain to me, and my household shall not [18 lines].” 1.

I follow Charpin’s and Durand’s restorations with minor modification. The key word is “gloom.” It is not fully preserved in both occurrences in the text and its restored form, daªummum, would be attested here for the first time. Yet it fits well the references to daªummatum, whose translation as “gloom” I adopt from CAD.

26 334 See 27 89 and §26 (pp. 82ff.).

[To] my [lord] speak! Your servants ªUlluriº and Yamßum (say), “ªA light courierº arrived from ˇabatum and (said), ‘Watch (plural) the news of Atamrum! Atamrum arrived [in] Luhaya. He will go up [to] Subat-Enlil, and [ ] and [ ] ªLuhayaº. [He has been writing] ªthe kingsº [again and again], 80 and [n lines].’ “[n lines]. I shall ªescortº the goddess [and] depart [for my lord].”

26 335 To ªSu-Nuhra-Haluº speak! Yamßum who loves you (says), “You wrote me about a bull that is (needed) for your offering.1 ªAfterº (sending) this tablet of mine, I will have [a bull] 78. ú-da-ab-[ba-ab]. Charpin restores ú-da-ap-[ pa-ar-ka] and translates “pille.” 79. See Charpin’s ingenious restoration [la]-m[a a]-se20-et ba-b[i-im na-de-e †up-pí be]-lí-ia an-na-[num it]-ta-la-a[k] “avant que les courroies de la porte ne soient mises, une tablette de mon seigneur est arrivée.” I hesitate to follow it because (1) we are not sure that asêtum are door latches (if they were, they cannot be expected to have been used for gates), and (2) an-na-[nuum it]-ta-la-a[k] describes a departure, not an arrival. 80. The restoration is assured. See Charpin, comment d.

308

Translation

Text 26 336

conducted to you. 81 [The bull] that I am having conducted to you is a gift for you. May you be the one who guards my back in the gate of the palace! Quickly dispatch me my messenger, [who] carries the tablets to my lord, and do not detain him! [ ] not in [my] ªdistrictº. And until he ªarrivesº, [ ] my eyes [ ].” 1.

The word “offering” is used exclusively for gifts from humans to gods. So the bull was destined for an offering that Su-Nuhra-Halu would make.

26 336 “[n lines] to Haya-Sumu [ ] Haya-Sumu dispatched [those] ªmenº, and they returned those men in [ , and] he returned those men to Sehna. And the soldiers who [ ]—those men, he detained in prison for 11 days. I released those men ªfromº prison. [And the men] disappeared. They either [ ] to the river, 82 or else [they went] to wherever they went. I did not hear a thing about them ª13 linesº [n lines] ª6 linesº.”

26 339 To my lord speak! Your [servant] Yamßum (says), “I am well, the troops under my authority are well, the city of Karana and Askur-Addu are well. “Further: About the sheep and their shepherds, those of Íuratan, whom the Turukkeans carried off—a messenger of Askur-Addu ªwent withº Íuratan to the Turukkean king Sasiya, and he [ ] them as follows: (remainder destroyed).”

26 340 To Su-Nuhra-Halu speak! Yamßum who ªloves youº (says), “I am well, the city of Karana and Askur-Addu are well. About [the sheep] and their shepherds, [those of ] ªÍuratanº, whom the Turukkeans carried off—a messenger of ªAskur-Addu went withº Íuratan to Sasiya, and [he (Sasiya) told] them the following: ‘[ ] district [ ] I ªcarried offº your ªsheepº, [and (that)] ª º I will carry off (sheep) a second time.’ “Further: You spoke to me as follows: You (said), ‘Send me good boots that you see!’ I was looking at boots, but they are too small. If truly. . . . 83 Herewith [ ] ªmessengerº has departed. Send ªme an impressionº 84 of your feet, [and] I shall [have] good boots [made]. And ªwriteº [me] about your needs. Dispatch the ones who bring [my] tablets [to me] quickly. They must not be detained.”

81. ú-sa-ar-ra-ak, a present-tense form of warûm S; Charpin derives it from sarakum D and translates “j’offrirai.” AHw. and CAD do not list a D stem of sarakum. 82. i7 da ri-im, that is, i7-danarimri-im or i7Da-ri-im. Probably the Euphrates is meant. 83. Marti, NABU 2001 80, reads summa ina ki-na-t[im m]a-ßé and translates “Elles ne suffiraient certainement pas.” 84. k[i-bi-ì]s, as read by Marti.

Text 26 341

Translation

309

26 341 See 26 494.

To my lord speak! Your servant Yamßum (says), “The city of Karana and the troops of my lord are well. 3 fugitives from Ekallatum fled here and told the full story to me, (saying), ‘They (the Ekallateans) heard about the coming up of Atamrum and dispatched Mut-Askur to bring up Esnunakean troops.’ On the same day ªmessengersº of Isme-Dagan [6 lines] were seized [ ] to Mankisum [ ]. And his land ªansweredº [him] as follows: ‘We will certainly not ªgo downº to ªMankisumº.’ ª. . . 85º he put together as many boats and small-boats as there were available to bring up grain from Mankisum. I have written the news that I heard to my lord. My lord must know this. My lord must dispatch me a diviner.”

26 342 See §66 (pp. 141ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Yamßum (says), “The Numha of Ekallatum, all of them, wander about without grain. And ªtroops transportº grain from Karana, 2 bushels and 1 halfbushel. 86 The troops are dead1 [5 lines]. And [I heard] from those around me, ‘The foreman of the merchants [of Assur] brought in a contribution to Askur-Addu. And Assur, all of it, monopolized 87 trading in Karana.’ I did not tire: I ªseizedº with my hand 1 person and [ ] ªwho letº the secret go out to me.2 “Further: (From) the city of Raßu ªup toº Sa Hadnim on the bank of the Tigris, they made prisoners of war. And their prisoners of war they brought into Ekallatum. This my lord must know.” 1.

2.

Charpin believes that the troops died of lack of food. While there can be no doubt that the lack of grain in Ekallatum was severe at the time, soldiers are usually the last to run out of food. I would rather connect the “dead” troops with the troops that were just transporting grain. I assume that the word “dead” is used metaphorically and designates utter exhaustion. After all, they were transporting something like 200 pounds per person over a distance of circa 90 km. Clearly, Karana was intent on keeping the arrangement a secret because it was allied with Mari and making deals with Mari’s enemy at the same time.

26 343 See 26 406 and §50 (pp. 117ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Yamßum (says), “[n lines] they cooperate. They have surrounded the city of Adalle and established a camp. This my lord must know.”

26 344 and 345 were written by Ustasni-El, a high-ranking soldier of the Mariote garrison in Ilan-Íura. 85. Charpin restores [a]-sa-ar s[a-n]i-[im] “ailleurs.” 86. Charpin, “chacun,” which would be 300 liters per person. 87. ustalla†. Charpin translates “s’est impatronisée.” The form means, literally, “it gave itself the power to manage.”

310

Translation

Text 26 344

26 344 See 26 322, 323, and §24 (pp. 78ff.).

To Su-Nuhra-Halu speak! Your son Ustasni-El (says), “About the fact that I went to my lord and met with my lord—my lord gave me instructions for Ilan-Íura. 88 Over here, Yamßum caused the opinion of the troops to turn against me. And Ulluri has adopted the interests of Yamßum, (saying), ‘As Su-Nuhra-Halu has adopted your interests, so have I adopted the interests of Yamßum.’ Another time Ulluri spoke to me as follows: ‘Go away! I am moving you to Mari. I will answer to my lord.’ And I answered him as follows: I (said), ‘As long as I have not seen a tablet of my lord, I will not leave the city of Ilan-Íura.’ Now, herewith Ulluri is carrying slander and ungood things against me to my lord. Take a stand and answer on my behalf! The house that I manage, 89 for whom do I manage it if not for you?1 Otherwise, write me and let them remove me together with my household.2 I do not want to die because of these matters. Why have the denunciations not happened long ago?”3 1. 2.

3.

Was there a special relationship between Ustasni-El and Su-Nuhra-Halu, or is the statement a common expression of allegiance? Letter 26 345 shows that Ustasni-El’s household was somewhere in Mariote territory. The formulation here must refer to the custom of moving the household of an employee of the kingdom to the palace at the time of termination of employment. According to 26 323, Ustasni-El had already been in Ilan-Íura 4 years at the time of Ulluri’s mission there.

26 345 See §24 (pp. 78ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Ustasni-El (says), “The city of Ilan-Íura, King HayaSumu, the troops of my lord, and I are well. I have been staying in Ilan-Íura (on duty) in the garrison for 5 years. Now, if it pleases my lord, let my lord dispatch an alternate for me! Otherwise, if my lord says, ‘You have been moved to Ilan-Íura for good,’ my lord must write me, and I shall know this! “Further: I am staying in the garrison. ªWhyº does Mayor Masum encroach on my [house]? [ ] to my house, and Mayor Masum took it for his descendants.”

26 346–55 are letters by Saknum from Nahur (346–48) and Ilan-Íura (349–55).

26 346 To my lord speak! Your servant Saknum (says), “The city of Nahur is well. My guards are strong. I keep hearing the lips of the land about the fact that my lord seized Nahur, and they are very happy, (saying), ‘Finally! We have gained a strong shepherd.’ And ‘Finally! We started rebuilding our houses.’ This is the news of the land.

88. The formulation is awkward. Ustasni-El is trying to say, “About the instructions that my lord gave me for Ilan-Íura when I went to my lord. . . .” 89. Charpin translates “administer” and provides supporting references.

Text 26 347

Translation

311

“Further: Herewith I send a clod of the city to my lord. My lord must act according to his consultation. [And] there is no grain in the city. My lord must do what is necessary to bring grain into the city.”

26 347 See 26 126 for the first paragraph and 26 349–51 for the issue of Huziranum.

To my lord speak! Your servant Saknum (says), “The kings, all of them, assembled in Nahur before Haya-Sumu and spoke in their assembly as follows: They (said), ‘Besides Zimri-Lim and Haya-Sumu, there is no second lord and father. We will do what our lord Zimri-Lim says.’ Those kings said this in their assembly. And Sammetar did not come to 90 the assembly of those kings. Sammetar seized untoward things in his hand, 91 and he keeps placing disagreement among the kings of Idamaraß. And by now the gods and the agents of the kings of Idamaraß are on the way to my lord.1 My lord must know. “Further: The cities of Zambuganni that were enemies with Zambuganni turned around and made peace with Zambuganni. [My] lord must know. And I asked Haya-Sumu about the issue of Huziranum concerning which my lord wrote me, and he answered me as follows: He (said), ‘I will return that man quietly to the throne of his father.’ This he said to me. My lord must ªknowº!” 1.

The gods would be witnessing and guaranteeing the oath of allegiance sworn to Zimri-Lim as suzerain; the agents would be responsible for providing the correct quantities of tribute.

26 348 [To my lord speak]! Your servant Saknum (says), “I wrote my lord about the city of Nahur. And he had Asqudum enter Nahur, and Asqudum saw that that city was left to itself. Now, my lord must dispatch troops, and they must take control of Nahur. That city [must not slip] from the hand of my lord. [n lines] I spoke to Haya-Sumu [as follows]: I (said), ‘Why is the city of Nahur left to itself?’ And he answered me as follows: ‘There are no troops. Write your lord, and [he must] ªdispatchº [troops], and [ ].’ [n lines].”

26 349 To my lord speak! Your servant Saknum (says), “Some time ago, Haya-Sumu took steps to let Huziran ascend (the throne of) his house. 92 I (said), ‘He does not ascend the throne without (permission from) my lord. ªWriteº my lord! A servant of my lord must come and let him ascend (the throne).’ And my lord [ ] Saqqum. [n lines] And Dari[ ] spoke to me [as 90. Text i-na “in.” 91. For this idiom, see n. 30 to 26 12. Charpin translates “Sammêtar médite de mauvais coups.” 92. ana biti[su] su-ri-bi-im ir†ub. Charpin corrects to ana suripim ir†ub and translates ana suripim “avant l’hiver.” Winter is called kußßum, “the cold,” or kußßu, “the cold (day)s.” I assume that suribim is an error for surubim and that ra†abum is constructed with a preceding infinitive, which is uncommon.

312

Translation

Text 26 350

follows: He] (said), ‘I shall ªascendº (the throne) of my house. I will go and kiss the foot of [my] ªlordº. And I [will ] my case [ ] the ring of my lord.’ ”

26 350 To my lord speak! Your servant Saknum (says), “You wrote about Huziran to your son Haya-Sumu. Now, Huziran entered his city of Hazzikkannum. My lord [must] send a servant of his to Huziran and let him obtain the compensation due my lord. Further: About the ªpersonal guardº troops who are staying with Haya-Sumu—those troops are worried all the time, (saying), ‘My lord instructed us as follows: “Go and stay 3 months with Haya-Sumu!” Now, we have fulfilled 3 months.’ This they said to me. If my lord will dispatch to me a replacement for these troops, let those troops go! Otherwise, if my lord speaks as follows: ‘Those troops 93 are staying,’ my lord must write them, and those troops will not budge from before Haya-Sumu.”

26 351 To my lord speak! Your servant Saknu (says), “About the issue on which my lord gave me instructions for Huziran—I went and [spoke to him] as follows: [I (said), ‘4 lines].’ And he answered me as follows: ‘I will certainly not depart for Ilan-Íura. Haya-Sumu will seize me.’ This he answered me. My lord must know.”

26 352 Charpin, 26/2, 118–19, dates the text to ZL 6u.

To my lord speak! Your servant Saknum (says), “My lord gave me instructions about the trip of Haya-Sumu to the offerings of Estar. I spoke to Haya-Sumu, and then he answered me as follows: He (said), ‘My trip is not opportune ªuntilº I have calmed the interior of Idamaraß.’ Now, the kings of Idamaraß assembled [in] ªUrgisº for ªQarni-Limº [and] ªHaya-Sumuº. They held an ªassemblyº in Urgis, 94 and then they were headed for the district of Nahur. Now, my lord must consult according to his royalty and write what has to be written to Haya-Sumu. “Further: Kiru safely delivered a boy. May my lord be happy!”

26 353 To my lord speak! Your servant Saknu (says), “My lord wrote me as follows about alternates [for the troops] that are staying with Haya-Sumu: ‘Kanisan just dispatched alternates for those troops.’ This my lord wrote me. And no alternates for those troops arrived. There are 25 on furlough and 22 men who are staying with Haya-Sumu. My lord must know. 93. I take ßa-bu-um -ma-a-mi su-ú as an error for um-ma-a-mi ßa-bu-um su-ú. Charpin emends to ßa-bu-um {ma-a-mi} su-ú. 94. puhram iddû. Charpin translates “ils ont terminé le rassemblement.” I follow Kupper’s comment b to 28 69.

Text 26 354

26 354

Translation

313

“Further: I heard from those around me the following: ‘The Luhayaites chased away the commissioner and the garrison of Bunu-Estar, and they have (now) made peace with HayaAbum.’ This I heard from those around me. My lord must know. “Further: It is Sabisanum 95 that has been seized. And I spoke to Haya-Sumu about dispatching that man to my lord, and Haya-Sumu answered me as follows: He (said), ‘I shall debrief that man and have him conducted to my father.’ ”

26 354 = 2 135 = LAPO 17 551 See §28 (pp. 84ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Saknu (says), “The city of Ilan-Íura, King Haya-Sumu, and the troops that my lord dispatched to the garrison are well. “Further: The day I sent my lord this tablet of mine, General La-Awil-Addu ªwent outº [from] Subat-Enlil together with 3 thousand ªEsnunakean troops. Perhapsº he is headed for Asnakkum, perhaps for Suruzum. Who would know? And I heard from those around me the following: ‘They have called Haya-Abum to account.’ ”

26 355 See §28 (pp. 84ff.).

[To my lord speak]! Your servant ªSaknumº (says), “The city of Ilan-Íura (and) [the troops] of the garrison of my lord [are well]. They are staying [ ]. And about the message of Atamrum—ªAtamrum wroteº as follows to Haya-Sumu: ‘Come and ªmeetº with me! And let your troops [camp] with my ªtroopsº!’ Atamrum [wrote] this to ªHaya-Sumuº. Haya-Sumu ªansweredº him as follows: ‘[ ] my troops with Zimri-Lim [n lines].’ [Atamrum] ªkeeps writing these thingsº and many more ªtoº Haya-Sumu. [This] my lord must [know]. And I heard [from] those around me: La-Awil-Addu went out [together with] 5 thousand troops at the ªheadº of the troops. And where he goes [ ] not [ ]. Or else he says, ‘To [ ] travel provisions of the troops [ ].’ “Further: ªHaya-Sumuº [n lines]. And he dispatched Kahateans [ ] to Atamrum. My lord must know!”

26 356 There is a letter from Ubariya, a division commander of the Mari contingent in Ilan-Íura, about problems in provisioning the garrison. It is unusual for a soldier of this rank to write to the king. Yamßum, who wrote the king about the problem repeatedly himself (26 313–14), may have encouraged the initiative of his division commander. See §31 (pp. 87ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Ubariya (says), “The soldiers who [are staying] in the city of Ilan-Íura spoke to me as follows: They (said), ‘Why ªdid we goº on campaign [ , and] (why) did ªweº not [return to] our lord at the end (of our assignment)? 96 Because [we are 95. Charpin transcribes the name Sabisanuma. The form of the name is unlikely. I therefore assume that -ma is the enclitic particle. 96. ina sulmim. Charpin translates “sain et sauf,” which seems irrelevant here.

314

Translation

Text 26 357

staying] in the stronghold of the king [and keep] ªguardº for our lord, our [ ] about 40 liters [n lines.’ n lines] their (the troops’) hearts are angry, and they will rise and depart for somewhere (else). I ªrelatedº to my lord what the soldiers are saying. ªNowº if it pleases my lord, they (workers of Haya-Sumu) must mill [flour], and the king (Haya-Sumu) must give them (the troops) flour. He (my lord) must replace these troops. And let my lord dispatch them (afterwards) wherever he wants to dispatch them!”

26 357–60 are letters by Yanuh-Samar, a high-ranking official of Haya-Abum and later of Atamrum.

357

26 357 Charpin dated the events reported here to about ZL 5u–6u. Guichard reinterpreted the letter in light of FM 2 127 in “Dame de Nagar,” 263–64.

To [my lord speak! Your servant Yanuh-Samar] (says), “Kapidum, servant [of AkinAmar], he being headman, [ ] the city of [Hazzikkannum]. He [came out] from Hazzikkannum [and went] to his lord Akin-Amar. And a secret agent came to Huziran, and Huziran wrote to (the city of) Haziyanum, and (in preparation) for his (Kapidum’s) return (to Hazzikkannum), they (Haziyanites) seized the gate in Tadum. He (Kapidum) returned ªfromº 97 Kahat, and when he reached Tadum [they seized him, but] Ziyanam, a servant of Askur-Addu, [and] his 15 troops returned Kapidum alive (to Kahat). And I wrote that news some time ago to my lord. And as they returned Kapidum, Akin-Amar wrote as follows to Bunu-Estar: ‘I am afraid the Hazzikkanneans will be all choked up because they (the Haziyanites) seized Kapidum and will cede the city (to Huziran). Dispatch 1 hundred troops and let them hold the city of Hazzikkannum!’ Bunu-Estar dispatched [1 hundred] reservists, (saying), ‘ªGoº! Hold the city of Hazzikkannum and make attacks on the land of [Ilan-Íura 98]!’ 99] but did not take Those troops went there and once made an attack on the ªcityº of [ a thing. [They returned] empty-handed. [ ] they set about making repeated attacks. [ ] ªIshi-Adduº [ ] 1 hundred reservists [of Qarni-Lim]. 100 In light of sound extispicies [ must] attack him, 101 and so I [instructed him (Ishi-Addu)], (saying), “ªGoº! [Stay] in Haziyanum 4 days! [ ] to seize Hazzikkannum, you will defeat [ ].’ ªIshi-Adduº [went. And he stayed] 4 days in Haziyanum. [On the ] day, the troops of Bunu-Estar [went out] ªfromº [Hazzikkannum], ªandº they laid an ambush near Mariyatum [in the district of ] Haya-Sumu. And Ishi-Addu [ ] midnight [ ] dusk [ca. 5 lines] Ishi-Addu, ªtogether withº [his troops and the] Haziyanite [troops], ªwentº, [and] they surrounded them [in] ªMariyatumº. And 97. Charpin [a-n]a “to.” Kapidum already went to Kahat, so we expect him to return from there. Accordingly, I restore [i-n]a. There is not enough space to restore [is-t]u. 98. Guichard restores “[Idamaraß].” According to FM 2 127, the troops of Bunu-Estar “set ambushes in the district of Haya-Sumu.” I restore accordingly. 99. Guichard restores “on ªthe citiesº [of Haya-Sumu].” Since the text speaks of a onetime attack, I would expect the name of one city. 100. Restored by Guichard according to FM 2 127. For the following restorations, see Guichard. 101. The leader of the Kurdaite reservists.

Text 26 357

Translation

315

[ ]. And [I] equipped 5 hundred troops of ªHuziranº and ªdispatched (them)º to Mariyatum. [ ] those troops in Mariyatum. [On] ªthe secondº day a rescue detachment [came] from Kahat. Samsi-Erah, the Tillaite, came to the rescue (of Bunu-Estar’s troops) [together with] his troops. And 7 hundred ªKahateanº troops came ªto the rescueº. The front of my forces [ ] from within the city of Mariyatum [ ] Bunu-Estar came out. As [ ] from Mariyatum, [and returned] to Hazzikkannum, the Tillaites and ªKahateansº [ ] their road. And the Kahatean troops ªretreatedº to their city. As the Kahateans ªtookº the road to Kahat, 1 hundred troops of Ishi-Addu and 1 hundred 50 troops ªofº [Huziran], 2 hundred 50 troops were dispatched 102 with Ishi-Addu at [their] head, (with the order), “Go! Lay an ambush for the [Kahatean] ªtroopsº toward Pardu.’ They took (the route of) . . . 103 and came out toward Pardu to meet the Kahateans and fought, and the servants of my lord pushed the Kahateans back, and they (the Kahateans) abandoned 6 corpses. And all of them (the servants of my lord) seized one (prisoner of war) alive. [And] the troops are back alive. Of the 2 hundred—they were not more numerous (than that)—not [one] was missing.1 ªThe Kahateansº were defeated good. The servants of my lord were victorious. A good thing it was of Ishi-Addu. Haya-Abu is well. The city of Sehna, Azamhul, and the ªservantsº [of my lord are well].”2 1. 2.

Ishi-Addu had 250 troops with him. What happened to the remaining 50 troops? Yanuh-Samar is reporting about a standoff at Mariyatum and a battle at Pardu. The events involve many groups, a fact that impedes comprehension. I provide in the following a simple paraphrase of the events as I understand them: On one side was Akin-Amar, an associate of the king of Kahat; his ally Bunu-Estar, king of Kurda; Samsi-Erah of Tilla; and Askur-Addu, who was a king without a throne at the time. A servant of Akin-Amar, Kapidum, held the city of Hazzikkannum. On the other side was the pretender to the throne of Hazzikkannum, Huziran. He was supported by Mari and Andarig. Cities in the area that are allied with Mari are in order by decreasing importance and increasing proximity to the theater of operations, Subat-Enlil (called Sehna), Azamhul, and Haziyanum. Their approximate locations are sketched by Guichard in “Dame de Nagar,” 244. The series of events was triggered by Kapidum’s visit with his lord. When Kapidum was on his way from Hazzikkannum to Kahat, Huziran informed the city of Haziyanum of this. “They,” apparently his agents in Haziyanum, seized the gate in Tadum, anticipating that Kapidum would go to Kahat by way of Tadum. He did and was apprehended, but a servant of Askur-Addu and his 15 troops “returned him alive” to Kahat. Hazzikkannum was now in danger of slipping from the control of Kahat. So Akin-Amar requested 100 troops from Bunu-Estar. Bunu-Estar sent 100 reservists with instructions to hold Hazzikkannum and make attacks on the land of Ilan-Íura. They did attack one city, but without success. The following passage is not well preserved. From the bits and pieces, one can gather that the soldiers of Bunu-Estar started on a series of attacks. In FM 2 127, Huziran reported having frustrated their efforts. Yet they cannot have been entirely harmless, because Yanuh-Samar was concerned and dispatched the Mariote officer Ishi-Addu to Hazzikkannum to engage the troops of Bunu-Estar. They answered by moving to Mariyatum, where they succeeded in building a strong position. Ishi-Addu went after them and surrounded them, but he did not have enough troops to engage them. Yanuh-Samar equipped 500 troops of Huziran and sent them to the location. A day

102. i††arad. Charpin understands the form as perfect and translates “il a envoyé.” I cannot find a suitable subject, understand the form as a preterit with the N stem, and assume that Yanuh-Samar delegated the dispatch and the marching orders to an unidentified person. 103. su-pa-al a-sà. The approximate literal meaning is “the low-lying part of the field, or area.”

316

Translation

Text 26 358

later 700 Kahatean troops and additional troops from Tilla appeared and lifted the siege. Huziran, in FM 2 127, gave a number of 1,500 for the combined forces of the enemy: that is, Bunu-Estar’s troops that were holed up in Mariyatum and the relief troops from Kahat and Tilla. He mentioned his 500 troops, giving the numerical imbalance as the reason for his retreat, but he was silent about Ishi-Addu’s troops. Yanuh-Samar does not speak of a retreat of his or Huziran’s forces. According to him the enemy withdrew after the troops of Kurda had extricated themselves from Mariyatum. They returned to Hazzikkannum, the Tillaites to Tilla, and the Kahateans to Kahat. When the troops of Kahat started on their way back, 100 troops of Ishi-Addu and 150 of Huziran were sent to pursue the Kahateans with orders to ambush the Kahateans “toward” Pardu. The 250 overtook the Kahateans unnoticed and waited for them between Kahat and Pardu. When the Kahateans came, they engaged them, “pushed them,” killed 6, took one prisoner of war each, and did not have a single fatality among them—not a mean feat considering that the Kahateans had been 700 strong.

26 358 To my lord speak! Your servant Yanuh-Samar (says), “ªHaneansº of ª 104º are occupying the plain, all of it, in (the area of) the sea of Halaba and between the two Saphum. They encroach on ªthe pastureº and keep sending out a secret agent to Kasapa, all the time. And there are cities by the edge of the canebrake that are settled and (normally) occupied, but their population is (now) gathered in a strong city. And Haneans ªgo aboutº during the nights, and [n lines]. [They] answered as follows: ‘Are you [not] enemies [of ] Zimri-Lim? Let him (Zimri-Lim) remove ªthe shock troopsº from your land. We shall enter among our brothers, the Numha.’ This the Haneans answered. Their words were not favorable. Now, I am afraid the Haneans will send out a secret agent when we dispatch an expedition to the land of the Numha, and they will lay ambushes 105 for the troops that we dispatch and do harm. Now, should the Haneans be removed from the land of Apum? My lord must write me, so or not so. Haya-Abu is well. All is well with the city of Sehna, the villages of the land of Apum, and the servants of my lord.” The central part of the tablet is missing. The tablet is relatively narrow, and the topic before and after the break is one and the same, so it may be that not much is missing. Still, it is not easy to comprehend the text. It is suggestive of the following scenario: Mariote troops were stationed in Subat-Enlil and/or the land of Apum. Relations between Apum and Kurda were hostile. A group of Hana had their encampments on territory of Apum. They were encroaching on the pasture used by the people of Apum and caused concern among the people living in the area. They also kept in contact with Kurda, which was a concern for Yanuh-Samar. Subat-Enlil/Apum planned military action against the Numha of Kurda, and there was now danger that the Hana would keep the Numha informed about it. I believe that the broken section described how YanuhSamar put pressure on the Hana by threatening to evict them from the territory of Apum with the help of Mariote troops. The answer of the Hana plays to anti-Mariote leanings in Subat-Enlil/ Apum and suggests a compromise: if the Mariote troops were withdrawn from Apum, the Hana would withdraw also and move to Numha territory. The answer was not to the liking of YanuhSamar. He asked Zimri-Lim whether the Hana should be removed from the land Apum forcefully.

104. Charpin reads Ya?-an?-ku?-di?-imki. 105. {su-}su-ba-tim.

spread is 6 points long

Text 26 359

Translation

317

26 359 See NABU 2000 32.

[To my lord] ªZimri-Lim speakº! Your servant Yanuh-Samar (says), “Some time ago, I wrote [you] as follows: I (said), ‘There is choking (fear) in the land of Idamaraß. Half of the land falls down before ªAskur-Adduº 106 and half of the land before his brother. Come and extricate us! And ªinstallº whom you want to install among them (the Idamaraßeans)!’ This I wrote [you]. Askur-Addu wrote me now, ‘I shall ascend the throne. Bestow a favor on me!’ [And] I wrote him as follows: I (said), ‘[ write] ªto Zimri-Lim! ªIfº 107 Zimri-Lim says (so)º, [you] ªcan ascend the throneº.’ And he wrote me, ‘Since I cannot ascend the throne without (the permission of) ªZimri-Limº, plead for me! [Let] a boy of yours and your tablet go to Zimri-Lim with my boy. Now, ªherewithº [I send] you my [boy] and ªthisº tablet [of mine.’] [n lines].”

26 360 To my lord Zimri-Lim speak! Your servant Yanuh-Samar (says), “[Some time ago], when my lord stayed in Sehna,1 [ ] my lord brought ªfromº Mari [n lines] ªNowº I debriefed Samas-Malik, and he contradicted me, (saying), ‘I did not speak.’ Herewith I have dispatched Samas-Malik to my lord. My lord must debrief him there!” 1.

According to 26/2, 131 n. 9, this was in 19 VI 7.

26 361–75 are letters by Yarim-Addu, a Mariote envoy in Babylon in ZL 9 u (361– 71) and, after a break, ZL 10u (372–74).

361

26 361 = 2 73 = LAPO 17 558 See §43 (pp. 107ff.).

[To] my [lord] speak! Your servant Yarim-Addu (says), “When the party of Ibal-Pi-El was staying in Babylon, Hammu-Rabi spoke a word as follows: He (said), ‘ªAfterº you (pl.) (leave), I will dispatch the Elamite messengers without companion1 to their lord.’ This Hammu-Rabi said. The next day, after the party of Ibal-Pi-El departed for my lord, they denied access to the Elamite messengers, 108 and they (the messengers) are not (anymore) 106. Epigraphically not clear. Charpin considers the possibility of reading I[sme]-Addu. 107. Charpin restores [ki]-ma. I restore [sum]-ma. 108. d u mu . m e s si-ip-ri E-la-mi-i ik-ki-su-ma. Charpin and Durand made two attempts at finding the meaning of the verbal form: (1) In 26/2, Charpin translated it with an intransitive predicate, “les messagers élamites arrivent.” But an intransitive predicate implies that E-la-mi-i is genitive. On Durand’s suggestion, Charpin explained it as gentilic in the singular, “the Elamite,” referring to The Vizier. He quoted ßa-ab lú E-la-mi (26:369:19u) as parallel. d u mu . m e s si-ip-ri E-la-mi-i would then mean “the messengers of the Elamite.” But he translated “les messagers élamites” after all. Charpin considered nakasum and akasum to be possible verbs, preferring the latter because of its meaning “to come.” (2) In their edition of A.2459 in “Assur,” 387–88, Charpin and Durand found the passage sepum linnakisma mamman la illak in lines 2u–3u, which they translated “que les convois soient interrompus et que personne ne fasse route.” They quoted

318

Translation

Text 26 362

coming close to the gate ªof the palaceº. They are ªdetainedº in their rest-houses. Those of the king guard them. So far, I did not find out whether they were dispatched or not, and (so) I did not write to my lord. When they dispatch those men, I (expect to) find out about it and (then) write to . “Further: I learned from those around me, ‘Because The Vizier of Elam is staying in Esnuna (and) did not retire (all the way) up to his ªterritory, the troopsº [ ]’ [circa 4 lines].” 1.

Hammu-Rabi’s dispatch of his envoy as companion of the Elamite messengers would have signified the existence of diplomatic relations between Hammu-Rabi and Elam. Hammu-Rabi wants Zimri-Lim to know that he is not renewing relations with Elam.

26 362 See §8 (pp. 58ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Yarim-Addu (says), “The Vizier of Elam wrote as follows to ªHammu-Rabiº: [He] (said), ‘I am headed for Larsa. Secure [your] ªregularsº, the troops of the headpad contingent 109 and your servants whom I saw in Esnuna, and they must be ready three references in addition to 26 361: ik-ki-su in 13 38:16 (“on avait réquisitionné”) and A.987 (“ont refusé de recevoir”), and ik-ki-sa-an-[ni] (“m’en a empêché”) in A.724. They concluded that all derive from nakasum and defined the meaning of this verb as “empêcher de faire ce que l’on doit/veut faire.” I would modify Charpin’s and Durand’s understanding of the verb, aiming at a more compact semantic field, and propose as translation “to deny access,” with the accusative being the person to whom access is denied. A.987 reads: dumu si-ip-ri-su PN1 u PN2 ik-ki-su umma sunuma la tatârma ana ßerini la tasapparam “PN1 and PN2 denied his messenger access (to the audience where he would submit his message), (telling him to tell the person who sent him), ‘Do not write to us again.’ ” The text of the relevant passage in 13 38 is not fully preserved. It is clear that the palace seized land from (presumably Yaminite) inhabitants of Mislan and that a certain Yabinum reacted to the action. Durand convincingly proposes that Yabinum was not a Mislanite, he owned acreage within the seized land, and he protested about the seizure of his land. The details are unclear. According to the first editor, Birot, Yabinum’s reaction was to write (Yabinum is-p[u?-ra?-am?]); Durand believes that he voiced his protest loudly (Yabinum is-g[uum]). But such use of the verb sagamum is unparalleled. According to Durand, following this, there are (1) two lines that form the object of ikkisu, (2) its predicate ikkisu, and (3) a speech of Yabinum. I suggest as an alternative: (1) 2 lines of Yabinum’s words, (2) the one-word clause ikkisu, and (3) a speech of the unnamed subjects of ikkisu. I translate, accordingly: “Yabinum ª. . . , (saying)º, ‘[My] 20-acre field is in ªtheirº (the Mislanites’) midst.’ They (the authorities) denied access, (saying), ‘That field . . . ’. . . .” A.724 has: “I irrigated, and nobody denied me access (to the headgate).” I am not sure whether the phrase sepum linnakis (li-in-na-ki-es) in A.2459 belongs here, because it is so similar to sepam nakasum “to cut off traffic” in 14 86:27 that an error or unorthographic use of es is a possibility (see is-hu-ra-am for expected is-hu-ra-am in 27 115:21). But then, nakasum “to cut off ” and nakasum “to deny access” are so close in meaning and pronunciation that cross-influences are possible. 109. ßab tupsikkanim. Durand suggests the translation “la troupe du génie.” As Charpin explains, these men were probably used for sieges, especially for the tedious task of heaping up earthen ramps. Stol (“Old Babylonian Corvée,” in Studia Historiae Ardens: Ancient Near Eastern Studies Presented to Philo H. J. Houwink ten Cate on the Occasion of His 65th Birthday [ed. Theo P. J. van den Hout and Johan de Roos (Leiden, 1995)], 294) proposes the meaning “man doing

Text 26 363

Translation

319

to meet me. Once a man among the troops whom I saw objects, I will turn on you.’ The Vizier of Elam wrote this to Hammu-Rabi, and he answered him as follows: He (said), ‘As you wrote me, my troops are in harness, ªandº they will be ready when you set out. The day you set out, my troops will depart to meet you.’ This [he] answered him. As The Vizier of Elam wrote to Hammu-Rabi, he wrote to Rim-Sin as follows: He (said), ‘I am headed for Babylon. Secure your regulars, the troops of the headpad contingent and your reliable servants, and they must be ready. I hear [of one man] objecting, and I will turn on you.’ The Vizier of Elam wrote this to Rim-Sin, and the tablet that The Vizier of Elam sent to Rim-Sin, that tablet Rim-Sin sent Hammu-Rabi. And Hammu-Rabi likewise sent Rim-Sin the tablet that The Vizier of Elam had sent him. And from that day on, he gave instructions (about relations with Larsa) to the vizier over foreigners, Sin-Bel-Aplim, and a scribe who was one of the personal secretaries, and he dispatched (them) to Larsa. They are staying in Maskan-Sapir with Sin-Muballi†. And a vizier of Rim-Sin is staying with Hammu-Rabi. News of Rim-Sin comes regularly to Hammu-Rabi. And news of Hammu-Rabi goes regularly to Rim-Sin. “Further: the messengers of The Vizier of Elam come regularly to Hammu-Rabi. They stay one day, and he dispatches them (back) the next day. The day they arrive, I approach the gate of the palace and meet with them. I ask for the well-being of The Vizier of Elam. And I speak to them as follows: I (say), ‘Because my lord gave his full report to The Vizier of Elam, his father, and he communicates wholeheartedly with The Vizier of Elam, his father, they are detaining me for many days. My lord wrote, and he (Hammu-Rabi) does not let me go. And since I see you, I could not care less about anyone (else).’ These things I tell them. This my lord must know.”

26 363 See §10 (pp. 60ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Yarim-Addu (says), “The troops of the enemy built a camp by 110 the city of Upi, and they are staying. The conscripts of Hammu-Rabi have positioned themselves for battle against them. Brother looks at brother. The day I sent this tablet of mine to my lord, Hammu-Rabi has set a total mobilization in his land. He called up troops of (any) merchant, 111 any male, including releasing slaves, and they are ready. And he sent high-ranking servants to Rim-Sin for (the obtaining of) troops. And continuously, every day, his messengers go regularly to Maskan-Sapir. So far I did not learn of a report on the coming of such troops. After (sending) this tablet of mine, I will write to my lord a complete report of what (more) I can learn. “Further: They have locked the ªElamiteº messengers in fetters. Their boys, their donkeys, and their belongings they have taken to the palace. This my lord must know.”

corvée work” for tupsikkanum. Note the writing é r e n d u s u in passages quoted by Stol. The Sumerian writing exactly parallels ßab tupsikkanim. 110. ina. While siege camps were occasionally established within a lower city (see 26 424), this is unlikely here (see §10 with n. 75). ina can mean “by” (see n. 161 to 26 383). 111. Charpin translates “la troupe des marchands.” My translation is based on the absence of a plural sign after d a m . g à r “merchant.” See also n. 341 to 26 488.

320

Translation

Text 26 364

26 364 See §12 (p. 63).

[To] my [lord] speak! Your servant Yarim-Addu (says), “[As] I ªwrote myº [lord] ªsome time agoº, the troops of the enemy built a camp [by the city of Upi], and they are staying. They ªhave setº [their sight] on doing [battle. ] to Upi [n lines]. [Despite the fact that] he ª º troops that [ ] in ªBabylonº, no peoples, whatever their name, budged (to flee) to a strong city of his, (or) to a bastion [of ] his kingdom, [(or) ] ªinsideº Babylon. 112 [Boy], girl, woman, [and man] were staying in their own cities. [ ] last year. They did not gather ªinsideº Babylon now. “[Further:] Many ªdaysº [ago ˇab-Eli-Matim and] Sin-Bel-Aplim went [to] ªMaskanSapirº in order to conduct [troops] of Rim-Sin. [n lines].”

26 365 = 2 74+ = LAPO 17 580 See §11 (pp. 61ff.).

To my lord speak! [Your servant] Yarim-Addu (says), “ªAmongº the Babylonian troops who were ªcaughtº during the [last] ªmonthº, a staff commander, a Mutiabal, spoke [to] ªThe Vizierº of Elam as follows: He (said), ‘ªMutiabalº, all of it, waited for this day. Dispatch me [to Babylon], and I ªshallº make Mutiabal go over to your side.’ These things that man ªtoldº The Vizier of Elam, and he (The Vizier) [dispatched him] to Babylon. He (the staff commander) arrived ªin Babylonº and met ªwith the kingº. He did not [ ] before the king, ªandº he rose and [went] to Kasalluk. ªThatº [man took] the message with which The Vizier of Elam (had) sent him, [and] the Kasallukeans ªconcerned themselves (with it)º. They consulted on their [ ] and wrote The Vizier of Elam. That ªwordº went out to Hammu-Rabi, and Hammu-Rabi had a plan worked out 113 and sent [ ]. They made a check, and [ ] full confirmation. The headmen of Kasalluk—he had [a word] with them [as follows: ‘ ], whatever their name, [must] collect [ ], and [2 lines] will cross the border. Collect (pl.) [cattle] and grain, straw, small boy, [small girl, all of ] them, and bring [them into] Babylon! [ ] your (pl.) sheep will be kept 114 in your land, [and] you must keep staying in your houses.’ ªThese thingsº the king (Hammu-Rabi) told them, and they answered him [as] follows: They (said), ‘Since our lord has spoken, we shall go. We shall take our dispositions.’ This they answered the king and departed. After their departure he dispatched 6 thousand troops and boats to load their grain and move their people. [ ] (said), ‘[We did] ªnotº 115 [yet take] our 112. Charpin translates “vers sa ville fortifiée, la forteresse de son royaume, à l’interieur de Babylone.” The sequence of descriptive terms all for one and the same thing, a secure Babylon, is literary style, which is quite unexpected in a letter. I therefore assume that the three designations refer to three types of fortified places, even if the statement “they did not gather inside Babylon” seems to favor Charpin’s understanding. 113. awatim ustepis. Charpin translates “a entrepris un enqête,” which would make it a synonym of warkatam parasum. sutepusu typically designates the actions of witches and warlocks. The literal meaning is “to cause oneself to do/act.” Here, the object is “words/matters”; I assume that this St stem is the passive of the causative. The literal meaning would then be “to cause words to be made”; hence my translation. 114. i-ka-la. Charpin understands the form as ikkala “continueront à manger.” I understand it as ikkalla and translate accordingly. 115. I follow Durand’s reading u[l]. spread is 12 points long

Text 365-bis

Translation

321

dispositions. [ ] ªstayº [ ].’ This [they answered his (Hammu-Rabi’s) servants] who had come to them. [On] the third day, the message of The Vizier of Elam [ ]. They [ ] to the 116] of Hammu-Rabi. And support of The Vizier of Elam. Like one man [they] ªhaveº [ they killed (all of) his servants that they could lay their hands on. 117 Hammu-Rabi heard [that] ªnewsº and dispatched ªtroopsº to that land. The troops of the land of Mutiabal, all of them, [ and] drew up in battle formation. He (Hammu-Rabi) [gave] ªbattleº [and] defeated them. ªThe populationº, male, female, [small boy] and ªsmall girlº of that land [ ].”

365-bis See §§11 and 12 (pp. 61ff.).

[To] my [lord speak! Your] ªservantº Yarim-Addu (says), “[ ] of my lord ªtoº the land of Yamhad [ ] Razama and the land of ªSubartumº [ ] that [news] Bahdi-Lim ªwroteº [n lines] answered me. [ ] his troops ªdefeatedº the land of ªthe Mutiabalº. [He ] ªmaleº, female, small boy, and ªsmall girlº, [and he] tore down and burned [n lines].”

26 366 See §10 (pp. 60f.).

To [my] lord [speak]! Your servant ªYarim-Adduº (says), “The troops of the enemy who are ªbesiegingº the city of Upi have set ªhandº to piling up earthworks [against] the wall. The conscripts of Hammu-Rabi, the fieldmen, and the rescue contingents have linked up. They are ready to do battle with the shock troops of the enemy. The day I sent this tablet of mine to my lord, 1 thousand Mutiabalean troops arrived in Babylon from the land of Kasalluk and pitched camp at the Tilmunpalm orchard. Hammu-Rabi came out to them and made them happy 118 [with] words. He placed their [dinner] before each one, and they ªateº. Their ªgen119] received ewe-wool shirts, 120 [ ] who were not eralsº received a grand gift; their [ ªclothedº in a garment, were [indeed] clothed. Those [troops], all of them [8 lines].”

26 367 See §9 (pp. 59f.).

To [my] lord speak! [Your servant] ªYarim-Adduº (says), “The party of ˇab-Eli-Matim, ªSin-Bel-Aplimº and the high-ranking servants of ªHammu-Rabiº, who were sent many days ago to Maskan-Sapir, did not yet return.

116. Charpin restores it-[bu-ú-ma] “ils se sont dressés contre”; Durand, it-[ta-ba-al-ki-tu] “ils se sont révoltés”; a third possibility is it-[ta-ak-ru] “they have become enemies of.” 117. sa dâkim. Literally, “that were for the killing.” 118. See my note, NABU 1996 44. 119. Charpin restores [l ú . m e s n u . b à n d a] “lieutenants.” I would expect this to be the rank immediately below general, which was a “staff commander” in Babylon or “division commander” in Mari. 120. The translation is based on the etymology (lahrum = ewe) and the assumption that the ending -itum is diminutive. Compare laharûm = ewe-wool garment in 26 199.

322

26 368

Translation

Text 26 368

“Rim-Sin wrote as follows to Hammu-Rabi: ‘My troops are assembled in my land, and let your troops be assembled in [your] land. If the enemy heads 121 for you, my troops and small-boats will get there. And if the enemy heads for me, your troops and your small-boats must get here.’ This Rim-Sin wrote Hammu-Rabi. So far, his troops did not link up, ªandº (so) I did not ªwrite a full reportº on them to my lord.”

26 368 = 2 72 = LAPO 17 584 Oppenheim, Letters, 105–6. See §11 (pp. 61ff.).

ªToº my lord speak! Your servant Yarim-Addu (says), “ˇab-Eli-Matim, Sin-Bel-Aplim, high-ranking servants of Hammu-Rabi,1 who were staying many days in Maskan-Sapir, arrived in Babylon. 4 men, riders of donkeys, Larsaites, were their companions. I learned of their message, and they were sent (with) the following (message): ‘I heard about (the request for) troops which you keep writing me, but the enemy is headed for another land. Therefore, I did not dispatch you troops of mine. My troops are ready. If the enemy heads for [you], my ªtroopsº will come to your rescue. [And] if the enemy heads for me, your troops must come to my rescue.’ Rim-Sin wrote this to Hammu-Rabi. “And about the sons of Mutiabal ªwhoº ran away from battle and entered Yamutbal, Hammu-Rabi had written to Rim-Sin about calling those men to account, 122 and he answered as follows: He (said), ‘Don’t you know that I love life? 2 Those [men]—once, twice, I have . . . 123 them to the interior of my land. I will give them time to calm their hearts 124 and send them back to you.’ This he wrote him. “Further: Simetagup of 125 the messengers of The Vizier of Elam ran toward ZimraHammu. To no avail! 126 Sin-iddinam, a personal secretary, came out from the palace and brought those messengers into the warehouse of the vizier,3 and Simetagup—they cut him 121. panam is-ta-ak-{ka-}nam. 122. [s]a-li-im. Charpin derives the form from salamum and translates “cela va bien,” Oppenheim “to inquire about the well-being,” and Durand “pas de problème.” I see in this form the infinitive sâlum “to ask,” probably used here with the meaning “to call to account.” 123. ana libbi matiya assahursunuti. Charpin translates “j’ai détourné vers l’interieur de mon pays.” Durand translates “après être allé à l’interieur de mon pays faire une ou deux fois le tour de ce gens,” commenting that two uses of the verb saharum are conflated here. I expect that RimSin is saying that he tried to turn them back from the interior of his land. Perhaps a-na “to” should be emended to i-na “from.” 124. The translation of nuhhum “to give someone time to calm down/his heart” is based on TIM 2 19:34 (see C. Wilcke, “Eine Ziegelinschrift des Königs Takil-ili¶¶u von Malgium,” ZA 68 [1978], 98), where the writer explains to Rim-Sin why he did not send his servants back to him: istu inanna warah lunehhassunuti ina †ubisunu lusari[sunut]i “I shall give them a month from now to calm down. (Then,) I shall have them conducted when they are agreeable.” 125. The construction “PN of . . .” is unusual. Charpin concluded that Simetagup is not PN but a generic term for “group.” Perhaps an emendation is necessary: Simetagup mar sipri sa. . . . 126. Charpin reads mi-im-ma ú[-u]l-ma. My translation follows Durand. It fits the context well, but doubts remain, because the negative ul does not occur as a predicate elsewhere.

Text 26 369

Translation

323

back by 127 3 of 6 dinners. And they detained him inside the gate of his resthouse. They reduced his provisions. And they [ ] . . . 128 against those messengers. [My] ªlordº [must] ªknowº.” 1.

2.

3.

According to the formulation in 26 367, “and high ranking servants of Hammu-Rabi” is expected. If “high-ranking servants” qualified ˇab-Eli-Matim and Sin-Bel-Aplim, “ˇab-Eli-Matim and SinBel-Aplim” would be expected. Oppenheim suggested that Rim-Sin refers to an oath which he was in danger of breaking in the situation. According to Charpin’s comment b, Lackenbacher had the same idea. It is elaborated by Durand. There would have been a treaty between Babylon and Larsa that included an agreement about extraditing criminals of the treaty partner. Rim-Sin would be saying that he will abide by the treaty rather than risk being killed by the gods by whom he swore. Irra-Nada, according to 26 370.

26 369 See §§10 (pp. 60f.) and 33 (pp. 89ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Yarim-Addu (says), “The troops of my lord who ªwentº with Sakirum arrived in Kullizi; and Apil-Ilisu,1 son of Damiq-Ilisu; Marduk-Qarrad, the overseer of the pantry; Samas-Ili, the overseer of cooks; and Marduk-Naßir, the secretary, went to Kullizi to meet the troops, and the troops crossed (the river). From there they came close to Sippir-of-Samas, and the 6 hundred troops received a dinner and anointed themselves with oil. On that day, we 129 departed for Great-Sippir. On the next day, the troops set hand to receiving flour for travel provisions. They received 40 bushels for 2 hundred troops, 1 shock 130 for 1 soldier. On the third day they set hand to receiving flour, and [ ] HammuRabi for Isar-Lim, [ ]-Hadnu, and for Sakirum [ ] Apil-ilisu [n lines. ‘n lines], and troops [must] link up with ªtroopsº and go to Babylon together.’ This I answered them, but they did not agree with me. They took the lead of the troops and made them follow them into Babylon. They have found accommodation at resthouses. Sakirum and [ ] entered the palace. They met with Hammu-Rabi, and he was very happy about them. So far I have [not] ªseenº confirmation of the news on [the other] troops and (so) [did not] ªwrite toº [my] lord. I will write a full report after [this] tablet of mine.

127. ah-hi-zu -su. Charpin reads uh-hi-zu-su and translates “a reçu.” But the D stem of ahazum is normally used as a nominalization of ihzum and means “to mount.” I connect the form with nahasum “to shrink.” But note that the G stem is so far only attested with an intransitive meaning. 128. u taslimatim ina pan d u mu . m e s sipri sunuti ú-[x-x-(x-)l]i-[m]u. Charpin restores ú-[ul úsa-l]i-[m]u and translates “En outre, on n’a pas formulé les voeux (habituels) devant ces messagers.” 129. “We” implies that Yarim-Addu met the troops in Sippir-of-Samas. More likely, it is an error for “they.” 130. As noted by Charpin, these are Babylonian bushels of 300 liters. “Shock” translates a unit of 60 liters.

324

Translation

Text 26 370

“Further: The troops of Hammu-Rabi that were staying in Upi embarked on boats and ªwithdrewº. The troops of the enemy [ ] Upi. They left their garrison behind, 131 and the troops of the Elamite [ ] to Esnuna.” 1.

This is surely the Babylonian messenger Apil-Ilisu who is repeatedly mentioned in administrative documents as staying in Mari (26/1, 232 n. 8) and was therefore a good choice to greet the Mariote troops.

26 370 See §11 (pp. 61ff.).

“[n lines] do not ªenterº the palace. [ ]. The day [I sent] this tablet of mine to [my lord], those messengers [kept shouting] in the gate of the palace, [and with] both hands [they] ªtore theirº clothes. [They] (said), ‘We came to (deliver) good words, so why can we not [ ], or else (why) can we not enter and ªmeetº with the king?’ These things and many more they proclaimed in the gate of the palace. [ ] nobody answered them, and they retreated. The next day the vizier Erra-Nada and the personal secretary Sin-Iddinam came out from the palace and brought those messengers into the warehouse of the vizier and had a word with them as follows: They (said), ‘Why do you keep shouting in the gate of the palace [and] ripping your clothes? Your lord transgressed the oath (sworn) by his gods and is determined to do harm and ungood things. Let him come, and that Enlil may see yes or ªnoº [in] his ªheartº. And [until that is] so, you will not enter and [meet] with the king.’ They rebuffed them. [ ] they (the messengers) receive their former provisions. [And] ªnobodyº, whatever his name, ªtalksº with them. [ ] ªhas been reducedº. “His (Hammu-Rabi’s) conscripts [ ] to collect grain and straw. The army of Elam ªharvestsº [the grain] and piles up heaps. [I] ªheardº [from those around me]: ‘[ ] will enter the ªpalace.’ So farº [I could not] ªconfirm the truth ofº that matter and (so) did not write to my lord. [ ] the son of Zimra-Hammu [ ] with the vizier of Rim-Sin [ ] were staying ªatº his gate—he instructed ªhimº [ ] has dispatched. [ ] the vizier over foreigners [ ] they [did not] return. “[Further: ] of Esnuna fled to Babylon, and [ ]. I learned from those around me the following: ‘That man ªwas sentº from Esnuna to Hammu-Rabi. After that man entered Babylon, Hammu-Rabi let out the Esnunakean messengers and the Esnunakean troops who were kept in his prisons and confined them to within the city gates.’ “Further: About the issue of the Ekallateans who swore a sacred oath with Atamrum about Mut-Askur, [whom] Hammutar tied up in order to ªinstallº (himself) as king of ªEkallatumº—[ ] heard that matter, and they carried Isme-Dagan despite his illness on the bed and brought him into the palace. The next day [ ] 1 gold-plated chair, 2 footstools, 2 silverplated tables, 1 Yamhadean litter, 1 chariot of golden . . . 132 and alabaster horns, 10 goldplated bronze lances, 40 ªsilver-platedº bronze lances, 250 bronze lances, 50 [ ], garments and shirts, and 20 boys [ . On] the third day [n lines] Hittipanum [ ] they have declared a sacred oath [ ] Yataphum and Abdu-Surim got [ ] ready. [ ] Isme-Dagan will return. The eyes are on them [3 lines].” 131. birtasu izib. Charpin, “en abandonnant son fortin.” I assume that birtum is short for ßabum birtum (see, for example, 26 401:21) “garrison.” 132. sapartum. Charpin translates “crinière.”

Text 26 371

Translation

325

26 371 See Sasson, “Messages,” 312 and §11 (pp. 61ff.).

[To my lord speak! Your servant] ªYarim-Adduº (says), “About the news on Isme-Dagan coming up to Ekallatum ªthatº my lord keeps hearing—he certainly did not [go up] to Ekallatum. Matters concerning him have happened, and they (people in Babylon?) started getting after him. 133 The respondent of Marduk stood in the gate of the palace and was calling out repeatedly as follows: ‘Isme-Dagan will not escape the hand of Marduk. He (Marduk) ties the bundle. And he will cross the border for it.’ 134 These things he called out repeatedly in the gate of the palace, and ªnobodyº said anything to him. Then again, 135 he stood in the gate of Isme-Dagan and among the assembled land, all of it, was calling out repeatedly as follows: ‘You went to The Vizier of Elam to establish peace and good relations and brought out a treasure of Marduk and the city of Babylon ªtoº The Vizier of Elam in order to 136 establish good relations. You used up my ªgrain heapsº and stores and did not return my favor. And you depart for Ekallatum! Anyone ªwhoº brings out my treasure, should not ask me for more.’ 137 [As] he was ªexclaiming these things repeatedlyº among the assembled land, [all of it], ªnobodyº spoke to him. [4 lines] he (Isme-Dagan) dispatched [to] ªEkallatumº. And he was afflicted with a severe illness. His life is not assured.”

26 372 See Anbar, NABU 1991 98, and §45 (pp. 109ff.).

[To my lord speak! Your servant] Yarim-Addu (says), “[About] the issue of the Esnunakean on which ªHammu-Rabi instructedº me [ ], and (concerning which) I ªhave writtenº to my lord—when Hammu-Rabi [went] to Parsipa, Esnunakean messengers arrived but [did not meet] with him. A second day they stayed with him, and he made ªthem spend the nightº [and] gave them a response to their message and instructed Sin-[ ], the son of Kakka-Ruqqum, and ªMarduk-Musallimº, [the son of ], and ª dispatchedº [them] with them. They took [the small tablet] in their hands. They will make [the Esnunakean] commit himself concordant with [that] tablet. [ ] will come, and ªHammu-Rabiº will ªcommit himselfº over here. After he (the Esnunakean) has ªcommitted himselfº concordant with the ªsmallº tablet, Hammu-Rabi [will send] a large tablet, the [treaty] tablet, to the ªEsnunakeanº. He will make the Esnunakean declare a sacred oath. [The Esnunakean] will ªdispatchº a large tablet, the ªtreatyº tablet, to Hammu-Rabi. They will ªestablishº ties between them. [The terms] ªwere establishedº between Hammu-Rabi and the Esnunakean. At least, 133. awatusu ittabsêma itatisu ir†ubu saharam. Charpin translates “Il s’est produit des rumeurs à son sujet et on s’est mis à rôder autour de lui.” This translation was adopted by Sasson. 134. “It” refers to a word of feminine gender. Sasson translates “It will tighten the (grain) net and he shall be destroyed by it.” 135. kima panisunuma. Charpin “aussitôt”; Sasson, “forthwith.” In FM 2 128:4 the phrase clearly means “as before.” This meaning also fits kima pananum in 26 202:15 and kima sa pananum in 26 373:5. The referent of the plural suffix here, as well as the referent of the singular prefix in a sentence with plural subject (14 69:14) is unclear to me. 136. Sasson, “in so doing.” For kima + infinitive = “in order to,” see AHw. kima 8a. 137. [ta]rdissa la isallan[ni].

326

Translation

Text 26 372

it is close, and they were clearly defined. 138 Now, a response to the message of the party of Sin-[ ] and Marduk-Musallim did not yet come back from Esnuna, and (so) I did not write a report on that to my lord. After (sending) this tablet of mine, I will write a full report to my lord, once it (the response) arrives from Esnuna. “About the issue of Rim-Sin, king of Larsa—as my lord learned, his words are still the same. 139 They certainly were not altered. He has become an enemy of Hammu-Rabi. His (Rim-Sin’s) campaigners keep entering the land of Hammu-Rabi. They attack and bring out (something). And any that got through (to Babylonian territory) brought back (something). They (the Babylonians) have tied up the messengers of Rim-Sin (and brought them) to the palace and are detaining those men. And [ ] ªunhappinessº [4 lines] is not in Maskan-Sapir. The messengers ªofº [Ipiq-Estar], ªkingº of Malgum, come regularly to Hammu-Rabi and the messengers of Hammu-Rabi go regularly to him. Greetings go back and forth between them. A messenger from Warassa, king of Dir (of Istaran), did not yet come to Hammu-Rabi. [And] a messenger from Hammu-Rabi did not go to him. “Zimri-Samas, a servant of Atamrum, took (the road) with a travel group of Ekallatum and arrived in Babylon. Atamrum wrote as follows to Hammu-Rabi: ‘Su-Estar and MardukMusallim, servants of my father (Hammu-Rabi), arrived before me and [brought] a message of [my] ªfatherº. I ªpaidº close attention to what my father wrote me. I saw in the hands of the gents [the presentation (gift)] that my father sent to me: garments, a dress, a headdress, a chair and [ ]. I was very happy. I ªput onº the garments [and ]. And I sat in the chair that my father sent me. I will always ªprayº [for my father]. About the tablet of the sacred oath that my father sent me—ªonº [that tablet are written 140] additional gods and additional words. [I] certainly [do not ] for additional gods and [additional] words. On that tablet is written down the following: “You must be an enemy [of my enemies; you must be at peace] with those who are at peace with me.” This my father wrote me. “ ‘And as I do not detain [ ] for my father, I [ ]. They1 gave up that city in accordance with an inscription. 141 They made me declare [a sacred oath]. I ªdeclaredº the following: “I shall not detain you (pl.). I shall not [ ]. I shall [ ] you safe and sound 142 to your city.” This sacred oath I declared to them. [ ]. Let those troops move on to Esnuna. [I shall] not [ ]. And I shall [declare] a sacred oath to my father.’ Atamrum [wrote] thus to HammuRabi. On the same day Hammu-Rabi [wrote] ªIsme-Daganº, ‘The Esnunakean troops that Atamrum conducts, bring ªthemº all the way [to] their [ ]!’ And he wrote ªAtamrumº as follows: ‘I have written ªtoº Isme-Dagan, “ªWhenº you get well [ ].” Isme-Dagan [ ]. [And] ªyou, declareº a [sacred] oath [to me]! [ ], answer me forthrightly! [ ].’ [This] ªHammu-Rabiº wrote Atamrum.”

138. panam ir-se-e, literally, “has acquired a face”; see AHw. rasû I G 15a. “It” should refer to the ratification of the treaty; “they,” to the terms. Charpin restores [riksatum] “ties,” which seems to contradict the implication of the previous statements that ties have not yet been established. 139. panêtumma. Literally, “are the former ones.” 140. Charpin restores [“are not written”]. 141. ina tawitim. See Charpin, NABU 1988 85, and my discussion of the term in “Sutawûm,” 166–67. Charpin translates “en réponse” with reference to Durand’s comment d to 26 37. Perhaps they were shown an inscription proving that Qarni-Lim, Atamrum’s predecessor on the throne of Andarig, possessed Subat-Enlil. 142. salmutkunu. Literally, “your well-being.”

Text 26 373 1.

Translation

327

They are probably the Esnunakean troops who handed Subat-Enlil over to La-Awil-Addu according to 26 316.

26 373 See §46 (pp. 110f.); for the route of the messengers, see Charpin, NABU 2003 3.

To my lord speak! Your servant Yarim-Addu (says), “Some time ago I wrote to my lord that the (meanings of the) words of Hammu-Rabi are deeply buried. 143 Hammu-Rabi started talking forthrightly with The Vizier of Elam as before. The Elamite messengers who came from The Vizier of Elam are now staying in the gate of his palace. When The Vizier of Elam gave them instructions and dispatched them, they escorted them from Susim to Dir of Istaran. The Dirite received them and escorted them to Malgum. And the Malgite took them along to Babylon. Esnunakean troops took control of those routes against them, and (on the way back) they (the messengers) did not get through. Hammu-Rabi heard that Esnunakean troops held the routes and is dispatching (now) runners, light couriers, whom he keeps sending to The Vizier of Elam, (but) not by the route of Malgum and Dir. In the land of Esnuna are abandoned districts. He dispatches his runners to Esnuna, and they move on to The Vizier of Elam where the abandoned districts are. The message that he sent did not yet come back 144 to him from The Vizier of Elam. “Further: Hammu-Rabi sent 2 talents of silver and 70 bushels1 of grain as aid to IpiqEstar, king of Malgum. Ipiq-Estar has committed himself to Hammu-Rabi. My lord must know this! “And I heard from those around me the following: ‘6 thousand Babylonian troops are going up to Isme-Dagan.’ And rumors keep circulating that they (are headed for) another place. I found out those matters: the troops ªset outº because of Sasiya and the king of Qabra. They are strong. They will go up to Isme-Dagan. I have confirmed the truth of this matter. They will go up to Isme-Dagan in the coming month. “And about the small tablet of commitment that Hammu-Rabi sent some time ago to Íilli-Sin, king of Esnuna—Íilli-Sin keeps answering with rebuttals. He will not commit himself to Hammu-Rabi.” 1.

If a Babylonian bushel is meant, the amount is 21,000 liters.

26 374 To my father, Su-Nuhra-Halu, speak! Your son Yarim-Addu (says), “Once, twice, my father painfully wrote me. From now on, he need not painfully write me. My [father] requests of me [3 lines]. And my father must not be worried about me because I ªam lateº. They have bought me a cook in Babylon, whom my father will see, and (with whom) he will be happy.1 I have not yet bought a brewer. As of the seizure of the city of Larsa, I will obtain all my father is in need of. May my father declare my name for (my) good!” 143. tummuru. Charpin, “étaint dissimulées.” 144. What is meant is that an answer to the message that Hammu-Rabi sent has not yet come back. Durand’s list of references in comment f to 26 25 shows that one normally used meher †uppim “response tablet” in comparable contexts. English has developed a similarly illogical expression: “To return a message.”

328 1.

Translation

Text 26 375

Su-Nuhra-Halu also requested a cook from Halu-Rabi (A.134).

26 375 Texts concerning the trips of the two Babylonian princes to Mari are discussed by B. Lion, “Des princes de Babylone à Mari,” FM 2 (1994), 221–34.

To my lord speak! [Your servant] Yarim-Addu (says), “Hammu-Rabi (of Babylon) [dispatched] his son Mutu-Numaha to my lord. And he wrote my lord as follows: He (said), ‘Some time ago, I dispatched the elder boy to you. He is staying with you. Now, herewith I have dispatched you his brother. [4 lines] Dispatch that boy either to Yamhad or else to Qa†anum, whichever place you discern.’ This, Hammu-Rabi wrote to my lord. The courtier Manum goes with that boy. Dadiya, son of Damiq-Ilisu, is my companion. And the Kurdaite, Andarigite, Karanean, Qa†anean, and Haßurean messengers who are with me have (their) instructions. When I have arrived before my lord, I will place the news, all of it, before my lord.”

37

26 376–82 are letters by Sarrum-Íululi. Letters 26 376 and 382 are too destroyed for translation. Letter 382 contained a report on the withdrawal of Elamites from Hiritum to Esnuna.

26 377 See 26 373, 27 149–50, and §44 (pp. 108f.).

[To my] lord ªspeakº! Your [servant] Sarrum-Íululi (says), “The ªElamiteº looted 145 the city of Esnuna. He has retreated [to] Diniktum. [From] Diniktum he will ªwithdrawº to his land. My lord must be happy. The Esnunakean ªtroopsº [have] ªinstalledº a king of their ªownº. The man who [was installed] to be ªtheirº king, that man is a commoner. [He is not] ªa sonº of nobility. His name is ªÍilli-Sinº. He exercised the rank of division commander. I heard [the following]: ‘[ ] will become possessor of the throne. Let him ªbe at the disposition ofº our land!’ [This] I heard [about] Esnuna.” (The remainder of the text is partially preserved and almost entirely reconstructed by Charpin.)

26 378 See §72 (pp. 151ff.).

ªTo myº lord ªspeakº! Your [servant] Sarrum-Íululi (says), “ªThe troopsº [of ] ªmyº [lord] are well. We arrived in Larsa. As of our arrival we built a camp. [ ] 4 hundred 50 ªtroopsº [ ]. They set hand to heaping up earthworks. The troops are well. The heart of my lord need not be concerned at all. And I heard from those around me [the following]: ‘ª4º 146 thousand troops of Esnuna ªhave gone up toº Isme-Dagan.’ I did not ªyetº find out whether this word is [false (or)] ªtrueº.”

145. The subject is plural ([ l ú . e l ] a m . m e s); the predicate is singular. 146. Or ª6º.

Text 26 379

Translation

329

26 379 See §72 (pp. 151ff.).

[To] my lord speak! Your servant Sarrum-Íululi (says), “2 ªthousandº troops of my lord [and n] ªthousandº troops of Hammu-Rabi [ ]. These troops, ªtogether with these 2 thousandº troops, [ ] to a position [ ] for 3 days in [that] position [ ] nothing at all passed by. After we burned [ , and] caused the routes to be destroyed 147 [ ]. As we stayed 3 days outside, and (as) none at all fled,1 we retreated and pitched camp at [ ]. We are having extispicies done now. (If) the god [answers], we [will do] what the god says to us. ªMayº [the god] of [our] ªlord goº [by our side]! 148 May the name of our lord be invoked [ ] ª 149º, and [we], the servants [of our lord], who ªare stayingº here—let our heads be (carried) ªhighº! “Further: Hammu-Rabi, the king of Babylon, like my lord, is not one to watch outside reports. 150 Hammu-Rabi is apprehensive ªofº the enemy about whom he is asking Samas, 151 he (the enemy) being numerous. He levies (troops), and upon the command of the god [n] ªthousandº troops ªwill do battleº with 40 ªthousandº troops, and he will oppose (such) a massive enemy. “The troops are well; the servants of my lord [are well]. The heart of my lord need not be concerned at all.” 1.

They may have been waiting for deserters who would give them information on the situation in Larsa.

26 380 See 27 151 and §33 (pp. 89ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Sarrum-Íululi (says), “Some time ago, I wrote to my lord about the issue of Zimri-Addu as follows: I (said), ‘Zimri-Addu and Ibal-Pi-El are in competition with each other. And the land to which our lord dispatched us, that land is able to see: recriminations and cases of insulting! I am afraid the palace will hear, and something improper will be said [as] ªbrotherº [ ] ª 152º the head of brother between them. [n lines.’ I am afraid my lord will speak as follows: ‘n lines], or else there is no general. I dispatched you as a general. I did not dispatch you as my eyes to look at and watch matters.’ Thus my lord 147. iz-ta-ak-ki-ir. Charpin reads ustakkir, which he derives from sekerum. Since /st/ assimilates to /ss/ I read us(iz) and assume a St of naqarum. 148. Charpin reads [dingir-lum] sa ªbeº-l[i-ni tap-pu-ut-ni] ªli-ilº[li-kam] “Que le dieu de notre seigneur vienne à notre secours.” I follow Anbar, NABU 1998 3, 5. 149. Charpin restores [i-na li-t]i-im-ma “(soit porté) aux nues.” 150. †em kidi ul amir. Charpin translates “ne connait pas les nouvelles de l’extérieur.” Given the breadth of meanings of amarum and †emum, many translations are possible. Since the characterization also applies to Zimri-Lim, it must designate a positive trait. 151. Charpin uses the other meaning of sâlum for his translation: “que Samas met à l’épreuve.” But if Samas called the enemy to account, Hammu-Rabi need not be apprehensive. The apparent accusative suffix of the form i-sa-al-lu-su ma- . . . is probably sandhi writing, or an error, for the dative suffix -sum. It is hardly coincidental that Samas is the god of Larsa. 152. Charpin restores [is-ta-na-a]l-lu “chacun d’eux passe son temps à réclamer la tête de l’autre.”

330

Translation

Text 26 381

will address me, and can I do enough to remain unblemished before my lord? 153 Sir Ibal-PiEl constantly scolds the division commanders as follows: ‘Why do you release reliable men and then replace (them) unnecessarily 154 with little children? Indeed, now, without (informing) my lord, I will spare no life and let you hunger for bread.’ According to the fact that Ibal-Pi-El is telling the division commanders these things, the division commanders, who have (already) learned of (the talk about) food, went and are telling Zimri-Addu untoward things (about Ibal-Pi-El), but Zimri-Addu did not yet (realize the necessity to) check on the division commanders, and afterward the division commanders [ ]. And he ªis in competitionº with Ibal-Pi-El [ ]. The servants of my lord are well. [The heart of my lord need not be concerned] ªat allº.”

26 381 See 2 23, 26 471 and §73 (pp. 154ff.). Charpin refers also to A.3007, which remains unpublished.

To [my] ªlord speakº! Your servant ªSarrum-Íululiº (says), “From among the ªcourtiers of Hammu-Rabiº, [I] befriended 2 men in [ ], and [they] ªhearº whatever word (is spoken) in the palace. They do not ªhide secret or word of the palaceº. And they ª . 155 Nowº 156 157 brother does not ªwatchº brother in the palace. Those boys [spoke to me] ªas followsº: 158º [ ] upon my They (said), ‘ªOurº lord ªHammu-Rabiº is talking with [ ], (saying), “ª pronouncement. An encounterº [ ] ªMaskan-Sarº. [I] ªwill seizeº the city of Larsa. I [kept] catering to the wishes of the gods [on] the 30th (day of the month). ªThe troopsº will calm down. After the ªtroopsº [have calmed down, I will lead] ªmyº [troops] and the ªtroopsº [n lines.” ’] “[n lines] ªweº, the servants of our lord, who continuously [ ] ªSamas-In-Matimº, we [ ] ªHammu-Rabi the dayº he comes. He (Hammu-Rabi) keeps answering us as follows: [He] (says), ‘Yes today, yes tomorrow, I will dispatch shock troops to ªyourº lord (Zimri-Lim), and your lord will reach his objective.’ These things he keeps answering us. And we urge him as follows: We (say), ‘Already before you seize the city of Larsa and dispatch shock troops to your brother, for now, for the name (of it), 159 so that the allies hear “Babylonian troops arrived,” our lord must dispatch 2 thousand or else 1 thousand troops to his brother.’ With difficulty, because of (our) urging, he agreed (to give) us 1 thousand troops. He (said), ‘In 5 days, when I see (that) a determination (on the course of action) concerning the city (can 153. mal salamim mahar beliya amaßßi. Charpin translates “pourrai-je m’en sortir honorablement aux yeux de mon seigneur?” and refers to 2 31:14 mal salamim ul amaßßi “je n’arriverai pas à m’en sortir correctement.” 154. ana pu-hi-im (puhim or puhhim) ta-at-ta-ra-nim. Charpin translates “faites-vous en échange revenir.” Tattaranim should not derive from târum “come back” or from tarûm, but from watarum. The verb cannot designate an increase of numbers here because this would not be compatible with ana puhim “for replacement,” or ana puhhim “for replacing.” 155. Charpin reads i-ba?-at-ta-[qú]. 156. ú-u[l i-m]a-ar. Charpin translates “ils s’ignorent l’un l’autre.” 157. The positive version of this idiom is attested in 26 363 of the soldiers of two armies watching each other. 158. Charpin reads l ú ? . e l a m ? . m e s ?. 159. The context indicates the meaning “for appearances.”

Text 26 383

Translation

331

be made)—if the city ª(still) withstandsº, I will dispatch 1 thousand troops to ªyourº lord. If the city ªhas been seizedº, I will dispatch [shock] ªtroopsº to your lord.’ This Hammu-Rabi answered us. The troops of my ªlord are wellº. The heart of my lord need ªnotº [be concerned].”

26 383 and possibly 384 are letters by Yasim-Hammu, a Mariote military officer who brought fresh Mariote troops to Babylon to support the Babylonian siege of Larsa.

26 383 See §71 (pp. 150f.).

To my lord speak! ªYourº servant Yasim-Hammu (says), “The troops of my lord are well. When the troops of my lord arrived ªbeforeº Hammu-Rabi, Hammu-Rabi was very happy. As Maskan-Sapir was seized, the land of Yamutbal, all of it, called out to Hammu-Rabi again and again, ‘Long live my lord!’ And (ever since), the soldiers of Yamutbal have been camping with the army of Hammu-Rabi. Hammu-Rabi took the lead of that (combined) army and laid siege to Larsa. It was the intercalary [month] when he laid siege to it. 3 [ ] earthworks, which [ ] ªtowersº [ ] battering rams [n lines]. “[ ] ‘[n lines], as the god said.’ [These things] and many more [Hammu-Rabi] placed ªbeforeº us. I answered him [ ] and watched his words. His words have been relayed to my lord. “Further: A convoy came from Malgum, and I asked him 160 for news, and he spoke to me as follows: ‘The Vizier of Elam died.’ [And] they mentioned that news to Hammu-Rabi, and he was ªvery happyº. “And they conducted the Esnunakean messengers from the city ªwhereº we were staying and made them enter some village. They guard them. “And Hammu-Rabi caught Yahßur-Addu and his fellow, the Qa†anean messengers who were sent to Rim-Sin, by the gate 161 of Larsa and had them conducted to Babylon. [up to 3 lines].”

26 384 See §72 (pp. 151ff.).

“[n lines] ªarrivedº [ ] and the message with which my lord ªinstructedº [me ] the messengers of Isme-Dagan [ ] in Dildaba. The day they ªarrivedº, [they ], but did not ªmeetº with Hammu-Rabi. They came to the camp [before Sin-Bel-aplim], ªthe vizierº of foreigners. [The vizier of foreigners] came out [ ] and (said), ‘[ ] ªThe Mariotesº [ ]?’ The 160. “Him” cannot refer to the word “convoy,” which is feminine. It must refer to a particular person. 161. i-na ba-ba. Charpin emends to ba-ba, which would be “in a city quarter of L.” I emend to ba-ab! Larsa was still in Rim-Sin’s possession, so “in the gate” must mean outside the gate. The same expression and situation is found in 28 171. I assume that the unfortunate messengers and the persons mentioned in 28 171 were nabbed at nighttime, waiting for the gates to be opened in the morning.

332

Translation

Text 26 384

messengers of ªIsme-Daganº [answered] ªas followsº: [They (said), ‘The Mariotes] did not [ ] with us.’ [ ]. The vizier of foreigners ªrelayedº the word to ª the palaceº, and [PN] (said), ‘[ ] ªthe Mariotesº did not enter. Send word! Let them bring ªthe Mariotesº near.’ [ ] came close, and [ ] with the Ekallateans and with the [ ] Mariotes. He spoke as follows: He (, PN?, said), ‘[ ] the Mariotes [ ] ªwithº [you]?’ ªThe Ekallateansº [spoke] ªas followsº: They (said), ‘[ .’ The vizier of foreigners] spoke to them ªas followsº: He (said), ‘[ ]. How is it that [you spoke as follows], “The Mariotes did not ªenterº with us?” Now you (said), “[ ]” ’? This he said to them, and, given that, 162 we entered the palace together, and they (the Babylonians) greeted them (the Ekallateans), and they (the Ekallateans) delivered their message as follows: ‘Your servant Isme-Dagan (says), “I made myself sick for the hardship of my lord. When the Elamite was the enemy of my lord, the kings of the land of Subartum denounced me to The Vizier of Elam and conducted me to Esnuna, and The Vizier of Elam scolded me, and I had to be helped out. And when the Elamite besieged the city of Hiritum, my lord knows the good things I did for him. I was worried sick about the hardship of my lord. Now, I dread the glory of my lord.1 Sasiya, the Turukkean, ªmade incursionsº into my land and captured 3, 4 of my cities. He was encroaching on my land. And I wrote you for troops, but you did not give me troops. And you gave troops to another place.” ’ HammuRabi answered them as follows: He (said), ‘To [whom] did I give troops? Speak up! Speak up!’ He pursued (the matter) closely, 163 and [ ] 5, 6 times, [and] he made them speak. They (said), ‘[You gave] ªtroopsº to Atamrum.’ Hammu-Rabi answered them as follows: He (said), ‘ªWhichº [troops] did I ªgiveº to Atamrum?’ [ . ], 4 hundred troops [4 lines broken]. Hammu-Rabi [ ] of your message, and [ ]. They (said), ‘[ ].’ He (said), ‘indeed, there is (another) message that you ªcarryº.’ [They] (said), ‘We [do not carry] a secret message that your servant (Isme-Dagan) wrote [you]. Do not be so very hard on us. Our lord ªis spread outº like a carpet ªunderº [your feet]. ªLetº another king . . . 164 you, but he (Isme-Dagan) will not write you [ ].’ As the messengers of ªIsme-Daganº said [this], Hammu-Rabi answered them as follows: He (said), ‘Since you do not finish your message, my servant who ªwentº with you must finish your message.’ Hammu-Rabi ªcalledº his servant who ªhad goneº with them and (said), ‘Since they do not finish the message with which they were instructed, ªtake your turnº, finish ªtheirº message!’ The servant of Hammu-Rabi, who had gone with them, [took his turn], and ªafterº he related the (part of the) message that the messengers of Isme-Dagan had delivered, he ªfinishedº it. He (said), ‘You made me write Zimri-Lim as son. Is [that man] not my servant? He is not sitting on a throne of his (own) majesty. 165 I did not write [ ] of his majesty.’ Upon this statement Hammu-Rabi called out, ‘I am robbed!’ The messengers of Isme-Dagan contradicted ªthisº statement, (saying), ‘We have not been instructed with this statement at all. And after we went out (from Ekallatum), Ili-Ite, servant of Isme-Dagan, [ ]. He (said), “Not about Zimri-Lim, my lord, [is this] ªmessageº [written]. This message is written about Atamrum.” ’ Hammu-Rabi spoke to the messengers ªofº [Isme-Dagan] as fol162. i-di-in. The particle is the imperative idin “give!” 163. i-ki-ba. I follow Charpin, who suggests a derivation from ekepum. The spelling -ba is doubly problematic—the ending in a and the spelling with b-, but the meaning of ekepum fits the context well. 164. Charpin reads ªliº-[d]a-ar-ka and translates “qui te révère.” 165. mi s . g u . z a ßi-i-ri-su. Charpin translates “(il ne demeure pas sur) un trône élevé,” commenting that ßirum is used here as noun. Perhaps Isme-Dagan is alluding to the fact, or opinion, that Zimri-Lim owed his throne to Yarim-Lim, whereas Isme-Dagan inherited it from his father.

spread is 6 points long

Text 26 385

Translation

333

lows: He (said), ‘The kings of the land of Subartum have pointed the finger at your lord,2 and I wrote him as follows: I (said), “To those kings that write me as sons you [write] as brother. To Zimri-Lim who writes me as brother, you write as son.” Is what I wrote to him wrong?’ This Hammu-Rabi ªanswered themº. The remainder of the message that the servant of Hammu-Rabi ªdeliveredº: He (Isme-Dagan) (said), ‘When I came to Babylon, it was always pork, fishes, birds, terebinths for the messengers of Zimri-Lim. They (the palace officials of Hammu-Rabi) could not care less about me. They returned to me a select gift ªprior toº my departure, 4 silver goblets like [ ] messengers.’ The servant of Hammu-Rabi delivered this message. [10 lines] Some time ago I heard from those around me [about] ªThe Vizierº of Elam, ‘The Vizier of Elam died.’ [I (already) wrote] my lord (about it). The messengers of Elam came to Hammu-Rabi now and (said), ‘He is very ill.’ ” 1.

2.

The statement is a drastic expression of Isme-Dagan’s loyalty to and humility in front of HammuRabi. It seems odd in the context. Perhaps it should be understood as the reason that Isme-Dagan worried so much about Hammu-Rabi. One such incident may be Sasiya’s question about whether all kings of Subartum were addressing Hammu-Rabi of Babylon as son, as he did (27 162).

26 385 The author of this letter is unknown. See §71 (pp. 150f.).

“[n lines] [Hammu-Rabi spoke] as follows: [He (said), ‘[ ] to you. Rim-Sin [ ] ªthese ungood wordsº. Besides the great gods who [came] to my assistance and Zimri-Lim, the king of the son of Simªal, 166 who made a pact for life with me, 167 there is no other. Now, the Larsaite has harassed my land with repeated attacks. Since (the time) in which the great gods [pulled] the claw of the Elamite from ªthatº land and ªshowedº 168 much kindness to the Larsaite, and (since) he did [not] ªrepayº [their] favor, I now ªurgedº Samas (and) Marduk, [and] they answered me with yes. I would not have risen to this offensive without (consulting) a god.’ To his troops he spoke as follows: ‘ªGoº, may the god ªgoº in front of you! ªIf º you succeed, and (if) the city opens (its gate) in front of you, accept its ªpeaceº! [Even if ] ªhe violates the oathº by Samas and Marduk, [do not ] that ªcityº! [If ] ªthe cityº does not ªopenº [ ], and send for me!’ With this speech he instructed [his troops] ªinº [ ], and prior to [3 lines] of ªMaskan-Sapirº [ ] ªthatº city [ ] ªMaskan-Sapirº [ ]. And the day I sent this tablet of mine [to my lord], 10 men1 [ ]. They ªrelatedº [ ], and [ ] very [ ], ‘ªRim-Sinº is [not] ªstayingº [ ] of his ªtroopsº in an assault, 169 and his troops keep [ ]. They keep 166. lugal dumu Simªal. Charpin translates “the Simªalite king,” an understanding that is affirmed in Charpin-Durand, “Fils”; Anbar translates “the king of the Simªal” (Tribus, 57), which I follow. The grammatical singular is a collective. 167. sa bala†am u bala†amma ittiya ipusu. The formula is found elsewhere (Charpin and Durand, “Fils,” 150 n. 47). The meaning is guessed from context. In A.3577:32u–33u aballu† u aballu† states the fact that the Numha will always share life with the Simªal, because the two peoples live next to each other. 168. Charpin reads [ú-sa]-al-li-ªmuº-ma and translates “j’ai accordé.” I cannot find a suitable meaning of salamum D and read [uk]allimu instead. AHw., dumqu 5, quotes a Late Babylonian text, in which dumqu is likewise an object of kullumum and the gods are the subject. 169. netbitum. Charpin translates “lieu de rassemblement.”

334

Translation

Text 26 386

dreading 170 an assault, (saying), “Where might the enemy take us on?” ªSin-Muballi†º, the brother of Rim-Sin, 3 generals and [n] thousand troops are surrounded ªin the city of MaskanSapirº. And the land of ªLarsaº dreads ªan assaultº, and he (Sin-Muballi†) is about to ªchange sidesº. The city of ªMaskan-Sapir will openº (its gate) 3 days, 4 days from now. It will certainly not [ ].’ This report that the (10) men ªbrought backº [ ], ªandº [I wrote what] I learned ªtoº [my lord]. “And ª1 thousandº Malgite ªtroopsº [ ] to ªHammu-Rabiº [n lines]. ‘When he requests troops from me, I will give troops to him and let him accomplish his objective. Who does not dispatch me his troops, I will give [him] no troops, when he writes [me] for troops.’ This he said to me.” 1.

Presumably fugitives from Maskan-Sapir.

38 Hil26 386 See §74 (pp. 155ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Yeskit-El (says), “ªPrior toº my leaving, my lord [spoke to me] as follows: ‘The land [n lines.’ n lines] they bowed [ ] of my lord. And ªconsidering thatº [I] ªsawº the zeal of the Hana ªsome time agoº, I (realize that I) had never seen their (true) zeal (until now). Today the god of my lord ªwentº in front of the army of my lord, and the lance of fiend and foe has been broken. The city of Larsa is ªseizedº. There is no wrong or blemish. 171 The ªarmyº [of my lord is well]. In ªmisfortunesº [ ] We are ªwellº. [ ].”

26 387–400 are reports by Zimri-Lim’s vizier Habdu-Malik, who was on a mission to establish peace between Hammu-Rabi of Kurda and Atamrum of Andarig at the turn of the year from ZL 10u to 11u. The chronological order of datable texts, as argued in §§57–60, is: 387 and 388 – 390—391 – 393 – 394 – 389 – 392 – 398 – 400.

26 387 = 2 41 = LAPO 17 598 See §57 (pp. 127ff.).

To my lord ªspeakº! Your servant ªHabdu-Malikº (says), “When I ªdepartedº from before my lord, my lord instructed me (and sent me) to Atamrum in ªSubat-Enlilº and to HammuRabi (of Kurda) in Kasapa. I ªarrivedº in Qa††unan. They spoke to me as follows: ‘Atamrum has entered ªAndarigº.’ And there were those who were speaking to me as follows: ‘He is 170. ittanahda[r]. Charpin translates “expriment leur crainte concernant. . . .” In line 41u the form ih-ha-di-ir is found. It must belong to the same verb, because there, too, the object is the assault. The context of line 41u requires a present tense form and excludes the preterit. ih-ha-di-ir thus spells ihhaddir. In 26 384:27 is found a-ha-di-ir, construed with an accusative. I assume it spells ahhaddir. Since ittanahdar is also construed with the accusative, I assume further that the verb uses a, and not as expected i, as a stem vowel in the Ntn. 171. te-ri-iB-tum. Charpin derives the word from riabum and translates “perte à remplacer.” The word is not found in AHw. I derive it from erepu D “to be cloudy,” that is, teriptum, and assume that it designates the condition of a cloudy sky. If so, “no blemish” is close to our “no cloud in the sky.” teriptum is also not found in AHw.

Text 26 388

Translation

335

staying in Subat-Enlil.’ As the news ªdifferedº, I consulted and went to Sapurrata, (saying), ‘If he is staying in Subat-Enlil, I shall ªgoº by way of the brush. 172 And if he is staying in Andarig [ ] from here.’ I arrived in Sapurrata, and they spoke to me as follows: ‘Atamrum [ ] from [Subat-Enlil] ªby way of the interiorº of the land to ªAndarigº.’ “[n lines] And Atamrum wrote ªto the Karaneanº as follows: ‘Why do your messengers keep going with ªthe messengersº of Isme-Dagan and you give ªthemº grain for food?’ He (Askur-Addu) answered as follows: ‘Until my father ªZimri-Lim writesº me, I will not alter (my stance).’ This he answered him. Now, my lord must write me a decision, so or not so.”

26 388 See §57 (pp. 127ff.).

To ªSu-Nuhra-Haluº speak! ªHabdu-Malikº (says), “Since the day that I ªdepartedº I was underway. I keep asking for news on Atamrum, and (they say), ‘He is staying in ªSubatEnlilº.’ ‘No, he departed from Subat-Enlil for Andarig.’ As [ ], I stopped on the cliff 173 of Yabniya and sent (my boys) to Subat-Enlil and Andarig to see where he was. I (said), ‘Look and bring back news, [and] (then) I shall depart.’ And I wrote the pasture-chief about the report on Subat-Enlil, which my lord instructed me to place before him, and, having been delayed, I departed. I am afraid the king will hear that I stopped in Qa††unan for a whole day. Herewith I send a tablet to the king.1 Bring the message that I wrote you to the attention of the king.” 1.

As Charpin notes, the tablet is probably 26 387. If so, the cliff of Yabniya was in the immediate vicinity of Sapurrata.

26 389 See §60 (pp. 131ff.).

[To my lord speak! Your servant] ªHabdu-Malikº (says), “Atamrum ªaddressed meº, (saying), ‘Your lord wrote me, “[Some time ago] I dispatched my servant Habdu-Malik to [you]. If things are well, dispatch him (back) quickly. If it is not so, let him stay before you as long as you say (is necessary).” This your lord wrote me. Now, instead of staying in Andarig, go! Stay with the pasture-chief and assemble the Hana in one place with the pasture-chief, and—god forbid—(should) anything (happen), when I write you, come to my rescue together with the Hana, according to my letter! And if your lord comes up to Qa††unan, go meet him! If not so, be ready for my message!’ This Atamrum said to me. “My lord instructed me to establish peace between Atamrum and Hammu-Rabi (of Kurda). The day I sent this tablet of mine ªtoº my lord, I conducted [the gods of ] Atamrum 172. hadqamma. I translate on the basis of the corresponding Hebrew and Arabic words. They designate solanum cordatum (Jericho Nightshade), and, more generally, low thorny shrubbery. Durand considers derivation from ºtq “to pass” and believes that hadqum designates a “track.” 173. gabªum. Charpin translates “crête” and quotes Durand’s translation, “hauteur”; Durand, NABU 1989 55c, “falaise”; Zadok, NABU 1989 47, “hill.” I assume that gabªum and gabaªum are different writings of the same word. “Cliff ” fits the context of 26 414:25 best.

336

Translation

Text 26 390

to Kurda to ªmake Hammu-Rabi declareº a sacred oath. If the god of my lord goes in front of me, I can establish peace between them. If it is not so, I will depart for my lord. This my lord must know. “Further: About the Esnunakean troops who are staying in Andarig—some time ago, I was unaware of any determination concerning their (fate) and (so) did not write my lord (about it). Already before I became aware of the determination concerning their (fate) and wrote to my lord, they had brought those men out of Andarig and dispatched them to their fellows. They (the Esnunakean troops) rose and, after consulting with each other, spoke to Atamrum ªas followsº: ‘Why did [you] ªdispatchº us to a city in ruins? [ ] us, and if we did harm to you, [n lines.’ n lines] I (expect to) find out about [ ] of those men and will (then) write [to] ªmyº [lord].”

26 390 See §58 (pp. 128ff.).

[circa 4 lines] “I arrived from Kurda1 to ªleadº [the gods of Atamrum] to make him (Hammu-Rabi) declare [a sacred oath. News] broke, ‘[PN] took (the route) from the camp of Andarig 2 to meet [ ], and [Esnunakean troops] entered Razama. I do not know whether those troops are headed for ªlaying siegeº to ªAndarigº or else to Karana. I will [make] a determination (of) [where] they are ªheadedº. The day I sent this tablet of mine ªtoº [my lord], I took the lead of the ªgodsº [of Atamrum] to Hammu-Rabi in Kurda to make him declare [a sacred oath. ] ªdayº [Esnunakean troops] entered Razama. [n lines] ª5 linesº I did not know that 5 [ . ]. . . . 174 [I] ªdid not obtainº from my lord ªa determinationº [concerning] the troops of my lord, that is concerning their staying or not [staying]. And [Atamrum] ªaddressed meº about the troops, and I answered him as follows: [I] (said), ‘I have not obtained ªa determinationº (concerning the troops) from my ªlordº. I shall write my lord and [do] whatever my lord ªwritesº [me].’ Now, if the Esnunakean troops come close to Andarig or else Karana, should the troops of my lord go out from the city and depart, or else should they be kept ªinsideº the city? My lord must ªwrite meº (his) determination concerning the troops, so or not so. “And some time ago, [ ] about the message for Askur-Addu that Atamrum keeps writing him, (namely), ‘[Repulse] ªthe hand ofº the Ekallatean!’ [n lines], so or not so. [My lord] ªmustº write them. [And] ªthe situationº, however much I can see (of it, staying here) with Atamrum, is not so. There is no decision-making. I do not see troops of the alliance, not fieldmen, not troops inside the city. I wrote my lord the news, however much I saw (of it).” 1.

2.

Charpin, translating “je suis arrivé [à NG] depuis Kurda,” leaves the place where Habdu-Malik arrived undetermined and suggests that Hammu-Rabi may have been in Kasapa at the time, because this agrees with the statement that Habdu-Malik was sent “to Hammu-Rabi in Kasapa” in 26 387. I think that Habdu-Malik returned to Andarig after successful exploratory talks in Kurda. Charpin believes this was the camp of the Esnunakean troops that were later moved to join their fellows in a city in ruins (see the previous letter).

174. ana alakiya imaqqut. Charpin translates “tombe pendant mon trajet,” yet the preposition ana does not easily agree with that translation.

Text 26 391

Translation

337

26 391 See §58 (pp. 128ff.).

To [my lord] ªspeakº! [Your] ªservant Habdu-Malikº (says), “I got the gods of ªAtamrumº [to] ªHammu-Rabi in Kurda to make him declareº a sacred oath, and ªprior toº my (arrival) the Ekallatean ªmessengersº [told] him about the entry of (Esnunakean) troops into [Razama]. “And the elders are talking to him about the ceding [of cities], (saying), ‘Let [Atamrum] cede [the cities] to you. And ªyouº [2 lines] do!’ These things ªthe eldersº [told him, and] he had no [answer] ªfor themº. [He spoke] to us in secret. The words were ªuttered in hasteº to our faces. And so far he did not speak to us before his servants. Possibly his servants are hard on him, and that 175 he will procure a commitment within 5, 6 days, or else he will not commit himself. Once I see a full report after (sending) this tablet of mine, I will write to my lord. “About the issue of Atamrum of which he (Hammu-Rabi of Kurda) and my lord talked—I had words with him (Hammu-Rabi) before Haqba-Ahum, and he was ªnotº able to answer [me]. I (said), ‘What now? You know these things! Why did you declare a sacred ªoathº to him (Isme-Dagan)?1 And my lord had procured you a commitment (from Atamrum). On that day you should have spoken to my lord, and he would not have sworn a sacred oath to him (Atamrum) and you would not have sworn a sacred oath (to Atamrum).2 He (my lord) would have answered you forthrightly.3 And go on! Why did you not say until this day that that man was your enemy and (that) you would not yield 176 to him? Why did you now arrive (back from Mari) in your land and bring up the Esnunakeans?4 And enmity was set between you (Hammu-Rabi and Atamrum)! When you and my lord talked matters over after church, 177 I did not hear any such words from your mouth. It was you who said to separate him (Atamrum) from Isme-Dagan. You (said), “Separate that man from Isme-Dagan!” It was you who said this. I did not hear other things from your mouth, (so) that we separated that man from Isme-Dagan upon your saying (so). And he did what we said. You changed sides now and have turned into Isme-Dagan’s treaty-partner. And Atamrum, whom we caused to be separated from him, turned into his antagonist.’ “Why should I write my lord a long letter? What he told me and what I kept answering him, the words, all of them, I will place before my lord when I arrive. I (already) wrote my lord these things, (that is) the words to which he keeps giving me answers. 178 I watched his face and, (understanding) that he (i.e., his mind) was just drifting, spoke to him as follows: I (said), ‘Why do you (let your mind) drift? Since I started talking 179 to you, you have not listened to me. Write to my lord about the arrival of soldiers from Esnuna!’ He answered me as follows: ‘Atamrum [ ] in my words. If I did not hear the words (meant for) me, I took [ ] ªtoº [heart]. What [could I have said] at the shrine service 180 to the troops of ªthe allianceº? 175. The reference of sa “that” is unclear, and a subjunctive is missing. 176. tapa††arsum. Charpin translates “tu ne pourrais t’en libérer.” 177. warkat bit ilim. 178. So far, Habdu-Malik has not quoted a single answer from Hammu-Rabi. On the contrary, he has stated that Hammu-Rabi had no answer for his elders and for him. “These things, the words . . . ,” and the answers of Hammu-Rabi must refer to repeated exchanges in previous talks. 179. adbubakkum. 180. essessamma, which is the occasion that I called “after church” above.

338

Translation

Text 26 392

“Return! Andarig has again become my enemy. After ªAndarigº [and] ªAtamrumº disappear, I ª º?” ’5 He was talking [ ]. [Now], herewith [he dispatches] a boy of his to my lord. I am afraid my lord will ªcause ill feelingsº in his rage and write him. [ ] will see to it that decisions are made regarding him, [ ] ªwriteº him soothing 181 words. My lord [must] ªconsultº according to his divinity in light of the report [I wrote] my lord, [and] my lord must write him what he (wishes) to write, and [ ] on the tablet [ ] confidential [ ]. My lord ªmustº pay [much] attention [to] that [report].” 1. 2.

3. 4. 5.

Hammu-Rabi did not yet swear an oath to Atamrum, so the question cannot refer to Atamrum and must refer to Isme-Dagan. The translation of this passage is discussed in my note in NABU 1996 48. I believe that HabduMalik is telling Hammu-Rabi that Zimri-Lim would not have committed himself to a treaty with Atamrum, obviating the necessity for Hammu-Rabi to ally himself with Isme-Dagan. I believe Habdu-Malik meant to say, “if you had discussed your enmity to Atamrum with my lord openly.” What he means is: “Why did you now, after returning, bring up the Esnunakeans?” Obscure. I would expect that Hammu-Rabi was demonstrating with his words the unreasonable nature of Habdu-Malik’s criticism, but I do not understand how his words would have had such an effect.

26 392 See §60 (pp. 131ff.).

[To] my lord speak! Your ªservantº Habdu-Malik (says), “I departed ªfromº Andarig and entered Kurda. During the early part of the night they called me to dinner, and I went. Not one from the alliance was staying with him.1 I was there and with me was Yasub-Dagan, a servant of my lord. And he was sitting in a far seat on the side. I had words with him (Hammu-Rabi) and talked gently to him, and as I made him sigh 182 ªwithº [ ], I spoke to him as follows: I (said), ‘Now then, instead of the news that I keep hearing [from those around me, I shall hear] from your mouth. Place your full report before me!’ He answered [me] as follows: ‘[7 lines] Let him (Atamrum) keep in his hand his city of Allahad and in addition Andarig! The (other) cities he must cede, and the thrones must return to their places. If Atamrum does that, then he and I shall wholeheartedly declare a sacred oath and turn into one finger.2 And I shall write Isme-Dagan. I (shall say), “Do what you want to do! I and my opponent, we made peace. The thrones have returned to their places. Turn back! You need not come anymore.” I shall write. I shall return the troops (of Isme-Dagan). Otherwise, (if) he (Atamrum) does not cede the cities, I will not be mixed up in two-thirds.3 Withdraw your troops that are with Atamrum and withdraw your encampment that is settled in my district! I am afraid some wrong will happen. Herewith I have opened your ears. You must know.’ This Hammu-Rabi said to me, and I promptly 183 wrote my lord the matter. 181. Translated according to Charpin’s reading, nu-uh-h[a?-tim]. 182. usanihu-su. Charpin translates “je l’avais appaisé,” which is derived from nâhum S and fits the context well. But the S-form of nâhum would be usnih. I understand it as S of anahum A “to be tired” or anahum B “to sigh.” No form of the S stem is attested elsewhere but it fits the context well. 183. mahritamma. The meaning “promptly,” which is well attested for mahrêmma, fits the context so well that I take it as a rare variant. Charpin understands the word as an adjective qualifying awatam and translates “telle est la première affaire que j’ai écrite à mon seigneur.”

spread is 1 pica long

Text 26 393

Translation

339

“Further: He addressed me, (saying), ‘ªIfº a house collapses on top and its fundament is strong, [ ] the house is strong. ªIfº its [fundament] has collapsed and it is sound above, there is ªnothingº its builder is able to do. It will collapse.’ ª4 linesº. I will mention the secret [message] that Hammu-Rabi [told me]. I will ªopenº his (Atamrum’s) ears [ ]. Once my lord writes, the words [ ]. I shall mention this message to him (Atamrum). ªNowº, as of my arrival in Andarig, I will place before Atamrum [ ] that I wrote my lord. This my lord must know. I sent this tablet from Kurda on the 27th day. I will be staying in Andarig on the 28th. On the 29th, if I see (Atamrum), I will depart for Karana. I will return from Karana on the 30th and enter ªAndarigº (on that day). On the 1st of the month of Malkanum (II) I will depart [from] ªAndarigº, and on the 2d, 3d, I will go ahead and proceed from Kurda ªstraight toº my lord. [3 lines].” 1. 2. 3.

Foreign dignitaries customarily ate dinner at the royal table. The idiom designates effective cooperation. Charpin believes that with this idiom Hammu-Rabi is expressing his reluctance to join an alliance on unequal terms. Perhaps the two-thirds stand for Mari and Atamrum, the one-third for Kurda.

26 393 See §59 (pp. 131ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Habdu-Malik (says), “I wrote some time ago to my lord that I led the gods of Atamrum from Andarig and went to Hammu-Rabi in Kurda to make him declare a sacred oath. I (said to myself), ‘Possibly Hammu-Rabi will not declare a sacred oath, or else ªthe eldersº of his land will be hard on him, and he [will not] ªdeclare thatº sacred oath.’ I am not aware of a determination (concerning this matter). [Once I become aware of a determination], I will write my lord. [ ] the elders of his land [n lines, including a statement that Habdu-Malik returned to Andarig]. And I departed from Andarig for [Karana]. Before I [arrived] in Karana, a ªboyº of Iddiyatum came to me and (said), ‘AskurAddu collected the populace of his land, all of it, in Karana. They confined to the city gates the messengers of Isme-Dagan who went to Askur-Addu (and) who said, “Decide, ªget hereº and ªcampº with Esnuna!” ’ [ he (Askur-Addu) repulsed] the hand of Isme-Dagan. [Because] he repulsed (his) hand, [I] will get [to Karana] and ªget hold of a messageº of ªAskurAdduº (for Atamrum) and tie Atamrum and Askur-Addu together ªin a contractº. [And peace] ªmayº [be established] ªbetween themº!”

26 394 See §59 (pp. 131ff.).

To my lord speak! Your ªservantº Habdu-Malik (says), “I went to Karana and delivered my instructions to Askur-Addu, whatever my lord instructed me with. Why should I write my lord a long letter? Because the instructions are too much writing for one tablet, I decided on an outline 184 and wrote lord (that outline):

184. res awatim ußabbit. Charpin translates similarly, “j’ai résumé l’essentiel de l’affaire.” res awatim is also attested in 26 530:36, where it seems to have a different meaning.

340

Translation

Text 26 395

“Askur-Addu instructed me as follows: ‘I had extispicies done about the well-being of my land for the occasion of bringing in my harvest. My extispicies were favorable. About what my father wrote me, as follows: “Atamrum and you, cooperate! Push aside your enmity! Atamrum calls me father. [And I] call Atamrum son.” [n lines.’ n lines ‘n lines] ªourº [lord] (Askur-Addu) will instruct you immediately. And you can depart.’ This they said to me. And I spoke to Nanna-Bitanim as follows: I (said), ‘Come with me!’ He did not agree with me. As he did not agree, I let Yanßiban lead them (the troops) and dispatched him. My lord must listen to his report and detain him, (even) if it is until my arrival. Otherwise my lord ªmust answer himº what needs to be answered and dispatch him to me. And I will depart from here ªfor the purpose of (visiting) the pasture-chiefº. I (said to myself), ‘I shall place my report immediately ªbeforeº the pasture-chief, and (I shall do this) because after all, again, 185 they have not been writing him from Mari. And I shall make a determination concerning the Hana and depart because of my lord’s instructions, (namely), “Take 1 hundred troops from Yasim-El and bring them into Karana!” Atamrum did not provide the troops, (saying), “Say to him (Askur-Addu), ‘(I shall dispatch) 6 hundred Yamutbaleans and let them enter Karana. And he must send me Numheans as replacements for the troops.’ ([up to 3 lines].)”

26 395 To Su-Nuhra-Halu speak! Habdu-Malik (says), “I am well. Herewith I have written down a full report on a tablet and sent (it) to my lord. I will depart 5 days after (sending) this tablet of mine. Write me that you are well! “ªFurtherº: After I sealed the tablet for the king, news broke. Turukkean troops have crossed. Inform the king!”

26 396 = 2 132 = LAPO 16 64 To Su-Nuhra-Halu speak! Habdu-Malik (says), “Because you are the one who keeps 186 reading out loud the contents of (each) tablet to the king, and nobody else reads it out loud, I have not sent you a copy of the (last) tablet to the king. Herewith I send a tablet to the king and to you a second time. I will write news promptly. 187 Listen to that tablet, and if it is the right thing, have the king listen to it!”

185. istu ullanumma sanîs. Charpin translates “coup sur coup pour la seconde fois.” 186. I emend to ta-ás-ta-as-s[ú]. 187. Durand, in LAPO 16 33f, quotes this sentence as a “very clear” example of the use of †emum mahrûm in the meaning “nouvelle importante” and translates the passage here accordingly. I am not sure whether the king would have left the determination of the importance of information to his informers. The present letter was certainly in response to a letter from SuNuhra-Halu, which may have contained an exhortation about writing news promptly. The ubiquitous meaning of mahrêmma “promptly” fits also very well in LAPO 16 33 = 4 70, where Durand again uses the translation “nouvelle importante.”

Text 26 397

Translation

341

26 397 To my lord speak! Your servant Habdu-Malik (says), “Atamrum certainly shared no words with me, and he did not mention his ill feelings to me. I spoke to him about Hastuttu as if it were my own situation, 188 and he started crying, ‘Really? 189 My lord kept sending 190 Su-Nuhra-Halu to him (Hastuttu). And my lord did not reveal to me that my lord kept sending Su-Nuhra-Halu. He left out the words (of Hastuttu meant for) me and (merely) shared the word of Su-Nuhra-Halu with me, (namely), “Look here, my lord, I have not washed my dirty hair.” ’1 He shared many words with me. I sent this tablet of mine at sunset to my lord.”2 1. 2.

This is a mourning custom. The letter is difficult to comprehend. It deals with Atamrum’s reaction to the death of the Elamite Hastuttu. The fact that Atamrum had close relations to the Elamites in the past and that HabduMalik met Atamrum repeatedly on his mission to Andarig and Kurda suggests that the Atamrum of the letter is indeed the king of Andarig. Yet the letter cannot be dated to the time of HabduMalik’s mission in Andarig and Kurda because it states that Zimri-Lim sent Su-Nuhra-Halu repeatedly to Atamrum. The king and his secretary were in Mari during Habdu-Malik’s mission. Repeated long trips from Mari to Andarig would have been incompatible with Su-Nuhra-Halu’s duties. Either Atamrum was in Mari at the time of Hastuttu’s death, or Zimri-Lim and Su-NuhraHalu were in Andarig. The first alternative is more likely. Atamrum could have learned about Hastuttu’s death during his stopover in Mari en route to Babylon.

26 398 See §60 (pp. 131ff.).

[To] my ªlordº speak! Your [servant] Habdu-Malik (says), “[My lord] wrote me as follows: ‘Prior to your departure I was forgetful and did not instruct ªyouº. ªGatherº the carpenters and ªboatmenº of the district ªof Terqa and Saggaratum as of your arrival (there). Dispatch (them) to me promptlyº!’ Once I arrive, I will gather ªthe carpenters of the district of Terqaº and Saggaratum in front of me. The governors and the ªmajordomosº will try to stop me because of the boatmen, (saying), ‘Who will bring the grain for the grain tax all the way [to] the palace for us?’ ªNowº, if my lord says (so), I shall gather the boatmen [in front] of me. [My lord must] ªwriteº me [about] the boatmen, [so or] ªnotº so.”1 1.

Lafont, “Techniques arboricoles à Mari,” FM 3 (1997), 265 n. 4, quotes Charpin’s remark that this way of reacting to a problematic royal order is also attested in FM 3 129.

188. kima †em ramaniya. I follow Charpin’s translation “de mon propre chef.” 189. ú-ka. The particle is attested in 26 404:25 and 1 58:8, where it also has a sarcastic connotation. 190. istappar. Charpin translates the form as if it were perfect, which would need emendation to is-ta-{ap-}pa-ar. It is unlikely, because the corresponding form in line 13 also writes doubled p.

342

Translation

Text 26 400

26 400 See §60 (pp. 131ff.).

To my lord speak! [Your] servant Habdu-Malik (says), “[ ] did not recall [2 lines] is ªallº frozen to ice. [2 lines] My lord must write Kibri-Dagan strict orders, and my lord must dispatch 2 cupbearers, and they must gather up ice in Terqa.”

40

26 401 See §53 (pp. 121ff.).

[To] my ªlordº speak! Your [servant] ªMenirumº (says), “[I] ªarrivedº [ in Karana], and [ ] Askur-Addu [ the gods of ] his city with the gods of my lord, and I made him declare a sacred oath. He did not raise any objections. “And ªAskur-Adduº told me the following about the affairs of Atamrum: ‘Zimri-Lim ªtalksº forthrightly with Atamrum. And Atamrum talks wholeheartedly with Isme-Dagan. Atamrum wrote Isme-Dagan as follows: “You are like (your father) Samsi-Adad and I am like (my father) Warad-Sin. I will hand the land, all of it, over to you. And I will be your servant.” This message Atamrum wrote Isme-Dagan, and Askur-Addu’s city Aramanima, into which Atamrum brought garrison troops some time ago and seized that city—on command of Atamrum his troops were brought out from that city and garrison troops of IsmeDagan brought in.’ These things Askur-Addu told me. I do not know whether they are true or false. As the garrison (troops) of Isme-Dagan 191 entered, Askur-Addu went and killed 50 troops of those troops. “Further: Before I arrived, Askur-Addu called 5 men to account, servants of the palace, who had turned their ears to Hadnu-Rabi. And he called to account his brother, who came up from Esnuna, and 3 of his brother’s children, who were with him (the brother). Herewith he has dispatched his general, Kukkutanum, with Yanßibum to my lord. Some time ago, that man (Kukkutanum) spoke to me as follows: ‘[I am] ªentrustedº with these matters.1 I will ªnotº carry them out. [I will] ªdepartº for [my lord] and [ ] in Mari.’ [ ] ª º [ ] IsmeDagan [ ] Haqba-Hammu [1 line.] ªBeforeº I place a full report [before my lord], my lord must [not] ªtreatº him ªlenientlyº. My lord must provide 5 hundred troops. 5 days [after] (sending) this tablet of mine I will go out (from Karana). Once I arrive before my lord, I will place a full report before my lord.” 1.

The phrase “these matters” presumably refers to the execution of the disloyal servants, the brother, and the nephews of Askur-Addu.

26 402–42 are mostly letters by Yasim-El, Mari’s representative at the court of Atamrum in Andarig. Text 406 is not a letter but, rather, the notes of a scribe; 426 and 427 were written by Babylonian military officers serving under the authority of Zimri-Lim in Andarig; 439 was probably coauthored by Zimri-Addu, Menirum, and Kibsi-Addu. Another letter by Yasim-El is A.285.

191. The text has “Isme-Addu.”

Text 26 402

Translation

343

402 26 402 from

To my lord speak! Your servant Yasim-El (says), “Tarhiya placed his ill feelings before me as follows: ‘Was I detained in Andarig for my pleasure? Did [my] lord not donate me to Atamrum? And when my lord gave me to Atamrum, I spoke to my lord as follows: I (said), “My [lord] must install a commissioner.” My lord answered me as follows: “What ªcommissionerº need I install? You are the commissioner.” Now, I heard from those around me the following: “They will give the woman Yamama to somebody else.” In what did I wrong my lord, and so my lord set his sight on giving the maid, whom he gave me, to another?’ That man placed these ill feelings of his before me. Now, I am afraid that man will speak sooner or later as follows: ‘I placed my ill feelings before Yasim-El, and he did not write to his lord the matter that I told him.’ Herewith I have ªwrittenº to my lord the report of the ill feelings of that man that he [placed] ªbefore meº. My lord must act according to his lordship and [his] divinity.”

26 403 To my lord speak! Your servant Yasim-El (says), “Since the beginning of the year I am afflicted with a strong illness. And both servants of my lord ªdiedº. Now, my illness lies heavily on me. And I let ªa divinerº make an extispicy once, twice about [my illness, and] the extispicies (made for) me indicated ªdangerº. (The diviner said), ‘ªGoº, [and] ªkissº the 192º yourself!’ If it pleases [my] lord, my stay in ªAndarigº. . . . 193 feet of your gods. And ª My lord must ªsendº Hassum (instead). [When] I am well again, I shall [ ] and [kiss] the feet of my lord [and offer] an offering to ªmy godsº. For five days [ ] I shall return [to] Andarig. ªOtherwiseº I am afraid my illness will become heavier, and I will slip from the hand of my lord.”

26 403-bis is addressed to Su-Nuhra-Halu and has much the same text until the sentence, “And ª. . .º yourself!” Then follows, “Now, herewith [ ] has communicated [ ],” and with this, the text breaks off.

26 404 See §61 (pp. 133ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Yasim-El (says), “On the third day after we entered Andarig, Atamrum sent his servant Hittipanum to Askur-Addu, (saying), ‘Come and let us meet in Íidqum!’ Íidqum is not the city (of that name) in Saggar. It is the city named Íidqum in the border region of Numhum-Karana and upper Yamutbal. 194 Eteya, the senior singer of Askur-Addu, came to Andarig and took the lead of Atamrum. Atamrum, together with the troops of his alliance and the kings that were with him, went to ªÍidqumº to meet 192. Joannès restores ku-[u]ß-[ra-am] and translates “fortifie!” 193. Joannès restores ús-[sa-ab] and translates the sentence “je resterai cependant à résider à l’interieur d’Andarig.” I expect that it expresses Yasim-El’s wish to leave Andarig. 194. birit pa†i Numhim Karana u Yamutbalim saqîm. Joannès translates “à la frontière du Numhâ, de Karanâ et de l’Émutbal supérieur.”

344

Translation

Text 26 404

Askur-Addu. In Íidqum they all congregated and started talking of the matters between them and [ ]. Before killing the stallion, while they were talking, [Atamrum] proceeded and, facing the Babylonian, the Esnunakean, the ªTurukkeanº, the 7 kings who were present before him and the troops of the alliance, all of them, spoke the following word: ‘Besides Zimri-Lim, our father, our elder brother, and our guide, there is no other king.’ As Atamrum proceeded and said this, the Babylonian and Esnunakean messengers were displeased and withdrew to the side. I was ill, and two men were holding me on carrying poles, 195 but I stood up for the purpose of listening to the negotiations, facing the kings. The courtier Marduk-Nisu, the Babylonian messenger who had withdrawn to the side, called YarihAbum, the servant of my ªlordº, and spoke a word to him as follows: ‘Really? 196 Zimri-Lim is the king of the upper land, and Hammu-Rabi and the Esnunakean are not anywhere close?’ 197 Askur-Addu heard this and answered Marduk-Nisu as follows: ‘Besides ZimriLim, our father and guide of the kings of the upper land, all of it, the name of another king is doing just as well.’ 198 Appeasement issued from his mouth. “They referred to my lord as their father and guide in their talk and their stallion.1 Before the stallion was killed, Atamrum called Askur-Addu and spoke to him as follows: ‘You are my son. Remain so! I shall talk with Haqba-Hammu and the elders of the Numha.’ He ªcalled Haqba-Hammuº and the elders of the Numha and had a word with them as follows: ‘ªBeforeº [the stallion] is killed and a sacred oath is established, take your time 199 [and] mention to me what is ªyoursº, and I shall release (it).’ As he said this word to them, they claimed a cultivated field. Atamrum answered as follows: ‘That field—I sowed grain. I shall harvest my grain. I shall carry (off) my litter. 200 Let the lightning of Addu and the weapon of Samas camp out on that field after harvesting and let them find out the true owner of the field on his field.2 If that field is yours, seize (it)! And if it is mine, I will seize it.’ As Atamrum said this, they answered him with yes. Besides this field there was no second claim between them. “A king of the land is entirely tied to their ªstallionº and their talk.3 ªHammu-Rabiº, the king of Kurda, was excluded from [their] stallion. Atamrum spoke to ªAskur-Addu as followsº: ‘I am afraid Hammu-Rabi will release ªyourº belongings [that] are ªunder his control 201º by means of lies and trickery, you will make peace with him, [and] I will become your enemy.’ And Askur-Addu ªspoke to himº as follows: ‘And I am afraid he will release your belongings that are , and then you will make peace with him, and it [is] I who will become your enemy. Until our father Zimri-Lim comes up, ªenmityº [between us]

195. bi-la-ni. Joannès translates “brancards.” 196. ú-ka. See n. 189 above. Joannès translates “alors d’après toi.” 197. mimma ul †ehû. Joannès translates “Défense d’approcher.” I believe the phrase expresses protest to the notion that Hammu-Rabi of Babylon and Íilli-Sin of Esnuna have no influence in the region. 198. kêm ú kêm lu epis. Joannès, “le nom d’un autre roi peut être mentionné d’une façon ou d’une autre.” For kêm u kêm, see also the very end of 27 81. 199. Read with Durand hikê, and see LAPO 17 501b for the meaning of the verb. 200. ha!-mi-ia. Translation according to CAD hamu. A little more than 1 bushel of hamu equals one cartload according to a list of coefficients (A. D. Kilmer, “Two Lists of Key Numbers,” Orientalia 29 [1960], 280:30). 201. ittisu. Literally, “with him.”

Text 26 404

Translation

345

and peace between us would exist together.’ 202 This word Askur-Addu answered ªAtamrumº. 203 After they made each other bring forward their issues and ªtied the tiesº, the stallion was killed. Brother made ªbrother declareº a sacred ªoathº, and they sat down to drink. After they consorted 204 and ªdrankº, brother brought a gift to brother, and Askur-Addu retreated to his land. And Atamrum retreated to the interior of ªAndarigº. “Further: the Babylonian messenger spoke to Atamrum about troops of the alliance ªas followsº: ‘Where are your troops that you are dispatching to ªthe Babylonianº?’ Atamrum answered him as follows: ‘What are (those) troops ªthatº I should dispatch? Who summoned me to dispatch troops? Herewith Zimri-Lim, the lord of this ªlandº, has written [me] about 5 hundred troops, [and] I will dispatch (them) to him. (If) it is his will, let him dispatch [ ]. Or else let him shave 205 them [and] place them [in fetters] and sell them for silver. I was not given directions about any of this.’ This and much more he answered the Babylonian messengers. “He will now take 5 hundred troops along with him because of the tablet that my lord wrote him. Atamrum ªtogether withº the troops of his alliance [and] ªthe kingsº who are staying with him will arrive before my lord [ ]. He will ªarriveº, [be it in] ªSaggaratumº, be it in Terqa, [or else in] ªMariº, and ªhe will haveº [extispicies] ªdoneº for the 3 roads. [ the god] answers him with ªyesº, that road he will ªtakeº. He will arrive [before] my lord. My lord [must know]. “Zuzuni, a servant of Askur-Addu, ª 206º with Yantin-[Erah. And] he spoke ªa wordº to Yantin-Erah as follows: ‘The Turukkean crossed. Inis-Kibal is heading [to] lay siege to the city of Razama.’ And so far I did not learn of (further) news. Once I learn of his full story, I will write to my lord.” 1.

“Stallion” is short for “concluding a treaty,” inasmuch as the killing of a stallion served as ratification.

202. nukurtani u salamni istenisma. Compare Joannès’s elegant rendering: “nous aurons même ennemi et même allié.” 203. Joannès restores [ki-a]-am before “answered.” It does not conform to common phraseology. He copied traces of a sign before -am that are part of ra rather than of -a-. I read [A-tam]ªraº-am. 204. igrusu. The verb garasum clearly has a sexual connotation in other contexts. Were some onanistic exercises part of the fun? Durand, and after him Joannès, saw in it a Koppelung’s first term, the meaning of which would be subordinate to the following verb “to drink.” Accordingly Joannès translated “après être allés boire la coupe.” Durand reevaluated the verb in LAPO 17 830c and concluded that it means “to take a shortcut,” which clearly does not apply here. A possible alternative is to read iq-ru-su and derive this from qerûm “to invite.” The literal meaning would be “after he invited him,” that is “one brother the other.” Syntactically, it would be an odd construction, because the accusative suffix seems out of place in a plural form: “they (the brothers) invited him (the brother).” It is a case of odd behavior versus odd syntax. 205. li-ga14-li-ib-su-nu-ti. See my note, NABU 1996 44. 206. Joannès restores [ik-su]-da-a[m] “he arrived here.” If Yantin-[ ] is Yantin-[Erah], the restoration makes no sense because Zuzuni would have already had opportunity to inform Yantin-Erah before their arrival in Andarig. I expect that Zuzuni informed Yantin-Erah, and that Yantin-Erah relayed the information to Yasim-El, but I cannot account for the sign -da- that motivated Joannès’s restoration.

346 2. 3.

Translation

Text 26 405

The statement apparently refers to a kind of ordeal in which unjustified claim of ownership was punished by the weapon of Samas and the lightning of Addu. The statement seems to be an explanation, even if it is difficult to believe that Zimri-Lim needed it or that Yasim-El thought he needed it. Perhaps Yasim-El wanted to affirm that the treaty was binding without a written record. If we accept the discrepancy in grammatical number in the formulation “a king . . . to their talk” as meaningful, “their” must refer to Atamrum and Askur-Addu, and “a king” to any king except these two—that is, at least the 7 kings accompanying Atamrum. I think it more likely that “a king” means as much as “any king” and that “their” refers to the plurality inherent in “any king.”

26 405 See §50 (pp. 117ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Yasim-El (says), “Atamrum laid siege to the city of Asihum 7 days ago and made me stay in a camp of my own. The camp where I am staying is close to the base of the city, and the camp of Atamrum lies (on the road) to the city. SaggarAbum, the general of Hammu-Rabi (of Kurda), together with his 1 thousand good troops, ªis stayingº in that city. And he constantly keeps coming out against me to (do) battle. Because I have not heard any enmity toward Hammu-Rabi from the mouth of my lord, I keep pulling ªmyselfº back from battle. And I do not permit (my) troops to do battle. I (said), ‘I 207º in doing battle, [and] I will not be able to answer my lord. am afraid some matter ª My lord ªmustº [know]: I ªwill not do battleº with him (Saggar-Abum).’ [ ] ªtroopsº went out to the cultivated zone (on the road?) to Hammiqadum. [PN] took the lead of the border 208º with the border guards of the cultivated zone. The border guards [ ] in [ ]. We ª 209 guards. ªWeapons º. Our troops panicked and ªretreatedº precipitately. And his troops had their sight set on battle. “Unfortunately, Yahmus-El and Mutassi, [ ], came out from the (Mariote) camp and advanced to come to ªthe rescue, and the enemy [ upon] their ªadvancing toward the enemy, 210º [and] as [ ] ª º, I wrote as follows to Saggar-Abum: I (said), ‘I am apprehensive of my lord and ªof the oathº.1 I will not draw up in battle formation against you. [ you] ªtransgress the oathº (sworn) by your lord. You keep coming out ªagainst the troopsº of my lord. ª3 linesº.’ [These things and] ªmoreº I wrote him. [ ] that man came out and [ ] and answered me as follows: ‘[n lines, including mention of Yahmus-El and Mutassi.’] [n lines] to ªAtamrumº [ ]: ‘[ I will cede (to you)] the city of ªHarbe 211º [on] ªcommandº of the Turukkean [and release to you that which] I 212 took [from] that city.’ ªAtamrum answered him as followsº: ‘[If ] you (Hammu-Rabi) cede [that city on] command of the Turukkean, [I will ] on command of the Babylonian or else on ªcommandº [of Zimri-Lim]. After you [increased 207. Joannès reads né-e[t-tum] and translates “(si une seule affair de combat) nous concerne.” I expect “gets us involved.” 208. Joannès copies ni-r[i?-x], reads ni-z[a-az], and translates “nous étions avec.” I expect “clashed, scuffled.” 209. Joannès restores us-ta-ba-[al-la-lu] and translates “s’étaient mélangées.” 210. I restore a-na ne[eh-ra-ri-im] is-ru-ru-ma [a-na sa]-ra-ri-su-nu. . . . 211. Only the ha- sign of the name is preserved. Joannès restores Ha[mmu-Rabi]. My restoration is based on 26 410. 212. él-qú.

Text 26 405

Translation

347

(the number of)] cities 213 (to be ceded) on command of the Turukkean, I will increase by as much (the number) of cities (to be ceded) to you. While [we wait for] ªZimri-Limº, the elder brother and strong ally, who is it that ªsplitsº reed in my reedhut?’ 214 “These things and many more his (Hammu-Rabi’s?) messenger answered, and ArraphaAdal, king of the land of Sirwunum, together with [his troops], and with him 2 thousand Lullu troops, his allies, ªwill come downº, [and] he will lay siege to [the city of ] ªAdallayaº on command of Atamrum. My lord must know. “And about that which [my lord] wrote me as follows: ‘Muster the troops of the palace gate that are staying before you, write down a name-list including ªsoldiers on furloughº, place by place, 215 and send it to me!’ Before ªthe tabletº of my lord arrived, the city of Suhpad made peace, but then there are its villages that did not yet make peace.2 And the troops of my lord are divided into three groups. Therefore, I did not muster the soldiers and did not write a name-list and did not send it to my lord. After the troops assemble, I will muster them and write a name-list including the soldiers on furlough, place by place, send it to my lord. “When I had (already) taken the lead of Askur-Addu and departed for my lord, a tablet of my lord (with instructions) to return to Atamrum arrived.3 The division commanders had a word with me, 216 (saying), ‘When we ªdepartedº (from Mari), we departed without sheep or else silver. Enlist 5 men in a division, and they must obtain sheep. The cold season is ahead of us.’ This they said, and I dispatched 5 men in a division to obtain their sheep. And those men have not yet gotten (back) to me.” 1. 2. 3.

This was the oath Zimri-Lim swore to Hammu-Rabi of Kurda. The statement explains why Yasim-El had not yet mustered the troops. They were partly still in the area of Suhpad because of the hostility of the villages. The present-tense forms in the first paragraph indicate that Yasim-El wrote the letter from his camp at Asihum. This paragraph should then refer to the time before Yasim-El arrived in the camp. Perhaps Zimri-Lim recalled him from Karana so that he could participate in the siege. In any case, the placement of the paragraph here rather than before the first paragraph is peculiar.

213. a-la-né-e. Joannès notes that the spelling stands in contrast with a-la-ni in line 12. He concludes that the former designates the inhabitants and the latter the settlements. I do not follow Joannès because (1) the spelling with -né-e is frequent in contexts where the word must mean cities (for example, 26 129:20; 176:28; 364:7u), and (2) inhabitants of a city are called a-lu-yu in 26 422:29. 214. mannum sa ina kikkisiya gi isalla†u. This sounds like a proverb. Joannès translates “Qui y aura-t-il pour couper le roseau dans ma cannaie?” and quotes the opinion of Durand that it refers to labor of POWs. But kikkisum does not designate a stand of reeds but a reedhut and sala†um, not cutting reed but splitting it, which was done for various purposes, especially for producing the raw material of reed mats. The context indicates that the proverb exemplifies an unnecessary task, such as splitting reed for a completed reedhut. 215. idisam. 23 433 is such a name-list. The soldiers on furlough were identified by name and residence. 216. Joannès combines this and the previous sentence into one by stringing the three dependent clauses and one main clause: inuma . . . aßbatam-ma . . . attalkam ù . . . iksudam . . . ißbatunim “lorsque j’ai pris . . . , m’apprêtant à partir . . . , et que . . . m’est parvenue, . . . ont pris. . . .” I am unsure that ù instead of -ma can serve as connector of the last of a string of dependent clauses and prefer to see it as a waw consecutivum introducing the main clause.

348

Translation

Text 26 406

26 406 Notes of a scribe? See §50 (pp. 117ff.).

[n lines] I wrote my lord. I will arrive and [ ] ªbeforeº [him]. About making arrangements for him. About the report on Subat-Enlil. About the report on troops to be dispatched to Babylon. And you (Atamrum) went and laid siege to Adallaya. Will Arrapha-Adal save you soon? About assembling troops of the alliance and providing accommodations for them in Karana. And about the report on the Esnunakeans that my lord wrote me. I watched the words and had words with Atamrum [ ] I had [words] with him [about] ªthe citiesº of Haya-Sumu [ ] their responses to my message, all of them, what I told him, [what he] answered me, [ ] I went to him and spoke to him as follows: “My instructions [n lines].”

26 407 See §50 (pp. 117ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Yasim-El (says), “Some time ago, [I wrote] to my lord ªthatº Atamrum ªwas headedº for Adallaya. He arrived at Adallaya and [laid siege to] ªthatº city. He heaped up ªearthworks, set upº a tower [and . As] he set up the tower, [I took] ªa wordº [to him]. I (said), ‘If your ªsight is setº [on seizing that] city [n lines.’ n lines]. “I heard [from those around me] the following: ‘ªSadu-Sarrumº will go.’ Now, after (sending) [my tablet], I will write a full report on him to my lord, of his going or not [going]. 217 About [the fact that my message] came so late to my lord—the land [is at] war, [and] my messenger was not able to pass. ªThereforeº, this message was delayed until now. “Further: About relief for the troops in Ilan-Íura concerning which [my lord] wrote me—I chose 30 [men] from 55 regulars of [ ] and then dispatched (them) and [their guide] Yapah-[ ] to Ilan-Íura. ª7 linesº.”

26 408 See §54 (pp. 124ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Yasim-El (says), “Since the day that my lord [wrote me] about mustering the troops, they have been separated into 3 groups, and to this day I [have not been able] to muster the troops [and] did not write down a name-list on a tablet ªandº did not send it to my lord. I now arrived in Andarig, and the troops of my lord assembled, and Yarih-Abum, a servant of my lord, put in place the muster. Herewith I write down namelists of the men on hand, the troops of the garrisons, the soldiers on furlough, the runaways, and the dead, place by place, on tablets, and send (them) to my lord. My lord must pay attention to those tablets. And my lord will see that I was evicted from ªthe heart of my lordº without good reason. A ªdenouncerº went about in my absence and [placed] ungood things 217. I restore wa-ar-[ki †ú-pí-ia] †emsu gamram sa alaki-su ú la [a-la-ki-su]. Compare 26 411:60.

Text 26 409

Translation

349

before [my lord]. By now the troops of my lord have assembled, and my lord can see my dishonesty and my honesty in front of him! “Since the day the troops of my lord supported Atamrum, Atamrum has caught 2 hundred prisoners of war on his excursions, and he shared out those prisoners of war in shares to his allies. Those prisoners of war form the shares for the soldiers. Esnunakeans, Babylonians, and allies shared them out to their troops. 10 [+n] ªpotsº of amurzinnu-plant reached me with my share prisoners of war. I shared out ªthoseº [pots] to the troops. [And] I called the division commanders, the lieutenants, and the soldiers [about] the prisoners of war, and I had a ªwordº with them as follows: I (said), ‘You know that the palace of my lord is not fully staffed. Now, I shall have these prisoners of war conducted to my lord.’ This (word) I had with them and lavished attention 218 on the troops of my lord, and I took away those prisoners of war from the soldiers. Herewith I have written down a name-list of 59 personnel1 on a tablet, and I entrusted (them) to the hand of Qisti-Ilaba and Qis-Humu, and I had them conducted to my lord. And I enlisted 4 (men) in a division ªas personnelº, and they will take along the prisoners of war. When those (4) men arrive before my lord, my lord must give the alert, and they (those authorized) must dispatch those men quickly (back) to me. “And about the two criminals concerning whom my lord wrote to Atamrum as follows: ‘Have the criminals conducted to me! Otherwise give them to Yasim-El and let them (the men of Yasim-El) kill them.’ I had a word with Atamrum, and he answered me as follows: ‘Why did my brother mention those men? There are many troops with 219 the 2 criminals. It does not mix. 220 I am afraid many troops will slip from my hand once I give those men to [my brother]. And the opinion of my commoners will turn rebellious.’ This Atamrum answered me. Now, I do not believe in giving those men up. The trip of Atamrum to my lord is ªnearº. Perhaps ªhe will takeº those men along with him, and I will not neglect to urge (him) about those men. “The troops of my lord are well. Iddin-Kubi, concerning whom my lord wrote me— herewith I have slapped handcuffs on him and entrusted him to the hand of Qisti-Ilaba and Qis-Humu and had them conduct him to my lord.” 1.

These are the prisoners of war who will be used as palace personnel.

26 409 See §49 (pp. 115ff.).

[To my] lord speak! Your servant Yasim-El (says), “[About] ªthe newsº on the city of Suhpad, concerning which my lord wrote me as follows: ‘Haya-Sumu wrote to me [as follows]: “The Suhpadeans lifted ªtheirº [hands]1 to servants Yasim-El, Zu-Hadnim [and PN], and Atamrum ªseizedº [the city]. He installed ªMannum-Balu-Inanaº as his regent.” ’ [This] my lord wrote me. [For] ªwhatº (reason) did Haya-Sumu write to my lord, the king of totality, false and unsound [words] with no consultation on his part? (In case) the city of 218. ina ummuqim ehsi. Joannès guesses “en appelant à la raison.” I connect ummuqum with AHw. emequm II D, which apparently means “to nurture.” 219. “With” seems to mean here “loyal to” or “dependent on.” 220. ul ba-li-il. Did the order to move against the criminals and the loyalty of the troops for them “not mix?” Joannès understands the passage differently. He translates “Ces deux rebelles, ce [n’est] pas un très grosse troupe qui s’est [acoqui]née à eux.”

350

Translation

Text 26 409

Suhpad did lift [its hands] to my lord and ªcalled onº the name of my lord, would I, a servant of my lord, cede that city [to] ªAtamrumº? [And if ] it were not the city of Suhpad—(in case) any city within [the land] of Atamrum lifted up its hand to my lord [and] called on the name of my lord—would I not take away that city from the hand of Atamrum? According to what I keep seeing of Atamrum’s attitude—that man acts in the interest of my lord and is attentive to the interest of my lord. Haya-Sumu wrote unnecessary words to my lord. Three days after we came close to the city of Suhpad, Atamrum obtained the peace of the city by binding agreement 221 and installed Mannum-balu-Inanna as his regent. And the day the Suhpadeans came out, they made Atamrum declare a sacred oath as follows: ‘Do not hunt us, do not kill us! And do not move us to another land!’ And Atamrum made them declare the following: ‘My regent whom I have installed for you, do not hunt him, do not kill him, and do not bring your former king back!’ And in their sacred oath, which they [declared, they ] the title Lord-of-the-Soil. Before Atamrum [ ] I and [ ] I (said), “[ ] Haya-Sumu came before my lord [ ] former [ ] and the ceding of that city to Haya-Sumu was mentioned. And by bad luck confusion occurred inside the land, and those matters were not sorted out until this day. Now, the city of Suhpad (belongs) to Haya-Sumu. And you have installed as your regent Mannum-Balu-Inana!’ These things and many more I told Atamrum, and Atamrum answered me ªthe followingº: He (said), ‘The issue of [that] ªcityº has been laid in front of my elder brother Zimri-Lim. My elder brother must get here and [choose between] ªHaya-Sumuº and Mannum-Balu-Inana, the boy of my elder brother. [If ] the city is Haya-Sumu’s, Haya-Sumu [may take it]! ªIfº the city is Mannum-balu-Inanna’s, MannumBalu-Inana [may take it! We shall act] ªin accordance withº the pronouncement of my elder brother.’ This Atamrum answered me. [Now] the issue of that city is again in front of my lord. “[And] ªaboutº the report on the Razameans concerning which my lord wrote me—I placed that ªreportº before Atamrum, and Atamrum answered me as follows: ‘I did indeed give grain to the Razameans. I (said), “[Settle down] in your city, fix up your city and sow the land that can be sown!” ªNowº, [ ] to those men ªmuchº, grain, silver, ª º. And right now 221. ina ru-te-e. Joannès translates “par calcul,” referring to an idea of Durand (26 526, comment c) to connect the word with rutu, which is documented as designation of a pit in which Assyrian kings trapped elephants. Lafont, adopting that idea, translated ina ru-te-e in 26 526 as “en vue de (lui) tendre un piège.” In 26 526, the corresponding verbal expression uratti is also attested, which Lafont translates as “eut piégé.” Durand’s idea is problematic, because the Assyrian word for elephant trap may simply be read subtu “pit.” And even if the reading ru-tu were correct, there is no reason to believe that it would be identical with the word ru-te-e in 26 433, 26 526, and here. I connect uratti with the well-known D stem of retûm, which retained the original /a/, as is common in Mari orthography. CAD understands the noun as ruttû, which would be the corresponding infinitive. Lafont posits a form rutûm, which he understands as purs formation of rtª. According to GAG §15b this formation would have yielded the word rutum. The meaning of uratti and ina ruttê should be found by combining the attested meanings of ruttû “to fix” with the three published contexts in the Mari Letters. As Joannès pointed out in comment f, the context makes it unlikely that Yasim-El accused Atamrum of deceit. The context here and in 26 433 suggests to me a contrast of taking a city by force or ina ruttê, that is “by compromise, agreement,” literally, “by fixing.” The verb ruttûm is construed in 26 526 with the nominative and accusative of the parties involved: “Sasiya ‘fixed’ Isme-Dagan,” that is, he made a binding agreement with him.

Text 26 410

Translation

351

there are many Razameans before me, (namely) 2 thousand. They are . . . 222 and houses are being built. When [those] men return to ªtheirº [city], and (when) their numerous troops are ªformed into a (fighting) forceº, whose lance will be (more) numerous? 223 Not (even) the lance of my elder brother Zimri-Lim, not my lance, will be (more) numerous.” ’ ªNowº his ªwordsº that I have heard [2 lines].” 1.

Lifting one’s hand was a gesture of pleading.

26 410 See §52 (pp. 120ff.).

“[n lines] they crossed the border and [ ]. They arrived before him (Atamrum) [to] ªestablishº peace between him and ªHammu-Rabiº (of Kurda). He (Atamrum) listened to [their] ªreportº and heeded the plea for peace. [And] as we crossed Mount Saggar,1 Atamrum ªdispatchedº Etel-Pi-Samas, a servant of my lord, and [PN] to Hammu-Rabi (to say), ‘Harbe is my city. ªLaterº [a stallion] must be killed, and peace and good relations must be established between us. Regarding the remainder of the matters concerning us—when our elder brother Zimri-Lim arrives, you and I will settle our cases before him, and I will release to you your losses2 that I am keeping . . . , 224 and you will release my losses!’ These things and many more he wrote him at length, and Hammu-Rabi heeded the plea to make peace. He has answered him with yes and surrendered his life to my lord the same way as Atamrum. He now moved the Harbeans together with their belongings and that which was in their name, and he has brought them into Kurda. And he returned the soil to Atamrum. [ ] the troops of Atamrum ªreturnedº to Harbe. After his troops ªapproachedº the interior of the city, ªAtamrumº spoke a word as follows: ‘After I have seized Harbe [as] my soil, ªwhenº [my] ªelderº [brother] and big ally Zimri-Lim [ ] to me, my servants who caused me harm and the men [who] ªput their trust inº 225 Hammu-Rabi will under no circumstance [ ].’ “Now, they heard the word of my lord, and their [ ] have leaned toward peace. Brother [ ] his head ªtoº [brother]. [n lines].” 1.

2.

“We” refers to two Mariotes, probably the writers of the letter, presumably Yasim-El and a special envoy sent from Mari to mediate between Atamrum and Hammu-Rabi. They crossed Saggar on the way from Hammu-Rabi to Atamrum. If Atamrum stayed in Andarig at the time, Hammu-Rabi stayed in Kasapa, north of the mountain. If Atamrum stayed in Subat-Enlil or anywhere north of the mountain, Hammu-Rabi stayed in Kurda. The “losses” are property in enemy hands.

222. Joannès le-[ti]-is su-su-ru “ils ont été rangés en corps organisé.” 223. i-me-ed = imêd. Joannès derives the form from emedum “to support.” 224. ina bi-la-nu-um-ma. Joannès quotes Durand’s translation in comment c, “contre mon gré.” 225. Joannès reads l ú . m e s [su-nu sa] Hammu-Rabi ilqû and translates “les hommes que Hammu-Rabi a pris.” I read l ú . m e s [sa qí-pu-ut] Hammu-Rabi ilqû.

352

Translation

Text 26 411 Text = 22639411 =

26 411 = 2 39 = LAPO 17 594 See §54 (pp. 124ff.).

[To] my lord speak! Your servant Yasim-El (says), “[The day] I entered Karana, ªHaqbaHammuº [was absent]. He was besieging [ ]urrana. The next ªdayº [I ] according to the ªinstructionsº that my lord gave me. And I spoke [to him (Askur-Addu)] ªaboutº his ªtripº as follows: [I] (said), ‘If your sight is set on ªgoingº to my lord, herewith I shall give strict instructions to the 3 hundred [garrison] ªtroopsº and their ªguideº, reliable (men), whom my lord assigned to guard the city, the palace, and the city gate, and ªwithº the remainder of the ªtroopsº I shall take your lead, and [I shall] ªbring you all the wayº to your father.’ This and much more I ªtold himº at length, and he answered me, ‘ªLetº Haqba-Hammu ªreturnº, and ªheº [and] I shall consult, and we shall answer you with a decision about the trip.’ On the fourth day after I entered, Haqba-Hammu cut short (the siege), and I ªreturnedº to the issue of the instructions of my lord before both of them and then spoke to him ªaboutº his trip to my lord, and he (Askur-Addu) answered me as ªfollowsº: ‘Haqba-Hammu and I will go. Is it ªfittingº that I go with empty hands to my father? There is a city that is taking bites out of my (territory). 226 As long as the troops of my lord are staying (here), I shall break (the defenses of) ªthatº city and see to it that ªmy dispositionsº are taken, and I shall calm my land and perform extispicies 227 for the well-being of my land, and Haqba-Hammu and I will go to my father.’ I keep hearing about their trip from their mouths. And I did not yet learn their final decision. “Before the troops of my lord arrived in Karana, his (Askur-Addu’s) land was restless, 228 and he choked 229 (in fear). Since the day I ªarrivedº before him, [his land] ªhas calmedº and he has established his bases. And before, 3 days, 230 I approached ªKaranaº, Mut-Askur, the son of Isme-Dagan, had taken the ªleadº of 2 thousand Babylonian troops, 2 thousand Ekallateans and Assyrians, and they were staying inside Razama. Their sight was set on going ªto Karana. As I heardº it [and] hurried [ ], and (as) [I ] to ª º [of ] Karanaº, 231 Mut-Askur heard (of my approach), [and ] the 4 thousand troops, [and they transported] grain from Razama to Ekallatum. Clearly, 232 those troops were not ªableº to do anything. [ ] sounded the alarm, 233 (saying), ‘[ ].’ Had the troops of my lord been one day late, the city of Karana might have long since been ªseizedº. “Now, since the day the troops of my lord [arrived] ªin Karanaº, his (Askur-Addu’s) land ªhas calmed, but he keeps putting offº the trip. I saw that the issue of ªhisº trip ªwas being 226. sa sa(-)aK-la-an-ni. Joannès transliterates sa sa-aq-la-an-ni and translates “qui me résiste.” No known meaning of saqalum seems to fit the context. I emend to sa {sa} ak-la-an-ni and translate akalum according to 26 433:37 and parallels. 227. lupus. lusepis “I shall order extispicies” is expected. The same inaccuracy is found in line 69, where Yasim-El says that he “made” extispicies. 228. za-al-la-[a]t. Joannès and Durand derive the form from ßll and translate “était prostré.” I derive from sll (u/u), for which see my note, NABU 1995 93. 229. See my note, NABU 1996 46. 230. The phrase is awkwardly placed. Does it mean “3 days ago, when I approached . . .”? 231. Joannès restores a-na ra-[ßi-im sa Ka]-ra-na-a[ki al-li-ku] and translates “de venir à l’[aide de Ka]rana.” 232. qadu. See my note, NABU 1996 63. 233. tukkasu iddi. Joannès, “a proclamé haut et fort.”

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Text 26 412

Translation

353

sidesteppedº, 234 and I spoke to him. I (said), ‘Clearly, your trip to your father is postponed. I shall leave behind the troops who guard you (and) who were assigned by orders of your father, and I shall depart for my lord.’ This I said to him, and he answered me as follows: ‘My father dispatched you at this time to establish the base of my throne and to calm my land. And you leave me behind now and depart? As long as I have not reached my objectives with (the help of) the troops of my father and do not have my affairs taken care of, you are detained. Together we will go.’ And since my lord wrote me as follows: ‘You do what he says to you,’ I therefore heeded him in the matter. “Now, the day after I sent this tablet of mine to my lord, they will return Menirum and Yatar-Salim, the brother of Haqba-Hammu, and they (Menirum and Yatar-salim) will depart for my lord. The issue of his (Askur-Addu’s) going or his not going—Menirum will bring a full report on them 235 to my lord. “Further: among the 3 hundred garrison troops whom my lord assigned to stay in Karana—they made extispicies for the well-being of Qa††ara, and the extispicies were very bad. They (the diviners) had a word with me, (saying), ‘We wonder whether they will not seize that city while you (pl.) are staying (in Karana), and (whether) no wrong will happen. Dispatch 1 hundred troops, and they must guard that city.’ Menirum and I consulted, and 1 hundred ªSuheanº troops and ªYaqqim-Limº their guide—I made extispicies for the well236 being of those troops and dispatched them in light of sound extispicies. ª º the troops with Iddiyatum guard the city gate of Karana. The guard of the city gate is not being neglected. “[And about] ªGN 237º, which Isme-Dagan holds, [ ] to Askur-Addu. [ ] the ªeldersº of the city came, and Askur-Addu ªgaveº [them] gifts. They ªreturned toº their city, and [ ] the city [ ] were released. Askur-Addu [ ]. “ªAbout the Razameanº [who ] ªfromº before [ ] wrote me [ ] about him. [ ] wrote [about] that man to Askur-Addu. [ had] a word with Haqba-Hammu as follows: ‘How can you (pl.) [ ] that man [ ] my lord [ ]. Once you give, it will be a ªbigº matter. [ ] set their sight on [ ] were detained. By now [ .’ About] the issue of that man, a tablet of Askur-Addu has gone to my lord.”

26 412 See §55 (pp. 125ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Yasim-El (says), “General Kukkutanu, who went to my 238º Kakiya, as of his arrival here (in Karana)—Kakiya denounced him to his lord with ª lord (Askur-Addu), and they blackened him and ousted him from general and spoke to him as follows: ‘Go away; stay in your house!’ The 5th day of Lilliatum (IX) was 234. pussulu. Joannès, “n’avançait pas bien.” pasalum describes a foot condition and the act of turning away from, sidestepping, avoiding, evading the law. 235. The plural refers to Askur-Addu and Haqba-Hammu. 236. Durand reads ªaº-[d]i la-a-tim and translates “en attendant (d’avoir à s’occuper) des vaches.” The plural lâtum of litum “cow” cannot be expected in Old Babylonian Akkadian. 237. Durand reads the geographical name as Kawalhum. He also restores the missing verb as “I restored.” It would follow that Kawalhum, a city on the east bank of the Tigris, belonged at some point to Karana, which is unlikely. 238. Joannès considers reading the traces l ú . ª g ì r ? . s è ? . g a º “courtier.”

354

Translation

Text 26 412

in progress, when Numhean troops started assembling inside Qa††ara. [As] ªthe troopsº assembled, Kukkutanum [went out] from ªhis city ofº Nunasaru [and] arrived before the assembled troops and placed his ill feelings [before] the troops as follows: ‘About what I [have] ªsaidº to Haqba-Hammu—I (said), “Why are you out [to deliver] your lord (Askur-Addu), ªKaranaº and the land of the Numha, into the hand of Isme-Dagan?” [As] I said ªthisº to Haqba-Hammu, he denounced me to my lord, and they ousted me [from the position of general]. And he is out to kill me.’ [These things and] more Kukkutanu told the assembled men and caused the troops to change their [minds]. And he caused the opinion of the ªcommonersº1 to turn ªagainstº Haqba-Hammu, his [ ]. [Because] ªHaqba-Hammuº did not know [that they were assembled] 239 for ªconsultationº and . . . , 240 he dispatched ªKakiyaº to the assembled ªtroopsº [in] Qa††ara, and they killed [that man]. And the commoners turned to ªthe sideº of Kukkutanum. They started seizing ªQa††araº. If it had [not] been for the troops of my lord, they would have seized ªQa††araº. And the land of Askur-Addu, [all of it], might have changed sides. Many troops turned [to] ªKukkutanumº. They saw that the ªtroopsº of my lord ªheld Karanaº and Qa††ara [and] ªwereº not ªableº to do [anything. ], and they dispersed in all directions, 241 and ªKukkutanum disappearedº. [I do not know] where he is headed, [and] they did not yet ªobtainº a full [report. For 10 days] the land had changed sides; on the 11th day the land [ , and] it called out ‘[ ].’ On this very day on which the land [ ], I let the [gods] ªof myº [lord] and his (Askur-Addu’s) gods stay [ ] and [made] the [ ], his troops and his reservists [declare] a sacred oath. [And they] declared 242 ªthe followingº: ‘[We will ] after ªAskur-Adduº. He is indeed [our] lord.’ ª18 linesº. Menirum will bring a full report ªtoº my lord. [My lord must] ªconsultº [according to] his great kingship and do what needs to be done. 244 “[About what] my lord wrote me as follows: ‘Set out! The campaign is near. 243 ª Askur-Adduº with words, [and leave him] the garrison troops and take the lead of the remainder of your [troops] and depart!’ [This my lord] wrote me. Had this been ªdoneº, had I taken the word ªto Askur-Adduº and ªdepartedº, after ªthisº was done, it would not have given me (the opportunity) to put an end to [the rebellion. I will write] the full [story] on them (the rebels) ªtoº my lord, and ª º the lips of my lord [ ] his full story [ ] that man (Askur-Addu) will not release me (to join the campaign). That man is in fear for his life. 239. [assum] H. . . . [kima pahru]. . . . But I am not sure that there is enough space for the second restoration. 240. m i s . k a k epesim. The literal meaning is “to make a peg.” Joannès suspects that the key to understanding the phrase lies in the unknown meaning of Old Assyrian references of sikkatum, which are collected in CAD under sikkatu B. Is it perhaps connected to the punishment of driving a peg into one’s mouth, for which see Kupper, NABU 2000 50? 241. ittaspah. Joannès understands the form as perfect and translates “s’est dispersée.” I take it as Ntn. 242. According to Wasserman, NABU 1994 70, the verbal form is written iz-ku-ru, which is quite unexpected. Spellings of forms of this verb in which the sibilant ends a syllable regularly use Vs signs. 243. The text has k a s k a l . a tebê qerub. I expect that tebê k a s k a l . a qerub is meant and translate accordingly. 244. su-ta-[x-x-x]. Joannès restores su-ta-[a-al-ma] and translates “consulte A. sur l’affaire!” Yet this verb is construed with itti of the person with whom one consults (passim) and ana (for example 26 450:8–9) or assum (for example 6 67:5) of the content of consultation. A possible restoration is su-ta-[ni-ih-su] “keep exhausting Askur-Addu with words!” See 26 392:12.

spread is 12 points long

Text 26 413

Translation

355

“Further: In Harbe, they seized 25 slaves, servants of the palace who had fled from the palace of Qa††unan, and took them along to Atamrum. Atamrum slapped handcuffs on them [and] entrusted them to the hand of Yarih-Abum. The troops of my lord are well.” 1.

Commoners served in the army. It seems that Yasim-El uses the words “commoners” and “troops” here to designate the same group of people.

26 413 See §55 (pp. 125ff.).

To my lord speak! [Your servant] Yasim-El (says), “About the issue of Askur-Addu, (namely), that his sight is set on going ªtoº [my lord]—I [wrote my lord] ªsome time agoº that the issue was being sidestepped. Kukkutanum, who ªhad stirred upº the land [and disappeared], ªfledº to Atamrum. ªAskur-Adduº [heard that that man] arrived in Andarig and ªwroteº to Atamrum as follows: ‘That man is a criminal. Arrest him [and have him conducted to me]!’ This he wrote him, and Atamrum [answered him as follows]: ‘5 of [my] servants, criminals, who are with you—[release] them [and have them conducted to me], and I shall [have] Kukkutanum [conducted to you] from here.’ As Atamrum wrote [him] this, he [released] at night the 5 men whom Atamrum requested and had them conducted to Atamrum. And he (Atamrum) slapped handcuffs on Kukkutanum [and] had him conducted to Askur-Addu. As of [his arrival], Haqba-Hammu [ ] in hand blocks. 245 After they killed him with reed,1 fastened him [to ] and ªdraggedº [him] throughout the land, his (AskurAddu’s) heart has calmed. “And about [his trip] to my lord, I had a word with him as follows: I (said), ‘You have called to account [that man] who did harm to you. And [your] ªlandº [has calmed]. Rise, I shall take your lead, and [we shall go] to [your] ªfatherº!’ This I said to him, and he answered me as follows: ‘[The fact that] I called my adversary to account does certainly not [ ] my city ª3 linesº.’ ª º. I had a word with him (Askur-Addu) about slaves ªto giveº my lord, and he ªansweredº [me] as follows: ‘How could I have slaves conducted? I [ ] empty-handed [ ] ªwithº [ ]? When I go—[ ] and much to my lord. Now, until I [ ] this aid, [ ].’ And I urged him about the trip to my lord. If he does not rise to (fulfill his obligation of providing) aid [to my lord for lack 246] of belongings and [does not go] to [my] ªlordº, [I could leave] the garrison troops that my lord assigned to him [and] take the lead of the remainder of my troops and depart for [my lord]. (But) because of what my lord [wrote me] about once, twice ªas followsº: ‘You do what he says;’ therefore, I ªheededº him [in this matter]. “Further: About the Razameans concerning whom Isme-Dagan keeps writing to AskurAddu—before the tablet of my lord ªreachedº him (Askur-Addu), they (the Razameans) were given to Isme-Dagan. “And about [PN], about whom my lord ªwroteº [me] to not give [him] up—that man ran away. ªI do not knowº where he fled.” 1.

Joannès suggests that the “reed” refers to arrow shafts. Some ghastly torture killing would not be surprising.

245. iß qa-tim. Literally, “wood of the hand,” Joannès, “aux fers.” 246. Joannès restores assum and translates [assum] basitisu “à propos de son effectif.” I restore [ina mak].

356

Translation

Text 26 414 =Text 2 108+ 26 414 =

26 414 = 2 108+ = LAPO 17 595 See §62 (pp. 135ff.).

[To] my lord speak! Your servant Yasim-El (says), “Yaqqim-Lim, a servant of my lord who is staying in Qa††ara wrote me as follows: ‘Ekallatean messengers have been staying in Qa††ara for 10 days, and they (the authorities in Qa††ara) are concealing them [from] my ªlordº. As long as [ ] Habdu-Malik [ ].’ This [Yaqqim-Lim wrote me]. On the third day after [ ] brought [ ] to me as follows: ‘Ekallatean troops attacked the ªcity ofº Nusar and carried off cattle and sheep.’ I wrote my lord the news of which they informed me. “And herewith they are taking along 30 adult and 30 young slaves from Andarig to Mari. I do not know whether they should take them along to the palace; or else should I take them along to entrust them to the administrators? I do not know. “About quarrying a slab of the cliff, concerning which my lord wrote me—herewith I have quarried that slab and sent it to my lord. “Further: Atamrum, respondent of Samas, came to me and spoke to me as follows: ‘Dispatch me a discreet 247 scribe, and I will make him write down the message with which Samas sent me to the king.’ This he said to me. I dispatched Utukam, and he wrote that tablet.1 And that man brought forward witnesses and spoke to me as follows: ‘Send this tablet quickly, and he (the king) must act according to the text of the tablet!’ This he said to me. Herewith I have sent that tablet to my lord.” 1.

The tablet is 26 194.

26 415 See §63 (pp. 136f.).

ªToº my [lord] speak! Your servant Yasim-El (says), “Iddiyatum wrote to me from Karana as follows: ‘Campaign troops [went out] from Ekallatum and [ ] the city of Purattum [and the city of ] Asan of the Numha ªandº took (them). And a rescue detachment went out against them [from] Karana, and they (the campaign troops) [brought] their ªprisoners of warº into Razama.’ Iddiyatum ªwroteº this report [to] me. [n lines. Zimriya wrote me, ‘n lines] we shall return. [ ] you do not make peace ªwithº me, [ ] and Isme-Dagan. [My] allies are nearby. Once my allies arrive, I, having headed elsewhere, will turn in your direction.’ Zimriya wrote this to me. And he (also) wrote me as follows: ‘Write this news to your lord!’ The troops of my lord, the city of Andarig are well. I do not neglect my guard.” Month of [ ], day 23.

26 416 See §56 (pp. 126ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Yasim-El (says), “As Isme-Dagan came out from (his) land, he laid siege to the city of Adme, set up a tower, and set hand to piling up earthworks. Because of this news, Askur-Addu has put off the trip to my lord, (saying), ‘The enemy is 247. naßrum. My translation follows Charpin, “Prophéties,” 25 with n. 18. Durand argues that the message was meant for maximal publicity. He translates “soigneux.”

Text 26 417

Translation

357

near my land. I am afraid, when I go to my father, the enemy will hear (about it) and do harm in my land. Unless my father comes near (my) land, I certainly will ªnotº go. I will be at the disposition of my land. When my father has come near (my) land, I will go and meet with my father.’ This is ªthe newsº on Askur-Addu. [I] (already) ªsentº this ªreportº to my 248 toº my lord [ ] Andarig [ ]. ª2 linesº. [About] his (Askur-Addu’s) lord. [Now] I/he ª ªcoming outº, [I] ªspokeº [to him (Askur-Addu)] as follows: I (said), ‘ªI have enlistedº troops, 249 guardº ªandº I shall commission (these) enlisted [troops] and leave (them) behind as ª and take the lead of the remainder of my ªtroopsº and go with you to my lord. Otherwise I shall stay behind with the commissioned troops and guard the city of Andarig [until] the arrival of my lord (Atamrum), and the remainder of the troops will go with you to my lord (Zimri-Lim)!’ This I said to him. He called out, ‘I am robbed!’ And he spoke to me as follows: ‘My servants go with me? What now? Are you out to make Andarig slip? 250 As long as your lord has not arrived, and (as long as) you have not entrusted the city to the hand of your lord, the responsibility of the city is on you, and you will answer all questions of your lord.’ This he said to me. He disagreed with me about dispatching troops. He restated 251 my responsibility for the city. I do not neglect my guard. The troops of my lord are well.”

26 417 See 26 511 and §63 (pp. 136ff.).

“[n lines] I sent [ ] ªstarted outº [from] his camp and ªtook shelter inº [GN]. And ªHammu-Rabiº (of Kurda) has retreated [ ]. And Isme-Dagan ªgot upº in Raßum 252 and started going [ ]. Askur-Addu ª º [ ] and the troops of Atamrum, [and] he was going . . . , 253 and they let [him (Isme-Dagan)] move on to his land. Himdiya and Haqba-Hammu, together with their troops, came close to Andarig. “Atamrum will arrive before my lord 3 days after this tablet. “Further: I had a word with Atamrum about the Tillaite Samsi-Erah as follows: I (said), ‘Samsi-Erah has once, twice done harm to my lord. Let that man become a prisoner of war of my lord!’ Atamrum answered me as follows: ‘Since you said this to me, there will be a trip of mine to my brother. That man [ ] against me to [n lines].’ [n lines].” 248. us-[x(-x)]-ra-am. 249. Joannès transliterates ma-ßa-[ar-ti]-k[a]. The copy shows ma-ß[a(-x)]-ªx-xº. The context does not fully agree with Joannès’s restoration since “your guard” cannot refer to the guard of Askur-Addu’s person and must refer to the guard of his land. The traces do not exclude a reading ma-ß[a-a]r-t[im] “as guard.” 250. atta itât su-ha-al-ßu Andarig tasahhur. Joannès segments su halßu and translates “c’est toi qui dois patrouiller aux frontières (de) ce qui constitue le district d’Andarig.” The phrase itât + infinitive saharum “to be out to . . .” is common. Suhalßûm means literally, “to make slip.” The infinitive is here used as a full noun with dependent genitive rather than, as is more common, as verbal noun with dependent accusative. The status constructus in -u is noteworthy. See also Old Babylonian nehelßu musk[enim], quoted in AHw. s.v. nehelßû. 251. ana qatiyama uter, literally, “he returned to my hand.” 252. Joannès transliterates -si at the end of line 4u, which is not in his copy, restores [is-tu ka-ra]-si, and translates “s’est levé depuis son camp de Raßûm.” 253. idam, literally, “sideways.”

358

Translation

Text 26 418

26 418 See 26 421 and §63 (pp. 136ff.).

[To] my lord speak! Your servant Yasim-El (says), “The day I [sent] this tablet of mine to my lord, Isme-Dagan and Hammu-Rabi (of Kurda), [together with] their regulars, ªwent outº from ªUrzikkaº [ ] ªat nightº, at the watch, 254 and surrounded the city of Surra. [The troops] transported [ ] of the villages in the vicinity of Surra into their camp. [ ] harassed the city of Surra and retreated to their camp [at] night. “ª4 linesº [n lines] went over ªthe mountainº. So far [he] did not ªwriteº a report on them. Or else, they did not write to their lord, so or not so. After (sending) this tablet of mine, once I learn their full story, I will write to my lord. “Further: The eyes of the commoners look to my lord. And about [4 lines]. [The troops] of my lord are well. I do not ªneglectº my ªguardº. [I] ªsentº this [tablet of mine] to [my lord on] the 11th of the [month of ].”

26 419 See §63 (pp. 136ff.).

[To my lord speak! Your servant] Yasim-El (says), “As Isme-Dagan ªheardº the alarm of my lord’s arrival in Qa††unan, he started out from Urzikka, his camp, and took shelter in Hamadanum, the city of ªYanßib-Adduº of Numha. There he ªis stayingº. That enemy (IsmeDagan) has started to be restless, 255 [and] I am afraid that enemy will retreat to his land in the dead of night [and] slip from the hand of my lord. [My] lord must ask ªhis own heartº, and my lord ªmustº [act] so that [that] enemy does not slip [from] the hand of my lord. “About the news on Himdiya and ªHaqba-Hammuº, which I wrote some time ago ªtoº my lord—now, ªHimdiyaº and ªHaqba-Hammuº [ ] Tilla and [ ] it in a hard battle. [7 lines]. Once I learn [the full story], I will write [to] my lord. “Further: I saw that the enemy started ªfrequentingº the interior of the land. And there is no water in the house of Nergal of ªHubsalumº. I became apprehensive about the troops of my lord who were staying there, and without the knowledge of Atamrum and his servants, I went and instilled vigor among the troops of my lord 256 and ªopenedº a well (to a depth) of 8 reeds [and] brought up water and presented the water to Atamrum, and Atamrum was very happy. And he spoke to me as follows: ‘By your attentiveness, you have ªerectedº a memorial 257 for your ªlordº for days to come in that house.’ [I] now ªmadeº water available that

254. ina musim maßßarat. Joannès suggests in comment b that it is the first of the three watches of the night and translates “nuitamment à la (première) veille.” CAD, maßßartu 3 d, translates the parallel musum maßßarat ibassi “the night was one watch (gone).” 255. za-la-la-am ir†up. Joannès derives the form from ßll and translates “s’est mis en inactivité”; I derive from sll (u/u), for which see n. 228 above. 256. S. B. Noegel proposes four translations for this clause in NABU 1995 90. They are possible only if ina ßabim “in the troops” is emended to ana ßabim. 257. na-ra-am. J.-G. Heintz suggests, in NABU 1994 68, a wordplay on narûm (transcribed by him as nârum) and narum “river.” He does not explain how a “river” can be made to stand (izuzzum S).

Text 26 420

Translation

359

was not available in that house since humans emerged. 258 I erected a statue [of ] my [lord] for days to come [1 line] I will not neglect.” [nth day], month of Lahhum (III).

26 420 See §64 (pp. 137ff.).

To my lord [speak]! Your servant Yasim-El (says), “Lawiliya, the division commander of Harbe, and Dulqan, a man of ªZinnatanº, whom ªIsme-Dagan capturedº in Harbe—those men ªfledº from Ekallatum, and I asked them for news on Isme-Dagan as follows: I (said), ‘What is the news on him?’ They spoke to me as follows: ‘Isme-Dagan has dispatched spies to spy on the encampment of Suhum. He will attack the encampment [of ] ªSuhumº. He has his ªsight setº on doing harm.’ As those men said this to me, I sent [for PN], and they conducted [PN] to me, and I ªgave strict ordersº. I (said), ‘Send word, and ªthey (the Suheans) must withdrawº the encampment in the vicinity of Ekallatum and Assur. If any ªwrongº happens in the encampment [of ] my [lord], you will ªanswer all questionsº of my lord.’ These things and many more I told him in strict terms and sent him to the front side of his encampment. I am afraid Isme-Dagan may be enabled, through some negligence, to do harm in the encampment of my lord, and it would anger the person of my lord. My lord must write Meptum strict orders, and they must withdraw the encampment of the vicinity of Ekallatum and Assur. “I [dispatched] Kapi-Ili, a man of Saggaratum, a personal guard, [to] Kurda to ªlearnº news on ªHammurabiº, and ªhe reported backº as follows: ‘He made the courtier AnaSamas-Ter [and the ] ªKirib-Serisº bring their [belongings] into the palace ªand stampedº [slaves], maids, oxen, donkeys, and sheep [with the mark of the palace]. 259 Ana-Samas-Ter has been put in prison in Kurda. And they arrested Kirib-Seris, and Hammu-Rabi took him to Kasapa.’ I have not yet heard news 260 of their having been put to death or having been pardoned. I have written (to find out). Once I learn their full story, I will write to my lord. “And messengers of Isme-Dagan are staying inside Kurda. They come regularly to Hammu-Rabi. They conceal those messengers from the view of my lord’s messengers. From the day on which my lord 261 retreated from the interior of the land, the messengers of IsmeDagan have, at no time, interrupted (their trips) to Hammu-Rabi. Their coming and going is continuous. The troops [of my lord] are well. I do not neglect ªmy guardº.” [nth day of the month of ] ªHibirtumº (V).

26 421 See §64 (pp. 137ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Yasim-El (says), “Some time ago, I wrote to my lord as follows: I (said), ‘[I dispatched] 3 men to check on Hammu-Rabi (of Kurda).’ [They checked] 258. Translation after Durand, NABU 1993 114. 259. Restoration according to 26 422:8. 260. The text has annûm “this” after “news.” It is probably an error. 261. sa be-lí {-ia}. Joannès understands sa as the subject of the clause and translates “les gens de mon Seigneur.”

360

Translation

Text 26 422

on him (and reported) [the following]: ‘He went out and entered [Adallaya] at night. He [ ] Adallaya and devoured 262 the villages of ª º [ ]. The prisoners of war of [ ] and the grain of the villages he ªbrought insideº Adallaya.’ [n lines]. After (sending) [this] ªtabletº [of mine], ªonce they learnº the full [story, I will write to my lord]. And [once I learn] where his sight ªis setº, I will write [to my lord]. “Further: Zimriya [ . He (said), ‘(2 lines)] they entered Kurda. I will gather the villages [ ] inside Surra.’ I wrote to my lord what I learned from those around me. “And about the Terqaite who is in Kurda, concerning whom my lord wrote me as follows: ‘Go [to] weigh out one-third pound of silver and ªplaceº witnesses!’ Before the tablet of my lord came to me, [his] ªbrothers weighed outº one-third pound and 2 shekels [of silver] and ransomed their brother. [I shall] ªplaceº [ ] 263 ªfor the Numheansº who come to me, (saying), ‘You (pl.) have made an improper regulation.’ [ ].”1 1.

I construct the following scenario to make the passage understandable: Mari and Kurda made an agreement that their palaces would ransom each other’s prisoners of war, fixed the amount of the ransom at one-third pound of silver, and charged the family of the ransomed person this amount and an unspecified fee. However, the authorities in Kurda allowed a Terqaite family to ransom their relative directly, pocketing an additional two shekels of silver and depriving the palace in Mari of collecting its fee in the process. It appears that Yasim-El intends to rectify the breach of agreement by punishing Numheans who come to him to ransom one of theirs. The modalities are not clear to me. Joannès believes that they consisted of placing witnesses and lodging a protest. Compare 26 434, which treats of the ransom of a Numha in Andarig. It is negotiated directly by the two families involved.

26 422 See §64 (pp. 137ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Yasim-El (says), “1 thousand sheep of Hammi-Esuh, the 264º (whose predicament) he man of Zakum, which my lord saw in the city of ª 265 grasped, (saying), ‘Are those not in danger, these sheep that strayed into the area of the enemy? They must stamp them with a mark for the palace.’ This, my lord said. 266 Now, Idamaraßean and Numhean troops attacked ªthemº and carried off those 1 thousand sheep. And 3 hundred lambs [7 lines]. “ªNowº Hammu-Rabi, [who] ªis stayingº inside Kasapa, dispatched 1 thousand troops [and] had the city of Asihum fortified. And he dispatched 2 thousand troops, and they attacked the city of Surnat of Zu-Hadni. They captured its cultivated zone, oxen, donkeys,

262. Joannès reads kapratim sa i-t[a-at a-lim se-tu] i-qú-ul and translates “il a brûlé les villages des environs [de cette ville].” The verbal form in this case would be iqlu. If his idea is correct, we could restore [isatum] i-ku-ul. For this use of akalum, see 26 244:7. akalum in the transferred sense of capturing territory is clearly attested in a similar context in 26 433:37 and 522:9. 263. Joannès restores l ú . m e s [si-bi]. 264. Joannès reads Hu-uz4-la-i ki and identifies this with Husla at the suggestion of Durand. The first sign does not look like hu in the copy. 265. danna, literally, “dangerous.” Joannès, “en bon état.” 266. beli annitam iq-bu-ú. I emend to iq-bi.

Text 26 423

Translation

361

sheep, and the population, (as many as) they could catch. The townspeople went up to the citadel and saved themselves in the citadel. “That man has set his sight on war. My lord must know. The troops of my lord and the city of Andarig are well. I do not neglect my guard.” 26th day of the month of Hibirtum (V).

26 423 See §65 (pp. 139ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Yasim-El (says), “About what my lord ªwrote meº as follows: ‘Enlist (pl.) for (deployment in) Karana 3 hundred Babylonian troops or else 2 hundred of my troops who [are staying] before you (sing.)! They must hold [that city]’—Belsunu placed the message about which he was instructed (by Zimri-Lim) before Himdiya, and we consulted, and Belsunu and I went to Karana, and [as of ] our ªarrivalº in Karana [ ] information 267 [ ] ªAskur-Adduº arrived and [spoke to us as follows:] ‘Isme-Dagan made his troops, all of them, obtain [travel provisions for n days] and entered ªRazamaº. [And] he has his sight set on [1 line.’ 1 line], and (which) Askur-Addu heard, [ ] me and Belsunu [ ] us, and he (Askur-Addu) instructed [us] as follows: ‘The Babylonian [troops], ªallº [of them, must] ªcomeº [ .’ ] up to Karana [ ] against [ ]. And the head of [ ] Askur-Addu [ ] me [and] ªBelsunuº [ ]. And he instructed ªYanßibumº [2 lines] he seized, and [he] ªdepartedº for [ ]. Now, ªBelsunuº will bring 268 a full report [to] my lord. “[Further]: Yatar-Salim ªcalledº us, me and Belsunu, and spoke as follows: ‘Esnunakean messengers and (messengers) of Isme-Dagan ªcameº to my lord (Askur-Addu) [and], concordant with the message about which they had been instructed, they ªspoke as followsº: “Besides ªZimri-Limº [and] the city of Mari, Atamrum and the city of Andarig, there exist no other kings or cities hostile to me. With which king have Zimri-Lim and the Babylonian made an alliance, 269 and the chin of which land did they touch?1 Come on! Repulse the hand of Zimri-Lim, and the Esnunakean will make (your troops) numerous (by providing) a large allied contingent. Who seizes his (the Esnunakean) coattails will not choke (from fear). His ªkneesº will not touch the ground. He (the Esnunakean) will let him reach his goal. And he will touch his chin. I shall let you touch his coattails.” ’ Yatar-Salim mentioned ªthis newsº to us. ªThe troopsº [of ] my lord and the city of ªAndarigº [are well]. I do not neglect my guard.” Month of IGI.KUR (VI), 2[+3]th day. 1.

“Touching the chin” means “extending protection.”

267. Joannès restores [l ú . m e s m]u-ta-ab-ri-tum and translates “[des gens] chargés de m’informer.” The word mutabritum is otherwise unknown. I segment -m]u ta-ab-ri-tum. 268. Joannès transliterates ub-la-a[m]. The photo is hardly readable. I emend to ub-laa[m], because the context requires present tense. 269. itlulu, for which see Charpin, “Sapiratum,” 369. I am unsure about the meaning of the question. Does it imply that the alliance of Mari and Babylon is weak because it does not include more kingdoms?

362

Translation

Text 26 424 Text = Dossin, 26 424

26 424 = Dossin, RA 66 (1972), 128–30 See §65 (pp. 139ff.).

[To] ªmyº [lord] speak! [Your] servant Yasim-El (says), “On the fifth day (of the month) the following information came ªtoº [me]: ‘Isme-Dagan made his troops, all of them, obtain travel provisions for [n] days and [entered Razama.’ I (already) wrote] that news ªtoº [my lord]. The day after I ªwrote to my lordº, Belsunu and I took the lead of the Babylonian troops, [and] we went out from Andarig toward the interior of Karana at bedtime. On the seventh day, being still more than half a mile from Karana, I received a tablet of Iddiyatum, (namely), ‘ªReturnº to Andarig! Isme-Dagan, together with his troops and Esnunakean troops, came close to the city of Kiyatan below 270 Karana.’ I listened to that tablet, and right away, in the middle of the route, I returned to Andarig. As of my arrival in Andarig, AskurAddu sent to me his boy Agagga, son of Tugatum, (with) the following (message): ‘The enemy took shelter in ªKiyatanº. He fixed up the lower city of that [city] (for use) as his camp. [ ]. The citadel of the city is strong. The townspeople entered [it] and ªare holdingº the citadel. And he is occupying the lower city. His shock troops [ ] in his camp.’ [4 lines]. [I have not] ªheardº where that enemy is headed. After (sending) this tablet, I will write to my lord once I learn the [complete] news on the enemy and where he is headed.”

26 425 See §67 (pp. 145ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Yasim-El (says), “Iddiyatum wrote to me as follows: ‘The Turukkeans raided the land of Ekallatum on the other side of the river and went (all the way) to Kurdissatum. They took the sheep of Isme-Dagan, all of them. There was nothing (left) for miles. They carried off (the inhabitants of) 4 of his cities and beat 5 hundred troops of his.’ I have written to my lord the news that Iddiyatum wrote me.”

26 426 See §65 (pp. 139ff.).

To my lord [speak! Your servant] Munawwirum (says), “About what my lord wrote me as follows: ‘ªAfterº your departure a [ ] ªmessageº came to me from Karana (informing me of) the following: “Troops of Isme-Dagan made an attack in the land of Askur-Addu and ªcarried off the grainº of 3 cities.” [And] I am afraid . . . , 271 all of it, [ ] to Andarig. ªAskurAdduº will hear (it). . . . 272 [ ] will turn to the side of Isme-Dagan.’ [ ] I have reached (my goal of) [n] hundred troops, 3 hundred troops from your troops [ . ] of my troops, which are staying in Karana, must ªbe readyº [ ] that land.” (remainder destroyed) 270. sa-ap-la-num (locative-adverbial). 271. Joannès transliterates ªki-ma erínº and copies x (hardly ki) x (not ma) x (possibly éren). 272. Joannès transliterates a-yi aß-ßa-al-lam is7-[ta-na-si-ma], translates “(que) ne s’écrie ‘pourvu que je ne sois pas abandonné,’ ” and comments that ay + perfect “est normalement une marque dialectale du paléo-assyrien.” The comment is based on a single Old-Assyrian form. The copy has a-pi-[x] ªaSº- and no trace of is7 or any sign at the end of the line.

Text 26 427

Translation

363

26 427 See §65 (pp. 139ff.).

[To] our lord speak! Your servants Munawwirum, Sin-Imguranni, and Samas-Naßir (say), “We have arrived [in] ªAndarigº. The troops are well. ªAbout whatº our lord wrote us as follows: Our lord (said), ‘Isme-Dagan, together with his troops, has gone out to attack Haßarum. Have (pl.) extispicies made and come to the rescue together with all your troops upon sound extispicies and do not let [not any] wrong happen!’ [This our] lord ªwrote us. When 273 the troopsº of our lord arrived, Yanßibum, the vizier [of ] ªAskur-Adduº, arrived [in] ªAndarigº from Karana and ªsaidº to us [that] ªIsme-Daganº had come close to ªKaranaº together with his troops, [and] we had extispicies made and ªcame to the rescue ofº Karana together with our troops and Himdiya together with his troops. We will be ready for (any) enemy who is there for us (to oppose) and not permit a wrong to happen in the land of Atamrum.”

26 428 [To my lord speak! Your servant Yasim-El (says), “Haqba-Hammu wrote me] as follows: ‘The Esnunakean [ ] to [ ]. And Isme-Dagan ªentered Ekallatumº. Mut-Askur, the son of Isme-Dagan, ªwho went for additional troopsº to Esnuna—they did not accept his visitation gift. . . . 274 that man, and they pushed him aside. They did not give him any troops, and he returned empty-handed.’ This, Haqba-Hammu wrote me. “ªThe dayº I sent this tablet of mine to [my] lord, Himdiya [went] together with [his 275] a word as foltroops and] the Babylonian ªtroopsº to [13 lines] ªright awayº I wrote [ lows: [I] (said), ‘Have [they] not ªkilledº stallions of peace yesterday [ ] and [did they not establish] good relations ªbetweenº [them]? And their stallions we [ ] yet [ ]. [ ] to harm, [and] ªa wrongº [happens] in this land, you will answer all questions of my lord.’ ªThese thingsº [and many more] I painfully ªwroteº [him]. The message that I wrote him [I wrote (also)] to [my] ªlordº. Those troops, which [ ] in [ ], have ªretreatedº to Kurda [ ]. “Further: (too destroyed for translation)”

26 429 See §68 (pp. 146ff.).

[To] my lord speak! Your servant Yasim-El (says), “I listened to the secret ªtabletsº that my lord ªsentº Himdiya and me. [My lord] wrote me ªas follows: ‘You yourself read those tablets out loud and make ªHimdiyaº listen and [do not ] those ªtabletsº into the hand [ ]!’ [4 lines] Himdiya had gone out ªtoº Subat-Enlil [ ] ªasº the secret tablets did not reach

273. Joannès restores [la-m]a. If so, the verbal form should be in present tense. I restore [i-nu-m]a. 274. Joannès reads lú se-†ú-tam [id-d]a-{nu}-ßú, translates “ils ont traité avec mépris,” and notes that leqûm, not dâßum, is expected. I read lú se-tu ªut?-x x(-x)º-nu-sú-ma. 275. Joannès restores H[i-im-di-ya]. The photo does not allow verification. Durand could find no trace of the sign hi (personal communication, 3/6/97).

364

Translation

ªHimdiyaº in Andarig, I kept those tablets. [ [11 lines].”

Text 26 430

] the secretº of my lord will not go out

26 430 See §68 (pp. 146ff.).

[To] my lord ªspeakº! [Your] servant Yasim-El (says), “The day [I sent] this tablet of mine ªtoº [my lord], the Kurdaite Hammu-Rabi, [ ] and a kiskisum 276 to Luhaya. And he, together with his troops, [ ] inside [ ]. He called up the rear guards and the singles of [his] land [and (obtained)] travel provisions and [went out] from Kurda. And [I did] ªnotº yet [learn] where he is headed. After (sending) this tablet of mine, once I learn the [full] report on him, I will write to my lord where he is headed. As Himdiya [heard] this (about HammuRabi), he passed the mountain together with [his] troops [and] the [Babylonian] ªtroopsº. He went to Subat-Enlil to calm the heart of the land. And I heard the following word from those around me: ‘The city of Amaz, which is subject to the rule of Atamrum, killed its king and gave its rule to the Sunaite. 277 And Himdiya is headed for that city.’ I did not hear this from the mouth of Himdiya. I heard it from those around me, and I have written to my lord everything I heard. “[Further: ]-Erah, son of Burqan, [ of ] Isme-Dagan, [together with] 6 hundred reservists, went out from inside Ekallatum on campaign. And (so far, information on) where he is headed has not been heard. He may be headed for an attack—be it against the livestock of the land of Karana, be it against the livestock of the land of Andarig, or else against the livestock of the outback of my lord—I do not know. As I heard [this], I wrote Buqaqum right away. [I gave him] strict [orders]. I (said), ‘Send word, [and and] your scouts must [ ]! And send word, and they must capture ªan informerº for you, and ask for news on [those] troops!’ I wrote this to [Buqaqum]. After (sending) this tablet of mine, I will check on what I wrote to my lord1 and write a full report to my lord. The troops of my lord and the ªcity ofº [Andarig are well]. I do [not neglect] my guard.” 1.

For checking reports before sending them, see comment 1 to 26 302.

26 431 See §68 (pp. 146ff.).

To my lord speak! [Your] servant Yasim-El (says), “Some time ago, I wrote as follows to my lord: I (said), ‘Himdiya, together with his troops, ªwentº against Hammu-Rabi (of Kurda).’ Now, Himdiya, together with his troops, [ ] ªSubat-Enlilº. And ªHammu-Rabiº [n lines] silver lance [ ] cities of Zimriya that [PN] holds [ ] for the boy. And he [ ] with him. “Further: I [heard] a word from those around me, (namely), ‘ªSadu-Sarrumº, [the Azuhinite], ªgoesº to the king (Zimri-Lim).’ [I wrote] ªtoº [my lord what] I learned [from those 276. Perhaps a type of battering ram. See Abrahami, NABU 1990 140. 277. su-na-yi-imki. The name of the city is otherwise spelled Su-na-aki. The form Su-na-yu-um is probably a gentilic, even if the expected determinative lú is missing. Joannès translates “l’homme de Suna,” which definitely would require lú.

Text 26 432

Translation

365

around me]. The city of ªAndarigº, [ my] guard.”

] and the troops [of my lord are well. I do not neglect

26 432 See A.285 and §68 (pp. 146ff.).

[To] my lord speak! Your servant Yasim-El (says): “3 hundred Assyrians and their 3 hundred donkeys left Ekallatum for Karana, and 30 men from among those (Assyrians) and 60 donkeys went their separate ways from Karana on and ªarrivedº in Andarig. 278 [ ] to move on to Kurda [ ], and Innunaya, ªa rear guardº [of ] ªthe governorº (of Allahad), sent and [ ] those men. I [n lines] we wrote [ were confined to] the city gates of Allahad. Now, my lord a full report, if those men are to be released or not to be released, so or not so. I shall do what my lord writes me. The city of Andarig, the troops of my lord an the land of Yamutbal are well. I do not neglect my guard. “[Further]: My ªlordº [wrote me] as follows: ‘[3 or 4 lines’] ªSadu-Sarrumº [concerning whom my lord] wrote me. ªNowº my lord must write Mannum-Balu-Inana ªstrict ordersº, and [ ] the gifts of Sadu-Sarrum [up to 4 lines].”

26 433 See §68 (pp. 146ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Yasim-El (says), “Some time ago, I wrote to my lord [about] the Assyrians who were detained within the city gates. Now, Askur-Addu wrote to the lady, the wife of Atamrum, about releasing those men as follows: ‘Why did you detain the group that was moving on to [Kurda]? Release those men! They crossed the border into the interior of the land on my command.’ This he wrote her, and here she answered his messenger as follows: ‘As information (announcing the arrival of the Assyrians) came to you from the city of Assur, and those men (then) crossed the border into your land—why did information (announcing their arrival in my land) not come to me in the same manner? Or else, why did you (pl.) not write me of their trip upland, so that 279 I would know? (Right) now, Atamrum, the king of this land, is not here. He is staying in Babylon. And this land belongs to my lord Zimri-Lim. The day I detained those men, I wrote to my lord Zimri-Lim. Would it be right if I released those men without (the permission of) my lord Zimri-Lim? Until a message about those men comes back from my lord, those men will not go out through the city gates.’ This message she answered his messenger and dispatched (him back to Karana). Now, [my] lord [must write me] a message regarding [those] men, (that is,) releasing [them] or [not] ªreleasingº them. “[Further:] Some time ago, I wrote to my lord that Himdiya ªcrossedº Mount Saggar. Now, Himdiya has taken a bite out of the city of Amaz, (namely), its lower city. He did not ascend its citadel but made peace by binding agreement. 280 The former king, Hißriya, whom 278. The land of Andarig must be meant. 279. Joannès reads [l]u. The previous sentence ends in -ma. I prefer reading -ma ªùº, which occasionally means “so that” (for example, 26 267:23–24). 280. i-na ru-te-e. See n. 221 above.

366

Translation

Text 26 434

[they (the people of Amaz)] ªhad chased offº—he (Himdiya) returned him [now]. And [his (Hißriya’s)] ªadversariesº, [ ] of the city, who were opposed to him some time ago—he (Himdiya) secured peace among them [and] ªreunitedº them. And so [far] he did not [return]. He ªis stayingº [in] ªthe landº of ªSubat-Enlilº. The troops of my lord are well. I do not neglect my guard.”

26 434 See Joannès, “La mise à mort d’un innocent,” Dossiers d’Archéologie 155 (1990), 48–49; Durand, “La vengeance à l’époque amorrite,” FM 6 (2002), 39–50, with photo.

To my lord speak! Your servant Yasim-El (says), “When Himdiya went to Subat-Enlil, the brother of the division commander Yahun-El, who killed the children of Qarni-Lim— there was a Numhean slave in his house. His (the slave’s) father held out ª1º pound, 5 shekels of silver as ransom for his son, but the brother of Yahun-El did ªnotº accept it, (saying), ‘ªPayº me 1/2 pound of silver (more) and take your son!’ [As] he answered the Numhean ªthisº, (namely), the father of the boy, [that man] ªdepartedº for Kurda to obtain the silver. On the third day after his father had departed [to] obtain [the silver, the brother of ] ªYahun281º in his house, that man [ ] dead, (saying), ‘Let his [ ] kill him, [or] let Elº who ª him die of [lack] of food.’ [ ] was ªnotº seen. [ ] rose, and [ ] in the house of that man. [ ] to Napsum, 282 (saying), ‘it was you. [You] ªkilledº. There are those who can confirm (it and) who know you.’ When ªHimdiyaº arrived, his (Yahun-El’s) brothers ªconductedº that man (Napsum) ªat dawnº to Himdiya, and he (Himdiya) ªturnedº that man over for vengeance (killing). And he wrote a message to Hammu-Rabi (of Kurda). A message from Hammu-Rabi did not yet come back to him. They brought that man out to be killed, and I seized the hand of Himdiya, but he did not agree with me. (He said), ‘[His father] held out 1 and 2/3 pounds 283 of silver, and [yet they let] him (the son) [die]. ªLetº Yahun-El, the victim 284 of (these) painful things, kill [that man (Napsum)]!’ He pierced his nose and placed a ªnose-ropeº (in it). He opened . . . 285 in both his thighs, skinned his rib-cage, cut off his ears. He passed through agonies. 286 30 times [ ] they took him around the city. On his ªheadº [ ]. His (the dead slave’s) ªfatherº was present. The affair that was ªdoneº [ ]. Hammu-Rabi [ ] about Hammis-[ ]. I have written my ªlordº.”

281. Durand restores [l ú . t u r an-né]-em i-na é-su [ka-l]u-ú, “was holding this boy in his house.” 282. Durand posits a noun napsum, which he translates “paurre créature.” 283. The father offered 1 pound + 5 shekels. Yahun-El’s brother demanded an additional 1/2 pound. 1 2/3 pounds minus 1/2 pound is 1 pound 10 shekels, which leaves 5 shekels unaccounted for. Joannès and Durand restore the initial offer as ª1/3º pound 5 shekels, which leaves 45 shekels unaccounted for. But see Durand’s overall interpretation. 284. Literally, “lord of painful things.” See n. 130 to 26 104. 285. ab-hi -ha-tam. 286. la salmatim itiq. Joannès, “Il a enduré un vrai supplice.”

Text 26 435 = 2 109 =

Translation

367

26 435 = 2 109 = LAPO 16 332 See §68 (pp. 146ff.).

[To] my lord speak! Your servant Yasim-El (says), “(The following is) a copy of the tablet of ªthe Eluhteanº Sukru-Tesub that he sent to Sub-Ram, the governor of Subat-Enlil. ‘To Sub-Ram speak! Sukru-Tesub (says), “What are these things that you (pl.)1 did? Don’t you know that my commissioner is staying in ªthatº city and that (that) city of Amaz is mine? The Amazites lifted their hand to the Susean Sub-Ram.2 How could you seize that city without asking me or writing to me, and (how) could you encroach on it? Have you set your sight on calling that city to account? Why did you not write to me? [And] ªifº I had come down, and [we would have ] together, we would not have called that city to account (and) would not [ ]. Now, if a tablet, (that is), ªa response to my tabletº, comes from ªthereº, (namely, from) before my father (Atamrum), [ ]. And that messenger must move on to [you]. And he must [relay to me] the message of my father. What arrives (there) from here and (here) from there is (of) utmost (urgency). [(The exchange of) messages] must be continuous!” ’ Sukru-Tesub wrote [that] letter ªtoº [Sub-Ram], and he (Sub-Ram) ªsentº [that] 287º. I wrote to my lord what I learned tablet to Himdiya. Himdiya had ªthatº tablet ª from those around me. “Further: About Warad-Addu, the singer, concerning whom my lord wrote to the maid of Atamrum,3 ‘Have that man conducted to me!’ As soon as I heard the tablet of my lord, I entered to see that woman and ªhad wordsº with her at length about having that man [conducted] to my lord, but she did not listen. (She said), ‘I fear my lord Atamrum. I will not have that man conducted.’ 288 “About Himdiya, concerning whom my lord wrote me as follows: ‘He must ªcomeº to me!’ He (Himdiya) became apprehensive about the ªwordº of my lord, and [ ] to go. [And] he answered me as follows: ‘Is it ªproperº that I should go to my lord without (asking) my lord Atamrum?’ “The day I sent this tablet of mine to my lord, the Azuhinite Sadu-Sarrum arrived in Andarig. He has (already) proceeded on his trip to my lord.” Month of Liliatum (IX), 10th day. 1. 2.

3.

The plural may refer to Sub-Ram and Bahlu-[ ], who are called Atamrum’s “keepers of the district” in 10 84. Sukru-Tesub addresses Sub-Ram, the governor of Subat-Enlil, in the second person and refers to the Susean Sub-Ram in the third. I conclude, against Joannès (in the introduction to his edition of the letter [1988]) and Durand (comment b in LAPO [1997]), and in accordance with the evaluation of Charpin (“Subat-Enlil et le pays d’Apum,” MARI 5 [1987], 134–35), that the Susean Sub-Ram and the governor of Subat-Enlil were two persons. It seems to follow from Sukru-Tesub’s letter that the governor was, in his capacity as “keeper of the district” (10 84), the superior of the Susean, that the Susean regained his position after having lost his throne temporarily, during the Elamite occupation of Subat-Enlil, to a commoner named [ ]-Erah (see Guichard, “Guerre,” 28– 29), and that Amaz was located closer to Susa than to Subat-Enlil. Atamrum’s “maid” was his wife.

287. Joannès reads ú-s[a-as-†]e4-er! and translates “a fait recopier.” 288. ú-ta-ar-ra. Joannès derives the form from târum and translates “je rendrai.” I follow Durand, who reads ú-sa!-ar-ra and translates it as an S of warûm.

368

Translation

Text 26 436

26 436 See §68 (pp. 146ff.).

To [my] lord [speak! Your servant] Yasim-El (says), “About releasing [the prisoners of war], (namely), those (mentioned) in the message on the city of Amaz [that my lord wrote] to Himdiya—as soon as I heard the tablet of my lord, I had words with him at length, and he answered me as follows: ‘What prisoners of war from that city that I captured? The soldiers looted the lower part of that city, and the citadel is untouched. 289 The prisoners of war of that city—brother ransomed brother in the land. As for the rest of the prisoners of war, I shall clear any (of them) that are with me for the gods whom my lord specified.’ When his (Himdiya’s) troops entered, they [ ]. I saw (prisoners of war) in the hands of the Babylonians and spoke to him as follows: I (said), “Whose are these? ªReleaseº the prisoners of war that are with the Babylonians!’ He answered me as follows: ‘Is it proper that I take away prisoners of war from the Babylonians and then release (them)?’ This he answered me. “And about the group of Assyrians who were detained inside the city gate and of ªwhose detentionº my lord wrote me—some time ago, I sent Belsunu, a servant of my lord, to [Askur-Addu ] the issue [ ] of those men. It (the issue) caused Askur-Addu (to have) ill feelings against the maid of ªAtamrumº. He wrote (her) as follows: ‘Why do you set confusion in the land [while] your lord is absent?’ As Askur-Addu wrote the maid of Atamrum this, she released those men from the city gate. I objected to the release 290 of those men and (said), ‘You (pl.) already wrote my lord (about it). Now are you releasing them without my lord knowing? I will not release the men until a tablet of [my] ªlord comesº.’ This they reported back to [the maid of ] ªAtamrumº,1 and she ªwroteº [me] as follows: ‘My lord is not staying (here right now). I am afraid ªAskur-Addu will write Isme-Daganº in his . . . 291 and cause a wrong to ªhappenº in the land. [Release] those men!’ “Further: ªAskur-Adduº [n lines]. The troops of my lord are well. I do not neglect my guard.” 1.

There was apparently no direct contact between Yasim-El and Atamrum’s wife.

26 437 See §51 (pp. 119ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Yasim-El (says), “My lord wrote me as follows: ‘Dispatch 50 troops to Azuhinum!’ This my lord wrote me. Some time ago, I established (a group of) 30 troops with Iddin-Martu as their guide and dispatched (them). Now, as I heard the tablet of my lord, I dispatched 20 additional troops. The ª30º troops of my lord and their guide Iddin-Martu who are (already) staying in Azuhinum.1 And I spoke to Atamrum about the (additional) troops going to Azuhinum, and he answered with yes, (saying), ‘After the finger of my father has become a barrier for that city, who will approach it?’ And the Babylonian troops received 20 liters of grain per person as travel provision. (Atamrum said), ‘They are going out on campaign.’ I have not heard where they are headed. As I was not present at (the time when) the decision on this campaign and its planning (was made) and had not 289. salim, literally, “well.” 290. a-na {la} wa-as-su-ur. 291. ina surrisu. Joannès translates “impétuosité habituelle.”

Text 26 438

Translation

369

heard (anything about it), I wrote right away to the land of Azuhinum and Tupham. I gave warning, 292 and [ ]. The land, all of it, has gathered in the strongholds.” 1.

The sentence is unfinished. Perhaps it was supposed to be a main clause.

26 438 See §75 (pp. 157ff.).

“[n lines], and this one certainly knows [ ] his (Atamrum’s) ªwaysº that I keep observing, [ ] entered Andarig. [He (Atamrum) brought] ªthe alliedº [troops] that came up with him—ªextensiveº troops—into Andarig and ªAllahadº. His ªcourtiersº and the elders of his land [entered] for [dinner]. He did not let a (single) servant of my lord, nor [division commanders and] lieutenants, enter for dinner. The servants of my lord did not [sit down] before him. They did not drink from the cup before him. On that day, Yatar-Salim, the servant of Askur-Addu, came to [him], and I was not present when he delivered his report. The next day, Haqba-Hammu came to him from Karana, and I was (again) not present when he delivered his report. And the Babylonians who enter before him daily before the crack of dawn exchange news among themselves but do not let me in on their reports and plans, and I do not hear their reports. As they entered the first time and the second time—upon their third entry, I spoke a word to Atamrum as follows: I (said), ‘Why do you chop one finger into two? 1 How is it that the Babylonians keep entering before you all the time, and I am not present (when they deliver) their messages?’ Because I pressed him with words, and (because) the matter was right in front of him, he answered me ªas followsº: ‘From which affairs are you left out?’ This he answered me. Again, I plagued 293 the Babylonians with words, and they answered me likewise, (saying), ‘From which affairs are you left out? Your affair differs (from ours), and our affair differs (from yours). Our affairs are one.’ 2 This they answered me. From what I can see of that man’s attitude, he has changed his mind. Further: My lord wrote me as follows: ‘Exhaust Atamrum with words about the trip to me! Urge him and do what needs about his trip to me! If he does not come to me, take the lead of your troops and depart!’ What my lord wrote me [ ]. As I heard the tablet of my lord, I ªenteredº before [Atamrum] right away and talked to him at length about his trip to my lord. And I spoke to him as follows: I (said), ‘To hear that which you did is an insult to the one who hears it.3 How is it that your routes to Mari [are closed/unused]?’ ª6 linesº [n lines].” Month of Liliatum (IX), 29th day. 1. 2. 3.

The expression denotes the dissolution of an alliance. Perhaps this expression refers to the unity of the affairs of Babylon and Andarig. Yasim-El refers to the fact that Atamrum did not stop in Mari on his way back from Babylon. See the next letter.

26 439 According to Charpin, “Sapiratum,” 354 n. 39, the letter was written by Zimri-Addu, Menirum, and Kibsi-Addu to Zimri-Lim. See §75 (pp. 157ff.).

292. ú-wa-an-zi-ir. See Stol, JAOS 111 (1991), 628, and n. 63 to 26 36. 293. ashul. Joannès translates ” j’ai agacé de questions.”

370

Translation

Text 26 440

“[n lines] we ªspokeº [to him as follows]: ªWeº (said), ‘[ ] Babylon. According to what ªourº lord [wrote] you, go to Mari ªtoº our lord! Do not pass without (seeing) our lord! Once you pass without (seeing) our lord, the heart of our lord will get angry. And the matter will be an insult to the one who hears, “When Atamrum moved on to Babylon, his father gave him instructions in Mari, and he dispatched him to Babylon. And he ªcameº from Babylon [with] allied Babylonian troops, and [he did not m]eet with his father. He rose and [ ] by way of the steppe [n lines.” n lines.’ n lines].”

26 440 See §76 (pp. 158ff.). According to Abrahami, NABU 1992 1, this and the next letter were written to Zimri-Lim by Askur-Addu.

“[n lines] My lord [must write me] a ªfullº report. And (they say), ‘They have installed Himdiya as king in Andarig.’ The boys of Meptum brought me the news on Himdiya. And when the news on ªthe troopsº of Babylon ªbrokeº, 294 (namely), ‘20 thousand Babylonian ªtroopsº, Mutu-Hadqim ªhaving takenº [their] lead—their ªsightº is on ªAllahad.’ 2 linesº [n lines] ªtheir guideº [ ] ªgaveº the throne of kingship [to Hulalum, and] their sight is on ªAllahadº. (They say), ‘Like Atamrum (before him), Hulalum will reside in ªAllahadº.’ This news Meptum wrote [me], and then right away, I wrote that news to my lord. My boys, whom I sent to check on that report, now arrived before Meptum. And I [quickly] dispatched to my lord his boys, who had arrived from Mankisum and Situllum (and) who are carrying a report on Babylon and Esnuna. [n lines].”

26 440-bis See §76 (pp. 158ff.).

[To my lord speak! Your servant Askur-Addu] (says), “The last [message] of Meptum— [his boy] ªbroughtº me (it). 295 And I sent the tablets of [the last] message to my lord. [Then], a tablet of Meptum, ª(sent) laterº, arrived. He wrote me [as follows]: ‘4 days before I sent you this tablet of mine, [ ] Babylonian troops [and] their guide ªMut-Hadqim gave Hulalumº the throne of kingship, and they ªstarted outº from the city of ªSippirº. [They went] by way of the steppe, [and their sight is on] Allahad. (They say), “ªHulalum will resideº in ªAllahadº like Atamrum (before him).” ’ ªThe boysº of Meptum ªheard thisº news, [and they told] him, and [he wrote] ªtoº me. And I, as I heard [this] ªnews, Iº quickly ªwroteº to my lord (ZimriLim). Now Meptum, [together with] the troops at his disposal, came to the rescue and is ready (for action). Until I understand ªthatº situation, [I] am keeping [my troops] ªassembledº here in the ªstrongº cities, and they are ready. [And] I will write to my lord (any) later news that breaks.”

294. [im-qu-]tu-ú. The plene writing is unexpected. Joannès restores [Me-ep-]tu-ú, which explains the plene writing but leads to syntactic difficulties. 295. I restore [†e4-em] Meptîm mahrûm [l ú . t u r-su ub]-lam.

Text 26 441

Translation

371

26 441 To Su-Nuhra-Halu speak! Your brother Yasim-El (says), “Yantin-Erah and [ ], your sons [ ] about their offerings of the body rites [n lines]. And ªherewithº I send a tablet ªabout Asdiº-[ ] to the king. If you really love me, adopt the interest of your sons before the 296º of their choice. But the one king and ªwriteº [me] quickly! Let them come and offer ª 297 who ªraised a claimº against their households must not suffer harm.”

26 442 To my lord speak! Your servant Yasim-El (says), “Ilsu-Naßir is the diviner who is staying with me. Yasim-Hammu reduced his field-area in the tract of Urranum by 10 dikes. And he reduced his field-area in Zakum [in the tract of ] by 5 dikes. [n lines. Ilsu-Naßir spoke to me as follows:] ‘They reduced my field-area. Before they destroy the house of my father and install (more) unreliable men, I will leave you (and) depart for my lord.’ Now my lord must give strict orders, and they must return the field to that man.”

26 443–51 are letters from persons named Yanßib-Addu. 443 and 447 are badly preserved and do not yield translatable texts. 450 and probably 449 were coauthored with Ishi-Dagan. I assume that the letters were written by four persons: a servant of Yasmah-Addu (443–44); a cultivator of Zimri-Lim (446); a military officer (448), who is perhaps the one who helped Asqudum with the transport of a drum to Halab (26 18); and an envoy, sent by Zimri-Lim to Babylon (449–51). The author of 445 designates himself “cultivator of his lord.” But he does not seem to be an actual cultivator like the author of 446 but, rather, an official who calls himself “cultivator” of the king because he pays taxes to the crown on his field.

44

26 444 See 5 39.

To my lord Yasmah-Addu speak! Your servant Yanßib-Addu (says), “I listened to the tablet of my lord that my lord sent me about the court case of Atamrum, and [n lines]. Now I go to Hasidanum, and he will give me direction on the court case, and I will make them declare a sacred oath in. . . .” 298

296. Joannès copies na x x [ ], transliterates ªi-na a-sຠ[mes], and translates “avec (le produit) de leurs champs.” 297. ú sa a i-na é . h á-su-nu ir-g[u-mu]. I assume tentatively that i in i-na is an error and a-na is meant. With so little of the context known, the passage is hardly solvable. Joannès translates “Et pour ce qu’ils ont réclamé sur leur patrimoine, (qu’on ne les traite pas avec dédain).” 298. ma-ar-hi -na-nim.

372

Translation

Text 26 445

26 445 To my lord speak! Your servant Yanßib-Addu (says), “I held a field in Qa††unan, and all the servants of my lord know. Now the god spoke, and the lord of truth has returned to his truth.1 Now if it seems good to my lord, my lord must give me a field in Qa††unan, and [let me] be counted as one of the servants [of ] my ªlordº of the bank of the river.2 I am not a servant to cause difficulties, (but) your servant in truth. And I am your cultivator. My lord must not count me with everybody (else from Qa††unan). I am indeed an asset to my lord. My lord must not keep the field from me.” 1.

2.

Lackenbacher suggests that the expression refers to a royal cancellation of debts (andurarum) and translates, accordingly, “le propriétaire légitime est rentré dans ses droits.” Perhaps the expression means simply that a divine oracle confirmed the claim of the writer. Compare the divine confirmation of the ownership of a field that is reported in 26 404. The benefits for servants of the king living on the bank of the Euphrates were more valuable than for those living in Qa††unan.

26 446 ªToº my ªlord speak! Yourº [servant] Yanßib-Addu (says), “Herewith I seal 20 liters of garlic (weighed) with the Mariote half-bushel measure, however much was available to me, and send it to my lord. And when it is (again) time for digging garlic, I will get together whatever I can dig out and send it ªmy lordº. [n lines] I am in truth ªa servant of my lordº.”

26 448 To my lord speak! Your servant Yanßib-Addu (says), “My servant Haya-Addu is staying in Qa††unan on guard (duty). Now they wrote down his (name) for convoy duty. My lord must give instruction, and they must remove him from the tablets of convoy duty.”

26 449 [To] our ªlordº speak! Your servants [Ishi-Dagan and] Yanßib-Addu (say), “[When] we arrived in Sippir of Samas, [PN] ªcameº. He took our lead, and we arrived [in] Great ªSippirº, and Yanßib-Addu, the servant of my lord, delivered [the message] of my [lord] to HammuRabi (of Babylon). [And while] ªYanßib-Adduº delivered the message of my lord, HammuRabi [kept listening to] him throughout the delivery of the message. 299 And he did not open his mouth, until he (Yanßib-Addu) had finished his message. He (Hammu-Rabi) paid [close] attention. [When the message] ªwas finishedº, he had words with us as follows: [He] (said), ‘Has this house ever wronged the city of Mari? Or else, is something left unresolved 300 between the city of Mari and Babylon? The city of Mari and Babylon have always been one 299. I follow Lackenbacher in the assumption that ma-mi-im na-di-nim is a misspelling for †e4-mi-im na-da-nim. 300. izibtum. Lackenbacher, “contentieux.”

Text 26 449

Translation

373

house and one finger that does not lend itself to be split. 301 And as Zimri-Lim has now given me a full report and communicated forthrightly with me, did not (also) his father and his head of family 302 give their full report to this house in the past? Since the day on which Zimri-Lim turned his face toward me 303 and started communicating with me, there has been no wrongdoing or . . . 304 on my part against him. I have always done good things for him, and his heart knows the good deeds that I have done for him.’ These things and many more favorable words he proclaimed, and I answered him as follows: I (said), ‘You certainly have not wronged my lord. And my lord certainly has not wronged you. You have always done good things for my lord, and my lord has always done good things for you. He has honored you. And he has established a great name for you. Among the kings of your alliance, for whom you speak 305 and on whose behalf you keep writing good words to The Vizier of Elam—among those kings is none who has done so much good to you and honored you as much as my lord. On your command, he arrested the Esnunakean messengers and had them conducted (to you). You wrote twice about dispatching troops, and my lord detached good troops (from his army) and dispatched (them) to you. But beware of what I have been telling you again and again, once, five times, many times, as follows: I (have been saying), ‘Even if my lord kept writing you, and you did not accept the words of my lord and my lord was shut out of your heart, know that in the long run you (will not fail to) see my lord (as he really is). And my lord will prevail over you in doing good. It is (just) as I have been telling you again and again for a long time. Have you in all this time not understood the words of my lord? Now, in view of the good deeds that my lord has done for you, and (in view of the fact that) he has honored you, answer my lord forthrightly! Commit yourself about the cities that The Vizier of Elam, your father, gave my lord and let a full heart 306 be seen!’ [This] I said to him, and he answered me as follows: He (said), ‘There is none among the kings of the alliance who has done as much good to me and honored me as much as (has) Zimri-Lim. [And] in view of his goodness I will answer him forthrightly, and the hem shall be knotted among 301. Von Soden’s reading, ana nastuqim, in NABU 1989 76 has now been confirmed by FM 2 117:14 and renders Moran’s interpretation in NABU 1989 100 unnecessary. The idiom describes the unshakable bond between the royal houses in Mari and Babylon. 302. hammasu. For good reasons, CAD and AHw. translate hammu as “head of family.” It is somewhat surprising, because the head of a family was the father in the thoroughly patriarchal society of second-millennium b.c. Mesopotamia. And if hammu is not a designation for the paternal uncle, what is? Zimri-Lim’s biological father was in all likelihood Hadni-[Addu] (Charpin and Durand, “Pouvoir,” 337–38). If Hadni-Addu was the brother of Yahdun-Lim, could HammuRabi refer to these two men? The Mariote interlocutors of forthright communication with the king of Babylon were likely kings, which is probably the reason that Anbar (“L’origine tribale de Zimri-Lim, roi de Mari,” Mélanges Limet, 7) and Streck (Amurriter I, 93, hammu) assume that Zimri-Lim’s hammu was his grandfather Yagid-Lim. 303. According to Durand, “Espionnage,” 39, the idiom designates reconciliation. 304. rasiBtum. Lackenbacher sees it as a graphic variant of risibtum and translates “aggression.” 305. sa pani awatisunu ßa-ba-ta-ta-ma, more literally, “of whose words/matters you have taken the lead.” The verbal form is misspelled. It should be ßa-ab-ta-ta. 306. Lackenbacher translates “dans la sincerité.” The idiom probably expresses Ishi-Addu’s wish that Hammu-Rabi should not “bury” (see 26 373) his true intentions but reveal them “forthrightly.”

374

Translation

Text 26 450

us forever. Once again, 307 state the facts as they are, 308 and I will answer you.’ I (said), ‘You state them as they are!’ [He] (said), ‘I will state them as they are. Mention the name of the cities for which I need to make a commitment now!’ I (said), ‘[Id], Harbe, and Yabliya.’ (He said), ‘Do not mention Id! [Let it be as it was] before, when Samsi-Addu took the city of Rapiqum [from the hand of ] the Esnunakean and gave it to me. [At] that time, my scouts stayed there. Now, let them stay there! [As] the scouts of Samsi-Addu stayed there ªatº that time, let the scouts of Zimri-Lim stay there [now! As long as] ªmyº [scouts] and his scouts are staying there together, [ ] together ª º! Let ªeternalº [peace] be established between us!’ “[ ] they talked. [ spoke] to the face of the Elamite messengers [as follows]: ‘I will answer Zimri-Lim forthrightly. [ ] those [ ] do (pl.) not speak to The Vizier of Elam! [4 lines].’ “Herewith Sumu-Erah and Ziyatum have now been sent to my lord in a hurry. My lord must consult in view of their message, and my lord must quickly write me a full report, and I shall do whatever my lord writes me.”

26 450 To our lord speak! Your servants Ishi-Dagan and Yanßib-Addu (say), “About the issue of the counsel that our ªlordº reached in consultation in Terqa, and (about the fact that) our lord consulted on returning the mayors ªofº the sons of the Yamina to the cities as his servants—[we] ªlearned ofº that matter from ªthose aroundº, [and] [now] ªwe areº ªafraidº our ªlordº will return those men to those cities ªhastilyº (and) too soon. “Hammu-Rabi (of Babylon) heeded the plea for good relations and for knotting the hem. Until we arrive before our lord [and] ªplaceº before our lord the news on The Vizier of Elam and the news on Hammu-Rabi that we obtain over here, our lord must not be hasty [and] ªreturnº those men to [those] cities.”

26 451 Lackenbacher, 26/2, 360, Sasson, “King,” 465, and Marti, “Une Ambassade Mariote à Sippar,” FM 6 (2002), 201–10, propose the time after Atamrum’s death in ZL 12u as the date of the letter. But note that 27 71 also refers to a request of Hammu-Rabi of Kurda for 2,000 troops from Hammu-Rabi of Babylon through the good services of Isme-Dagan. Letter 27 71 shows that this was in response to the finalizing of the triple alliance between Zimri-Lim, Qarni-Lim, and Sarraya, which happened before ZL 9u.

[To] my lord speak! Your servant Yanßib-Addu (says), “The Kurdaite Kusiya was staying in Sippir prior to our (arrival). When he delivered his message, ªthe servantsº of my lord who are staying over here did not enter ªwithº him. [When] ªweº arrived, we found out about (the content of) his ªmessageº. And he was sent with the following message: ‘Dispatch me [1 thousand] ªor elseº 2 thousand troops, and let them be at my ªdispositionº!’ “ªAn Esnunakeanº who was sent (here) ª º. We were not present (when he delivered the message with which) he was instructed. They (the Babylonians) answered him as follows: ‘Guard your city! Until The Vizier of Elam accomplished his objective, [ ].’ After 307. appuna. Lackenbacher translates “en verité.” 308. awatim panam sursêm, literally, “Let the words/matters acquire a face/front.” Lackenbacher proposes an idiomatic translation, “prends les choses en face.”

Text 26 452

Translation

375

the 25th of the month of Urahum (I), Allahadites arrived in Sippir, and they were sent to Hammu-Rabi and Isme-Dagan with the following message: ‘The son of Atamrum and ªthe Esnunakeanº are nowhere to be found.’ ” 309 (The remainder is too destroyed for translation. It includes a reference to an action of Samsi-Adad, for which see Durand’s suggestion quoted in Charpin’s comment f and Charpin’s reevaluation in “Passé,” n. 52; and a second issue, introduced by “further,” which involves troops, the city of Tuttub, and agents of Isme-Dagan. Charpin suggests in NABU 1999 77 that the agents were to receive goods from Tuttub. The text is completely restored by Marti.)

26 452–71 are letters from Abi-Mekim. He was governor of Mari at some time during the early years of Zimri-Lim’s reign (452–61), the governor of the district of Saggaratum (462), an envoy in Kurda when Simah-Ilane was king of that city, which was before ZL 3u (463–64), and in Babylon at various times in ZL 9u and 11u (468– 71). Letter 469 is coauthored with Laªum.

45

26 452 To my lord speak! Your servant Abi-Mekim (says), “The city of Mari is well, the palace is well, the houses of the gods and the prisons are well. The diviners made extispicies for the ªwell-being of the prisonsº, and their extispicies until the end of this month were sound.”

26 453 [To my lord speak]! Your servant Abi-Mekim (says), “The city of Mari is well, the palace is well, the houses of the gods and the prisons are well. The diviners made extispicies for the well-being of the city of Mari and the well-being of the district, and the extispicies were sound until the end of this month. And the diviners spoke to me as follows: They (said), ‘Our extispicies are unusual.’ 310 “[And] ªaboutº the courtier Iksud-Ayyabisu, whom my lord entrusted to the barber AbiEqar to teach him to be a barber—Zikriya, a Kurdaite messenger who moved on to Babylon, abducted him. 311 He (Abi-Eqar) stepped on my foot,1 and I seized that boy (IksudAyyabisu). I spoke to Zikriya ªbeforeº 10 servants of my lord as follows: I (said), ‘Why did you abduct a servant of my lord? I do not detain [servants] ªof yoursº. [Once you] ªreturnº (him) to me, [you] need not give answers.’ ” 1.

This is the Mariote form of winking an eye.

309. mimma ul ibassi. Lackenbacher translates “Il n’y a (plus) rien (ici) qui soit. . . .” 310. ahitam isâ. 311. useppisu. Lackenbacher translates “l’avait débauché.” Durand collected and discussed additional references (“Protocoles,” 20 n. 17). See also TIM 2 16:3 and the translation in Yuhong, 176.

376

Translation

Text 26 454

26 454 To my lord speak! Your servant Abi-Mekim (says), “The city of Mari is [well], the palace is well, the houses of the gods and the ªprisonsº are well. On the [n]th day, at night, [Addu] ªcalled out repeatedlyº.1 [n lines] offered, and Addu-Duri saw the extispicies and sent me those extispicies. She (said), ‘ªSendº these ªextispiciesº [to] your lord right now!’ I ªhave sentº those ªextispiciesº [to] my lord.” 1.

There were several thunderclaps.

26 455 To my lord speak! Your servant Abi-Mekim (says), “The city of Mari is well, the palace is well, the houses of the gods and the prisons are well. The diviners made extispicies with two lambs for the well-being of ªÍuprumº, and the extispicies [were sound] until the end of this month. [And] in their extispicies [7 lines]. “Hand is set to doing the work on the ªpalaceº of Dir. On the 10th day of the intercalary month (XIII), it rained all night long. “About the storeroom of the house of Ninhursanga—Asqudum saw (it) and let me know (the results of his inspection). He (said), ‘The walls of the storeroom are (sufficiently) strong. Transport the bricks that were made for it to the palace! Reinforce 312 the perimeter of the palace!’ My lord must [ask] Asqudum. If it is necessary to rebuild [the walls], I shall [work on] that storeroom!”

26 456 To my lord speak! Your servant Abi-Mekim (says), “The city of Mari is well, the palace is well, the houses of the gods and the prisons are well. Meptum wrote me as follows: He (said), ‘The men whom I dispatched to the outposts are well. They have arrived in the area to which I instructed them (to go). They will return within 5 days, and (once they have,) I will send a report on them to my lord.’ Meptum had a Hurbanite and an Awnanean conducted to me.1 He (said), ‘They relayed 313 my words to Esnuna.’ “[5 lines]. ªIn the endº, the facade of the old [wall] collapsed. I will fix the upper fringes, 314 and I will set hand to (rebuilding) that tower.” 1.

Lackenbacher connects the issue of the prisoner transport with 26 36.

26 458 To my lord speak! Your servant Abi-Mekim (says), “The city of Mari is well, the palace is well, the houses of the gods and the prisons are well.

312. hu-bu-ur = hubbur for kubbur. Literally, “make thick”; Lackenbacher translates “répare.” 313. us-te-er-ru-ú. The S-stem of târum is not used elsewhere in Mari or, for that matter, anywhere in Old Babylonian. Since derivation from other roots seems impossible and the common phrase awatam turrum can be expected, I assume that us- is an error for ú-. 314. For the word “fringe,” see n. 177 to 27 141.

Text 26 459

Translation

377

“Further: 5 bulls have disappeared in ªMariº since the offerings [for] The Dirite. They let Itur-Mer make the rounds of the city, and on the fourth day of letting the god make the rounds, one bull of Sin-Naßir, son of Yadratum, and one bull of Ilum-Gamil, son of the groom Zikri-Addu, were (found) in the house of Sumu-Hadim.1 Of these 2 bulls I seized the meat and their skins.” 1.

The god Itur-Mer was carried around the city in order to find the consecrated bulls. Presumably some kind of divination was involved. It took quite some time and bagged at least 2 of the 5 bulls. The affair is reminiscent of the method employed by Joshua to find out who stole divine property (Joshua 7:16–18).

26 459 To Yassi-Dagan speak! Your brother Abi-Mekim (says), “Your house is well. About the chariot and its wheels concerning which you wrote me—you (said), ‘They must take along the chariot and its wheels to Zurubban.’ Did I not speak to you as follows? I (said), ‘Where ªanybodyº [ ] is in need of a chariot and [its] ªwheelsº, let him take the chariot and its wheels, and he must give a bull to me.’ And you spoke to me as follows: You (said), ‘Yes! I have seen Kanisan about your (request). He will take the chariot and its wheels and give you a bull.’ And I answered you as follows: I (said), ‘Huzzu took the chariot and its wheels and gave me a bull.’ “Further: I have dispatched you a lagu donkey with Bahdi-Lim.” I would reconstruct the sequence of events as follows: Abi-Mekim offered a wheeled chariot for a bull. Huzzu took the offer. Yassi-Dagan told Abi-Mekim that Kanisan would take the offer. Abi-Mekim told him that Huzzu had already taken it. Yassi-Dagan, disregarding Abi-Mekim’s information or being unaware of it, asked Abi-Mekim to ship the chariot to Zurubban, presumably the home of Kanisan. At this point, Abi-Mekim wrote the above letter.

26 460 To my lord speak! Your servant Abi-Mekim (says), “The city of Mari is well, the palace is well, the houses of the gods and the prisons are well. Messengers, . . . 315 [of ] Menihum, arrived. They (said), ‘[We] spotted Menihum ªtogether withº his troops.’ “The Turukkeans who passed by here ª º. [And] they moved on to the kings of the alliance of my lord. They ª º [ ] Yabliya. I asked them ªaboutº the prisoners of war [ ] Babylon, and they (said), ‘[ ] servants are dead. [And] ªthe landº, all of it, is ªwellº.’ ”

26 461 To my lord ªspeak! Your [servant] Abi-Mekim (says), “[The city of ] Mari, the houses of the gods [and] ªthe prisonsº are well. [n lines] 5 ªmen ofº the Babylonian ªHammu-Rabiº, who moved on to the kings of the alliance of my lord, stayed overnight in Sa Amdadi the day I ªsent this tablet of mine toº my lord.” 315. mu-ba-ri-tum. Lackenbacher translates “(envoyés en) éclaireurs.” Etymologically, the word means “group of informers.” Perhaps it was a group charged with informing about the movements of Menihum.

378

Translation

Text 26 462

26 462 To my lord speak! Your servant Abi-Mekim (says), “Yatarum, the mayor of Ziniyan, Mutu-Rama, ªYasmah-Bal, Basaranº, 316 [ ], and the inhabitants ªof Ziniyanº, all of them, [have] ªarrivedº. “Hasqudum wrote me about harvesting the grain of [ ]. 20 inhabitants of Ganibatum ªare going down withº me to [him]. 317 Uprapeans looted 30 dikes of choice field-area. I had the remainder of the field-area harvested and dropped (the harvested grain) on the threshing floor. The district is well.”

26 463 To my lord ªspeakº! Your servant Abi-Mekim (says), “The headmen of the Numha [and] the elders of the land, servants [of ] Simah-Ilane, assembled, and an examination was made in the land, and [ ]. And [ ] singles [ ] and [ ] have been brought into the [ ] house. This my lord must know. “Further: Yarim-Dadu, son of Yanßib-Addu, spoke to his lord as follows: ‘The purse, together with its seal, (contains) [1] silver ax and [1] gold sundisc. [ ] hand of Zimri-Lim.’ And I asked my lord, and (he said), ‘Yes, the purse, together with its seal, [ ].’ This [my lord must] know.”

26 464 See 26 80.

To my lord speak! Your servant Abi-Mekim (says), “About releasing Bunuma-Addu—I urged him (, Simah-Ilane, to do so), and he answered me as follows: ‘The palace, all of it, was in his (Bunuma-Addu’s) hand when Yanßib-Addu was alive and after Yanßib-Addu died. I shall debrief him 318 and release [him].’ This he answered me. [I talked to him] about releasing the woman Admu-Ummi, [and] he answered [me] ªas followsº: ‘I checked on my household, and that woman is not under my authority.’ This he answered me. He wrote Qarni-Lim about Zilaban, ‘[I] ª 319º [dispatched] my servant to you.’ If [ ], I shall detain him in Mari or else in Qa††unan. My servant [ ].” [2 lines].

26 467 To my lord speak! Your servant Abi-Mekim (says), “A boy of Sammetar and a boy of Ibal-Pi-El are carrying ªtabletsº to [my] lord. And . . . 320 to Mari. They ªspokeº as follows:

316. The reading is not certain. 317. Translated according to Marti, NABU 2001 81. 318. lusanniqsu. Lackenbacher translates “je veux donc lui faire faire sa reddition des comptes.” 319. Lackenbacher restores i-[na pa-n]a and translates “auparavant.” 320. Lackenbacher copies a-na Ma-ri ki / ([x]) ªxº ka-i-im, transliterates a-na Ma-ri k a[s k a lsu-nu] / [i-n]a pi4-i-im, and translates “[se diri]gent vers Mari. [De] (leur) teneur. . . .”

Text 26 468

Translation

‘The Esnunakean ªcame closeº to Allahad. And the troops of [ lines]. My lord must write [me], so or not so.”

379 ] combat [

] Hana.’ [n

26 468 Lackenbacher dates the letter to the time of Elamite attack on Babylon and before the death of YarimLim during the first half of ZL 9u (26/2, 453–55). See §35 (pp. 95ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Abi-Mekim (says), “The journey (that I undertook on behalf) of my lord was safe. I arrived in Babylon and delivered ªthe messageº with which my lord instructed me to Hammu-Rabi, and he was ªvery happyº. And he spoke as follows: He (said), ‘Zimri-Lim ªwroteº these words on command of a god. And since Zimri-Lim, YarimLim, and I ªbecame alliesº, and (since) we shook hands, fiend or foe will not be able to do anything (to harm us) [and] we will pull ªthe clawº of that enemy (Elam) from the land.’ These things and many more Hammu-Rabi proclaimed, and in view of his words, which he happily proclaimed, I told him suitable words, (words) conducive to good feelings, and set him at ease with words. On the next day, I brought him the tablet of commitment that my lord assigned to me. He listened to that tablet. And about the Yumahammean city, Id (and) Yabliya, that were written down on the tablet of commitment—Hammu-Rabi heard (this) and spoke as follows: He (said), ‘Why did Zimri-Lim place an obstruction among good words and write down the Yumahammean city and Id on the tablet of commitment and send it to me?’ I answered him as follows: I (said), ‘My lord will never desire that which is not his lot. [ ] lot of my lord. And 3 thousand Yumahammean Hana [n lines.’ Hammu-Rabi spoke as follows: ‘n lines] the city of Id [ ]. And because of that city, large [ ]. Since 4 years these matters have not been cleared up between ªZimri-Limº and me, no doubt about it! 321 I wished that the matters of the border were behind me! 322 Remove (pl.) Id from the treaty tablet, and I shall commit myself! Then take the lead of the troops and get underway! After every single objective has been accomplished—afterwards, the kings, our brothers, must sit down. They must give us direction on the case (of the other cities), and I will heed the judgment they render.’ This he said, and I answered him as follows: I (said), ‘Did my lord not attach the (upper) land, all of it, to the alliance because of you? (Also,) my lord went forth to fell fiend and foe who were after you and to pull his (the Elamite’s) claw from the land of Akkad. In view of the goodness of my lord, cede those cities, (which are) the lot of my lord! And place the requital in the running water of the river!1 Do ªnot causeº anger ªto developº among good relations! The matter must not end up ªbreakingº (our relations).’ 323 This I answered [him, and] he (said), ‘I say: (this) is (in fact) my apprehension. 324 ªIf it were just aº word, why would I need Id? 325 The means (of transportation) of your land is donkeys and 321. Wasserman, NABU 1994 70, quotes Durand’s reading a-sa-a-t[um] ul ibassi. Wasserman translates “(nor) are there battles.” I believe that the phrase means, literally, “There are no confusions.” 322. I follow Wasserman, NABU 1994 70. 323. Lackenbacher reads awatum ana pa-ª[a4]-ß[i-im] la isahhar. paªaßum typically refers to eggs, so it probably means “to crack.” My translation is tentative. 324. adirtima aqabbi. Lackenbacher translates “C’est ce qui me préoccupe que je vous dis.” 325. So, according to Wasserman, NABU 1994 70, who reads after collation sum-m[a-maa]n ªis-te-etº a-wa-[tum].

380

Translation

Text 26 469

carts; the means of this land is boats. I do need that city for the bitumen and the asphalt. If it were not for that, why would I need that city? I will listen to anything that Zimri-Lim writes in exchange for Id.’ Hammu-Rabi has hardened his stance regarding Id. He (said), ‘When [ , I] ªwill not cede Idº.’ “Now, herewith Kalalum and Puzur-Marduk have taken that message, [and] they departed for my lord. Let him (Kalalum) put their (Kalalum’s and Puzur-Marduk’s) view before my ªlordº,2 and let my lord consult according to his great kingship! As my lord ªwritesº, I shall act.” 1.

2.

26 469

Lackenbacher thinks the expression refers to an oath by the river. I believe it is an idiom expressing finality. It is drawn from the experience of being unable to retrieve what was put in running water. The statement is interesting inasmuch as it appears to spell out a particular function of messengers. Abi-Mekim urges the king to solicit the input of the Mariote Kalalum and his Babylonian colleague Puzur-Marduk. His formulations indicate that the king would ask Kalalum on matters concerning the message about the state of negotiations with Hammu-Rabi, and Kalalum would answer for himself and his colleague. The nature of their input is designated with the word imirtum, which is translated here as “view.” The word is rare. In a line from Gilgames, it designates “the looks” of the scorpion man, which “is death” (IX 43). Messengers did not just bring messages but advocated the policies of their kings in their own words. See, for example, Ulluri’s speech to Haya-Sumu in 26 303.

26 469 = 2 77+ = LAPO 16 287 See Lackenbacher’s interpretation in 26/2, 455.

To our lord speak! Your servants Abi-Mekim and Laªum (say), “I arrived in Babylon and placed the message, all of it, before Hammu-Rabi. I took words to him about the commitment, and he kept raising objections about Id. He showered me with words, 326 and I did not ªgive inº to him. I came up with all the appropriate words. I kept him in check 327 and gave him my final word. 328 Id is abandoned to judgment. 329 On the 25th day, he did not commit 326. ina awatim usahhipanni. The phrase is quoted in AHw. and CAD without translation or parallel; the verb is used with eyes, demons, enemies, and mountains as object. Lackenbacher, and Charpin, in his review of CAD S (AfO 40 [1993], 3), translate “il a cherché à me faire quitter le sujet”; Streck, NABU 1993 108, “überschüttete mich mit Worten”; Durand, “il a voulu me réfuter à force de paroles.” I follow Streck. 327. alûssu. AHw. lâ†um translates “ich trieb ihn in die Enge.” Lackenbacher agrees and translates with an equivalent French idiom. For other attestations and translations, see Streck, NABU 1993 108. Durand translates “en lui tenant tête.” 328. ustamßisu. I follow the suggestion of Charpin quoted by Durand in LAPO. 329. Durand objects to the translations of Lackenbacher, “(Le cas de) Hit reste à juger,” and Streck, “(nun) bleibt (noch der Fall) Hi† zu entscheiden,” on the basis of the context, which suggests to him that there was nothing to decide anymore. He translates “Hît ne fait (donc) plus partie du litige.” I find it difficult to arrive at Durand’s interpretation from the literal meaning of the sentence, which is “Hit is dropped on judgment.” However one wants to understand the sentence, the preposition ana “to” does not agree with the act of removing Hit from judgment and on the contrary forces the movement of Hit toward judgment. Hammu-Rabi’s commitment to Zimri-Lim may have sidestepped the question of Hit. The judgment would then be a matter for a

Text 26 470

Translation

381

himself. He (said), ‘If Sin were not included in the formulation on the tablet of commitment, I would commit myself on the 25th day. Now, Sin has been included in the formulation. I will (therefore) not commit myself on a 25th day.1 And your lord must declare (the oath) to me likewise, whoever the administrators of the oath may be.’ On the 27th day, I gave water on his hand.2 On the 28th day, Hammu-Rabi, on instructions from his palace, declared a sacred oath to my lord. This my lord must know. After (sending) this tablet of mine, I will take the lead of the gods of my lord and [ ] to [2 lines] I will place before [ ]. I am afraid my lord will learn that Hammu-Rabi declared a sacred oath, and the servants of Hammu-Rabi who are staying before my lord will have a word with my lord. They (will say), 330º!’ Perhaps ‘Our lord has committed himself. Commit yourself by the gods of our lord ª the servants of Hammu-Rabi will ªshareº this (the text of the oath) with my lord. Until I arrive and [place] the ªfullº report on the sacred oath [before] ªmyº lord [and] bring (it) to the attention of my lord, my lord must not commit himself.” 1.

2.

K. Reiter, “Altbabylonische Verträge unter Beachtung günstiger Tage,” MARI 7 (1993), 362–63, realized that Hammu-Rabi followed a hemerology that prescribed, for a 25th day, abstinence from making a commitment that is guaranteed by Sin. See comment 1 to 26 254.

26 470 See M.9530 and §36 (pp. 97ff.).

[To] my lord speak! Your servant Abi-Mekim (says), “Ahum, the servant of my lord, arrived and gave me the tablet that my lord sent him with, and I listened to it. My lord wrote me as follows: ‘Since you went (to Babylon), you have been detained there. And the land, all of it, looks to you. Quickly, take the lead of the troops and get underway!’ This my lord wrote me. Since my arrival in Babylon, I have written once, twice, to my lord about the barriers [that] were placed ªinº front of me. ªKalalumº and Puzur-Marduk took the ªtroopsº, all of them, that Hammu-Rabi [ , and about which] we . . . 331 and talked, and they departed [ . They will arrive] before my lord [n lines. I asked Hammu-Rabi the following: ‘n lines] ªcommitmentº [ ] should I arrive ªbeforeº my lord [without ]? Will he not ªlaterº cause [ ] of his [ ] to go out?’ This I asked. I have requested troops. The day I sent this tablet of mine to my lord, he (Hammu-Rabi) dispatched 5 thousand troops and 6 hundred smallboats under Nidnat-Sin and 3 generals to Buqaqum to hold the district. 5 days after (having sent off) this tablet of mine, I will take the lead of the shock troops and soon reach my lord. I have not yet laid eyes on the (shock) troops and cannot write the ªnumberº of (these) troops to my lord. [After] I have (been given permission to) proceed from Babylon, I will ªwrite a fullº [report] to my lord. And I will start on my way. My lord must write me, and I shall act in accordance to what my lord writes me.”

higher authority, that is, The Vizier of Elam, who had assigned the city to Zimri-Lim, according to 26 449. In this case, the mission of Abi-Mekim must precede the Elamite attack of ZL 9u. The case of Hit could also have been left to arbitration by the other members of the alliance to which Babylon and Mari belonged, or, ironically, to the god Id by way of an ordeal. 330. Durand reads ªsa su-ruº-bu “qui ont été introduits (chez toi).” 331. ªnuº-us-ta-Ki-su.

382

Translation

Text 26 471

26 471 See 2 23, 26 381, and §73 (p. 154f.).

[To] my lord speak! Your servant Abi-Mekim (says), “ªAboutº bringing up troops, on which (issue) my lord gave me instructions for Hammu-Rabi—I arrived in Larsa and delivered to Hammu-Rabi the message with which my lord instructed me. He (Hammu-Rabi) answered me as follows: He (said), ‘I (expect to) ªseizeº the city of Larsa within 5 days, and (if I do,) I will enlist shock troops, and you (can) take the lead of those troops and get underway.’ This Hammu-Rabi answered me. After me, Ahi-Erra, the servant of my lord who ª5 linesº [n lines] (Hammu-Rabi said), ‘What ªtroopsº? It is ªnotº proper to ªdispatchº light [troops]. What will the one who hears it ªsay?º “Hammu-Rabi dispatched [n] thousand troops to Zimri-Lim!” The statement is an insult to the (intelligence of) him who hears it.1 I shall wait 5 [days], and if I have seized the city of Larsa within 5 days, I will dispatch shock troops to Zimri-Lim. If I have not seized the city within five days, [I] will detach (from my army) the troops that can be detached and dispatch them.’ ªThisº Hammu-Rabi answered me. ªNowº, I urge [ ] of the palace all the time, and after (sending) this tablet of mine [ ], if he ªgivesº me the troops, [I] will take the lead of those troops and get underway.” 1.

The words of Hammu-Rabi are reported by Ibal-Pi-El in 2 23 as follows: “When I dispatch 1 hundred troops, the one who ªhearsº [it] will quote it as 1 thousand. And when [I dispatch] 1 thousand ªtroopsº, he will quote it as 10 thousand.” Perhaps “light(ly armed) troops” were typically troops in small numbers. In that case, the statement on Hammu-Rabi dispatching thousands of lightly armed troops would be sarcastic.

26 474–502 are letters by Buqaqum, the mayor of Sapiratum in Suhum. 475 and 476 are coauthored by Kibsi-Addu. 480 is coauthored by Yaßi-El, 489 by Ibal-Pi-El. The letters span the whole reign of Zimri-Lim. 479–80 are from ZL 2, when the Esnunakean Sallurum attacked Suhum. 474–78 may belong to the same period. 482 and 483 report on hostile encounters with Suteans. Most of the remaining letters belong to the time after the fall of Larsa, when Mariote troops were returning from Babylon, Atamrum returned to Andarig, and Isme-Dagan’s kingdom crumbled.

474

26 474 To my lord speak! Your servant Buqaqum (says), “The district is well. As to the matters that my lord wrote me—I will check on those matters and write my lord, so or not so. The day the tablet of my lord arrived, Ußur-Pi-Sarrim was staying with me. And I sent a response to the tablet of my lord right away.”

26 475 To our lord ªspeakº! Your servants Buqaqum and Kibsi-Addu (say), “The district is well. Our border guards are at full strength. Our lord wrote me as follows: ‘I will do the offerings for the Dirite. I am afraid the troops of the Esnunakean will . . . 332 somewhere, when I am 332. i-ha-at-te-er; Lackenbacher transcribes i-ªa4-ad-de4-er and translates “me fassent des ennuis.”

spread is 6 points long

Text 26 476

Translation

383

preoccupied with the offerings, and bother me. Dispatch (pl.) your border guards and let them capture informers!’ This our lord wrote me. In accordance with the letter of our lord, we dispatched our border guards, and they captured informers between Situllum and Yahappila. Herewith we have the informers conducted to our lord. Our lord must ask them for a full report.”

26 476 To [our] lord ªspeakº! Your servants Buqaqum and Kibsi-Addu (say), “The district is well. We dispatched campaigners. They captured an informer for us. And later, fugitive informers chanced upon us. [And] they spoke to us as follows: ‘Troops [whom] Sin-Abusu enlisted [ ]’ ª5 linesº. ‘Open the (store)house, provide a lance (for each), and add travel provisions for 40 days!’ (He said), ‘[I] am ªfortifyingº Rapiqum. And I have brought cheer to the face of the gods of Rapiqum. ªOnce the enemyº goes out against us, [a few lines].’ [ ] full report.”

26 477 [To my lord speak]! Your servant Buqaqum (says), “The 3d day of the month of Kinunum (VII) [was in progress], when we started out from Rapiqum [and] ªwentº to Harbe. And we stayed 5 days in Harbe, until the troops had secured their travel provisions. We started out from Harbe and reached Yabliya in one day. The 10th of the month of Kinunum was in progress, when hand was set to fortifying Yabliya. And the Babylonian Lipit-Estar came to Harbe together with 5 thousand regulars, either to view the border region, or else for another reason. I have not yet learned the full story (on them). Once I learn the full story, I ªwill writeº my lord. [We] ªbroughtº the grain, belongings, and gear that we shipped upstream from Rapiqum into Harbe. [3 lines].”

26 478 To my lord speak! ªYourº [servant] Buqaqum (says), “[n lines]. He must order [the names of ] of Lieutenant Laªum to be written down [on a tablet] ªandº send (the tablet) to me, so that {I quickly} my border guards, whom I had (scheduled to be) dispatched to Esnuna, can bring the tablet to Laªum quickly.”

26 479 To my lord speak! Your servant Buqaqum (says), “5 thousand men are fortifying the city of Yabliya. And Sallurum is strengthening Harbe together with 15 thousand men. And your servant Yassi-Dagan wrote me as follows: He (said), ‘The elders [concerning whom] my lord wrote you—ªdispatchº them to my lord and do not detain [them]!’ And about Sallurum—he (Sallurum) spoke to your servant Yassi-Dagan as follows: He (said), ‘I will wait 5 days for you (pl.) (to withdraw), and (if you do not) I will commence fighting.’ A rescue detachment must get here. I have written my lord. My lord must do what seems favorable to him. And I spoke once, twice to my lord about the Hurbanites. Those men create problems. 333 And the extispicies are bad. Troops must hasten here!” 333. ú-pa-la-ªsu?º; see 26 36, where the Hurbanite Yarim-Addu creates problems for Asqudum (pullusanni).

384

Translation

Text 26 480

26 480 To our lord speak! Your servants Buqaqum and Yaßi-El (say), “5 thousand Esnunakeans came up to fortify Yabliya Rock-City. 334 And they have 120 small-boats with them. And (people say), ‘Sallurum is strengthening the city of Harbe. And his sight is on (all of) Suhum.’ A rescue detachment must get here. I am afraid of ‘I arrive, he went away.’ 335 I have not yet secured (the area) 336 against Sallurum. A rescue detachment must get here. If troops do not hasten here, I will abandon the city of Mulhan and depart. And the district of my lord will be abandoned.”

26 481 See 26 35, 37, and 38.

To my lord speak! Your servant Buqaqum (says), “About the issue on which Asqudum, Asmad, and Meptum consulted and (which) they left me (to put into action)—I dispatched Takun-Hani together with men of the streams1 and ª º not ª º. And I went a distance of ª º by way of the steppe below Yabliya and brought back [n lines] ªIº (said), ‘After [ ] that my lord [ ]. And they gave fields to your brothers. And I made a sacred oath incumbent on you.’ This I answered them. Once I learn the full story, I will write my lord. And the district of my lord is well.” 1.

“Hana of the stream” are mentioned in A.915 (quoted by Durand in 26/1, 160). In A.3592 (quoted by Durand in “Réalités,” 32), the elders of Suhum state that the clan of Pu-li-Ila controls “the streams,” while the clan of Bar-Halanum controls the steppe. Durand believes that “streams” (he translates “oueds”) designates the area where intermittent stream valleys open to the Euphrates Valley, and “steppe” designates the high plateau.

26 482 To my lord [speak]! Your servant Buqaqum (says), “The district is well. The ªtroopsº of Mesarum and [the Sutean] Hadidum, who [ ] to attack [and] concerning whom [I wrote] my lord some time ago, crossed at Agade. They attacked [4 lines]. They brought back with them Mesarum, Hadidum, and 30 Suteans. The remainder of them got away naked, without clothes.”

26 483 To my lord speak! Your servant Buqaqum (says), “The district is well. Suteans made an attack in/at Madinatum.1 I went to the rescue, and I ªbrought backº sheep. The son of Ahi-

334. See my note, NABU 1997 2. 335. a-ªka-saº-ad i-bé-es. The expression is apparently a proverb that highlights ill timing. 336. ukinnam, Lackenbacher translates “je n’ai pas encore pu établir une position en amont de.”

spread is 12 points short

Text 26 484

Translation

385

Ebal and the son of Sumu-Labu extricated themselves (and got away). 337 And I brought back 2 Sutean women and 3 donkeys. On my march, I made an incursion among Sutean sheep and kept [my ears open] (for an opportunity) to score a hit. 338 [5 lines] ªWeº (said), ‘ª º we saw, we will not permit you to be harmed.’ A tablet (with the authorization) of my lord must arrive, and we shall score a hit. We shall poison 339 our lances. The Sutean Guladu fled and came to me. He ªis stayingº before me. “Further: [5 lines]. “Further: 5 hundred [ ] and 4 hundred Quteans [ ] in Babylon. Perhaps Isme-Dagan will [ ]. ªNowº, I will ª seal the letterº [and] send it to him.” 1.

Lackenbacher believes that the word designates the part of the steppe under the control of Mari but not belonging to a district (NABU 1987 81). For the etymology of the name, see p. 27 above.

26 484 See §47 (pp. 111ff.).

To [my] lord speak! [Your servant] Buqaqum (says), “The district [is well]. Warad-[ ], Addu-ªEsuhº, Buratum, Ibalum, Íilli-Mamma, Iddin-Halab, [6] riders [of ] my lord, (and) Lipit-Estar (and) Mar-Erßetim, 2 Babylonian riders, moved on to my lord. They are carrying a message from ªIbal-Pi-Elº.”

26 486 See §47 (pp. 111ff.).

ªTo myº lord ªspeak! Yourº servant Buqaqum (says), “ªThe district is wellº. 4 [Babylonians], (namely,) ªLipit-Estar, Iddin-Nabium, Marduk-Musallimº, (and) Rim-Addu ªarrivedº with the ªAndarigiteº Isurum [and] Yattin-Erah [who] is with1 ªIbal-Pi-Elº. I asked [him (Yattin-Erah)] for news. He (said), ‘2 [Babylonians] are going to Mari and 2 [Babylonians] to ªAndarigº.’ [5 lines], and I ªheard fromº those around me the following: ‘They (the Babylonians) will dispatch 2 thousand ªtroops or elseº 3 thousand ªtroopsº with Ibal-Pi-El.’ [And] Ibal-Pi-El [wrote me] ªas follows: Heº (said), ‘I will arrive 5 days after sending [this] tablet [of mine].’ ” 1.

He belongs to the staff of Ibal-Pi-El.

337. us-te-ßú-ú, Lackenbacher translates “ont été emmenés prisonniers.” I assume a St-stem with reflexive-causative function. 338. [a-n]a is-te-et e-pé-si-im [uz-na-a]m as-ku-un. Lackenbacher translates “pour faire action commune j’ai [entre]pris de. . . .” For the idiom istet epesum “to score a hit,” see my note, NABU 1997 105. 339. numarrir, literally, “we will make our lances bitter.” Compare the “bitter” weapons of Addu and Yarim-Lim in A.1314 (Dossin, “Une lettre de Iarîm-Lin, roi d’Alep, à Iasûb-Iahad, roi de Dîr,” Syria 33 [1956], 65). Durand (LAPO 16 251m) and Lackenbacher (NABU 1987 82) use a different derivation, translating “to make forceful.” I am sure that the ubiquitous technique of poisoning projectiles was used in Mari also.

386

Translation

Text 26 487

26 487 See §47 (pp. 111ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Buqaqum (says), “The district is well. As my lord wrote me, I sent a boy of mine to Ibal-Pi-El. He (the boy) obtained for me the following news on him (Ibal-Pi-El): ‘There are not any Babylonian troops, not a (single) man, coming up with him. (Just) Sallurum, his companion, is coming with him.’ My ªboyº left him (Ibal-Pi-El) behind on the raft [of/at ],1 (and) ªdepartedº.” 1.

Or, with Lackenbacher, “my boy departed on a raft that ªPNº? left him.” But he could not travel upstream on a raft. I assume that Buqaqum identifies the place where Ibal-Pi-El stayed when the boy left him. Rafts, tied to shore and shaded, could have been used as resting places. See 27 153 where furloughed soldiers stay on rafts.

26 488 For the first paragraph, see §47 (pp. 111ff.), for the third, see S. Lafont, NABU 1989 44, and Marti, NABU 2001 76.

To my lord speak! Your servant Buqaqum (says), “The district is well. Ili-Tillati, LiburBeli, Apil-Kubi, Kaluma-Sar, 340 Aham-Arsi, Sami-Erah, and the consul Yattinu arrived. I questioned them, and they spoke to me as follows: They (said), ‘Hammu-Rabi spoke to IbalPi-El as follows: “I will answer you forthrightly and dispatch you.” ’ This they said to me. They moved on to my lord. This is the former news of which I informed my lord (already). “Further: I heard news on the Esnunakean ªfrom those around meº, (namely), ‘He has concentrated his troops, all of them, (including) troops from each and every merchant 341 (and) his rescue detachment, all of it, in Tuttub.’ “And the wife of Sin-Iddinam resolved1 as follows: ‘Before Sin-Iddinam married me, I declared to father and son my agreement (to marry him).2 When Sin-Iddinam [was absent] from his house, the son of Asqudum wrote me, “I shall marry you.” He kissed me on my lips. He touched my vagina. His penis did not enter my vagina. I (said), “I will not do ªunforgivableº harm to Sin-Iddinam.” I did not do what [ ] ªinº my house.’ [They made] ªherº [take the plunge]. She is well.” 1. 2.

“To resolve” is the technical term for making a statement before taking the plunge in the river ordeal. See comment 1 to 26 249. S. Lafont explains that “the agreement” was between her and her future husband and father-inlaw. The affair with the son of Asqudum would have happened after that agreement and before the wedding.

340. Lackenbacher segments this name differently: Kalu-Maßar. 341. ßa-bi dam-gàr-ri-sa-am, literally, “troopers (ßabi), merchant by merchant.” The same kind of corps is also listed in the description of Hammu-Rabi’s general mobilization in 26 363 as ßa-bi d a m . g à r “troopers of a merchant.” Charpin translates in 26 363, “troupe des marchands,” and Lackenbacher here, “sa propre troupe de marchands,” which follows a suggestion by Durand. Merchants did serve as soldiers, as is documented, for example, in 14 61 and 62. If my translations of the somewhat opaque spellings are correct, the groups here instead consisted of soldiers who were solicited from merchants. Merchants traded persons, so they would have been in a position to deliver soldiers.

Text 26 489

Translation

387

26 489 See the comments of Lackenbacher 26/2, 406, who dates this letter tentatively to ZL 10u, and see §39.

To our lord speak! Your servants Ibal-Pi-El and Buqaqum (say), “We [arrived] ªinº [the city of ] Assur at bedtime and [heard] the following word from those around us: ‘Kakmum 342 defeated ªArdigandiº, the [king of ] ªQabraº.’ This we heard from those around us. We arrived [in Ekallatum], and Isme-Dagan [spoke to us] as follows: He (said), ‘5 hundred troops of Gurgurrum attacked [the land] of Ardigandi and looted [its villages]. 2 thousand troops of Ardigandi ªwent outº to the rescue and fought, and Kakmu went ahead and defeated Ardigandi. And his (Ardigandi’s) high-ranking servants were ªrunning aboutº aimlessly. 343 Now that man, from cause of having been defeated, [will ]. And he will pay attention to your lord (Zimri-Lim). And he will . . . 344 his cities.’ This [news] Isme-Dagan told me. ªIsme-Daganº is very sick. 345 And according to the instructions of our lord, [we ] and then [ ] him to go to our lord. Now, in 1 or 2 days [ ], and Mut-Askur and Lu-Nanna ªwill come upº to take his (Isme-Dagan’s) lead and to go to our lord. Based on everything we saw, Isme-Dagan ªis not able to goº. He is very sick. “About a message (from Isme-Dagan) on the Qutean, for which our lord sent HabduMalik to Lu-Nanna—he (Habdu-Malik) did not reach Lu-Nanna and gave us (the message with our lord’s) instructions (instead). We told Lu-Nanna that message. And once we had arrived (in Ekallatum), we placed that ªmessageº before Isme-Dagan, and Isme-Dagan ªspokeº [to us] as follows: ‘[Lu-Nanna] told me that message before your arrival. The Qutean did ªnotº come up at all. And I did not write your lord that message.’ This he answered us, and we addressed Lu-Nanna ªbeforeº him [and] (said), ‘Did not Habderah tell our lord that message?’ With these (words) we addressed Lu-Nanna, and he confirmed their truth, (saying), ‘They (the words) are true. Habderah told (Zimri-Lim) that message.’ ªPerhapsº because our lord address him with the right words, 346 he (Isme-Dagan) contradicted us, (saying), ‘The Qutean did not come up at all.’ And perhaps he is telling ªthe truthº. Who would know? Besides, we have not heard anything on the Qutean from those around us.1 “We dispatched Napsi-Erah to Qabra and Samas-Lamassasu to Kawilhum.” 1.

It is difficult to understand the paragraph without knowing the contents of the message that IsmeDagan denies having written. I would reconstruct the events as follows: Isme-Dagan wrote ZimriLim that “the Qutean” was planning to “come up.” “The Qutean” may have been Sasum, or the singular may be used collectively here for Quteans. “To come up” probably means “marching to the upper land.” If so, Isme-Dagan would have warned Zimri-Lim of an impending Qutean attack. Zimri-Lim took Isme-Dagan’s message seriously and sent his vizier Habdu-Malik to Lu-Nanna.

342. This should be the city of Kakmum. The name is written without a place determinative. 343. Lackenbacher restores [i-ta-a]p-r[u]-ur-ru “[er]rent çà et là.” A form ending in rurru in predicative position indicates a stative. Accordingly, I read [na-a]p-r[u]-ur-ru. 344. i-na-a{-aZ}-aZ; Lackenbacher derives it from nâßum, which is insecurely attested in Old Babylonian, and translates “il se défie de ses villes,” on the base of literal “méprise.” 345. su-ul-lu-uh. Durand connects sulluh with sa-li-hu = salihu, which designates a class of people that are exempt from serving in the army (LAPO 17 563d). 346. The statement only makes sense if it is negated. Lackenbacher arrives at the same result by assuming that the phrase ina awatim ßabatum has a negative connotation. She translates “a été fondé de s’en prendre à. . . .” However, the phrase has a neutral connotation elsewhere, as, for example, in 26 392:44.

388

Translation

Text 26 490

The latter may have been a vizier of Isme-Dagan. The message he was carrying may have included proposals about collaboration between Mari and Ekallatum in face of the Qutean threat. HabduMalik could not deliver the message to Lu-Nanna and asked Buqaqum and Ibal-Pi-El to relay it to him. When Buqaqum and Ibal-Pi-El arrived in Ekallatum, they met Lu-Nanna before seeing Isme-Dagan and told Lu-Nanna what Zimri-Lim had asked Habdu-Malik to communicate to Isme-Dagan. When they saw Isme-Dagan, they informed him of Zimri-Lim’s words in person. He reacted with 3 denials. (1) Zimri-Lim’s message was no news to him because Lu-Nanna had already informed him before Buqaqum and Ibal-Pi-El arrived in Ekallatum. (2) The Qutean did not “come up,” as Zimri-Lim’s message wrongly assumed. (3) He had not given Zimri-Lim information on which Zimri-Lim could have based his wrong assumption.

26 490 See 26 521, 522, 524, and §66 (pp. 141ff.). The letter contains many unusual spellings and obscure formulations.

To my lord speak! Your servant Buqaqum (says), “My last tablet was (already) in an envelope, when 4 men of Askur-Addu, runners, arrived here. They (said), ‘Get here (to Karana) quickly and write your brother Himdiya! He (, too,) must get here quickly.’ But the Esnunakean troopers 347 and Isme-Dagan have not budged 348 from the gate of Ekallatum. ªAndº certainly, Hammu-Rabi, king of Kurda, who forced peace with Isme-Dagan upon Askur-Addu does not exist. 349 He (Askur-Addu is the one who) kept suggesting 350 ªthoseº (offers of peace) in Karana. I will ask 351 for (information on) the affairs ªbetweenº them (Askur-Addu and Isme-Dagan) write my lord. And I spoke to Askur-Addu in Qa††ara. I (said), ‘The peace that you decided upon ªis finishedº! It ªdidº not (even) ªlastº 1 month. You would not be able to answer before ªthe godº [ ].’ I hear from those around me, ‘IsmeDagan did not return for (more) grain.’ ”

26 491 See 26 525 and §66 (pp. 141ff.).

To my lord speak! Your [servant] Buqaqum (says), “The land and the troops of my lord are well. I am staying together with my troops in the city of Parpara. And my border guards have been released (from their former outposts). I sent Yasim-Hammu to Haqba-Hammu in 352 Karana, and a courtier who fled from Ekallatum to Askur-Addu ª º Yasim-Hammu between Karana and [ ], and he (Yasim-Hammu) ªaskedº him for news on ªIsme-Daganº. And he (the courtier) told (him) the following: ‘The Esnunakean quit, and Isme-Dagan com347. Written ßa-bi-i És.nunki. 348. inus, spelled i-nu-is. Stol, JAOS 111 (1991), 628, proposes to read i-be-es15 and derive the form from bêsum “to go away.” 349. Surely he meant: “H. certainly did not force peace with I upon A.” 350. is10(uß)-ta-na-ka-an. Stol, JAOS 111 (1991), 628, sees in it a Stn-form of kânum and proposes the meaning “to justify.” I follow Lackenbacher’s derivation from the Gtn stem of sakanum, and I believe the expression is abbreviated from ana qatim sakanum “to suggest.” 351. Lackenbacher reads a-sa-la-am!? 352. Lackenbacher suggests restoring [ip-pa-l]i?-ìs-su and translating “[ayant] vu.” I expect “ran into” but cannot find a suitable restoration.

Text 26 492

Translation

389

plained to them. He (said), “The land, all of it, is displeased with me. How is it that you (Lipit-Sin) took the lead of a blind snake1 of Esnunakeans and then brought it up (here)?” And he spoke as follows to the Esnunakeans: He (said), “I will depart with you (pl.) for Esnuna.” Lipit-Sin and the 5 hundred Esnunakeans are being detained in Ekallatum. And Isme-Dagan keeps writing Sasiya for peace. And Isme-Dagan secured 8 talents of silver to send to Sasiya. And he ªsecuredº boats (to send) to Kawilhum in order to obtain grain. Sasiya took his sons and had (them) conducted as hostages 353 to Sasum the Qutean. And he carried his tribute (to him). The king of Simurrum, who stayed with Sasum the Qutean in the past and (then) fled to Sasiya—Sasiya gave him up to Sasum the Qutean.’ I wrote my lord the news that I heard. “And I dispatched a groom to Situllum. I (said to him), ‘Perhaps Isme-Dagan is really deceiving (us). Go check on the news of the Esnunakeans’ quitting!’ (I did this) so that I can write to my lord the news they2 bring back to me. My border guards are at full strength. They are positioned (right) up to the gates of Ekallatum and Assur. And the land, all of it, has gone out to sow. The day I sent this tablet of mine to my lord, Haqba-Hammu wrote me, ‘I am departing for Karana.’ ” 1. 2.

“Blind snake” refers to a contingent of incompetent and cowardly Esnunakean troops. In 26 525, the population accuses Isme-Dagan of having brought “a blind snake” to Ekallatum. The members of the group headed by the groom?

26 492 To my lord speak! Your servant Buqaqum (says), “About ªthe messengerº from Kahat who [n lines], and he gave ªHaqba-Hammuº a full report. And I asked him (the messenger), but he did not mention any news to me. Now my lord must debrief him, and he (the messenger) must tell my lord what he told Haqba-Hammu. And Belsunu was [present] at these matters.”

26 493 See §67 (pp. 145ff.).

[To] ªmyº [lord] ªspeak! Yourº [servant ] (says), “[ ] wrote me. I heard [ ], ‘ªIsmeDagan diedº.’ I (expect to) learn (more) news in 2 or 3 ªdaysº and will (then) write my lord a full report. ªThe landº of Isme-Dagan kept ªtalkingº [about ]. And for that reason alone, 354 . . . 355 And [ ] the city of Assur ª3 linesº. And they altogether turned hostile 356 in the city of Parpara, Suhra, and [ ], and ª5 linesº. I will check on those ªmattersº and ªwriteº. In 5 days [I] ªwill retireº (from here).”

353. ia-lu-te. Lackenbacher translates “allégeance,” following AHw., “Nachträge.” My translation is a guess. 354. i-dam is-ti-in. The same expression is attested in 26 513:22, where the adopted translation is suggested by the context. 355. ù a-na-ku / ú-lu a-na As-su-urki / ú-lu a-na bu-SI ù ªmi-imº-[ma sum-su] / [x] a ha at-tu-ur. 356. I follow Durand’s interpretation in FM 2 50g.

390

Translation

Text 26 494

26 494 See 26 341, §66 (pp. 141ff.); my note, NABU 98 47; and Marti, “Notes sur l’histoire d’Isme-Dagan,” FM 6 (2002), 541–44. To Marti I owe the translation “it is here that we ªdieº and ªliveº.”

To my lord speak! Your servant Buqaqum (says), “The district is well. “Further: They brought me the following report from Ekallatum: ‘Isme-Dagan spoke to his land as follows: “Bring food supplies! 357 Dispatch little boys and girls to Mankisum, where the exchange rate is . . . ! 358” His land answered him as follows: “What more 359 good news will you give us? It is here that we ªdieº and ªliveº.” This they said to ªIsme-Daganº, and [Isme-Dagan] spoke to them as follows: “I will [go ahead] and dispatch ªtroopsº to Mankisum. Do not say, ‘He acts on behalf of Babylon!’ 360 Do not knot a word against me!” ’ 361 8 days 362 before (sending) this tablet of mine, Mut-Askur embarked and went to ª º. 6 days after 363 Mut-Askur (departed), Isme-Dagan had 4 hundred persons loaded onto boats and dispatched (them) to Mankisum.”

26 495 See §67 (pp. 145ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Buqaqum (says), “The day I sent my lord this tablet of mine, a fugitive fled here from Ekallatum, and those (manning) my outposts seized him and took him along to me. Incidentally, Isme-Dagan had captured that man from the Numha in the defeat of Íatu-Yamhad-Dadi. He told me the following about the report, ‘Isme-Dagan has died.’ He (said), ‘I kept hearing it in the house of my lord Yamßi-Hadnu. And beginning with the day on which I heard that report, Yamßi-Hadnu kept staying overnight in the palace.’ And I ask the Ekallateans that come, but their mouth is closed. Now, I have not yet 357. ak-ka-al-tam. The word and the context point to a derivation from akalum “to eat.” akkaltum should be a nominalized feminine form of an adjective describing habitual eating; hence my translation. The word is not attested elsewhere. Durand suggests -ak-ka-al-tam “par pitié!” 358. asar mahirum pa†ru. Lackenbacher translates “où le marché est libre(?).” AHw. quotes two references for mahiru ippa††ar. Von Soden translates “Handel wird eingestellt,” a translation that does not fit the context here. The children of Gubla were sold for food in the land of Yarimuta (El Amarna 74). 359. ap-pu-na-ma-a. 360. qatam sa K á . d i m i r. r aki ippes. Lackenbacher translates on the basis of qatum = “example,” “ne me dites pas que j’agis de la même façon que Babylone.” My translation is based on qatum = “part” and assumes that “doing the part of someone” means “acting on behalf of someone.” 361. awatam eliya la takaßßara. The idiom is attested in 28 63:6–7 in the form awatim sa la idû eliya ukaßßar. According to that context, it designates a form of denunciation. The preposition eli gives the idiom its negative force. awatim kaßarum without eli means wrapping things up (26 9:30–32). Birot translates the passage in 28 63 as “agencer sur mon compte des propos inouïs”; Lackenbacher translates the present text “ne rejetez pas cette affair sur moi.” Perhaps it is an idiom for plotting a revolt. 362. The traces cannot be read ªÈ s . n u n . n aº. Lackenbacher quotes Durand’s suggestion to read ªNi-nu-ú?º for Ninua = Ninet = Nineveh. Marti reads kàl-hu-ú, but the third sign does not look like ú on his photo. I see kak/ni/ir-hu?-zu. 363. l ú . l ú.

Text 26 496

Translation

391

confirmed the truth of that matter. Now, I will check on this report and write my lord to confirm it.”

26 496 To my lord speak! Your servant Buqaqum (says), “I listened to the tablet that my lord sent me. [I] will write ªright away aboutº the axes [concerning which] my lord wrote me. Once they obtain (them) for me, I will send (them) to my lord. “Further: Atamrum passed by. He is well, and the district is well. The short days 364 and 365 its frosts have returned.”

26 497 See §75 (pp. 157ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Buqaqum (says), “The district is well. Zimri-Addu and Kibsi-Addu ªwrote me fromº Sippir as follows: ‘The troops are well. [ ] in Sippir [n lines. PN (said) “n lines] write me!” [This] they wrote me. Menirum will arrive in Sippir from Babylon the day after we sent you ªthisº tablet.’ The 2 boys who [ ]. 1 ªHaneanº [ ], 1 ªSut/heanº [ ].”

26 498 See §75 (pp. 157ff.).

[To] my lord speak! Your servant Buqaqum (says), “The ªdistrict is wellº. “Further: ªZimri-Addu, Menirumº and ªKibsi-Addu, wroteº me as follows: ‘Atamrum, together with Babylonian troops, is taking the short cut by way of the steppe from Tamarisk, 366 or else from Harbe, or else from Yabliya. I will depart for Yabliya. Once I obtain a full report on him (Atamrum), I will write to my lord to confirm it. “Further: 8 thousand Babylonian troops [ ] ªwithº Atamrum [and PN], their guide, [ ].”

364. ne-eq-re-ba-tum. I assume that the basic meaning “close” of the root qrb is used for “short,” said of time. Lackenbacher comes to the same result by another route, reading ti9-ik riba-tìm and translating “le (saison des) averses du soir(?).” 365. The possessive suffix is masculine singular and refers to the district and not the short days. 366. ina Binim. Lackenbacher reads i-na bi ni im and abstains from translating. The reading is confirmed by Charpin in “Sapiratum,” 354 n. 38. Tamarisk thickets were a ubiquitous feature on the banks of the rivers, which argues for a place-name without determinative. Durand, in his note on nonsuffixed “emphatic” possessive pronouns in NABU 2002 46, segments i-na pí ni-im and translates “selon notre propre conseil.” The proposal creates difficulties in the context of the return of Atamrum, which is discussed in §75. Obviously, the Mariotes would not counsel Atamrum to take a route that would bypass Mari.

392

Translation

Text 26 499

26 499 See §75 (pp. 157ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Buqaqum (says), “The district is well; the troops of my lord [are well]. Atamrum, [together with 8] thousand ªBabylonianº troops, ª4 linesº. I sent [ ] ªa second timeº. They are staying overnight ªinº Id. They will cross (the river) at Sa Baßim and go by way of the steppe along the river. I will depart for Yabliya to meet them. I will write a full report on them to my lord ªfromº Yabliya.”

26 500 = 2 120 = LAPO 17 600 See §75 (pp. 157ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Buqaqum (says), “The district is well. I went to Yabliya to meet Atamrum and (first) met with Zimri-Addu, with Menirum and Kibsi-Addu, and they told me their news, and (then) I approached and asked Atamrum the following: I (said), ‘[Tell me] ªwhich wayº 367 you go. [I must] ª writeº [to] my lord to confirm (your decision).’ Atamrum answered me as follows: He (said), ‘We will go to Sapiratum, and in Sapiratum we will consult and write to confirm if (it has been decided that) I go to Mari, (or) if I take the short cut (to Andarig) by way of the steppe.’ He will be going (to Sapiratum) along the river by way of the steppe. From Sapiratum I will write ªtoº my lord the news on his trip, so or not so. “Further: I made an estimate of the (number of) troops that go with him, and it came to 6 thousand.”

26 501 See §75 (pp. 157ff.).

[To my lord] ªspeakº! Your servant Buqaqum (says), “My lord Atamrum is ªwellº, I [am] well, the troops are ªwellº. The heart [of ] my lord need [not] be concerned at all. I sent my lord ªthisº tablet of mine from the ªcity of Haradumº. The day I sent my lord this tablet of mine, at bedtime, [8 lines] need not be concerned.”

26 502 = 10 158+ = LAPO 18 1179 See E. Salgues and my note, NABU 2000 31.

To my lady (Inbatu) speak! Your servant Buqaqum (says), “[ ] I arrived in Raßum. My lord gave me instructions for [Kurda], for Andarig [and for] ªKaranaº. [ ] . . . 368 the instructions for Kurda [and] ªthe instructionsº for Andarig differ [and] ªthe instructionsº for Karana differ. [I] went and executed the instructions for Kurda. I executed the instructions for Andarig, and I executed the instructions for Karana. The day I sent this tablet of mine to my lady, I am returning (to Andarig) for sure. When I have wrapped up the issue of Andarig and 367. I follow Durand’s restoration [e-e]m. 368. Lackenbacher restores [um-ma su-ma]. Accordingly, the following sentence would be Zimri-Lim’s words.

spreadis 6 points long

Text 26 503

Translation

393

done what is necessary for the abandoning 369 of my lord’s throne in that land, I will write my lady that news, and my lady ªmust be happy onº that day. She cannot be happy now. [And] ªI am afraidº [the heart] of my lady ªis concernedº because I went. Your heart [need not at all] be concerned. [ ] took so long, and I did not write [my lady]. ª2 linesº.”

26 503–8 are letters from Kibsi-Addu. 503 is coauthored by the elders of Hurban and the Dunnaites; 506, by Buqaqum. The letters report on the war between Mari and Esnuna in the early years of Zimri-Lim’s reign.

26 503 To [our lord] speak! Your servant ªKibsi-Adduº and your servants, the elders of Hurban and the Dunnaites (say), “He (the Esnunakean) assembled (troops in the area) from Id up to Yabliya and (said), ‘I will go; I will capture Hurban with my leaners 370 that I abandoned (earlier).’ I heard of him assembling (troops) and assembled (my troops in the area) from Haradum up to the interior of Hurban. And he heard that I had assembled (troops) in the interior of Hurban and retired on the spot. “Further: About the ladders that Ibal-Pi-El brought into Rapiqum—they are being kept inside Rapiqum. And there are no boats inside Rapiqum for bringing (them) upstream (to Hurban). We lack ladders. If it pleases our lord, we must not have a lack of ladders. “Further: 20 thousand Esnunakeans assembled in Uhul and Unine. 371 He (the Esnunakean) keeps his fleet at the quay of Uhul and Unine (for action) against the Babylonian. And 14 [+n] thousand ªBabyloniansº [n lines]. “[n lines] to their king [ ]. The heart of my lord need not be concerned. ªThe districtº of my lord is well.”

26 504 To my lord speak! Your servant Kibsi-Addu (says), “The Esnunakean who is staying in Uhul and Unine crossed over to Rapiqum. The Rapiqean came down against him, and they fought, and they (the Esnunakeans) defeated Rapiqum. “Further: The Esnunakean came from [ ], and this was ªafterº the defeat [of ] Rapiqum, and they (the Esnunakeans) ªcapturedº [n] thousand sheep of Rapiqum and [n] thousand [of ] Yabliya. ª13 linesº. ªThe district is wellº. The patrols [of ] ªare at full strengthº.”

369. na-de-e. Durand follows a suggestion by Charpin to read na-†e-e “ce qui convient.” The reading is unlikely because /†e/ is rarely written with di. The letters of Buqaqum deviate in some cases from normal orthography, but this particular spelling is not found in his letters either. The same text has †e4(te)-ma-am 2 lines earlier. 370. hu-mu-zi-ia, Lackenbacher transliterates hu-mu-ßí-ia and translates “stèle de victoire.” This word is now read humusum (see Durand, “Réalités,” 27–30). The present context suggests a siege instrument, otherwise spelled hu-mu-da/di-ia, for which see n. 99 to 26 71-bis. 371. See my note, NABU 1996 27. For Uhul, see Durand LAPO 17 582b. He places it “près du canal Irnina.” Joannès, “Routes,” 333, places it on the east bank and Unine on the west bank, between Sa Baßim and Rapiqum in the area of Habbaniya. Letter 26 504 indicates that Uhul and Unine were on the same bank.

394

Translation

Text 26 505

26 505 To my lord speak! Your [servant] Kibsi-Addu (says), “[ ] 2 Mulhanites are ªcarrying tabletsº to my lord. And Yabliya—one-half of it is for [my] ªlordº and one-half of it is for Babylon. When [ ], my lord [ ] troops, [and] I shall ªreturnº the region to [ ]. “Further: ªThe districtº [is well]. My scouts are ªat full strengthº. My lord must dispatch troops and [ ].”

26 506 To my lord speak! Your servant Kibsi-Addu (says), “When we returned Yabliya and (the area) below (it) to our lord, the Ekallateans rustled 7 hundred sheep. And on that day, I had gone to Harbe together with the troops of my lord. And I and the troops were not in a position (to help) and could not come to the rescue. The district is well.”

26 507 To our lord speak! Kibsi-Addu and Buqaqum (say), “We have carried to completion the construction 372 on the house of (the goddess) Hanat. May our lord be happy!”

26 508 [To] my lord speak! Your servant Kibsi-Addu (says), “ª º the Esnunakeans are close to ªNagibumº; the Hana ªare stayingº in Hamadanum and Qarni-Lim in Hubsalum. And I am staying with Qarni-Lim in Hubsalum on the order of Ibal-Pi-El and the mayors of the Hana. The Esnunakean came close to Nagibum and built a camp. And he is pounding 373 the grain. After the Esnunakean had come close to Nagibum, the Hana consulted, and (Ibal-Pi-El said), “I will have the sheep conducted to a safe area and ªbringº my border guards ªto full strengthº.” [ ] to Qarni-Lim [circa 7 lines] at the front side of the encampment [ ]. The day [I] sent [my lord] this tablet of mine, the regulars of [my] ªlord were getting closeº 374 [to] Andarig.”

26 510–29 are letters from Iddiyatum, commander of the Mariote troops stationed in Karana and Qa††ara. The letters date from the latter part of ZL 10u to about the middle of ZL 11u.

510

26 510 To my lord speak! Your servant Iddiyatum (says), “Belum-Kima-Iliya1 and I entered the palace for instructions,2 and Askur-Addu told us, ‘2 thousand Turukkeans, 2 thousand

372. “We have carried to completion the construction” translates the text as emended by Lackenbacher, namely, i--pé-si-im nustallim. Durand, in his note on nonsuffixed “emphatic” possessive pronouns in NABU 2002 46, segments i-pí si-im and translates “sur son ordre à elle.” 373. irappis. This is probably an expression for “threshing,” normally dâsum D. 374. I read i-sà-[an-ni-iq].

Text 26 511

Translation

395

Qabareans, and 1 thousand Yahurrum attacked a work detail that was working on a river of Isme-Dagan. Isme-Dagan came to the rescue, and they defeated him. “ ‘Further: Qisti-Annu, the brother of Igmilum, who came because of his wife—we requested (the release of) his wife, and they did not give her (to him). In the end, we went out of the palace. Qisti-Annu and I had gone outside, and then he told me the following: He (said), “ªHammu-Rabiº [put] Asdi-Madar, the son of Sumumu, who emigrated ªfrom Kurdaº, in prison with me.” 375 I spoke to him as follows: [I] (said), “This word [ ] you did not say.” [He] (said), “I did not say (it).” ’ By now that man ªhas departedº. My lord must inquire about his wife.” 1. 2.

This is probably the full name of Belsunu, who stayed in Karana in VI and VII 13. This is a typical situation. A Mariote envoy, here Belum-Kima-Iliya, sent on a mission to an allied king, here Askur-Addu, is accompanied by the commander of Mariote troops stationed with that allied king, here Iddiyatum, when he submits the message from Zimri-Lim. Zimri-Lim had given Belum-Kima-Iliya instructions on how to conduct the mission. They included the message to be delivered, explanations, answers to anticipated questions, statements of policies, and so on. The message itself was the most important part, and the word “instructions” is often used where “message” is expected (see, for example, the next letter). But “message” and “instructions” were different things. See, for example, 2 23, where it is reported that tablets from Zimri-Lim for HammuRabi arrived in Babylon. They contained the message. Ibal-Pi-El went to Hammu-Rabi to complement it with “oral instructions.” The somewhat vague expression “for instructions” in the present letter stands for “in order to deliver the message and respond to questions according to instructions received.”

26 511 See 26 417 and §63 (pp. 136ff.).

To my lord speak! Your [servant] Iddiyatum (says), “A messenger of Hammu-Rabi, ªthe kingº of Kurda, who was given instructions for Isme-Dagan, ªcameº [and] told Askur-Addu the instructions with which he was ªsentº to Isme-Dagan, (saying), ‘Hammu-Rabi sent me to Isme-Dagan (with the following message): “It is indeed a ªknown factº that you and I [met] in Raßum. They (people attending the meeting) mentioned that Askur-Addu entered Andarig, [and] you (, Isme-Dagan, asked), ‘Did you (Hammu-Rabi) see that ªAskur-Adduº [entered]?’ And you (Isme-Dagan) spoke to me as follows: You (said), ‘Now then, we shall send our boys, and they must check.’ I (, Hammu-Rabi, said) “Possibly it is because Atam376º Sir Kukkutanum and they have released the brother of Haqba-Hammu. Berum ª cause of these things Haqba-Hammu [went] to Andarig.” ’1 And Hammu-Rabi wrote IsmeDagan, ‘A single man is our antagonist. Do not harm the Numha!’2 “Further: an Esnunakean messenger who (came) from Esnuna and an Ekallatean messenger [arrived], and he (the Esnunakean messenger) told ªAskur-Adduº their instructions, (saying), ‘How could you dispatch my messenger and not dispatch a companion with him?’ I (said), ‘[You] gave troops to his (Askur-Addu’s) enemy (Isme-Dagan), and then they (the troops) repeatedly attacked the land of Askur-Addu. How could he dispatch a messenger3 to Esnuna?’ And the Esnunakean messenger spoke to Askur-Addu as follows: ‘I shall return 375. For an improved reading of this sentence, see Marti, NABU 2001 78. 376. Lafont reads i-sa?-[lu?] His translation, “a exécuté,” is problematic because HaqbaHammu executed Kukkutanum (see §55).

396

Translation

Text 26 512

whatever the man of Ekallatum took and the campaigners4 took.’ He (also said), ‘These 377º in your (pl.) hands. Let there be peace!’ I answered [him] as follows: I (said), things ª ‘A messenger of Isme-Dagan came, and he was carrying (a message of) peace. And after he left, there was an attack.’ Haqba-Hammu [said] in front of ªthe messengerº, ‘The land was preoccupied with the harvest. And he (Isme-Dagan) attacked. And [ ] a village with him. Now the days have become cool. Until they return my favor [ ] not [ ] in ªEkallatumº.’5 On the next day, the [Ekallatean]6 messenger spoke to Askur-Addu as follows: ‘Let the convoy ªgoº to Kurda!’ He (said), ‘ª6 linesº.’ “ªAnd Haqba-Hammuº [ ] Hadnum [ ] the land of Surnat [ ]. He captured the cultivated zone [ ]. “And the Turukkean seized the city that he had besieged. And its king—he cut off his head and sent it to Isme-Dagan, (saying), ‘Herewith the head of one who relied on you.’ ” 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

6.

Isme-Dagan’s statements presumably imply his opinion that the report about Askur-Addu, having gone to Andarig, was false and that it was in fact Haqba-Hammu who went there. The single antagonist must be Atamrum. Hammu-Rabi’s exhortation to Isme-Dagan’s not to harm the Numha may refer to attacks of Ekallatum on Karana, which was populated by Numha. The messenger must be the Karanean companion of the Esnunakean messenger. The Esnunakean messenger does not want to say “my troops,” so he uses the more neutral “campaigners.” The sequence of speakers—(1) messenger to Askur-Addu, (2) Iddiyatum to messenger, (3) messenger to Askur-Addu, (4) , (5) Iddiyatum to messenger—is curious. It probably does not reflect diplomatic habits and certainly not meekness or shyness on the part of AskurAddu but instead constitutes one of many examples of jumpy writing style in Iddiyatum’s letters. Lafont restores [Esnunakean], but the issue of transit to Kurda concerns Ekallatum more directly than Esnuna.

26 512 See §65 (pp. 139ff.) and 23 233.

To my lord speak! Your servant Iddiyatum (says), “A messenger of my lord arrived from ªQabraº and spoke to me as follows: ‘ªI haveº [no] companion.’ “Further: (He said), ‘[They] ªattackedº Yaduranum and the men who were with him carrying the litter between Arraphum [and] Kakmum [and] killed them. And they [ ] ªthe litterº.’ [n lines] I did not hear. “Yasim-El and Belsunu came and delivered their instructions. And they (the Karanean authorities) have not yet answered them. “Further: Haqba-Hammu ªseizedº 5 ªcitiesº in the land of Hadnum. [And] Mardaman 378 came to the rescue [of ] ªHadnumº, and ªHaqba-Hammu defeatedº them, and they detained [ ].”

377. Lafont copies a-na it-ªta-x-x-xº, transliterates da?-ri?-t[im]? l[e?-q]é? and translates “prenez pour toujours ces choses dans vos mains.” 378. [ù m]ar-da-ma-nu-umki. Lafont restores “[the king] of Mardaman.”

Text 26 513 = 2 43 =

Translation

397

26 513 = 2 43 = LAPO 17 596 See §65 (pp. 139ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Iddiyatum (says), “Isme-Dagan entered Razama together with the Esnunakean. And I heard from those around me the following: ‘He has his sight on attacking Hißarum.’ And Yatar-Salim spoke to me as follows: ‘A messenger of Isme-Dagan came and spoke to Askur-Addu as follows: “Evict the Mariotes already! 379 Our only enemy will be Andarig. Let it be the only one!” ’ “And ªHammu-Rabiº retired from the land where he had gone. “I wrote my lord once, twice. I (said), ‘Isme-Dagan will look for an ally. Now that man 380º grain and he will look for an ally for (that) reason alone. 381 He will not quit.’ ª “Further: Yanßibum went with Yasim-El and Belsunu to Andarig to take the lead of the Babylonians.”

26 514 See §62 (pp. 135ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Iddiyatum (says), “ªThe troopsº and the ªcity ofº Karana are well. [In] my last letter, [I wrote to] my lord that the land of ªAskur-Adduº [ ] and scouts [ ] in [ ]. And before the enemies [ ] 4 ªdaysº, [ ]. After (sending) my tablet, he sent [ ]. (Ekallatean) campaigners positioned themselves [ ] in ªthe midstº of a reed thicket. And when they laid the ambush, nobody ªchecked on themº. [n] days ªafterº (sending) my last tablet, he went, and the enemies1 attacked the city of Nusar. They captured 30 men and women. [ ] 50 heads of cattle. They killed 2 men and 1 woman. And the [ ] troops of the city of Nusar killed 2 Ekallateans and 1 Esnunakean. And ªa rescue detachmentº of 70 (troops) of the city of Nusar went in pursuit. ªThe enemyº killed 20 troops from among them. Their guide [ ]-Adal [n lines].” 1.

The “campaigners” and “the enemy” are the same persons.

26 515 See §62 (pp. 135ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Iddiyatum (says), “The troops and the city of Karana are well. After the attack that was made on the city of Nusar, the troops keep going out on patrol. And they are returning to Karana. A messenger of Isme-Dagan came to me and (said): ‘It was not we who attacked. Possibly impostors 382 keep attacking.’ And to Askur-Addu they 379. uh-ra-am sa ma-ra-i su-ßi-ma; Lafont reads -uh-ra-am . . . “abandonne la coalition du Mariote!” and quotes Durand, who reads hur!-ra-am “pour toujours.” In LAPO, Durand reads [pí]-ih-ra-am “la troupe.” I understand uhram as the imperative of aharum “to be late,” as the first term of a Koppelung. 380. Lafont reads ªi?-su?º-ma. Durand reads ªi-ku-ul?º-ma “used up.” I expect “needs/lacks,” which would be hasih. 381. I understand idam isten as an adverbial expression in the accusative. 382. sarraru. Durand translates the word in the context of 4 7+ = LAPO17 740 as “ceux qui n’ont pas prêté l’obédience” and in 3 12 = LAPO 17 748 as “non inféodés,” commenting that

398

Translation

Text 26 516

(the messengers) spoke as follows: ‘[Am] ªIº (Isme-Dagan) not your brother? [Do I] not [ ] a sacred oath [that ]?’ ª2 linesº. “And [Haqba-Hammu spoke to him as follows]: ‘How ª2 linesº on ªpatrolº [ ] the next day [ ] did not go out. The day [when ,] the enemy ªattackedº [and] captured 40 men and women, 1 hundred cattle, and 2 thousand sheep. [ ] he [approached] Karana to within half a mile. A rescue detachment came out after him (the enemy), [but] they (the members of the rescue detachment) did not catch up with him. Right away they returned. The land has dropped (all) work. My lord must light fires ªto assembleº the entire land. [Otherwise the enemy might score] a hit in the land. 383 When the enemy [comes, let] those seeking refuge enter the strongholds!’ 384 “Further: [And] the (number) of the enemies who attacked was 8 hundred. And they returned to Razama.”

26 516 See 2 46.

To my lord speak! Your servant Iddiyatum (says), “The troops of my lord and the city of Karana are well. About the 3 foes 385 concerning whom my lord wrote me as follows: ‘10 Mariotes must take them along’—herewith I have entrusted the men to 10 Mariotes and to their guide Ahum, (which is) what my lord wrote me. As of their arrival, my lord must dispatch those men (back) to me. “Further: I heard of Haqba-Hammu’s trip from their (Haqba-Hammu and AskurAddu’s) mouths. (Haqba-Hammu said), ‘I will go to my lord and see the face of my lord, Zimri-Lim.’ Now, that man’s trip to my lord is near. And Askur-Addu spoke as follows: ‘Let me hear a message (from my lord), and [I] will dispatch Haqba-Hammu to my lord.’ ”

26 517 [To my] lord speak! [Your servant] Iddiyatum (says), “[circa 20 lines] to Sasiya [ ] of the Turukkean [ ]. The Turukkean army crossed at Ade, [and] Sasiya [is staying] in Ninet. 386 (They say), ‘The troops crossed. We did not witness 387 the crossing of Sasiya.’ I wrote my lord ªthe newsº that I heard.” the word is a technical term for “Bédouins qui, volontairement, n’entraient pas dans le système de la têbibtum.” I believe that they simply tried to evade military service by cheating. The word has the specific meaning “impostor” also in 14 104+, where it is reported that Atamrum armed sarraru and had them parade as soldiers of Zimri-Lim in front of the walls of Razama. 383. Lafont restores [te-ni-is-tum i]-na matim istet [likkami]s and translates “que la population se rassemble en un seul territoire.” I restore [ú-la-su-ma] ªiº-na matim istet [l ú . k ú r li-pu]-ªusº. 384. “My lord” in this passage is not Zimri-Lim, because the king of Mari cannot be expected to mobilize his land in order to counter a threat of 800 troops harassing Karana; rather, he is the king of Karana. It follows that the passage is a speech that Iddiyatum is quoting. He could be quoting himself or, more likely, Haqba-Hammu. The speech-introduction might follow the “And” in line 15, and the beginning of the speech might be ki-i in line 16. 385. According to 2 46, they were secret agents. 386. That is, Nineveh. See Yuhong, NABU 1994 38; and Marti, FM 6 (2002), 544. 387. niha††am. See my note, NABU 1996 64.

spreadis 6 points long

Text 26 518 = 2 42 =

Translation

399

26 518 = 2 42 = LAPO 17 599 To [my] lord [speak! Your servant] Iddiyatum (says), “The troops and the city of ªKaranaº [are well]. On the 25th day of the month of Abum (IV), the ªTurukkeanº crossed the Tigris to ªthe landº [of ]. And he laid siege to the city of Asna. And ªthe city ofº [Asna lies at a distance of ] a mile and ªa halfº toward ªNinet. Afterº he laid siege to ªthe cityº, he offered it ªpeaceº but kept [his troops] in place. And he requested (the surrender of) its king. 388 They did not give [ ] to him. He (Sasiya) returned, and [ ], and I heard this news and sent (a tablet about it) [to] my lord. And the boys [with whom] I sent (the tablet) ªtoº my lord—those [boys] returned. [ ] cannot go [ from] Mari [ to] Mari for [ ]. The enemy keeps attacking [ . The troops] that are at my disposal [ ] not [circa 17 lines], and they captured [n men], 5 women, (and) 6 boys in ªtheirº villages [and] killed ªthemº. [ ] ªcheckedº [on them], and [ ] the men who [ ] ª º. And ªAskur-Adduº, together with his troops, went to [ ] for [ ]. ªThe enemyº heard (it), and [ ]. Askur-Addu and his troops are well. “Further: Isme-Dagan and the Esnunakean are staying in [ ] Assur [ ] set ªsightº on [ ] for Arraphum, and they let the word go out [to] Isme-Dagan, and [ ] 6 (donkey) drivers of Assur and ªtheirº guide Assur-Naßir. The Esnunakean [ ] in Ekallatum. And the Esnunakean [said to Isme-Dagan, ‘ ].’ ªIsme-Daganº (said), ‘[ ] you ªdepartº [ ] ªtheyº despoil [ ].’ Atalli ªtoldº this news to [PN], the messenger of Askur-Addu.”

26 519 To my lord speak! Your servant Iddiyatum (says), “The troops of my lord and the city of Karana are well. Isme-Dagan . . . an earlier campaign during a march. And he could not fall asleep in Saphu. 389 Isme-Dagan spoke to the Sapheans as follows: ‘How is it that of all (people) the little Askur-Addu commands you?!’ And they answered him: ‘Should you, a cripple, command us?!’ The two men who answered him with these words—he set their dwelling on fire. And he carried off 15 men who approached him. “The land is calm. Where before (the population of) his land had entered the strongholds, the coming up of my lord has been heard now, and he (Askur-Addu) released the ones who had sought refuge and entered the strongholds. “Further: 5 hundred Turukkeans made a raid below Ekallatum and Assur and reached Razama. They captured 1 hundred persons and 50 cattle. And nobody stood up to them. The day I sent my lord this tablet of mine, Askur-Addu entered Karana. I did not write my lord until I could confirm the truth of the matter.” 388. Durand translates “Il lui a proposé un pact de non-agression, avec installation de garrison et demande the son roi (en otage),” commenting that the verbs usesib and iris are past tense forms but designate something that had not been realized at the time. I believe the Turukkum kept up the pressure by letting the troops stay put. 389. ina eteqisu girrasu panêmma i-ti -ri u ina Saphi islul, literally, “In his passing along he . . . a former campaign of his and could not fall asleep in Saphu.” Lafont translates “(IsmeDagan,) de passage (alors qu’)il dirigeait son expédition précédent, s’est arrêté pour la nuit à Saphum.” He sees i-ti-ri as a preterit of the Gtn of warûm and refers to AHw. for instances where warûm has i as a stem-vowel. However, such a form should be ittarri. He sees iZ-lu-ul as a form of ßalalum “to lie.” I derive it from salalum, for which see my note, NABU 1995 93. I am not sure about my interpretation. I also do not understand Iddiyatum’s motive for telling this anecdote.

400

Translation

Text 26 520

26 520 To my lord speak! Your servant Iddiyatum (says), “My lord wrote ªmeº as follows: ‘Yasim-El [reported] the siege of the city of ªKiyatanº [n lines.’ n lines] that he will see to it that a full report reaches Yasim-El from [ ]. And who is bringing me a report? Now my lord must write Yasim-El, and he (Yasim-El) must dispatch the 20 members of my division (back to me), and let my lord see on that day whether I am reliable or not reliable (and) that I am not negligent. I have written twice, three times, about the troops. Reliable troops are not at [hand]. The enemy is staying [in ].”

26 521 See §65 (pp. 139ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Iddiyatum (says), “ªIsme-Daganº seized the city of ªKiyatanº, to which he had laid siege. Its prisoners of war [ ]. And a train of his donkeys (went and) left grain in Razama, 390 and [ ]. Askur-Addu, together with his troops, [approached Kiyatan] to within a third of a mile. Askur-Addu ªattackedº once, [twice], then ªreturnedº to his camp. The entire land of the Numha is ªsleeplessº. And they speak as follows: ‘He attacked once, ªtwiceº, and (at first) he made (the enemy) come out; (later) he did not make (him) come out.’ Askur-Addu wrote me for 30 Mariotes and Suheans, and I dispatched (them to him). I am afraid my lord will speak as follows: ‘My servant did not write me this news until now!’ I wrote to my lord on the day that Isme-Dagan approached. On the next day, I checked on it, and I sent the tablet to my lord.1 And I gave the following directions to the messenger with whom I ªsentº my lord the tablets: I (said), ‘. . . 391 2 days, 3 [days]. Find out (pl.) news on ªhisº retiring and ªgoing outº (from Kiyatan) and depart (for my lord)!’ “We requested the (extradition of the) Ekallatean messengers, and ªAskur-Adduº (said), ‘I shall give them up.’ And [ ] troops of Isme-Dagan [ ] made peace [ ] 2 days [ ] wrote, and [ ] . And before nightfall [ ] in their middle [ ] they have returned them [ ] the messengers of ªHammu-Rabiº, king of Kurda [ ]. ª5 linesº. “And I wrote Yasim-El for the 20 men, but he did not give (them) to me. I (said to myself), ‘Soon, when I hear news and write my lord, he (Yasim-El) must dispatch (the 20 men) from my detachment 392 (back to me).’ ”2 1. 2.

Iddiyatum refers to the policy of checking information. See also 26 302. Lafont suspects that the scribe wanted to cram more information into these last lines than he had writing space. According to 26 520, Iddiyatum had already asked the king repeatedly to urge Yasim-El to return his 20 troops. Iddiyatum, who was probably afraid of renewing his request outright, hinted at it by telling the king what he thought when Yasim-El refused to return his troops.

390. u a n s e . h á-su ße-em kayyama[ntam] i!-na Razama izibunimma. Lafont’s very detailed copy shows that the scribe corrected a-na to i-na. The scribe may have planned to write that the donkey train went “to” (ana) Razama, but, not completing this thought, wrote merely that the donkeys left grain “in” (ina) Razama. 391. Lafont reads [sa u]m-ma-nim (?) and translates “à propos de l’armée.” 392. i-na Zu-ki-ia. Lafont derives from zakûm D and translates “à ma place.” I assume that the word zukûm is meant (for which, see n. 37 to 26 311).

spreadis 12 points long

Text 26 522

Translation

401

26 522 See §66 (pp. 141ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Iddiyatum (says), “ªMessengers of Hammu-Rabiº (of Kurda) took along messengers of Isme-Dagan from Kasapa in order to let them move on to ªIsme-Daganº and (first) took them along to Askur-Addu. And Askur-Addu wrote HammuRabi as follows: ‘How is it that Isme-Dagan takes bites out my land and you let his messengers pass by way of me?’ He returned the messengers of Isme-Dagan to Hammu-Rabi. And the messengers of Isme-Dagan who had come [to] Askur-Addu before1 [circa 6 lines]. He (said), ‘The Esnunakean will retire to his city before the arrival of ªIsme-Daganº [in] ªEkallatumº.’ Askur-Addu quit his camp (near Kiyatan) and is building a camp in Rakna. And I heard from those around me, ‘4 thousand Turukkeans crossed (the Tigris), and ªtheir sight is setº on Ekallatum.’ Possibly because of these things, ªIsme-Daganº [returned]. 393 “[And] Samas-El, the messenger of ªAskur-Adduº, [(1 line) spoke to Hammi-Rabi as follows: ‘(1 line)] to attack ªÍubatumº. And I did not let him.’ Hammu-Rabi answered the messengers of Askur-Addu as follows: ‘ªYamutbalº, my ªenemyº, is (allied) with you. How could I come to [your] 394 ªrescueº?’ “Isme-Dagan burdened his donkeys with grain and ªenteredº [Razama].” 1.

This is a different group of messengers. It had presumably come from Ekallatum.

26 523 See §66 (pp. 141ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Iddiyatum (says), “Some time ago, I wrote my lord as follows: I (said), ‘I heard from those around me about the entry of Mut-Askur, son of IsmeDagan, into Ekallatum. Now, Askur-Addu dispatched campaigners and their guide, the Nusarean Ili-Ram, to Ekallatum, and they captured 12 donkeys (and) 8 merchants, informed persons.1 And those informed persons spoke to Askur-Addu as follows: “The Esnunakean and the Babylonian made peace. [And] the son of Isme-Dagan, who went to the Esnunakean, has returned to Ekallatum. And they did not accept his visitation gift, which he had brought to Esnuna. He brought (it) back.” And (they say), “The Esnunakean Iluma-Mannum, a rider of donkeys, came up to Ekallatum to dismiss the troops of the Esnunakean.” ’ “ªFurtherº: Be it the Hadnean, be it the Turukkean, (someone) attacked Íubatum on the bank of the Tigris in the namassum 395 of Askur-Addu and captured 40 men and women (and) 1 hundred heads of cattle. And he killed 3 men.

393. There is very little space for my restoration [i(t)-tu-ur]. Lafont ends the line with the name Isme-Dagan and fills the break at the beginning of the next line with ana. However, the context suggests a word on Isme-Dagan’s reaction to the Turukkean threat, and interaction with a messenger of Askur-Addu does not easily fit such a context. The line that mentions the messenger of Askur-Addu belongs to the passage that includes the following 3-line break and Hammu-Rabi’s answer to the messenger. 394. Lafont restores the third person, understands the preceding ittika “with you” as part of the same sentence, and translates “Comment pourrais-je aller à son secours avec toi?” 395. The meaning of the word is not established. Lafont translates “territoire,” which fits the context well.

402

Translation

Text 26 524

“And I heard from those around me the following: ‘Askur-Addu will quit his camp in 3 days. And he will position his troops throughout the cities of his border region.’ And (they say), ‘He will dispatch the Babylonian 396 to Andarig.’ Askur-Addu issued a decree to his land: ‘(Men forming) an assembly 397 must form a barrier all along the frontside of the encampments. (Each group) may request 398 rear guards and singles (and) build its house.’ 2 “They released the 2 Esnunakean messengers who had been detained ªhereº. But they have not yet departed. (Askur-Addu said): ‘[I] ªcannot giveº you companions. [Take] the route to Arrapha [and reach] Esnuna (that way)! I am afraid [Isme-Dagan] will detain my messengers,3 because I am detaining [his] messengers.’ Askur-Addu spoke to the messengers of the Esnunakean as follows: ‘Why did you come with the messengers whom ªIsme-Dagan sentº (to say), “Repulse the hand of Zimri-Lim and the Babylonian!?” ’ The messengers answered as follows: ‘We did not know when Isme-Dagan wrote this word.’ ” 1. 2.

3.

So Lafont. The other possible interpretation is “12 donkeys, 8 merchants, (and) informed persons.” I understand the decree as follows: Clans or other groups capable of concerted action are given land in the marginal zone between agricultural area and pasture. The kingdom promises contributions of labor and protection by detailing rear guards and singles upon request of such groups, thus enabling them to form “houses.” I speculate that such “houses” were communities with a collective household, such as the locality called “House of Habdu-Il-Hanni,” which is mentioned in FM 2 37. A parallel to the arrangement may be found in 27 107, according to which the governor of Qa††unan offered land in the northern border area of ˇabatum to the assembly of the Patakhum, presumably a clan. These messengers would have been the companions of the Esnunakean messengers.

26 524 See §66 (pp. 141ff.).

[To] my lord speak! Your servant Iddiyatum (says), “Haqba-Hammu came from the troops and spoke to me as follows: ‘3 fugitives ªfledº from Razama in the middle of the night and spoke to Askur-Addu as follows: “When we departed (to get) here, Isme-Dagan, together with his troops, started out in the middle of the night for Ekallatum. And the grain that Isme-Dagan transported on his donkeys from the namassum 399 of Askur-Addu did not arrive in Razama. And his donkeys returned without their load to Ekallatum. They (say), ‘Isme-Dagan is hungry. There is no grain whatsoever in his land.’ ” “ ‘Further: Those fugitives spoke to Askur-Addu as follows: “When the Esnunakean ªmessengerº, a rider of donkeys, who came up with the son of ªIsme-Daganº to dismiss the Esnunakeans, arrived in Razama, they (the people) saw him in Razama, and the prison 400 rose up in that city. And Isme-Dagan addressed that messenger as follows: ‘The 5 hundred 396. That is, Munawwirum (and his men). 397. l ú - m e s pu-uh-rum. L ú . m e s is determinative. 398. liris eresum means “to cultivate, to till” and “to request.” Lafont chooses the first option and makes the rear guards and singles the grammatical subject of the verb, in which case there is no concord between subject and predicate. For this reason I choose the second option. 399. See n. 395 above. 400. ßibittum. Lafont translates “vive discussion,” which misjudges the seriousness of the situation. Durand also thinks that “prison” does not fit the context; see Lafont’s comment h.

Text 26 525

Translation

403

Esnunakean troops must stay behind to guard me! If not, my land will kill me after you (depart). They will not let me live.’ The messenger who came up with the son of IsmeDagan has now dismissed his troops (back) to Esnuna.” ’ Herewith I have written my lord what I heard. “Further: Numheans spoke to me before Haqba-Hammu as follows: ‘Your sheep are eating our pasture and drinking from our wells.’ Haqba-Hammu ªspokeº to my face as follows: ‘[2 lines].’ I have written my lord ªat the commandº of Haqba-Hammu. My lord must write the shepherds in strict terms.”

26 525 See 26 491, on which the restorations are based, and §§66 and 67 (pp. 141ff.).

[To] my [lord speak]! Your servant Iddiyatum (says), “A [courtier who] ªfledº here ªfrom Ekallatumº [ ] (said), ‘ªThe Esnunakeanº quit. Isme-Dagan ªkept complainingº. He (said), “The land, all of it, is displeased [with] me. (It says), ‘Why did he take the lead of a blind snake1 and made it come up?’ Since you ªgoº, I will go with you to Esnuna.” ªLipit-Sinº [and 5] ªhundred Esnunakeans are detainedº in ªEkallatumº. [And] ªIsme-Daganº [keeps] ªwritingº [Sasiya for] ªpeaceº. [And] ªIsme-Daganº [secured 8] talents of silver to send to Sasiya. And he ªsecuredº boats (to be sent) to Kawilhum in order to ªobtainº grain. Sasiya had his sons conducted to [the Qutean] Sasum [as hostages]. And [he carried his] ªtributeº (to him). The king of Simurrum who stayed before Sasum ªandº (then) fled to Sasiya—Sasiya gave him up to Sasum the Qutean.’ [I wrote] my [lord] the news that I ªheardº.”

26 526 See §67 (pp. 145ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Iddiyatum (says), “The Ekallatean messenger Ißharum who was detained in Karana and Assyrian merchants came and told me the following: ‘Sasiya made peace with ªIsme-Daganº in (form of) a binding agreement. 401 And the gods of Isme-Dagan are staying with Sasiya for (the purpose of) declaring a sacred oath. And his (Isme-Dagan’s) boats remain in Kawilhum. Later, after Sasiya had made a binding agreement with Isme-Dagan, Sasiya dispatched 3 thousand troops up to the gate of Ekallatum, and they beat 1 hundred troops (and) 402 [n +] 1 hundred men and women prisoners of war. They (the troops) attacked their (the Ekallateans’) cities (all the way) up to Kurdissatum. They captured sheep, cattle, and whatever there was (around), up to the gate of Ekallatum. Besides Ekallatum, which he spared, he did not leave anything behind in the land. And (they say), “The Esnunakean general, Lipissa, was there on the day when Sasiya attacked.” ’ The Ekallatean messengers 1 who came to Askur-Addu told me this news. And Askur-Addu departed for Qa††ara on the day when the messengers arrived. And so far they have not delivered their instructions. They departed for Qa††ara. On the next day I heard from those around me, ‘Lipissa retired to Esnuna together with his troops, and Sasiya committed himself to peace with the Kurdaite Hammu-Rabi.’ 401. See n. 221 to 26 409. 402. Erasures are found in the space where one would expect to find a verb.

404

Translation

Text 26 527

“I wrote my lord the news that I heard. My lord must ªwrite meº, so or not so, and I shall dispatch two boys of mine with the merchants, and they must continue to obtain news on Ekallatum.” 1.

Apparently, the Ekallatean messenger Ißharum was head of the delegation, which is here referred to as “messengers.”

26 527 To my lord speak! Your servant Iddiyatum (says), “The troops of my lord and the city of ªKaranaº are well. Yasim-El wrote me, and I dispatched to him 1 hundred troops of the palace gate from among the 3 hundred troops that my lord had assigned me.1 (Of the remaining 2 hundred,) 1 hundred ªare guarding Qa††araº and 1 hundred Karana. ª5 linesº. ªHaqbaHammuº [ ] 3 hundred troops to ªAtamrumº ª3 linesº. He has now ceded to Askur-Addu the city of Sadduwatum, which Atamrum held in the past. “The day I sent this tablet of mine to my lord, Dadaya, son of Damiq-Ilisu, a Babylonian, who has instructions for Askur-Addu, they (he and his company) entered Karana.” 1.

Iddiyatum’s scribe put the sentence as follows: “From among the 3 hundred troops that my lord had assigned me, Yasim-El wrote me, and I dispatched 1 hundred troops of the palace gate to him.”

26 528 To my lord speak! Your servant Iddiyatum (says), “ªThe Kurdaiteº Hammu-Rabi ªwroteº me, and [ ] from among the messengers of Isme-Dagan who are detained in Karana1 (30 broken lines). [He said/wrote] to Askur-Addu [as follows]: ‘As Samsi-[Adad and SamuAddu2 in the past] stood by each other, so ªnowº [you and] Isme-Dagan [stand by each other]!’ [The day] I sent my lord this ªtabletº of mine, Buqaqum arrived in Nusar together with his troops.” 1. 2.

The construction of this sentence is exactly parallel to the second sentence in the previous text. I rearranged it in the translation as before. Restoration by Ziegler, communicated in Charpin, “Passé,” 103.

26 530–50 are letters from Íidqum-Lanasi, a prominent citizen of Kar-Kamis, perhaps vizier of King Apla-Handa (Lafont, “Homme d’affaires,” 276). Three more letters of his, A.297, A.2133, and M.9157, are translated as additional texts. The Akkadian of these letters deviates from standard epistolary diction, which may be expected, considering their peripheral provenance in the far north.

53

26 530

To my lord Zimri-Lim speak! Your servant Íidqum-Lanasi (says), “About the merchant Nabi-Sin, concerning whom my lord wrote me—by now Istaran-Naßir has repeatedly heard his words, all of them. Nabi-Sin spoke as follows: He (said), ‘I will certainly not go ªto Mariº. And it is certain that I will not go. I shall go (to Qa†anum). I shall make Sir Tußatan, the son of the brother of Iddin-Kubi, declare a sacred oath in Qa†anum. He must declare the follow-

Text 26 531

Translation

405

ing: “Iddin-Kubi does not owe silver to Iddin-Dagan, the father of Nabi-Sin, (and) does not know (anything about it). I have not heard (anything about it).” Thus he must declare, and (then) I shall break my tablet and depart.’ In light of his saying this, we (Íidqum-Lanasi and Istaran-Naßir) sent Yassi-El and the market (administrators) of Qa†anum a tablet, and NabiSin seized ªTußatanº in Qa†anum. He (said), ‘Declare a sacred oath!’ Tußatan (said), ‘Make me declare (the oath) by the gods of your choice.’ At that point, 403 Nabi-Sin did not want to make him declare (an oath). Nabi-Sin ªroseº [and] called out, ‘Out, out!’ He departed. And he did not return to Kar-Kamis to his. . . .” 404 I understand the text as follows: a Mariote merchant, Nabi-Sin, who is staying in Kar-Kamis, is in possession of a note, in the form of a clay tablet, that records a debt owed his father by the uncle of a certain Tußatan, who lives in Qa†anum. Nabi-Sin, wanting to collect the debt, approached Istaran-Naßir, the Mariote envoy in Kar-Kamis, and was told to pursue his quest from Mari. He protested, determined to go directly to Qa†anum to raise his claim there. If Tußatan would not pay the debt of his uncle, NabiSin would force him to deny the existence of the debt under oath. Zimri-Lim, who was informed about the affair, wrote Íidqum-Lanasi on behalf of Nabi-Sin. The Mariote envoy in Kar-Kamis and ÍidqumLanasi thereupon wrote to the administrators of the market in Qa†anum to assist in the resolution of Nabi-Sin’s claim. Nabi-Sin went to Qa†anum. Tußatan did not accept the existence of the debt. NabiSin challenged him to deny the existence of the debt under oath. Tußatan accepted the challenge, and Nabi-Sin stormed out without collecting his debt. Tußatan may have been convinced that the debt did not exist, or he was willing to perjure himself. When Nabi-Sin realized that Tußatan would deny the existence of the debt under oath and his hopes to collect on the debt vanished, he left in a huff. Íidqum-Lanasi mentioned that he did not return to Kar-Kamis. The reason is unclear. Nabi-Sin’s reluctance to be where he is expected to be, first in Mari and later in Kar-Kamis, and his precipitous exit from Qa†anum raise the suspicion that he may have forged the tablet on which the debt to his father was recorded.

26 531 To my lord Zimri-Lim speak! Your servant Íidqum-Lanasi (says), “About the issue concerning which you wrote me, ‘I heard from those around me, “Isme-Dagan wrote YahdunLim, ‘chase away your brothers!’ ” ’ (It is) true. He wrote it. And Yahdun-Lim assembled us and spoke to us. He (said), ‘What is it now that this one wrote me?’1 And he (Yahdun-Lim) did not return him (Isme-Dagan) a response to his words. He ignored it.2 “Further: You wrote me as follows: You (said), ‘You are certainly good for everything in the gate of your palace.’3 You know that you are my lord. It is my pleasure. I have everything under control. 405 I do what is necessary for safeguarding myself, and you, my lord, may [you] rest your hand on me!” 1. 2.

3.

This is a fairly literal translation. Yahdun-Lim may have meant to say, “Why did that man write, and why did he write what he wrote?” Yahdun-Lim was son of the former King Apla-Handa and brother of Yatar-Ami, whom he succeeded as king of Kar-Kamis. Isme-Dagan seems to have tried to influence the succession in KarKamis after Apla-Handa’s death. See Lafont, NABU 1988 3. The gate of the palace was the administrative center of the kingdom.

403. This translates ilqi-ma, which functions as the first term of a Koppelung. 404. res awatisu. Lafont translates “l’essentiel de son affaire”; Durand, “là où est la maisonmère.” In 26 394:7 it seems to mean “outline.” 405. ßabtaku. Lafont translates “(c’est un plaisir pour moi de) m’occuper (de tout ces choses).”

406

Translation

Text 26 532

26 532 ªToº my lord ªspeakº! Your servant Íidqum-Lanasi (says), “About the issue of the Imarites concerning which my lord wrote me—I ªwentº to Yarim-Lim, and Yarim-Lim spoke to me as follows: He (said), ‘Hold off! Down there, their caravans, their oxen, and their carts will go out in order to transport grain (and) wine 406 for profit. At that time, I will detain the caravans.’ This he said to me. And he [ ], and we will detain (them) over here (in KarKamis). When we have detained the caravans (and) when my lord has heard (this), my lord must do what needs to be done.1 “Further: Take action on the issue concerning which your brother (the king of KarKamis) wrote you and write to Imar!” 1.

The letter apparently refers to a concerted action by Halab, Kar-Kamis, and Mari to interfere with the trading activities of Imar. See also Durand, “Imar,” 61 and 65.

26 533 = Dossin, RA 35 (1938), 120 (partial publication) “[n lines] I am afraid my lord will be angered 407 because of his [ ], and the message of those tablets will be disregarded. My lord must pay attention and send a response to his tablets, (that is, those) of Apla-Handa. “Further: I spoke (to Apla-Handa) about white horses, and he (said), ‘There are no white chariot-horses available. I shall write, and where white horses are available, they will bring them along. And for now I shall have red Harsamnean horses conducted to him (Zimri-Lim).’ This he said to me. Now [ ] the red horses [n lines].”

26 534 To my lord ªZimri-Limº speak! Your servant Íidqum-Lanasi (says), “My lord wrote me about what he wants from 408 his brother. My lord spoke to me as follows: ‘Speak for me! Keep on seeing to it that the wanted items that I request from my brother are delivered!’ When 409 my lord speaks and writes for the items he wants—{I < > the wanted items for my lord, whatever he requested from his brother Apla-Handa—and} did I not (always) stand by and make arrangements for the wanted items of my lord?1 On that day my lord must not

406. t i n . n a. Lafont translates “grapes,” at the suggestion of Durand. 407. in-na-za-aq. inazziq is expected. AHw. cites a case of a-vocalization in Ugarit. The apparent N-stem form is unique. 408. Literally, “his wanted items that are to (ana ßer) his brother.” The awkward statement is expressed more clearly later: what he’s referring to are Zimri-Lim’s requests for merchandise from Apla-Handa. 409. asar. As noted by Durand (most recently in LAPO 17 453b), the subjunctive particle was not restricted to its original local meaning in Mari but was well on its way to being a general relative pronoun, as attested in Hebrew. The corresponding “on that day” in the next sentence shows that the sense here is plainly temporal, notwithstanding the disconnect between the general time frame “when + present tense” and the specific “on that day.”

Text 26 535

Translation

407

speak as follows: ‘I have no servant in Kar-Kamis.’ Wanted items that you requested from your brother, those wanted items are delivered.” 1.

The sentence, if one can call it that, is hopelessly botched without the heavy emendation suggested.

26 535 To my lord speak! Your servant Íidqum-Lanasi (says), “I accomplished the objectives 410 of my lord Zimri-Lim, and herewith I send the part of my lord. May my lord place this ring on his hand, and may my lord drink the sweet wine!”

26 536 To my lord Zimri-Lim speak! Your servant Íidqum-Lanasi (says), “Herewith I send 5 jars of Samum 411 wine, (the delivery) consisting of 3 jars of new wine and 2 [jars] of old wine.”

26 537 See 26 281.

[To] my ªlord Zimri-Lim speakº! Your servant ªÍidqum-Lanasiº (says), “You sent me [1] ª2/3º pounds of silver for ªbuyingº wine and 1/2 pound of silver for the purchase of a boat. Of those 1 2/3 pounds of silver, I spent 10 shekels of silver for the purchase of 6 hundred jars. With the remaining 1 1/2 pounds of silver I (purchased enough) wine to fill 6 ªhundred 30º jars. 412 I added [ ] ªonº my own and bought [ ] for the boat. ª2 linesº. “[circa 12 lines] must speak [ ]. (He said), ‘[ ]. My father, ªApla-Handaº, did not ªdie but is aliveº. Zimri-Lim is [my] father.’ ªYatar-Amiº is truly your son. And hold him by your hand! And he cannot comprehend that his father went to his fate. Talk ªwithº him from the fullness of your heart!”

26 538 To Asqudum speak! Íidqum-Lanasi who loves ªyouº (says), “Your boy Abi-Íululi came [and] brought the wanted items that you sent intact, and I am very happy. He brought 1/2 pound of silver for (the purchase of) wine. And he brought 10 shekels of silver for the purchase of a boat. I asked myself ªinº my heart. I (said), ‘Once I buy a boat here for 10 shekels of silver, will it then not be worth (only) 1 shekel in Mari?’1 ªOver hereº, I gathered up (the silver for) the purchase price of wine and a boat, and 1/2 pound 8 shekels is all that AbiÍululi ªbroughtº in a bag sealed by him.2 [I] ªboughtº [n+] 20 jars of wine for 1/2 pound 8 shekels of silver. [n lines].”

410. I follow Lafont, who suggests that us-ba-tim is an error for ßibatim. Durand refers to uspum, which was used in Nuzi as a designation for an oil container. 411. sà-a-mi ki. Durand, LAPO 17 469i, proposes a location not far from Harran. 412. One shekel bought wine for 7 jars.

408 1. 2.

Translation

Text 26 539

The drop in price is a reflection of the difficulty in bringing the boats back upstream. See Durand, “Imar,” 70. Literally, “together with his seal.”

26 539 To my lord Zimri-Lim speak! Your servant Íidqum-Lanasi (says), “[You] ªsentº me [n] pounds of silver for the purchase of wine [and] 1/2 pound of silver for the purchase of a boat. From the silver for (purchase of the) wine, [I] ªgaveº [n shekels] of silver for the purchase of 6 hundred jars. [Now], herewith [I have given] 1 1/2 pounds of silver ª5 linesº Kutkutu, Yantin-Erah and [ ]. And herewith I ªhaveº sent 20 tiyaru. 413 If there is a demand for tiyaru, I shall keep my ears open and collect any that chance upon me. ªYantin-Erahº [ ] fee [ ].”

26 540 To my lord ªZimri-Limº speak! Your servant ªÍidqum-Lanasiº (says), “The boats of Dariya and of Istaran-Naßir—their load was heavy, and I could not load (them) with tiyaru. ªNowº, the boat of Yantin-Erah will push off 5 or else 6 days after their departure. I [will] ªloadº that boat with 36 good tiyaru (and) 14 tiyaru ªof second qualityº 414—in sum, 50 ªtiyaruº, (which is) what is ªavailableº.”

26 541 [To] ªmyº [lord] Zimri-Lim ªspeak! Yourº [servant] Íidqum-Lanasi (says), “[About] the biyanu stems 415 ªthatº [you] requested—such ªstemsº are not available. If they had been available, my lord Yatar-Ami would not have kept them from you. You wrote me as follows: You (said), ‘Hire ªday laborersº and bring [them (the stems)] down in boats! And [I will give] you the equivalent of your silver.’ This you ªwroteº [me]. What now? What concerns me: the silver [there is], or else anything there is, ªsilverº and all that is mine, is ªyoursº. 416 And I [asked my] ªlordº. 417 My lord truly has no ªbiyanu stemsº. “[About] tiyaru for a chariot—ªtiyaruº are available. [I] ªgatheredº them up (in response) to your demand. Dariya [and] Istaran-Naßir will now bring ªtiyaruº to you. [I shall as] ªmany asº chance upon me and gather (them) up for you. 413. tiyaru are wooden vehicle parts. See comment 3 to 26 285. 414. So according to Marti, NABU 2001 81. 415. m i s . h i . a bi-ia-ni. Lafont translates “tamaris” without comment. Tamarisk is binum, a wood of low quality that was widely available. 416. This is what I’m guessing the scribe wanted to say. I restore in line 17 [ka-at]-tu-un. ka-lu-um-mu-ia in line 16 looks as though the scribe wanted to use the noun kalum “all, entirety” with the possessive suffix of the first-person singular, without, however, knowing how it should be done. Lafont communicates Durand’s suggestion to posit a noun kalummûm as a variant form of kalumanu, which is known from Nuzi. But this leaves the long, or reduplicated, m unexplained. 417. Lafont restores be-[re-ku] and translates “et moi je meurs de faim.” I restore be-[lí as-ta-al].

Text 26 542

Translation

409

“[ ] a courtier, a young secretary, whom I requested ªfromº my lord for ªservingº me, [7 lines].”

26 542 [To] ªmyº [lord] speak! Your [servant] Íidqum-Lanasi (says), “My lord wrote me once, twice [about] ªwoodenº boards. But the land is stirred up over here, and we are not able to do anything. My lord must ask Yassi-El about that situation, and he (Yassi-El) must tell my lord the full story. As we are not able to ªdoº anything under these confused conditions, let the god of my lord clear [ ], 418 and, as that situation calms, I will send wooden boards, however many my lord desires. “Further: [ ] one golden solar disk 419 and a gold ring from Saladuwar, [n] ªjarsº of Samum 420 wine [n lines].”

26 543 To my lord [speak]! Your servant Íidqum-Lanasi (says), “12 thousand half-bushels of grain, ªreceiptº of Asinum, ª11 thousandº (half-bushels) of grain, ªreceiptº of Kaªalan, ªˇabÍillasuº, [and] ªAsqudumº. Now, herewith 21 thousand 6 hundred 30 half-bushels of grain, ªreceiptº of Yanßib-Addu. In sum, 44 thousand 6 hundred 30 half-bushels of grain are what I measured out into the hands of the agents.” For letters 543–45, see now Marti, “Le commerce du blé par l’Euphrate,” FM 6 (2002), 475–80.

26 545 To Yasim-Sumu speak! Íidqum-Lanasi who loves you (says), “When I went down to Mari, I measured out 12 thousand half-bushels of grain to Asinum. Secondly, I ªmeasured outº 5 thousand half-bushels to Bur-Nunu and Kaªalan, the ªZurubbaniteº. And now [I have measured out] 6 [thousand half-bushels to PN]. [2 lines]. The grain [ ] in [ ]. I did not send you your name declaration gift. I will send you your name declaration gift with Dariya. “Further: Wine has become expensive this year. Provide silver for purchasing. And dispatch a reliable boy! I shall buy you wine.”

26 547 To my lord Zimri-Lim speak! Your servant Íidqum-Lanasi (says), “You wrote me as follows: You (said), ‘[A] ªmaidº from among my slaves1 for whom a soldier has [provided] ªsuretyº (and whom) 421 he has [in] his house—and he cannot ªtakeº (her) as wife, and he 418. Lafont restores h[a-ra-nam] “libérer la route.” 419. aß5.me. See LAPO 16 108a. 420. sí-mi-im ki. 421. Lafont restores qa-ta!-[ti-sa], translates “en s’en portant garant,” and refers to Charpin, who states that qatatum may refer to the surety that is given for the use of a slave of the palace. I add [id-di-nu] to Lafont’s restoration and assume that sa in line 5 relates the surety and the maid to the soldier.

410

Translation

Text 26 548

ªhasº a son (by her)’—[ ] [I] keep hearing (it), and [ ] to buy ª º [ ] ªthe landº of Hahhum, of Hassum, [ ] Zalwar” (remainder too broken for translation). 1.

The word is written ìr-di-ia. This spelling is normally restricted to the meaning “servant.” In this case, however, the “maid” must be a slave girl, because it is this status that prohibits marriage. See my remarks in Orientalia 69 (2000), 89.

26 548 [To] ªmyº [lord] speak! Your servant Íidqum-Lanasi (says), “[n lines] ªI hopeº [my lord] will not say anything ªinº his heart about the delays. The land is stirred up and the routes are ªcutº. Therefore [they did not] ªreturnº.”

26 549 To Asqudum speak! Íidqum-Lanasi who loves you says, “You sent me Qaqqadan, ªKiliyaº [and PN. You] (said), ‘[n lines] 1 good lapis-lazuli seal that [ ] presented [ ] not [ ] Subarean [ ] I wear an Akkadian garment. The one who loves me must send [me] textiles, good. . . . 422 And Kiliya must not linger there. Dispatch them (back) quickly! And further: Why do they collect a fee on my boats? About my boats [ ] collects a fee.’ This [he said to me].”

26 550 To Yasim-Sumu speak! Íidqum-Lanasi who loves you (says), “[n lines]” (Underneath a rule the following is written:) This tablet is the copy of a tablet of Íidqum-Lanasi. Because it is the tablet of ªÍidqum-Lanasiº, it was returned to Íidqum-Lanasi.1 1.

The text of the tablet of Íidqum-Lanasi was written above the rule.

422. bi-it-ri.

chapter title drops 1 pica

Chapter 6

Translations of Texts from ARM 27

The letters in volume 27 were written to Zimri-Lim by governors of the district of Qa††unan: Ilsu-Naßir, Zakira-Hammu, Zimri-Addu, and Yatarum. Letters from other governors and officials who may or may not have been governors were published by Durand in “Administrateurs,” 83–114. They are translated as additional texts FM 2 47–71. Letters 27 1–24 are from Ilsu-Naßir. They date to the early part of Zimri-Lim’s reign. Birot dates them to ZL 1u–3u (27, 19–20). Another letter by Ilsu-Naßir is FM 3 130, which is translated as an additional text.

1–2

27 1 = Jean, RA 42 (1948), 72–77 = LAPO 17 754 See Finet, “Une affaire de disette dans un district du royaume de Mari,” RA 53 (1959), 57–69; Talon, “A propos du personnel agricole à Mari,” Iraq 45 (1983), 48; Durand, “La travail du métal à Mari,” MARI 2 (1983), 126 n. 12.

[To] my lord [speak! Your servant] Ilsu-Naßir (says), “Tebi-Gerisu ªcameº [and] audited 1 the palace. And Tebi-Gerisu saw that the palace had deficiencies. My lord must ask his servant. When Asqudum audited the palace, he assigned 12 men to 1 plow. And they were not enough, and 15 men are barely enough for 1 plow. The seedbed preparation in front of 2 the plows is much. And the agents saw (then) that the work load was much. Now agents arrived and assigned 10 men to the plows. In the past, 12 men were not enough for one plow, how can 10 men now be enough? Is it right that my lord establishes (a situation with) not 1. upaqqidam. Birot proposes the translation “a inspecté” and explains what this might have entailed. Durand gives a highly technical translation: “(est venue) fixer le montant des rations alimentaires.” I base my translation on the use of the D stem for designating verification of extispicies. 2. Or “prior to (the use of).” Regardless of whether ina pani has temporal or spatial meaning here, it should refer to the preparation of the seedbed, such as weeding (see Durand’s comment c in LAPO).

411

412

Translation

Text 27 2

(enough) personnel? 3 Is it because of the 25 tracts of grain deficit concerning which I wrote ªmyº lord, that my lord ªwroteº me to remove personnel? My lord certainly must not remove personnel. I keep hearing the opinion of the commoners who live in the city, and is it not as follows: ‘If the palace removes personnel, we, how can we stay on?” 4 Therefore I kept that personnel. I borrow grain wherever there is some to borrow 5 and feed that personnel. And I will answer all questions of my lord about payment for that personnel. “About the grain rations for Hana and reservists—the agents came and assigned to them 1 hundred–liter grain rations, and they (Hana and reservists) were not accepting (it). I was giving them 1 hundred 20 liters in the past, and they were not accepting (it). 6 Now, how would they accept 1 hundred liters? About the 1 hundred 20 liters that they were consuming in the past, they confronted ªTebi-Gerisuº, (saying), ‘ªIfº you assign [ ] as grain rations, we [will stay]. If not so, we [will depart].’ Before, [I] used to keep writing about [ ]. Now the grain ration of these (men) was reduced. They will leave the city and depart. This my lord must know.”

27 2 To my lord speak! Your servant Ilsu-Naßir (says), “The city of ªQa††unanº and the district are well. The [n]th day of the month of Kiskissum (XI) was in progress, and ªfrom dinnertimeº until the 14th day of the month of ªKiskissumº was in progress, rain fell ªcontinuouslyº. For the kingdom of my lord and the Hana, it means bounty. My lord may be happy! ª º to sow the field, [and] I ªreadiedº three plows. I set hand to [ ] for the additional [ ]. From cause of the showers [ ] did not [ ]. The sky opened up and ªinundatedº the fields, [and] I will sow. “And about my house in Mari1—that house, I gave 5 shekels of silver to Isaddi-El, and he gave me the house. Now they took away the house from me and gave it to a son of Ibalpi-El, (saying), ‘It is the house of his father.’ Do these things meet the eye of my lord that I am staying in a border city? And they gave the house to somebody else and my people wander about (homeless)? And they must return the house of my father to me. Zimri-Erah is staying in one-half of ªmyº father’s house. And Atrakatum is staying in the other half. And they must ªlet me take shelterº together (with them) in my father’s house.

3. isarisma la awiluti beli isakkan. So, according to the interpretation of Durand, which is quoted by Birot in comment i. In LAPO, Durand translates “Est-il juste que mon Seigneur me mette dans le désarroi?” 4. ninu wasabni ki. Durand translates in LAPO “que va devenir notre situation?” If the commoners were wondering what might become of them, they might as well have gone one step further and asked how they could stay under the circumstances. In fact, they considered leaving (27 26). 5. ße-em asar kima ha-ba-tim ahabbatma. I follow AHw. and Birot. Durand points out in LAPO that this would be the only reference to borrowing by the palace and doubts that a creditor might be found. According to 26 154-bis, the palace considered obtaining grain from individuals and/or the city of Yabliya. Borrowing may well have been intended. 6. ul imahharu. As stated two sentences later, they did in fact consume the grain, so the statement probably refers to spoken protests by the Hana and reservists that accompanied their actual acceptance.

Text 27 3

Translation

413

“Further: 3 slaves [ ] who fled, I seized [them]. The 21st day of the month of Kiskissum was in progress, when I sent this tablet of mine at dinnertime.” 1.

B. Lion, NABU 1993 111, interprets the affair of the house in Mari against the background of a royal cancellation of debts (andurarum), which had the effect of canceling foreclosures on houses.

27 3 ªToº my lord speak! Your servant Ilsu-Naßir (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. I have ordered delivery of the grain from the grain tax of Qa††unan. The sesame is sown. 50 dikes were sown in furrows, 20 dikes by broadcasting. The sesame is good. I set hand to tilling 7 the fields of the tract. There is no neglect. “Herewith I have dispatched to my lord Burhusum and Idin-Annu, concerning whom my lord wrote me. I entrusted them to the hand of Samuyum.”

27 4 To my lord speak! Your servant Ilsu-Naßir (says), “Yahßi-Dagan promised 30 carts in the presence of my lord. 11 carts of 30 carts, which he promised in the presence of my lord, are from ªthe district ofº Nisir, 3 ªcartsº from Dir.1 The 14 carts are unloading (the sheaves onto the threshing floor). We do not have ªenoughº (carts). Here, the river is in flood and showers º. 9 (Then) heat flared up 10 on top of it. 8 One furrow overflowed into (the next) furrow ª all over the grain stacks. We do not have enough (carts for hauling the grain). My lord must give ªstrictº orders to Yahßi-Dagan, and that ªgrainº must go up (to the threshing floor). I wrote Menihum for the rest of the carts, but he could not care less.” 1.

Birot wonders why carts from Nisir and Dir, south of Mari, would be brought to faraway Qa††unan and suggests that Ilsu-Naßir did not write this letter as governor of Qa††unan but as an official concerned with matters close to Mari. The location of Nisir is a problem. It could be Nasir in central Suhum (see comment 2 to 26 110), because Menihum, who was responsible for providing the missing carts, is connected with Suhum in 26 95. However, the association with Dir indicates a location in the district of Mari. Nisir is also associated with Suqaqum, another settlement in the district of Mari: a person from Nisir is connected with Suqaqum in 8 96, and royal field tracts of Naser and Suqaqum are detailed in 23 590. I cannot resolve the question of location.

7. mu-wu-ur a-sà a-gàr. Birot proposes that muwwurum is a denominative from mayarum “furrow.” Since furrowing of sesame fields was already done and furrowing of grain fields was quite some time off, the verb should have a more general meaning; hence my translation. 8. sa-mu-ú e-li-ma. Birot quotes Durand, who segments sa mu-ú e-li-ma and translates “et comme, précisément, les eaux sont hautes.” 9. [x x] ªxº-ri-ki. Birot reads [i-na M]a?-riki. 10. isatum ittanpah eli. Birot refers to a parallel passage quoted in AHw. zarru II “Korn brennt auf ina zar.m e.” It is inconceivable that grain would have been allowed to catch fire while drying in stacks. The expression “flaring fire” is also used for inflammations; see AHw. isatu 3a. I assume that it expresses the onset of intense heat after the last spring showers. Ilsu-Naßir is concerned that the grain will not get to the threshing floors in time.

414

Translation

Text 27 5

27 5 [To my] ªlord speakº! Your [servant] Ilsu-Naßir (says), “ªThe districtº and the city of Qa††unan [are well]. A tablet of my lord [about] ªthe grainº of ˇabatum came (with instructions) ªas followsº: ‘ªGoodº is this that you did, [that] ªwithoutº asking me you started work and ªtransportedº [the grain] ªof ˇabatumº to Qa††unan!’ [ ] I did not touch any grain [ ] for the grain [ ] to ˇabatum [ ] fodder for rams [ ].”

27 6 To my lord speak! Your servant Ilsu-Naßir (says), “8 reservists who are staying in Qa††unan guard the gate. And they guard the fields of the palace because of the onagers and gazelles. And they are on call for the palace. Now, they urge me about their grain and wool rations. Now, my lord must write me, and I will give out grain and wool rations.”

27 7 To my lord speak! Your servant Ilsu-Naßir (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. I had extispicies done for the well-being of the district, and they were sound. About the singer, the daughter of Iddin-Sin, concerning whom my lord wrote me—there was no Parahsean lyre available, and I had a new Parahsean lyre made and dispatched to her. 11 “And some time ago, I wrote about a boatman to my lord. There is no ªferryboatº. My lord must dispatch me a boatman, and I shall have him build a ferryboat. “The city of Qa††unan is not full of living space.1 If it seems right to my lord, my lord must move one city of the displaced Suhean troops whom my lord moved,2 and [ ] living space [ ].” 1. 2.

This is also mentioned in 27 25. According to 26 35 a population of 10,000 was evacuated from the cities of Yabliya, Ayyabe, and Harbe. Some of them apparently ended up in Qa††unan. Ilsu-Naßir requests the removal of the former inhabitants of one of the cities.

27 8 To my lord speak! Your ªservantº Ilsu-Naßir (says), “About ªcuttingº beams for . . . 12 and axletrees for a battering ram and towers, of ªwhichº my lord wrote me—straight stems, which are suitable for . . . ,12 and axletrees do not exist on the bank of the Habur, and 13 cornel wood, straight stems, do not exist. I will cut cornel wood. . . . 14 “Herewith I have had conducted to my lord 3 courtiers who ran away from ªMariº.”

11. a†-ru-is-si. Birot considers derivation from taraßum and assumes that it designates stringing the instrument. A. D. Kilmer informs me that this would be the first context reference to stringing an instrument. I derive the form from †aradum. 12. x-a†-†à-ás-si. 13. I assume that the -ma after e-e-ru (in line 17) is indented from the previous line. 14. ma-du-ma-x. I expect “elsewhere.”

Text 27 9

Translation

415

27 9 To my lord speak! Your servant Ilsu-Naßir (says), “I ªhadº extispicies ªdoneº for the wellbeing of the district and the city of Qa††unan, which are (valid) until the end of the month, and they were sound. The city of ªQa††unanº and ªthe districtº are well. “Further: According to ªthe letterº of my lord, I took down the large reception hall 15 of the palace, its beams (that is), and started work on rebuilding (it). 9 in a cubit [ ]. [If ] it meets [the eye of ] my lord, [ ] reeds length [ ] cubits long side, [ ] cubits short side [ ] in a cubit long side. I shall have the barber’s house put in place. My lord must send me beams for the reception hall, and I shall roof that reception hall before the coming of my lord. “The grain of Sumu-Hadum is in Qa††unan. My lord must write Sumu-Hadum, and I shall ªtakeº in that grain for the palace. “Further: They took 4 ostrich eggs from the hills, and I have ªsent themº to my lord.”

27 10 To my lord speak! Your servant Ilsu-Naßir (says), “From among the troops of the sons of 16º who were residing in IlumYamina whom my lord ªleftº in Qa††unan, 12 are boys ª Muluk, Samanum, and Raqqum. My lord must write me about those persons, (whether) to release them or not to release them. “Further: the palace that my lord roofed, [ ], the weight was too ªheavyº for its beams, and its beams have broken. And I placed supports for it (the roof). Now, if it meets the eye of my lord, my lord must give me 1 hundred beams of 2 reeds 2 cubits, and I shall roof that palace.”

27 12 To my lord speak! Your servant Ilsu-Naßir (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. I wrote once, twice about bitumen and asphalt to my lord. They did not give me (any). And the donkeys have returned empty. ªNowº the cold days arrived. And the boat is all holes. 17 [If ] there is a trip of my lord here, there will be no [n lines]. The troops [whom my lord] ªdispatchesº (in exchange) for the returning troops of the sons of Yamina must carry (it).”

15. papahum. See Durand, “Palais,” 59–61. 16. Birot reads 12 l ú . t u r. m e s ªéº-há d u mu . m e s x x x x x; Durand 12 l ú . t u r. m e s {x} 43 t u r. m e s {i-zi-bu}, translating “12 jeunes hommes (et) 43 enfants,” which raises the question why infants would be found among “troops.” Birot quotes Dossin, who connected the passage with the liberation of Yaminite prisoners of war. Perhaps the boys (and children) were part of the booty of Samanum and Raqqum. See §4d (p. 45). 17. hu-up-pa-at. Birot quotes Durand’s suggestion to translate “hors d’usage.” I assume huppat, i.e., the status absolutus of the plural of huptu “hole.”

416

Translation

Text 27 13

27 13 To [my] lord speak! Your servant ªIlsu-Naßir (says), “Asmad cameº and spoke to ªme as followsº: ‘There will be ªa trip by my lordº to ªQa††unanº.’ Now my lord comes and there is no grain for . . . 18 ahead of [ ] not [3 lines]. They must obtain grain where [ ], ªandº I shall [ ] for [ ] of my lord.”

27 14 To my lord speak! Your servant Ilsu-Naßir (says), “I had extispicies done for one month for the well-being of the city of Qa††unan and the district, ªandº the city of Qa††unan and ªthe districtº [are well]. The [nth] day of the second month of Eburum (XIII), 2 thousand Hana were assembled in ªQa††unanº, and they keep ªassemblingº as scheduled. And [I heard] from those around me as ªfollowsº: ‘5 thousand ªNumhaº and Yamutbal troops are ªassembled togetherº. They [go] to [my] ªlordº.’ “And about the harvest of ªQa††unanº—if ªthe matterº [meets] the eye of my lord, my lord must ªwriteº Asmad. Let him retain 1 hundred Hana ª º, and they must ªholdº the outposts [and] guard the city. For as long as I ªcollect the harvestº [of Qa††unan], I have collected the (work force of the) district in Qa††unan, (including) boys, girls, and women. 19º I have strengthened the “And (what regards) Rahatum, because of the field of ª 20 sheepfold-house of ªthe palaceº , and [I ] regulars about ªcollectingº their harvest in [ ]. I ªcollectedº the [ ] . . . 21 and . . . 22 in Qa††unan. “And ªI wrote Habduma-Dagan about that boatmanº, [but] he did not ªdispatch me (even) a junior boatmanº. With knowledgable carpenters [I] applied a coat of bitumen 23 to that boat two months ago.1 There is no (usable) boat (now). My [lord] must write HabdumaDagan, and he must dispatch me a ªboatmanº, and he must caulk that boat. “[n] hundred (dikes of) field-area of the palace are sown and are ªveryº good. The commoners sowed much land. ªThe harvestº is safe. “[5 lines]. It was the month of Urahum (I), at dinnertime, on the third day, when [I] ªsentº this tablet of mine to my lord.” 1.

According to 27 12 there was little bitumen available in Qa††unan at the time, so probably just a thin coat could be applied. It lasted less than two months.

18. te-er-tim [ ]. As in 2 136:13, the context indicates that tertum designates the preparation of food. 19. na-ás x [x (x) (x)]. The restoration nas biltim “(the field-area of) the taxpayers” suggests itself. It would also explain the plural possessive “their harvest” in the next clause. But the remains of the sign after -ás are not compatible with b[i- or g[ú- and the term does not seem to be attested in Mari. 20. bit tarbaß ekallim. Rahatum constituted the southernmost agricultural area in the province. The sheepfold-house may have been located between that area and the sheep pastures. 21. Birot: [sal Q]a-ta-na-ia-tu. 22. Birot copies x x [ and transliterates l ú . e n g a [ r. m e s ]. 23. Birot derives [ú]-ka-Bi-ir from kubburum and translates “j’ai pu réparer.” I read ukappir.

Text 27 16

Translation

417

27 16 See 26 189, FM 2 71, and §4g (p. 54).

[To] my lord speak! Your servant Ilsu-Naßir (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. From those around me I heard the following: ‘2 hundred troops and SaggarAbum went out from Kurda, and he ªdefeatedº 5 hundred ªEsnunakeanº troops. He removed them from their camp. And he brought back 12 riders of donkeys. He guards them as replacement 24 for Bazilum and Zikri-Addu. The day I sent this tablet of mine to my lord is the third day after he removed (them) from their camp (and all the way) to Andarig. And the Kurdaite came out and took down the camp. And the Esnunakean ªdispatchedº his gods to make Bunu-Estar declare (an oath), and Bunu-Estar kept ªhisº gods1 inside the city.’ I heard that report and sent two light couriers to obtain a full report. I will write a full report to my lord after (sending) this tablet of mine. And if that word is true and it meets the eye of my lord, my lord must dispatch 1 hundred ªHanaº troops, and I shall have extispicies done for the 1 hundred troops of the previous ªgarrisonº and put the troops of the sons of Yamina that are before me in ladders and handcuffs and dispatch them, either on the road to Íuprum, or else wherever the omen comes out straight. They must not use up ªthe grain. The loadº (of feeding them) has become much. ªThe garrison troops, all of them, consumeº grain rations. I shall keep the substitutes to do the work of the palace. The 19th day of the month of Dagan (VIII) was in progress, when, at dinnertime, I ªsent thisº tablet of mine to my lord.” 1.

Birot considers the question whether they were the gods of the king of Esnuna or the king of Kurda. They were probably from Esnuna. In the peace mission of Habdu-malik, the gods of the king of Andarig and the king of Kurda came together within the walls of Kurda, where they stayed for some time. See §58 (pp. 128ff.).

27 17 For the last paragraph, see n. 53 to §4f (p. 52).

To my lord speak! Your servant Ilsu-Naßir (says), “The Hana ªin the vicinity of Qa††unanº, 2 hundred troops, ªassembled, and Yatar-Limº is their guide. They went to make war on the encampment of the sons of ªYaminaº. And I spoke to them. I (said), ‘Do not go!’ They did not agree with me. They went and fell on Lasqum. In Lasqum they seized 3 men and one woman, informed persons, and departed. They are well. And the informed persons ªspoke as follows: They (said), ‘1 thousand ªtroopsº and ªYagih-Adduº are building up Manuhatan. And the encampment of the sons of Yamina, all of it, occupies the area from Lasqum to Manuhatan.’ And I spoke to them (the Hana). I (said), ‘Take one of the informed persons along to the king!’ They did ªnotº agree with me. “[Further]: I heard the following: ‘ªThe Esnunakeanº [ ] together with the household goods from ªSubat-Enlilº. [Qarni-Lim ] ªentered Andarigº. He left [n] ªthousandº troops ªandº their guide Yanuh-Samar [and] the son of Tarip-Natki, [king] ªof Apumº, in SubatEnlil [to] ªguardº [the land].’ ”

24. ana puhat. They served as hostages to be exchanged for the two Kurdaites who were in Esnunakean hands.

418

Translation

Text 27 18

27 18 To my lord speak! Your ªservantº Ilsu-Naßir (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. ªA tabletº of my lord came (with) the following (message): ‘ªThe tabletº that I sent you for Bunu-Estar, [that] tablet I [ ] to Bunu-Estar.’ [n lines] ªamongº 30 thousand troops are headed for Andarig. And for doing battle they await my lord, 25 (saying), ‘If 2 thousand or else [3 thousand troops] arrived [ ], I will do battle.’ And their talk 26 goes as follows: ‘When I lay siege to the city, and he quits his camp and sets himself in motion toward me, at that time I will ªdo battleº.’ And herewith [I ] a tablet of Sasiya, a tablet of Sarraya and Zimriya, to my lord. [ ] after (sending) this ªtabletº [of mine].”

27 19 See §4g (pp. 54f.) and Lion, NABU 1995 18.

To [my] ªlordº speak! Your servant ªIlsu-Naßirº (says), “The city of ªQa††unanº and the district [are well. I heard] from those around me [the following]: ‘[ ] transports the grain of ª º. And he keeps writing Bunu-Estar for peace. And Bunu-Estar answered him as follows: “I do not make peace without Zimri-Lim and the Hana.” This he answered him. And his sight is set on the siege of Kurda.’ ”

27 20 ªTo myº lord speak! Your servant Ilsu-Naßir (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. Sammetar, king of Asnakkum, Tamarzi, king of the Tarmannians, 27 Sub-Ram, king of Kirdahat, Itur-Malik, king of Suduhum, 4 kings of the ªland ofº Idamaraß are (those) who are coming with Laªum, the son of Yaphuran, ªfromº before the Hana ªtoº my lord. My lord must know. [And] ªHanaº [ ] have crossed to Admatum.”

27 21 [To] my ªlordº speak! Your [servant] Ilsu-Naßir (says), “My lord wrote ªmeº [about] the fact that they attacked Ili-Iddinam1 [and] the Eluhtean ªmessengerº” (remainder too destroyed for translation. A flood of the Habur is mentioned). 1.

The fatal attack on Ili-Iddinam is reported in 2 123 = LAPO 16 415.

27 23 To my lord speak! Your servant Ilsu-Naßir (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. [I had] extispicies [done for the well-being of ] ªthe districtº [n lines]. I will have ªex25. Birot copies be-lí la and transliterates be-lí-ma. 26. du-ub-bu-su-nu. Birot emends to du-ub-bu-su-nu, in which case dubbubum would function exceptionally as a plural stem and would not mean “to urge.” If dubbum is a variant of dibbum, du-ub-ba-su-nu is to be expected. 27. ta-ar-ma-an-ni-yi ki. An alternative reading is Ta-ar-ma-an-ni-yuki “the Tarmanniyan king.”

Text 27 25

Translation

419

tispiciesº done, and cows [and] ªmaresº must not be lost. I will ªdispatchº [them], and they will pasture there. There are no troops at my disposal. [I] have equipped 20 men, country folk, and they will hold ªthe outpostsº.”

27 25–97 are letters from Zakira-Hammu. Birot proposes ZL 3u to 9u as dates for his tenure and leaves open the possibility that some letters were written later (27, 26). His tenure was interrupted for a time by the tenure of Zimri-Addu (see the second paragraph of 27 37).

25–927 25 [To my lord] ªspeak! Your servant Zakira-Hammuº (says), “The city of ªQa††unanº [and the district are well]. After my lord gave me instructions for the city of ªQa††unanº, I ªarrivedº in Qa††unan. The god of my lord has established obedience in that ªdistrictº, and I made a census of the district and, with as many troops as were there, I . . . 28 the river, made water available. And that district did not take in grain this year. The (seed-)grain has been given out for food. And any strong man who has grain is staying. Any weak commoner who has no grain departed for the river (Euphrates). And I wonder whether my lord will not say sooner or later, ‘since you arrived, you have ªwastedº 29 (the grain of) that district.’ Before the days of my stay in that district grow long 30 and (as long as) [my] ªlordº gains no argument 31 against me, my lord must write Sammetar and Haqba-Ahum, his servants, and they must check on that district and return a report to my lord. “And about the witch concerning whom my lord wrote me—I assigned one boy of hers from among the. . . . 32 And ªheº promised [ ], and he did not give it. ª3 linesº. “And about [2 lines] my lord ªwroteº me ªas follows: ‘Buildº [your] house and live in it!’ My lord has checked on the situation in the city of Qa††unan. My lord knows that that [city] is cramped. And after a tablet of my lord arrived (with the message) ‘Do not ªoccupyº that house!’ I evicted 3 men in the vicinity of ªmy resthouseº where, when I arrived, I retired 33 [ ], and I occupied those [houses]. The owner of those houses [ ] to Sammetar, ‘ZakiraHammu evicted [us] ªfromº our houses.’ And ªSammetarº wrote me, ‘ª5 linesº you (plural) occupy their houses (and) you sow a field of the commoners. All of Qa††unan is not enough for your (need of) houses. Neither are all the fields of Qa††unan enough for your needs. And 28. ah-lu-is. Birot derives the form from halaßum = “to comb, to press out,” and proposes “j’ai nettoyé.” 29. Birot restores tu-is-sà-a[p-pa-a]h, understands the form as a preterit of the Gtn stem, and translates “tu n’as pas arrêté de ruiner.” Maul, “Sparmassnahme,” 769, also derives the form from the Gtn stem, proposes that the verb indicates the depopulation of the district, and translates “du hast ständig entvölkert.” I restore the perfect of the D stem, tussappih, and see in it another example for the use of the D stem that is attested in 26 247:20 and 13 36:16 (see 26/1, 504 n. 4) with grain as the object. 30. i-ri-ku = irriku. 31. In other words: “has a chance to form a bad opinion.” 32. l ú . d a b 5 . b a . m e s. Birot refers to a Standard Babylonian Lamastu incantation where witches are said to “capture (ikammâ) men” and suggests the translation “ensorcelés.” 33. -m[a] ap-†u-ru.

420

Translation

Text 27 26

. . . 34 evict those with whom you trade places! Enough! You (plural) will fix up the district for your lord. Ilsu-Naßir has been moved to Mari. Stay (sing.) in that house! And until his things are ªmovedº, give him ªa houseº and let him ªplace hisº things (there)!’ ªThese things Sammetar wroteº me. [And] ªIlsu-Naßirº [wrote] ªas follows to Sammetarº: ‘ªWhyº [4 lines].’ [And] I gave him a house. Let him place his things (there)!”

27 26 To [my] lord speak! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. The grain of ˇabatum and Magrisa is safe from ravage of the locust. 35 The locust ate the grain ªofº Silhan. And 4 hundred 70 dikes of early grain of the palace of Qa††unan are snatched from the mouth of the locust. And the locust ate the late grain fields of the palace, however many there are; also the grain of the commoners. “And about what my lord wrote me as follows: ‘Any of the commoners of the district who departs for the land of Subartum without asking you, seize him and have him conducted to me!’ This my lord wrote me. The locust ate the grain of the district. And the singles and the day laborers who earn their living at the time of the harvest—earnings for harvesting are made in the district—singles left their ªhomesº here at night and departed for Subartum [to] ªearn a living. Whyº [would] I have written a lie about this to [my lord? Let] my lord ªdispatchº an agent of his, and [let] them ªcheckº on these things! If my lord says, ‘ªGive strict ordersº, and they must guard the roads, and do not ªneglectº (this issue of) passage,’ my lord must write [me, so] or not so. “[And] my lord must ªdispatchº [me n]+30 cows or else ª60º [ ] ªof the palaceº, [and they] must ªthreshº [the grain] of the palace. [And] the grain of the palace ªmustº be brought in quickly. And the days (before that happens) must not ªgrow longº. “ªFurtherº: Herewith [ ] a ªmessengerº [ ] . . . 36 [ ] . . . their [ ] . . . their [ ].”

27 27 To my lord speak! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “Some time ago, I ªwroteº about once, twice to my lord about the chirper. Now that chirper descended on the grain plantations. That locust 37 started to eat the grain. It was full (of it) on the left bank of the Habur and the right bank. The one on the left bank crossed the river Habur, and it has swarmed. . . . 38 It has overwhelmed us on the right ªandº [on the left]. (6 lines damaged, describing a 34. ana x-bi-im. Durand suggests ana qibim “sur ordre.” What is meant is the household of the previous governor, Ilsu-Naßir. 35. The locust plague in Qa††unan is discussed by Birot in the introduction (27, 9–10), Lion and Michel, “Criquets et autres insectes à Mari, MARI 8 (1997), 707–16, and myself, “Locusts.” 36. Birot restores d u mu si-ip-[ri-im] ªsa A-tam-riº-[im ù] ªHa-amº-mu-ra-bi a-[n]a ße-er [ “que les chargés d’affaires d’Atamrum [et] de Hammu-rabi. . . .” Note that “messenger” is singular— the plural would be marked with m e s after the sign d u mu. That two kings would share one messenger is hard to believe. The photo is difficult to read. It certainly does not support the sign -bi of the name Hammu-Rabi. 37. b u r u5 (ªÉREN+HUxSEº). Birot assumes that this word was meant to be deleted. 38. Birot reads s[e?-e]m?, Durand NABU 1993 113, s[e-e]m, and according to renewed collation (personal communication, 1/4/96) s[e-e-e]m. He translates “(the locusts) sont venues à bout du grain.”

spread is 6 points long

Text 27 28

Translation

421

general mobilization of the population) I ordered any that could trample to trample (the locust). Now, that chirper has made me choke (of fear). It has become a heavy burden 39 for the grain plantations. And the commoners of this district—last year the locust caused them suffering and ª º. Will a commoner not ask now, ‘Since the locust eats our grain plantations, we are not able to stay on over here’? This is the talk of the commoner. “Now I am afraid my lord relies on (his belief in the sufficient number of) the troops of this district, and my lord will not dispatch troops for harvesting. As a matter of fact, 40 there is no harvest crew in the palace (in Qa††unan) as (there was) last time. Now my lord must consult, and my lord must dispatch me as many troops as can be dispatched, and they must harvest the grain of the palace. My lord must do what is necessary for collecting this harvest.”

27 28 [To my] lord ªspeakº! [Your] servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “[I wrote] already [about] ªonceº, twice to my lord about the chirper. And my lord wrote me, “ªFillº the mountainside (canal) [with water], so that it will not cross.’ [This] my ªlordº wrote me. Now, according to the letter of my lord, I filled the mountainside with water, and after it was crossing the mountainside (canal), it then was crossing the Habur, and inside the ditches that water the fields—it crossed the mountainside (canal), and the insides of the ditches are full of it. 41 And I called up the whole district and enlisted (all), including women and little boys and girls, and hit as many as there were to be hit. I gathered up the sheep of the herders of the country folk, 42 and they trampled as many as there were to be trampled. And what else shall I do? 43 As a matter of fact, this district was ªpainedº last year (enough) by the hand of the locust, and now this chirper ªallº are choked up. Through the angel of [my lord] the furrowed land [of ] ªQa††unanº, ˇabatum, ªSilhanº, and Dur-Íabim, all of it, is ªsafeº. “And these troops [ ], and my lord must consult now, and my lord must dispatch troops, and they must collect the harvest.”

27 29 [To] my lord ªspeakº! Your [servant] Zakira-Hammu (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. Some time ago, I wrote about once, twice to my lord about the locust. And my lord wrote me, ‘Fill the mountainside (canal) with water, so that it will not cross.’ This my lord wrote me. According to the letter of my lord, I filled the mountainside (canal) 39. The reading ik-ta-ªbiº-tam is confirmed by collation of Durand (personal communication, 1/4/96). 40. itti la kiam. Birot translates “sans oublier que,” see his comment k. For my translation see n. 196 to 26 171. 41. There is little sentence structure. 42. u d u . h i . a gu-za-li sa d u mu . m e s ma-tim. See the similar expression in a passage where Yasmah-Addu writes about lack of shepherds that caused losses among cattle and reminds his father that “in the past, Sin-Tiri provided 20 l ú . s i p a . m e s d u mu . m e s ma-a-ªtimº” (1 118 = LAPO 16 48). According to the formulation here, d u mu . m e s matim in 1 118 cannot be apposition, as Durand understands it in LAPO, but must be genitive. Thus the “country folk” where the owners of the shepherds. 43. idam a-ye-em lußbat. Birot “quel parti”; literally “which side shall I seize?”

422

Translation

Text 27 30

with water. After it (the locust) was crossing the mountainside (canal), it then was crossing the Habur, and with little boys and girls, ªoxenº and sheep, I went to work, and all the time I was ªgathering (my forces) at the front ofº 44 the locust. [I] was ªhittingº as many as there were to be hit. And the [oxen] and sheep were trampling as many as there were to be trampled. ªWhatº (else) shall I do?” (Only the right margin of the remainder is preserved. It is restored by Birot according to the other locust letters.)

27 30 [To] Yassi-Dagan ªspeakº! Your brother Zakira-Hammu (says), “Some time ago, I ªwroteº about once, twice ªtoº Sammetar and my brother about the locust. [And] my ªlordº wrote me, ‘[n lines.’ n lines] ªSammetarº must [ , and my lord] must ªdispatchº troops, and they must ªsaveº [the grain] of the palace. [And] over here [ ] for harvesting. These commoners—they suffered ªlast yearº. They now ªsawº the locust [and] (said), ‘If the locust [ ] to ªthe grain plantationsº, we will not stay on.’ Now my brother must ªconsultº, [and] the commoners must save their grain, [and troops] that come must [save] the grain of the palace. “Further: [9 lines] now the harvest has come close [6 lines].”

27 31 [To] my lord speak! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “[ ] when the locust ªfellº on ªthe harvestº of this ªdistrictº [n lines] my ªlordº must ªconsultº [ ]. ªThe grainº of the year in which it was ªsnatchedº from ªthe mouthº [of the locust], that grain was [ ] of that grain [n lines].”

27 32 [To] my lord [speak]! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “The city of Qa††unan and ªthe districtº [are well]. 4 Yamutbaleans, men [ ], ecstatics of Ami of Hubsalum1—the elders of Gassum, who go [to] my lord, 45 they seized those men, and [they conducted them] to Ibal-El. [n lines] they stole that maid, and [ ] with that maid [ ]. The elders of Gassum [ ] the 4 Yamutbal [ ] the report on ªthoseº men [ ] the elders of Gassum departed for my lord. “[Further]: Some time ago, I ªwroteº about the report on [ ] to my lord. The locust ªateº the early and late grain of the district. The locust is ªswarmingº from Tehran up to Rahatum.” 1.

Ami was a netherworld deity. See Durand, NABU 1993 60.

44. [a-n]a or [i-n]a re-es “to” or “in front of ” advancing hoppers—that is, locusts too young to fly form a sharply defined front. 45. Birot believes that the phrase “elders of Gassum” qualifies “ecstatics of Ami” and that they seized the Yamutbaleans.

Text 27 33

Translation

423

27 33 ªToº my lord speak! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. About the issue of the harvest—the troops of Ilum-Madar ªarrived and harvestedº in the field of the tract of Eluttum of the palace 1 hundred 30 (dikes of) field-area, 90 (dikes of) field-area of the ªtractº of Kutlatum, together 2 hundred 20 (dikes of) fieldarea. And they ªdroppedº 46 the grain of [n (dikes of)] field-area onto the threshing floor. I will release [ ], and [brother] can save [the grain] ªofº brother in face of ªthe locustº, and [ ] the commoners, all of them, [n lines]. “[n lines] my foot hurt, and I did not ªmeetº with my lord. And I would have gotten up and departed. Now, after I drop the grain of ªthe palaceº on the threshing floor, I shall come and meet with my lord. [I shall] ªplace the report on the districtº and [ ] before my ªlordº.”

27 34 To my lord ªspeakº! Your [servant] Zakira-Hammu (says), “[The city] of Qa††unan and the district [are well]. The 11th day of the month of Malkanum (II) [ ] ªfieldº of the tract of Eluttum [of ] ªthe palaceº of Tehran [n lines] Ilum-Madar ª3 linesº. ªBesidesº, they will ruin their grain plants ªin faceº of the locust. ªLet brotherº save the grain of brother.”

27 35 To my lord speak! [Your servant] Zakira-Hammu (says), “The ªcityº Qa††unan [and the district] ªare wellº. The month of Malkanum (II) [ ] Eluttum [n lines]. ‘Give us travel provisions [ ] we will eat, or else dispatch us!’ This they said to me. And there is no grain in the palace. I wrote a token of my servitude to my lord. My lord must do what seems favorable to him.”

27 36 To Su-Nuhra-Halu speak! Your brother Zakira-Hammu (says), “I just addressed 47 a tablet about the issue of the harvest and the Hana and sent it to my lord. Last year a work force of 4 ªplowsº of the palace sowed the fields. And troops came and harvested the fields of the palace. Now, a work force of 6 plows of ªthe palaceº together with the plow ªofº [Asqudum ] ªsowedº 1 thousand dikes of field-area, over and above that of previous years. 48 And the troops of this district are not enough for ªharvestingº [the fields] of the palace. I have just written to my lord about troops for harvesting. If you are truly my brother, alert my lord to that tablet, and they must assign troops of the king for harvesting the fields of the palace. “Further: Some time ago, Nabu-Naßir [ ] in a quarrel with me ªbefore the kingº for nothing. 49 You know these things. [His] ªwordsº [ ] turned [to] ªtruthº, and my words [ ] 46. Birot copies id-ªdu-úº and transliterates i[d?-di?-ma?]. 47. ustawêm. See my article, “Sutawûm,” 166. 48. Birot translates sanassumma “années précédentes”; AHw., following Kraus, “heuer,” i.e., “this year.” While Kraus’s interpretation seems to accord well with the etymology “in its year,” his proposed meaning cannot apply here. 49. ina la mimma.

424

Translation

Text 27 37

turned ªtoº lies. [ ] seized in the hands of that man. Now, from the day I arrived in Qa††unan, he keeps ªdroppingº my name maliciously to (elicit) the opinions of the district. 50 And he ªcreates problemsº for me 51 ªinº the district. If you are truly my brother, do what is necessary to remove that man from the district. If you have caused ªthatº man’s removal from this district, I will be obliged to you. Herewith I send you 20 liters of madder.” 52

27 37 [To] my [lord speak]! Your servant ªZakira-Hammuº (says), “[The city of Qa††unan] and the district are well. [When/since/as my lord] instructed me [for] (governorship of) ªQa††unanº [3 lines] no pegs, ªnoº [wood] as ªneededº by the ªpalaceº. ªSinceº [the day] I arrived in Qa††unan, I ªhad pegsº and wood obtained as needed by the palace. And I had [ ] done from Tehran to Rahatum. Afterward, a tablet of my lord arrived, (saying), ‘Gather the district together [and] have the sheep of the palace plucked!’ According to the letter of my lord, I gathered the district ªtogetherº [and] had the sheep of the palace plucked. And I had the wool loaded onto carts, and they, including the carts that came from the river, carried (it) to Saggaratum. After I carried out the plucking of the sheep of the palace [and] YasimSumu departed to my lord, after (the departure of) Yasim-Sumu, I had work started on making bricks. I (said), ‘I shall have 5 thousand, or else 6 thousand bricks made before the harvest, and they must be ready.’ “Further: The harvest is close. And my lord made the assignments 53 for the harvest. And in the past, a work force of 4 plows of the palace sowed the fields. And I wrote my lord, and my lord dispatched me 3 hundred troops under the authority of Ilum-Madar, and they harvested the fields of the palace with the commoners, and the commoners brought (the grain) up (to the threshing floor), threshed and transported the cleaned grain from Tehran and Rahatum in the carts of the commoners to Qa††unan. And last year, at the time of Zimri-Addu’s (tenure as governor), my lord likewise dispatched reservists, and they harvested the fields of the palace. Now the work assignment of 6 plows of the palace, together with the one of Asqudum, 1 thousand dikes of field-area, is ªbetweenº the plows. They [ ] Asqudum. The commoners of the district spoke to [me] as follows: ‘If our brothers from the river harvest 1 dike of ªfield-areaº, we must harvest 2 dikes of field-area, [and] we harvest the (grain) of 1 thousand dikes, ªbring it upº (to the threshing floor), thresh it and [transport] the cleaned (grain) from Tehran [and Rahatum] from faraway fields to Qa††unan. The load is (too) heavy for us. [ ].’ “Yasim-Sumu ªchecked on the districtº [ ] of the palace. ªTroopsº [ ] no matter how much field-area [they] would [harvest. Now], ªherewithº I have dispatched Sin-Musallim, the majordomo, [to] ªmyº [lord]. My lord [must] ªmakeº the [harvest] assignments. The district [ ] does not have the manpower for that (much) grain.”

50. 51. 52. 53.

See n. 75 to 26 45. [ú-pa-l]a-sa-an-ni; Birot restores [i-pa-r]a-sa-an-ni “il me brouille.” huratum. The identification with madder was made by Stol, RLA, “Leder(industrie),” §23. i-si-ik = isik or = issik “is making the assignments.”

Text 27 38

Translation

425

27 38 To my lord speak! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. Some time ago, when I went to my lord, I placed a report about (the need of) troops for harvesting the fields of the palace before my lord, but my lord did not give ªmeº any troops. And since my lord did not give me troops, I ªspokeº to my lord as follows: I (said), ‘It hardens my face, and the grain of the palace [n lines.’ n lines] ªtheyº threshed ªthe grainº of the palace, [and ] ªof the commonersº for ªunloadingº the grain of the palace. [ ] of 1 herdboy 70, or else 80, [ ] he must dispatch me, and ªthe grainº of the palace—the oxen of ªthe commonersº who unloaded it must thresh (it) promptly. I ªwroteº a token of my servitude to my lord. My lord must [do] what seems ªfavorableº to [him]. “Further: Yasim-Sumu ªcameº and employed 3 men and 4 women from the household of Asqudum. One old woman among them is not able to do work. And that plow—[ ] ªloadº is imposed. And the day of sowing of ªsesameº has arrived. My lord must give instructions, and they must provide that which that plow ªlacksº. “Further: After . . . 54 the locust ªdescendedº [and] ªtouchedº the late grain [fields of ] ªthe commonersº [ ].”

27 39 The obverse is badly preserved. Zakira-Hammu writes Zimri-Lim about the harvest. I begin the translation with line 15u. “ªSome time agoº , [I] ªwroteº [my lord] about [ and] threshing the grain of the palace, and ªHammi-Sagisº and ªYasim-Sumuº wrote me as follows: ‘Henceforth 1 hundred cows [ ]. The commoners will ªthreshº the work assignment of 4 ªplowsº. And ªthe palace will thresh the work assignmentº of [n] plows ª4 linesº.’ And the plow of ªAsqudumº consists of 3 troopers. There are not many persons [available] in the palace, and the palace ªhelps out the commonersº. The commoners [ ], and they ªhelpº [out the palace].” (remainder too damaged for translation)

27 40 To Su-Nuhra-Halu speak! Your brother Zakira-Hammu (says), “Herewith I send a tablet to my lord about the issue of the irrigation canal, for whose dredging I do not have enough troops available. I (said), ‘There are not enough commoners for collecting the grain of the palace, (and) the irrigation canal cannot be opened this year.’ I wrote this to the king. Bring it to the attention of the king, and the grain of the palace will be dropped on the threshing floors during the (remaining) days of the month. 55 And I shall go to work with any troops that are in the district, and I shall dredge that canal before the cold season.”

54. Birot, following a suggestion of Durand, reads ªeº-[ßí-d]u-tim “(after departure of) the harvesters.” 55. u4-mi iti-1-kam. Birot, “d’ici un moins.”

426

Translation

Text 27 42

27 42 To ªSu-Nuhra-Haluº speak! Your brother Zakira-Hammu (says), “Herewith I send a tablet to ªthe kingº. Bring that tablet to the attention of the king! And about the field of which I spoke ªto youº—dispatch ªa boyº of yours, and ªheº must have that field harvested. Otherwise, [once] you cannot [ , write me], so or not so, [and] I shall bring in (the harvest of) that ªfieldº [ ]. 56 “And I shall caulk [the boat] with one [ ], and [it will] ªbe readyº [for ].”

27 43 = 2 80 = LAPO 16 239 To my lord speak! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “The city of ªQa††unanº and the 57º. When Hana crossed, that boat was lost. 58 district are well. ªThe boatº [in] ªˇabatum Now the grain of the palace and the commoners is left behind on the right bank. And for the small-boat that serves my lord in Qa††unan, for (requesting use of) that small-boat they (all manner of people) send word to me all the time. Now my lord must consult, and if it can be given out, I shall use that small-boat for carrying (grain). That grain must cross! My lord must write me, so or not so.”

27 44 To my lord speak! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “Since long, reservists staying in Qa††unan eat from [the grain rations] of the palace, ªguardº the fields and tracts of ªthe palace againstº ravage of aurochs and ªonagersº, bring tablets safely to [my lord, and] guard ªthe outposts. Nowº Yasim-Sumu ªcameº [and] ª reducedº their grain rations. And after (making) his (determination of the new) grain rations, [3 lines] ªthere areº [no] ªtroopsº who [ ] for ªguardingº the fields and tracts [of the palace] and [ ] the outposts. And I am afraid my lord will speak ªsooner or laterº as follows: ‘Why did you not ªwrite aboutº their ªgrain rationsº to me?’ Herewith I have written to [my] lord. My lord must give directions to ªYasim-Sumuº, and he (Yasim-Sumu) [must] restore the grain rations of those men. Otherwise those men will slip from the hand (of my lord).”

27 45 To my lord speak! Your [servant] Zakira-Hammu (says), “[The city] of Qa††unan and the district are well. About news from the land of Subartum, news from the Kurdaite HammuRabi [and] ªnewsº from Atamrum, concerning which my lord ªwroteº me as follows: ‘Write ªto me promptly anyº news you ªhearº!’—ªmessengersº go regularly [to] my lord. [News], whatever I hear from right [and] ªleft, I promptly writeº [to] my lord. 56. Birot transliterates [a - s] à sa-a-ti [se?-su?] lu-se-ri-ib and translates “ce champ-là, je fasse moi-même rentrer [son grain].” 57. Durand reads the verbal predicate i-p[é-e]ß-ßí, postulates a variant peßû of paßaßu, and translates “est en morceaux.” 58. ah-ta-li-iq = ihtaliq. Durand understands the form as uhtalliq and translates “a été endommagé.”

Text 27 46

Translation

427

“[4 lines] 45 liters [ ] provisions [ ]. Since [ ], ªthose men receiveº these provisions. Now ªYasim-Sumu wroteº me, and he assigned 15 liters as provisions ªforº 4 men. And he had the provisions of their 4 fellows reduced. Those men came to me and made a fuss, (saying), ‘Since Haqba-Ahum assigned to us half of the provisions that ª º in Mari, you moreover ªreducedº that which Haqba-Ahum assigned. What now? Have we been condemned here to hard times? We will ªgoº to our lord (to complain).’ These things they ªtoldº [me]. Now, herewith [ ] ª 59º [ ] ªtoº my lord.”

27 46 To ªSu-Nuhra-Haluº speak! Your brother Zakira-Hammu (says), “About the 5 hundred troops concerning whom a tablet of ªthe kingº came to me—the word is: these troops that are in this district and any troops that come here whose status in the (Euphrates) river (districts) is precarious, [n lines] moved ªfromº this district. Now, if I make a census in that 60 ªdistrictº, not one man will stay in that district. Herewith I have addressed a tablet and written to the king. Listen to that tablet and bring it to the attention of the king! If you really [love me] and are my brother, do what needs to be done, so that nobody ªmovesº from that district and nobody lays an insult on me. “Further: ªThe mushroomsº that they brought [me] I herewith ªsendº to the king, and [your] share (I send you).”

27 47 To Su-Nuhra-Halu speak! Your brother Zakira-Hammu (says), “Herewith I address a tablet and ªsendº it to the king. ªAboutº the donkeys and sheep [n lines]. ªThe kingº wrote, and they returned the 2 ªmaresº to the prison. Yanabbi-El, the guide of the troops, took 20 ªsheepº. And the 11 travelers divided those 90 sheep, 6, 7 each. And they did not give the palace any. Now bring that tablet to the attention of the king, and I shall gather up those sheep for the palace. “And about the 6 slaves whom Zimri-[ ] concealed in his house—he [ ].”

27 48 To my lord speak! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. Herewith, [I ] 36 tablet-(registered) valets 61 concerning whom my ªlord wroteº me. [n lines]. “[n lines] not the pasture. And the herders arrived and (said), ‘With the wells that are in our possession we can take over one-third of the pasture, and then the pasture-chief can take possession of two parts for the Hana.’ Now my lord must give strict orders to Ibal-Pi-El, 59. Birot reads [ k á ] . d i n g i r. r [ aki], which seems out of context here. 60. sâti. The distinction between “this” (annûm) and “that” is unclear to me. Zakira-Hammu obviously speaks about his district as “that district.” Birot translates both deictics with “ce.” 61. Thirty-six †uppat temenni, literally, “36 tablets of valets.” It is hard to believe that such a large number of tablets registering valets existed at any one time in the kingdom, let alone in Qa††unan.

428

Translation

Text 27 50

and he (Ibal-Pi-El) [must] dispatch his ªassistant, andº he (the assistant) must let [the men] of Qarni-Lim take possession of ªthe pastureº, [and] his (Qarni-Lim’s) sheep must not be held back.”

27 50 To my lord speak! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. According to the letter of my lord, [I] provided donkeys in Qa††unan and ˇabatum, and the ropes that they carried here from Ilan-Íura—and herewith I am having those ropes carried rapidly up to Saggaratum.” The ropes were apparently transported through the district of Qa††unan in two stages: one from the northern border to the capital, and the second from the capital to Saggaratum.

27 51 To my lord speak! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district [are well]. My lord wrote me as follows: ‘Some time ago, I wrote you about the kawarhu,1 and you did not send me those kawarhu.’ This my lord wrote me. My lord wrote me nothing some time ago about kawarhu. Some time ago, before my lord gave me instructions for Qa††unan, when my lord passed 62 (on his way) from Subartum to Mari, Kibir-Estar came and took 4 kawarhu that were enveloped in skins. Now, herewith I [have entrusted] 3 kawarhu that are enveloped in skin and 2 kawarhu with hair to the hand of Hammu-Rabi, the messenger of my lord. “[n lines] caught ªan aurochsº, and [ ] was keeping in his house [ ] were caught, and they were bringing [ ] to the palace. Now, they did not catch any aurochs. And about ªthe onagerº skins [concerning which my lord] wrote me—for a long time my lord did not ªwriteº, [and] I did not ªorderº any men that ªcatchº onagers ªto deliverº skins. Now, ªaccording toº the letter of my lord, I will send to my lord the skins of any onagers that are caught.” 1.

Birot identifies kawarhu with carps because of their whiskers (“hair”) and quotes Durand, who proposes eels because of their lack of scales (“skin”).

27 52 To my lord speak! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “ªAboutº the madder concerning which my lord ªwroteº me—[n lines] 1 1/2 bushels madder [ ] I guard. Yabni-Martu took it. I am keeping the madder for my lord. Herewith I send to my lord the skin of an aurochs, concerning ªwhichº my lord wrote me.”

27 53 To Su-Nuhra-Halu speak! Your brother ªZakira-Hammuº (says), “I dispatched troops to Mount ªMurdiº. The mountain was (already) beaten.1 They took ªterebinthsº, however many were for the taking. Herewith I send you the terebinths (that remained). 62. Birot collects the forms written i-tu-qú in comment b. In 27 80:46 i-tu-qú is present tense, i.e., ittuqu. In line 37 of the same text, in an identical context, i-ti-qú = ittiqu appears.

Text 27 54

Translation

429

“Further: It is the time for sowing. 63 Do not detain the boy who brought the tablet to my lord!” 1.

Terebinths were apparently harvested by beating the nuts from the trees.

27 54 ªTo myº lord speak! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. I dispatched men to take mushrooms. I (said), ‘Perhaps there are mushrooms in the vicinity of ªthe cityº. They must take [them], and I [shall] send them to ªmyº lord.’ They went and brought toadstools 64 resembling mushrooms, and I turned back those men. I (said), ‘Since there are toadstools, discover mushrooms!’ They went and ªdiscoveredº mushrooms. Herewith I send to my lord the mushrooms that they brought. Those ªmushroomsº [ ] brought.”

27 55 To my lord speak! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “The city of ªQa††unanº and ªthe districtº are well. [ ] of ªTehranº ª10 linesº. And herewith I ªhave written to myº lord. My lord must write me, so or not so. Further: Zinan sent me 3 . . . 65 from Silhan, and herewith I send those pieces of wood to my lord.”

27 56 To my lord speak! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “Some time ago, my lord made ªmanyº plans to do construction on the house of the god of Tehran [n lines]. And [ ] I wrote [ ] of that house to my lord.”

27 57 To my lord speak! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “Some time ago, I complained once, twice to my lord. I (said), ‘Yaqqim-Addu, who was staying in Kahat, came and slighted me.’ My lord did not reproach that man. “Now, the offering that is ready for my lord in Tehran—I (said), ‘Perhaps my lord (in person) will make an offering at the place.’ 66 Since my lord set his sight on ªdepartingº, 67 servants of the palace have been bringing the offerings, bread and beer, to Qa††unan. YasimAddu, a Hanean, looted bread and beer. And he beat one servant of the palace to death. I (said), ‘ªWhy did you killº a servant of the palace?’ And ªhe answeredº me as follows: ‘ªThe 63. u4-um e-re-si-im. Birot translates on the basis of eresum = to request, “quand on (le) réclamera.” 64. gi-iB-i. Specifically perhaps agaricus xanthoderma; see my note, NABU 1997 3. 65. mis sa-as-su-gi. Birot notes that the wood and fruit of this tree were used. 66. a-sa-ri. For this form, see Charpin, “Sapiratum,” 351 n. 16. 67. Birot quotes Durand’s reading, a-n[a l]ú Lu-[h]a-im. The usual spellings for this GN are Lu-(ú-) ha-a-ia-an. I read a-n[a a]t-lu-[k]i-im.

430

Translation

Text 27 58

kingº, your lord, and ªSammetarº do not reproach me. And you reproach me?’ And he lifted the bronze lance repeatedly to my face 68 in the presence of Ripªi-Addu and servants of my lord. Now, I put that man in prison. My lord must know!”

27 58 To [my] lord speak! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. ªWhenº [I] arrived for (the offering for) Estar before my lord in Mari, I ªconfirmedº the news on ªthe districtº before my lord. And the time of my illness 69 grew long, and I feared my lord, [and ] they carried me [and got me] to Qa††unan. Now, my lord must [ ], I shall [bring] my guards [to full strength and] come and meet [ ].”

27 59 To my lord speak! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “Some time ago, I wrote to my lord about my going to the body rites. And my lord wrote me as follows: ‘Come and offer and meet ªwithº me!’ This my lord ªwroteº me. Until now, I (have been determined to) do the offerings. I (said), ‘I shall carry out the offerings and go and meet with my lord.’ Now, the day I sent this tablet to my lord, a tablet of my assistant arrived from Qa††unan, (saying), ‘1 rope and 2 reeds of the city wall [ ].’ My lord knows [that] when Samsi-Adad [ ] the area around the gate [ ] it kept collapsing. [ ] are [not] available. Last ªtimeº, 70 I had 30 thousand bricks made and made a brickpile of them. Nobody saw where those bricks entered. 71 Now I shall go and, before that ªwall collapsesº, tear it down and rebuild it. If I see one house [ ] of new bricks I will tear it down and ªrebuild that wallº. “[I] ªwroteº [my lord] about the denunciation. My lord must know.”

27 60 To my lord speak! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “About the report on the prosti72º Haqbatutes who entered the palace of my lord—I placed it before my lord. My lord ª Ahum. The elders of the city, Haqba-Ahum and Laªum, sat down, and that report ªwas placed before themº. Those matters ªwere confirmedº. They beat the assistant of ªthe majordomoº with a stick of [ ]. And Haqba-Ahum [ ] ªthe majordomoº, (saying), ‘[7 lines].’ [The report] ªthatº I placed ªbeforeº my lord, that ªreportº is true. . . . 73 of Laªum and IddinDagan have been sent to my lord.” 68. Durand believes that the expression is metaphoric and translates, in LAPO 17, 388, “il ne me dit que des insolences impardonnables.” 69. mu-ur-ri-ia. I follow Durand, who suggests an error for mu-ur-ßi-ia. 70. So, according to Birot, who restores [i-na q]a-[t]i-[i]a panitim and translates “une fois précédant.” 71. The word “enter” here means either that the bricks were hidden or that they were built into a wall. 72. Birot quotes Durand’s restoration, ú-d[a-bi-ib], and translation, “se fut plaint à.” The second sign is not necessarily d[a]. I expect usanniq “scolded.” 73. be-lí, which is apparently an error. One expects “the boys of. . . .”

Text 27 61

Translation

431

27 61 To my lord speak! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. About the shepherd of ªDaris-Libur whoº fled, concerning whom my lord wrote me—before the tablet of my lord arrived, a boy of Daris-Libur who lives in Zarri came and said to me that that shepherd had disappeared, and right away I wrote to ˇabatum, Silhan, to the catchers of the bank of the Habur and ªtoº the pasture-chief ªIbal-Pi-El. I (said),º ‘A shepherd of Daris-Libur fled. That man is a samisarum. A slave mark is not placed on him. That man must not slip from your hand.’ This I wrote them. Now I heard the tablet of my lord, and likewise 74 I wrote them. And I gave strict orders to the men of the outposts. If the god of my lord acknowledges me, that man must not slip from my hand. And I shall seize him and have him conducted to my lord.”

27 62 [To] my lord speak! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “My lord wrote me about the matter of the Supurratean Balu-Estar as follows: ‘Dispatch Subisa, 75 Dadum, and his brothers to me.’ Now, herewith I have dispatched Subisa, Dadum, and his brothers, to my lord.”

27 63 To my lord speak! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “Some time ago, my lord wrote me about conducting the irsu 76 of Hammu-Naqimu, whose hands are unclean, which (the irsu) are in the fold of Yawi-Addu. According to the letter of my lord I sent (my boys), and they conducted to me ªYawi-Adduº together with [ ], and I ordered Yawi-Addu together with the men of his . . . 77 to be tied up together with Hammi-Naqimu, and herewith I have dispatched them to my lord.”

27 64 To my lord speak! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “About the erhizzu locusts concerning which my lord wrote me—over here is where one catches ergilatum locusts. There are no erhizzu locusts. I sent 5 Haneans, and in Musilanum of the district of Talhayu they took erhizzu locusts. And the road is far, and (most of) those erhizzu locusts died in the reed box. Now, herewith I have sealed 38 erhizzu locusts and sent them to my lord. “Further: I wrote to Ibal-Pi-El about obtaining a report, and Ibal-Pi-El wrote me as follows: ‘Before, I was staying in Hamadanum of Yamutbal. I now departed for Harbe, and Esnunakean troops have moved on to Allahad.’ Ibal-Pi-El wrote this to me.”

74. qatamma. I expect qatam ana qatimma “right away.” 75. In comment g to FM 2 71, Durand refers to A.23, a letter from Ibal-El to ZakiraHammu, that shows that Subisa was involved in a theft of sheep of considerable magnitude. 76. i-ir-si. Since the verb tarûm “to conduct” is only used with beings who can walk as object and since the irsu are found in a fold, they must be a variety of small cattle. 77. ga-PI-ri-su. I propose “gang.”

432

Translation

Text 27 65

27 65 To [my] lord speak! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. Yassi-Dagan ªwentº out from Subat-Enlil, and he is well. And he arrived in ˇabatum. He set out from ˇabatum and arrived on the flat above Tehran, and then he set out from the flat above Tehran and took a shortcut by way of the steppe to Andarig. “Further: 30 donkeys of Imarites, carrying plant oil, took the shortcut by way of the interior of the encampment from Tuttul and ªappearedº in Qa††unan.1 The Imarite Ili-Addu has taken their lead to move on to Kurda. Now I detained ªthatº man and their donkeys. And I spoke to them [as] follows: I (said), ‘Your trade 78 here is with the Hana. (If you trade with them,) they will not rise. And you [can] ªmove onº to Kurda.’ This I said to ªthem. Now I have writtenº my lord a token of my ªservitudeº. My lord ªmust consultº, and my lord ªmustº [write me], ªso or not soº.” 1.

Joannès, “Routes,” 342, assumes that they left the Euphrates in Halabit and crossed the steppe south of Jebel Abd-el-Aziz to Qa††unan.

27 66 To my lord ªspeak! Your servantº Zakira-Hammu (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. Numheans came ªandº crossed ªaboveº Latihum in order to dig out madder, and they ªstayedº 9 days inside the forest. But I did not ªknowº, until someone who had seen them came and spoke to me. I dispatched troops, ªandº they conducted them to me. I reproached them about the fact that they . . . not . . . 79 of my lord and took away their madder. And those, I released them. 40 liters of moist madder [ ] under seal [ ] their guide [ ] I sealed [ ], and [now I] ªhave writtenº [my lord] ªa tokenº of my servitude. My [lord] ªmustº act ªaccordingº to his kingship.”

27 67 [To] my lord ªspeak! Yourº [servant] Zakira-Hammu (says), “The city of Qa††unan [and] ªthe districtº are well. Some time ago, I wrote to my lord about the madder that I took away from the Numheans. And until now a response to my tablet has ªnotº returned before my lord. Now, ªBunu-Estar sentº a tablet about that madder, (saying), ‘Why did ªyouº take away [the madder that] my boys dug out?’ [That] tablet, before the elders ªof the districtº, Subisa, [PN1], ªNabu-Naßirº, [PN2, PN3], Kuruban, ªPN4, PN5º, PN6, ªPN7º, 80 Ibal-Erah 78. mahirum. The translation follows Durand’s proposal, quoted by Birot in comment f. 79. la-ni be-lí-ia la i-bi-su; Birot emends to pa-ni and translates according to a Neo-Babylonian idiom, “afin que mon seigneur ne soit pas irrité”; Durand translates “(je les ai réprimandés) de s’être montrés sans vergogne envers mon seigneur.” The verbal form can be read i-pé-su = ippesu or i-bi-su = ibisu, from bêsum “they did not keep away.” la-ni remains obscure. 80. Birot’s construction of the sentence as a whole is different. Where I assume PN4 = [1 x(-x)] ªxº-ka-ma(-[x]), he breaks the sequence of names and assumes a new verbal predicate followed by ma “and.” This creates difficulties. Following a suggestion by Durand, Birot reads 1 me si-bi a-li-im instead of my PN6 and translates “de cent Anciens de la ville.” It would be the only example from Mari known to me where the plural of “elder” is not sibutum. Also, that word is written logographically (lú.su.ªgiº.[mes]) a few lines earlier. sibu “witnesses” is a possible interpretation.

spread is 6 points long

Text 27 68

Translation

433

[and] the principal ªservantsº of my lord I opened that tablet, and they listened. And herewith I seal that tablet and send it to my lord. “I did not give him any madder. [ ] is that madder. Now [I] ªhave writtenº that ªreportº as token of my servitude. My lord must consult and act [according to] his ªkingshipº!”

27 68 To [my] lord [speak]! Your [servant] ªZakira-Hammuº (says), “The city of ªQa††unanº [and the district are well]. [ ] Yanßib-Dagan [2 lines] ªsentº 81 me [ ] Yanßib-Dagan, and the . . . 82 attacked the 30 unsuspecting 83 troops . . . , 84 and they (the troops) brought them safely ªto Rataspatumº. And ªtroops from Rataspatumº brought them safely to ˇabatum. Numheans did position themselves in a noose 85 in Latihum against them, but they saw the escort troops whom I had dispatched with them and did not attack. “After the party of Yanßib-Dagan passed, a slave ªofº the palace in Qa††unan ªhad disappearedº, and I ªdispatchedº a rescue detachment after that slave, [and] the rescue detachment was searching (the whereabouts) of [that] ªslaveº. And 10 [ ] were going [ ] and 20 [ ] men whom the Numheans attacked. Our troops were about to do battle with the Numheans, and the Numheans retired, (saying), ‘Our brothers! What do you have against us? We are searching for our enemies, the Yamutbaleans.’ [n lines].”

27 69 = 2 79 = LAPO 18 1058 To ªmyº lord speak! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. 2 thousand troops of Haya-Sumu and Sub-Ram, Zu-Hadni being guide of the troops, are headed for Qa††unan (on their way) to my lord. “Further: Qarni-Lim wrote to me as follows: ‘ªThe herdboyº Ibassir and the Hanean Sa86 Pi-El, who stole sheep from the Yamutbal Haya-El, [ ] in ªAsnakkumº. I have dispatched But there are more problems: alim is usually spelled a-lim, and the signs a and li in Birot’s copy are unclear. Instead of my PN7, Birot, again following Durand, restores [ma-ha-a]r “en présence.” The resulting sentence structure would be “that tablet, before the elders of the district, namely Subisa . . . , (and) Kuruban . . .ed, and of PN5, of 1 hundred city elders/witnesses, before IbalErah . . . I opened that tablet.” The genitives are left unexplained, and so is the placement of “before.” In my interpretation, PN6 creates a problem. Personal names exist starting with the syllable Me, but they are normally 3 syllables long, while the copy shows at least 3 signs after Me-si-. Perhaps the name is I Me-si-bi-{3 ªxº}im, otherwise unattested. 81. Birot reads [x x x-s]a-an-ni. I read [is-pu-r]a-an-ni. 82. [x]-ar-ra-du; probably name of a group of Numha, hardly a generic term. 83. Birot, [i-na m]a-la-ki-im. His copy does not allow for more than a short, completely lost sign in the break. I read [a-n]a la-ki-im, literally, “for feeling secure.” For this verb, see my note, NABU 1995 87. 84. [x]-x-li. Birot’s copy suggests li or ne as second sign. I expect “they fought them off.” 85. Birot emends to -ir-ra-am “la caravane.” Kupper, “Kirrum dans les textes de Mari,” RA 90 (1996), 98, follows suit and corrects the accusative, translating “les Numhéens (constituant) un k.” I connect ir-ra-am with AHw. erru II. 86. Various obvious restorations have been proposed. See Birot’s comment c and Durand’s n. 115 in LAPO.

434

Translation

Text 27 70

87 those Hanaº and Yaªus-Addu, the overseer [ 88], with my sermy servants to [ ]. ª vants, [and] ªdispatchº [them] to my brother (Zimri-Lim), [and] my brother must give ªthemº direction on the case.’ This Qarni-Lim wrote [me]. I ªansweredº the boy of Qarni-Lim as follows: I (said), ‘The herdboys are not under my authority. The issue of those men lies in the hand of my lord.’ This I answered the boy of Qarni-Lim. Now, herewith I dispatch the messenger of Qarni-Lim to my lord. And I seal the tablet of Qarni-Lim that came and send it ªtoº my lord.”

27 70 To my lord speak! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. About the sheep of the Yamutbaleans concerning which my lord wrote me—I seized Ibassir, and Ibassir answered me as follows: ‘I am not at all implicated ªinº that matter. My lord must clear me! Sa-Pi-El caused those sheep to be carried off.’ I ªdispatchedº two men ªwithº Ibassir, and they [were to] conduct Sa-Pi-El to me, 89 but they did ªnotº find (him). That man emigrated to Kurda. And Ibassir went and seized 6 sheep in one fold, 2 sheep in a second fold, (and) 1 billy-goat in a third fold. Now the pasture-chief Ibal-Pi-El is before my lord. Ibal-Pi-El must reproach the owners of the folds, and the owners of the folds will confirm the (identity of) the man who caused those sheep to be carried off. Those men do not go under my authority.”

27 71 See 26 451.

To my lord speak! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. Kuzzari, a messenger of the Kurdaite Hammu-Rabi—that man was in the past with [my] lord—that man came and told me the following: ‘ªHammu-Rabi usedº Babylonian ªmessengersº to bring tablets to Isme-Dagan. And he wrote as follows: He (said), “Now my brother (Isme-Dagan) must say to Hammu-Rabi, king of Babylon, that my brother Zimri-Lim made an alliance 90 with Qarni-Lim and Sarraya, and their weapons are raised, and he (Hammu-Rabi of Babylon) must dispatch 2 thousand troops, and I shall leave them in Kurda, and I shall go and kiss the feet of my father, Hammu-Rabi. And as he (Zimri-Lim) made an alliance with those kings (Qarni-Lim and Sarraya), my father Hammu-Rabi must make an alliance with me.” ’ These things, ªwhichº Hammu-Rabi (of Kurda) wrote IsmeDagan, Kuzzari told me. And he (Hammu-Rabi) did not ªgiveº those tablets to his messengers. Right now, the Babylonian ªmessengersº carry those tablets. Herewith I have written

87. Birot restores su-t[a-aß-bi-it-ma] and translates “fais les partir.” Durand reads su-u[ß-tabi-it-ma], which, if correct, would reveal a basic ignorance of the scribe in Akkadian verbal morphology. 88. Durand restores “of herders” ([ n a . g a d a ]). 89. Birot restores [li]-it-ru-nim-ma. The obligative function of the precative would be a rarity, but there does not seem to be an alternative. 90. Charpin, “Sapiratum,” 365, recognized that this is the verb talalum, not dalalum, as assumed by Birot.

Text 27 72

Translation

435

what I heard to my lord as token of my servitude. My lord must consult and do what needs to be done. “And Kuzzari spoke to me as follows: ‘To ªElamº, where I am send, I will not ªgoº, [and] I ªshallº stop in Appan until my lord 91 writes me.’ The day I send this tablet to my lord, they (the party of Kuzzari) stay in Saggaratum overnight. And it was in the early morning that he came to me, and right away I wrote to my lord.”

27 72 See 27 72-bis; 127; 2 78 = LAPO 18 979.

To my lord speak! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “The day that I arrived in Andarig, Qarni-Lim had set his sight on going to Subat-Enlil. As I arrived, on that ªdayº, QarniLim was detained. After I delivered my instructions, he answered me as follows: ‘I go to Subat-Enlil. In Subat-Enlil I will answer you.’ This, Qarni-Lim answered me. As Qarni-Lim heard my report, Qarni-Lim right away sent a messenger to Sarraya (to say), ‘Our brother wrote to me and to you about our going (to him). Let us meet and do what is necessary for going to our brother.’ This, Qarni-Lim wrote to Sarraya. [They] ªmetº between Saphum and Huraßa, [and] Sarraya ªwill go to Qa††unan toº my lord. ªQarni-Limº will not go. I wrote my lord a token of my servitude. My lord must know!”

27 72-bis See 2 78 = LAPO 18 979.

“[n lines], and Sarraya was very happy. He lit up like the sun. ªAnd according to what he heardº, he answered me as follows: ‘[I and] ªQarni-Limº, [we shall] meet. I will take [the matter] of [our] going into my hands.’ This Sarraya said to me, ªandº Sarraya and Qarni-Lim met in ªSaphumº of Apum and consulted [and] called us, me and Zakira-Hammu, and spoke to us as follows: ‘One among us will go to Mari and one will be left to [guard] the land.’ And ªSarrayaº spoke to me ªas followsº: ‘Qarni-Lim stayed in Mari last year. Now I will go. We will not ªlet ourselves be found togetherº, [and] we will not both ªgoº. I will come. There are those who communicate with us in full reports. 92 Next to the land of Yussan and next to the land of Apum are reliable cities. Therefore1 Qarni-Lim will be left to guard the land.’ This Sarraya and Qarni-Lim said to me. Now Qarni-Lim is left to guard the land. And Sarraya decided to go 93 to my lord. On the 20th of [the month of Dagan (VIII)] Sarraya will go out from Razama. And with him go Masum-Atal, king of Alilanum, Hazip-Ulme, king of 91. This is probably Zimri-Lim. 92. a-la-kam sa it-ti-ni ga-am-ra-[tim] sa i-ta-wu-ú i-ba-as-su-ªúº. Birot, understanding a-lakam as alakam, translates: “Y a-t-il lieu de discuter sur un voyage à propos duquel nous nous sommes mis d’accord?” It leaves the plural ibassû unexplained. In my translation, I assume that a-lakam is an unorthographic spelling for allakam “I will come.” The verb atwûm is construed with itti of the person with whom one communicates and, rarely, with a quasi-adverbial accusative. See 26 362:44–45, itti . . . abisu libbam gamram itawû “(because) he communicates wholeheartedly with . . . his father.” sa before i-ta-wu-ú seems to be a meaningless repetition of the sa before it-ti-ni. Birot indicates that the reading of the sign is not clear. 93. illikam, literally, “went.”

436

Translation

Text 27 73

Asihum, and the general of the land of Íubat-Estar representing his lord. [And] ªabout the dateº of which [my] ªlord saidº to me, ‘Sarraya [ ] for the day of the body rites,’ [n lines].” 1.

I do not quite understand the passage. The formulation “there are those who . . .” may imply “not all . . .” and “there are reliable cities” may imply that not all cities were reliable. These implications would provide a reason for one king to stay home, but the expression of the reasoning by implication would be odd. Or Sarraya’s words are not meant to explain why only he will come to Mari, and “those who communicate with us in full reports” are the kings and the general that will accompany Sarraya, and the “reliable cities” are their cities. But in this case, “therefore” would be out of place.

27 73 ªToº [my] lord speak! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “ªThe city of Qa††unanº and the district are well. A tablet of Sarraya that is being sent to my lord arrived from ªKurdaº. Herewith I send that tablet right away to my lord. “Men, however many came from the land of Subartum, are telling, ‘The land, all of it, called for a commissioner, and [ ] encampment.’ [4 lines] [of ] the encampment up to Ekallatum [ ] do not be concerned!”

27 74 To my lord speak! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “A tablet of Haqba-Ahum reached me from Kurda while I was midway, 94 (saying), ‘Hammu-Rabi, king of Kurda, goes to Mari. Write to the king on the issue of his dinners, and do whatever the king writes you.’ This, Haqba-Ahum announced to me. Now my lord must write me on the issue of dinners of Hammu-Rabi, so or not so.”

27 75 = 2 82 = LAPO 16 269 See 2 69 = LAPO 16 412.

[To] ªmyº lord speak! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. Some time ago, a tablet of Haqba-Ahum reached me from Kurda in Bit Kapan, (saying), ‘Hammu-Rabi, king of Kurda, goes to Mari to the king. Write to the king about his dinners! They (the royal functionaries) must obtain for you the assignments for his dinners. Bread and beer must be ready for his dinner in Bit Kapan.’ This, Haqba-Ahum wrote [to] me, and ªright awayº, from Bit Kapan, I had a report on [ ] ªwritten downº [on a tablet, and] I wrote (it) ªto myº lord. Now Haqba-Ahum again wrote ªtoº [me] about the trip of Hammu-Rabi, king of Kurda, (saying), ‘ªMake your arrangementsº! Write to the king, and they (the royal functionaries) must obtain for you the assignments for the dinners of Hammu-Rabi, bread, beer and sheep.’ This Haqba-Ahum wrote me. ªNowº my lord must ªmakeº the assignments for the foodstuffs of his dinners, and my lord must write me, so or not so. And a [ ] ª 95º must come and ªserveº his dinner. And if some ox should be slaughtered 94. ina qablit k a s k a l - a. The midway station was Bit Kapan, according to the next letter. 95. Durand reads 1 [l ú i-na d u]mu - m e s ù l u - m á l and translates “un membre de la classe noble.”

spread is 6 points long

Text 27 76

27 76

Translation

437

for his [dinner], (there is) an ox from the annual tax of the palace. It put on weight and has become heavy, and blood seized its feet below 96 while it was standing, and it is not able to ªstandº (for long). And for feeding they make it get up by ªforceº every time. That ox is not able to walk to Mari. My lord [must write] ªmeº about that ox, so or not so.”

27 76 = 2 81 = LAPO 16 240 [To] my lord ªspeakº! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. The day I sent this tablet of mine to my lord, Hammu-Rabi, king of Kurda, entered Qa††unan. “Further: Some time ago, I wrote to my lord about giving out grain ªof the palace toº the district. And my lord wrote me as follows: ‘Give out any grain the district needs!’ And whether they add interest to the income 97 of that grain, or else they return (just) the principal at harvest time, (that) my lord did not write me, so or not so, and the district became apprehensive, and (they say), ‘We are afraid they will make us pay grain and its interest at harvest time!’ Nobody took the grain, and all of them tarry (expecting) transport 98 of grain from Subartum. And yesterday [ ] Hammi-Sagis [ ] the district ª º. 99 Now my lord must consult. The time of the year for receiving (loans of grain) is not good. ª º. 100 ªLetº 2 hundred tracts of grain be given out to the district, and let (only) the capital of the grain return to ªthe palaceº by harvest time. “I wrote ªa tokenº of my servitude to my lord. My lord must do whatever seems favorable to him.”

27 78 See §35 (pp. 95ff.).

96. This is a literal translation. R. D. Biggs, “Ergotism and Other Mycotoxicoses in Ancient Mesopotamia?” Aula Orientalis 9 (1991) 18, believes it describes a symptom of ergotism. 97. er-ba-am. Durand reads ni*-ba-am, translates “quant à la façon de le calculer,” refers to the discussion of this word in 23, 381–82, and disputes the fit of the word “income” in the given context. nibum in the references quoted in 23, 381–82, refers to metal objects and designates the nominal (note that nibum derives from nabûm “to name”) value in terms of weight as opposed to the actual weight. Durand’s objections against “income” are based on a limited, technical use of that term. I assume that it here means the amount of grain received by the borrower. 98. So, according to Durand’s reading ªzaº-ba-lim re-eq. 99. According to Durand’s collation, the text reads, after “yesterday,” etbima ina mahar Hammi-Sagis habtaku astassi halßum iktun, which would mean “I rose and exclaimed repeatedly ‘I am robbed’ in front of H. The district has stood firm.” 100. After “consult,” Durand reads [n]a-ab su-ti-a sa sa-at-{TIM}-tim / i-da-mi-iq / ªú-ulº i-ma-†í and translates “le compte de ce qui a été perçu pour l’année est bon. Il n’y aura pas de déficit.” na-ab would be an unusual but not altogether unexpected status constructus of the infinitive of nabû in the meaning of “to count.” I am not sure which reading is right, but Birot’s, which I follow in my translation, makes the letter topically more compact: the need for grain in the district and the reluctance of the prospective borrowers to accept an interest-bearing loan at a time when better loan conditions of later ripening grain from the north could be expected.

438

Translation

Text 27 79

To my lord speak! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. The day I sent this tablet of mine to my lord, 2 thousand Zalmaqean troops of Yarkab-Addu, king of Hanzat, arrived in Qa††unan. Yapah-Lim, a messenger of my lord, and a general are leading those troops. Those troops arrived, and I issued bread, beer, and grain to ªthe generalº, the division commanders, and the foremen of 50. Herewith those troops depart for my lord.”

27 79 See §35 (pp. 95ff.).

To my lord ªspeakº! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. [The day] I sent this ªtabletº of mine to my [lord], ªYanßib-Daganº [together with] 2 thousand ªZalmaqeanº troops [ ] of Bunuma-Addu arrivedº [in] Qa††unan, and I issued dinners to the division commanders and the foremen of 50. Those ªtroopsº are proceeding ªtoº my lord.”

27 80 See §35 (pp. 95ff.). For the journey of the Razameans, see also 27 92 and 14 105. For laborers leaving for Subartum, see 27 26.

To my lord speak! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. The day I sent this tablet of mine to my lord, 8 hundred troops of Sibku-NaAddu, the king of Suda, and Hibrum-Malik, his brother and general, and 4 hundred troops of Asdi-Takim, the king of Harran, Muti-Addu, his brother and general, 1 thousand Zalmaqean troops1 and Yaduran, messenger of my lord, their guide, those troops arrived in Qa††unan, and I had one ram slaughtered and issued bread, beer, and grain as dinner for the generals, division commanders, and foremen of 50. Herewith those troops depart for my lord. “And my lord wrote me about the troops that passed some time ago as follows: ‘You did not ªreviewº the troops. And you did not check on the troops. And you wrote (too) many troops on your tablet.’ This my lord wrote me. The messenger of my lord, who guides the troops, mentioned to me the number of the troops, and I wrote to my lord according to what he said. What (is the difference) whether I issued dinners for 1 thousand or 2 thousand troops, and (why should) I have checked on those troops? And I called (the number of) those troops 2 thousand because of fiend and foe. 101 I (said to myself), ‘My lord will check on them.’ “Further: My lord wrote me about the Razameans as follows: ‘If there are no troops available to you (to serve as escorts)—when Hana pass (on their way) to me, employ those troops and let them take ªthemº (the Razameans) along to me.’ “[I wrote] 2, 3 times about this district to my lord. Through [ ] of [grain] in this district, (and) ªafterº any single and day laborer who was here went to the land of Subartum for earning a living, there are no troops (left) to me. 101. Birot quotes examples of this formula in comment f. Ziegler added more examples in comment l to FM 2 1.

Text 27 81

Translation

439

“When Hana pass, I will employ those troops and have them conduct them (the Razameans) to my lord.” 1.

The kings of Suda and Harran were kings of Zalmaqum. The “1,000 Zalmaqean troops” thus appear to be the total of 800 and 400.

27 81 See §35 (pp. 95ff.).

[To] ªSu-Nuhra-Haluº [speak! Your brother] ªZakira-Hammuº (says), “[Herewith] I send a tablet ªtoº the king ªaboutº the troops of Sibku-Na-Addu, [the king of ] ªSudaº, and AsdiTakim, the king of Harran, who arrived in Qa††unan. Bring that tablet1 to the attention of the king! And some time ago, you wrote me as follows: You (said), ‘You did not review the troops. Why did you write (what you wrote) to the king?’ Why on earth 102 would I (go) see the troops? I served them dinner, so I saw them by evidence of the food. Or else, should I have counted every single one of them? Their ªguideº spoke to me, and [according to what] ªheº [said], I wrote so and such 103 ªtoº the king.”2 1. 2.

That tablet is 27 80. Compare this explanation to that of 27 80. Both include grammatical difficulties that are perhaps symptoms of Zakira-Hammu’s embarrassment.

27 82 To Su-Nuhra-Halu speak! Your brother Zakira-Hammu (says), “[6 lines] Zalmaqean troops arrived in Qa††unan. Herewith I send a tablet about those troops to the king. If you are truly my brother, let the person bringing my tablet not be detained because of you. “Further: Some time ago, [I wrote] you about Liqtum [ ]. That woman ªcameº to me, and she was complaining, ‘My husband [ ] not [ ].’ ”

27 83 See 2 57 = 28 123 = LAPO 16 263 and the texts assembled by Birot in comment a to 27 84.

To my lord speak! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. Yumraß-El [and] with him 3 hundred men ªarrivedº and departed for my lord. [And] right away, as of their arrival, I ªsent a tablet toº my lord.”

27 84 Birot connects this letter with 21 370. According to Guichard, the connection is not assured (NABU 1995 51).

102. ina zumur minim means, literally, “by the body of what.” For parallels, see Birot’s comment c. 103. ki-a-am ù ke-em. I am not sure about the semantic nuance. In 26 404:30 kêm u kêm seems to mean “just as well.” The different spellings of the same word here are interesting.

440

Translation

Text 27 85

To ªSu-Nuhra-Haluº speak! Your brother Zakira-Hammu (says), “ªYumraß-Elº, the king of Abi-Ili, just departed for my lord. ªI am afraidº my ªlord will speakº as follows: ‘ªZakiraHammu is staying in a border regionº. Why did he not write ªtoº [me]?’ I and ªYasim-Sumu consultedº, [and] herewith ªYasim-Sumuº sends ªthisº tablet of mine about that man ªtoº my lord.”

27 85 To my lord speak! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. About the release of a maid to the messenger of Haya-Sumu concerning which my lord wrote me, ‘Accept a(nother) maid as her substitute and release (her as) his spouse!’—I made a thorough check. That maid is Ekallatani. 104 And when my lord seized Hazzikkannum, that maid was still under age. 105 And that maid is a weaver. I saw that that maid is beautiful. 106 And the maid whom I hold as her substitute is an old maid. I have not released that maid (Ekallatani) to the messenger of Haya-Sumu. Now, maids and slaves of the house of my lord from Idamaraß and Subartum—if the desire 107 of a messenger of Idamaraß takes a beautiful maid, whom he sees in my house.1—Now, if I should release that maid, my lord must write me, so or not so. I wrote a token of my servitude to my lord.” 1.

The sentence was not completed. It seems that Zakira-Hammu is protesting an irregular procedure.

27 86 See 26 317.

To Su-Nuhra-Halu speak! Your brother Zakira-Hammu (says), “Yamßum, overseer of the weir of Ilan-Íura,1 wrote me as follows: ‘It was troops of Haya-Sumu. They went to Kahat and caught Kapiya. They seized the city. And Attaya, who was staying with Haya-Sumu, ascended its throne.’ Yamßum wrote this to me. Herewith I have written that report to the king.” 1.

Guichard, FM 3, 195, suggests that the title refers to the weir of an evaporation pond where salt was produced. Access to salt was a problem in Idamaraß, and it is conceivable that Zimri-Lim controlled the production of salt at the city of his main vassal in the area. His control seems to have been temporary: Guichard quotes from a text in which Zimri-Lim is urged to write the king of Ilan-Íura to provide salt.

104. é.gal-ta-ni. If this is a name, we expect the predeterminative sal and/or sumsa “her name.” Durand proposes an appellative ekallitani “woman of my palace.” 105. Birot quotes in comment e Durand’s suggestion to understand tarêt as “being brought up”; hence my translation. The possible dates of the event are discussed by Guichard, “Dame de Nagar,” 254. 106. Literally, “shines.” 107. mi-nu-ut. Translated according to AHw. minûtu II; Birot uses minûtu I for his translation “nombre”; Durand considers plural of minum “which.”

Text 27 87

Translation

441

27 87 ªToº my lord ªspeakº! Your servant ªZakira-Hammu (says), “The cityº of Qa††unan and ªthe districtº [are well]. Yamßum, servant of my lord, overseer of the weir of ªIlan-Íura, wrote ªas followsº to me: ‘Troops of Haya-Sumu went to Kahat and [seized] the city. Kapiya [n lines.’ n lines].”

27 88 See §22 (pp. 75ff.).

[To Su-Nuhra-Halu speak]! ªYourº [brother] ªZakira-Hammuº (says), “[1] Elamite ªmessenger, PNº, . . . 108 of Kunnam ª ofº Subat-Enlil, [1] ªmessengerº of Isme-Addu, [and 1] ªmessengerº [of ] ª -Addu, 109 Yakun-Dagan, the messengerº of the king, ªbeingº their ªguideº— ªthoseº [men I] ªdetainedº in Qa††unan. Herewith [I] ªsendº [a tablet] to the king. [ ] must bring that tablet to the attention of [n lines].”

27 89 See §26 (pp. 82ff.).

[To] my lord ªspeakº! Your [servant] Zakira-Hammu (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. Some time ago, I wrote to Ulluri as follows: I (said), ‘News of the land of Idamaraß and news of Atamrum, ªhowever muchº you hear, write to me, so or not so. Whatever you write me, I shall write to my lord.’ Now, herewith I send a tablet of Ulluri to my lord. And Ulluri wrote the following response to my tablet: ‘Atamrum went to Luhayan and wrote the kings repeatedly, but ªnoneº of the kings came to him, and he stayed 3 days in Luhayan and departed for Razama. He (Atamrum) is taking down (the fortifications of) Razama.’ This, Ulluri wrote me.”

27 91 110º, I dispatched To ªmyº lord speak! ªYourº [servant] ªZakira-Hammuº (says), “[ ] ª [ ] in order ªto obtain news of Atamrumº. [ ] Hammu-Rabi [ ] between them [ ] Numha [and] ªYamutbalº . [8 lines]. I moved my overnight stay to Bit Kapan.”

27 92 See the last paragraph of 27 80, and 14 105.

108. Birot transliterates [x x] x-si-im. 109. Birot reads [sa] as?-kùr?-dAddu, but the use of kùr in this often-mentioned name would be unique. 110. Birot reads [i]s-[t]u K[a]-ra-na. If the text comes from the time of the siege of Razama when Zakira-Hammu would have been eager to get news on Atamrum, it is unlikely that Karana would be mentioned.

442

Translation

Text 27 93

To my lord speak! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “ªAboutº [ ] the Razameans [to] Saggaratum [n lines]. “I left [ ] ªdredgingº and threshing on ªthe threshing floorsº of the palace, and herewith he escorts those men rapidly 111 up to Saggaratum.”

27 93 [To my] lord speak! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. The day I sent this tablet of mine to my lord, Asmad, the assistant of the pasture-chief, entered Qa††unan together with 15 mayors ªof the Hanaº. And the ªpasturechiefº Ibal-El will arrive tomorrow or else ªthe day after tomorrowº. These men (the mayors) ªwent out (of their residence) some time ago. Thoseº men ªreturned, andº I have written ªtoº [my lord] ªright awayº.”

27 94 To my lord speak! Your servant Zakira-Hammu (says), “[The city] of ªQa††unanº [and] ªthe districtº are well. [The day] I sent this [tablet] of mine to my lord, Ibal-Pi-El ªarrivedº in Qa††unan together with mayors of the Hana. “Further: The day I sent this tablet of mine to my lord, I had hand set to threshing on the threshing floors of the palace.”

27 97 To my lord speak! Your servant ªZakira-Hammuº (says), “2 ªAslakkeanº messengers [3 lines] arrived from ªIdamaraߺ in ªQa††unanº. Herewith I have dispatched those men to my lord.”

27 99–170 are letters from Zimri-Addu. He wrote 99–135 as governor of Qa††unan. At the time of 136, he was preparing his trip to Babylon. Letters 137–53 and 155– 67 were written from Babylon where he served as a commander of Mariote troops. Letters 154 and possibly 168 were written from Karana. For more detail, see Birot’s introduction (27, 26–36).

99–

27 99

To my lord speak! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “Kaªalan went with my lord up to Íuprum. He returned and (said), ‘My lord instructed me. My lord (said), “You, Zimri-Addu and Abi-Mekim, will ªsealº the gates of Mari together and open (them) together.” ’ This, Kaªalan said 112 as of his arrival. The next day Kaªalan (said), ‘ªWhyº should we, I and you, ªsealº? Let Abi-Mekim seal and open the gates.’ But I became apprehensive about this, because those men are inhabitants of one (and the same) city, and (therefore) I wrote my lord. 111. kallam. See Charpin, NABU 1994 62. 112. The scribe wrote it-bi “he rose” instead of iq-bi.

Text 27 100

Translation

443

I (said), ‘ªI am afraidº Kaªalan will . . . 113 me before [my] ªlord sooner or laterº, and I will not be able to answer [him.’ My] lord [must] consult now and ªwriteº me, so or not so, and then I shall do what my lord says.”

27 100 See 27 102, FM 2 69.

To my lord speak! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “Two years ago, 4 hundred 50 dikes of field-area were the (total) area sown by the palace. The division of Ilum-Madar came, and palace and commoners harvested 1 hundred 50 of those 4 hundred 50 dikes of field-area. And they brought (the harvested grain) up to the threshing floor. And 3 hundred dikes of field-area Ilum-Madar harvested. And he brought it up to the threshing floor.1 Last year, 6 hundred dikes of field-area were sown, and rear guards and singles of the district of Mari, Terqa, and Saggaratum came and harvested 4 hundred dikes of field-area. And they brought it up to the threshing floor. And personnel of the palace and commoners harvested 2 hundred dikes of field-area. And they brought it up to the threshing floor. This year the sown area of the palace is 9 hundred dikes. And I made accounts of the personnel of the palace and the commoners, and when they harvest by the hard work quota, ª4 hundredº dikes of field-area can be harvested. And they can ªbring it upº to the threshing floor. Besides the 4 hundred dikes, not one additional dike can be harvested. 5 hundred dikes of field-area will be abandoned. And there are no troops ªavailableº to me. And I wrote the governor and the majordomo.2 Now my lord must give strict orders to the governor and the majordomo, and they must dispatch troops to harvest 5 hundred dikes of field-area and bring it up (to the threshing floors), and that field must be harvested. Otherwise the field of ªthe palace will go to wasteº. My lord must give strict orders, and (if) those troops have not arrived by the end of the month, the grain will go to waste. I have written a token of my servitude to my lord. My lord must know this. “Further: About the people of Yarim-Dadu, concerning whom my lord wrote me—I wrote to Harbe, but Erra-Habit did not provide [his] ªpeopleº (saying), ‘Without my lord [ ] not [ ].’ ” 1. 2.

FM 2 69 could be Ilum-Madar’s report. It is not clear who the governor and majordomo are. Birot suggests seeing in the singular form a collective referring to the governors and majordomos of the three Euphrates districts, because harvest workers were provided from these districts for Qa††unan before. If the grammatical singular is semantically singular, the governor should be Zakira-Hammu, possibly absent, and ZimriAddu was caretaker of the governor’s office at the time.

27 101 To my lord speak! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. Some time ago, I wrote about the flood of the Habur to my lord. And when I ªwroteº to my lord, the flood of the Habur had not yet reached the grain plantations. After the tablet that I sent to my lord, the flooding of the Habur increased by 2 cubits in one night, and the ªgrain plantationsº of ˇabatum, the sown field-area, however much there is, be it of 113. Durand reads [i-n]a-ªzaº-ra-an-ni and translates “m’insulte.”

444

Translation

Text 27 102

the palace, be it that of the commoners, where there are troughs 114 (and) low ground—an ear (of the grain plant) is submerged, and ªwhereº there is higher ground, a grain (plant) is full ªupº to its middle (in water). And the grain plantations of Qa††unan, where the fields of the fringe (of the riverbank) 115 are, be it those of the palace, be it those of the commoners, where there are troughs (and) low ground, an ear is submerged, and where there is higher ground, a grain (plant) is full up to its middle (in water). And the day I ªsentº this tablet of mine to my lord, the flood diminished by 2 fingers. And so far I have not seen the full story of the grain. Once I see the full story of the grain, I will write (it) to my lord.”

27 102 To my lord speak! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “Some time ago, I wrote my lord as follows: I (said), ‘Two years ago 4 hundred 50 dikes of field-area of the palace were sown. And regulars of the division of Ilum-Madar came and harvested that area. And they brought it up to the threshing floor. And last year 6 hundred dikes were sown, and rear guards, singles and reservists, came and harvested the grain. And they brought it up to the threshing floor.’ Now this year 9 hundred dikes of field of the palace are sown. And I calculated (the labor force of the) palace and commoners for the 9 hundred dikes of field, and if they work hard 116 every day and every night, they will harvest barely 4 hundred dikes of field. And the remainder, 5 hundred dikes of field, will be abandoned without harvesting. Now my lord must give instructions, and they must outfit 117 and dispatch troops to me for harvesting the 5 hundred dikes of field. And the grain must be collected quickly, in good time. Otherwise, if my lord does not dispatch troops to me, the grain of the palace will go to waste. And my lord knows the road is far-flung. 118 When (organizing the harvest of) the grain proves too much for me, I will not write to my lord (anymore), and my lord < > 119 the troops that he dispatches to me—if they do not arrive on the second or else on the third day, 120 [there will be none to harvest] the grain. ªNow, 10º [days] ªwill go byº until the coming [of troops]. The dayº I sent this tablet of mine [to] my lord, I set hand to ªharvestingº [the grain]. My lord must give instructions, and they must dispatch fully equipped troops. “Further: Some time ago, I wrote about the diminishing of (the flood of) the Habur to my lord. And according to my letter that I wrote to my lord, (the flood of) the Habur did 114. su-ra-tim. Birot, “roselières,” but in the context the su-ra-tum are planted with grain. The word is probably the plural of AHw. suru V and CAD suru C, which designates a type of low ground. 115. pí-a-yi. Birot, “au bord de l’eau.” See his comment d and n. 177 below. 116. dannatim illaku. The corresponding formulation in 27 100 indicates that the hard work was formalized as a specific work quota. 117. li-ka-bi-du-nim-ma. Birot, connecting the verb with the ßabum kibittum whose dispatch Zimri-Addu requests, suggests as the literal meaning of the verb “charger (d’un équipement complet)” and translates “équiper.” The verb is also attested in FM 2 127:25, where it is written with /t/ as third radical. 118. na-si-ik. The road from the Euphrates provinces to Qa††unan is what he means. Birot discusses other translations in his comment d. 119. A verbal predicate is missing. 120. Birot translates “demain” and “après-demain.” This would mean that Zimri-Lim was close by, which is somewhat unlikely in light of Zimri-Addu’s statement that the “road is farflung.” Perhaps the second and third day of the coming month are meant.

spread is 1 pica long

Text 27 103

Translation

445

diminish. And the grain plantations of palace and ªcommonersº in ˇabatum and in Qa††unan that had filled (with water) from flooding—the high ground shed its water. And [the low ground] did not yet ªshedº its water, [and] the base of a grain (plant) is ªfullº in water. And so far, I have not seen the full story of the grain. Once I see the full story of the grain, I will write (it) to my lord.”

27 103 To [my] ªlord speakº! Your [servant] ªZimri-Adduº (says), “[The city] of Qa††unan and ªthe districtº [are well. ] Now the river [ ] flooded, and the water [ ] ªfellº quickly. 121 And I saw [ ] it did not ªreachº . . . 122 of [ ]. I (said), ‘I will go to work in 5 days with [the troops] that are ªavailableº to me, and I will remove the ªclogsº wherever they are.’ Now in 5 days ªor elseº 6 days, I will go to work and ªremoveº the clogs, wherever they are, ªwithº [the troops] ªthat are availableº to me. And I will (finish) recapturing 123 the water until 124 the end of the month. My lord must ªknow thisº!”

27 104 [To] my lord speak! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “[About] ªdredgingº the river—it is as it was some time ago, [when] 125 I wrote ªtoº my lord. The first day of the month of Malkanum (II) was in progress, when[ I] ªsentº 126 this [tablet] of mine to my lord, and I had set hand to ªdredgingº the river. [ ], and of 10 dikes of ªsowedº field [ ] with any troops that [n lines]. “[n lines] to mayorship over ªhis brothersº. 127 Why did he [leave] his executive office and come and [is staying] over here? He bothers me in my executive office [in (this)] border [city]. [Now] my lord must write me, and [that man] must depart ªtoº his (own) executive office. [And] he must not bother me. [And] he must not cause me to be ªnegligentº [in] the work that I am doing.”

27 105 To my lord speak! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “For a long time, there has been no rain in Dur-Íabim. Since . . . 128 it rained, and the grain came out. Now that grain as well as the grain of Dir is watered.” 121. ma†ûmma [im†û], as read by Birot. The context suggests that the waters breached the bank and then fell quickly in the channel farther downstream. 122. a-na ªsaº e-ri-is [ ]. Birot suggests the restoration e-ri-is-[ti-ia] “je désirais.” 123. Birot, e-le-qé-[e]m “je pourrai prendre.” One expects “bring back into its channel.” Note that English “to capture” is used for diverting one stream into the channel of another stream. The use of leqûm here seems to be a similar extension of the semantic field. 124. a-d[i] according to the copy. Birot reads a-n[a]. 125. kima sa ina panitim [sa]. See the parallel phrase in 26 199:32. The subjunctive there is inuma. Here, space allows only [sa]. For ina panitim sa, see 26 11:16. 126. Birot reads [as-pu-r]u; [ú-sa-bi-l]am is expected. 127. So, according to Durand’s suggestion, communicated by Birot in comment a. 128. istu u4 mu iti-kam. Birot, “depuis un mois.”

446

Translation

Text 27 106

27 106 [To] my lord ªspeakº! Your ªservantº Zimri-Addu (says), “Some time ago, [I] ªwroteº to my lord about the grain of Dur-Íabim that Addu watered. When Addu watered that grain, [n lines].” Addu is the weather god.

27 107 [To] my lord speak! Your [servant] Zimri-Addu (says), “In the past, my lord imposed (a payment of) 2/3 pound of silver for (mayorship of) ˇabatum on Hammutar. And Hammutar kept paying 129 Zakira-Hammu that 2/3 pound of silver. And last year, Hammutar paid me that 2/3 pound of silver. Now my lord has given Yashadum instructions for the mayorship of ˇabatum. And I went to ˇabatum to (meet) Yashadum and spoke to Yashadum as follows: I (said), ‘2/3 pound of silver that Hammutar kept paying Zakira-Hammu and me, that (amount of) silver you will be paying.’ And the sons of Patakhum 130 assembled, and they consulted (and spoke) as follows: ‘We will pay that silver now, and [ ]-Malik and Yashadum [will pay] regularly in the future.’ “[n lines] I spoke ªtoº the sons of Patakhum as follows: I (said), ‘Like regulars and personal guards of the bank of the Euphrates who are in possession of 5-dike plots and perform hard service for the palace and (like) those performing their service obligation1 in the district of Qa††unan are in possession of 5-dike plots, like them I shall provide you with 5-dike plots as your subsistence plots and order the country folk 131 to be provided with 3-dike plots from the remainder of the field-area.’ “And because none of them promised to weigh out silver, I went ahead, and I installed a man from Qa††unan to the land registry in ˇabatum.2 “And my lord knows that on the bank of the Euphrates, regulars and personal guards, who hold the hard bronze-lance for (guarding) the head of my lord, are in possession of 5-dike plots. Now I will provide those men with 5-dike plots and the country folk with 3-dike plots, and (regarding) the field-area—those men are in possession of the wells themselves.3 And my lord must answer them as follows: ‘That field-area is the field-area of the palace. Like regulars, who carry the hard lance behind me [and] 132 are in possession of 5-dike plots, they (the authorities in Qa††unan) will provide you with 5-dike plots.’ This my lord must answer them.” 1. 2.

As soldiers or laborers of the crown. Zimri-Addu must have offered the office of land registrar to a member of the Patakhum in the missing part at the beginning of the second paragraph. The appointee had to pay a fee to the governor.

129. For is-ta-qa-al = istaqqal, see line 13, where it is spelled is-ta-aq-qa-al. 130. d u mu . m e s Pa-ta-aK-hi-im. Presumably PataKhum is the name of a clan. See Birot’s comment e. 131. d u mu . m e s matim. The context indicates that “country folk” is a specific group within the Patakhum clan. Perhaps the clan members who live in the countryside are the people to whom this term refers. 132. Birot restores [sa]; I restore [ù].

Text 27 108 3.

Translation

447

Apparently, the plots could not be irrigated with water drawn from the river. Irrigation from wells is also attested for Mislan, north of Mari (26 24 and 171).

27 108 See the next letter.

To my lord speak! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “I am in possession of a field of modest size in Appan. Some time ago, I fought repeatedly 133 with the executive office in Qa††unan for a field. Now, I withdrew (my request of the field) from that executive office. I wrote Habdu-Malik about providing a(nother) field. I (said), ‘Speak to my lord! Let them give me a field in Mari that can be given out.’ This [I] ªwroteº Habdu-Malik, and he wrote me ªas followsº: ªHeº (said), ‘A field in the territory of the sons of Yamina [ ] ªhas been releasedº. 134 [ ] a field of your preference.’ [n lines] in ªRahatumº [ ] for some time ªnobody had sowedº 135 it. I excavated 136 for that field a spring 137 [in order to] ªwaterº it. [And] I ran into many ªexpensesº for it. If it pleases my lord, let them give me ªthatº field. In the early part of the year, when we departed for here, Zakira-Hammu was providing water right and left of my field, and they (who were in possession of those fields) were watering. He killed my grain for want of water. Now, likewise, he provides water right and left, and they water. He does not provide water to field. In the past, when Zakira-Hammu served in that executive position, 138 and until Ilsu-Naßir moved from Qa††unan, he did not. . . . 139 Now, ªnext toº [ ], on that ground, that man [ ]. If it pleases my lord, [ ] from the city.” Fields were assigned by executive offices to those eligible to receive them, as documented, for example, in 26 145. Zimri-Addu’s troubles cannot be easily reconstructed because of the break in the middle of the text. I propose the following scenario: When Zimri-Addu became governor in Qa††unan, his predecessor, Zakira-Hammu remained in charge of the local executive office that was responsible for distributing fields to eligible royal servants. Zimri-Addu applied to Zakira-Hammu for a field, but his application was repeatedly turned down. He gave up and applied to Habdu-Malik for a field in the district of Mari. He was offered a field in territory formerly belonging to the Yamina. [Text broken]. ZimriAddu, having declined the field in former Yamina territory, obtained a field in the district of Qa††unan after all. His nemesis Zakira-Hammu was now denying him irrigation water.

27 109 To my lord speak! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “Some time ago, I wrote my lord. I am in possession of a field of modest size in Appan. And [I] fought repeatedly with (the executive office of) ªQa††unanº for the field. Now, I ªwithdrewº (my claim to the field) in 133. According to the spelling in 27 109, am-ta-ha-aß = amtahhaß. 134. [wa-as-s]a-ra-at. The corresponding form in 27 109 is wassurat. 135. Or “wanted.” 136. aspuk “I piled up (the excavated dirt).” 137. inam, literally, “an eye,” which designates springs in Semitic languages. The rare springs in the area were known and used; in rare cases a spring might be discovered and excavated. But such a thing would not be stated without any embellishment. I presume that “spring” means “well.” 138. That is, as governor. 139. ip†ur. Birot suggests “il n’a pas cessé (d’agir ainsi).”

448

Translation

Text 27 110

Qa††unan. [I wrote] ªHabdu-Malikº about a(nother) field. I (said), ‘[Speak] to [my] ªlordº! [Let them give me] a field that can be given out ªinº [Mari].’ Habdu-Malik [wrote me] as [follows]: ‘ªTerritoryº [of the sons of Yamina] has been ªreleased. Writeº me (which is) the field of your choice, and [they will give it to you.’ This] ªHabdu-Malikº [wrote me.] [n lines] “[n lines] I ªmeasuredº out [n] tracts of grain in Kutlatum. ªSin-Musallimº [and] YasimSumu ªpromisedº to the treasurers the [n] ªtractsº of grain that are with Sin-Musallim. ªIn sumº, 1 hundred 40 tracts of grain were what was received. 20 tracts of grain were the remainder from the harvest.1 I wrote. I (said to the agents), ‘Measure out those 20 tracts of grain!’ Why did he (Zakira-Hammu) seal my grain? 140 If there ªisº any word between me and him, let me and him talk before my lord when I arrive. The tablet of my lord about the release of my grain and (about) providing (me) a field went to him, and the man who brought the tablet of my lord to him, a brother of mine—he confined him to the city gates. Because I divulged to my lord my understanding of his past use of grain and silver that he used, that man has decided on removing me from that area. If it pleases my lord, let them give me the field in Rahatum that I requested from my lord. Let them receive 20 tracts of grain, the remainder of the grain that I owe the palace, and let them release me my grain. About the grain that [ ] between me and him [up to 3 lines].” 1.

I assume that the amount of harvested grain was estimated, before harvesting, to be 160 tracts. One hundred forty tracts were “received,” that is, certified by royal agents to have entered royal storage. As governor, Zimri-Addu was responsible for the remaining 20 tracts. He could claim his share of the harvest only after these 20 tracts were also “received.” Zakira-Hammu seems to have delayed the process of “receiving” them and thus prevented Zimri-Addu from receiving his share.

27 110 To my lord speak! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “My lord ªwroteº me about the oxen of . . . 141 that Yasim-Sumu ªdispatchedº to be fattened as follows: ‘Those oxen ªgoº with me on campaign. Do not ªneglectº feeding those oxen!’ ªThisº my lord wrote [me]. ªAsº I arrived [in] ªQa††unanº, I checked on those oxen, and when they took them along, those oxen were thin (and) weak. And they had eaten fodder for 2 months. The month of Dagan (VIII) was completed when those oxen arrived. Those oxen were eating (fodder) during the months of Liliatum (IX) and Belet-Biri (X). Now they begin (to eat fodder for) the third month. Now, there are among those oxen barely 5, 6 that are of good stock. 142 It is the cold season, and those oxen did not gain weight.”

27 111 To Su-Nuhra-Halu speak! Your brother Zimri-Addu (says), “9 shekels of silver for buying a bull [n lines] you made him declare a sacred oath. Now, that silver is your compensation.” 143 140. So, according to Durand. The “sealing” deprived Zimri-Addu of access to his grain. 141. Birot transliterates nu-x-di. 142. lipistam nasûm. Birot, “portent leur race”; see Marello, “Vie nomade,” FM 1 (1992), 119, comment h. 143. nebehka. Birot proposes “ton dû.” A thorough discussion of the term is given by Ziegler in comment o to FM 2 1.

Text 27 112

Translation

449

27 112 ªToº [my lord speak]! ªYourº [servant] ªZimri-Adduº (says), “After my lord had the oxen, ªdonkeysº [and sheep] of the pick 144 conducted ªtoº [ ], I ªhadº extispicies ªdoneº, 3, 4 times, for the [well-being] of the district, [and] my ªextispiciesº were very ªbadº, (namely), ‘An enemy will ªattackº and capture (them).’ ªI am not aware ofº the destination of the enemy, and [ ]. If I do not ªreleaseº the oxen and donkeys to one side (of the Habur), either ªto the west sideº or to the east side, they cannot pasture. And they distributed the sheep of the ªpickº to the herdboys. And ª . 145 Butº when the livestock are assembled in Qa††unan, (it is) for the enemy, who will hear, ‘The livestock are assembled in Qa††unan.’ If my lord writes me (his agreement), those sheep must depart with the herdboys. And my lord must write me a decision about the oxen and donkeys. I am afraid ªa wrong will happenº sooner or later, and I will not be able to answer my lord. My [extispicies] are bad.”

27 113 To my lord speak! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. “Further: The pasture-chief Ibal-Pi-El arrived and mentioned to me a report of hostility from the sons of Yamina. Now, I will bring all the villages of the district of Qa††unan inside the city. My lord must ªwriteº [me], so or not ªsoº.”

27 114 To my lord speak! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “[6 lines] Since I sent my lord ªthat tabletº, not one man arrived. And my lord knows, the guard of the city is (a) hard (task). And there are few troops available.”

27 115 = 2 129 = LAPO 18 1063 To my lord speak! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “A son of the courtier Beli-Asared fell ill in Qa††unan and wrote to his father in Mari, ‘Get here!’ Beli-Asared arrived and stayed 10 days until his son recovered, and his son recovered, and he (the father) set his sight on ªmoving onº to Rahatum for the night. On the day when he set his sight on ªmoving onº, at noon, he took a siesta 146 and felt secure 147 in his ªlodgeº, and his son cut his throat with a bronze dagger. I arrived at noon from the field, and he turned immediately toward me and entered the house. 148 He set his sight on killing me as if I(, too,) were asleep in his eyes. I jumped him. I seized that man and put him in prison.” 144. See n. 79 to 26 47. 145. Birot transliterates na-di-x. 146. usarbimma, from surbubum. 147. ilkima. The meaning of lakûm is explained in my note, NABU 1995 87. 148. This is presumably Zimri-Addu’s house. Durand believes that “the house” is identical with the bit nap†arim, which I translate “lodge,” and concludes that the latter are guest quarters in the governor’s residence. He may overestimate the clarity of Zimri-Addu’s report. Beli-Asared’s

450

Translation

Text 27 116

27 116 Partly translated by Durand, “Réalités,” 12.

To my lord speak! ªYourº servant Zimri-Addu (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. 2 Numheans arrived at the . . . 149 but did not enter central Qa††unan. I sent (troops), and they conducted those two men to me in the dead of night, and I put (them) in prison. Nobody saw them. “And the next day Zimri-Erah, Saggaran, and Yakun-Addu arrived and spoke to me as follows: ‘Two men passed (here) prior to us. Where are those two men?’ And I answered them. I (said), ‘They did not enter central Qa††unan. I place guards (to check) on passing and coming in. 150 Right now, there are Numheans and Yamutbaleans, 1 hundred or else 2 hundred troops, who have lived in this district since last year.1 Now then, (if) there is one man among them whom I am charging with a crime or else am oppressing, ªlet that man speakº!’ Had they called for any Numheans that have been staying (here) for many days, they (the Numheans) would have spoken as follows: ‘We have lived (here) for many days, and not one man disappeared.’ This 151 I answered ªthemº, and those men rose and departed. And I did not know that those men (whom I put in prison) had been going with them. Now they will place the word before my lord on their return.2 And I am afraid they will speak to my lord as follows: ‘Those men (who disappeared in Qa††unan) are messengers. They went with us.’ They are not at all messengers. One is a Numhean. And he lived in Saggaratum and emigrated to Kurda. And one goes behind Saggaran. 152 And I am afraid that they will speak to my lord as follows: ‘They (deputies of the king) must conduct here our interpreters 153 and murderous son could have seen the governor returning from the field and followed him into his house, or the governor, upon returning from the field, was informed about the murder—without Zimri-Addu saying this—and entered the lodge in order to deal with the situation, whereupon the murderer turned on him. In favor of his idea, Durand refers to 27 25. Yet the context of that passage clearly indicates that the incoming governor of Qa††unan stayed at first in a bit nap†arim and subsequently evicted residents nearby, thus making room for himself. On the other hand, Durand’s expressed view that the palace in Qa††unan was basically a royal warehouse is an important idea that challenges the common presupposition that “palaces” were residences. 149. kutlatum. Durand translates “Les Haies,” Birot “les Barrières.” See n. 132 to 26 106. 150. ba-i-ªimº. The same expression is also found in 28 68:15–16. See the comments on the phrase in my review in Orientalia 69 (2000), 99–100. 151. The formula “this I answered” should follow the quotation of the answer immediately. But, if I understand the passage correctly, the quoted answer ends with “let that man speak!” The intervening statement is an explanation of Zimri-Addu to Zimri-Lim regarding what would have happened had the Numheans taken him up on his challenge and asked the resident Numheans about how they were treated. For Birot, this explanation is part of Zimri-Addu’s answer to the Numheans. 152. Since he went ahead of Saggaran physically, it is clear that the phrase “to go behind” is used metaphorically for the function performed by the person who “goes behind.” sa warkim “the one behind” means “assistant.” 153. ma-pa-li-ni. Birot derives the form from apalum, without taking issue with the lack of dissimilation of m before labial. Durand, LAPO 16, 592, posits a word mappalum, which he interprets as “western” form of Akkadian nappalum. For the latter, he refers to W. G. Lambert, who mentions “napalû” as a term for “interpreter” in “A Vocabulary of an Unknown Language,” MARI 5 (1987),

Text 27 117

Translation

451

the Numhean woman who is married to a Simªal and in whose house those men were seized, and we shall establish (the truth) of our words.’ And I am afraid my lord will not (be able to) evade the matter, 154 and my lord will send word, and they will conduct those men and the woman there and gather before my lord, and the woman will accuse 155 them (the deputies of the governor of Qa††unan), and later the matter will get big. My lord must ªconsult andº answer them as follows: ‘Since the matter is so mixed up, go, make your interpreters declare a sacred oath in Qa††unan or else in Kurda!’ And I am afraid they (Zimri-Erah et al.) will speak as follows: ‘They (the deputies of the king) must conduct them (the interpreters) ªhereº, and they (the interpreters) must declare (the oath) here before Itur-Mer.’ And my lord must answer them as follows: ‘The harvest is his3 harvest. And the harvest of the palace cannot be left undone. I will be going up(land). Make your ªinterpretersº swear by the gods that ªgoº with me.’ This my lord must answer them. And Zimri-Erah stood for my . . . 156 over the. . . . 157 Now my lord must call Zimri-Erah, before those men < > together to < >, 158 and he must make him understand. Herewith I have written a token of my servitude to my lord. My lord must ªanswerº those men what needs to be answered. And besides the Numhean woman who is involved in the matter, nobody has heard of that matter. My lord must consult now, and I shall place the woman for 1, 2 months in the house of the weavers until the matter is covered up. My lord must write me, so or not so.” 1. 2.

3.

These “troops” should be migrant workers. For their existence, see also 27 26 and 80. Zimri-Addu does not say where the party of Zimri-Erah was going. If they went to Mari, and if the king was in Mari at the time, the timing “on their return” makes no apparent sense. Possibly they were headed for Babylon and Zimri-Lim was not in Mari at the time. The possessive refers to Itur-Mer. It follows that Itur-Mer was the divine protector of the harvest of the palace. Zimri-Addu offered a reason that an oath before Itur-Mer could not be sworn: at harvest time, the god was too busy to be present at an oath swearing ceremony. See also Durand, “Itûr-Mêr, dieu des serments,” Jurer et Maudire, 63 with n. 15.

27 117 To my lord ªspeakº! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. Yatarum, ªsonº of Larum, sent 10 pounds of tin (with his messenger) to the land of Idamaraß to buy slaves. And he gave 1/2 pound of silver to Sub-Ram. And the messenger of Yatarum saw that there were no slaves to buy. ªThe messengerº [left] that tin, 410. Lambert attributes the word to the root ºpl “with the reflexive n-prefix.” In “Réalités,” 12 n. 37, Durand posits the form “mâpalum.” I derive the words from the Sumerian i n i m . b a l . e. The word-forms were most likely m/napalûm. I am not sure about the actual meaning of the word. If the original meaning “interpreter” applies, the Numha spoke their own language, which is unlikely. Perhaps they were authorities on international relations. 154. I follow Birot’s reading ußx-[ß]í-ma. It is not assured. ús for /uß/ would be very unusual, and the sign ßi is not clear. 155. qaqqassunu imahhaß. Literally, “she will hit their heads.” Durand, “Réalités,” 12 n. 39, understands the idiom as “confirmer les dires de quelqu’un.” I follow CAD mahaßu 4e4u. 156. qa-al-ti-ia. 157. bel qaltim. Birot suggests “auteur de silence.” Perhaps the sentence expresses ZimriAddu’s hope that in the end it will be his word against Zimri-Erah’s. 158. The verbal predicate and the phrase dependent on ana ßer “to” is missing.

452

Translation

Text 27 118

together with his sealed tablet, in the custody of Baßßum in Dir [circa 7 lines]. I wrote Baßßum as follows: ‘The matter is a matter of the palace. [The 10] ªpoundsº of tin that the boy of Yatarum left for you together with his sealed tablet—your two brothers must take what (belongs to) Yatarum and bring (it) to my lord.’ This I wrote. And so far my messenger did not return (a message) to me, so or not so. Now, I have written to my lord. My lord must write me, so or not so.”

27 118 [To] my lord, speak! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “[The city] of Qa††unan and the district are well. The Ganibateans Yassi-Dagan and Baßßum are staying in Ahuna. Yahulum and ªAªan-Limº, servants of my lord who ªare staying º in Qa††unan, ªwentº to Ahuna 5 days ªagoº, and an Ahunaite ªsteppedº on their foot, (saying), ‘ªYassi-Daganº and Baßßum promptly [ ] any news that they hear on the bank of ªthe Euphrates inº [the land of ] Zimri-Lim.’ This the [Ahunaite said to them]. ªNowº Aªan-Lim ªandº [Yahulum ] from ªAhunaº and [spoke to me as follows]: ‘2 ªGanibateansº [n lines.’ This Aªan-Lim and Yahulum said to me.] “[n lines.] Ibal-Pi-El wrote] ªSammetarº, ‘[Ishi-Lim] ªkidnappedº [my boys] in Hammiqa159 dum, ª º a land in peaceful relations with us. Now, if you truly ªbelieveº in satisfying 160 me, see about ªthoseº boys for me and ªreleaseº [them to me]! In a land of peaceful ªrelationsº [ ].’ This missive Ibal-Pi-El sent Sammetar, and Sammetar released the boys. ªThoseº boys saw ªIshi-Lim onº the road and took him along to me. And they spoke to [me] as follows: ‘This is the man who ªkidnappedº [us] in Hammiqadum.’ And ªheº contradicted the boys, (saying), ‘I did not ªkidnap youº.’ And to me [he said] on the side, ‘Us three—Sammetar sent us, and we ªkidnapped those boysº.’ I had that man put in prison. ªNowº, I have written to my lord, my lord must write to me, [so or not] so. ª13 linesº.”

27 120 To my lord speak! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “Some time ago, I wrote about the Suppurateans to my lord. Those men came and stayed in the district of Qa††unan according to (authorization by) letter of my lord. And they spoke to me as follows: ‘Give us a tablet,1 and we will place our report before our lord.’ Herewith those men depart for my lord.” 1.

The tablet would serve as a pass for crossing the district boundaries on the way to Mari.

27 121 To [my] lord speak! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “[9 lines] ªNowº, herewith I dispatch to [my] lord ªthatº man and Bali-Addu who goes the troops, whom I dispatched (and) who seized that man. My lord must ask ªthatº man. That man must be under guard and [ ]. He must not escape to his land. I wrote a token of my servitude ªtoº [my] ªlordº.” 159. Birot transliterates ªùº? and translates “et donc.” 160. sa-bi-hi = sabihi, literally, “my satisfaction.” Birot translates “(tu fais confidence à) des gens repus,” commenting, “un homme bien nourri peut inspirer confiance.”

Text 27 123

Translation

453

27 123 To my lord speak! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. ªI dispatchedº men to Mount Murdi to check on terebinths. They toured Mount Murdi, all of it, repeatedly, but the terebinths had been beaten down. And herewith I send to my lord terebinths, the first of the year that they (the locals) took prior to their (the men’s arrival).”

27 124 [To] ªSu-Nuhra-Halu speakº! Your brother ªZimri-Adduº (says), “[n lines] herewith I send a tablet ªtoº [ ]. Write [and] let them fetch that [canopy] for me. [Do] what is necessary for [that] ªcanopyº to be provided together with its posts! 161 [ my] ªlord goesº to another land, or else (a land) of the alliance, they will keep 162 the canopy. Let me see your ªbrotherhoodº [and ] in this.”

27 127 [To] ªmyº [lord speak! Your servant] ªZimri-Addu (says), “The dayº I sent this tablet of mine to my lord, in the early morning, 163 Sarraya and 2 kings who are under his authority and the generals of Tupham and of Azuhinum1 ªarrivedº [in] Qa††unan.” 1.

They are, according to 27 72-bis, Masum-Atal, king of Alilanum, and Hazip-Ulme, king of Asihum. Instead of the generals of Tupham and of Azuhinum, 72-bis and 2 78 mention “the general of the land of Íubat-Estar.” For an attempt to explain the discrepancy between one general of Íubat-Estar and one of Tupham and a second of Azuhinum, see Birot’s comment a on the present letter.

27 128 ªTo myº lord speak! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “My lord instructed me to go with Sarraya. And I spoke to my lord as follows: I (said), ‘My lord instructed me with Sarraya. How about provisions?’ And my lord said to me, ‘The majordomo [ ] about provisions.’ ªThisº my lord said to me. [n lines. The majordomo said to me, ‘n lines.’ This the majordomo said to me, and I answered him as follows: ‘n lines] there is no [ ] of the house of my lord.’ And ªagainº, I spoke as follows: I (said), ‘This report is not your own. You were certainly directed (by someone else) in these things. Who is this king? Which, 164 dinner or 161. qersu; see the discussion of Birot in comment b; and Durand and Guichard, “Rituels,” 65–66. 162. Birot transliterates [la]? ªiº-. . . , but the negative statement makes little sense. The writer advises Su-Nuhra-Halu not to let his lord take the canopy to another land, where the ruler would ask for it and, of course, could not be refused. 163. Literally, “in its early morning.” For this construction, see Stol, “Suffixe bei Zeitangaben im Akkadischen,” Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde des Morgenlandes 86 (1996), 415. 164. sa kima “which (of two)” is also attested in M.7014:9u (Durand, “Le culte des bétyles en Syrie,” Mélanges Birot, 83).

454

Translation

Text 27 129

provisions of my lord? And you talk without regard for your life.’ These things [and] ªmoreº I answered him, and I rose and went out. [ ] in Mari Asqudum (acc.) and Ibal-Pi-El [ ] Sarraya [ ] did not come to dinners. At that time I saw [that] his [heart] was angry. [ ] to Qarni-Lim [ ] his unhappiness [ ] related the message of the kings. I wrote a token of [my] ªservitudeº [to my lord]. My lord must ªconsiderº, [and ] to write to [Sarraya ]. And he must address the tablet, [and] my lord must send [me] it.”

27 129 To my lord speak! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “My lord instructed me about giving 60 donkey-loads of flour as travel provisions for the troops of Sarraya (on the stretch) between Terqa, Saggaratum, and Qa††unan. Now Sarraya spoke as follows: ‘60 donkey-loads of flour as travel provisions for the troops are not enough. They must provide us with 1 hundred donkey-loads of flour.’ Herewith I have written to my lord. My lord must write me, so or not so.”

27 131 To my lord speak! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. When my lord stayed in Huslan, a bull of the annual tax choked, and I wrote (it) to my lord, and my lord wrote me as follows: ‘Kill that bull! Its meat and its suet must be preserved.’ This my lord wrote me. When my lord returned from Huslan, I reminded my lord about that bull, and my lord spoke to me as follows: ‘It must be placed.’ 165 And after I withdrew, nobody reminded my lord of the meat of that bull. Now I arrived, and the meat of that bull and its suet was placed. That meat did not spoil. My lord must write me, and they will carry that meat to Mari. Otherwise my lord must write me, so or not so.”

27 132 See already Birot’s review of OBRT, RA 72 (1978), 196, and §15 (pp. 66ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. Atamrum is besieging Razama. He is astride ªthe lowerº city. 166 The troops of the city are doing battle all the time. If the city of Razama does not stop him, the whole land of Idamaraß might change sides to him, (judging) by what I ªkeep hearingº from those around me. The eyes of Yamutbal and its ªentireº land are fixed entirely on my lord. (They say), ‘In place of the Elamite and Esnunakean removing us, our lord Zimri-Lim will certainly . . . 167 us.’ This I kept 168 hearing from those around me. My lord ªmust get toº his land.

165. lissakin. Birot translates “qu’elle soit apprêtée.” Perhaps sakanum designates placing the meat on a hook and smoking it or conserving it otherwise. 166. See my note, NABU 1996 102 and LAPO 17 548g. 167. raqamum lirqumannêti. For various proposals by Birot and Durand about this unknown verb, see Birot’s comment e. The context suggests a designation for an action that would save the besieged city. 168. estemme. Estenemme “keep hearing” is what one would expect.

Text 27 133

Translation

455

“And about the ram—Ibal-Pi-El took the lead of the Hana and the troops who are under my authority and spoke as follows: ‘If I am able to, I will evict him. Otherwise I will burn him.’ The day I sent this tablet of mine to my lord is the third day ªafterº Ibal-Pi-El went out. “ªFurtherº: About the belongings of Qarni-Lim—ªa tabletº of Bahdi-Lim ªcame, andº [I] ªput in placeº escorts for his sons, his maids, the courtiers, and the donkeys, and they will bring them all the way to Saggaratum!”

27 133 See §18 (pp. 69ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are ªwellº. I heard from those around me, ‘Razamean troops from inside the town came out and beat 3 hundred Esnunakeans. And they stood on top of the earthworks that they (the Esnunakeans) had heaped up. And 4 thousand troops came out from the camp, and Askur-Addu ªhadº taken their lead. And those troops entered ªSubat-Enlilº.’ And [I did] not yet [hear] ªwhereto they have set their sightº. Once I hear a report on [those] troops, I will write my lord. About the report on Razama, concerning which my lord [wrote me], ‘Write, and they must obtain for you a report on ªthatº city!’ I sent (my boys) to Razama according to the letter of my lord. Once they obtain a report on that city, I will quickly write to my lord. “And about a report on the Hana, concerning which my lord wrote me, ‘Any report that you hear, write me promptly!’ Haneans, any that arrived in Qa††unan, 20, 30 Haneans go [with] ªmeº. And they saw that the ªencampment is safeº and nothing ªwrongº in their folds. They are staying over here ahead of [their] brothers’ (coming) and [ ]. From shame, their faces [are heavy], and they keep telling, ‘What shall we do? 4 men, [our brothers], of the seed of Simªal, slighted an honorable (man). And they were doing what must not be done. And we, our faces are heavy because of our brothers.’ They all tell these things with one mouth. “Now, I will write any news that I hear to my lord.”

27 134 See §18 (pp. 69ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “I heard from those around me, ‘5 hundred ªEsnunakean troopsº entered ªTillaº.’ And [I] ªwroteº some time ago to my lord about the 4 thousand troops whose lead Askur-Addu ªtookº [and (who)] entered SubatEnlil. Now Askur-Addu ªentered ªUrgisº together with 2 thousand ªtroopsº. I wrote to my lord the news that I heard from those around me.”

27 135 See Guichard, “Dame de Nagar,” 265; NABU 2003 6.

To my lord speak! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “I heard from ªthose aroundº me the following: ‘Haya-Sumu ªarrivedº (and said), “The Numha ªdeparted, and º.” Cultivators of Haya-Sumu ªkilledº 4 Numha ªin Mariyatumº, 169 and’ ª3 linesº. 169. Restorations according to Guichard.

456

Translation

Text 27 136

“ ‘Askur-Addu and Kapiya of Kahat went out and attacked between Nagar and Sabisa, and they carried off 10 Idamaraßeans, and brought them into [ ]. ª11 linesº Eluhtean, [ ] and an Akkadian declared a sacred oath. And I could not ascertain his identity, whether the Akkadian who declared a sacred oath was Esnunakean or Babylonian.’ I heard these things from those around me and wrote (it) to my lord. My lord [must] know this!”

27 136 See §33 (pp. 89ff.).

To Su-Nuhra-Halu speak! Your brother Zimri-Addu (says), “Prior to your departure, I spoke to you as follows: I (said), ‘Send me a tablet of the king and the assorted reed boxes that go to Babylon! And send me the copy of the tablet that goes to ªHammu-Rabiº, so that I can give the (right) answers over there.’ Now, the tablet of the king and the assorted reed boxes have not yet ªarrivedº. Send ªto me the tabletsº of the king and the assorted reed boxes ªthatº go to Babylon and the copy of the tablet ªof Hammu-Rabiº! [ ]. And if ªthe copyº of the tablet does not come, I will not be able to do ªanythingº from there. Herewith I [send] a tablet to the king. ªSendº his response quickly [to me]!”

27 137 ªToº Su-Nuhra-Halu speak! Your brother Zimri-Addu (says), “The troops are well. ªThe tabletsº are heavy 170 for the messengers whom Ibal-Pi-El is sending, 171 and so my mail 172 to you is not regular. Babylonians who stayed in Qa††unan came [and] spoke to me ªas followsº: ‘ªZakira-Hammu takes advantage ofº your household.’ Now, if you are truly my brother and love me, bring it to the attention of the king, and a tablet of ªthe kingº must ªgoº out to him (Zakira-Hammu), and he must not ªtake advantage ofº [my] household, and [3 lines]. My ªgrainº must not go to waste. Let me see your brotherhood in these things. And let me see your love.”

27 138 To my lord speak! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “The troops of my lord are well. Babylonians ªcameº [and] spoke to me as follows: ‘We stayed [n] months in Qa††unan. We saw [that] your household is being taken advantage of. ªYourº boys [ ] once, twice, [ ]. And your brother [ ] his field [ ].’ This [they] ªtoldº [me]. (Already) before the harvest, [he (Zakira-Hammu) , and] he keeps [doing] untoward things. And he took advantage of my household. I have sown a field in Qa††unan by the good grace of my lord. No sooner than I am on expedition, Zakira-Hammu takes advantage of my household. He does not permit the seizing of day laborers (for bringing in my harvest). He will cause my harvest to go to

170. Birot reads ka-ap-da-ma and proposes the translation “sont dilegentées.” I read ka-abda-ma and translate accordingly. Vocalization of the Babylonian root kbt as kbd is common in Mari. 171. Birot suggests the transliteration [i]s!-ªtaº!-ap-pa-ra-am. I read ªi-saº-ap-pa-ra-am. 172. †uppi, literally, “my tablet.” The predicate implies more than one tablet.

Text 27 139

Translation

457

waste. A tablet of my lord must go out to him, and he must not take advantage of my household and cause my harvest to go to waste.”

27 139 To my lord speak! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “The troops are well. I sent this tablet to my lord the day [after] I entered Babylon.”

27 140 See §38 (pp. 101ff.). A fragment of the envelope still adheres to the tablet. On it some signs belonging to the seal legend are visible: “ªZimri-Adduº, [son of ] ªLa-Dinuº.”

To my lord speak! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “The troops ªofº my lord are well. The troops went out from Babylon, [and] they are staying ªbelowº Sippir, toward Asa[Sin], 173 in the city of Namsi, to meet the [enemy]. And [they harvest] grain 174 ªbetweenº Ti175º [ ] gris and Irnina. And the troops of my lord and the Babylonian crossed andª 176 against. . . . And the enemy crossed opposite the city of Mankisum and built a camp, ªandº he is staying. I did not yet see where they will go, [and] (so) I did not ªwriteº to my ªlordº.”

27 141 See §40 (pp. 103ff.).

ªToº my lord speak! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “ªThe troopsº of my lord are well. ªSome time ago,º I ªwroteº my lord that [we set] fire to ªthe towerº (standing) [on] the lower fringe, 177 and (that) ªthe enemyº [ ] for obtaining a(nother) tower. ªNowº, that method 178 173. The restoration is based on Steinkeller’s map of the area in “On the Reading and the Location of the Toponyms ÚRxÚ.KI and A.HA.KI,” JCS 32 (1980), 33. 174. Birot suggested the restoration se[-um ma-ad] “there is much grain” or se [i-ka-al] “eat grain.” 175. Birot reads ]-mu?-uk. Restoration of ramakum does not seem to fit the context and the traces of the beginning of the line where me-e would be expected. 176. Birot transliterates lú x x. His copy suggests an inexplicable sequence lú aß e [ ]. One expects “the enemy.” 177. “Fringe” translates piatum. The word, probably a loanword from Amorite, but not listed in Streck, Amurriter I, seems to be a synonym of “border, edge,” and is used with respect to territory, as in “the fringe of Zalmaqum” (2 35:7–8), “fringe of the land of Karana” (28 171:16), and to city walls, as in 26 456:26. In the last example, an upper and lower “fringe” is distinguished. Durand, LAPO 17 533e, suggests that the upper fringe is the acropolis of a city, and the lower fringe is the lower city. Applied to the present text, it would mean that Hiritum was a city with an acropolis and a lower city, a city-type standard in Syria but not clearly attested in southern Mesopotamia. A passage from 6 43 = LAPO 18 1062 suggests that a “lower fringe” was a more limited feature. The mutilated corpse of a child had been dropped “onto” (eli) or “over the lower fringe ª. . .º (LAPO: close to) the river bank.” Perhaps it was a walkway between river and city wall. 178. minitum si. Birot translates “celle-ci est de taille.”

458

Translation

Text 27 142

179º one tower. [One] ªremained standingº. 180 And the work within the city ªagainstº 181 ª the tower of the enemy and his earthworks [ ] of the frontal ªbracesº 182 that they (the defenders) made was 2 ropes wide, earthworks for 2 ropes. And [ ] were in possession of the earthworks. [And] the servants of ªHammu-Rabi were talkingº as follows: They (said), ‘We 183º [of ] the frontal [braces] and ªdo will make these earthworks higher toward the ª battleº from their top. The enemy will not be able to do anything to this city.’ This the servants of Hammu-Rabi were telling. “The Babylonian troops made an incursion into the land of Esnuna and burned the grain. They carried off prisoners of war, cattle, and sheep. Hammu-Rabi went to Pus below Sippir to meet them and received the prisoners of war from them. He made them (the troops) return, (saying): ‘Return! Follow up on your stroke!’ They returned, Ilan-Seme having taken their lead. “I wrote my ªlordº that 2 thousand troops of my lord and 3 thousand of Babylon went on campaign ªwithº Ibal-Pi-El. [And] ªa secret agentº went out, and the enemy got hold of the news about them, and the troops returned empty-handed. They were (then) staying opposite ªSa Baßimº. Isar-Lim and the servants of Hammu-Rabi consulted, (saying), ‘How can 5 thousand troops return empty-handed to camp? They must stay one day, two days in Sa-Baßim, and return to campaigning.’ The servants of Hammu-Rabi consulted about this, and they wrote to Ibal-Pi-El. And Ibal-Pi-El wrote to me, [and] they ªobtained travel provisionsº for 10 days for the troops. And I ªwroteº to [him] as follows: I (said), ‘Obviously, you have not permitted me to ªcomeº [with] you in the past. And I ªspokeº [to you] ªas followsº: I (said), “(Only) go out from Sa Baßim upon ªsoundº extispicies!” Now, herewith I have lambs conducted to you. Have extispicies done and do what is necessary [according to] sound, ªfaultless, extispiciesº and (what is necessary) to safeguard the troops!’ This I wrote him. 184º from Mari. [He placed his] ªreportº before his lord “Nabum-Malik came down ª (Hammu-Rabi), (saying), ‘In Mari ª3 linesº those [ ] I ªsentº to Hanat.’ This he said to his lord, and his lord answered him as follows: He (said), ‘ªAndº anything you griped about [3 lines].’ Nobody heard (it). He caused 30 pounds of silver to be paid. [I wrote my] ªlordº the news that I heard.”

27 142 See §40 (pp. 103ff.).

179. Birot and Durand (LAPO 17 471d) restore us-[ta-aß-bi-it], for which Birot suggests the translation “il a installé” and Durand “il a fait agencer.” 180. Birot reads [i]z-zi-iz and translates “elle a été dressée”; Durand (LAPO 17 471d) [u]zx(IZ)-zi-iz “fait se dresser.” I read [1 iz]-zi-iz. 181. I read [a-na] pa-an instead of Birot’s [i-na] pa-an. 182. luªu hamannu. I believe the strange phrase describes the bracing that was necessary to keep a pack of earth on top of the wall in place. See my note, NABU 1997 103. Compare Birot’s comment a to 27 145 and Durand, LAPO 17, 296. 183. si-ªxº-[ ]. Birot reads pan l[e-. But panum is written syllabically elsewhere in the text, and the copy does not agree with the reading l[e]. 184. Birot reads [it-ti]-ni “with us.” But Zimri-Addu and his men must have come down from Mari considerably earlier. The sign -ni is not certain in his copy.

Text 27 144

Translation

459

[To my] ªlord speakº! Your [servant] ªZimri-Adduº (says), “The troops of my lord are well. ªThe day I sentº this tablet of mine ªtoº [my lord], troops of my lord and ªBabylonian troopsº who were positioned against the enemy in front of the tower and the earthworks fought [and] pushed [the enemy] ªfromº his earthworks. [6 lines] in ªthe early morning he (the enemy) returnedº [ ], and the top of his earthworks was coming out toward the . . . 185 of the leaners, and ª gave wayº, 186 [and] ª º. And I heard the following: ‘There is no ªtowerº (left) to him, and he [ ] to obtain a tower.’ This I heard. The day when battle was ªdoneº, Dagan-Mustesir distinguished himself very [much]. [ ] fire, [and] was kept burning in front of the tower. And of the troops of my lord, many troops distinguished themselves. [4 lines].”

27 144 See §43 (pp. 107ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “The troops of my lord are well [n lines. PN told me the following: ‘n lines]. He goes upstream to Mankisum.’ These things he was telling me. Confirmation of the (movement of) ªthe enemyº has not yet been seen. Once confirmation of the (movement of) the enemy is seen, I will write ªto myº lord. ªThe troopsº of my lord ªare stayingº in our bivouac in Hiritum.”

27 145 See §43 (pp. 107ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “The troops of my lord are well. The troops are staying in the camp of Hiritum. The Babylonian troops took down (the temporary fortifications of) the city of Hiritum (including) the braces that they had built. 187 They are spreading the earthworks that the enemy had heaped up. Some time ago, I wrote my lord about the enemy, that the enemy started out from Hiritum and took the route to Kakkulatum. Now the enemy has crossed Kakkulatum. 188 He has regrouped. He has taken down the city of Kakkulatum. They seized informed persons, and they told the following: ‘The enemy has released the work detail 189 to his land. The Vizier chose 30 thousand troops, and he is going upstream to Mankisum.’ (They say), ‘The Vizier will stay in Mankisum and then dispatch troops to the land of Ekallatum.’ This, the informed persons told. I have written the news, as ªmuch as I heardº, to my lord.”

185. Birot reads ba-ab? “gate.” 186. Birot reads ir-pu-[ud] and translates “de nouveau fait.” I read ir-bu-[ub]. 187. The sentence is not in order. Troops and braces are in the nominative and the city of Hiritum in the accusative. 188. Birot notes that “to cross” is otherwise not said of settlements and suggests that it is military jargon for “crossing at Kakkulatum.” Durand, LAPO 17 581a, reads i-te-pí-ir and derives this from eperum “to construct a ramp.” Lacambre translates “to cross” in the parallel passage in A.3669+. 189. epistasu utassir. Birot translates “a reporté son activité.”

460

Translation

Text 27 146

27 146 See §43 (pp. 107ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “The troops of my lord are well. The day I sent this tablet of mine to my lord, the troops of my lord [went out from] the camp of Hiritum. They (the Babylonians) stationed us [in] ªa campº [by] Great Sippir. [The news] I heard [from] ªthose aroundº me is, ‘After ªthe enemyº crossed (the Zubi), [he released] his ªwork detailº [to his land],’ and (they say), ‘The Vizier ªchoseº regulars and went with them upstream ªtoº Mankisum.’ 190 Some time ago, I wrote my lord the news that I heard from those around me. Now they turned in an informed person, and he told us the following: ‘The enemy went upstream to Mankisum together with his shock troops. And I keep hearing the following: “He has his sight on Ekallatum.” ’ This, the informed person ªtoldº us. I have written the news, whatever [I heard], ªtoº [my] ªlordº.”

27 147 See §43 (pp. 107ff.).

To my lord ªspeakº! Your servant ªZimri-Adduº (says), “The troops of my lord [are well]. The day I sent this tablet of mine ªtoº my lord, the following news came in to ªHammuRabiº: ‘The Vizier of Elam dispatched 20 thousand Esnunakean troops and 10 thousand Elamites—30 thousand troops—to the land of Subartum. And the thinking of the Elamite is ªas followsº: ‘I shall dispatch the Esnunakean troops [n lines.’ n lines]. Administrators ªthe commandº 191 of the Esnunakean troops came to Hammu-Rabi. They (said), ‘Your rescue detachment must get to us!’ This they wrote. News, whatever I ªheardº, I wrote to my lord.”

27 148 See §43 (pp. 107ff.).

To my lord ªspeakº! Your servant ªZimri-Adduº (says), “The troops of my lord are well. The day I sent this tablet of mine to my lord, they turned in 3 Elamites, informed persons, to Hammu-Rabi (of Babylon, and they said), ‘The Vizier of Elam brought out the Esnunakean troops who were staying with Elamite troops of the garrison (of Esnuna), and the Elamite troops he let stay. And the vizier of Elam dispatched the entire contingent of Esnunakean troops and 5 thousand Elamites to lay siege to Situllum, (saying), “Write me when you (pl.) have surrounded the city, and I shall come up together with troops.” ’ This report I heard before Hammu-Rabi. I have written whatever I heard to my lord.”

27 149 See §§43 (pp. 107ff.) and 46 (pp. 110ff.).

190. Literally, “he choose regulars, and they went upstream to Mankisum with The Vizier.” 191. I read ªsa pirutº ßabim. See my remarks on 28 12:6 in Orientalia 69 [2000], 96–97.

Text 27 150

Translation

461

To my lord [speak! Your] ªservantº Zimri-Addu (says), “When the Elamite quit Esnuna, he ªarrivedº in Diniktum, and Hammu-Rabi [sent] his ªmessengerº to The Vizier (to say), ‘You have seen what I ªtoldº [you]. You did not listen to my ªwords. Iº (said), “The Esnunakeans will not fail to ªrevoltº.” ª8 linesº.’ 192 And [the Elamite] messengers [who were detained] for a long time in [his land], he released them [and] returned to ªthemº his former [ . I] ªwrote the newsº I heard from those around me ªto myº lord.”

27 150 See §46 (pp. 107ff.).

[To] my lord ªspeakº! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “ªThe Elamiteº, as he departed from Esnuna, ªarrivedº in Diniktum and sent his messengers ªtoº Malgum (to say), ‘My ªcommunicationº that [ ] before you. [n lines.’ n lines]. He departed, and the Elamite sent his ªmessengers toº Hammu-Rabi (to say), ‘I never listened to your words [ that] I was wrong [ ]. Now, [like] before, let your ªmessengersº be [before] me continuously!’ [These things] I heard from the mouth of Hammu-Rabi. ªThe wordsº I heard [I wrote my lord].”

27 151 See 26 380 and §33 (pp. 89ff.).

[To] my lord speak! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “ªA tabletº of governor ªBahdiLimº came to me (to say), ‘Why have you not mustered the troops ªafterº you (pl.) departed, and (why) have you [not] sent me a tablet of soldiers on furlough?’ This Bahdi-Lim wrote me. When my lord gave us instructions and dispatched us on (this) ªexpeditionº, we arrived in Hanat and ªBahdi-Limº mustered the troops, and Ibal-Pi-El sealed the tablets of the troops [with] ªhis sealº.1 I rose and had [a word] ªwithº Ibal-Pi-El before Bahdi-Lim and the servants of my lord as follows: I (said), ‘Did [ ] in the past ever seal the tablets of the troops? Laªum, the army secretary, is the one who seals [the tablets]. How, does the army secretary not trust me? [Since] you do not trust me, I will take the name-list tablets, [and] ªyouº . . . 193 the summary tablet! Take it in your hand, and I shall answer you [according to] the text of the summary tablet that you take in your hand [and by which] you verify [the troops].’2 This I said to him before Bahdi-Lim [and the servants] of my lord. He did not agree. He himself sealed the tablets. [ ], and at that time he spoke to me as follows: ‘ªWhoº has made you more than a division commander, that you tell such things?’ Sakirum arrived prior to us in Babylon together with the Suhean troops, and he himself was carrying the unsealed tablets of his troops. Bahdi-Addu arrived after us together with Hana, and he himself was carrying his unsealed tablets. Now Yantin-Erah ªarrivedº with the additionals, and likewise he [himself ] was carrying the unsealed tablets of his troops. My own tablets Ibal-Pi-El has sealed. How? Does (any) one man among them not trust me?

192. These lines are fully restored and a historical interpretation of the text as a whole is given by Durand in a note to the text. 193. Birot reads sú-di-[r]a-am, understands it as the first term of a Koppelung, and translates “continue a détenir.” Durand reads zu-ki-[r]a-am and translates “fais l’appel.”

462

Translation

Text 27 151

“About not having sent the tablets of ªthe soldiers on furloughº to my lord until now— on the day after we entered Babylon, he (Ibal-Pi-El) mustered the troops, and many troops were absent. He took the tablet of the soldiers on furlough in (his) hand. ªAs ifº he had sent that tablet to my lord at that time! He decided in his heart [as] follows: He (said to himself), ‘Once I send the tablet of the soldiers on furlough to the king, I will cause bad feelings ªaboutº the troops.’ Until the tablet of Bahdi-Lim came, I did not know that the tablet of the soldiers on furlough [had not been] ªsentº. I heard (it) and spoke to Ibal-Pi-El as follows: I (said), ‘[ ] you mustered the troops. And many troops were on furlough. Why did you not send [the tablet of the soldiers on furlough] ªtoº the king until now?’ This I said to ªhimº, and he [ ]. [Among the troops I] ªheardº, ‘Ibal-Pi-El (said), “[ ] did not send the tablet of the soldiers on furlough, ªZimri-Adduº [ ]. I shall send the tablet of the soldiers on furlough.” ª3 linesº. [They (said), “ ] the shortcomings ªof Zimri-Adduº. And for once your lord will not listen to you.” He answered ªthemº. He (said), “Zimri-Addu would keep installing himself as general if I had not written my ªlordº his shortcomings, and (if) I had not established (as fact) his faults among the assembled troops. And [as long as] I am ªaliveº, I will let him be installed (no higher than) as foreman of 10.” ’ These things he tells ªthemº. And that man keeps dropping ungood remarks 194 about me. “[He ] the troops of the new and the old merchant quarter 3 and gave directions to Sarrum-Íululi and his boy, a scribe, and [he ] the troops. They serve [before] Yantin-Erah. They did not ªmentionº [to me ]. Yantin-Erah [ ] not [ ] in the muster of the troops. [How?] ªSarrum-Íululiº and his boy do not trust me? 195 The additionals arrived ªwith YantinErahº, and Hana entered among [Hana]. The division commander and his lieutenants go in the morning to the ªgateº of Bahdi-Addu (to receive their orders). He (Ibal-Pi-El) separated (and set) apart troops of the bank of the Euphrates and assigned their station, (saying), ‘I am their general.’ Before, he assigned troops of the palace gate and 5 divisions of regulars, and they waited on him. 196 Now he withdrew the regulars. He (said), ‘Troops of the palace gate and troops of Yantin-Erah will wait on me.’ I (said), ‘Why do you divide the men of the bank of the Euphrates into two? As Hana entered among Hana, let these enter among their brethren and (then) assign the troops that need to be assigned and let them wait on you!’ This I said to him, but he did not agree. He assigned them their separate quarters. “When Yantin-Erah arrived, I ªaskedº for his instructions. I (said), ‘What are the instructions of Yantin-Erah (given to him when he was) before my lord?’ They spoke to me as follows: ‘ªYantin-Erahº was instructed as follows: “[You] will do what ªZimri-Adduº says. Zimri-Addu will go in the morning to the gate of Ibal-Pi-El, ªandº he will bring back to you [ ].” ’ 197 This [they told me as being] the instruction (given to) [Yantin-Erah. When] he 194. tussu. Birot translates tussi la damqatim as “méchancetés et injures.” Durand, LAPO 17 545, comment l, quotes another example of the expression, which he translates “rejeter des accusations columnieuses sur qualqu’un.” 195. I read [ki ma-a L u g a l]. a n . d ù l ù l ú . t u r-su qí-pu-ti /[ ] ªxº ú-ul le-qé-et. The first word of the indented line should be iyattum as in line 10. But the sign ªxº ends in a vertical, which excludes -tum. 196. ittanassusu. Birot translates “servaient sous ses ordres,” refers to CAD nasûm “serve somebody,” and comments that personal service cannot be meant here. Perhaps the intended meaning is the literal meaning, i.e., “they keep carrying him (in his litter).” 197. Kupper, “Les différents moments de la journée,” Mélanges Limet, 80, suggests “Z. te remettra en mains propres tôt le matin [. . .] à la porte de I.”

Text 27 151

Translation

463

arrived here and [ ] together with his division commanders, ª6 linesº denounced him. ªSir Ibal-Pi-Elº heard it and [addressed] me in the early morning. He (said), ‘You remove ªmy forgesº.’4 I did not remove [his forges]. Yantin-Erah, who [ ] before the troops, removes [ ]. And [ ]. Now, if Yantin-Erah [ ] , so or not so, my lord must write me. “We ªset outº against the enemy [ ]. Our shock troops [we] ªleftº [in ]. And since we were stationed in Hiritum, we have secured our position. I wrote [about ]. ª10 linesº. A Nahanite ªHaneanº, [who] had gone up [to] the land of Subartum, appeared naked (coming) from the enemy. They . . . 198 him [ ] Sippir, and his brothers made it known, and [ ], and I, Addu-Naßir, Yantin-Erah, the diviner Inib-Samas [and who] stay ªwithº me, we consulted, and [dispatched] ªa division commanderº with a brother of his (the Nahanite Ha199º the word of that man.’ [When] he (the nean), [and] I wrote to Laªum. I (said), ‘ª division commander) arrived [in Sippir], they spoke to him, and [ ] the division commander whom I ªsentº with the brother of the Hanean, [and] they tied [his hands] ªtoº his back and [paraded him] naked in the midst of the troops. ªIº and the men with whom I had consulted and sent that division commander [ ], but he did ªnot agreeº. And I swore an oath by my lord. I (said), ‘[That ] I did not send [ ] ªinº my interest. I indeed sent him [upon] the word of a(nother) man, a servant of my lord.’ [Instead of ] 200 ªsayingº, ‘Do (plural) not release the boys of Zimri-Addu,’ beating the division commander whom I sent word of ªa Simªalº, tying his hands to his back, belittling the . . . 201 of the army (by) (stripping him) naked, 202 calling, ‘Forgive!’ 203 (and) ‘[ ] of Zimri-Addu that you hear,’ (I wish) he (would have) lifted my hand among the assembled [troops], and they all (would have) seen, 204 but (, as it is,) ªnobodyº approaches me. When I leave, nobody leaves with me. ª º, and I keep going about like somebody cursed. And all of them talk ªas followsº: ‘Perhaps ZimriAddu is ªnotº made to be a general. In such manner he performed on this campaign!’ Before, my lord did not know that my trip ªwithº him (Ibal-Pi-El) had become painful. That man will always turn me away! 205 [3 lines].” 1. 2.

The “sealing” of the tablets does not refer to impressing a seal on the tablets but to removing them from access by placing them in a sealed container. Perhaps Zimri-Addu distinguishes here between lists that contain the names of all soldiers and summary tablets that contain just their number and division. 23 428–429 are such summary tablets. Ibal-Pi-El would muster his troops by counting them, and Zimri-Addu would compare the number of troops, identify absent troops, and thus draw up the lists of soldiers on furlough that were requested of him by Bahdi-Lim. Birot’s translation, which is based on Durand’s interpretation of the passage, differs. An example of the kind of report he was asked to send to the king may be 27 153 and FM 2 67.

198. Birot reads ú-[d]a-ri-su-ma and translates “l’ont maltraité.” 199. Birot reads k[u-u]s-[d]am and translates the phrase “Prends la défense de cet homme!” 200. Restoration in view of the parallel construction in VAB 6, 185:14–17. 201. su. Perhaps “he of the army,” i.e., a member of the armed forces. 202. I read [e-ri-s]i-su. 203. si-gu-ú. In Standard Babylonian, the word is used as a designation for a prayer for release from sin; hence the translation. 204. Birot reads [e-re]-es-si-ia-ma and translates “dans mon dénuement.” 205. suhhuranni. According to 26 101, the haruspices Hali-Hadun and Ilsu-Naßir also complained that Ibal-Pi-El “turned us away” and excluded them from his circle of advisers.

464 3.

4.

Translation

Text 27 152

For these troops, see Birot’s comment v. The word is written k a r. t a here which appears to be the Sumerian phrase meaning “from the port/merchant’s quarter.” These particular troops numbered 300 according to 23 430. It is interesting to learn that the army carried forges. This allowed for repairs and perhaps even the production of metal weaponry.

27 152 [To] my lord speak! Your ªservantº Zimri-Addu (says), “My lord wrote me as follows: ‘Why do you gripe about your provisions? Ibal-Pi-El has 1 pitcher and 1 jar of thin beer more than you. Stop griping! Accept those provisions!’ This my lord wrote me. I did not gripe at all about the provisions. And I did not place my ill feelings before Ibal-Pi-El. I spoke to him a word as follows: I (said), ‘Why do they bring me 1 jar of kirlimum and 1 dish as (they do) Sakirum and Addu-Naßir?’ ªThis I saidº [to him]. [n lines] they did not reduce their provisions. To whom did I ªgripeº, [and (whom) did I] remind of it? [ ]. For him they take 206 3 dishes, 3 jars of kirlimum—and (this) allocation 207 goes to him continuously. I rank above Sakirum, Addu-Naßir, and Iddiyatum. [I ] ªwroteº [about] my (alleged) ªshort comingsº 208 to my lord. My lord must pay attention to [this] matter.”

27 153 [To] my [lord speak]! ªYourº [servant ªZimri-Adduº (says), “Some time ago, I mustered [the troops]. There ªwere soldiers on furloughº from ªthe division of Nab-dSamasº, [Ubariya, Habi-Dagan,] and ªPussulum, andº they answered me as follows: ‘There are ªthoseº who are on rafts.’1 I mustered the ªtroopsº again in light of this, and ªthoseº men [ ]. Herewith I send ªthe name-list toº my ªlordº. My lord must give ªstrict ordersº and ªdebriefº those men. Íilli-Dagan, son of Adda-Gaya, registered in Barhan; Ibni-Addu, registered in Dur-YahdunLim; Samusa, registered in Zurubban; Rim-Addu, registered in Bidaha; ka-dNanna, registered in Mari. 5 men of the division Nab-dSamas. Warad-Ilisu, Belanum, 2 (men) registered in Mari. Division of Pussulum. dNanna-Naßir, registered in Mislan; Aham-Nirsi, registered in Tizrah; Zanigum, Ili-Atpalam; registered in Mari. 4 of the division of Ubariya. Buqatum, Iddin-Dagan, 2 (men) registered in Sa Akka; Íilli-Akka, registered in ªTerqaº, Dagan-Abi, registered in ªBab-Nahlimº. 4 men of the division of ªHabi-Daganº. [In sum, 15] ªmenº, previously registered, ªwho cameº [to] Babylon. [I send] this ªtabletº of mine to my lord. There was no ªnegligenceº. [ ] over here [ ] us.” 1.

See the comment to 26 487.

27 154 See §56 (pp. 126ff.).

206. i-la-qú-sum. Birot, i-la-ku-sum “vont chez lui.” 207. Birot copies ªisº-hu-um and considers this reading but rejects it. I translate according to AHw. ishu II. If correct, it would be the earliest Old Babylonian reference to the word. 208. I restore [as-sum l]a damqatiya; Birot [a-na a-wa-a]t? damqatiya “c’est pour (obtenir) des paroles bienveillantes.”

Text 27 155

Translation

465

To my lord speak! Your servants Zimri-Addu and Menirum (say), “About the message on the troops with which our lord instructed us, (saying), ‘Place (pl.) that message before Askur-Addu, and if the troops ªYasim-Elº stay, let them stay! Otherwise let the troops of Iddiyatum stay, and then the troops of Yasim-El ªmustº depart.’ We placed that message before ªAskur-Addu, and [he] (said), ‘Let the troops of ªIddiyatum guardº the city. The troops of ªYasim-El can goº with me.’ The day we sent ªthisº tablet of mine [to] my lord, ªYasimElº 209 went out, and he (Askur-Addu) will go out the next day. And as we wrote some time ago to my lord, I (said), ‘Haqba-Hammu opened his mouth. He will not come.’ Now, AskurAddu spoke as follows: ‘We both go? As long as I meet with my father, ªHaqba-Hammuº must hold the land. I [am] afraid the Turukkean ªwill make an incursionº and encroach on 210 the land.’ And one day before our arrival, Askur-Addu dispatched 1 hundred of his own troops to Atamrum in Andarig.”

27 155 Letter dated to the 27th of the 2d month [of 11u]. It deals with the siege of Larsa. The text is too destroyed for translation. Yasim-Hammu, Habi-Dagan, and Marduk-Musezib are mentioned. An appeal by Hammu-Rabi of Babylon to the Mariotes is quoted.

27 156 See §74 (pp. 155ff.).

[To] my lord ªspeakº! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “About the city of Larsa, which is under siege, I ªwroteº my lord some time ago as follows: I (said), ‘Any straggler that ªnowº chances (to come) by talks as follows: He (says), “[There is no] grain in the city. And there is grain [ ] not [ ].” . . . 211 [n lines.’ n lines]. ªAnd an incrementº [ ]. The ªBabylonianº troops entered, ªandº the troops [ ] the city wall. 212 In the early morning, the . . . 213 entered. And they have brought out Rim-Sin alive.”

27 157 See §74 (pp. 155ff.).

[To] my lord ªspeakº! Your [servant] Zimri-Addu (says), “ªThe troopsº of my lord are ªwellº. Some time ago, my lord wrote me as follows: ‘If the city of Larsa has been seized, take the lead of my troops and the Babylonian troops and quickly ªget underwayº!’ ªThisº my lord wrote ªme. Nowº the city of Larsa has been seized, and ªHammu-Rabi is staying in Larsaº until the situation of the land [ ]. 209. I read I[a-si-im-an]. Birot reads e[t-bé-em-ma]. 210. I read ú-ba-az-za-ah. Birot considers it, but chooses umassakam “semer la désolation” instead. The meaning suggested for mussukum by Birot is not attested elsewhere, and Birot was not aware of the meaning “encroach” for buzzuhum. 211. Birot transliterates s e . n u mu n pé-e-em tu-u[h-ha-am and copies li-iq-bé-e-em tu-[. 212. Birot reads bàdki iß-ßa-ba-[at] and copies bàdki ßa-bu-[. 213. l ú . m e s ka ªxº [x].

466

Translation

Text 27 158

“About the issue of ªthe troops of myº lord [and] the ªBabylonian troops, concerning whichº [my lord] ªwrote me some time agoº, [my lord must] write to me, so or not so.”

27 158 See §74 (pp. 155ff.).

[To our lord speak]! Your [servants] Zimri-Addu and ªMenirum (say), “The troopsº of our lord ªare wellº. As the city of Larsa ªwas being seizedº, they brought Rim-Sin and his [ together with] his property out to Babylon, and they set hand to [ ] of Larsa. [ ] I wrote [ ] to my lord [ ] were taken down. The one who takes down makes a thorough job of taking down. [n lines]. “I ªhave written some time agoº [to] my lord, ªandº a response to that letter of mine [did not] come back. Now, if Hammu-Rabi requests any troops from me, do I give them to him? My lord must write me, so or not so, and I shall do what my lord writes me.”

27 160 To ªSu-Nuhra-Halu speakº! Your brother ªZimri-Adduº (says), “The troops are well. I am well. I sent you this tablet of mine from Larsa. Let (the affirmation of) your well-being (be communicated) to me continuously. Herewith I send tablets to the king. Bring the news of those tablets to the attention of the king and let a response to my tablets come to me, and [3 lines].”

27 161 See §74 (pp. 155ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “About buying lapis-lazuli concerning which my lord wrote me, ‘Turn everything upside down, and lapis-lazuli, be it a lapislazuli necklace, be it a lapis-lazuli frog 214—take silver from a merchant (for 215 it), and I will send you the purchase price of 216 silver from over here.’ This my lord wrote me. The land of Larsa, all of it, is sleepless. It is gripped by terror, and everybody keeps carrying his head. 217 They brought their cattle and sheep into their houses and do not let them go out through the gate. Not only is there no silver ªforº (buying) lapis-lazuli to be seen in anybody’s hand— who is there who would sell lapis-lazuli? About requesting a lapis-lazuli necklace from IsarLim 218 concerning which my lord wrote me—I requested a lapis-lazuli necklace from Isar214. bi-iZ-Zu. See Birot’s comment b. Perhaps Sumerian b i . z a . z a is a spelling for b í l . z a . z a “frog,” and the word was adopted in the form of an indeclinable bizzu in Akkadian. 215. leqûm is either construed with two accusatives here, the lapis-lazuli objects and the silver, or the sentence is not properly formed. 216. Birot reads sa-am kù-babbar-su! “l’argent (de) son prix.” There is no trace of, or space for, -su according to the photo. 217. For this idiom, Birot refers to AHw. qaqqadu 1k “vernachlässigen.” Perhaps: “cares only for himself.” 218. Birot transliterates [s]a before itti Isar-Lim. It is not visible in the photo and seems superfluous.

Text 27 162

Translation

467

Lim, and [he] ªansweredº me ªas followsº: He (said), ‘Not [one] ªmanº comes ªfromº Susim. 219 [ ] lapis-lazuli necklace [ ] lapis-lazuli [ ].’ This, Isar-Lim ªansweredº me. “ªThe divinerº Erib-Sin [spoke] ªas follows: He (said),º ‘The king instructed me [as follows]: “[perform extispicies] with the [Babylonian] diviners, [and send me] a report on the extispicies.” ’ This, ªErib-Sin saidº to me, [and] I spoke to ªHammu-Rabiº (of Babylon), and Hammu-Rabi answered me as follows: He (said), ‘[Erib-Sin] approached me. I [had] (him) [do] extispicies once, [but] I never ªhadº (him) ªdoº extispicies again.’ This, Hammu-Rabi answered me. “Suteans, about 50 of them, come out of Udanum, (from a distance of) 3 miles, ªup toº Larsa, and attack the backside of the cultivated zone of the Babylonians and capture 1 man, 2 men and carry off grain and return to Udanum. They spoke to Hammu-Rabi, and he requested 1 hundred troops with javelins from me, and I enlisted 1 hundred men from the Hana and from Suhum and dispatched Kibsi-Addu (to go) in front of them. 2 hundred Babylonian troops went with them, and 30 Suteans came straight against them. The troops of my lord killed 6 men of them. 3 men they brought back alive. The Babylonians brought back 1 alive. Hammu-Rabi gave 2 shekels worth of silver rings and one shirt to our troops who brought back the captives. He ªgaveº Kibsi-Addu, who went in front of them, 1 ewe-wool shirt and 8 shekels’ worth of silver rings. He ªgaveº the 6 hundred 50 men of my lord’s work detail 2 shekels of silver per 10 men.”

27 162 See §47 (pp. 111ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “Kapi-Dagan, son of the brother of [ ], a man of Urbat, was ªseizedº in Babylon some time ago, when ªthe troopsº [ ]. He brought his hand near his mouth,1 [and] Ibal-Pi-El and I [ ]. That boy we entrusted [to the supervision of ] Yantin-Erah (returning) with the first troops (saying), ‘[ ] that boy to [ ].’ Midway he vanished ªfromº [the supervision of ] ªYantin-Erahº and [returned] to Babylon. We did not know that that boy ªhad returnedº to Babylon until we reached Mari. He returned to Babylon, and a word potentially dangerous to his life issued from his mouth. He (said), ‘I am a gent, the son of a brother of Zimri-Lim am I.’ ªThis he saidº, and they ªconductedº him to Dapirum below [ ], 3 miles away. Now I dispatched to Babylon Pa-Ila, ªa merchant of my lordº in Larsa, ªwithº messengers ªofº [my] lord ªwhoº were on [the way] to my lord, and, under [pretext] to have a drink, he entered Dapirum, and he saw that boy. ‘10 lance-men ªguardº him. Provisions are given to him.’ This, the merchant Pa-Ila said to me, and I wrote (it) to my lord. “Messengers of Atamrum came, and in delivering their report they were speaking one time as follows: They (said), ‘ªYourº servant Atamrum.’ And [another time] they were speaking ªas follows: ‘Your son Atamrum.’ They are all mixed up about delivering the report. “A Turukkean messenger came, and he had the following instructions for Hammu-Rabi (of Babylon): ‘Since I have written you as a son, now then, I shall see who ªamong the kingsº of the land of Subartum does not write ªyouº as a son.’ This Sasiya [wrote] Hammu-Rabi. “A messenger of the son of Apla-Handa, the man of ªKar-Kamisº, came, and he requested female singers. And ªHammu-Rabiº answered as follows: He (said), ‘Is female singers 219. The reading was established by Guichard in NABU 1996 36.

468

Translation

Text 27 163

his want? He is not son of a free man? ªWhyº did he lay hand on blood relatives? He should be ªkilledº.’ The son of Apla-Handa will be very angry [at] Hammu-Rabi.” 1.

Birot sees in this expression the description of a prayer gesture and suggests the meaning “to implore.” He quotes the opinion of Durand that the gesture communicates the existence of a secret.

27 163 [To] our ªlordº speak! Your servants Zimri-Addu and Menirum (say), “[ ] took the lead of 8 reservists of ªthe palaceº gate and departed for Uruk. I called Pussulum. I reproached him and (said), ‘How about the departure of this man? Have you not heard of his departure? Why did you not speak to [me]?’ Pussulum answered me as follows: He (said), ‘That man is an Urukean. His brothers conducted him (there). Did you not hear of the matter? Is that ªmanº not a member of the nobility of Uruk? And some time ago, my lord Zimri-Lim ªwas writing repeatedlyº to Hammu-Rabi (of Babylon) about that man, “There is a member of the nobility [of Uruk] ªwithº me. [n lines.” n lines.’ This Pussulum answered me]. ªI am afraidº the matter of ªthatº man will ªbecomeº public, and they will take him along to ªHammuRabiº. Hammu-Rabi will ask ªthat manº as follows: ‘Where [ ]?’ That man will answer Hammu-Rabi as follows: ‘I came down with the relief-troops of ªZimri-Limº.’ And HammuRabi will ªspeakº as follows: ‘Is it not nice how Zimri-Lim treated ªmeº? He dispatched to his land (Uruk) a member of the nobility concerning whom he kept writing in the past to me?’ And Hammu-Rabi will gain an ªillº feeling against my lord.1 I wrote a token of my servitude to my lord. My lord [must] consult according to ªhis divinityº, and if it needs writing before ªthe wordº [of that man] becomes public, my lord ªmustº write to Hammu-Rabi.” 1.

The man represents a potential problem for the relationship between Babylon and Mari, because as a member of the nobility of Uruk and with the apparent support of Zimri-Lim he might succeed in staging a revolt against Hammu-Rabi in Uruk.

27 164 See §72 (pp. 151ff.).

[To] ªourº [lord] ªspeakº! Your servants ªZimri-Adduº and Menirum (say), “The troops of our lord are well. Before Atamrum ªarrivedº in Larsa, they tidied up the tower of NinurtaNisu, (which is situated) 5 (times) sixty (rods’) distance from the camp, for the stay of Atamrum. But Menirum wrote as follows to me: He (said), ‘Atamrum will camp with the troops of my lord. Build a house for his stay!’ I built a house in the ªbivouacº of the army of my lord ahead of his (arrival). Atamrum arrived, and the day that he arrived, he met with Hammu-Rabi (of Babylon). He sat on a chair before Hammu-Rabi. ªWe enteredº, and Menirum gave his ªreport. Hammu-Rabiº spoke to us as follows: He (said), ‘The words of ZimriLim are forever good. Atamrum, who came—I will answer him forthrightly, and will quickly dispatch him.’ This, Hammu-Rabi said, and he rose, and Atamrum prostrated. He stayed 1 day in the tower of Ninurta-Nisu, and on the next day he spoke to the palace. He (said), ‘I will camp with the army of my father, ªZimri-Limº.’ This, Atamrum said ªtoº the palace, and he ªdepartedº and is (now) camping with the army of [my lord].”

Text 27 165

Translation

469

27 165 To [our] ªlordº [speak! Your] servants ªZimri-Adduº and Menirum (say), “We entered the palace, ªandº [Hammu-Rabi] (of Babylon) spoke to us as follows: He (said), ‘The brother [of Dadi-Hadun] executes ªthe viziership inº Esnuna. And ªhisº words [ to] his brother ªDadi-Hadunº and the sister of ªDadi-Hadunº. Íilli-Sin, king of ªEsnunaº, [spoke to them as follows]: “I said to ªyouº what I heard. ªWriteº to ªyourº lord!” ’ ªThis, Hammu-Rabi saidº to ªusº,1 [and] ªhe returnedº, and Atamrum carried [a report] ªas followsº: He (said), ‘20 men who fled with Yagih-Addu to [Esnuna] ªsome time agoº, ªtheir brotherº [ ] to Íilli-Sin, [and] he spoke as follows: “The servants of [4 lines].” ’ We ªwroteº the report of [Atamrum] to [our] lord.” 1.

Hammu-Rabi probably mentioned the Yamina leader Dadi-Hadun in order to fuel Mariote suspicions of the revival of an anti-Mariote front formed by Esnuna and the Yamina. He aimed at winning Mari’s support against Esnuna.

27 166 To my lord speak! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “The troops of [my] lord are ªwellº. The day I ªsent thisº tablet of mine to [my lord] is the 12th day since we proceeded from ªSippar/Larsaº to [my] ªlordº.”

27 167 See §75 (pp. 157ff.).

To our lord speak! Your servants Zimri-Addu and Menirum (say), “ªThe troopsº of our lord are well. [n lines. Atamrum] worries all the time. ªHeº (said), ‘Over here, the enemy made an incursion into my land. And would I go . . . 220 a distance of 40 miles? I would take 221º, and I shall be at the disposition of (my) a detour up to the land of Mari. It is not ª land.’ Either in Id, or else in Harbe, by way of the steppe, [ ] Atamrum [ ].”

27 168 To my lord speak! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “The Babylonian messengers who (came) from Karana (and) Razama and ªwhoº were staying in ªKurdaº assembled, and there are 15 of them. And they were headed for Babylon. The Kurdaite Akiyanu, their ªguideº, [3 lines] ªthe enemyº attacked them. The Kurdaite ªAkiyanuº, their ªguideº, [ ] ªfrom among those menº escaped toward Kurda. And ªthe enemyº who ªattackedº those messengers were Numheans or Andarigites or Idamaraßeans. They were not seen. I wrote right away to my ªlordº what I ªheardº from those around me.”

220. a-na sú-ri. Birot translates “tout de suite.” The context suggests “on a whim, for nothing.” 221. Birot reads [k]a-ma and interprets this as a variant of kiamma.

470

Translation

Text 27 169

27 169 According to Durand, the handwriting of the tablet matches that of tablets sent from Kapiya of Kahat. Birot is not sure whether the writer of the letter is the governor of Qa††unan. He may have been commander of the Mariote garrison in Kahat.

To my lord speak! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “Kahat is well. Simªal is well. The servants of my lord are well. And I keep asking informed persons whom they seize about Tehran, and (they say), ‘Tehran is strong.’ I sent my lord this ªtabletº of mine on the 15th day of ªthe month ofº Dagan (VIII).”

27 170 The author of the letter could be the commander of the garrison of Kahat at a different point of his career.

To my lord speak! Your servant Zimri-Addu (says), “The troops of my lord are well. ªIßiQatar departedº the other day for my lord, and I gave him my tablet (containing the message) of the well-being of the troops ªfor my lordº. The next day ª13 linesº the enemy took down (the defenses of) the city of Lazabat, which he had strengthened and (where) his heavy gear was ªplacedº, and he ªcarried offº [his] ªheavyº gear to his camp. At night he took his tower apart and secured his regulars, and they carried his heavy gear until dinnertime. And after dinnertime regulars started out. They have quit, have moved.”

27 173–77 are letters by the last governor of Qa††unan.

or Yata27 173 To [my] ªlordº speak! Your servant ªYatarumº (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. According to the letter of my lord, I had pitfalls opened, and one aurochs fell into a pitfall. Herewith I ªsendº the skin of the aurochs and its horns to ªmyº lord.”

27 174 [To] my ªlordº [speak]! Your [servant] Yatarum (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. Herewith I send 2 [ ], the first 222 of ªthe yearº, as much as they brought me, ªtoº my lord.”

27 175 To [my] lord speak! [Your servant] Yatarum (says), “The city of Qa††unan [and the district are well]. 2 ªboatmen departed forº Mari, [and] ªbelowº the mouth ªof the riverº [n lines]. Herewith I load 1 skin of ªa sinuntumº on a cart [ ], and [ ] ªMukannisum to ªmyº lord.”

222. Birot suggests that is-sa-an in the text stands for nissan.

Text 27 177

Translation

471

27 177 To my lord speak! Your servant Yatarum (says), “A son of Dadum came from Supurrata and told me the following: ‘2 thousand Babylonian troops came up, and they left their shock troops in Hubsalum, and the guide of the troops, together with 1 thousand troops, then 223º to go over the mountain [to] ªKasapaº and Subat-Enlil to (meet) Hammu-Rabi (of ª Kurda) [and] ªHimdiyaº, (saying), “[I am sent (with the order)] ‘Make peace [among] both of them!’ [And] for making peace ª5 linesº (once you) are speaking to them, and both of them made peace, make prisoners of war in a city (that is) their enemy and go! And both of them together with their troops—requisition from them travel provisions for 40 days, (saying): ‘Where I am headed, you (pl.) go with me.’ ” ’ These things the son of Dadum told me, and I wrote (it) right away to my lord. And now, once I hear a ªfullº report, [I will] ªwrite (it) toº my lord.” 223. Birot restores [i-tu-u]k and translates “a continué sa route.”

Chapter 7

Translations of Additional Texts Published in Various Places These texts include supplementary documentation for the reconstruction of events during ZL 9u–11u and complement the letters published in ARM 26/2 and 27.

2 21 = Durand, “Espionnage,” 46 = LAPO 16 350

umentat

See §§21 (pp. 73ff.) and 35 (pp. 95ff.).

[To] my ªlordº speak! Your [servant] ªIbal-Pi-Elº (says), “[Some time ago], Hammu-Rabi (of Babylon) spoke a word as follows: ‘[There is peace] between Mari and Babylon. ªThe messengerº whom [I dispatched] to your lord returned [ ]. And I keep hearing [that] a 1 trusted [servant of ] your lord, who carries out [ ], ªwill arriveº. He will (be allowed to) hear every detail. [And] ªwhicheverº [news] he hears, he can promptly ªtake a close look 2º (and) write. ªSinceº [Zimri-Lim and] I turned into one finger, [the troops of ] ªAtamrumº have been in fear.’ 3 This, Hammu-Rabi [said]. “[The day I sent] this ªtabletº of mine to [my] ªlordº, a boy of Meptum brought a tablet to ªHammu-Rabiº. We entered before him (Hammu-Rabi), and [the boy of ] Meptum told him about the actions of the Esnunakean [in] the upper [land]. And about the troops of Yamhad he spoke [as follows]: ‘10 thousand Yamhadean troops left [the city of ] Tuttul behind, and then they ªwaited forº 10 thousand Zalmaqum (to join them). And they are headed for the land of Idamaraß (to go) against Atamrum.’ [This] the boy of Meptum told (him), and Hammu-Rabi spoke as follows: ‘I heard the following: “Zimri-Lim is about to go up [to the land of ] Idamaraß.” [(So) which one] is about to go up there?’ 4 [And in] his heart he has de1. Durand, in LAPO, restores [siprim] and translates musallim siprim “qui n’altère point le message.” 2. Durand restores [us-sa-an-ni]-iq and suggests the translation “après contrôle.” Expecting a present-tense form, I modify his restoration slightly to [i-sa-an-ni]-iq. 3. [x x] ªA-tamº-ri-im sa-hi-it. Durand derives the stative from saha†um. He translates, in “Espionnage,” “[le pays] d’Atamrum est mis au pillage” and, in DÉPM, “[l’armée] d’Atamrum est occupée à razzier.” I follow CAD sahatum B “to fear.” 4. Durand restores [ù] and translates “en fait, c’est ici qu’il se propose se monter!” This translation is basic to Durand’s overall interpretation of the text. He states in “Espionnage”: “Hammurabi de Babylon craignait . . . que la mobilisation intense qui se produisait dans le nord ne soit en

472

Text 2 22

Translation

473

cided on the following: ‘I am afraid [ ] ªfromº Qa†anum [ ] to Hammu-Rabi (of Kurda). [His troops] will be more numerous than my troops, and they (people) will speak as follows: 5º allied troops of his [n lines.’ n lines,” n lines] is not [ “ªZimri-Limº [ ] ª . And] ªprior to my (Ibal-Pi-El’s) ªleavingº 6, [I answered] ªhimº (Hammu-Rabi) a word ªonº [my own] 7. I (said), ‘[My lord] declared a sacred oath [to Ibal-Addu 8]. And [he (Ibal-Addu) camps] in ªthe bivouacº [of my lord]. 9 And ªperhapsº that man has become apprehensive about the coming up of Atamrum, [and (therefore)] he keeps writing ªtoº my lord. [ ] my lord will go up there.’ This I said to him on my own [ ]. As I said this to him, he opened [his mouth] and spoke as follows: ‘[Write] your lord. He must send the balance of his forces here, and we shall beat the ªarmyº of our enemy (Elam), and then afterwards, we can turn [on] its rear guard. 10 1 [We ] the head of our enemy, and our force must stay together. 11 And for now [my troops] ªwhoº are staying there can act according to the pronouncement of your lord. ªShouldº 12 the king of Kurda request troops from him, [let him] ªprovide] troops. Let him equip as many as can be equipped, and let him (also) dispatch (troops) to Hammanum, and Hammanum must dispatch his troops, and they must go there [quickly], and Ili[ ] city [ ].’ “ªNowº [ ] ªreportº [ ] to us, (namely), ‘My lord sent me.’ [ ] [He relayed] the words that I told him to his lord. [And] he placed the oath by my lord in my mouth [ ] complete. [The troops] of my lord are well.” 1.

The enemy is Elam. Its rear guard is the troops led by Atamrum and Kunnam in the north; its head is the troops moving on Babylon.

2 22 = LAPO 17 585 See Durand, “Operations militaires,” MARI 5 (1987), 666, on the passage of the ambush and 26/1, 44, on the topic of the diviners. See also §41 (pp. 105ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Ibal-pi-El (says), “Hammu-Rabi spoke to me as follows: realité dirigée contre lui.” But asaris means “there,” not “here.” I restore tentatively [ma-num]. Also possible is [mi-num] “what?” in the sense of “why?” or [ki-i] “how?” 5. Durand reads i-m[a-a]k, which would mean “for lack of.” 6. Durand restores, in LAPO, [a-na ta-ar]-ßí-ia-ma a-wa-tam ªi-na †e4º-[em ra-ma-ni-ia a-puul-s]u and translates “j’ai répondu ceci, tout à fait à dessein, me fiant à ma propre inspiration.” I follow Anbar, NABU 1998 3, who reads [i-na pa-an wa]-ßí-ia-ma and provides a parallel in a similar context. 7. I follow Durand’s restorations. 8. The restoration is based on 28 57. 9. Durand reads ù i-na ru-bu-u[ß be-lí-ia ir-bu-uß] and translates “et il a fait cause commun avec lui.” I adopt the restoration but expect a present-tense form. 10. So, according to Durand, [a-na z]i*-ib-ba-ti-su ni-tu-ur-ra. 11. Durand segments lu-ú-pa-ah-hi-ir and translates “que je réunisse nos forces.” Jean emended, segmenting emuqni lu-ú pa-{ah-}-hi-ir. 12. Durand reads [as-sum e]rín* kúr. But the logogram erín is not used by Mariote scribes. Note that the word “troops” is written syllabically, as expected, in the very same line. Jean transliterated ]-nu? If my translation is close to the mark, a reading [sum-m]a-an, where the intersections of the “horizontals” with the last “vertical” of the sign ma mimic [er]én, seems possible.

474

Translation

Text 2 23

‘Shock troops started out 13 and went to the attack of a marching column of the enemy, but there was no bridge where they could lay an ambush, and these men (the shock troops) returned empty-handed. And the marching column of the enemy continued in good order. They (the enemies) were not intimidated. Light troops must go and stage attacks on the marching column of the enemy and capture informers as they go.’ This, Hammu-Rabi said to me. (So now) I have sent Sakirum together with 300 troops to Sa Baßim. And the troops that I sent consist of 1 hundred 50 of my troops, ª50º Suheans, and 1 hundred troops of the bank of the Euphrates, and 3 hundred troops of the Babylonian. The diviner Ilsu-Naßir, servant of my lord, goes before the troops of my lord. And a Babylonian diviner goes with the troops of Babylon. These 6 hundred troops are stationed in Sa Baßim, and the diviners are formulating the extispicies. And in view of their sound extispicies, 1 hundred 50 troops go out (on patrol) and 1 hundred 50 enter. This, my lord know. The troops of my lord are well.”

2 23 = LAPO 17 590 See Charpin 26 381e; my note, NABU 2000 35; and §36 (pp. 97ff.).

To [my] ªlord speakº! Your servant ªIbal-Pi-Elº (says), “When the tablets of my lord that my lord sent to ªHammu-Rabiº arrived, [we went] ªtoº [Hammu-Rabi, but] ªit was too late forº 14 greetings and oral instructions, [and] we went out (of the palace). In the morning we ªreturned 15º to the gate of the palace. ªThe gatekeepers letº a messenger from the king of Kurda ªenterº. He entered with us, but I parted company with the messenger of the king of Kurda, the party of Laªum, Etel-Pi-Samas, and the servants of my lord. 16 Zimri-Addu and I approached Hammu-Rabi so as 17 to tell (him) something. Isar-Lim, Mutu-Hadqim, (and) Rim-Addu, servants [of Isme-Dagan] having gained access to the secret council, ªwere standingº before him. I addressed him as follows: I (said), ‘Once, twice [my lord] wrote you [about] dispatching ª10º thousand of your troops and the 1 thousand troops of the Hana and [ ] ªtroopsº 18 ªtoº him. Why does [my lord (Hammu-Rabi)] not dispatch [those] troops? He must ªdispatch the troopsº of [my] ªlord (Zimri-Lim) andº [let] my lord up there (in his land) [march] among 19 his troops [against the kings who] ªhave turnedº their ears toward the 13. Jean copied and read is-tu, which raises the question of the missing subjunctive; Durand, in MARI 5, recopied the signs, read is-[m]u-ma, and translated “on a appris.” In LAPO, he reads is-se-ma, understanding it as a variant of is-sa-a, and translates “bon sang!” AHw. understands is-sa-a as ina sa > issa with interrogative lengthening and translates “despite the fact that,” which makes good sense in the context; however, -ma cannot be expected after issa. Durand’s copy clearly suggests is-se-ma, on which my translation is based. 14. Durand restores ah-[za-at] and translates “une fois reçus”; I restore uh-[hu-ur-ma]. My preceding restorations require more space than those of Durand. If the line was written far over the edge onto the surface of the reverse, there is enough space. It cannot be verified, because the corresponding space on the reverse is broken. 15. Jean read ni-ì[s-, Durand read ni-i[l-li-kam], I read ni-i[t-tu-ur] and translate accordingly. 16. Durand translates “j’arrivai à tenir séparé le messager du roi de Kurda de la suite de Lâªum etc.” In this case, Ibal-Pi-El would have separated the Kurdaite messenger from the Mariotes. 17. So, according to Durand’s reading, ki-ma ak-[ki-ma]. He translates “lorsque, pour. . . .” 18. Durand restores ß[a-ab til-la-tim] “allied troops.” 19. ina. Durand translates “avec,” which is expressed elsewhere by itti or qadum. Otherwise, my translation of the sentence follows Durand’s restorations. spread is 12 points long

Text 2 23

Translation

475

Elamite. Let him (Zimri-Lim) return them (the kings) [to] your ªsideº! And let him make their troops camp [with] your (Hammu-Rabi’s) troops! 20 ªConsultº about the troops of [my lord] 21 and [do] what is necessary to dispatch the troops! [ ] ªthatº my lord keeps writing you [ ] the land, all of it, [ ] my lord [ ] numerous allies [ .’ These things and] ªmoreº I told (him). “[ca. 16 lines] ªhe (Mutu-Hadqim) whisperedº [into] ªthe earº of his lord, (saying), ‘ªIbal-Pi-Elº knows. And because his lord [ , he in] fear of his lord with my lord.’ ªThisº Mutu-Hadqim whispered and [went out. After] he had gone out, I contrived the following (argument): I (said to Hammu-Rabi), ‘You [mentioned to me] ªthe talk aboutº 22 Atamrum and the king of Kurda. Besides, I have ªheardº a whiff of his words. 23 He (ZimriLim) keeps writing you to dispatch troops (to him), (saying), “I shall march among unified 24 troops to 25 the land of ªKurdaº. After I have arrived in the land together with [such] troops, a king, any [that is there], will not ªturnº his head to the place of another.” Perhaps my lord (Hammu-Rabi) thought of this (already). Dispatch the troops to [your] ªbrotherº!’ This I told him, and he [spoke] as follows: ‘Why do you ª 26º to your words? When I dispatch 1 hundred troops, the one who ªhearsº [it] will quote it as 1 thousand. And when [I dispatch] 1 thousand ªtroopsº, he will quote it as 10 thousand. On that day the enemy will [ , and] become lusty. 27 Within 5 days we will see ªa (more) completeº report. And in view of the report that we see, we will ªconsultº [and] act. As long as we do not understand the details of the situation, I will not dispatch any troops!’ This he said to me. He will not dispatch any of the troops that my lord ªasked forº. The troops of my lord are well.” 20. Durand reads ù ßa-ba-su-nu ªaº-[na ru-ub-ßí-im sa] ßa-bi-ka lisarbiß and translates “(afin de . . .) et en outre de les amener à faire campagne commune à leur armée avec ton armée.” He understands the accusative, ßa-ba-su-nu, as the goal of “causing to camp.” This would require a preposition or prepositional phrase. As it stands, ßa-ba-su-nu can only be the object of the causation of camping and refer to the troops of those who had turned their ears to the Elamite. At the end of line 21, I read ªiº-[na. 21. Durand restores ana ßabim sa-[a-ti]. The demonstrative would refer to the troops of the kings that lent the Elamite their ear, but Ibal-Pi-El speaks about the troops that he wants Hammu-Rabi to dispatch. They are Babylonian and Mariote troops. However, these are designated as “his (Zimri-Lim’s) troops” in the sense of “troops that he commands.” Accordingly, I restore here ana ßabim sa [be-lí-ia]. 22. Jean and Durand restore [li]-ib-bi. I restore [di]-ib-bi. 23. mimma ziq awatisu es-te-[me]. Durand restores is7-te-[e-eh] and translates the sentence “dans le passé, le ton de ses dires, à lui, s’est-il jamais enflé?” 24. ina ßabim kaßrim. Jean translates “avec des troupes bien aguerries”; Durand, “avec une armée constituée,” commenting, “un corps de troupe régulièrement constitué et armé”; CAD kaßrum “with well-organized troops.” The context indicates to me that it was a mixed Babylonian-Mariote force. I therefore translate “unified.” The prestige of Babylonian troops would make it especially formidable. 25. Text ina “in.” Durand explains: alakum + ina (sans mouvement) “aller qq part pour y rester” and translates “je veux aller occuper.” I assume a scribal error for ana. CAD kaßrum transliterates ina and translates “to.” 26. Durand reads ta-at-ta-k[i-ir] and translates “as-tu changé.” The preposition ana does not fit with the meanings of nakarum. 27. nis libbim irassi. CAD translates “will become covetous,” and Durand, “il aura le coeur qui battra fort.”

476

Translation

Text 2 24+

2 24+ = Durand, “Espionnage,” 44–45 = LAPO 17 586 See §47 (pp. 111ff.).

To my lord [speak]! Your servant Ibal-Pi-El (says), “According to the correspondence of my lord that ªmyº lord keeps sending [to me], (namely), ‘Urge Hammu-Rabi with good [words] and do what is necessary [for] ªthe releaseº of the troops before the cold season!’ These things my lord ªwroteº [me]. Now, [I] ªhadº good words with ªHammu-Rabiº. I (said), ‘Why would the servants of your brother be detained by you after the god has destroyed the enemy and the days of cold have arrived? Give me instructions, and I shall depart! And a soldier must reach his house before the cold season.’ I urged him with these things and many more, and, as I wrote ªmy lordº some time ago, he (Hammu-Rabi) answered me as follows: He (said), ‘ªWithinº [5 days], 10 days I shall see a report on the Esnunakean, and ª º [ ].’ 28 This he answered me, and according to [those] words [which] the servants of my 30º in (my own) words, [and] I brought (the lord had with my lord [some time ago] 29 I ª situation) to the attention of Hammu-Rabi in (my own) words, and I used a roundabout approach toward (convincing him). I (said), ‘Good! From now on (the situation) is (as follows): if the god placed good words between you and the Esnunakean, what is there for the servants of your brother to do here? And if the god placed good words, (but then) made (Esnuna) overstep (them), what can you do during these days of the cold season? Can you lay siege to a city? Or else can you attack a land?’ These things and many more I told him, and I made (him) ªtrust meº 31 with (my) words, but he (still) did not ªacceptº the friendly ªwordsº [and] the good [words], however many I urged upon him. [ ], and he instructed me [ ] in being ready for [ ] gifts [ ] the servants of [my] ªlordº. [ ] ªcorresponding to whatº he instructed me on [ ] of my lord. “The words of my lord that were on the tablet that Etel-Pi-Samas brought were the same as the instructions with which Hammu-Rabi instructed me, ªas ifº 32 my lord and Hammu-Rabi had sat together, and brother had talked matters over with brother. They (the members of my travel group) went out from Babylon at night. I came across Etel-Pi-Samas on that night at a distance of 2 miles above Babylon. As we came across each other, the party of Etel-Pi-Samas came up from the boat, and I heard the instructions of my lord. They floated down to Babylon. And we departed for Sippir. The instructions of my lord for EtelPi-Samas and the instructions of Hammu-Rabi with which he had instructed for my lord were the same. “I did not write my lord until I had crossed the Irnina. I (said to myself), ‘I can ªwriteº my lord ªa tabletº from Babylon or else from Sippir. After all, Hammu-Rabi might change his mind, and [ ].’ And my lord will speak as follows: ‘Why did you write me as long as you had not seen confirmation of your departure?’ This is why I did not write my lord. Now, during 28. Durand reads qú-u[l qú-ul] and translates “tais-toi! tais-toi!” 29. I restore awatim kima [sa ina panitim]. Ibal-Pi-El is referring to words that other Mariote envoys, who had negotiated with Hammu-Rabi about the same topic, had brought back to Mari. 30. Durand reads ús-ªbaº-[ku-ma] and translates “je me trouvais siéger.” But derivation of such a form from wasabum is problematic. 31. Durand restores [an-né-tim] at the beginning of the line and translates “et (je) essayé de lui faire admettre par (mes) paroles,” commenting on the meaning of awatim leqûm. However, the text has ina awatim. I restore [qí-pu-ti]. 32. Charpin suggested the restoration tu-s[a-ma]. See Durand’s comment h in LAPO.

Text 2 25

Translation

477

the night in which I sent this tablet of mine to my lord, I crossed the Irnina. I will stay overnight opposite Sa Baßim, at the fringe of the. . . . 33 On the next day I will stay opposite Uhul. The servants of my lord are well. No sicknesses, no wrong has occurred.”

2 25 = LAPO 17 587 See §47 (pp. 111ff.).

[To my lord] speak! [Your servant] ªIbal-Pi-Elº (says), “[My lord] ªwroteº Hammu-Rabi about ªquicklyº dispatching [the Hana], 5 hundred troops of the bank of the Euphrates and 10 thousand Babylonians, but Hammu-Rabi [did not] ªprovideº the troops that my lord had requested, (saying), ‘I will [not] dispatch [troops] as long as I have not seen a report on the 34º, the Esnunakean [stands 35] at the crossing of Manenemy.’ This Hammu-Rabi said. ª kisum. And they (informants) spoke as follows: ‘[He (the Esnunakean) is headed] for Situllum.’ Hammu-Rabi heard it and spoke ªas followsº: ‘[The Esnunakean] has crossed (the Tigris). And he is headed for Situllum. I shall 36 get ready [the troops] of the Hana and (the troops of) the bank of the Euphrates for whom your lord wrote me [and the 10 thousand of ] my troops, and [I shall dispatch them] to your lord.’ [This] Hammu-Rabi said, and I answered him as follows: [I] (said), ‘My lord keeps writing you in peaceful terms. [ ] keeps hearing [about ] going up to Ekallatum [ ] whom you dispatch [ ] the lead of my troops [ ] in Kurda [n lines].’ “[n lines] I feared, and I kept 300 Hana . . . , 37 and [of the ], whom I dispatched, [ ] I equipped 100 personal guards ª Yantin-Erahº and Bahdi-Addu [took] the lead of those troops, and I dispatched them to my lord. [I am afraid] my [lord] will get mad at me (and say), ‘Why did [Ibal-Pi-El] not dispatch the 1 thousand troops of the bank of the Euphrates [with] ªthe Hanaº?’ I feared the attitude of the Hana, the servants of my lord, [ ]. I (said), ‘I am afraid they will rise up once [I ] them, and they [will ] of my lord that is in the land, all of it, in the uprising. And they will decrease 38 the strength of my lord, which is [ ] in the land of Babylon, for no better reason than hatred of my lord.’ 39 [My lord] must ask Yantin-Erah [about] those ªHanaº. [The troops] of my lord are well.”

33. ar-ri. The word possibly designates a landform. See n. 190 to 26 169. Durand translates “les flaches.” 34. Jean restored [a-nu-um]-ma. Depending on the restorations at the head of the preceding lines, there may be more space for restoration. I suspect “in the meantime.” 35. Jean restored [wa-si-ib]. The parallel passage in M.6157, as quoted and restored by Durand, has i-[iz-za-az]. 36. Durand restores ki before this statement, which would mean “how can I . . . ?” Since the Esnunakean move toward Situllum is away from Babylon, Hammu-Rabi has no excuses left for holding back the promised troops. 37. sa warkassu ta-ah-nu. Durand proposes “qui devaient les suppléer étaient blessés.” 38. ú-qa-al-lu. Durand derives the form from qâlum D, which is otherwise not attested. I emend to ú-qa-al-lu. 39. ina la mimma assum ze-er beliya. Durand emends to assum ßer beliya .

478

Translation

Text 2 26

2 26 = LAPO 17 589 See §37 (pp. 100ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Ibal-Pi-El (says), “The Elamite troops who went to the land of Qutum have returned to Esnuna. And I heard the following from those around me: ‘ª(Qutean) troopsº drew up in battle formation against them (the Elamites), and they ªacceptedº their (offer of) peace. And half (of those around me) are saying the following: “The Nawarite (woman)—her general bound her and gave her up.” ’ 1 This I heard from those around me. And so far I have not heard confirmation of those matters from the mouth of Hammu-Rabi. Once I hear confirmation of those matters, I will write to my lord. Before the tablet of my lord that [ ] about ªdispatchingº troops to ªthe land of . . . 40 [circa 5 lines]. (The reverse is only partially preserved. It mentions various troop movements and the land of Esnuna. The last 5 lines are fairly well preserved:) “The troops of my lord [must ] with the troops [ ]. Otherwise I shall. . . . 41 My lord must write me, so or not so, and I shall do what my lord says. The troops [of ] my ªlordº are well.” 1.

The passage indicates to Durand that Nawar was the name of the land of the Quteans or its capital and that the woman was its queen. But note that Sasum, “king of the Quteans” (A.649 = Charpin and Durand, “Le nom antique de Tell Rimah,” RA 81 [1987], 143–45 = LAPO 17 592), is attested before (A.649) and after (26 491) the date of the present letter. “Troops of the Nawarite (woman)” still operate in ZL 10u (6 27). So she must have recovered her freedom, or the report about her capture was untrue.

2 30+ = Lacambre, “Hirîtum,” 440–45 = LAPO 17 581 See §40 (pp. 103ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant ªIbal-Pi-Elº (says), “The enemy saw that the decision had been made in the city of Hiritum and attempted crossing (the river) once, twice, but the troops of my lord stood in his way and did not permit him to cross. 42 The enemy saw that he could not cross and (that) [we had succeeded] in transporting (the soil of) his earthworks to the river by means of the inlets 43 that we and the servants of Hammu-Rabi had widened and 40. Jean read Q[ú-ti-imki]; Durand reads Ma-a[l?-gi-imki]. 41. sadadumma ªlusdudº. R. Kutscher, “Akkadian ¶adadum/sadadum = ‘To Camp’,” ZA 76 (1986), 2–3, translates: “(Shall I tell him thus:) ‘My lord’s army will go with your army’ or if not, shall I pitch camp (and not go)?” Durand translates: “. . . disant, ‘Envoie l’armée de mon Seigneur avec ton armée, sinon, je ne ferai que traînailler.’ ” 42. The interpretation of the passage is complicated by the fact that forms of the words eberum “to cross” and eperu “earthworks” are written with the same signs. Jean assumed all references of the passage belonged to eberum = “to cross.” Lacambre and Durand assume that they are all connected with eperu = “earthworks,” positing the existence of a verb eperum “to pile up an earthen ramp.” Durand believes that this verb is also attested in 27 145:13–16. I cannot believe that “once, twice” would be said of the laborious process of building up an earthen ramp to gain the height of the city wall. 43. ina amrimmi. The translation “inlet” is based on M. Sauvage’s identification of an installation that allowed access to river water from within a walled city. It was effected by a canal that brought water from the river to and through openings of the city wall (NABU 1994 37). The inlets in the present text somehow allowed flooding of the base of the earthworks with the intent of eroding them. See also the discussion of the passage by Durand.

spread is 6 points long

Text 2 33

Translation

479

opened against his earthworks, and ª2 linesº ªasº before for the braces that ªthey (the Babylonians) had madeº against [ ], 3 cubits, 4 cubits, [ ]. I (said), ‘[The enemy] will make the braces fall ªonº the battering ram. 44 I will make the frontal [n lines].’ [n lines]. “ ‘[n lines] we will do [what] my lord says.’ [This] he [answered] me. [ ] I will write my lord news on Hammu-Rabi, whatever I have learned. “As the enemy was forced to cross, I readied 100 troops. I dispatched ªa reconnoitererº 45 in front of these troops. I decided (on a plan for the area) from ªSaº [ ] to Kakkulatum. ªIº (said), ‘I am afraid 10 thousand will get away, and he (the Elamite) will dispatch (these) 10 thousand ªtroopsº, and they will start an uprising in Suhum. If you see any trace (of them), write Meptum and let him decide on a plan! And write me, and I shall take my dispositions here!’ These instructions I gave the reconnoiterer and then readied 30 Suheans and dispatched (them) with the Suhean Yaqqim-Lim to ªKakkulatumº. I (said), ‘If the enemy moves on beyond Kakkulatum and ªsetsº [his] sight (on going) upstream, go parallel to him and write to my lord and me!’ This I inculcated upon him and dispatched him. I seized the steppe, all of it. 46 My lord must decide on a plan. “Further: The men, servants of my lord, any that were sent against the earthworks, are well. There was not a single fatality. ª4 linesº.”

2 33 = LAPO 17 583 See 28 65, FM 2 63, and §33 (pp. 89ff.).

To my lord speak! Your [servant] Ibal-El (says), “I listened to the tablet that my lord sent me. About the message that Hammu-Rabi, the king of Babylon, wrote my lord, (namely), ‘I will meet with Rim-Sin, the king of Larsa. [And] ªthe Esnunakeanº will stand by me. Dispatch me troops now, and I shall reach that objective1, and (then) I shall dispatch you forces with your troops (that I will return to you), and you shall reach your objective!’ [I] ªplacedº this message that Hammu-Rabi wrote my lord before the mayors, your servants, and I (said), ‘Consult, and if [ ] the Babylonian ªHammu-Rabi [n lines].’ “[n lines]. About the message of Sadum-Labua [that he] ªwrote meº—Sadum-Labua (said), ‘Because I cut off ªthe headº of Isme-Addu, the enemy of my lord, and sent (it) to my lord, the Hurraites and Sinahites came. They cut down my orchards.’ (And he told me), ‘Come! I shall entrust the city to you [and] depart for my lord.’ I wrote ªIbal-Adduº, and he made 50 troops enter to guard Asnakkum, and Sadum-Labua and Ibal-Addu arrived in Siharata before me in the assembly of the Hana. (Sadum-Labua said), ‘I hope that once I depart for my lord, the cities that are hostile to me will not get close to Asnakkum after my (departure) and cause the opinion of the city to turn against me.’ I will now go ªwithº him (Sadum-Labua) (and) together with the Hana to the interior of (his) land and ask for the 44. Lacambre restores ha-ma-na-am [sa l ú . k ú r sa] ªaº-na m i s .ia8-si-bi-im ú-sa-am-qa-at and translates “Je vais fair tomber la machine de guerre-hamânum [de l’ennemi qui est] pour le bélier.” I read ha-ma-na-am [l ú . k ú r] ªaº-na m i s .ia8-si-bi-im ú-sa-am-qa-at. The battering ram was stationed on the earthworks of the besiegers, close to the top of the wall. 45. lú ba-ad-[da-am]. I follow the interpretation of Durand, NABU 1991 53. There are traces of signs at the end of the line. Lacambre suggests the reading [ma?-al?-g]e-em. Perhaps the traces belong to the erased area of the previous line. 46. kaßâm kalasa aßbat. Lacambre translates the verb “je pris possession”; Durand, “je me suis assuré de.”

480

Translation

Text 2 46

opinion of the cities [that] are hostile ªtoº him. I will write a complete report to my lord within 3 days. The encampment and the Simªal are well.” 1.

The defeat of the Elamites.

2 46 = LAPO 18 1070 See 26 516.

To [my] lord speak! Your servant Bahdi-Lim (says), “ªHabdu-Estarº of the messenger service, 10 men ªfromº the troops who are with Iddiyatum, and ªthe division commanderº Ahum brought along 3 secret agents from Karana. [I put] the ªsecret agentsº in custody. And herewith I have dispatched Habdu-[Estar] and the division commander Ahum to [my lord]. My lord must question them, and then Ahum must depart (for here), so that he can take his troops and take them (back) to Iddiyatum. Those men, who came—ªallº [of them] are reliable.”

2 49 = LAPO 16 309 See §27 (pp. 83ff.).

[To my lord speak]! Your [servant] ªIbal-Pi-Elº (says), “[The day] I sent ªthisº [tablet of mine] to my lord, ªmessengersº of Isme-Dagan ªarrivedº before Hammu-Rabi [and] (said), 47].’ This they said to him, and ‘Isme-Dagan, together with troops, has drawn close to [ his face shone all over. ªIsme-Daganº keeps writing tokens of servitude to Hammu-Rabi. It is (like) the deeds of his father in the past. His father used to keep writing the Esnunakean tokens of servitude. Later, after he seized the land, all of it, during . . . 48 of the Esnunakean, he wrote him as a brother. Now, perhaps Isme-Dagan has decided on (repeating) ªthisº (strategy). And he . . . 49 Hammu-Rabi with ªwordsº. I keep ªhearing the followingº [from] those around me: ‘Isme-Dagan keeps writing to [Hammu-Rabi], “[ ] of my father. My father knew [n lines].” ’ “[n lines]. My lord must ªconsultº [and] ªelevateº him (Atamrum, to be the) equal of 50º is your endeavor, ªseizeº Isme-Dagan. And my lord must speak [to him] as follows: ‘ª 51 52 Subat-Enlil! I am afraid Isme-Dagan will move on and seize that city.’ ªThisº my lord must write him, so that he [ ] against Isme-Dagan until my lord ªdecides on a planº, and (so that) he [ ] the route ªtoº Yamutbal. And ªI am afraidº [ ] Atamrum [n lines].”

47. Durand restores [to you]. I expect [Subat-Enlil], but there does not seem to be enough space for this restoration. [Atamrum] is also possible. 48. i-na e-te-em. Durand discusses the verb etemum and translates “suite aux ennuis.” 49. unahhas. Jean translates “flatte”; Durand, “ce n’est qu’en paroles, qu’il acquiesce aux désirs de H.” 50. Durand restores ma-ªaº-[at A-pí]-imki! “the land of Apum.” 51. Translation according to Durand’s reading, ka-ªpaº-ad-ka Subat-Enlil ßa-ªbaº!-[a]t!. 52. Jean read the verbal form as [i-]it-ti-iq. Durand reads ªlaº it-ti-iq and translates this and the following clause “Il ne faudrait pas (qu’Isme-Dagan) s’empare au passage de cette ville!” I prefer Jean’s reading.

Text 2 50

Translation

481

2 50 = LAPO 17 601 See §§65 and 66 (pp. 139ff.).

ªToº my lord speak! Your servant Haqba-Hammu (says), “The land of Hadnum changed sides to Hammu-Rabi, the king of Kurda, and I ªdepartedº on a rescue mission together with 2 thousand troops, and Isme-Dagan heard {me} [that] I had departed together with 2 [thousand troops] ª º [n lines] I enlisted [ ]. And up to [ ] about once, twice, [ ] at night [ ] I [ ] his head [ ] on the road of the city of Razama [ ]. Those troops got going ªandº 53º and their shields lying [ ] were pushed aside. They (the Ekallateans) left their gear ª 54 (on the ground). Isme-Dagan got away by the skin of his teeth. I did not give him (the opportunity) to bring one bread1 into (Razama).The angels of my lord are going by the side of [his (my lord’s)] ªarmyº. There isº no one to block (it). May my lord be happy! Now, as he entered Razama, your son (Askur-Addu) together with [his troops] ªhas moved on toº , and] I Rakna. 55 [ ] asked your son, and [ ] after ªmyº tablet [ ] I ªsee a laterº [report or else a ªservantº [of mine] will instruct him with ªa fullº [message] [2 lines].” 1.

In this idiom, “bread” stands for “anything.” See also “it does not cost me one bread” in 26 5.

2 71 = LAPO 17 576 = FM 7 22 See §35 (pp. 95ff.).

[To] my ªlordº [speak]! Your servant ªWarad-Ilisuº (says), “About the Yamhadean troops who went to Babylon—Hammu-Rabi ªbecameº very ªhappy hearing the messageº. He (said), ‘Good! My brother dispatched my troops to Babylon. And my brother tied my button with the Babylonian.’ And he (said), ‘I am detaining you until. . . . 56 5 days after this tablet, which I (herewith) send my lord, I will proceed from Halab.”

2 118 = LAPO 17 577 Oppenheim, Letters, 106. See §33 (pp. 89ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Bahdi-Addu (says), “The later (group of) Hana arrived. The earlier and the later (groups of) Hana are well. There is no illness, nothing, not any wrong. And the whole mission 57 was safe. The heart of my lord need not ªbe concernedº about a thing. “Further: I keep my ears open on all expeditions. There are many misfortunes. Now, on this expedition I kept my ears open, but there were no misfortunes or anything. It is (all) laughter (and) play. Their hearts are content as if they were staying in their (own) houses.

53. Durand reads sa qá-[ti]m? and translates “à sa disposition.” 54. Literally, “by a hair.” 55. ut-ta-aG-[ ], restored as uttak[kipsu] “l’a repoussé (à Raknâ)” by Durand. I restore utta-ak-[ki-ir]. The meaning of nukkurum “to move on” is attested in 26 18:39 and 27 115:13. 56. bu-Du-hi-im. Durand, FM 7, 34, suspects a ceremony connected with the funerary rites for Yarim-Lim. 57. sa saprim. Literally, “that of the sent thing.”

482

Translation

Text 2 122

The hearts of the servants of my lord tell of (their) zeal for doing battle and killing the enemy. My lord may be happy!”

2 122 = LAPO 16 299 See Abrahami, NABU 1992 1, and §76 (pp. 158ff.).

To my lord Askur-Addu speak! Your servant Meptum (says), “4 days before I sent you this tablet of mine, 10 thousand Babylonian troops crossed from Sippir. Mutu-Hadqim is leader of these troops. They took along Hulalum to Allahad (in order to install him) as king in place of Atamrum. Herewith I have written to you the news that I heard. Make your de58º. I will certainly cision! And this news that I wrote you must quickly reach the king. ª write [you] a confirmation [ ]. Now, I have written you the news I heard. Make a decision! Once they obtain a confirmation of this news, I will quickly write my lord.”

3 17 = LAPO 18 976 See §15 (pp. 66ff.).

[To] ªmyº lord ªspeakº! Your ªservantº Kibri-Dagan (says), “Dagan and Yakrub-El are ªwell. The cityº of Terqa and the district are well. According to the letter of my lord, I carried off the household goods of Qarni-Lim, all of them, from Saggaratum to Terqa and placed them in guarded quarters. “Further: May my lord come (back) safely 59 and kiss the foot of Dagan! The elders of the city enter before Dagan all the time and pray for my lord and the army of my lord. My border guards are at full strength. They keep a lookout on an area of up to 5, 6 miles, and all the time they bring (word that all is) well. Besides this, I do not neglect gathering ªinsideº Terqa the grain tax of my district [and] the grain of the palace, as my lord inculcated in me.”

3 19 = LAPO 17 563 See §33 (pp. 89ff.).

[To my] lord ªspeakº! Your servant Kibri-Dagan (says), “My lord wrote me as follows about mustering the troops of [my] district: ‘Muster the troops and then send me the tablet (on which the names) of those troops (are recorded), and I shall listen to it.’ This my lord wrote me. Now, I enlisted agents city by city in Zurubban, Hisamta, Himaran, and Hanna and made them swear an oath by Dagan, Itur-Mer and my lord, [and] they had the (names of the) troops written down [for me]. Herewith I have copied ªthoseº tablets, (keeping them) separate, 60 and have sent (them) to my lord. My lord must listen to those tablets. The troops 58. Durand, “Protocoles,” 29 n. 34, reads a-[n]a [t]i-[i]b hal-ßi-im a-na pa-n[i-k]a us-t[e]-se-e[r] and translates “Je viens de l’envoyer directement chez toi, pour (que tu puisses organiser) la levée du district.” In LAPO, he reads the verbal predicate as ªsu-pí-is?º and translates “fais fair (la levée de la région avant son arrivée).” 59. ina sulmim. Durand understands this as an abbreviation for ina sulum harranim and translates “au terme d’un voyage sans histoires.” 60. ahunês. D. Soubeyran, 23, 362–63, translates according to a suggestion by Oppenheim: “en distinguant les localités”; CAD ahunes “I listed these tablets separately (for each group).”

Text 3 20

Translation

483

that were staying while their replacements went to Babylon have been ªsentº home. The troops who have not been seized for the campaign, be it the sick, be it gents,1 [have (also) been sent] home. And the old ones ªwhoº are not able to go ªhave been sentº home [likewise]. My lord ªmustº [ ], and he must act [according to] his [kingship].” 1.

Gents (d u mu . m e s awilim) normally served as regulars (6 40 = LAPO 18 1025).

3 20 = LAPO 17 650 See §33 (pp. 89ff.).

ªToº my lord speak! Your ªservantº Kibri-Dagan (says), “ªAboutº the troops ªthatº I ªrecordedº in the cities ªmy lord wrote me as followsº: ‘You were negligent and were not seizing 61º.’ I was not at all negligent. At the time I recorded those sufficient troops in your ª [troops], I had (already) stationed three agents in the cities. And I had given them strict orders, and . . . 62 allowed me to write down the men along with [their] ªsonsº. In Zurubban, [Hisamta], ªHimmaranº, and Hanna [ ] those troops [6 lines]. They did not go [to] Amian, [ ], Dumtan, and Damiqan. And ªthey didº [not] ªrecord theirº troops.”

6 18 = LAPO 16 319 See §36 (pp. 97ff.).

[To] my lord speak! Your servant Bahdi-Lim (says), “The tablet that my lord sent Hammu-Rabi—that tablet I sent (on) to Hammu-Rabi as (soon as) it reached me. 63 And I addressed 64 the tablet, as my lord wrote me, and I wrote down many ªsuitableº words and [sent] ªhimº a/the tablet. “Further: After ªthe messageº went [to] ªHammu-Rabiº, a message ªofº [ ] ªarrivedº. Isim-Ea, a servant [of my lord], (and) Marduk-Nisu [and PN], 2 ªBabylonianº messengers, [ ] ‘As [ ] message [11 lines] Abi-Mekim will take [their lead].’ This message Isim-Ea, ªthe servantº [of my lord], and the 2 Babylonian messengers [ ]. And herewith I have dispatched

Kibri-Dagan could have combined the information on the four tablets from the four cities on one tablet. He did not and states this fact. 61. Durand reads q[á?-t]i?-ka. I expect h[a-al-ß]í-ka “in your district,” or p[a-ha-t]i-ka “in (the area of) your responsibility.” 62. Durand reads alkam [sa a-lim ù h]a-am-qí-su. 63. usaksidunissuma, literally, “they made it reach me.” 64. For this meaning of sutawûm, see my article “Sutawûm,” 164–67. Accordingly, “many suitable words” (awat ri-t[im m]a-da-tim-ma) would have been written by Bahdi-Lim on the envelope of the letter of Zimri-Lim, which is unlikely. Perhaps the diction is misleading and the actions were as follows: the king sent Bahdi-Lim a letter for Hammu-Rabi. Bahdi-Lim opened the envelope, read the letter, and put it in a new envelope, addressed it to Hammu-Rabi, and wrote “many suitable words” in a letter of his own that went out with the same mail. Durand reads a-wa-[at] ri-k[i-ì]s -da-tim-ma “les termes mêmes de l’accord.” He translates sutawûm “faire recopier” and believes that the copy of the royal letter was made for the archive of the governor.

484

Translation

Text 6 26

those men to [my lord]. Now, after the troops [ ] and saw, those troops [ ] quickly, 65 and they are hurrying. My lord must quickly write me a message on those troops. “And further: Some time ago, I wrote about dispatching the Arraphean and Ekallatean messengers to my lord. Now, I consulted and detained those men. I (said to myself), ‘I am afraid they would be going (only) to (deliver) empty words.’ 66 ªNowº [my lord] must write me if they should be detained, [or else] (if) I should dispatch them, so or not so. I sent this tablet of mine to my lord on the 9th day of the month of Kinunum (VII).”

6 26 = LAPO 16 359 See §53 (pp. 121ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Bahdi-Lim (says), “[The city] of Mari, the palace and the district are well. ªMessengersº of Askur-Addu arrived [ ] from Karana. [They] (said), ‘Babylon [ ] ª º [ ] ªIsme-Daganº.’ 67 [n lines. Askur-Addu spoke as follows: ‘n lines]. They spoke ªto meº as follows: “Seize the coattail of ªZimri-Limº! Do what he says! And let ZimriLim dispatch his daughter, and let her exercise kingship1 in Karana!” Upon the pronouncement of my land, I seized the coattail of my lord. My lord must not repulse my hand.’ Those ªmenº were sent with this (message). Herewith I have dispatched them to my lord.” 1.

As Durand remarks, “kingship” here means specifically “queenship.”

6 27 = LAPO 17 424 (not collated) See §47 (pp. 111ff.).

ªToº my lord ªspeak! Yourº servant Bahdi-Lim (says), “The city Mari, the palace, and ªthe districtº [are well]. “Further: Messengers, ªa passing groupº, [who have instructions] for Ekallatum and [Kurda—the Kurdean] ªmessengerº Ibal-Addu, [the Ekallatean] Haqbu-Dadi, and [the Esnunakean] Imgur-Samas, [their companion]—they [seized] those men [ ] in the midst of livestock [and] ªconductedº [them] to Meptum. And Meptum [had them conducted] to me. Now, herewith I have dispatched those men to my lord. They will arrive after this tablet of mine. And I asked for news of Esnuna, and (they said), ‘12 thousand Esnunakean troops went up to Situllum. And [6] thousand troops among those troops carried barley. And 6 thousand troops [n lines] in fact ªcrossedº. And what we do for you, [you] ªreturnº.’ ÍilliSin gave the Elamites one magazine of barley. They transported it to Diniktum. And . . . in front of Elam. 68

65. Durand reads istu ßabum i[t-ta-al-kam] u imurunim ßabum su arhis i-t[a-a-ar] and translates “depuis que l’armée est parti et qu’ils (l’)ont constaté, cette armée reviendra-t-elle rapidement?” 66. So, according to Durand’s reading, ana awatim reqtim. For additional attestations, see CAD riqu 1e. 67. Durand reads m á[s - a]n s e - h á [sa Is-me-dDa-gan [it-ba-a]l-su “Babylon carried off the livestock of Isme-Dagan,” noting that this would be the first attestation of m á s . a n s e = bulum = “troupeaux.” 68. ana pan nim.ma us-te-ri-sú-ú (Kupper), us-te-re-e!-e[m]! (Durand), translated by both as “mettra à la disposition de l’Elam.” warûm, including the S stem, is said of people and animals, not of inanimate things. ana pan means “against, to meet,” and, spatially, “in front of.”

spread is 12 points long

Text 6 28

Translation

485

“And (they said), ‘Ahead of the Seven of the Year, 10 thousand Qutean troops of Nawaritum came up. 69 They have set their sight on Larsa. And the Babylonian came out from Malgum, and he attacked the sheep of the Elamites in [ ]. And Hammu-Rabi (of Babylon) [is staying] in ªSippirº.’ This message those men brought. And I asked for their instruction, and they were sent to Isme-Dagan and Hammu-Rabi (of Kurda) (with) the following (message): ‘Hold the land of Subartum in your hand! And do not provide allied troops to the Babylonian! And write Zimri-Lim, and he must not provide allied troops to the Babylonian.’ “Month of Hibirtum (V), [day n was in progress], when I sent this tablet of mine [to my lord].”

6 28 = LAPO 17 573 See §33 (pp. 89ff.).

To [my] lord speak! Your servant Bahdi-Lim (says), “Yantin-Erah arrived and spoke to me as follows: ‘I will muster the troops, and then I will return.’ If ªthe Hanaº (are reckoned?) division by division and clan by ªclanº, these troops are regulars. 70 And according to ª º 71 those troops are not rear guards. . . . 72 And Yattin-Erah [ ]. 73 Our Babylonian fellows ªinstall a generalº for 2, 3 hundred troops, (saying), ‘It is the generalship of the land.’ 74 Now many troops go. And their general is not being made known. Let Yantin-Erah escort the troops. And furthermore, let him get to the troops, and let him muster the troops. And let Zimri-Addu be general. Let Yattin-Erah be his subordinate. If tomorrow a reason becomes apparent to my lord, and (he says), ‘The troops must stay [ ].’ And who will escort those troops ªlaterº? Let Yantin-Erah escort the troops and let him bring them back. I have written my lord a token of my servitude. My lord must ªconsult according to his kingshipº.”

6 30 = LAPO 17 565 To my lord speak! Your servant Bahdi-Lim (says), “About the deficit of troops of the Yamina that I mustered in Dir and who did not pass, of which I wrote to my lord, my lord wrote me as follows: ‘Perhaps ªthey are delayedº while they equip themselves for the campaign and obtain whatever ªtheyº are in need of. [Therefore, they] did not ªpass. Musterº 69. For Nawaritum, see 2 26. 70. See Talon, “Les clans hanéens,” Mélanges Birot, 279–80, for different interpretations. 71. Durand transliterates ù a-na p[í? †up-pí-su]/a-na-a[†?-†a-al]. 72. Durand transliterates 2 [li-im l ú - m e]s 2 k è s (probably a printing error for k é s) [ù] maan-nu-u[m] ªúº-[s]a-ªalº-l[a-mu-su-n]u-ªtiº and translates “2000 hommes (en) 2 bataillons! Qui donc va l’amener à bon port?” 73. Durand restores it-[ta-al-kam] “departed.” 74. The sign in line 16, which Jean could not read, is un according to Durand’s copy in “Babyloniens à Mari,” MARI 5 (1987), 618. In LAPO, Durand transliterates k a l a m? The logographic writing is unexpected, but I cannot think of a better interpretation. Durand assumes that rabbutum is the plural “grands” and translates “ce sont les grands du pays,” which is somewhat vague. I assume the abstract rabbutum and conclude that the contrast between rabbut Amurrim, the normal expression for “generalship,” and rabbut matim reflects the contrast between the numbers of soldiers commanded by a general in Mari and Babylon.

486

Translation

Text 6 34

[them at] the boundary!’ [This my lord] wrote me. ªI now musteredº the troops at ªthe boundaryº, but the troops are (still) ªin deficit. 75 The Yaminaº who did ªnotº pass in [Dir], whatever ªdeficitº [there was], as many as I wrote my lord, they did not arrive here. They are on furlough. And I filled the ranks with troops at my disposal. I prodded (them) and dispatched (them) [on] the campaign. [And] I await the tablet of my lord. As soon as it arrives I will get on the road. “Further: I asked myself about Yasu-Dagan about whom my lord wrote me, and, as his prayer offerings are (scheduled) for the end of the month, I have dispatched him. I (said to myself): ‘Brother sees brother, and so there will be a reason for the troops to quit.’ But 76 I dispatched him before the arrival of the tablet of my lord.”

6 34 = LAPO 17 695 See §36 (pp. 97ff.).

To [my] lord speak! Your servant Bahdi-Lim (says), “Meptum wrote me information on the Babylonian troops, (saying), ‘[n] thousand Babylonian troops assembled in [GN]. Their ªsightº is [on] ªour lord. Abi-Mekim has taken their lead.’ Thisº, Meptum wrote me. My lord must write me a message (with instructions) concerning those troops. I sent this tablet of mine on the 8th day of the month of Hibirtum (V) to my lord.”

6 35 = LAPO 17 569 See §35 (pp. 95ff.).

To ªmyº lord speak! Your servant Bahdi-Lim (says), “A/the Yamhadean general informed me, ‘4 men walked away from my ªtroopsº, and. . . . 77 Write your lord [that] the men disappeared. Those ªmenº must not get away.’ These things the Yamhadean general ªsaidº to me. Now, as long as my lord is staying ªinº the upper district, he must ªgive strict orders toº Kibri-Dagan [and] ªYaqqim-Addu. Thoseº [men] must not get away. [ ] they are seized, they must return them . . . , 78 so that they (others who might contemplate the same thing) become apprehensive afterward.”

6 37 = LAPO 17 635 See §14 (pp. 65ff.).

ªToº my lord speak! Your servant Bahdi-Lim (says), “The city of Mari, the palace, and the district are well. The bringing in of cleaned barley 79 is not being neglected. 75. Kupper reads mi-†[ì] and translates it as a stative, which would be ma-†[ì]. I assume mi-†[ì-it]. 76. I follow Durand’s interpretation of the passage. Bahdi-Lim seems to have had second thoughts about having given Yasu-Dagan a leave of absence, because that might set a precedent for others. Presumably, his second thoughts coincided with something that Zimri-Lim wrote him in a message that arrived after the fact. 77. [ ]-su-nu da / [ ] (-)aß-ba-at. Durand restores [a-na wa-ar-ki]-su-nu-ma! [us-ta]-aß-ba-at and translates “je fais faire mettre à leur poursuite.” 78. Durand reads ªedº-lu-tam and suggests as translation, “pour être prisonniers.” 79. se-im za-ku-tim. For the grammatical difficulties of the phrase and their solution, see comment a of Durand.

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Text 6 38+

Translation

487

“Further: Habdu-Istar, Maßi-Istar, and Yanßib-Addu, 3 men of Bab-Nahlim, ªwhomº they (the Esnunakeans) had carried off to Esnuna at the time of DannuTahaz, fled from before Atamrum. And they came naked. I gave them, each one, something to cover themselves with in the ªpalaceº. I have ªdispatchedº [them] ªto my lordº. “[circa 18 lines]. I gave strict orders to Yaqqim-Addu and Zimri-Addu. And they searched, and they did not see his 80 body. And I heard the following: ‘They buried his body in clothes and left it for the Habur.’ 81 Now, I did not find ªhisº body. And his head is in Qa††unan. Is his head to be buried? And in which city is it to be buried? And where is it to be buried? Is it to be buried outside (or) inside the city? And when we bury it, are we to bury it in outstretched position 82 . . . 83? My lord must write me, so or not so. And I have brought into Terqa his (Qarni-Lim’s) household goods, which were in Qa††unan [and] in Saggaratum (and) concerning which my lord wrote me.”

6 38+ = Durand, Mélanges Kupper, 154–56 = LAPO 17 561 See §33 (pp. 89ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Bahdi-Lim (says), “My lord wrote me as follows: ‘Ask the mayors, and if the mayors speak to you as follows: “We will fulfill the request for 1 thousand troops,” do not dispatch the (800) troops. Otherwise, if they (only) give you the 8 hundred troops that you have (already) mustered, they will not fulfill the request for troops. (So) dispatch the (800) troops!’ This my lord wrote me. According to what my lord wrote me, I assembled the mayors and scolded them. [And] I told them many things, and they were not able to answer me. (They said), ‘[ ] 8 hundred troops. [1 thousand troops] are not available.’ These things [they] ªansweredº [me]. And (they said), ‘Let our ªlordº reprimand the culprit.’ And I had their deficit (of 200) troops written down. I am sending the tablets of their deficits and the mayors (themselves) along to my lord.1 And I will dispatch the 8 hundred troops that I mustered. No troops ªwill stay behindº. The troops will proceed today. “Further: About a man who goes with the troops until he gets the troops to the army 84—ªthe division commandersº Hadni-Iluma or ªPNº 85 must go with the troops. I will conduct [ ] with me. [ ].” 1.

The troops mentioned in this letter were probably Hana troops. I assume that the mayors had pledged precise numbers of men to be enlisted from the various clans and that their individual deficits were recorded. The mayors whose troop numbers came up short were the “culprits” whom Bahdi-Lim sent to the king.

80. Charpin demonstrated in NABU 1994 59 that it was the body of Qarni-Lim. 81. I believe the phrasing is idiomatic, meaning that the body was not buried properly but unceremoniously dumped into the river. The preposition ana “for” probably implies the idea that the river would dispose of the body. See my note, NABU 1996 47. 82. ina terßim. See my aforementioned note. Durand translates “de façon détourné.” 83. a-za-hi-im. Durand derives the form from sahamum and, referring to Charpin, translates “tous son à l’affût de ce que je vais faire.” 84. I follow Kupper’s reading, ú-sa-ak-ªduº. Durand, in LAPO, points out a parallel from 6 69: “And ªmyº lord must dispatch me a servant of ªmyº lord ªwhoº [goes with the troops] until [he gets] the troops to the army.” 85. Read “Qurdi-Ili” by Durand.

488

Translation

Text 6 51

6 51 = LAPO 17 553 See §21 (pp. 75ff.).

[To] Bahdi-Lim speak! Hammu-Rabi (of Babylon says), “About what you wrote me— you (said), ‘La-Awil-Addu departed for Esnuna for additional troops. And Atamrum wrote The Vizier of Elam as follows: He (said), “When Zimri-Lim approaches to save Razama, make an incursion into his land!” ªThusº Atamrum ªwroteº [The Vizier of ] ªElamº.” [n lines.’ n lines] I will keep writing ªyouº. Keep writing me [of the well-being] of Zimri-Lim, [of the well-being] of his troops, [news] on the troops of Elam and the troops of Esnuna ªwhoº are besieging Razama, and news on ªthe cityº of Razama. Your news must come regularly to me. And herewith I have sent a tablet to Zimri-Lim. If you let the Suteans whom I dispatched to you move on, equip ªthe Suteansº whom I dispatched, and dispatch (them) ªtoº Zimri-Lim! [And] ªifº you do [not] let the Suteans whom I dispatched to you move on, send that tablet to Zimri-Lim ªyourselfº!”

6 52 = Kupper, RA 42 (1948) 40–41 = LAPO 17 552 See §21 (pp. 75ff.).

ªTo Buqaqumº [speak]! Hammu-Rabi (of Babylon says), “About what you wrote me— you (said), ‘La-Awil-Addu departed for Esnuna for additional troops. And Atamrum wrote The Vizier of Elam as follows: “When Zimri-Lim approaches in order to save Razama, make an incursion into his land!” Thus ªAtamrum wroteº The Vizier of Elam. My lord must not neglect (the issue of) [my] letter.’ what you wrote me. The Vizier of Elam did not dispatch additional troops with La-Awil-Addu. La-Awil-Addu has returned empty-handed to Atamrum. And over here, the troops are assembled and ready. As I keep writing you, [keep writing me] of the well-being of Zimri-Lim, the well-being of his army, news on the troops of Elam and the troops of Esnuna [that] are besieging Razama, [and news on the city of Razama. Let your news come to me regularly.]”

6 54 = LAPO 16 331 See §36 (pp. 97ff.).

[To] Bahdi-Lim speak! Hammu-Rabi (says), “[I] have dispatched troops (and) heavy gear ªtoº Zimri-Lim. As ªyou knowº, the route on which the troops are going is far. Keep writing me of the well-being of Zimri-Lim, the well-being of his troops, the well-being of the troops that I dispatched to Zimri-Lim, news of the city of Razama, and news of the troops of the enemy that are besieging Razama. Let your news come regularly to me!”

6 62 = LAPO 16 360 See §56 (pp. 126ff.).

ªToº my lord speak! Your servant Bahdi-Lim (says), “[The city] of Mari, the palace, and ªthe districtº [are safe]. A delegation [arrived] from ªKaranaº, (namely), the courier Arusel, [ ], Hazip-Tessup, [and PN]. I asked for their message, [and] they told me the following: ªAruselº (said), ‘The gear of Askur-Addu [ ] and the second ªdayº he will ªproceedº to ªmyº

Text 6 65

Translation

489

[lord].’ And ªHazip-Tessupº [spoke as follows: He] (said), ‘Up to [ ] the land. And the troops of ªIddiyatumº 86 [are staying] in Karana. (Askur-Addu said), “Until ªmyº return [to] my ªlandº, [the troops] that are with Yasim-El [must] ªbe presentº at my side.” ’ ªThese thingsº they told and they ªdepartedº. After ªthisº tablet ªof mineº, they will [arrive] ªbefore my lordº. My ªlord mustº [ ] . . . 87 [ ], or else to ªHammiqadumº, so that my lord can consult [ ]. If it is to Mari or else to Terqa, the place my lord ªmentionsº—they must take his lead. “Further: About the message that Yasim-El ªwroteº Zimri-Addu yesterday—now AskurAddu ªwill departº. I am afraid some wrong will happen after his (departure). [ ] must ªwriteº his servants.”

6 65 = LAPO 17 850 See §15 (pp. 66ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Bahdi-Lim (says), “The city of Mari, the palace, and the district are well. The collecting of the cleaned barley of the threshing floors is not being neglected. Some time ago, I wrote my lord about the siege of Razama and the (aborted) departure of Sarraya. The city of Razama is under siege, and Sarraya is staying inside his city. He put up a fight. ªHe went outº and felled 500 troops from among the [ ] troops. [ ] 2 leatherworkers, battering-ram makers, 88 [n lines]. “[n lines] ª2 linesº. And the household goods of Qarni-Lim, [his] ªwife, 89 hisº children, and the donkeys, who [ ] to Saggaratum [ ] with the donkeys and the household goods [ ] assemble in Saggaratum [ ]. “About the woman [ concerning whom] my ªlordº wrote me—herewith I have [that] ªwomanº conducted ªtoº my lord. [ ] 4 ªcourtiersº [ ]. ‘[ ] there is 1 scribe [ .’ ] ªcheckedº on those men, and there was no scribe among them.”

6 66 = LAPO 17 550 See §19 (pp. 70ff.).

[To] my lord speak! Your servant Bahdi-Lim (says), “ªHaya-Sumuº wrote me as follows: ‘Elamite and Esnunakean 90 troops [came] up to the land of ªZimri-Limº, (all the way) to the interior of Idamaraß, [with] their heavy gear, and there is none who can save the land of Idamaraß. Zimri-Lim went on a long excursion ªinº another ªlandº. And [once] you do not write ªZimri-Limº [and] he does not come [ ], [ ] Idamaraß [ ]. ªThe commonerº [n lines]. And herewith I [ ] from Ilan-Íura to [ ] to ˇabatum.’ These things Haya-Sumu wrote me.”

86. Durand reads ªiaº-[si-im-an], which does not agree with the fact that Yasim-El and his troops accompanied Askur-Addu on his trip to Mari. 87. Durand reads za-bi-[i]l az-[. 88. Durand reads l ú . a s g a b ia-sa-bi and translates “corroyeurs, spécialistes en bélier de siège,” tacitly assuming a word such as yassabum. The word for battering-ram is yasibum. 89. Reading suggested by Birot in 27, 28 n. 139. 90. ßa-bu-um n i m . m a ù lú É s . n u n . n aki. Durand interprets this as “l’armée élamite et le prince d’Esnuna,” believing the latter to be Atamrum.

490

Translation

Text 10 29+

10 29+ = Durand, MARI 4 (1985), 401 n. 103 = LAPO 18 1233 See §77 (pp. 159ff.).

To Su-Nuhra-Halu speak! The Lady, your mother, (says), “I saw the general. I went out with my sisters to the guparum, (saying), ‘I shall join My Star and my son Su-Nuhra-Halu!’ And they detained Sin-Asared inside the gates, and ªhe sent wordº to the village, (saying), ‘I am afraid they will take away my maids.’ He (the general) brought in his wife and his earlier (born) sons against (the interest) of my household and your little boys. And for me he showed no love and did [not] (even) give me ªa maidº who would wash my feet. My ªsistersº, all of them—[they took away] 91 their ªmaidsº and household goods. I (said), ‘I shall get hold [of one of ] my garments, ªandº [then I shall] ªget toº the house of my father and My Star.’ Now write the general strict orders, and he must not show neglect against me. And when you hear of my going, dispatch me a girl to meet me!”

10 32 = Durand, “Trois études,” 168–69 = LAPO 18 1228, which includes a new transliteration See §25 (pp. 80ff.).

[To] my star, my father and my lord speak! Your daughter Kiru (says), “When I sent you this tablet, Zu-Hadni ªhad comeº from Atamrum. And I listened to the news, ªhowever muchº he brought me. He spoke to me confidentially. 92 And I am under a sacred oath, and. . . . 93 And I ªtalkedº to Yamßum. [ ] Yamßum. That which he writes [ ] according to your kingship [10 lines] I was forced to go out, 94 and they are preferring a dog to ªmeº . . . , 95 ªandº herewith I send you hairs from my head and rags plucked from my body. I gave (them) to the carrier of this tablet. And Haya-Sumu rose to my face and (said), ‘You occupy the position of (my) representative right here! 96 In the end, I will kill you. 97 (Then) let your star 91. Durand reads, in LAPO, [ha-al-q]a “se sont vues privées.” 92. Durand reads, in LAPO, bi-ri-it [s]a ªiº-na-tim, commenting that ªiº is more likely than ªkiº. He suggests as a possible translation: “il me les a dites au milieu de témoins oculaires.” A literal translation would be “between that of the eyes.” I assume that the expression is an idiom for confidentiality. 93. Durand, in LAPO, reads the damaged part ú-ul a[h]-s[ú]-s[ú]-um and translates the sentence “Or, moi, je le déclare sous serment, ce n’est pas moi qui suis allé le chercher,” explaining that the text “uses hasasum with dative,” which is otherwise not attested. He read the same signs ú-ul a-pu-la-su-um in “Trois études,” so the text must be very hard to read. 94. Or: “I made myself go out.” Durand translates “on m’a fait sortir de chez moi.” 95. In view of the different readings of Dossin, Durand, “Trois études,” and Durand, LAPO, the text must be very difficult to read at this point. Durand’s version in LAPO is i-na é ri-is-[tim] ßa-ab-{pa}-ta-k[u] sa a[t-t]a ti-i-de-e; his translation, “Tout en me trouvant dans une demeure de luxe, je suis prisonnière et en danger de mort. C’est une chose don’t tu es informé.” 96. Durand, in LAPO, translates “exerces-tu ici la charge de chef de district?” It is difficult to decide on a translation without having the information from the preceding ten broken lines. 97. istu anaku usmatki. All translators take istu as a conjunction and assume an erroneous lack of subjunctive. I understand istu as an adverb.

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Text 10 33

Translation

491

come and bring you back!’ And she carried off (my) last maids, (saying), ‘My lord decreed.’ 98 And he (Zimri-Lim) must send me a trusted person from among his servants, and they must quickly conduct me (to Mari). [And] Simatum rose to my face and (said), ‘ªAsº my star may do to me whatever [he] wishes, ªsoº I [shall] do to you whatever [I] wish.’ ªIf my lord [ ] ªover thereº, does not conduct me (home), for sure I will die, will not live.”

10 33 = Durand, “Trois études,” 169–70 = LAPO 18 1230 See §25 (pp. 80ff.).

To my lord and my star speak! Your daughter Kiru (says), “(I feel) my life has become short through hearing again and again the word of Simatum. If my lord does not conduct me to Mari, I will not hesitate to throw myself from the roof. 99 Herewith, Yarim-Dagan ªmust tellº my lord [the story], all of it. ª3 linesº. Am ªIº the maid of a commoner? (I feel) my life has become short [through] ª º of ªtheseº words. 100 ªMy fatherº must write, and they must conduct me [to] ªMariº. [In] my ªheartº, I am in no need of a ªfirst-classº house. You are my only hope. 101 He severed the ªhemº (of) my (garment) before the kings. He (said), ‘Go to the house of your father. In the end, I have seen the (real) face of my wife.’ 102 “Further: The woman about whom I spoke to my lord—he took her away from my hand and gave [her] to Simatum.”

10 34+ = Durand, “Trois études,” 164 and 173 (photo) = LAPO 18 1224 See §25 (pp. 80ff.).

To my star, my father and my ªlordº speak! ªYourº daughter Kiru (says), “You wrote me once, twice about the issue of my trip to you, but my lord (Haya-Sumu) will not release me to go. And on that day, 103 I wrote you the news of his response. My lord Haya-Sumu spoke to me as follows: He (said), ‘I and you are going together? And to whom will we leave the 98. I follow Durand’s translation. The subject must be Simatum. 99. This is a free translation of the idiomatic phrasing “I will seize my nose (and) fall from the roof.” For the meaning of “seizing the nose,” see Durand, “Trois études,” 170 n. 53, and CAD, ßibit appim. 100. Durand reads [i-na x?]-e?-te-e a-wa-tim [an-né]-tim. 101. ayyâsi lu bal†ata, literally, “you are certainly alive for me.” Dossin translates “pour moi, puisses-tu vivre!” Durand understands it in “Trois études” as “rare insolence” and translates “je veux bien que tu te portes bien.” In LAPO he translates, “Eh puis, bien le bonsoir.” I also suspect an idiom and am guessing from the context. 102. istu pani assatiya a-mu-ur. Dossin translated “regarde (vers la maison de ton père), hors de la face de mon épouse!” which would require a different position of amur and, as Durand points out in LAPO, comment e, a feminine form of the imperative. Durand translates “loin de la face de mon épouse, j’ai détourné les yeux!” I understand istu as an adverb. 103. inumisu. Perhaps the day of the arrival of Zimri-Lim’s second letter is what is meant. inumisu can also mean “at that time.” This could refer to the time when Zimri-Lim’s two letters arrived. It does not mean “today,” as Durand translates it.

492

Translation

Text 10 84

city? Stay over here until I return from Mari!’ This my lord ªHaya-Sumuº said to me. Now, ªthe dayº Haya-Sumu returns to the land of ªIdamaraߺ, my lord must dispatch a chariot and a bed with him, and I shall come to my father and my lord and offer an offering to the gods of my father. And there (in Mari) I shall be well. And my dispositions for going are taken. “Further: ª º I have ªdispatchedº (the woman) ªAllaº [to] you. My star, my father and my lord, must pay close attention to her message. And do not say a word of that to anybody. My father and my lord ªseatedº 104 me on the throne of a queen. Do what is necessary for my heart not to be pained! I trust in you.”

10 84 = LAPO 18 1232 See Veenhof, “Some Letters from Mari,” RA 76 (1982), 136–38; the translation of Joannès in 26/2, 328; and §68 (pp. 146ff.).

[To] my lord speak! Your maid Inbatum (says), “I listened to the tablet ªthatº my lord (Zimri-Lim)1 sent me. My lord wrote me many things at length about the city of Amaz. For a long time, the city of Amaz ªwas following the lead ofº the land of my lord (Atamrum). 105 And as that city separated from the side of my lord, your (Zimri-Lim’s) servant Himdiya went and ªreturnedº that city to the side of my lord and subdued that land. And he installed [its] mayor as regent of my lord. He did not make any prisoners in ªthatº city. He did not know that that city ªwas following your lead. Whenº my lord has come (back), ªyouº [and my lord] talk among yourselves! If ªthatº city [is your city], my lord will certainly give it to ªyouº. And about what my lord (Zimri-Lim) wrote ªmeº as follows: My lord (said), ‘And I will do what needs to ªbe doneº’—why did my ªlordº write this? [When] you (Zimri-Lim) and my lord (Atamrum) ªconsultedº [and my lord] ªwent toº Babylon, he ªlaidº 106 [the land] and the city of Andarig before you. The land of Yamutbal is ªyourº land and the city of Andarig your city. Your land is laid before you. Do what seems favorable to you! Why did my lord (Zimri-Lim) write this to me, and (why) did he [pain] my heart? “And Himdiya did not know that that city had separated itself (from Andarig) with (the support of) my lord (Zimri-Lim). 107 Sub-Ram and ªBahluº-[ ], the keepers of the district, to whom my lord (Atamrum) had given instructions (before his departure), wrote me as follows: ‘The city of Amaz, which used to follow the lead of our lord, ªhas changed sides.º 108 Himdiya must come up, and ªthatº land must not get away. That land is the land of [our] lord.’ This they wrote me. Himdiya ªwentº [and] subdued that land.” 104. Dossin and Durand restore [li]-se-si-ba-an-ni. I restore [ú]-. 105. Durand sees traces of signs at the end of the line, transliterates as if there were none, restoring wa-ar-k[i ha-ßí-an-ni], and translates “suivait un chef de district (originaire) du pays de mon seigneur.” 106. I prefer Durand’s reading, it-[ta-di] here and na-di-m[a] in line 26, to Dossin’s, i†-[†u-lu] and na-†i-i[l], because the latter is not attested with ana pan, whereas the former is (26 409:48). 107. Joannès’s interpretation differs, but comes to the same conclusion: “vraiment, Himdiya ignorait que cette ville avait fait défection (pour aller) avec mon seigneur (Zimri-Lim).” 108. Dossin restored it-t[a!-ki?-ir?] “s’est [montrée hostile?].” Durand translates “a engagé les hostilités.” Sasson, “Two Recent Works on Mari,” AfO 27 (1980), 133, reads it-ti! [be-lí-ne is-lu†u]. He refers to the two previous attestations of sala†um “to separate.” The problem with his proposal lies in the preposition itti. It is in fact used in the second attestation but means something

Text 10 135 1.

Translation

493

Inbatum calls her father, Zimri-Lim, and her husband, Atamrum, “my lord.” She also addresses her father as “you.”

10 135 = LAPO 18 1143 See Sasson, “Two recent works on Mari,” AfO 27 (1980), 134; Durand, “Trois études,” 171; and §25 (pp. 80ff.).

To Siptu speak! Your lord (says), “I had words with Haya-Sumu about Kiru, and he answered me as follows: ‘Send word! ªLetº them conduct her! [ ] ªI will do to her’º. [4 lines]. ªLetº them quickly take [Kiru] along.”

13 97 = LAPO 16 311 See §76 (pp. 158ff.).

To Iddiyatum speak! Your lord says, “Atamrum, to whom I did good things, he did me harm. And against 109 a favor, he repaid me with evil. And he set his sight on evil things a god has called him to account. 110 Be happy!”

14 65 = LAPO 17 564 See §33 (pp. 89ff.).

[To] ªmyº [lord] ªspeakº! Your servant ªYaqqim-Adduº (says), “I arrived in Saggaratum, [and] in accordance with the instruction with which my lord ªinstructedº [me], I assembled the mayors, lieutenants, and elders of the district and had a word with them as follows: I (said), ‘The elders of the (other) districts assembled, and did I [not] speak to your ªfacesº when you consulted about having troops recorded? 111 Now the land, all of ªit, Yamhadº, Qa†anum, ªtheirº [ ] went. [They go] ªto the assistance of Babylonº.’ [Remainder destroyed].”

like “with (the support of),” which does not fit here. Joannès, without taking Sasson’s suggestion into consideration, proposes the translation “s’est rebellée(?).” This would be it-t[a-ba-al-ki-it], which I am using for my translation. 109. One expects “instead of ” (akkima) but finds ana pan. 110. u ana lemnetim panisu iskunu ilum is-ta-al-lu. Durand understands the verbal forms as “subjonctif emphatique” according to ALM §91f. ALM quotes the form as-ku-un-nu, which is structurally parallel to is-ta-al-lu. I am not convinced about the existence of an “emphatic subjunctive” and believe that the problematic forms are orthographic irregularities. 111. Durand reads a-na [pa]-ni-ku-nu [lu]-ú? aq-bé-e and translates “Or, je vous avais dit expressément de vous concerter en vue des incriptions militaires,” and comments that the literal translation would be “Je vous avais parlé en face au sujet de faire inscrire les gens au cours d’une délibération de vous.” My translation differs because (1) “when you consulted” modifies the predicate of the sentence, as translated correctly by Soubeyran in 23, 362, and not the prepositional phrase “about . . .”; and because of (2) the plene writing aq-bé-e, which indicates a question. Consequently, I expect [ú]-ªulº or ªlaº instead of [lu]-ú?.

494

Translation

Text 14 76

14 76 = LAPO 16 260 See §35 (pp. 95ff.).

ªToº my lord ªspeakº! [Your] servant Yaqqim-Addu (says), “The day I sent [this] tablet 112º of ªSarrum-Kima[of mine] ªtoº my lord, [ of ] the Kurdaite Hammu-Rabi got ª Kalimaº [to] Saggaratum. ª3 linesº [2 lines]. ‘Send [ ] ªtoº Zimri-Lim!’ ªNowº, after (sending) ªthisº tablet of mine, I will ªsendº [ ] to my lord. “Further: Bali-Erah, Samuhel, and Ibal-Pi-El of my lord arrived from the land of Zalmaqum. I asked them for news, [and] they spoke to me as follows: ‘The Zalmaqeans (say), “Babylon is not at all a beneficiary of an obligation of mine. I did not provide troops for Babylon. I provided troops for Zimri-Lim. The troops do not go to Babylon.” ’ This news they told me, and I sent it to my lord. It will arrive after this tablet of mine.”

14 98 = LAPO 16 395 [To my lord speak]! Your servant Yaqqim-Addu (says), “The day I sent this tablet of mine to my lord, Haqba-Ahum of my lord, Ißi-Halu and Samusa of the Kurdaite HammuRabi, Sin-Illassu, a courtier (and) ªboyº of the king, ªofº Atamrum, the companion of HaqbaAhum, (and) Íuriya, governor of Ilan-Íura, ªtogether withº 2 hundred troops, arrived in Saggaratum. As of their arrival, I wrote to my lord. They will arrive before my lord after (the arrival of) this tablet of mine. Hursan, 113 a boy of ªthe pasture-chiefº Ibal-El, [ ] one white horse [ ] They brought back [4 lines].”

14 101 = LAPO 16 362 See §26 (pp. 82ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Yaqqim-Addu (says), “The day I sent this tablet of mine to my lord, Yarih-Abum and 2 messengers of the Kurdaite, his companions, arrived in Saggaratum. [I asked] Yarih-Abum for ªnewsº, [and] he [told me] the following: ‘ªAtamrumº [n lines]. This message ªHammu-Rabiº (of Kurda) wrote [Atamrum], and ªAtamrumº (said), “[Since] you seized [his (Zimri-Lim’s) coat-tails 114], you are on peaceful terms with ZimriLim. And I(, too,) will ªmake peaceº. The city of Subat-Enlil is a fortress. It is placed like a [ ] in the interior of the land. I shall go to Subat-Enlil and ªdeceiveº Kunnam of Elam with words and evict him from the city. If he does not agree to go out, I will kill that man and release the city of Subat-Enlil to its lord. Or else speak for me again, 115 and I shall meet with Zimri-Lim.” These things Atamrum wrote Hammu-Rabi.’ I wrote the news [that] YarihAbum told me ªtoº my lord. I sent this tablet of mine on the third day (of the month) to my lord.”

112. Durand suggests the restoration [tup-p]a-at “tablets.” 113. So, according to Durand, who reads [I H]u?-ur-sa-an. 114. This is Durand’s restoration. 115. turamma pan awatiya ßabat. The first time Hammu-Rabi interceded for Atamrum with Zimri-Lim is not documented.

spread is 12 points long

Text 14 102

Translation

495

14 102 = LAPO 16 425 See §22 (pp. 75ff.).

[To] my ªlordº speak! ªYour servantº Yaqqim-Addu (says), “The day I sent ªthis tabletº of mine to my lord, Yawi-Addu, (servant) of [my] lord, the . . . , 116 who [had been detained] for 6 months in Asnakkum [and whom] they ªhaveº released, 1 ªmessengerº [of ] ªKunnamº of Subat-Enlil [and 1] ªmessenger of the Asnakkean ªIsme-Adduº arrived [in] ªSaggaratumº. I asked ªYawi-Adduº, (servant) of my lord, [for news], and he spoke to me [as follows]: ‘ªKunnamº wrote [as follows] to my 117 lord: “Is Haya-Abum a son of ªZimri-Limº? [And] am ªIº not his son [like] ªHaya-Abum, [king] of the land of Apum? 118 ª º. I shall go ªandº meet ªwithº my father.” ’ [This], Yawi-Addu ªtoldº [me], ªandº [I] ªwroteº [to] ªmy lordº.1 I detained [the messenger] of Kunnam [and] ªthe messengerº of Isim-Addu [in] ªSaggaratumº. My lord must write me [about] their ªmoving onº or their not moving on, [so or not] so. [ ] before my lord [ ] the messengers [2 or 3 lines].” 1.

It is interesting to note that this Yawi-Addu was not mentioned when Zakira-Hammu reported the arrival of the group in Qa††unan (27 88). Zakira-Hammu does not seem to have been as active in gathering information as Yaqqim-Addu, a trait that got him in trouble with the king when Zalmaqean troops came through Qa††unan (see 27 80 and 81). Note also that Zakira-Hammu mentioned the name of the Mariote companion of the foreign dignitaries, but Yaqqim-Addu did not.

14 103 = LAPO 16 431 See §16 (pp. 67ff.).

To my lord [speak]! Your servant ªYaqqim-Adduº (says), “The day I sent this tablet of mine to ªmyº lord, Yawi-Addu, (servant) of [my] ªlordº, son of Hayama-El, whom my lord sent to Atamrum (to say), ‘Razama is my city. ªQuit the city! Get hereº!’ 119 and ªwith himº 2 ªmessengersº [of Atamrum 120] ªarrivedº. I ªaskedº [Yawi-Addu] for ªa reportº, [and he spoke to me as follows]: ªHeº (said), ‘[8 lines]. [And] he (Zimri-Lim) 121 keeps writing ªtoº Atamrum, “Quit the city, depart, get here!” And Atamrum [ and] wrote The Vizier, “I put a chokehold on the city. Write me if you want me to quit, and I shall receive the tribute of the 116. Birot reads x x x x x; Durand, according to his translation and comment a, reads âmirum sa . . . and translates amirum (or amirum) “guide.” He points out in “Talhâyum,” 109 n. 33, that it is a tentative translation that does not fit everywhere. I use the translation “guide” for alik panim. 117. So according to collation by Charpin, “Elamites,” 131 n. 19. 118. Charpin, Elamites, 131 n. 20, reads lines 18–19 [ù a-n]a-ku ú-ul ma-ru-su [sa H]a-[i]aa-b[i-i]m [lugal] sa ma-at A-pí-im and translates “(Hâya-Abum est, certes, le fils de Zimri-Lim,) mais moi, je ne suis pas le fils de Hâya-Abum, le roi du pays d’Apum.” Durand translates: “HâyaAbum était le fils de mon Seigneur. Eh bien, moi, ne suis-je pas le fils de Haya-Abum, (étant) roi du pays d’Apum?” In comment d, he expresses his belief that Kunnam saw himself as the successor of Haya-Abum with respect to Zimri-Lim. But Haya-Abum was still alive, and Qarni-Lim may have been the former ruler of Subat-Enlil. I replace [sa] in Charpin’s collated text with [ki-ma]. 119. Birot restores [ik-su-d]am. Accordingly, the arrival of Yawi-Addu and the two messengers would have been expressed separately, which does not agree with parallel examples (compare 14 108:6–13; 27 83:7–10). I restore [ku-us-d]am. 120. Birot and Durand restore [“d’Esnunna”]. 121. Durand states, “Sans doute, l’empereur d’Élam.”

496

Translation

Text 14 104+

city [and] quit. Otherwise [I shall take down] (the fortifications of) the city.” ’ These things Yawi-Addu told me, [and] I have written (them) to my lord. And [because] of what was done among the troops, I did not ªdispatch those messengersº to [my] lord. I (said), ‘They must not see stirred-up matters.’ ªThereforeº, I dispatched them to Terqa [and] spoke to them [as follows]: I (said), ‘The king will arrive within 3 122 days. ªThe kingº goes on the other side (of the river), and he marches [ ].’ And to Kibri-Dagan [ ] nobody [ ].”

14 104+ = Charpin, MARI 7 (1993), 198–202 = LAPO 17 548 See §16 (pp. 67ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Yaqqim-Addu (says), “The day I sent this tablet to my lord, 3 men of Bab-Nahlu, who had been taken to Esnuna after the earlier coming up of Dannu-Tahaz to Mari and fled from the troops of Atamrum, came to me. I asked them for news and they told me the following: ‘When troops arrived at Razama, as of their arrival, the troops of the city came out and beat 123 the 7 hundred Elamites and 6 hundred Esnunakeans. They took a break for ten days, and then the elders came out to Atamrum and told him the following: They (said), “We are for making peace. The (besieging) troops must withdraw half a mile ªfromº their camp, and I shall supply silver.” And he answered them as follows: He (said), “You (really) have decided the following: ‘We shall deceive him with words. Let him withdraw from his camp, and we shall put a stop to the exertions 124 of Idamaraß.’ If you are for making peace, why does Sarraya not come out to me? Go, put up a fight, strengthen your city!” And the townspeople answered him as follows: “The city is Zimri-Lim’s, and his regular army went behind him (to Yamhad). Stay, until the lord of the city gets to you!” He (Sarraya) made his decision, strengthened the city, and started coming out regularly, and he was beating the Esnunakean troops. And he (Atamrum) was heaping up earthworks going toward the city. The front of the earthworks reached 125 the parapet of the wall of the lower town, and the townspeople cut off the city, and the wall—they made two holes, right and left toward the front 126 of the earthworks. [At] night they (i.e., troops) entered [that] cut-off at the front of the earthworks, and in the early morning the troops of the city [came] out and beat half of those troops (of Atamrum). They made them drop the bronze ªlancesº and their shields and brought them inside the city. 127 The townspeople keep invoking the name of my lord. . . . 128 122. a-di u4 3-kam. The translation “within 3 days” is that of D. E. Fleming, “Counting Time at Mari and in Early Second Millennium Mesopotamia,” MARI 8 (1997), 679. Durand translates “in two days.” 123. Birot, Charpin, and Durand translate “killed.” 124. manahat Idamaraß i nuhalliq. Perhaps it means “we shall erase the investments in Idamaraß (that Atamrum made).” Charpin translates “et que nous suprimions les troubles dans l’Ida-Maraß”; Durand, “que nous mettions fin aux épreuves de l’Ida-Maraß.” 125. pan eperi . . . iksuduma. The use of singular and plural here and in the remainder of the letter is chaotic and corrected without special note. 126. The preposition “toward” (ana) refers here to the general situation. The two holes were of course bored into the wall right and left of the earthworks. 127. See my note, NABU 1996 102. Durand retains Charpin’s translation. 128. ßimrat l ú . m e s a-lu-i ki beli [ih]tanassasu. Literally, “The ßimratum of the townspeople keep invoking the name of my lord.” The syntax of the phrase is peculiar. The townspeople seem

spread is 6 points long

Text 14 108

Translation

497

“ ‘[This] is what Atamrum staged: He supplied bronze ªjavelinsº to 30 impostors, and they hassled the city, (saying), “What do you keep invoking the name of Zimri-Lim? Do not his troops besiege you right now?” And the townspeople answered them as follows: “You (Atamrum) equipped impostors and let them approach. Yes, in 5 days, the troops who are with Zimri-Lim will arrive for you. You will see.” “ ‘The alarm of the coming of my lord has been sounded for the troops (of Atamrum), and in the course of the night the troops in camp are being woken up 129 twice. And (they say), “They transport water to the troops day and night from half a mile away. Who from among the few 2 to 3 thousand troops might attack the water carriers? 130 Those from inside the city will come out, [and] they will kill many troops!” And those troops in ªthat campº are sleepless. They keep being apprehensive about my lord. My lord must do what is necessary to come here and save this city. “ ‘And according to what I ªwrote myº lord some time ago about Subat-Enlil, the city of Subat-Enlil has not been seized. [They do] not [permit] ªthe man of º to enter inside the city, (saying), “The city is a city of The Vizier. No [troops] will enter.” ’ [This] message ªtheseº [men] told.1 “[ ] and those men [ ] to Bahdi-Lim [ ]. ªOver 1/2 rope 131 ofº the wall of Saggaratum [fell in]. I collected [ ] and fixed up [ ]. I am afraid [my lord] will hear of the falling in [of that wall], and the person of my lord will get angry. “[ ]. The transport of the ªbarleyº of the palace [is not neglected]. The palace is well. The district is well. [The cities of Saggaratum] and Dur-Yahdun-Lim are well. “The 27th day [of the month] of Lahhum (III) was in progress when [I] sent my tablet to [my] lord.” 1.

The paragraph appears to include words of Yaqqim-Addu and the 3 men of Bab-Nahlu.

14 108 = LAPO 16 272 See §51 (pp. 119ff.).

To [my] lord speak! Your servant ªYaqqim-Adduº (says), “The day I sent this tablet of mine to my lord, the Azuhinite Hammu-Sar, a general and 30 men with him, (and) the Burallite Hazip-Adal and 40 men with him arrived in Saggaratum. I checked on them, and to be the logical subject of the verb, and the grammatical regens of the genitive its logical adverbial modification. Accordingly, we would translate “In/during/with ßimratum the people invoke. . . .” The meaning of ßimratum is also problematic, because the verb ßamarum is not well attested; it may mean “to wish, aspire to, hope for.” The semantic fields of the roots ßmr and ßrm overlap, so CAD suspects a case of “metathetical” variation. The phrase may express the hope for the speedy arrival of Zimri-Lim’s help or the defenders’ zealous dedication to Zimri-Lim. 129. isallula. For the verb salalum (u/u), see my note, NABU 1995 93. 130. zabil mê lishi†. Charpin, “(qui . . . dans . . . 3000 hommes,) portant de l’eau, pourrait échapper (au massacre).” Durand, as I, takes the water carriers as the object of saha†um. The reference to the small number of potential attackers on the water carriers could be ironic, or the question could be ending an unmarked quotation within a quotation. In that case, the quotation including the question is what the commanders say, and the following statement is what the water-carrying troops say. 131. [ßu-up-p]a-am, an ingenious restoration by Durand.

498

Translation

Text 14 118

(they said), ‘We are followers of the Kurdaite Hammu-Rabi.’ Because they were delayed after (the departure of) Hammu-Rabi, I have written the information on them to my lord.”

14 118 = LAPO 16 365 See §25 (pp. 80ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Yaqqim-Addu (says), “The day I sent this tablet of mine to my lord, Ulluri and a companion of Haya-Sumu1 arrived in Saggaratum. He was not conducting Kiru! I asked him for news, and he spoke to me as follows: ‘[I told] good words and hard words to ªHaya-Sumuº, but [he] did not [release] the woman.’ This he said to me. After (arrival of) this tablet of mine, they will arrive before my lord.” 1.

The companion was an envoy of Haya-Sumu.

14 124 = LAPO 17 555 See §9 (pp. 59ff.).

[To my] ªlordº speak! Your servant Yaqqim-Addu (says), “[n lines. ‘n lines] place [ ] ªto/ for Meptumº! And do not be hard on [ .’ This] Meptum told me. I have written (it) to [my] ªlordº. And I heard in Hanat the following: ‘The Elamite troops divided themselves into two, and [one-half is going] to Babylon. The Larsaite [ ]. 132 One-half is going to Ekallatum.’ [ ] I did not hear. [When I arrive] in Sippir, [ ] ªconfirmationº of that report. [ ] I am [ ] late [ ] ªtoº [my] ªlordº.”

21 100 See §38 (pp. 101ff.).

2 jars of honey, 2 jars of kanakurtum: 133 Nidnat-Sin; 1 jar of honey, 1 jar of oil: NuhamIli; 1 jar of honey, 1 jar of oil: Apil-Ilisu; 1 jar of honey, 1 jar of oil: Ahi-Lumur; entrusted; (for) the Babylonian generals when they received their gifts. (Date:) 29 II 10u.

23 435 See §33 (pp. 89ff.).

[n lines] gold [ ] its weight 8 shekels; 1 mace [ ]; 3 silver goblets of 10 shekels nominal value, [their weight] 8 [shekels]; 3 garments: Bahdi-[Addu]. 1 gold sun-disc of 5 shekels [nominal value], its weight 4 1/2 shekels; 1 ªsilverº goblet of 10 shekels nominal value, its weight 8 shekels; 1 garment: Sulum.

132. There is space for two to three signs that must constitute a word, probably a verbal form, that predicates “The Larsaite.” I would expect it to say that Larsa remained neutral. Durand restores [i-re-ed-de-si] “un homme de Larsa la conduit,” which is hard to fit into the available space and would make Larsa an ally of Elam, which is otherwise undocumented. 133. A western oil plant. See Joannès, “La culture matérielle à Mari (V): les parfums,” MARI 7 (1993), 253.

Text 24 94

Translation

499

1 gold sun-disc of 5 shekels nominal value, its weight 4-1/2 shekels; 1 silver goblet of 10 shekels nominal value, its weight 8 shekels; 1 garment: Bihirum. 1 gold sun-disc of 5 shekels nominal value, its weight 4-1/2 shekels; 1 silver goblet of 10 shekels nominal value, its weight 8 shekels, 1 garment: Yatti-Addu. 134 15 silver collars of 7 shekels nominal value each, their weight 6 shekels each; 15 garments: of 15 division commanders. 30 silver rings of 5 shekels nominal value each, their weight 4 shekels each; 30 garments: of 30 lieutenants. 150 overseers of ten: silver rings of 2 shekels nominal value, their weight [ ]; 1 shirt each. [ ], its weight 8 shekels; 1 garment: 1 scribe. [ ], 3 garments: Yantin-Erah. 1 gold sun-disc of 5 shekels nominal value, its weight 4-1/2 shekels; 2 silver goblets of 10 shekels nominal value each, their weight 8 shekels each; 2 garments: Ilsu-Naßir. 5 ªsilver collarsº of 7 shekels nominal value each; their weight 6 shekels each; 5 ªgarmentsº: [of 5 division commanders]. 10 [silver] rings [of 5 shekels] ªnominal value, their weight 4 shekels; 10 garments: of [10 lieutenants]. 50 silver rings [of 2 shekels nominal value], their weight [ ]; 50 shirts: [of 50 foremen of 10]. 1 silver goblet of 10 shekels nominal value, [its weight] 8 [shekels; 1] ªgarmentº: Yasmah-Dagan.

24 94 See §38 (pp. 101ff.).

3 pounds, 50 shekels of silver, weight of 4 kirru goblets that were given to the 4 Babylonian generals, when they departed with Nidnat-Sin. 1 pound, 2 shekels of silver, weight of ª3º kirru goblets that were given to Yamhadeans under the authority of Adri-Addu. 5 pounds of silver, weight of ª8º kirru goblets that Napsi-Erah brought to Ekallatum for the palace’s needs. 6 pounds, 40 shekels of silver, weight of 8 kirru goblets that were melted down for a silver weapon. Total 16-1/2 pounds, 2 shekels of silver, weight of 22 kirru goblets. Expense of the jar storage. [Authority of ] ªPuzur-Samasº. [Date]

25 815 = Joannès, RA 83 (1989), 146–47 See 23 435: A.486+; and §33 (pp. 89ff.).

[n lines] their/its weight [n] shekels. [ ] ª8º pieces of tent cloth, 8 shirts. [For 12] lieutenants, silver rings of 5 shekels nominal value, their ªweightº [4 shekels]; sealed silver of 2 shekels nominal value, its ªweightº [1-2/3 shekels]; 12 garments, 12 shirts. [For n] standard-bearers, 1 shirt each. 134. Written Ya-at-ti-dim.

500

Translation

Text 28 6

[n] ªsoldiersº. For 10 men, sealed silver of 2 shekels ªnominal valueº, its weight [1 2/3 shekels]. Gift for the Suheans. Gold sun-disc of [1/3] ªpound’sº nominal value, its weight 13 shekels; iron ring of 4 [shekels] nominal value, 3 shekels its weight; 1 garment: Ibal-Pi-El. Gold disc of 10 shekels, its [weight] 9 shekels; 1 garment: Zimri-Addu. Gold disc of 10 shekels, its weight [9 shekels]; 1 garment: Yakun-Pi-Sin. ªGoldº disc of 10 shekels, its weight [9 shekels]; 1 garment: Ilsu-Naßir. [Gold ring of ] 5 [shekels], its weight [4 shekels, 1 garment]: ªSarrum-Íululiº. Gold ring of 10 shekels ªnominal valueº, [its] weight ª8º shekels; [1 garment: PN] [For] ªthe lieutenantsº, [silver rings of 10 shekels, their weight] 8 shekels. [n lines] 1 thousand 3 hundred [soldiers. For 10 men], sealed silver of 2 shekels, [its weight 1 2/3 shekels. Gift for ]. ªCollar ofº 10 shekels, [gold] ring of 10 shekels [nominal value], their weight 18 shekels; 1 garment, 1 ªshirtº: [Bahdi-Addu]. Sun-disc of 5 shekels, gold ring of 5 shekels, [their weight] ª8º [shekels]; 1 garment, shirt: ªBihirumº. ªSun-disc ofº 5 shekels, gold ring of 5 shekels, [their] ªweightº 8 shekels; 1 garment, 1 shirt: Sulum. 10 division commanders: collar of 10 shekels, silver ring of 10 shekels nominal value, their weight 18 shekels; [garments for each one], shirts for each one. 22 ªlieutenantsº and a scribe and a herald: silver ring of 10 shekels ªnominal valueº, sealed silver of 1 shekel’s ªnominal valueº, their weight 7 shekels the ring, 2/3 shekel [the sealed silver]; 1 garment, 1 shirt. 50 standard-bearers: silver ring of 5 shekels nominal value, sealed silver of 1 shekel’s ªnominal valueº, their weight 4 shekels the ring, 2/3 shekel the sealed silver; shirt for each [one]. 8 hundred 4 Hana: for 10 men, [sealed silver of ] ª3º [shekels] ªnominal value, theirº weight 2 1/2 shekels. [Gift for the Hana]. [Total; Date ]

28 6 See §38 (pp. 101ff.).

[To] ªBuqaqumº speak! Hammu-Rabi (says), “A fugitive ªfledº [from] the land of Esnuna, and he gave the following [report]: He (said), ‘[The troops] that are assembled in Mankisum have set their sight [on] the bank of the Irnina River for (making) an attack.’ ªThusº he gave (his) report, and [I] ªhave writtenº Nidnat-Sin and Ilan-Semea ªabout goingº together with their troops ªtoº the bank of the ªIrninaº River and (about) ªbeing readyº. [Now] ªNidnatSinº [and] ªIlan-Semeaº will go there [together with] their troops and ªposition themselves.º 135 Unless you learn of (other) news on those (enemy) troops, they (my troops) will ªposition themselvesº [on] the bank of the Irnina River and depart [from] their (current) 135. Kupper reads [ki-a-a]m and translates “de la sorte.” I expect another verbal predicate. The traces allow the reading [ús-s]a-ªbuº.

Text 28 12

Translation

501

position. 136 [And I] will dispatch with them additional [troops, concerning whom] you wrote me [to/from 137] Rapiqum.”

28 12 = 2 68 = LAPO 17 567 See §35 (pp. 95ff.).

[To] ªHammu-Rabiº speak! Your brother Zimri-Lim (says), “About the troops of the alliance about whom you keep writing me—I kept writing to Hammu-Rabi, king of Halab, about dispatching his troops, and he dispatched me ªhisº troops. His troops arrived before me, and I spoke to ªthe generalº of command 138 of his troops as follows: I (said), ‘[ ] should not be held back.’ [n lines]. “[n lines]. I addressed ªa tabletº [to] the kings of ªthe upper landº, and [ ] ªridersº 139 [ ] ªtoº the kings of Zalmaqum. Once a response to ªmyº message that I wrote comes backº, [ ] ªwill arrive withº the troops of the kings of the lower part, 140 [and] I will ªdispatchº [you] (these) troops of ªZalmaqumº.”

28 55 See §22 (pp. 75ff.).

[To] my lord ªspeakº! Your [servant] Ibal-Addu (says), “ªSinceº the time when I made peace with Idamaraß, I kept pulling in city after city, and I was making each declare a sacred oath. And they made me declare a sacred oath as follows: ‘[n lines].’ ªHerewithº [ ] ªthe Hanaº and Zimri-Lim. Therefore [ ] a sacred oath. Now, I caused the land to change sides ªtoº my lord. May my lord be happy! And my lord must not be late in [ ]. If my lord is late, he must dispatch me troops, any that can be dispatched, and I ªshallº cause the land of Idamaraß [and] the upper land to reject the Elamites. And my lord must write the Hana, and ªhe must be readyº for (action on) the day I write him. ªAfterº (sending) this tablet of mine, [on] the seventh day or else the eighth day, [I] ªwill start outº. [And my lord must not ] ªneglectº these [matters]. So or ªnot soº, the word [of my lord] must ªget to meº quickly.” 136. Kupper translates “de la sorte ils demeuront sur la rive de l’Irnina jusqu’à ce que tu apprennes des nouvelles de cette troupe, puis ils partiront vers [ana] leur position.” I restore [ina] and believe that the phrase is one of several tautologies in this letter. 137. Kupper restores [ana] “to.” Accordingly, the Babylonian troops going from Suhum to the Irnina were accompanied by additional troops until they reached Rapiqum. If [ina] is restored, the additional troops came from Rapiqum and marched with the troops coming from Suhum to the Irnina. 138. See my remarks in Orientalia 69 (2000), 96–97. Perhaps, “commanding general” is meant. 139. Kupper reads d u mu.m e [s l ú . ] r á . [ g a b a], Durand dumu.m[es du].du [. . . , which is otherwise unattested. 140. Durand suggested the interpretation sa-pí-il-tim for Kupper’s unlikely sa bi-il-tim “soumis au tribut.” But his translation, “l’armée ultérieure des rois,” is problematic. Charpin demonstrated that the lands of Zalmaqum were much more extensive than previously thought (NABU 2000 58), so it was the troops of the lower part of Zalmaqum that were closer to Babylon that were expected to be dispatched first.

502

Translation

Text 28 56

28 56 See §22 (pp. 75ff.).

[To] my ªlord speakº! Your servant Ibal-Addu (says), “I caused the land of Idamaraß and the upper land to reject the Elamite. And they do not give troops to Elam or to Atamrum. May my lord be happy! “Further: Zindawar, the Hirmenzanimite, [ ] ªxº 141 his Elamite representative. And the king of Biªusnem [ ] ª º. Their emissaries [came] to me. 142 “Further: [ ] two bows ª7 linesº.”

28 57 See §21 (pp. 73ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Ibal-Addu (says), “I keep pulling in (information) on the opinion of the commoners of the land, and they fall down (in reverence) before my lord. As long as the commoners fall down (in reverence) before my lord, my lord must dispatch me 1 thousand troops or else 2 thousand, and we shall pacify 143 the land. Otherwise, the 144º. [ ] from those around me [ ] they will bring up the gods [and] bind the land gods ª up to Zalmaqum with an oath. I am afraid the land, [all of it], ªwill swearº (allegiance) in its fear, [and] matters will become troublesome. My lord must dispatch me troops quickly [ ]. If my lord cannot dispatch me many troops, my lord must dispatch me 3 hundred troops (who would be) holding the fortress, ªandº I shall come to my lord. Sir Kunnam, who is staying in Subat-Enlil, keeps writing me, ‘Come, ªmeetº, [ ].’ Out of fear concerning the coming up of Atamrum I keep answering, ‘Yes, today,’ ‘Yes, tomorrow.’ If my lord does not dispatch me troops, I will leave the city and depart. My lord must know this.”

28 81 = 2 62 = LAPO 16 307 See §49 (pp. 115ff.).

To Zimri-Lim speak! Your son Haya-Sumu (says), “I listened to your tablet that you sent me. You wrote me that you ªgaveº strict orders to Atamrum about releasing my cities Suhpad 145 [and ]. Those cities [are] your cities. Take action, and do not neglect (to do) what is necessary for releasing ªthose citiesº. And [you] ªwroteº me that you wrote Hammu-Rabi (of Kurda) about my cities, for whom ªthe Kurdaiteº Hammu-Rabi caused concern. Hammu141. Kupper restores [i-du-u]k “killed,” which his copy does not confirm. 142. Kupper restores lugal Bi-ú-ús-ne-emki [ù GN]ki . . . and translates “les rois de B. et de [NG], leur messages sont venus à moi.” I assume that the break after Biªusnem contains a statement about the king of Biªusnem, that the plural-possessive pronoun refers to Zindawar and the king of Biªusnem, and that sipru means “emissaries” here, as for example in 26 312:23u and FM 2 49:13. 143. Kupper copies i-na-as-si and reads i nu-sa-lim. The reading fits the context. 144. Kupper reads a-n[a l]i-ib-bi [b]àd be-lí-[ia li-is-su-ú]. The copy shows less preservation. 145. Durand and Kupper restore Mazuradum. However, that place was claimed by Kurda, not by Atamrum.

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Text 28 171

Translation

503

Rabi set [his sight] on untoward things and plundered my city Mazuradum, [GN and] ªGNº. 146 [n lines] you must know his deeds, that he ªdidº me ªharmº. [Some time ago] I wrote you as follows: I (said), ‘If you release ªNahurº to Askur-Addu, write me, so or not so, and I shall bring out my people from Nahur.’ This I wrote you, and you did not write me anything in response to my message. Now if you do not want to do anything to Askur-Addu because you committed yourself to him, write me, so or not so, so that I, Ibal-Addu and the king of 147] what is necessary Asnakkum, whom you will install, can cooperate, and (so that) [we to call ªAskur-Adduº to account. And you wrote me about the issue of your coming up. Now do come up, and we shall call the city Tilla to account. Otherwise, with you lingering there, write Atamrum, and let your troops that stay before him link up with my troops, and we shall call the city Tilla to account. And you wrote me some time ago about the diviner who stays in Kahat [4 lines].”

28 171 See §66 (pp. 141ff.).

To my lord ªZimri-Limº speak! Your servant Himdiya (says), “The cities of Andarig, Allahad, ªSubat-Enlilº, the land and the troops are well. 4 days ago, the enemy rose from his camp ªin front ofº the city of Kiyatan, and he is staying (now) inside the city of Razama. The Babylonian troops, the troops of my lord, and the troops of Askur-Addu—we are staying in front of the enemy in Rakna, a border city of Askur-Addu. The day I sent this tablet of mine to my lord, ªthe next dayº, 148 3 hundred troops of Sasiya arrived inside our camp. From the bivouac of the troops of my lord we will block (the trespass on) the fringe of the land of Karana ªuntilº the intention of the enemy is understood. We sent men of the field campaign to capture an informer, and they captured 2 ªmen byº the gate of Assur. 149 We asked ªthemº, and they spoke to us as follows: ‘Mut-Askur, son of ªIsme-Daganº, brought a visitation gift to Esnuna. He went to bring up additional troops. They did not accept his visitation gift. And they did not give him one man. They pushed him aside, and they dispatched him. 4 days ago he arrived in Ekallatum. The Esnunakean and the Babylonian made peace between them.’ This news they told, and I wrote my lord the news I heard.”

146. Kupper transliterates p]a-ar-ri-yuki. Charpin, as quoted in LAPO 16 307c, reads [ßa-a]b Ar-ri-wu-ki, in which case the translation would be “and ªthe troopsº of Arriwuk (or Arriyuk) plundered my city Mazuradum [and GN],” or “and [ ] my city Mazuradum, [and] ªthe troopsº of Arriwuk plundered [ ].” Durand’s interpretation differs. 147. Durand restores [do]. It would mean that Haya-Sumu is announcing to his overlord that he will counteract him. Even if the relations between Haya-Sumu and Zimri-Lim were not easy, I would still expect the opposite, [not do]. 148. [sa]-né-em u4-um-[su]. Kupper, agreeing with Anbar that “the next day,” a common formula in the letters, makes no sense here, restores [pa]-né-em “earlier,” a formula that is not attested elsewhere (NABU 1999 14). Perhaps the “next day” refers to the date when the troops settled into camp. 149. Capture by the gate of a city is also mentioned in 26 383. See n. 161 to that text.

504

Translation

Text A.6

A.6 = Durand, Mélanges de Meyer, 15–22 = LAPO 17 556 See §14 (pp. 65ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Aqba-Ahum (says), “Herewith I send a copy of the tablet of The Vizier of the Elamites, which he wrote Hammu-Rabi (of Kurda), on this tablet of mine to my lord. The Vizier (says) to Hammu-Rabi, ‘My servant Atamrum accepted you as son. Now I keep hearing that you keep sending tablets to Babylon and to Mari. Do not send your tablets again to Babylon and to Mari! If you send your tablets again to Babylon and to Mari, I will vanquish you.’ The Vizier of the Elamites wrote Hammu-Rabi this missive. I read that tablet.”

A.19 = Durand, “Espionnage,” 51 n. 63 = Charpin, “Sapiratum,” 363 = LAPO 17 608 See §76 (pp. 158ff.).

To Meptum speak! Your son Halu-Rabi (says), “The district is safe. A man of Yabliya (and) a boy of Sumat-Erah fled here from Babylon. I asked them for news, and they spoke to me as follows: ‘20,000 troops, Nabum-Malik, ªMutu-Hadqimº, and ªRim-Adduº leading the troops, are dispatched to [ ] ªfrom/toº the mouth of the river. [They] ªtookº these troops through the . . . 150 of Kaßa. And we walked away from those troops.’ Herewith I have dispatched one of them to my father. Ask him for a full report. And the boy of Sumat-Erah I kept with me.”

A.96 = Joannès, Marchands, 167–70 = LAPO 16 291 See §26 (pp. 82ff.) and, for a text of the same type, M.6435+.

Atamrum, son of Warad-Sin, king of ªAndarigº, swore by Samas of ªthe skyº (that), “From this day on, as long as I live, I will [not] cause harm to Zimri-Lim, son of Yahdun-Lim, ªkingº of Mari and the land of the Hana, his [city], his troops, and his land; [and (that) I will not ] ªZimri-Limº, son of Yahdun-Lim, [king of Mari and] ªthe landº of the Hana; [n lines]. [What I] ªwrote Zimri-Limº, son of Yahdun-Lim, [king of ] ªMariº and the land of the Hana, I did not write him [under] ªpretenseº or with evil intention. Indeed, from my full 150. a-mi. The context indicates a landform. AHw. lists a Middle Babylonian amû that designates a thorny plant. Joannès, NABU 1993 28, compares it with the ha-ma-te that TukultiNinurta II reached after setting out from the “fringes (piate, translated as ‘mouths’ by Joannès) of the river Tartara,” and identifies these ha-ma-te with the salt marsh Umm Rahal. Durand retranslates Joannès’s translation of piate sa i7 into Akkadian as pî nârâtim and believes the “mouth of the river” of the previous sentence to be one of the “confluents du Tharthar avec l’Euphrate.” I doubt that there was any flow out of Umm Rahal. The mouth of the river is probably the point were the Irnina branches off. Charpin believes that there was one locality spelled Kaßa or Qaßa. Qaßa was a settlement south of Hit on the Euphrates (Charpin, NABU 1991 112) and not on the direct route to Andarig. Durand shares the belief that Kaßa and Qaßa are the same. He derives it from “qâßum,” which he translates “limite du desert,” and suggests that “Q/Kaßâ” was the area of the route along the Euphrates that bypassed the meanders. He translates a-mi Ka-ßa-aki as “Am(m)u de la Limite.”

Text A.162

Translation

505

heart I have written him. The good words that [I swore] to Zimri-Lim, son of Yahdun-Lim, king of Mari and the land of the Hana, I shall indeed adhere to with my full heart. I shall indeed implement [them].”

A.162 = Charpin, “Sapiratum,” 354 See §72 (pp. 151ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Meptum (says), “The boats on which Atamrum embarked—there are no small-boats of the Babylonian in Id, so he (Atamrum) took the boats to Rapiqum. Our fellows ªseizedº the boats from Rapiqum, and they . . . 151 our boats, and the escort detail who went with Atamrum brought them all the way to Id. And 5 small-boats, which have [re]turned from Id, have passed Sapiratum the [d]ay I sent this tablet of mine.” Charpin believes that the letter reports on an episode during Atamrum’s return from Babylon. In his reconstruction, the boats used by Atamrum belonged to Hammu-Rabi. They carried Atamrum to the border in Id and were then brought back down to Rapiqum. Later, Atamrum’s Babylonian escort would have brought them back up to Id. I believe that Mariote boats carried Atamrum downstream past the Mariote-Babylonian border in Id to Rapiqum because there were no Babylonian boats available on the border, that “the fellows” of Meptum made sure that the Babylonian authorities allowed the return of the Mariote boats from Babylonian territory, that the Mariote escort detail who had accompanied Atamrum across the border brought them back upstream to Id, and that, by the time Meptum sent his letter, 5 boats had already passed Sapiratum coming from Id and continuing upstream.

A.230:4–13 = Durand, “Protocoles,” 54 See §53 (pp. 121ff.).

When Askur-Addu killed stallions, his land assembled before him and spoke to him as follows: They (said), “Not another action that your ªfatherº wrote to all the kings (to carry out) and our land did not carry out! Now, besides the fact that you seized the coattail of Zimri-Lim, he is our lord and our father. You will not write to another king! And you will not seek another king! He is our father and our lord.”

A.230:31–32 = Joannès, 26/2, 157 n. 103 Messengers from Babylon brought Askur-Addu a chair, garments, and a gamlum weapon.

A.257 = Dossin, “Madarum,” 57–58 = LAPO 16 300 To my lord speak! Your ªservantº Ibal-Pi-El (says), “I listened to the copy of the tablet of Hammu-Rabi (of Babylon) that my lord sent me. About the issue of the land of Esnuna about which my lord wrote Hammu-Rabi, ‘If the Esnunakeans 152 agree with you, exercise 151. urriku. Charpin, “ils ont fait être en retard nos bateaux.” 152. Dossin interprets l ú . m e s lú É s . n u n . n aki as “les notables de l’homme d’Esnunna,” which is impossible because there was no “man” in the sense of “ruler of Esnuna” at the time the letter was written. Durand translates “les notables d’Esnunna,” commenting that there might

506

Translation

Text A.266

the kingship of the land of Esnuna! And if they do not agree with you, install a nobleman who stays with you to kingship over them!” This my lord wrote Hammu-Rabi. Good that he wrote him this. But when would the Esnunakeans accept [ ] as king? [My lord must know] that ªthe Esnunakeansº [accepted] a division commander as king over them. 153 (reverse broken)

A.266 = Durand, “Imar,” 40–41 = LAPO 16 298 See §35 (pp. 95ff.).

ªToº my lord speak! Your servant Hammi-Sagis (says), “An Elamite messenger, when he passed (en route) ªto Halabº, sent 3 of his boys ªfrom Imarº [to Qa†anum]. Hammu-Rabi (of Halab) heard ªthese thingsº and ªdispatchedº [ ] to his border. They (the authorities) seized those men upon their return. And they asked them for news, and they (the Elamites) spoke as follows: ‘The Qa†anean sent us (with) the following (message): He (said), “The land is given into your (The Vizier’s) hand. Come up! If ªyouº come up, you will not ªbe caughtº.” ’ Those people are (kept) concealed in a village. And the Qa†anean has just dispatched 2 messengers ªof hisº, [ ] ªhaving takenº their lead. My lord must give strict orders. And he must write to the Babylonian, and [those] men must not get away.”

A.285 = Charpin and Durand, “Assur,” 385–87 See §69 (pp. 149ff.). Charpin and Durand demonstrate on the basis of content and the spelling s à . b a for libbum that the letter was written by Yasim-El.

“[n lines] ªtoº my father Zimri-Lim [ ]. ‘They must let that travel group reach [ ] safe and sound.’ He (Isme-Dagan) equipped that travel group, and Askur-Addu released it (on the border) into his land. 50 donkeys and their men from among (that travel group) moved on to Kanis. The remainder were detained before him. And the messengers of Isme-Dagan— I, Belsunu, Iddiyatum, and the mayors were present—delivered their ªinstructionº to AskurAddu as follows: ‘On this day I am at peace and there will be no attack between us. You sow! And I shall sow. And do not be concerned about your livestock! Provide rations for the allies who stay with me, grain rations for a month!’ This was their instruction that the messengers of Isme-Dagan delivered in our presence. Further: Askur-Addu, his servants, and the servants of my lord who stay with me 154 put their heads together and ªconsultedº (and came to) the following (conclusion): ‘A group of merchants and the citizens of Ekallatum must (be allowed to) enter, but bring your (YasimEl’s) scouts to full strength and do not permit any group to exit (Karanean territory). Anyone who exits (and comes) to you without my sealed document, be it a son of Numha, be it

have been an assembly of notables. I believe l ú . m e s lú É s . n u n . n aki is an unusual spelling for l ú . m e s É s . n u n . n aki “Esnunakeans.” 153. Lacambre, NABU 1994 76, recognized that this passage connects this letter with the events related in 26 377. 154. I suspect an error for “with him (Askur-Addu).”

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Text A.297

Translation

507

an Ekallatean citizen—treat them as lost!’ 155 He gave me this instruction and moved on to go over the mountain [with] his troops, (saying), ‘Write to your lord Zimri-Lim, and [on] this day we shall retreat, and an Ekallatean citizen [ ] may cross the border to the interior of the land, and I shall ª º [ ] and their donkeys.’ . . . (rest destroyed).”

A.297 = Lafont, MARI 8 (1997), 783 Add to 26 530–50.

To ªHabdu-Malikº speak! Your brother ªÍidqum-Lanasiº (says), “About the requested item that I requested from my lord—see to it that the matter suits my lord! And my brother must do what is necessary for providing that item requested by me. Pay ªcloseº attention [to] what Ilulla ªtellsº you! Strive and do what is necessary for procuring the item requested by me!”

A.486+ = Villard, FM 1 (1992), 138 = LAPO 17 579; photo of obverse FM 1, 6 See §33 (pp. 89ff.). For the gifts, see Joannès, “Les méthodes de pesée à Mari,” RA 83 (1989), 145–46.

To my lord speak! Your servant Ibal-Pi-El (says), “ªWhenº, some time ago, they called on me for an expedition, I wrote to my lord and (said), ‘They requested travel provisions for 10 days. But I have not yet seen where I will ªgo, the destinationº of my campaign. Once I see the destination of that campaign, I will write to my lord.’ This I wrote to my lord.1 That expedition for which they called on me—for 10 years or longer Hammu-Rabi had not gone to the city of Kis. Now troops of my lord and his troops of the gate of the palace went with him, and he stayed 3 days in Kis. He brought an offering to his gods and returned on the third day to Babylon. Midway on our way, news of the arrival of the Hana reached me, and I informed him. I (said), ‘The Hana arrived. Will my lord go out to meet them?’ I informed him of that. He spoke as follows: ‘I will give you a message in ª5º 156 days in Babylon.’ This he said. We arrived in Babylon, and they immediately let me enter the gate of the palace. Hammu-Rabi spoke as follows: ‘Go, let the troops enter the city. Let them get comfortable in the resthouse and dine with me tomorrow.’ He went out, and I spoke to his minister, the minister Sin-BelAplim, as follows: ‘Whenever they come down to Mari, my lord goes out to meet his servants, and the standard-bearers parade before my lord.’ This I said, and he spoke to me as follows: ‘The Hana, all of them, will dine with my lord tomorrow. And let the standardbearers parade tomorrow.’ This he answered me. ˇab-Eli-Matim and Sin-Bel-Aplim went out with me, and we brought the troops into the city. On the next day [I] ªassembledº 50 good 155. hulliq. Charpin and Durand translate “mets-le à mort.” The idiom qaqqadam hulluqum “to cause loss of head” is attested at Mari and clearly means “to cause someone’s death.” In the present case, the status of “lost” presumably allowed the finder to treat his find as he pleased. 156. Villard believes the number could be “6” instead. Hammu-Rabi repeatedly put off decisions for 5 days (2 23, 2 24, M.18738), and the phrase “5 days” designates an undetermined but short period in the immediate future (14 104, 26 266, etc.), much like mañana or “in a couple of days.” A variant is “5 days, 6 days” (26 13).

508

Translation

Text A.2133

troops and brought them in for the parade. The Hana, all of them, ªdinedº with him in a garden, and the standard-bearers ªparadedº in the garden. He was very happy about the arrival of the Hana. He gave gifts: collar, gold ring, cloth, and colored shirt was the gift for BahdiAddu. Collar and ring are 20 shekels nominal value, 18 shekels of gold (being) actual value. “Bahdi-Addu assigned 12 men as division commanders. I considered (it) and (said), ‘The nominal number (is) 1 thousand troops and for 1 thousand troops (it is) 10 division commanders. You assigned division commanders for 1 thousand 2 hundred troops, and you assigned 24 lieutenants (which would be appropriate) for 1 thousand 4 hundred troops. Once they check, how will it make sense?’ I considered (it) and (said to myself), ‘Once I take away two among the division commanders who were assigned, it will cause lips to turn against me.’ I became apprehensive of this and placed Sulum over the Yabasa Hana and Bihirum over the Asarugayum. And I assigned 10 division commanders, and from the 24 lieutenants whom Bahdi-Addu had assigned I assigned 20 lieutenants. About Sulum and Bihirum I spoke as follows: I (said), ‘Bahdi-Addu at the top is general, and these two men are troop commanders.’ 157 This I worked out, and Sulum and his fellow received gold ring and gold sun-disc—5 shekels is the nominal value of their ring and 5 shekels is the ªnominal valueº of a sun-disc, 8 shekels of rings and ªsun-discsº is the [actual value—2 garments, 2] ªcolored shirtsº. The 10 division commanders received ªcollarº [and ring], ª10º colored shirts. 1/3 pound is the nominal value of collar and ring, 18 shekels is the (actual) weight of collar and ring. It is the gift for the division commanders. The 20 lieutenants received 1 ring of silver of 10 shekels, sealed silver of 1 shekel, garments and colored shirts. 10 shekels is the nominal value of their rings and 1 shekel is the nominal value of the sealed silver. 8 shekels is the actual value of the rings, 2/3 shekel is the actual value of the sealed silver. 3 shekels nominal value, 2 1/2 shekels actual value is the weight of sealed silver for (a group of) 10 men. The 50 ªstandard-bearersº received [5 shekels] of rings, 1 shekel of sealed silver, 1 ªcoloredº shirt. 4 2/3 shekels silver rings and sealed silver. It is the gift for ªthe standard-bearersº.” 1.

The corresponding letter is 2 20.

A.2133 = Lafont, “Homme d’affaires,” 284–86 = LAPO 16 345 Lafont considers Istaran-Naßir and Durand considers Yasim-Sumu to be the author of the letter. Add to 26 530–50.

“[n lines] I have now written down his (Apla-Handa’s) message ªonº [a tablet] and sent (the tablet) to my lord. On his tablet he wrote my lord as follows: ‘If he (Zimri-Lim) has made peace with the Esnunakean and comes here, he must write me of his coming. If the Esnunakean has not made peace with him [and] he [ ] with his troops and his allies, he must write me.’ [To me he said, ‘ ] I go [ ] ªEsnunaº [ ], he will ªnotº come up? So or not so, whether he comes or not, he must write me, and I shall make a decision in my heart (based) on the word he writes me and give you instruction on our full message. Take receipt of the grain, and I shall dispatch it to you.’ This Apla-Handa said to me. But there are no 157. sapiru ßabim. The title may have been an ad-hoc creation by Ibal-Pi-El in order to pacify the two men who lost their rank as division commanders. See also the considerations of Villard on pp. 146–47.

Text A.2730

Translation

509

troops for loading 158 available to me. Íidqum-Lanasi spoke to me before Apla-Handa as follows: He (said), ‘The 1 hundred troops who ª. . . 159º a boat could barely [load] the 4 hundred tracts of grain that Hasinu received, not to speak of this storage grain. Now if 1 hundred [troops cannot ] [n lines.’ n lines].”

A.2730 = Unpublished; Durand’s transliteration of the obverse of the tablet is quoted from 26/2, 33 See §14 (pp. 65ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Ibal-El (says), “About the report concerning Atamrum, who wrote my lord, ‘Dispatch me troops!’—my lord must answer as follows: ‘Just ask Hammu-Rabi (of Kurda), Hadnu-Rabi, Sarrum-Kima-Kalima, the kings who are with you, and your servant Yanuh-Samar! Blood relations and strong ties are established between me and between Sarraya. 100 Hana and 100 of my servants from the bank of the Euphrates who are with me, 200 of my trusted servants, headmen of my land, were present (at the establishment of) blood relations. And I have verily declared to him a sacred oath. “ ‘Again, 160 when my father, The Vizier, wrote me for troops (and) I dispatched (them), I wrote Qarni-Lim. I (said), “Are you not one of my blood relations? Dispatch me troops of yours, and let them camp with mine.” He did not give me troops of his, and they have called him to account. And I wrote Sarraya, and I (said), “You are [of ] my [blood], give me troops of yours and let [your troops] camp with my troops [6 lines]. If [you lay] siege to another city, I will provide troops.” ’ Write him this!”

A.2741 = Dossin, “Madarum,” 58–59 = LAPO 16 433 See §44 (pp. 108ff.).

To my lord speak! Your servant Atamrel (says), “Some time ago I talked to you about not releasing the Esnunakean from your hand. 161 Now I did hear any 162 word, and my heart got concerned. And the Hana, all of them—call them up! 163 They will go a second time. All their mayors and their 2 pasture-chiefs assembled, and I wrote my lord about their consultation. They spoke as follows: ‘Our lord must not release Esnuna from his hand. If our 158. ßabum madidum, literally, “measuring troops.” The measuring of grain was done by agents (ebbutum), not troops, so Lafont and Durand translate ßabum here as “personnel.” Perhaps “measuring” includes here the loading process, with troops carrying the grain in sacks from magazine to boat and agents standing by and recording the amounts. 159. Lafont reads iß-ba-[tu] and translates “qui on manoeuvré.” 160. iturma. Charpin translates “à nouveau.” 161. Durand translates assum lú É s . n u n . n aki ina qatika la wassurim as “au sujet du prince d’Ésnunna de ne pas laisser échapper son (offre).” I know the phrase ina qat- wassurim only from 26 176:34–35, where it cannot have the meaning assumed by Durand but means simply “to release from one’s hand (authority).” 162. a-tám mi-im-ma. Dossin and Durand translate “une certaine chose/information.” But mimma expresses lack of definition. 163. The text has ri-gi-im-su, as I should have known when I wrote NABU 1998 59 (see Durand, NABU 1998 94). I still believe, however, that the form is the misspelled imperative rugumsu.

510

Translation

Text A.3051

lord cannot talk forthrightly with Esnuna, our lord must install a nobleman, and the Yamina, all of them, will assemble for my lord. If not so, he must hurry, and he must return Esnuna to his hand before the harvest.’ ”

A.3051 = Guichard, “Présages,” 306 Add to 26 241–48.

To my lord speak! Your servant Itur-Asdu (says), “They brought a freak sheep from the sheep of some commoner, and so I observed that freak sheep and (said), ‘[I shall] send this freak sheep to my lord, and my lord must check it there.’ Now, herewith [I] ªsendº that freak [sheep] to my lord. My ªlordº must check it.”

A.3206 = Charpin, “Isme-Addu,” 176–78 (with photo) = LAPO 16 438 See §20 (pp. 71ff.).

[To] ªIbal-Addu speak! Your brother Isme-Adduº (says), “[ ] the land, [between all] of its four sides, has made peace. And you lift the torch (of alarm) in the land! Do you not pay attention to yourself? Who is the receiver of your torch (signal)? And for whom do you wait? Zimri-Lim and the land, all of it, have carried its tribute to the Grand Vizier of Elam. Peace and good relations have been established in the land, all of it. And you keep lifting the torch in the land! When the commoners tied up their kings, your brothers, and (when) they led them to me, did I not guard them? And do they now not govern? 164 And did I do anything to them at the time of Hissalim and Admatu? Have I ªnot dispatched my servants a bronzeº lance to you? ª5 linesº. ªYourº [throne] is your throne. 165 [If ] it has no future, do not call me to account (for it)! 166 So, or not so, send me quickly a response to my tablet!”

A.3577 = Durand, “Espionnage,” 45–46 (transliteration) See §78 (pp. 161ff.).

“[n lines]. [The Kurdaite] ªHammu-Rabiº [wrote] to [his land as follows]: ‘[Assemble] in Kasapa! We shall make ªa decisionº [ about war].’ He quickly [dispatched ] 5 ªSudaitesº 167 to [PN, servant] of my lord, [and they] ªchecked thatº news. The Numha, all of them, [assembled] in ªKasapaº. And ªHammu-Rabiº rose in the assembly of the Numha and [spoke] to his land as follows: ‘. . . 168 And the ªSudaiteº troops are in receipt of the following writ169 ten message: “ª º, make peace among yourselves, and [ ]. One day, 10 days, levy [ troops] together with [ ] ªtroopsº and ªget hereº for (saving) [your] brothers! Apart from Mari [we have] no ªother enemyº.”

164. Literally: “staying in their (royal) houses.” 165. Charpin’s reading is confirmed by 4 20:13, as pointed out by Durand. 166. I follow Durand’s reading and interpretation. 167. According to Kupper, NABU 1996 133, these were troops from the land of Suda in Idamaraß, not the city of Suda in Zalmaqum. 168. ki lu †emum [su] ilikunusim. Durand translates “Que pensez vous de cette affaire?” 169. Durand reads at-[la-ka it-ti-i]a and translates “Venez avec moi!”

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Text A.3669+

Translation

511

“ ‘ªFurtherº: The king of Babylon [ ] ªto me. Todayº (and) never ever did Zimri-Lim lend support to ªNumhaº. At the time of Qarni-Lim he lent support to the ªrevoltº. At the time of Atamrum he did it again. 170 Now he lends support to Himdiya. ªNowº, [I] will cooperate with the Babylonians and be an enemy of the Simªal.’ Numha answered him as follows: ‘Except that Simªal is my brother. I am on good terms with Babylon. I live and will (always) live with Simªal.’ As his land [answered him] this, he spoke to his land as follows: ‘[If ] you do not agree with me, I shall wait for [ ].’ Numha [answered him] as follows: ‘ªZimri-Limº [ ].’ “[ ] ªYamutbaleanº attacked and carried off 2 thousand sheep and 40 personnel [to] ª º. [n lines].”

A.3669+ = Lacambre, “Hiritum,” 446–51 See §§39–41 (pp. 102ff.).

“[n lines] they retreated [ ] he sent [ ]. ªNowº, [when] my lord had worked out a plan [according to ] and the counsel of his great kingship, and (when) my lord had caused Ekallatum, Atamrum and the upper land, the land of Subartum, to change sides from the Elamites, the Elamite indeed retreated from the city of Hiritum. Would he (Hammu-Rabi of Babylon) have gained the retreat, had he ªnotº been able to do [battle] and to . . . 171 (as he did) above all because the troops of my lord were gathered against the Elamites? [And] the Elamite found salvation (only) by ªcrossingº at Kakkulatum. And he was very afraid. The 173 Qutean [together with n 172] thousand troops ª º to the crossing of Mankisum. And 174 who would know that he crossed? [ ] made these arrangements, they saved ªthe Babylonianº and his land. [ ] Hammu-Rabi talks of the strength of my lord [from] ªthe earthº to the sky. “[ ] my lord wrote me as follows: ‘Hammu-Rabi went to the land of Esnuna, and they burned its barley. He harassed 175 the land and brought back prisoners of war from it. IbalPi-El went and [returned] empty-handed.’ This my lord wrote me. 20 thousand troops of Hammu-Rabi crossed the border into the land of Esnuna with their shock troops. 2 thousand troops of my lord and 4 thousand of the Babylonian, their guide (being) Yasu-El, who went on the attack with Ibal-Pi-El, were to ªlay and ambush inº [ ] a mile and a half. Your servant ªIbal-Pi-Elº spoke up, but they did not agree with him. [ ] ªin front ofº the expedition 170. Durand reads [is-n]é-em i-tu-úr and translates “. . . , derechef, il est revenu.” 171. na-ta-pa-am. Lacambre suggests na†apum “détruire.” Possibly the verb refers to the disastrous defeat of the Elamites during their retreat that is mentioned in the unpublished Epos by Zimri-Lim. The relevant passage is quoted by Guichard, “Guerre,” 46. 172. Lacambre transliterates ª10º, but there is no trace of a numeral in his copy. 173. Lacambre restores [is]-qí and suggests the translation “[a remonté] le fleuve.” But the verb saqûm “to move upstream” has u as its stem-vowel in Old Babylonian. 174. ebersu mannum lu ide, literally, “who would know his crossing.” Lacambre thinks that the place of crossing was questioned. Since the Quteans went to the crossing of Mankisum, however, the question should have been whether they crossed. 175. Lacambre reads matam ú-tá-ap-pí-ip, positing an otherwise unattested D stem of apapum, and translates “fait des incursions dans le pays.” I read udabbib. “To harass (dubbubum) a land” is also attested in 26 385:9u.

512

Translation

Text A.4515

of The Vizier of Elam, [which] was going [from] ªGNº 176 to Hiritum, [ of ] the Babylonian retreated. [Had] not Ibal-Pi-El and Bahdi-Addu (and their troops) been divided ªin twoº, would a hit not ªhaveº been scored? That expedition that ªwentº to The Vizier was shock troops. [ of ] Ibal-Pi-El stood ªless thanº half a mile from the camp. That is why Ibal-Pi-El [ ] and departed. “Further: Hammu-Rabi went to Hiritum, and he went repeatedly along both braces. Larsean messengers and allied messengers of my lord went with him, and he had them shown the interior of the city and the wall and (said), ‘View the city of Hiritum. Is it not a cattle pen with which I and my brother Zimri-Lim blocked [ ], and [n lines?’ n lines] ªIpiq-Estarº, the Dirite, [and ] I was staying ªinº Esnuna, and he wrote [n lines].”

A.4515 = Charpin, “Sapiratum,” 363–65 See §26 (pp. 82ff.).

“[n lines] ªSippirº [ ] I departed, and he (Hammu-Rabi of Babylon) spoke to me as follows: He (said), ‘I entrusted 5 thousand troops to my servant Marduk-Musallim and dispatched them to Isme-Dagan. Those troops will ªmove onº from Sapiratum to ªEkallatum toº Isme-Dagan. Write your ªlordº, and he must ªmixº troops of [ ] from the troops ªthat are withº him with my troops. [Those] troops must go [to] Ekallatum [with] my ªtroopsº, so that 177º of Atamrum who some time ago spoke as follows: “How? Would I make we erase ª peace with you (Hammu-Rabi)? I fear Isme-Dagan will denounce me to The Vizier of Elam. He (already) seized upon a reason to complain.” 178 Now, write your lord, and your lord must go as far as Qa††unan and write to Atamrum, to the Kurdaite Hammu-Rabi, to Hadnu-Rabi, and to the kings who were formerly allied with the Elamite. He ªmust urgeº them and act [so that] those [kings] ªassembleº 179 and ªallyº themselves with us.’ [ ] this ªmatterº HammuRabi [ ] me [n lines].”

M.6435+ = Durand, “Fragments,” 112 = LAPO 16 290 See Anbar, NABU 1991 98; Sasson, NABU 1992 21; A.96; A.4626; and §6 (pp. 56ff.).

Samas of the sky, ªlord of the landº, Adad of the sky, ªlord of determinationº—by these gods ªHammu-Rabiº, son of Sin-Muballi†, king of ªBabylonº, [swore], “From this day, as long as [I] ªliveº, I will be an enemy of Íiwa-Palar-Huhpak. I will not ª. . . , 180º [and] I will not 176. Lacambre restores [is-tu Ka-ku-l]a-timki. His copy suggests -r]a-timki. If the copy is accurate, and if it is a common place-name, Haburatum, Saggaratum, or Sapiratum should be restored. Of these, Sapiratum is most likely. 177. Charpin reads †e[4-qí-i]t “prétextes.” The word is not in AHw. The context suggests a word for “doubt.” 178. Charpin restores nemettam s[u-ú-m]a ißbat and translates “(et que) celui-ci ait un motif de s’irriter.” N. Wasserman, “The Particle assurre/e in the Mari Letters,” FM 2 (1994), 323 14, translates “and it is possible that he has (already) won [significant(?)] support.” 179. Charpin [uh-h]u-ri-im “de faire se rallier”; Anbar, NABU 1998 3, 12 [sú-h]u-ri-im; I restore [pu-h]u-ri-im. 180. Durand, “Fragments,” reads ì[r-m e ]s-[i]a [d u mu - m e s si-i]p-r[i-i]a it-ti [ì r- m e s - s u] / la us-[t]a-ßa-a[b-ba-tu] and translates “Je n’adjoindrai pas des serviteurs à moi, messagers, à des serviteurs à lui.” In LAPO, he changed the translation of the verb to “je ne ferai pas prendre la route. . . .”

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Text M.7259

Translation

513

write [him]. Without (the permission of) ªZimri-Limº, king of Mari and [the land of the Hana], I will not make peace with ªÍiwa-Palar-Huhpakº. If I set my sight on making peace with ªÍiwa-Palar-Huhpakº, I will consult with Zimri-Lim, son of Yahdun-Lim, king of Mari and the land of the Hana, and if it (the decision) is ª{not} 181 to make peaceº, we shall make ªpeaceº with ªÍiwa-Palar-Huhpakº together. I will ªimplementº 182 wholeheartedly the oath by my gods ªSamasº and [Adad] that was ªswornº to ªZimri-Limº, [son of ] ªYahdun-Limº, king of Mari and ªthe landº [of the Hana]. I will watch it closely. [ ].”

M.7259 = Durand, “Protocoles,” 48 = LAPO 16 52 This is an oath sworn by the inhabitants of Karana. The tablet begins midtext and is probably the second of a set of two tablets. See §53 (pp. 121ff.).

“And [ ], not [ ] a written message to ªHaqba-Hammu or the principalº servants. [2 lines]. If Haqba-Hammu or the principal servants incur guilt or harm affecting their lord Askur-Addu, on that very day I will mention (it) to my lord Askur-Addu. [I] will [not] hide it. ªIfº [they] cause my lord Askur-Addu to change sides, I will mention [or] write (it) [to] Zimri-Lim, son of Yahdun-Lim, [king] of Mari and the land of the Hana. ªAskur-Adduº, [ ], whom Zimri-Lim, [son of Yahdun-Lim], king of [Mari and the land of the Hana], has installed as our king, must not change sides, and I will not take another king to be my king. Askur-Addu—he is verily my king. And I will not write or cause to write ªtoº Hadnu-Rabi.”

M.8806 = Dossin, RA 64 (1970), 97 = Durand, “Fragments,” 121 See §7 (pp. 57ff.).

[n lines] presentation for ªSeplarpakº, king of Ansan, when he ªseized Esnunaº. Expenditure of the office of ªDaris-Libur. In Halabº. [n lines]

M.9157 = Lafont, “Homme d’affaires,” 282 = LAPO 18 924 Add to 26 530–50.

ªToº [my lord] speak! Your servant ªÍidqum-Lanasiº (says), “My lord wrote [me] about wooden ªboardsº, ‘I need ªmanyº wooden boards.’ [n lines] I will assemble many wooden boards, however many my lord needs, and send (them to him). “Further: In last night’s attacks my sheep were carried off. My lord ªmust musterº [for me] any sheep that can be mustered. And once [ ] does not ªmuster theseº sheep [ ] indeed [ ]. My lord knows that I will not be able . . . 183 without sheep.” 181. Durand copies ªsum-ma la sa-la-muº-um and fits it into the context by translating “Si (il) n’(est) pas (question de) faire la paix, c’est (cependant) de concert que nous ferons la paix avec Í.” I follow Durand, even though the traces of the second la are problematic on the photo, and I simplify the text by assuming that the first la is in error. The text is not beyond reproach. Note the pledge of lifelong enmity to Elam next to the feasibility of making a separate peace treaty with Elam. 182. So, according to Sasson, NABU 1992 21, who restores a-ka-[aß-ßar-sum], referring to the use of that verb in a similar context in A.96. Durand’s interpretation differs. 183. Lafont restores ú-sa-[am], but does not translate. Durand guesses “subsister.”

514

Translation

Text M.9530

M.9530 = Lackenbacher 26/2, 375 n. 36 See §36 (pp. 97ff.).

“[n lines] Hammu-Rabi (of Babylon) [ ] has dispatched 5 thousand troops and 6 hundred [small-boats], Nidnat-Sin, and 3 ªgeneralsº to Buqaqum to hold [the district]. And(?) [PN] left behind troops in Id that are for Isim-Ea, the servant of [my] lord. He has reached the district of [ ]. He ª º in Suhum in order to [ ] the enemy, (saying), ‘Up to 2 days after us [n lines.’ n lines].”

M.18738 = Thureau-Dangin, RA 33 (1936), 171–74 = LAPO 18 1271 To my lord speak! Your servant Ibal-Pi-El (says), “About dispatch of the Hana I urged Hammu-Rabi, and I have dispatched the Hana to my lord 2 days before the arrival of Yaqqim-Addu. Yaqqim-Addu arrived the day after the Hana departed. We consulted about the message of . . . 184 the Hana, which my lord (had) instructed Yaqqim-Addu (to do), and because the Hana had departed, we kept that message to ourselves. Besides (that), we placed the message about which my lord had instructed his servant Yaqqim-Addu, all of it, before Hammu-Rabi. The third day after Yaqqim-Addu had delivered his instruction, we entered before Hammu-Rabi (again), and Yaqqim-Addu requested an instruction, and he (HammuRabi) answered him as follows: ‘I shall instruct you: Go!’ 185 This Hammu-Rabi said to him, and we answered him as follows: We (said), ‘My lord dispatches Yaqqim-Addu without troops? From here you keep writing to our lord as follows: You (say), “Go up to the land of Subartum, and bring those kings to our side!” This you keep writing to our lord. Now you do not dispatch troops to our lord? When would our lord go up to the land of Subartum without many troops?’ This we answered him, and he spoke as follows: ‘Once the enemy ordered, at the end of this month, 186 extispicies in which the god does not answer him with yes, he would go to the place of his destruction.1 Good, up to 5 days, until we can see a full report on the enemy, let Yaqqim-Addu stay. Once we have seen a full report on the enemy, I shall instruct him with a full message, and he may depart.’ This Hammu-Rabi said to me. After (sending) this tablet of mine, once Yaqqim-Addu obtains a full message, he will depart for my lord.

184. Thureau-Dangin transliterated na-. . .-ri-im and noted that he could not read the missing sign. Durand reads na-wa-ri-im and translates “nous avons discuté du fait que les Bédouins fassent une fête,” referring to CAD namaru 2c, “to celebrate a festival.” I believe that Hana in the phrase assum †em Hana na-x-ri-im must be accusative. A phrase “about the issue of the Hana celebrating a festival” should be assum †em nawar Hana. There must be something strange about the sign, if Thureau-Dangin did not read it. Perhaps it is a misbegotten and incomplete ka, in which case we could translate “about the message of moving the Hana.” This fits the context very well, but transitive nakarum “to move persons” is badly attested (CAD nakaru 3b). 185. Hammu-Rabi’s words seem to mean that the dispatch is the extent of the instruction, which would be an extremely impolite way to deal with Zimri-Lim’s envoy and request for troops. Durand emends to lu-wa-er-ka “I shall release you,” which would be less confrontational. 186. ina res it i . k a m! annîm. See O. Rouault, 16/1, 271.

Text FM 2 47

Translation

515

“60 troops of my lord and 60 Babylonian (troops) went and captured an informer ªatº the gate of Mankisum. Herewith I . . . 187 the informer to my lord. My lord must ask him. The troops of my lord are well.” 1.

At the end of the month, the enemy would perform extispicies for the coming month. If he remained in place, it was because the god told him not to move. The conversation between Hammu-Rabi, Ibal-Pi-El, and Yaqqim-Addu must have taken place shortly before the end of the month, so that it would be clear within 5 days whether the enemy would move or not.

LetteFM 2 47–71 and FM 3 130 and 138 are letters by and to officials in Qa††unan. They supplement the letters published in 27 and translated in chapter 6.

FM 2 47 To my ªlordº speak! Your servant ªZikri-Adduº (says), “I heard from those around me about the coming of my lord to Qa††unan. If my lord comes, a tablet of my lord must hurry here quickly so I can prepare ahead of (the arrival of) my lord.”

FM 2 48 To ªZikri-Adduº speak! Your ªlord (says), “Ili-Atpalamº [indeed 188] ªdeliveredº the boy of Yahatti-El into the hand of Aksak-Magir and Yassi-Dagan. And I had given him ªa tablet to carryº. And on the spot, Aksak-Magir conducted him to Qa††unan. Now, seize ªAksakMagirº and then take [the tablet] away [and] entrust [it] to ªthe person bringingº this tablet!” I understand the letter as follows: the king gave a tablet to Yahatti-El’s boy to take to Yahatti-El. IliAtpalam, unwittingly and not alerted to this by the boy, took him to Aksak-Magir, who took him to Qa††unan before the boy had a chance to deliver the letter to his former master. Again, the boy does not seem to have had a chance to alert Aksak-Magir to this fact. So the king sent the carrier of FM 2 48 to retrieve the tablet.

FM 2 49 See my article “Dispositions of Households of Officials in Ur III and Mari,” ASJ 19 (1997), 69; and van Koppen, “Seized,” 328.

To [my lord] speak! Your servant Aksak-Magir (says), “The courier Ißi-Ahu, a man of Zibnatum, arrived, and he was not carrying a tablet of my lord. He (said), ‘By command of my lord, seal the house of Bannum and Zakura-Abu!’ I, Yahßib-El, the land registrar ªYatarumº, Ißi-Ahu, emissary of my lord, and the majordomo of Bannum Habdiya stayed in 189º the household: 19 men, 2 women, 4 [ ], [1] ªcarthe house of ªBannumº, and we ª penterº, 1 ªleatherworkerº, 1 walker, 3 [ , n] ªdeporteesº, [n] ªfugitivesº; [ ] wife of ªBan187. What is expected is “had (i.e., caused to be) conducted,” which would be us-ta-re-e-em (see, for example, 26 475:24), but ú-te-ri is what appears in the text. 188. There is room for one sign at the beginning of line 8, before the word “delivered.” Durand suggests affirmative [lu], an unusual feature in Mari letters. But there is no alternative. The word [li]- would make this already complicated letter quite unintelligible. 189. Durand reads nu-ªúº-[ta] and translates “nous avons inspecté.”

516

Translation

Text FM 2 50

numº: 9 women, 9 ªplowº oxen, 5 tracts 5 bushels of ªsesameº, 10 tracts 7 bushels [ ], 1 tract 3 bushels of ªsahlatumº, 2 bushels of large beans, 5 bushels [ ], 1 talent of wool are the belongings of the household of ªBannumº that were received from Majordomo ªHabdiyaº. “In the household of ªZakura-Abuº, 1 man, 2 women, 1 [boy, n] ªgirlsº, 2 oxen, 5 bushels 20 liters of ªsesameº, 15 pounds of wool are the ªbelongingsº of the house of Zakura-Abu.”

FM 2 50 To my lord speak! Your servant Aksak-Magir (says), “Since the day on which my lord enlisted me in Samanum, and (since) I kept hearing the lip of my lord, I have not incurred wrong or fault. And my lord declared my name forthrightly.1 Unfortunately, my lord dispatched me to this locality as if I had let a word of my lord go out, and (as if) to impose (punishment for) guilt on me. I did not say anything in the city of Qa††unan. My lord must not take me for being unreliable. “Though there was nothing, I have sowed 1 hundred (dikes) of field-area since I arrived. And I fixed up 190 the dilapidated palace. Now I ªkeep hearingº about ªa trip ofº my ªlordº to Kahat. I am afraid my lord relies on (the resources of) the palace of Qa††unan, and they (his retinue) will not bring travel provisions and dinners from Mari. There is no brewer. And there are no millers. Flour for the dinner of the soldiers, 2 ªtractsº or else 3 tracts [6 lines]. I (said), ‘ªWas he released to (serve) as majordomo of Qa††unanº? What is my wrong? My lord must ªnot removeº me for no wrong and install Maprakum.’ So or not so, [my] ªlordº must send [me] a reply to my tablet, [and] I will depart.” 1.

Durand translates “m’a à juste titre récompensé.” Perhaps the declaration of the name was accompanied by giving the so-called “name-declaration gift.”

FM 2 51 To my lord speak! [Your] ªservantº Aksak-Magir (says), “[ ] ªcame hereº [ ]. I finished [ ] weapons. They are armed. 191 And I wrote to my lord about Yahßib-El, ªwhoº is (in charge) of the outposts. I equipped 20 Hana who were with him and dispatched them to the outposts. And they are not carrying weapons in their hands. Now my lord must ªprovideº javelins for the 20 Hana and 10 bronze lances for reservists. And about the grain rations of ªthe palaceº and the ª º [ ]. The day [ ] in my hand [ ]. My lord ªmustº [dispatch] an agent, [and] they must ªapportionº the grain. [14 lines]. ªI gaveº [ ] ªgrain ration fromº the grain rations of the palace for one month ªtoº the diviner ªNur-Adduº. [n lines]. If it pleases my lord, my lord must quickly dispatch agents to me, and they must apportion the grain, and [ ] that is to be ªsentº ahead of (the arrival of ) my lord. The day [ ].”

190. Durand reads ú-[ka-aß]-ßa-ar and translates “j’ai à rafistoler un palais dilapidé.” He confirmed his reading by collation (personal communication, 1/15/96) as being ú-k[a-aß-ß]a-ar. 191. raksut[umma]. Literally, “they have (their weapons) strapped (to them)”; the same is said of Neo-Assyrian soldiers. See AHw. raksu 5.

Text FM 2 52

Translation

517

FM 2 52 To my lord speak! Your servant Asmad (says), “The Hana Memium, a man of Qa††unan, has been put in prison. And my lord imposed on ªhim (a fine of) 1 hundredº sheep. They received from him [40] sheep and 1 bull ªinº Mari. The remainder, 50 sheep, are outstanding. If it pleases my lord, let Akin-Urubam assume security for him, and when my lord goes to Qa††unan, let him provide the 50 sheep. And [this] Hana must not ªdie in prisonº.”

FM 2 55 See the next text and FM 3 138.

To my lord speak! Your servant Laªum (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. Yesterday a tablet of my lord arrived, (saying), ‘Herewith I send a tablet to Ibal-Pi-El. If messengers of the Kurdaite Hammu-Rabi, riders of donkeys, have (already) arrived in Qa††unan, the person bringing my tablet must move on to Ibal-Pi-El in Kurda together with the tablet that ªhe carriesº. If the Kurdaite messengers have not (yet) arrived, keep with you the person bringing my tablet together with the tablet that he carries until the body rites!’ This my lord wrote me. Possibly it completely slipped my lord’s mind 192 (that) Kaªalan moved on to Kurda, and Ibal-Pi-El is staying in ˇabatum. The tablet of my lord that my lord sent to Ibal-Pi-El was moved on immediately. Now Sin-Ismenni, Yakun-Asar, and YasubRabi, the messengers of Kurda, have arrived with Kaªalan. Kaªalan took their lead, and he moved on to my lord. And they carry my lord’s share of the Elunum (festival) to my lord.”1 1.

For other cases in which shares of this festival were transported over considerable distances to the king, see Kupper’s note NABU 1996 32.

FM 2 56 To my lord speak! Your servant Laªum (says), “Some time ago, my lord wrote me ªas followsº: ‘Herewith I send a tablet ªtoº Ibal-Pi-El. If Kurdaite messengers, riders of donkeys, have (already) arrived in Qa††unan, the person bringing my tablet must [move on] to Kurda to ªIbal-Pi-El together withº [my tablet]. If the [Kurdaite] messengers have not arrived, the person bringing this tablet must be detained at your place together with the tablet that he carries until the body rites.’ ªThisº my lord wrote me. Because Ibal-Pi-El is in ˇabatum, [the tablet] of my lord [was moved on] immediately. [Now, herewith the Kurdaite] messengers ªmove on toº my [lord. And] I wrote the information on them ªtoº my ªlordº. And I kept the person bringing ªthe tabletº that my lord sent to ªIbal-Pi-Elº, and he departed for [my lord].”

FM 2 57 To ªmyº [lord] speak! Your servant Laªum (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district [are well. My] lord wrote me ªas followsº: ‘About the wool concerning which you wrote me— the governors have their instructions on the wool. ªProvideº wool! There are [ of ] wool. 192. After seeing sa-um i-su-ú as a paranomastic infinitive containing an ad-hoc infinitive of isu (NABU 1996 16), I have had second thoughts about the meaning of isu in this context and have returned to Durand’s explanation.

518

Translation

Text FM 2 58

Buy wool for an exchange rate of 40 pounds1 ªforº [ ] pound of silver [ ] and seal it!’ [ ] of my lord, 3 1/3 pounds of silver [ ] my lord sent me. ªI addressedº [a tablet] and ªsentº (it) to my lord. [I] (said), ‘[n lines].’ (The reverse is not translatable. It still deals with wool and a merchant.) 1.

The exchange rate should refer to 1 shekel of silver. 40 pounds of wool per 1 shekel of silver would be extremely cheap. The tariff in the laws of Esnuna was 3 pounds of wool per shekel. Samsi-Adad says that during his reign it was 15 pounds (A. Goetze, “The Laws of Esnunna,” 24–26). Durand, in comment a, quotes 25 pounds as the cheapest rate in Mari and notes that the king often demanded unreasonably low prices.

FM 2 58 ªToº [my] lord speak! Your servant Laªum (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. 17 Quteans, reservists, went out from inside Eluhtum and entered Susa (and went) to Sub-Ram. They ªstayedº 4 [ ] before Sub-Ram, and their heart ªbecame angryº, [and] they departed for my lord. [1] kirippum receptacle [with oil] was presented as a gift to these men, and (remainder destroyed).”

FM 2 60 [To] my lord speak! Your servant Laªum (says), “The city of Qa††unan [and] the district are well. [When] my [lord] stayed ªin Qa††unanº, [I] and Ayyalum ªtalkedº in front of my lord, and that man is as ªwickedº as his words. My ªlordº heard them. And my lord [answered] him [as follows]: ‘The field-area of the plows is ªnotº [ ]. And provide [ ] with subsistence plots [from] my [ ] and then [ ] the remainder of the field-area!’ [n lines. I spoke to him as follows: ‘n lines] either my lord will accept [ ], or else will I be able to answer my lord for wrongs and ªharmº?’ This man [rose] and spoke to me ªas followsº: ‘I am holder of an executive position like you. And [my] ªlord installedº me in ªthisº executive position. You cannot decree anything to me.’ And I answered him as follows: I (said), ‘The king (must have) instructed you secretly. Where exactly did the king install you in this executive position?’ I continued talking to him, but he could not have cared less. He set his sight on wasting (the resources of) the district and this executive position. Now, herewith I have written to my lord. [My lord] must consult, and my lord must write [me], so the district and this executive position will not slide (into ruin). “And I answered him. I (said), ‘Or else the cultivators [ ] bank of the Euphrates who fully paid the annual taxes to my lord.’ ª3 or 4 linesº.”

FM 2 61 [To] ªSu-Nuhra-Halu speak! Laªumº who loves you (says), “[ ] Ayyalum before the king ª5 linesº [n lines] ª4 linesº. Bring to the attention of the king [ ] to not let my executive office slide (into ruin) and incur a deficit, and write me a full report, so or not so! And I and he, we fought about watering 10 dikes of field-area, and I . . . 193 on crutches, and water is drawn for your field and they have set hand (making) the furrows.”

193. I-na be-la-ni a-ka-ªal?º. Durand translates “J’en ai la jouissance, mais par astuce.”

spread is 12 points long

Text FM 2 62

Translation

519

FM 2 62 To my lord speak! Your servant Hadni-Iluma (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. The rains . . . , 194 and mushrooms have become available in the district. I sent mushrooms and 2 ostrich eggs to my lord.”

FM 2 63 See also 2 33, 28 65, and §33 (pp. 89ff.).

To [my] lord speak! Your servant Hadni-Iluma (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. ªI heardº from those around me ªthe followingº word: “The Aslakkean, ªIbal-Adduº, and Hamman, the mayor of Dir, took the lead of the Asnakkean Sadum-Labua and got him to the pasture-chief Ibal-El in Siharata ª 195º to the assembly of the Hana. And they spoke to me as follows: ‘[1] thousand 2 hundred Hana ªgoº [to] Dir.’ [And] ªwhatº they said to me, ªI wrote toº my lord.”

FM 2 64 To my lord speak! Your servant Hadni-Iluma (says), “The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. Haqba-Ahum, a servant of my lord, who had moved on with Kabsum to Sadum-Labua to ªAsnakkumº, arrived. I ªaskedº [him]. He ªspokeº [to me] as follows: [He] (said), ‘[We] ªleft the Asnakkean Sadum-Labuaº in [4 lines].’ ª º [I] ªwrote toº [my] ªlordº.”

FM 2 66 To [my] lord speak! Your servant ªHadni-Ilumaº (says), “Since the day on which I arrived in Sur’um, I did not. . . . 196 I kept running around without break. And I checked on the kitchen 197 and the fattening house, and there is nothing of good quality for my lord to eat. I sent for sheep, and they singled out rams for me and dropped off a bull from (pasture in) the plain at the fattening house. ªNowº, herewith I have sent 1 [ ] bull, 2 kids, 10 [ ] to my lord. And there is no first quality wine (or) second quality wine.”

FM 2 67 For the structure of this document, see Anbar, NABU 1994 85.

To my lord speak! Your servant Yarim-Hammu (says), “When my lord instructed me in Mislan to guard Qa††unan, I did not tire. I was not negligent. I guard the city. And I take care of the needs of the palace, reed, and ruhtum. 198 Now the troops, all of them, are on 194. ir-ku-su-ma. 195. Durand reads [t]a?-wa-ªiº-{x x}im and sees it as a geographical name, “Tawûm.” 196. a-bi-is7. Durand corrects to a-bi-at, derives the form from biatum, and translates it on the basis of the meaning “se donner un délai d’une nuit.” One might derive the form from bêsum “to stay away” or by way of spoken appüs, written a-pí-is7, instead of the expected appus “I took a breather” from napasum. 197. É abarakkatim. See FM 4 nn. 89 and 597. 198. According to the determinative, a woody plant, probably used as firewood.

520

Translation

Text FM 2 68

furlough. Sub-Na-El, Sin-Iqisam, Ahi-Maraß, Mar-Estar, Yaßi-El, La-Bas-Qani, Sin-Napsera, 7 men of Appan; Abduma-Dagan, Kanni, Lahtanaªxºum, Ahum-Lumu, ªAsdi-Ramº, Adamti, 6 ªmen of Humsanº; Samas-Abi, ªPuzur-Annuº, 2 men of Urbat; Íuri-Addu, man of Tizrah; Hali-El, man of Iddin-Sin; Mutu-Dagan, man of Íubatum; Tahtan, man of Yarikitum; Yablu†El, man of Bab Nahlim; Sin-Iddinam, Samas-Iddina, 2 men of Zurubban; Yahad-Hammu, ªMutu-Daganº, Yarim-Kubi, 3 ªmenº of Bidah; Zikri-Addu, man of Nara; Ana-ªSamasºTaklaku, Ahum, 2 men of Dur-Yahdun-Lim; Arsi-Ahum, man of Dabis; Bahdi-Iluma, man of ªYumhammuº; in sum, 30 ªon furloughº. Division of Yarim-Hammu ªof the cityº of Qa††unan. They quit. If it pleases my lord, let them take a close look at these men.”

FM 2 68 199] (says), “ªSome time agoº, I wrote my lord To [my lord] speak! [Your] servant [ about ªGeneral Yarim-Hammu as followsº: I (said), ‘This man places untoward things among you (pl.).’ This I wrote my lord. And my lord answered me as follows: ‘Let Yarim-Hammu get to me quickly!’ This, my lord wrote me. According to the letter that my lord wrote me, I sent my boy to Sa Lalaªi ªtoº Yarim-Hammu, and my boy, whom I sent, was maltreated. 200 YarimHammu and Masihan, the commissioner of Samsi-Addu, hit (him, saying), ‘I will not go.’ Second, Yarim-Hammu [and] Samsi-Addu [sold] one man in Husum, a respected (man) and [his] 20 ªpeopleº into slavery. ª4 linesº He must return the silver that I weighed out. Let him seize the city. Now, herewith I have written my lord a full report. My lord must do what needs to be done.”

FM 2 69 See 27 100.

To my lord speak! Your servant Ilum-Madar (says), “I reached Qa††unan. I set hand to ªharvestingº. And the campaigns of my lord are many.1 I shall dispose of the harvest of Qa††unan, and before the commoners go out on campaign, let them ªseeº the seed-grain2 of [their] households from the harvest.” 201 1.

2.

The statement would be a rare indication that Mari conducted multiple military campaigns simultaneously. However, the somewhat unusual formulations and grammatical irregularities of the letter caution against firm conclusions. The seed for the next growing season. Putting seed aside after harvest shows how much grain is available for consumption until the next harvest.

FM 2 70 To my lord speak! Your servant Sammetar (says), “According to the letter of my lord I have written about discharging the troops of Ilum-Madar who are in Qa††unan. After he has disposed of the harvest of this district, he will discharge (them). This my lord must know!” 199. Durand suggests Aksak-Magir. 200. Durand reads im-{su}-su-ªkamº-{kam}. I read ªx(erased sign) imº-su-x(erased sign = failed uh)-uh. For the verb, see my comment to 28 105:14 in Orientalia 69 (2000), 101. 201. The writer uses three unusual accusatives: literally, “to arrive Qa††unan,” “to go out campaign,” “to see the seed the harvest.”

spread is 12 points long

Text FM 2 71

Translation

521

FM 2 71 See 26 189 and 27 16.

[To my lord speak]! Your servant [Ilsu-Naßir] (says), “I had extispicies done for the wellbeing [of the district] and the city of Qa††unan for one month, and they were bad. I . . . 202 and had them done for 15 days, and they were sound. The city of Qa††unan and the district are well. “Further: About the troops of the sons of Yamina who are detained before me—they have used up the grain of the palace.1 Available are grain rations for 1 month. My lord must write me, and my lord must do what is necessary for having these men conducted. 203 Habdiya, who serves under my command, has seized Haneans for (service in) the palace and brought them in. ªAndº he dignified them (and) gave them tracts of grain. He caused upheaval [among] the commoners, and [n lines] and Memium, these men would have killed me. The initiator of the decision-making was Subisa. They explained 204 that the king was no king, the governor no governor in the city of Qa††unan. After these men made this decision, I myself am not safe. In case these men seize me and despoil me, the troops in prison and those who make the trench might . . . , 205 or else (in case just) one . . . 206 were made, I would [ ] ªbeforeº the district. [My] lord [must] know!” 1.

The same statement is found in 27 16. Accordingly, I assume that the present letter was also written by Ilsu-Naßir. However, Durand notes that the tablet and script do not resemble any of the tablets published in 27.

FM 3 130 Add to 27 1–24.

To Ilsu-Naßir speak! Your lord (says), “Herewith Narhi comes to you with Asmad. Provide 50 men, however many Asmad requests from you, and they must escort that man to [ ]. And ªprovideº 50 tracts of old grain to [PN], the man of [GN]!”

FM 3 138 Add to FM 2 55 and 56.

To Laªum speak! Your lord (says), “Herewith I have sent a tablet to Ibal-Pi-El. ªThe carrier ofº the tablet [ ] before you together with the tablet [n lines]. He must ªmove onº to ªIbal-Pi-Elº. Otherwise the messengers of Hammu-Rabi (of Kurda) will certainly not come. That man must stay with you until the body rites, and he must return to me with the tablet that he carries.” 202. ak-sa-am-ma. Durand refers to Hebrew and Arabic qsm “to divine” and quotes Sasson’s proposal “to divide.” Sasson amplified on his suggestion in NABU 1994 42. Note that qasamum is otherwise unknown in Akkadian and that kasamum “to cut” has the stem vowel /i/. 203. Is su-UD-re-em an error for su-ta-re-em? Durand corrects to su-u†-ri-im “que l’on enregistre les noms.” 204. iptû. Durand states that this meaning of petûm “to open” is current in Mari. 205. i-sa-hu-ru-nim. The context indicates the meaning “liberate themselves.” The verb is only attested in lexical texts. 206. pa-ha-tum. Durand suggests “sujet de crainte” and refers to 5 68:18. The context suggests “mistake.”

522

Translation

Text FM 3 138

Index of Individuals

Different persons bearing the same name are distinguished by numbers. When such persons are mentioned without a number, number 1 is meant. When they are otherwise identified, the number is not given, as, for example, “Hammu-Rabi of Kurda” instead of “Hammu-Rabi 2.” Determination of identity in cases of poorly attested personal names is often impossible. I err on the side of multiple persons. For example, Nabu-Naßir 1 and 2 may be one and the same person, because both are attested in letters from Qa††unan. Arrangement is alphabetical within the frame of elements separated by a hyphen. For example, Ilum-Asu precedes Iluma-Ahum. The sign for the glottal stop, ª, counts as a first letter. For example, Yarªip-Abba precedes Yarim-Dagan. An unqualified “official” refers to an official of Zimri-Lim. Various spellings of one and the same name are given in the index, but only the form quoted in bold is used in the translation and narrative. For example, “Kanisan” is the quoted form in the translation and narrative, even when it is spelled “Kanisanum” in the original text. There are some exceptions, as, for example, LipitSin and Lipissa, both of which are given in translation. The confounding variant Yasim-Addu for Isme-Addu is not used in translation. This is not a full index. While I hope that all persons are included, not all references to often-mentioned persons are given, but I have tried not to omit important information on a person. If a reader wants a complete list of references, the indexes in 26/1, 26/2, 27, and, for the additional texts, 16/1, may be used. *

*

*

*

*

Aªan-Lim Read An-Lim by Birot; he and Yahulum learn on trip to Ahuna that Baßßum 2 and Yassi-Dagan 4 reveal Mariote confidential information (27 118). Abdu-Surim Mentioned together with Yataphum in connection with problems of succession in Ekallatum (26 370). Abduma-Dagan 1 of 6 soldiers from Humsan in division of Yarim-Hammu stationed in Qa††unan (FM 2 67). Abi-Dagan [Father] of Yatar-Amu (26 281). Abi-Epuh 1 Governor of Yasmah-Addu in Suhum; talks with people of Yabliya about secession of Zaªikum (26 156).

525

526

Index of Individuals

Abi-Epuh 2 Sent by Sammetar 2 to apprehend condemned man (26 199). Abi-Eqar Barber (26 453). Abi-Mekim Also Abi-Mekin, Abi-Meki, Abu(m)-Mekim and Abum-Ekin; envoy; Lackenbacher, 26/2, 371–77; 27 99b; wrote letters 452–72; arrives in Babylon (26 468); expects to depart Babylon soon with troops for Mari (26 470; 6 34); Babylonian messengers announce that Abi-Mekim will bring troops back from Babylon (6 18); arrives before Hammu-Rabi at time of siege of Larsa with request to bring troops to Mari (26 471); Zimri-Lim instructs him, Kaªalan, and Zimri-Addu to supervise closing of city gates of Mari (27 99). Abi-Íululi Servant of Asqudum; sent to Kar-Kamis (26 538). Abi-Sadi Perhaps a barber (Durand, LAPO 18, 325). Sent by Siptu to Zimri-Lim (26 185-bis). Abum-El 1 Envoy; having come to Ilan-Íura, he witnesses installation of Attaya as king of Kahat (26 317); Haya-Sumu does not want him to return to Ilan-Íura (26 329). Abum-El 2 Brother of servant of Atamrum whom Yamßum wants to go to Mari (26 316). Adamti 1 of 6 soldiers from Humsan in division of Yarim-Hammu stationed in Qa††unan (FM 2 67). Adanum See Hadanum. Adda-Gaya Father of Íilli-Dagan. Addi-Addu Idamaraßean, probably king; important collaborator of Elamites in SubatEnlil; adversary of Haya-Sumu (26 303); Haya-Sumu’s representatives swear oath of allegiance to him, Yasim-Addu, and Kunnam (26 303). Addu-Duri Mother of Zimri-Lim (Charpin and Durand, “Pouvoir,” 336–38; FM 4, 50– 51); perhaps sister of Dadi-Hadun (Durand, “Imar,” 48 n. 48); writes 26 195 about utterance of goddess Hisamitum; relays dreams to Zimri-Lim (26 227, 237, 238); receives letter from Timlu about dream (26 240); sends extispicies to Abi-Mekim at time of Zimri-Lim’s absence (26 454). Addu-Esuh He and 5 other riders of Zimri-Lim pass Buqaqum in Suhum en route to Mari (26 484). Addu-Naßir Zimri-Addu consults with him, Yantin-Erah, and Inib-Samas in camp before Hiritum (27 151); Zimri-Addu complains of not getting more provisions than he and Sakirum received (27 152). Admu-Ummi Abi-Mekim requests her release from Simah-Ilane (26 464). Adri-Addu Connected with an expense of silver goblets for Yamhadeans (24 94). Agagga Son of Tugatum; servant of Askur-Addu; informs Yasim-El of moves of IsmeDagan (26 424). Aham-Arsi Probably staff member of Ibal-Pi-El; en route to Mari with news on HammuRabi of Babylon and Ibal-Pi-El (26 488). Aham-Nirsi Soldier in division of Ubariya; registered in Tizrah; on list of soldiers on furlough drawn up by Zimri-Addu in Babylon (27 153). Ahatum Servant girl of Dagan-Malik; receives divine message in trance (26 214). Ahi-Ebal His son and Sumu-Labu, Suteans, escape troops of Buqaqum (26 483). Ahi-Erra Envoy in Babylon; requests troops from Hammu-Rabi shortly before expected fall of Larsa (26 471). Ahi-Lumur Babylonian general; receives honey and oil (21 100).

Index of Individuals

527

Ahi-Maraß 1 of 7 soldiers from Appan in division of Yarim-Hammu stationed in Qa††unan (FM 2 67). Ahum 1 Superior of Annunitum; relays message of ecstatic to Zimri-Lim (26 200 and 201) and to Siptu (26 214). Ahum 2 Courier; brings tablet from Zimri-Lim to Abi-Mekim in Babylon (26 470). Ahum 3 Division commander; brings 3 captives from Karana to Mari (26 516, 2 46). Ahum 4 1 of 2 soldiers from Dur-Yahdun-Lim in division of Yarim-Hammu stationed in Qa††unan (FM 2 67). Ahum-Lumu 1 Envoy; brings message to Haya-Sumu (26 329). Ahum-Lumu 2 1 of 6 soldiers from Humsan in division of Yarim-Hammu stationed in Qa††unan (FM 2 67). Akin-Amar King of Kahat, but see now Guichard, NABU 2003 6; requests Bunu-Estar’s help in retaining control of Hazzikkannum (26 357). Akin-Urubam Governor of Qa††unan early in Zimri-Lim’s reign (Durand, “Administrateurs,” 91–94); Asmad wants him to provide security for debt of Memium (FM 2 52). Akiyanu Kurdaite, guides Babylonian messengers coming from Kurda and Karana, and escapes to Kurda when they are attacked (27 168). Aksak-Magir Writes FM 2 49–51; governor of Qa††unan early in Zimri-Lim’s reign (Durand, “Administrateurs,” 85–86); at time of FM 2 50 majordomo of Qa††unan; he, Yahßib-El, land registrar Yatarum, courier Ißi-Ahum and Habdiya, majordomo of Bannum, inventory households of Bannum and Zakura-Abu (FM 2 49); approached by Nur-Addu (26 139); Yamßum claims he takes advantage of Yamßum’s household (26 332); Ili-Atpalam hands servant of Yahatti-El over to him and Yassi-Dagan (FM 2 48). Alla Probable name (restored from Al-[ ]) of woman sent by Kirum to Mari (10 34+). Amat-Sakkanim Maid of wife of Yarkab-Addu and connected with Samsi-Addu (26 249). Amut-Pi-El King of Qa†anum; also called “the Qa†anean”; his messenger en route to Esnuna detained by Zimri-Lim (26 25); offers his land to The Vizier (A.266). Ana-Samas-Taklaku 1 of 2 soldiers from Dur-Yahdun-Lim in division of Yarim-Hammu stationed in Qa††unan (FM 2 67). Ana-Samas-Ter Courtier; imprisoned in Kurda (26 420). Apil-Ilisu 1 Informs Yasmah-Addu of dispatch of Hadanum (26 90). Apil-Ilisu 2 Diviner; reports on extispicy sent to him by Yasmah-Addu (26 92); cannot accompany Zimri-Lim (26 108-bis). Apil-Ilisu 3 Complains to Zimri-Lim about being detained by Ibal-Pi-El (26 93). Apil-Ilisu 4 Requests sesame for sowing from Erib-Sin 2 (26 94). Apil-Ilisu 5 Son of Damiq-Ilisu; Babylonian messenger; greets troops in Kullizi (26 369). Apil-Ilisu 6 Babylonian general; receives honey and oil (21 100). Apil-Kubi Probably staff member of Ibal-Pi-El; en route to Mari with news on HammuRabi and Ibal-Pi-El (26 488). Apla-Handa King of Kar-Kamis; extends qualified invitation to Zimri-Lim (A.2133); Íidqum-Lanasi requests answer to Apla-Handa’s letter from Zimri-Lim (26 533); exchange of merchandise between Zimri-Lim and his “brother” Apla-Handa (26 534); Istaran-Naßir informs Zimri-Lim of his death (26 281); his son Yatar-Ami hard hit by his death (26 537).

528

Index of Individuals

Aqba-Abi Also Aqba-Abum; vizier of Haya-Sumu (Charpin, 26/2, 43 n. 100); sent to Kunnam with Governor Íuriya to swear oath of allegiance (26 303); sent to Kunnam with troops and tribute (26 304); collaborates with Íuriya and Simatum (26 305); agitates with Íuriya and Simatum against Ibni-Addu (26 312, 313); is in Mari (26 315); mentioned (26 330). Aqba-Ahum See Haqba-Ahum. Aqba-Hammu See Haqba-Hammu. Ardigandi King of Qabra; defeated by city of Kakmum (26 489). Arrapha-Adal King of Sirwunum; expected to lay siege to Adallaya on behalf of Atamrum (26 405 and 406). Arsi-Ahum Soldier from Dabis in division of Yarim-Hammu stationed in Qa††unan (FM 2 67). Arusel Courier of Askur-Addu; arrives in Mari announcing Askur-Addu’s coming (6 62). Asdi-Madar Son of Sumumu; emigrated from Mari to Karana; imprisoned together with Qisti-Annu (26 510). Asdi-Ram 1 of 6 soldiers from Humsan in division of Yarim-Hammu stationed in Qa††unan (FM 2 67). Asdi-Takim King of Harran; makes treaty with kings of Zalmaqum and Yamina against Mari-controlled Dir (26 24); dispatches 400 troops to Mari (27 80 and 81). Asinum Also Hasinum; agent of Zimri-Lim; receives grain from Kar-Kamis (26 543, 545; A.2133). Askur-Addu Also Yaskur-Addu (28 120); Durand transliterates Asqur-Addu and translates “Addu-est-haut” (Onomastique, 88), but see my remark in Orientalia 69 (2000), 94; according to Munn-Rankin’s restoration of 2 119, is son of Samu-Addu, king of Karana (but see §53); according to Charpin, perhaps ruler of Suruzum and then of Karana (26 354b); of short stature (26 519); his men intervene in dispute over Hazzikkannum on side of Kahat (26 357); he and Kapiya of Kahat attack between Nagar and Sabisa (27 135); takes 4,000 troops from camp before Razama and enters Subat-Enlil (27 133); moves on to Urgis with 2,000 troops (27 134); Haya-Sumu regards him as enemy (26 315); Haya-Sumu asks Zimri-Lim about plan to release Nahur to him (28 81); is urged by his subjects to seek protection of Zimri-Lim and marry his daughter (6 26); is ordered by his subjects not to disobey Zimri-Lim (A.230); Karaneans swear they will inform him about treasonous acts of Haqba-Hammu and principal servants (M.7259); installed as king of Karana by Zimri-Lim (M.7529); Babylon sends him royal insignia (A.230); exchanges 5 Yamutbal for Kukkutanum (26 413); puts off visit to Mari once again (26 413); makes treaty with Mari (26 401); kills 50 Ekallatean troops that tried to occupy Aramanima (26 401); asks Yanuh-Samar to intercede with ZimriLim regarding plan to make him king (of Nahur) (26 359); puts off visit to Mari because of attack of Isme-Dagan on Adme (26 416); allows his messengers to travel with messengers of Isme-Dagan (26 387); repulses offers to join Esnunakean-Ekallatean alliance (26 393); Habdu-Malik urges him to visit Mari (26 394); makes treaty with Atamrum (26 404); Yasim-El urges him to visit Mari (26 411); Zimri-Addu and Menirum write that he will leave for Mari next day and that he sent 100 troops to Atamrum (27 154); he or Haqba-Hammu or both visit Andarig (26 511); Esnunakeans promise restitution of damage done to him by Isme-Dagan (26 511); watches Isme-

Index of Individuals

529

Dagan’s moves in Kiyatan and asks for additional troops (26 521); strikes deal with Assyrian merchants to sell grain to Ekallatum (26 342); questions decision of wife of Atamrum to detain Assyrian merchants (26 433, 436); dispatches soldiers to Ekallatum to get information (26 523); organizes secure border after attack by Hadneans or Turukkeans (26 523); receives information of fugitives from southern Razama about withdrawal of Esnunakeans (26 524); builds camp in Rakna (26 522); asks Buqaqum urgently to come and bring along Himdiya (26 490); leaves for Qa††ara (26 526). Asmad Assistant of Pasture-chief Ibal-El according to 27 93; pleads for imprisoned Hana (FM 2 52); informs Ilsu-Naßir about Zimri-Lim’s coming up to Qa††unan (27 13); governor of Qa††unan asks Asmad to leave him 100 Hana for guard duty (27 14); reports on treaty between Yamina and kings of Zalmaqum (26 24); brings Hana troops (26 37); assists Asqudum in evacuation of lower Suhum (26 35); coauthors letter with Asqudum, urging Zimri-Lim to come down to Suhum (26 38); consults with Asqudum, Meptum, and Buqaqum (26 481); Tebi-Gerisu arranges extispicies at place where he stays (26 216); comes to Qa††unan with 15 mayors of Hana (27 93). Asqudu(m) 1 Name transcribed conventionally Asqudum; so also by Durand, despite his opinion that Asqudum would be preferable (26/1, 71 n. 1); first syllable written with as, whose value às probably not used in Mari; asqudum designates small rodent; lived in grand house not far from palace in Mari at least during first 3 years of Zimri-Lim’s reign; married to Yamama, daughter of Yahdun-Lim; son Kapi-Addu (Charpin, “Les archives du devin Asqudum dans la résidence du ‘chantier A,’ ” MARI 4 [1985], 453–62); important figure in Zimri-Lim’s administration until disappearance in ZL 8u, going on diplomatic, military, and administrative missions (Durand, 26/1, 71–80); functions as agent (26 543); writes 26 10–12 and 15 (with Risiya), 13, 17–23, 26–30, 31, 32, and 48 (with Hali-Hadun), 33, 35 and 38 (with Asmad), 36–37, 40–47, 50–74, 81–88; receives 26 7, 24–25, 39, 75–80; son had affair with later wife of Sin-Iddinam (26 488); no Simªal (26 5); diviner by profession; practices fairly often (for example 26 7, 17, 242); serves Yasmah-Addu as diviner and writes 26 84 and 86–88 in that capacity; involved in highest circle of Yasmah-Addu’s government (26 4); accompanies him on campaign, replacing Zunan (26 159); concerned about Zimri-Lim and upper district during lunar eclipse (26 81); becomes prisoner of war of Bannum at Zimri-Lim’s takeover (26 5); soon after, appointed mayor of Hisamta by Zimri-Lim against Bannum’s protests (26 5); accompanies Zimri-Lim on first campaign (26 5–6, 61); audits palace of Qa††unan (27 1); receives grain from Kar-Kamis as agent of Zimri-Lim (26 543); arranges Zimri-Lim’s marriage to daughter of king of Aleppo (26 9–16); oversees transport of large drum from Mari to Aleppo (26 17, 18, 20); evacuates lower Suhum in face of Esnunakean attack (26 38, 481); supervises recruitment of Hana (26 27, 29, 31); accused of grab for land (26 74); could be sarcastic (26 74); Ibal-Pi-El complains about him (2 28); his plow unit administered by palace (27 37 and 26 38); members of his household in Qa††unan employed by Yasim-Sumu (27 38); visits Nahur (26 348); consults with Abi-Mekim on architectural issues (26 455); Íidqum-Lanasi writes to him about merchandise (26 538, 549). Asqudum 2 Steward (abarakkum); according to Durand identical with Asqudum 1, but connections with Suhum indicate otherwise (see comment to 26 8); arrival of his majordomo and his (majordomo’s or Asqudum’s?) family at night before Kalalum triggers

530

Index of Individuals

military action (26 8); instructs diviner Erib-Sin on extispicies for troops going to Babylon (26 99). Asqudum 3 His corpse found above Halabit (26 149). Assur-Naßir Guide of donkey drivers from Assur (26 518). Assur-Íululi Writes Isme-Dagan about doors that were taken to temple of Dagan (26 138-bis). Astammarum Regent of Id; concerned about an ordeal (26 249). Atalli Informs messenger of Askur-Addu about Isme-Dagan (26 518). Atamrel Uprapean leader who flees to Tuttul as other Yamina leaders enter Ahuna (26 24); writes Zimri-Lim to urge him to settle situation of Esnuna after Elamite retreat (A.2741). Atamrum 1 King of Allahad and later of Andarig; son of Warad-Sin (A.96); allied with Esnuna, then Elam, then Mari and Babylon; dies in ZL 11u; The Vizier congratulates Hammu-Rabi of Kurda for being accepted as son by Atamrum (A.6); requests troops from Zimri-Lim for siege of Razama (A.2730); besieges Razama (27 132); tries to assemble kings in Luhaya before push on Subat-Enlil (26 334); gives up plan to advance to Subat-Enlil and returns from Luhaya to Razama (27 89); told by The Vizier to quit siege of Razama (14 103); collaborates with Mut-Askur against Hammutar (26 370); asks Sarraya to send tribute (26 318); tells The Vizier to invade Mari if Zimri-Lim marches on Razama (6 51); Ibal-Addu is afraid of his coming (28 57); Yamhadean and Zalmaqean troops said to march against him because he is expected to march on Idamaraß (2 21); envoy Zu-Hadni visits him and continues on to Ilan-Íura (10 32); Haya-Sumu bars Yamßum from news of Kunnam and Atamrum (26 307); Asnakkum and Urgis establish friendly relations with him (26 321); Hammu-Rabi of Babylon wants Zimri-Lim to go up to Qa††unan and motivate him, Hammu-Rabi of Kurda, and Hadnu-Rabi to join anti-Elamite coalition (A.4515); asks Hammu-Rabi of Kurda to tell Zimri-Lim that he intends to rid Subat-Enlil of Kunnam and offer city to Zimri-Lim (14 101); draft of his commitment to Mari (A.96); has contact with brother of YanuhSamar during last days of Elamite occupation of Subat-Enlil (26 328); Zimri-Lim encourages him to seize Subat-Enlil before Isme-Dagan does it (2 49); his treaty with Zimri-Lim mentioned (26 328); it is recalled that Zimri-Lim brought Ekallatum, him, upper land, and land of Subartum into anti-Elamite coalition (A.3669+); receives gifts from Hammu-Rabi of Babylon and negotiates treaty with him (26 372); proposes alliance to Haya-Sumu (26 355); he and Hammu-Rabi of Kurda mobilize troops in Allahad and Kurda (26 320); gains control of Subat-Enlil (26 316); seizes Suhpad (26 409); Haya-Sumu reiterates request that Zimri-Lim order him to release Suhpad to HayaSumu (28 81); supports Razameans in exile and encourages them to return to their city (26 409); lays siege to Asihum (26 405); lays siege to Adallaya (26 407); distributes POWs (26 408); said to have been allied with Isme-Dagan when Hammu-Rabi of Kurda was enemy of Isme-Dagan (26 391); extradites slaves who came across border from Qa††unan (26 412); exchanges Kukkutanum for 5 of his men (26 413); is accused by Askur-Addu of offering his land to Isme-Dagan (26 401); expects military support from Hana staying in his territory and moves Esnunakean troops in his possession to bad quarters (26 389); complains to Askur-Addu about being cozy with Ekallatum (26 387); urges Askur-Addu to break with Ekallatum (26 390); is entitled to possession of

Index of Individuals

531

Allahad and Andarig but nothing more in eyes of Hammu-Rabi of Kurda (26 392); Isme-Dagan accuses Hammu-Rabi of Babylon of having provided troops to him (26 384); calls himself “elder brother” of Zimri-Lim (26 404); is “son” of Zimri-Lim in Mari’s view (26 394); his messengers are confused about whether to call him “servant” or “son” of Zimri-Lim (27 162); disallows transfer of Mariote troops from Andarig to Karana (26 394); concludes treaty with Askur-Addu (26 404); is about to go to Mari (26 417); is happy about Mariote troops’ having dug well in Hubsalum (26 419); crosses border en route to Babylon (A.162); arrives at camp outside Larsa and stays with Mariote troops (27 164); is replaced by his wife during stay in Babylon (26 433); his return from Babylon expected (26 341); is urged to visit Mari on return from Babylon (26 439); argues that he cannot afford detour to Mari (27 167); Buqaqum monitors his progress upstream (26 498); Buqaqum reports that he will stay in Id and cross at Sa Baßim (26 499); passes Buqaqum on return from Babylon (26 496); Buqaqum writes from Haradum that Atamrum is well and there is no reason for concern (26 501); snubs Yasim-El after return from Babylon (26 438); cedes Sadduwatum to Askur-Addu (26 527); bewails death of Hastuttu (26 397); his son disappears (26 451); is “called to account” by god (26 185-bis; 13 97). Atamrum 2 Respondent of Samas; needs scribe to communicate divine message to ZimriLim (26 414). Atamrum 3 Courtyard sweeper (5 39); his trial discussed by Yanßib-Addu 3 and YasmahAddu (26 444). Atrakatum Shares house in Qa††unan with Zimri-Erah 2 and Governor Ilsu-Naßir (27 2). Attaya King of Kahat; installed by Haya-Sumu after removal of Kapiya (26 317; 27 86). Ayyala Her dream reported in 26 229. Ayyalum Executive in Qa††unan; argues with Governor Laªum about irrigation water (FM 2 60 and 61). Bahdi-Addu General; receives gift upon arrival in Babylon (A.486+; 23 435; 25 815); writes Zimri-Lim about arrival (in Babylon?) of two groups of Hana troops (2 118); Zimri-Addu refers to his arrival with Hana troops in Babylon (27 151); he and his troops were not with Ibal-Pi-El on unsuccessful mission to stop Elamite troops going to Hiritum (A.3669+); he and Yantin-Erah bring 100 personal guards back to Mari (2 25). Bahdi-Iluma Soldier from Yumhammu in division of Yarim-Hammu stationed in Qa††unan (FM 2 67). Bahdi-Lim 1 Governor of Mari; writes 2 46; 6 18, 26, 27, 34, 35, 37, 38, 62, 65, 66; 26 119, 176, 177, 201; Hammu-Rabi of Babylon writes him 6 51, 54; cautions Zimri-Lim against going on campaign without sound extispicies (26 176); consults with YasimSumu, Kibri-Dagan, and Yaqqim-Addu about role of Zimri-Lim in campaign (26 119); reports about dispatching troops (26 177); relays divine message to Zimri-Lim (26 201); sends message concerning transport of Qarni-Lim’s belongings to governor of Qa††unan (27 132); musters troops in Hanat (27 151); asks Zimri-Addu for muster of troops in Babylon and list of soldiers on furlough (27 151). Bahdi-Lim 2 Servant of Abi-Mekim; brings donkey to Yassi-Dagan (26 459). Bahlu-[ ] Inbatum calls Sub-Ram and Bahlu-[ ] “keepers of the district” (10 84). Bali-Addu 1 Servant of Asqudum; writes Asqudum about sending prisoner (26 77).

532

Index of Individuals

Bali-Addu 2 He and his partner capture suspicious person and send him to Zimri-Lim (27 121). Bali-Erah Zalmaqean messenger, on way to Mari (14 76); mentioned (26 312). Balu-Estar Inhabitant of Sapurrata; Zakira-Hammu and Zimri-Lim correspond about him (27 62). Bannum Name spelled Bahnum in FM 2 131; first pasture-chief of Zimri-Lim; his functions described by Villard in “Nomination,” 296–97; writes 26 5 and 6 to Zimri-Lim, 7 to Asqudum; administers kingdom at time of Zimri-Lim’s first campaign (26 61); criticizes actions of Zimri-Lim vigorously and overrules him repeatedly (26 5 and 6); defends himself against accusations of corruption (26 6); his house sealed and inspected by royal agents upon his death (FM 2 49). Basaran Inhabitant of Ziniyan (26 462). Baßßum 1 Inhabitant of Dir on Balih; writes 26 247; Yatarum’s tin is kept by him (27 117). Baßßum 2 He and Yassi-Dagan 4 are Ganibateans staying in Ahuna, who inform [ ] about Mari (27 118). Batahrum His 3 sons die in epidemic (26 280). Bazilum He and Zikri-Addu 3 are highly placed Kurdaites in Esnunakean hands (27 16). Belanum Soldier in division of Pussulum; registered in Mari; on list of soldiers on furlough drawn up by Zimri-Addu in Babylon (27 153). Beli-Asared Courtier; killed by his son (27 115). Belis-Tikal Vizier of Sarraya; sent to arrange meeting with king of Azuhinum (26 127). Belsunu 1 Second mayor of Hisamta; fat man (26 5); installed (26 5) and about to be fired by Bannum (26 6). Belsunu 2 Brother of Hazzuwuh; questioned about amount of silver (26 258). Belsunu 3 See Belum-Kima-Iliya; envoy; sent to Himdiya (26 423); comes to Andarig with Yasim-El (26 512); brings Babylonian troops from Andarig to Karana (26 424); sent by Yasim-El to sort out dispute about Assyrian merchants detained in Andarig (26 436); he, Iddiyatum, probably Yasim-El, and mayors are present as messengers of IsmeDagan bring message of peace to Askur-Addu (A.285); stays with Buqaqum (26 492). Beltum Wife of Yasmah-Addu; extispicy about her health (26 136); Ußur-Awassu writes about state and origin of her sickness (26 298). Belum-Kima-Iliya Full name of Belsunu 3; accompanies Iddiyatum to audience of AskurAddu (26 510). Bihirum Troop commander of clan Asarugayum, serving under Bahdi-Addu (A.486+); receives gifts in Babylon (23 435; 25 815; A.486+). Bunu-Estar Also Bina-Estar; 2d king of Kurda; expresses his loyalty to Zimri-Lim (27 19); Esnunakeans send gods to him to ratify treaty (27 16); Zimri-Lim sends him message (27 18); looses Luhaya to Haya-Abum (26 353); dispatches troops to Hazzikkannum in support of king of Kahat (26 357); protests confiscation of madder dug by his subjects in Mariote territory (27 67). Bunuma-Addu 1 King of Nihriya; one of kings of Zalmaqum; for his career, see Kupper 28, 35; his and Sibku-Na-Addu’s messengers carry deceitful message for Zimri-Lim (26 32); asks for permission to offer in Tuttul (26 246); dispatches 2,000 troops, who arrive in Qa††unan en route to Mari (27 79).

Index of Individuals

533

Bunuma-Addu 2 Abi-Mekim urges his release (26 464); released from prison in Kurda with help of Asqudum, asks for help in releasing his people who were left behind (26 80). Bunuma-Addu 3 Official; perhaps identical with Bunuma-Addu 2; Zimri-Lim asks Siptu to deal with disposition of his household (26 185-bis). Buqaqum Mayor of Sapiratum in ZL 1 (see Durand as quoted in Charpin, “Sapiratum,” 353 n. 44) and probably throughout Zimri-Lim’s reign; see Lackenbacher, 26/2, 401– 10; writes 474–502; consults with Asqudum, Meptum, and Asmad (26 481); Kalalum informs him about danger to family of Asqudum 2 (26 8); diviner reacts to his skepticism (26 167); Hammu-Rabi of Babylon dispatches troops and boats to him (26 470 and M.9530); Hammu-Rabi of Babylon informs him that he will withdraw his troops from Suhum and position them on the Irnina (28 6); Yasim-El alerts him to Ekallatean moves (26 430); speaks with Atamrum in Yabliya (26 500); arrives with troops in Nusar (26 528). Buqatum Soldier in division of Habi-Dagan; registered in Sa Akka; on list of soldiers on furlough drawn up by Zimri-Addu in Babylon (27 153). Bur-Nunu Agent of Zimri-Lim; receives grain from Kar-Kamis (26 543). Buratum He and 5 other riders of Zimri-Lim pass Buqaqum en route to Mari (26 484). Burhusum He and Iddin-Annu are conducted by Samuyum from Qa††unan to Mari (27 3). Burqan Ekallatean; father of [ ]-Erah (26 430). Dada 1 Diviner; performs extispicies for Mariote troops on march to Babylon (26 98). Dada 2 General; he and General Hammu-Rabi bring troops back from Babylon (26 131). Dada 3 Superior of Estar Bisra; stands in gate of Belet-Ekallim in dream of Addu-Duri (26 237). Dadi-Etar Probably king or royal representative of small kingdom; brings gold and silver to Esnuna (26 304). Dadi-Hadnu Yamina leader of Rabbum clan; perhaps brother of Zimri-Lim’s mother, Addu-Duri; probably residing in Abattum (Durand, “Imar,” 46–48); entrusts travel group to his pasture-chief (26 114). Dadi-Hadun Probably identical with Dadi-Hadnu; his brother and sister are in Esnuna in ZL 11u, the brother being vizier (27 165). Dadiya 1 Father of Hammi-Epuh (26 253). Dadiya 2 Also Dadaya (26 527); son of Damiq-Ilisu; Babylonian envoy; accompanies Yarim-Addu on trip from Babylon to Mari (26 375); comes to Karana (26 527). Dadum He, his brothers, and Subisa are sent from Qa††unan to Zimri-Lim in matters of Balu-Estar (27 62); his son informs Yatarum in Qa††unan on Babylonian movements in area of Hubsalum and Mount Saggar (27 177). Dagan-Abi Soldier in division of Habi-Dagan; registered in Bab Nahlim; on list of soldiers on furlough drawn up by Zimri-Addu in Babylon (27 153). Dagan-malik His servant girl receives divine message (26 214). Dagan-Mustesir Soldier; distinguishes himself in defense of Hiritum (27 142). Dam-Huraßi Wife of Zimri-Lim’s youth (Sasson, “King,” 456, with n. 8); Zimri-Lim dreams that she is abducted (26 225). Damiq-Ilisu 1 Father of Apil-Ilisu 5 (26 369).

534

Index of Individuals

Damiq-Ilisu 2 Father of Dadiya 2 (26 375). Dannu(m)-Tahaz Esnunakean military leader (6 37 and 14 104). Dariya No space in his boat for merchandise going from Kar-Kamis to Mari (26 540); is expected to ship lumber to Mari (26 541); will bring name-declaration gift for ZimriLim from Kar-Kamis (26 545). Dari[ ] Pretender to throne (26 349). Daris-Libur Official; concerned with wardrobe of Zimri-Lim (26 56); sister Zunana asks him for help against encroachments on her household (26 107); Usaris-Hetil writes him about death that might upset Zimri-Lim (26 222); authorizes expenditure in Halab for Seplarpak (M.8806); a shepherd, his slave, fled, and governor of Qa††unan is charged by Zimri-Lim to find him (27 61). Dulqan Inhabitant of Zinnatan; he and Lawiliya, captured by Isme-Dagan in Harbe, escape and provide information on Ekallatean moves against Suhum (26 420). Enlil-Ipus Appointed majordomo of Hisamta by Zimri-Lim; removed by Bannum (26 5); appointed majordomo of Dur-Yahdun-Lim by Zimri-Lim against Bannum’s wish (26 6); suggests to Asqudum to move idle plow oxen in Dur-Yahdun-Lim to Terqa or Hisamta (26 76). Eressum-Matum Silversmith (Durand, “Trois études,” 130 n. 15 and LAPO 16 93a); silver-plates the face of Goddess Nin-Biri (26 134); 50 dikes of land are assigned to him (26 135); his foot is treated by physician (26 296). Erib-Sin 1 Diviner; reports on extispicies and progress of Mariote troops en route to Babylon (26 95–100-bis); Hammu-Rabi of Babylon recalls once having ordered extispicies from him (27 161). Erib-Sin 2 Asked by his cultivator to send sesame for seeding (26 94). Erra-Habit Official responsible for Harbe 3 (27 100). Erra-Nada Vizier of Hammu-Rabi of Babylon; he and Sin-Iddinam deal with Elamite messengers (26 370). Etel-Pi-Samas Messenger; The Vizier wants information about Esnuna from him (26 255); is sent by Atamrum to Hammu-Rabi of Kurda with peace proposal (26 410); IbalPi-El meets him north of Babylon as he comes down from Mari (2 24). Eteya Senior singer of Askur-Addu; escorts Atamrum to location of treaty with AskurAddu (26 404). Gasera Wife of Yarim-Lim; gifts for her upon marrriage of her daughter to Zimri-Lim are listed in 26 11. Girinisa Corresponds with Yasmah-Addu about particular breed of dogs (26 271). Guladu Sutean; flees and stays with Buqaqum (26 483). Gumul-Sin Soldier, missing and searched for (26 286). Gurgurrum King or military commander of Kakmum; defeats Ardigandi (26 489). Habderah Informs on Quteans to Lu-Nanna (26 489). Habdiya Majordomo of Bannum; he, Aksak-Magir, Yahßib-El, land registrar Yatarum, and royal courier Ißi-Ahu inventory households of Bannum and Zakura-Abu (FM 2 49). Habdu-Istar 1 of 3 men from Bab Nahlim who were captured by Elamites, served under Atamrum, fled, and provided information on siege of Razama (6 37). Habdu-Malik Vizier; Íidqum-Lanasi asks him for favor (A.297); Istar of Nineveh gives instructions for collaboration between him and Zimri-Lim against enemy (26 192); re-

Index of Individuals

535

ports about his mission to establish peace between Andarig and Kurda (26 387–98); sent to Lu-Nanna in Ekallatum (26 489); Zimri-Addu requests field from him in district of Mari (27 108 and 109); mentioned in 26 414. Habduma-Dagan Governor of Saggaratum under Yasmah-Addu and Zimri-Lim; died in ZL 1u; see Birot, “Lettre,” 134 n. 11; Lion, “Gouverneurs,” 174–76; in need of scouts (26 87); [PN] reports to him and Sumhu-Rabi on matters in Tuttul (26 153); fails to send boatman needed in Qa††unan (27 14). Habi-Dagan Division commander under Zimri-Addu; soldiers of his division on furlough listed (27 153); mentioned in 27 155. Hadanum Spelled Adanum in 26 91; brewer for Laªum 3; flees (26 91); is captured and sent to Yasmah-Addu (26 90). Hadidum Captured by troops of Buqaqum together with Mesarum and 30 Suteans (26 482). Hadni-Iluma 1 Division commander; Bahdi-Lim recommends him to conduct 800 Hana troops to join army (6 38). Hadni-Iluma 2 Administrator, possibly governor, in Qa††unan (Durand, “Administrateurs,” 103); writes FM 2 62–66. Hadnu-El Ecstatic who appears in dream (26 227). Hadnu-Rabi King of Qa††ara; he, Hammu-Rabi of Kurda, Sarrum-Kima-Kalima, and Yanuh-Samar stand before Atamrum (A.2730); Hammu-Rabi of Babylon wants ZimriLim to go up to Qa††unan and motivate Atamrum, Hammu-Rabi of Kurda, and HadnuRabi to join anti-Elamite coalition (A.4515); Karaneans, having acknowledged AskurAddu as their king, pledge not to write to him (M.7529); Askur-Addu condemns palace personnel who collaborated with him (26 401). Hali-El Soldier from Iddin-Sin in division of Yarim-Hammu, stationed in Qa††unan (FM 2 67). Hali-Hadun 1 Hana leader; active and dedicated servant of Zimri-Lim; coauthors letters with Asqudum (26 31, 32, 48); arranges levy of Hana troops (26 27 and 31). Hali/u-Hadun 2 Diviner; Bannum wants him and Asqudum removed from their positions (26 5); in service of Sumu-Dabi (26 169; but see Durand, 26/1, 236–38); he and IlsuNaßir accompany Mariote troops on Babylonian expedition; they coauthor 26 101 about problems with Ibal-Pi-El; performs extispicies with Inib-Samas and diviners of Hammu-Rabi of Babylon (26 102–4); performs extispicies with Zikri-Hanat (26 154); performs extispicies for troops and camp (26 117). Hali-Hadun 3 High-ranking member of Mari Hana guard; coauthors letters 26 105 and 106 with Kaªalan. Halu-Rabi Servant of Meptum; see Durand, “Espionnage,” 51 n. 64; his letters edited by Charpin (MARI 8, 357–60); writes Meptum information received from 2 men who fled from Babylonian army (A.19). Halum-Pi-Ummu Brother of Belsunu 2 and Hazzuwuh; provides information about amount of silver (26 258). Hamatil He and Liter-Sarussu appointed as administrators of stores in Ekallatum (26 300).

536

Index of Individuals

Hamman(um) 1 Mayor of Dir; writes 26 146 and 147; asks Asmad for Hana troops to defend Dir (26 24); Ibal-Addu of Aslakka and he bring Sadum-Labua to Ibal-El in Siharata (FM 2 63); pleads for field to be given to diviner Samas-Inaya (26 146). Hamman 2 Official in Yabliya during the reigns of Yasmah-Addu and Zimri-Lim; refuses to give out Yabliya’s grain (26 154-bis); his assistant responsible for scouts of district (26 156); reports on Esnunakean occupation of Rapiqum (26 260); Hammu-Rabi of Babylon wants him to dispatch troops (2 21). Hammi-Epuh Victim of sorcery (26 253). Hammi-Esim Diviner; reports from Mislan to Sumu-Dabi (26 168). Hammi-Esuh Inhabitant of Zakum; his sheep rustled (26 422). Hammi-Sagis 1 He and Yasim-Sumu assign work quotas for threshing on crown land in Qa††unan (27 39); plays role in offer of royal grain to population of district of Qa††unan (27 76). Hammi-Sagis 2 Informs Zimri-Lim about contacts between Elam and Qa†anum (A.266). Hammu-Kuna His brother undergoes ordeal (26 250). Hammu-Naqimu Involved in shady dealings of sheepfold (27 63). Hammu-Rabi 1 Son of Sin-Muballi†; king of Babylon; writes 6 51 and 54 to Bahdi-Lim, 6 52 and 28 6 to Buqaqum; heeds Zimri-Lim’s call for good relations (26 450); writes Zimri-Lim about ceding Id (26 40); suggests sharing Id (26 449); expresses satisfaction about being allied with Zimri-Lim and Yarim-Lim and objects to ceding Id and Yumahammu (26 468); commits himself to Zimri-Lim without final decision on Id (26 469); receives letter from The Vizier and forwards it to Rim-Sin (26 362); text of his oath to Zimri-Lim not to contract a separate peace with Elam (M.6435+); calls total mobilization against Elam (26 363); receives Mutiabalean troops in Babylon (26 366); requests that Rim-Sin extradite Mutiabalean deserters (26 368); deals with revolt of Mutiabal (26 365); receives Mariote troops lead by Sakirum (26 369); feeds Hana troops newly arrived in Babylon (A.486+); releases Esnunakeans from prison (26 370); diviner EribSin makes oracular inquiry to find out whether he will harm Mariote troops sent to Babylon (26 100-bis); his and Mari’s diviners present result of their extispicies to him (26 102); assures Zimri-Lim of Esnunakean support and of his intention to meet RimSin of Larsa (2 33); informs servants of Ibal-Pi-El about plans regarding Elamite messengers (26 361); sponsors Isme-Dagan’s moves against Atamrum (2 49); author of A.3669+ recalls that he credited Zimri-Lim for defeat of Elamites in Hiritum; goes to view Hiritum after defeat of Elamites (A.3669+); tries to form peace treaty with ÍilliSin of Esnuna and arranges transfer of Esnunakean troops from Andarig (26 372); restores relations with Elam; supports Malgum, is rebuffed by Esnuna (26 373); gives orders to seize Maskan-Sapir (26 385); seized Maskan-Sapir and besieges Larsa (26 383); prepares himself for war with Larsa (26 379, 381); receives Atamrum and Menirum in camp outside Larsa (27 164); promises troops to Mari once Larsa has fallen (26 471); stays in Larsa after its conquest (27 157); Zimri-Addu expects Hammu-Rabi to request troops from him (27 158); hands out presents to Mariote rank and file after successful operation against Suteans (27 161); blames Yahdun-Lim of Kar-Kamis for having blood of his brother on his hands (27 162); hesitates to send troops to Mari (2 24); informs Zimri-Addu and Menirum about matters in Esnuna (27 165); decides to send troops to Mari as Esnunakeans march toward Ekallatum (2 25); his peace with Íilli-Sin reported

Index of Individuals

537

by informer from Assur (28 171); Zimri-Lim asks Siptu for divine messages concerning his fate and intentions (26 185-bis); has close relations with Kurda (A.3577). Hammu-Rabi 2 King of Kurda after Bunu-Estar; is expected to depart from Kurda for visit in Mari (27 74); arrives in Qa††unan (27 76); asks Isme-Dagan to intercede for him with Hammu-Rabi of Babylon (27 71); clashes with Qarni-Lim (26 40); Pasture-chief Ibal-Pi-El keeps in contact with him about Hana encampments in his area (26 180); Samas of Sippir warns Zimri-Lim about his lies (26 194); The Vizier congratulates him on being accepted as son by Atamrum and warns him against exchanging messages with Mari and Babylon (A.6); he, Hadnu-Rabi, Sarrum-Kima-Kalima, and YanuhSamar stay with Atamrum (A.2730); Hammu-Rabi of Babylon expects him to request troops from Zimri-Lim (2 21); leans toward Mari as Kunnam’s power wanes (26 306); facilitates communication between Sarrum-Kima-Kalima and Mari (14 76); is solicited by Atamrum to intercede for him with Zimri-Lim (14 101); takes hostile action against Surnat (26 317); Azuhinite and man from Burallum declare themselves his followers (14 108); he and Atamrum mobilize troops in Kurda and Allahad (26 320); HayaSumu wants Zimri-Lim to prevent him from encroaching on territory of Ilan-Íura (28 81); considers peace with Atamrum (26 410); Hammu-Rabi of Babylon wants ZimriLim to go up to Qa††unan and motivate him, Atamrum, and Hadnu-Rabi to join antiElamite coalition (A.4515); Habdu-Malik chides him for his enmity toward Atamrum and for having brought Esnunakean troops into Razama (26 391); Habdu-Malik brings gods of Atamrum to him (26 389, 390); gives Habdu-Malik ultimatum, sinking peace mission (26 392); Atamrum and Askur-Addu include clause in their treaty against separate peace with him (26 404); meets Isme-Dagan in Raßum (26 511); retreats as Isme-Dagan leaves Raßum (26 417); he and Isme-Dagan surround Surra (26 418); ÍilliSin sends message to him and Isme-Dagan to hold Subartum (6 27); he builds up Asihum and attacks Surnat (26 422); enters Adallaya (26 421); land of Hadnum changes sides to him (2 50); refuses to help Askur-Addu because of latter’s alliance with Yamutbal (26 522); did not urge Askur-Addu to make peace with Isme-Dagan, as claimed by Askur-Addu (26 490); makes treaty with Sasiya (26 526); assembles his land in Kasapa and proposes to form alliance with Hammu-Rabi of Babylon against Mari and Andarig (A.3577); collaborates with Babylonians and makes peace with Himdiya (27 177). Hammu-Rabi 3 King of Halab after Yarim-Lim; sends troops to Mari for campaign against Babylon (28 12); is happy that Zimri-Lim sent Yamhadean troops to Babylon and made him partner in coalition (2 71); seizes Elamite messengers coming back from Qa†anum (A.266). Hammu-Rabi 4 General; he and Dada bring troops back from Babylon (26 131). Hammu-Rabi 5 Messenger; Zakira-Hammu gives him kawarhu for Zimri-Lim (27 51). Hammu-Samar Pledges to arrange transport of drum from Tuttul to Imar but reneges on it and creates problems (26 18). Hammu-Sar Azuhinite; he and man from Burallum pass Saggaratum en route to Mari, declaring themselves followers of Hammu-Rabi of Kurda (14 108). Hammu-Takim Babylonian messenger; members of his staff arrive in Saggaratum (26 183). Hammutar 1 Attempts to make himself king of Ekallatum (26 370).

538

Index of Individuals

Hammutar 2 Mayor of ˇabatum; paid annual fee of 2/3 pound of silver to Zakira-Hammu and Zimri-Hammu until replaced by Yashadum (27 107). Haqba-Ahum Also Aqba-Ahum; representative of Mari in Kurda; royal auditor; writes governor of Qa††unan about impending visit by Hammu-Rabi of Kurda to Mari (27 74); Zakira-Hammu requests that he and Sammetar 2 exonerate Zakira-Hammu’s conduct as governor (27 25); he and Laªum look into report that prostitutes entered palace of Qa††unan (27 60); looks into allegation that Yamßum accepted slaves from Yasim-El (26 302); Yamßum writes him for news (26 308); assigns provisions for palace employees in Qa††unan (27 45); he and Kabsum come from Asnakkum to Qa††unan with news on Sadum-Labua (FM 2 64); passes Saggaratum en route to Mari (14 98). Haqba-Hammu Also Aqba-Hammu; close adviser to and eventual successor of AskurAddu; writes 2 50 to Zimri-Lim; leader of elders of Numha (26 404); Karaneans swear that they will inform Askur-Addu about treasonous acts by him and principal servants of Askur-Addu (M.7259); is out besieging city (26 411); Kukkutanum accuses him of wanting to change sides to Isme-Dagan (26 412); kills Kukkutanum (26 413); stays in Karana while Askur-Addu goes to Mari (27 154); Atamrum negotiates with him about territorial issues at conclusion of treaty with Askur-Addu (26 404); goes to Andarig in regard to matters concerning Kukkutanum and release of his brother (26 511); he and Himdiya approach Andarig while Hammu-Rabi of Kurda and Isme-Dagan withdraw from Raßum (26 417); he and Himdiya are in hard battle with Tilla (26 419); informs Yasim-El that Mut-Askur’s request for troops was refused in Esnuna (26 428); comes back from frontline against Ekallatum and is approached by shepherds complaining that his sheep are using their pasture and water (26 524); seizes cities in Hadnum and defeats rescue contingent from Mardaman (26 512); informs Buqaqum of his departure for Karana (26 491); comes to Andarig a few days after his brother Yatar-Salim (26 438); is set to go to Mari (26 516); obtains information from messenger of Kahat (26 492). Haqbu-Dadi Ekallatean messenger; caught hiding in Suhum (6 27). Hardum Yamina leader; enters Ahuna in company of Yagih-Addu and Samsi-Addu at time of treaty between Yamina and kings of Zalmaqum (26 24). Hasidanum Involved in case of courtyard-sweeper Atamrum (26 444). Hasinum See Asinum. Hasqudum 1 Probably not Asqudum but vassal of Zimri-Lim; wants troops from ZimriLim (26 34). Hasqudum 2 Abi-Mekim supplies him with harvesters (26 462). Hassum To replace sick Yasim-El on unspecified mission (26 403). Hastuttu Elamite; Atamrum reacts emotionally to his death (26 397). Haya-Abu(m) King of land of Apum; Yanuh-Samar reports that he is well (26 357–58); Luhaya changes sides from Kurda to him (26 353); Kunnam wants to be “son” of ZimriLim like Haya-Abum (14 102); rumored to have been condemned (26 354); killed by La-Awil-Addu (26 319). Haya-Addu Servant of Yanßib-Addu 2; is on guard duty in Qa††unan (26 448). Haya-El Yamutbal; herdboy Ibassir and Hana Sa-Pi-El stole sheep from him (27 69). Hayama-El Father of Yawi-Addu 2 (14 103).

Index of Individuals

539

Haya-Sum(u) King of Ilan-Íura; Mari’s principal ally in Idamaraß; married two daughters of Zimri-Lim: Simatum and Kiru (26 303); not at ease with his land (26 126); ZakuraAbu, Ibal-Addu, Yamut-Lim, and Tamarzi request Sub-Ram’s help in switching allegiance from Sammetar of Asnakkum to him (26 126); 2,000 troops of his and Sub-Ram are en route to Qa††unan (27 69); Idamaraßean kings assemble before him in Nahur and declare allegiance to him as their lord and father (26 347); has no troops to protect Nahur (26 348); plans to restore Huziran to his kingdom (26 347, 349); Zimri-Lim writes him about Huziran (26 350); Huziran is afraid of him (26 351); invites unnamed kings to common action against Sasiya (26 129); postpones trip to Mari because of trouble in Idamaraß (26 352); territorial dispute with Sub-Ram of Susa decided by ordeal (26 249); incites citizens of Tadum to kill their king (26 310); promises to let his wife Kiru return to Mari (26 322); Zimri-Lim writes Kiru about his permission to let her return home (10 135); informs Bahdi-Lim of arrival of Elamite and Esnunakean troops in Idamaraß (6 66); excludes Mariote representative from private council meetings (308); refuses to let Kiru accompany him to Mari (10 34+); consults with his servants about issue of Kiru (26 324); is on good terms with Elamites (26 326); accused by Yamßum of involvement in end of Sub-Ram’s and Sammetar’s rules (26 303); submits to Kunnam (26 305); intends to cut off Ibni-Addu’s head and threatens to kill Kiru (26 315); refuses to release Kiru to Ulluri (14 118); again threatens to kill Kiru (10 32); communicates with Kunnam (26 306); counsels kings of Idamaraß against collaborating with Kunnam (26 306); again excludes Mariotes from private council (26 307); wants Yamßum to leave Ilan-Íura (26 325); offers good services to Subat-Enlil in case it agrees to surrender to Zimri-Lim (26 328); Atamrum urges him to become his ally (26 355); complains to Zimri-Lim about Atamrum’s having seized city of Suhpad (26 409); writes Zimri-Lim about issue of Suhpad 28 81; insulted about demotion(?) by ZimriLim (26 329); removes Kapiya as king of Kahat and installs Attaya (26 317; 27 86). Hazani-El (or Hazanel) Field owner, in conflict with Yamßum (26 324). Hazip-Adal Inhabitant of Burallum; he and Hammu-Sar from Azuhinum pass Saggaratum en route to Mari, declaring themselves followers of Hammu-Rabi of Kurda (14 108). Hazip-Tessup Member of delegation from Karana arriving in Mari with message of Askur-Addu’s coming (6 62). Hazip-Ulme King of Asihum; accompanies Sarraya on visit with Zimri-Lim (27 72-bis). Hazzuwuh Brother of Belsunu 2 (26 258). Hibrum-Malik Brother and general of king of Suda; leads 800 troops to Mari (27 80). Himdiya Imdiya in letters of Babylonians; military leader of Atamrum and his successor; he and Haqba-Hammu approach Andarig while Hammu-Rabi of Kurda and Isme-Dagan withdraw from Raßum (26 417); he and Haqba-Hammu are in hard battle against Tilla (26 419); Belsunu brings him message from Zimri-Lim (26 423); comes with his troops and Babylonian troops to rescue of Karana (26 427 and 428); went to Subat-Enlil in response to moves of Hammu-Rabi of Kurda (26 429–31); takes over Amaz (26 433; 10 84); defends himself against accusation of taking prisoners in Amaz (26 436); writes Zimri-Lim from camp in Rakna (28 171); allows revenge killing (26 434); refuses invitation to Mari (26 435); installed as king in Andarig (26 440); Askur-Addu asks Buqaqum to summon him (26 490); Hammu-Rabi of Kurda expects Zimri-Lim to support him (A.3577); makes peace with Hammu-Rabi of Kurda (27 177).

540

Index of Individuals

Hißriya Former king of Amaz; reinstalled by Himdiya (26 433). Hittipanum For name and person, see Durand, “Unité,” 114 n. 145; and LAPO 17 734a; for references, see Eidem, NABU 1996 7; servant of Atamrum; sent by Atamrum to Askur-Addu to arrange meeting (26 404); mentioned 26 370. Hubatum Female ecstatic; Annunitum’s superior relays her message to Zimri-Lim (26 200). Hulalum 1 Babylonian; writes A.1333 to Yasmah-Addu (Van Koppen, “L’expédition à Tilmun et la révolte des bédouins,” MARI 8 [1997], 422–23); is expected to come to Yasmah-Addu (26 174); writes 26 75 to Asqudum about not being able to deliver tin. Hulalum 2 Escorted by Babylonian troops to Allahad to assume kingship (26 440, 440-bis; 2 122). Hursan Reading of name according to LAPO 16 395; junior servant of Ibal-El (14 98). Huziran(um), Huziri (26 350), Huzirum (26 357) Attempts to remove Kapidum, who is occupying his city, Hazzikkannum, on behalf of Akin-Amar of Kahat (26 357); HayaSumu intends to return him to throne of his father (in Hazzikkannum?) (26 347); enters Hazzikkannum (26 350); refuses to go to Ilan-Íura (26 351). Huzzu Acquires chariot and wheels in exchange for bull (26 459). Ibal-Addu 1 King of Aslakka; he, Tamarzi, Yamut-Lim, and Zakura-Abu request SubRam’s help in switching allegiance from Sammetar of Asnakkum to Haya-Sumu (26 126); Isme-Addu tells him that his anti-Elamite stance is doomed (A.3206); requests troops from Zimri-Lim against Elamites (28 57); writes about his success in preventing Idamaraß from siding with Elam (28 55 and 56); sends guard troops to Asnakkum during Sadum-Labua’s absence (2 33); he and Hamman bring Sadum-Labua to Ibal-El in Siharata (FM 2 63); joins Haya-Sumu against Askur-Addu (28 81). Ibal-Addu 2 Kurdean messenger; caught hiding in Suhum (6 27). Ibal-El Hana; pasture-chief; writes Zimri-Lim 2 33; A.2730; Asqudum sends him to HaliHadun in matters of levying Hana troops (26 27); expected in Qa††unan (27 93); elders of Gassum seize 4 Yamutbal and bring them to him (27 32); Ibal-Addu of Aslakka and Hamman bring Sadum-Labua to him to Siharata (FM 2 63). Ibal-Erah 1 of 11 elders of district of Qa††unan who witness opening of tablet from king of Kurda (27 67). Ibal-Pi-El 1 Pasture-chief and military commander, including commander in chief of campaign against Babylon; writes 26 103–4, 108, 180, 250, 273, 489 (with Buqaqum); 2 21–26, 30, 49; A.257, A.486+, M.18738; house in Qa††unan, claimed by Ilsu-Naßir, is said to belong to him (27 2); responsible for sheep stolen from Yamutbal (27 70); is expected to send his assistants in dispute over control of pastureland in territory of Andarig (27 48); reports on extispicies about safety of 4 encampments (26 180); arrives in Qa††unan with Hana mayors (27 94); warns governor of Qa††unan about hostile Yamina (27 113); Hana complain that he does not communicate words of Zimri-Lim and never gives them good news (26 45); writes Sammetar of Asnakkum about releasing 2 kidnapped citizens of Mari (27 118); Zimri-Lim sends courier to him, believing he is in Kurda, while he is actually in ˇabatum (FM 2 55 and 56); heads toward Razama with Hana troops (27 132); brought siege ladders into Rapiqum (26 503); orders Kibsi-Addu to stay with Qarni-Lim in Hubsalum while Esnunakeans operate near Nagibum (26 508); Zakira-Hammu reports that he moved from Hamadanum to Harbe in Yamutbal in reaction to Esnunakean moves (27 64); Awnanean Nahimum keeps contact with

Index of Individuals

541

him and Yanßiban (26 39); leaves Mari for expedition against Yamina (26 172); first letter to Zimri-Lim from Babylon (2 21); receives gifts in Babylon (25 815); ZimriAddu accuses him of obstructing his duties (27 151); his mail to Mari is so heavy, it prevents Zimri-Addu from sending his tablets along (27 137); leads unsuccessful campaign from camp opposite Sa Baßim (27 141); returns empty-handed from that campaign (A.3669+); diviners with Mariote troops in Babylon complain about being mistreated by him (26 101); quotes Babylonians wondering about Mariote health care (26 273); treats Nur-Sin uncivilly (26 126); treats division commanders of campaign against Babylon badly (26 380); reports on ordeal in Id (26 250); expected to be dispatched to Mari by Hammu-Rabi of Babylon (26 488); announces to Buqaqum his return from Babylon (26 486); returns without Babylonian troops (26 487). Ibal-Pi-El 2 Second king of Esnuna by this name; called “The Prince” and “the Esnunakean”; Samsi-Adad took Rapiqum from him (26 449); Zimri-Lim expected to sign peace with him (A.2133); harmed by insulting behavior of Mariote troops (26 37); shock-head of Dagan warns that his offer of peace is deceitful (26 197); God Dagan fears that Goddess Diritum trusts him (26 199); Zimri-Lim expelled him from gate of Andarig (26 303). Ibal-Pi-El 3 Diviner under Yasmah-Addu (Durand, 26/1 239–40); Yasmah-Addu wants him to take place of Naram-Sin (26 138-bis). Ibal-Pi-El 4 Mariote messenger; returns with Zalmaqean messengers to Mari (14 76). Ibalum He and 5 other riders of Zimri-Lim pass Buqaqum en route to Mari (26 484). Ibassir Herdboy; he and Hana Sa-Pi-El stole sheep from Yamutbal Haya-El (27 69); denies any wrongdoing and blames Sa-Pi-El (27 70). Ibbi-Amurru Diviner (Durand, 26/1 240); asks his father for professional advice (26 109); performs extispicies with Ishi-Addu for Warad-Ilisu’s trip (26 122). Ibni-Addu 1 Also Yabni-Addu (26 319); installed as king of Tadum by Zimri-Lim; removed by his subjects; attempts to regain his throne with help of Kunnam (26 310); benefits from Kunnam’s help while staying loyal to Zimri-Lim and is confident of the latter’s protection (26 311); captured by Haya-Sumu (26 312); Haya-Sumu refuses to extradite him to Mari (26 315, 319). Ibni-Addu 2 Soldier in division of Nab-Samas; registered in Dur-Yahdun-Lim; on list of soldiers on furlough drawn up by Zimri-Addu in Babylon (27 153). Iddin-Annu Contacted by Asqudum about wooden boards and lyre (26 73); he and Burhusum are conducted by Samuyum from Qa††unan to Mari (27 3). Iddin-Dagan 1 Father of Nabi-Sin; Iddin-Kubi owes him debt (26 530). Iddin-Dagan 2 He and Laªum 2 are sent from Qa††unan to Mari to report (27 60). Iddin-Dagan 3 Soldier in division of Habi-Dagan; registered in Sa Akka; on list of soldiers on furlough drawn up by Zimri-Addu in Babylon (27 153). Iddin-Halab He and 5 other riders of Zimri-Lim pass Buqaqum en route to Mari (26 484). Iddin-Ilaba Sent to gather up boats in Samanum to bring in grain harvest to Mari (26 58). Iddin-Ili 1 Physician in Mari (26 296). Iddin-Ili 2 Superior of Itur-Mer; his dream reported by Addu-Duri (26 238). Iddin-Iltum His wife undergoes ordeal for him (26 254). Iddin-Kubi 1 Ecstatic; appears in dream (26 227). Iddin-Kubi 2 Handcuffed and conducted from Andarig to Mari (26 408).

542

Index of Individuals

Iddin-Kubi 3 Uncle of Tußatan; owes debt to Nabi-Sin’s father (26 530). Iddin-Martu Military officer; guides 30 troops from Andarig to Azuhinum (26 437); perhaps identical with the division commander who was stationed in Ilan-Íura (28 80). Iddin-Nabium 1 of 4 Babylonian messengers going to Mari and Andarig (26 486). Iddin-Sin Father of female singer (27 7). Iddiya Owner of breeder bitch (26 245). Iddiyatum 1 Representative of Mari in Karana; Lafont, 26/2, 461–65; writes 510–29; Zimri-Addu complains of not receiving more provisions than he and Sakirum received (27 152); his troops guard city gate of Karana (26 411); participates in discussion with Esnunakean messenger, Askur-Addu, and Haqba-Hammu (26 511); informs Yasim-El about Ekallatean attack against Asan of Numha (26 415); alerts Yasim-El about IsmeDagan’s moves against Kiyatan (26 424) and about Turukkean raid on Ekallatean territory (26 425); dispatches 100 Mariote troops to Yasim-El (26 527); defends himself to Zimri-Lim against Yasim-El (26 520); detaches 10 of his men and division commander to conduct 3 secret agents to Zimri-Lim (2 46); he, Belsunu, probably Yasim-El, and mayors are present as messengers of Isme-Dagan bring message of peace to Askur-Addu (A.285); Zimri-Lim writes to him about death of Atamrum (13 97). Iddiyatum 2 Reports dream of Nanna-Lutil (26 228). Igmilum Brother of Qisti-Annu (26 510). Iksud-Appasu Governor of Subat-Samas under Yasmah-Addu (Charpin and Durand, “Fils,” 182); lacks scouts (26 87); reports on boat repair and epidemic in Zurubban and Zapad (26 261). Iksud-Ayyabisu Courtier; abducted when serving as apprentice barber (26 453). Ilan-Seme(a) Hammu-Rabi of Babylon orders him and Nidnat-Sin from Suhum to Irnina (28 6); leads second incursion into Esnunakean territory (27 141). Ili-Addu Imarite leading Imarite traders from Tuttul to Kurda (27 65). Ili-Atpalam 1 Hands servant of Yahatti-El over to Aksak-Magir and Yassi-Dagan (FM 2 48). Ili-Atpalam 2 Soldier in division of Ubariya; registered in Mari; on list of soldiers on furlough drawn up by Zimri-Addu in Babylon (27 153). Ili-Haznaya Pederast (assinnum); attached to cult of Annunitum (Durand, 26/1, 399); relays divine message to Siptu (26 212). Ili-Iddinam He and Eluhtean messenger are attacked en route to Qa††unan (27 21). Ili-Imitti Corresponds with Yasmah-Addu about dogs (26 272); detains servants of UßurAwassu (26 295). Ili-Ite Servant of Isme-Dagan; mentioned in 26 384. Ili-Lim Envoy and personal representative of Yarim-Lim (26 21). Ili-Ram Nusarean; guide of group of Karanean soldiers who capture donkeys and persons near Ekallatum (26 523). Ili-Ußranni Mentioned in connection with chariot work (26 285); in unclear context (26 297). Ilsu-Ibbisu Musician; blinded choir boys entrusted to him (26 297). Ilsu-Naßir 1 Governor of Qa††unan; writes 27 1–24 and probably FM 2 71; does not employ Nur-Addu despite royal appointment of latter (26 141); moved to Mari (27 25);

Index of Individuals

543

Zimri-Lim requests 50 escort troops from him (FM 3 130); stays some time in Qa††unan after being replaced as governor by Zakira-Hammu (27 108). Ilsu-Naßir 2 Diviner (Durand, 26/1, 242); complains with Hali-Hadun about Ibal-Pi-El (26 101); his and Inib-Samas’s report retrieved by Mukannisum (26 111); serves in Andarig with Yasim-El (26 442); accompanies 300 Mariote troops stationed in Sa Baßim (2 22). Ilsu-Naßir 3 Military commander, ranking below Yantin-Erah, receives gifts in Babylon (23 435); ranking below Ibal-Pi-El, receives gifts in Babylon (25 815). Ilulla Messenger of Kar-Kamis in Mari (Lafont, “Nouvelles lettres de Íidqum-Lanasi,” MARI 8 [1997], 782); Íidqum-Lanasi asks Habdu-Malik to listen to him (A.297). Ilum-Asum Informed by Sammetar that Laªum’s brewer fled (26 91). Ilum-Gamil Son of groom Zikri-Addu; contributed bull to offering (26 458). Ilum-Madar Read Ili-Ma†ar “My-God-is-Rain” by Charpin and Durand, “Fils,” 161; Birot notes spelling Ì-lí- . . . and transcribes Ili-Matar (27 33a); Ili-Madar “My-god-is-aNoble” is also possible; for his career, see Durand, “Administrateurs,” 111; writes FM 2 69; his troops serve as harvest workers in Qa††unan (27 33, 37, 100, 102); Sammetar informs Zimri-Lim that he will discharge troops after harvest (FM 2 70). Iluma-Ahum Coauthors 26 171 and 172 with Yamina diviners. Iluma-Mannum Esnunakean envoy; sent to Ekallatum to retrieve Esnunakean troops (26 523). Imgur-Samas Esnunakean messenger; found hiding in Suhum (6 27). Inbatum Daughter of Zimri-Lim and wife of Atamrum; writes Zimri-Lim 10 84 about issue of Amaz; after Atamrum’s death, Buqaqum assures her that he will take her back to Mari (26 502). Inib-Samas Diviner (Durand, 26/1, 242–43); performs extispicies with Hali-Hadun and diviners of Hammu-Rabi of Babylon (26 102–104); performs extispicies with ZikriHanat about entry of Babylonian troops in Mari (26 155); performs extispicies by himself (26 110); report of him and Ilsu-Naßir retrieved by Mukannisum (26 111); Zimri-Addu consults with him, Yantin-Erah, and Addu-Naßir in camp outside Hiritum (27 151). Inibsina Sister of Zimri-Lim; “wife” of Addu; informed of divine message of Dagan (26 199); relays this message (26 197); relays message of female respondent (26 204); informs Zimri-Lim of death of Sammetar 2 (26 277). Inis-Kibal Turukkean crossing Tigris to lay siege to Razama (26 404). Inni-Bana Female respondent; voices divine message for Zimri-Lim (26 204). Innunaya Rear guard of governor [of Atamrum] in Allahad or Andarig (26 432). Ipiq-Enlil Well regarded for his skills as groom and physician (26 270). Ipiq-Estar King of Malgum; mentioned in A.3669+; exchanges messengers with Babylon (26 372); receives material support from Babylon (26 373). Isaddi-El Gives house to Ilsu-Naßir for 5 shekels of silver (27 2). Isurum Andarigite messenger returning from Babylon (26 486). Ißharum Ekallatean messenger; detained in Karana; gives Iddiyatum information on Isme-Dagan (26 526). Ißi-Ahu 1 Respondent of Hisamitum; utters divine message for Zimri-Lim (26 195).

544

Index of Individuals

Ißi-Ahu 2 From Zibnatum; courier, bringing royal order to seal house of Bannum and Zakura-Abu to Qa††unan (FM 2 49). Ißi-Halu Kurdaite messenger, passing Saggaratum (14 98). Ißi-Qatar Carries message from Zimri-Addu to Zimri-Lim about enemy leaving Lazabat (27 170). Isar-Lim 1 Servant of Isme-Dagan; relays information on Mari to The Vizier (26 311); he and his colleagues Mutu-Hadqim and Rim-Addu gain trust of Hammu-Rabi of Babylon, which raises concern among Mariotes (26 104); he and servants of Hammu-Rabi of Babylon wonder how campaign of Ibal-Pi-El from Sa Baßim could have failed (27 141); mentioned in 26 369. Isar-Lim 2 Merchant in Larsa; Zimri-Lim requests lapis-lazuli necklace from him (27 161). Ishi-Addu 1 Diviner (Durand, 26/1, 243–46); reports on extispicies for Íuprum (26 118); ordered to Dur-Yahdun-Lim to perform extispicies on impending campaign (26 121); his extispicies for safety of camp and troops forwarded by Sammetar 2 (26 123); dispatches troops to Ahuna (26 120); performs extispicies at camp of besiegers of Ahuna (26 117); performs extispicies for travel group in Imar (26 112); performs extispicies with Ibbi-Amurrum for Warad-Ilisu’s trip to Imar (26 122); reports on extispicy of burnt offering by another diviner (26 113); needed for performing extispicies for person with serious illness (26 125). Ishi-Addu 2 Probably not the diviner (Durand, 26/1, 245–46); writes Zimri-Lim 26 126– 29 about military and political developments in Ilan-Íura; Zimri-Lim orders him to escort King Sadu-Sarrum of Azuhinum to Mari (26 127); confronts with Huzirum coalition of Kahat and Kurda at stand-off at Mariyatum and wins battle of Pardu (26 357). Ishi-Dagan Reports on Mariote troops cooperating with Babylonians and Elamites against Esnuna (26 255); probable coauthor of 26 449, reporting on his audience with Hammu-Rabi of Babylon on question of Id. Ishi-Lim Admits to have been sent by Sammetar of Asnakkum to kidnap 2 Mariote citizens (27 118). Isim-Ea Troops left behind in Id are at his disposal (M.9530); serves as companion of Babylonian messengers and has news about return of Abi-Mekim (6 18). Iskur-Mansum Writes Hammu-Rabi of Babylon about peculiarities of Mariote care for sick (26 273). Ismah-Samas Diviner in Dir on Balih; expected to visit Zimri-Lim (26 247). Isme-Addu Also Isim-Addu, Yasim-Addu; king of Asnakkum after Sammetar; Elamite collaborator; writes A.3206 to Ibal-Addu; Haya-Sumu’s representatives swear oath of allegiance to Kunnam, Addi-Addu, and him (26 303); Haya-Sumu lays blame on him for Ilan-Íura’s relationship with Elam (26 306); releases Mariote envoy after detaining him for 6 months (14 102); Sadum-Labua claims to have killed him (2 33). Isme-Dagan Son of Samsi-Adad; king of Ekallatum during lifetime and after death of his father; tragic figure; his father’s favorite son and very successful at first; survived disintegration of father’s kingdom; worked tirelessly for remnant kingdom of Ekallatum, but events did not favor him, and Ekallatum became second-rate power; often humiliated—for example, when Hammu-Rabi of Babylon forced him to acknowledge publicly superiority of Zimri-Lim (26 384); of poor health; sleepless and irritable (26 519); died one year before disappearance of Zimri-Lim; loathed by his subjects.

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Index of Individuals

545

Writes Yasmah-Addu about reassignment of diviner Naram-Sin and transport of siege towers (26 138-bis); about distribution of fugitives (26 269); vision pits him as loser against Zimri-Lim (26 207); Hammu-Rabi of Kurda asks his good services for request of troops from Babylon (27 71); is sick and has to deal with problems of succession (26 370); expected to return to Ekallatum from Babylon (26 371); Ibal-Pi-El suspects him of exerting influence on Hammu-Rabi of Babylon against Zimri-Lim (26 104); Hammu-Rabi of Babylon dispatches 5,000 troops to him and asks Zimri-Lim to send troops also (A.4515); his moves against Atamrum sponsored by Hammu-Rabi of Babylon (2 49); Hammu-Rabi of Babylon requests his help in transfer of Esnunakean troops from Andarig to Esnuna (26 372); Babylonian troops come to his aid against Sasiya and king of Qabra (26 373); was on good terms with Atamrum and later with Hammu-Rabi of Kurda (26 391); Atamrum extradites Razameans to him (26 413); besieges Adme (26 416); it is recalled that Zimri-Lim brought him, Atamrum, the upper land, and land of Subartum into anti-Elamite coalition (A.3669+); 4,000 Esnunakean troops under way to him (26 378); met Hammu-Rabi of Kurda in Raßum (26 511); Hammu-Rabi of Kurda retreats as Isme-Dagan leaves Raßum (26 417); Turukkum send head of one of his vassals to him (26 511); balks at Hammu-Rabi’s request to address Zimri-Lim as his father (26 384); denies having attacked Nusar (26 515); he and Hammu-Rabi of Kurda surround Surra (26 418); takes shelter in Hamadanum as ZimriLim arrives in Qa††unan (26 419); threatens encampment of Suhum in vicinity of Ekallatum and Assur (26 420); sends message of peace to Askur-Addu and requests grain for feeding allied troops (A.285); Íilli-Sin asks him and Hammu-Rabi of Kurda to hold Subartum (6 27); tries to raise funds to buy grain in Mankisum (26 341); his land refuses to sell children for barley so he sells troops (26 494); his entry in Razama perceived as threat to Karana (26 423); enters Razama with Esnunakean troops (26 513); enters lower city of Kiyatan (26 424); attacked Haßarum according to Zimri-Lim’s information (26 427); seizes Kiyatan (26 521); flees behind walls of Razama (2 50); leaves Razama after prison rebellion and goes to Ekallatum (26 524); defeated by Turukkum, Qabareans, and Yahurrum (26 510); prevents Esnunakeans from leaving Ekallatum and proposes peace to Sasiya (26 491, 525); suffers defeat against Turukkum (26 425); he and Esnunakeans do not budge from Ekallatum while Askur-Addu sounds alarm (26 490); attempts to make treaty with Sasiya and is tricked (26 526); tells Buqaqum and Ibal-Pi-El about defeat of Ardigandi and is too sick to come to Mari (26 489); tries to interfere in succession in Kar-Kamis (26 531); reported to have died (26 493, 495). Istaran-Naßir Perhaps envoy of Mari in Kar-Kamis (see Lafont, NABU 1988 3); possibly author of A.2133; informs Zimri-Lim of Apla-Handa’s death (26 281); knows of NabiSin’s attempts to collect on debt owed his father (26 530); no space in his boat for merchandise going from Kar-Kamis to Mari (26 540); expected to ship lumber to Mari (26 541). Iti-Lim Name written I-TI-Li-im; element I-TI- perhaps archaic writing of Iddin-, or perhaps of Amorite form Yantin-; Durand transcribes Ittin-Lim; Asqudum plans to spirit him away before he has chance to stir up the Hana’s bad feelings about pasture-chief (26 45).

546

Index of Individuals

Itur-Asdu 1 Also written Yatar-Asdu (28 47); governor of Mari and Saggaratum; chief Mariote official in Nahur; succeeds Sumhu-Rabi as governor in Saggaratum before 10 XI 5 (Durand, “ARM III, ARM VI, ARMT XIII, ARMT XXII,” Mélanges Kupper, 152 n. 5); see Birot, “La lettre de Yarîm-Lim No 72–39 + 72–8,” Mélanges Kupper, 134 n. 11; Durand, 26/1, 4 and 574–75; Ziegler, “Esclaves,” 11 n. 1; held post in Nahur from ZL 5u to reign of Sadum-Labua (Kupper, 28, 36 n. 56); writes 26 152, 184, 233; A.3051; sends clods of dirt from three Idamaraßean cities to Mari for use in extispicies (26 184); awaits delivery of pine lumber for use in siege equipment (26 71-bis); relays divine message to Zimri-Lim (26 233); is alerted by Yamßum about Kunnam’s pressuring HayaSumu to give up Nahur (26 306). Itur-Asdu 2 Diviner; see Durand, 26/1, 246; Samsi-Adad gives Yasmah-Addu directions concerning him (26 130). Itur-Malik King of Suduhum; he, Tamarzi of Tarmanni, Sub-Ram of Kirdahat, and Sammetar of Asnakkum go to Zimri-Lim (27 20). KA-dNanna Soldier in division of Nab-Samas; registered in Mari; on list of soldiers on furlough drawn up by Zimri-Addu in Babylon (27 153). Kaªalan Read Kaªla-AN by Birot (27 99a); Kaªla-Ilum by Durand on the basis of identification with Kalalum (26 29b); indexed as Kaªalâlum in FM 3. Kaªalan 1 Probably commander of Hana garrison in Mari (27 99a); also in charge of Hana in Íuprum (Birot, “Textes économiques de Mari (III),” RA 49 [1955], 16); Zimri-Lim questions why guards under his authority left (26 52); guards approaches of river crossings near Mari (26 54); coauthors 26 105 and 106 with Hali-Hadun 3. Kaªalan 2 Agent; from Zurubban (26 545); receives grain from Kar-Kamis (26 543, 545). Kaªalan 3 Messenger; serves as companion to 3 high-ranking Kurdaite messengers (FM 2 55). Kabbutum Recipient of amount of silver (26 258). Kabsum Comes with Haqba-Ahum from Asnakkum to Qa††unan and has news on Sadum-Labua (FM 2 64). Kakiya Inhabitant of Karana; accompanied Kukkutanum to Mari, denounced him, was killed by him (26 412). Kakka-Ruqqum 1 Diviner (Durand, 26/1, 246–47); accompanies troops coming back from Babylon (26 131). Kakka-Ruqqum 2 Father of Babylonian messenger Sin-[ ] (26 372). Kalalum 1 Writes Zimri-Lim about dispatching troops and informing Buqaqum (26 8); he and his Babylonian companion Puzur-Marduk bring troops and message about HammuRabi’s stance in question of Id from Babylon to Mari (26 468 and 470). Kalalum 2 Asqudum uses his white sheep for extispicies (26 29). Kaluma-Sar Probably staff member of Ibal-Pi-El; en route to Mari with news on HammuRabi and Ibal-Pi-El (26 488). Kanisan 1 Son or subject of Kibri-Dagan; perhaps identical with Kanisan 2 (Durand, 26 202 n.); relays message of Kibri-Dagan (26 202); dispatches replacements for Mariote garrison in Ilan-Íura (26 353); Yassi-Dagan sees him about chariot and wheels (26 459). Kanisan 2 Spelled Kanisanum; Samas of Sippar sends him to Zimri-Lim (26 194). Kanni 1 of 6 soldiers from Humsan in division of Yarim-Hammu stationed in Qa††unan (FM 2 67).

Index of Individuals

547

Karanatum Female singer, wanted by Yarim-Lim (26 9). Kapi-Dagan Pretends to be nephew of Zimri-Lim and is kept for ransom in Babylon (27 162). Kapi-Ili Personal guard; inhabitant of Saggaratum; sent by Yasim-El to Kurda to get information on Hammu-Rabi (26 420). Kapidum “Head” of city of Hazzikkannum; visits his lord, Akin-Amar of Kahat, and is prevented from returning by agents of Huziri (26 357). Kapiya For reading and meaning of name, see my note in NABU 1997 2; king of Kahat; Askur-Addu and he attack between Nagar and Sabisa (27 135); dethroned by HayaSumu (26 317 and 27 86). Kibir-Estar Official in Dur Yahdun-Lim; gives Asqudum snappy answer about troops that failed to assemble (26 26); brings skins requested by Zimri-Lim (27 51). Kibri-Dagan Governor of Terqa; writes 3 17, 19, 20; 26 178, 179, 210, 220–21-bis, 234, 235; consults with Bahdi-Lim, Yasim-Sumu, and Yaqqim-Addu about role of Zimri-Lim in campaign (26 119); reports on extispicies about living quarters of incoming priestess of Dagan (26 178 and 179); relays divine messages to Zimri-Lim (26 210, 220–21-bis); reports dream (26 234); responsible for collecting ice during cold spell (26 400). Kibsi-Addu See Lackenbacher, 26/2, 441–43; coauthors 26 475, 476, 507 with Buqaqum, and 503 with elders of Urban and Dunnaites; writes 504–6 and 508; he and ZimriAddu write Buqaqum from Sippir (26 497); he, Menirum, and Zimri-Addu inform Buqaqum about progress of Atamrum’s return (26 498); Buqaqum meets him, Menirum, and Zimri-Addu in Yabliya (26 500); Zimri-Addu appoints him to lead strike force against raiding Suteans in Babylon (27 161). Kilªa-Maraß Yamina leader; flees with Atamrel to Tuttul as other Yamina leaders enter Ahuna (26 24). Kiliya Sent by Asqudum to Íidqum-Lanasi (26 549). Kirib-Seris Arrested by Hammu-Rabi of Kurda and brought to Kasapa (26 420). Kiru(m) “Garden”; daughter of Zimri-Lim and wife of Haya-Sumu; writes 10 32–34 to Zimri-Lim; delivers boy (26 352); allowed to leave for Mari (26 322); Zimri-Lim writes Siptu about Haya-Sumu’s permission to let Kiru return home (10 135); threatens suicide (26 304); does not accompany Ulluri, against expectations, when he arrives in Saggaratum (14 118); refuses to accompany her husband (26 315). Kittum-Simhia Female servant of Zunana abducted by Sammetar 2 (26 232). Kukkutanum General of Askur-Addu; plans to disobey order of Askur-Addu (26 401); stages revolt in Qa††ara (26 412); Atamrum ª º him (26 511); flees to Atamrum; is extradited and killed (26 413). Kundulatum Female pastry cook in Terqa, living next to residence of priestess of Dagan (26 179). Kunnam, or Kunnama(n) For name, see LAPO 16 362d; commander of Elamite expedition to Subat-Enlil; called Kunnam of Elam (14 101); reputed never to tell lies (26 311); enters Subat-Enlil with numerous troops (26 323); helps Ibni-Addu to regain kingship of Tadum (26 310); gets drunk and tells Ibni-Addu about plans of The Vizier (26 310) and about a leak of Mariote secrets (26 311); accepts Haya-Sumu’s submission (26 305); urges Ibal-Addu to visit him (28 57); pressures Haya-Sumu to give him Nahur (26 306); Yamßum is barred from news about him and Atamrum (26 307); sends

548

Index of Individuals

messenger to Zimri-Lim to say that he regards himself as son of Zimri-Lim (14 102); Atamrum pledges to deceive or kill him (14 101); leaves Subat-Enlil (26 325). Kuruban 1 of 11 elders of district of Qa††unan who witness opening of tablet from king of Kurda (27 67). Kusiya Kurdaite messenger; brings request from Hammu-Rabi of Kurda for Babylonian troops (26 451). Kutkutu Mentioned in letter by Íidqum-Lanasi together with Yantin-Erah (26 539). Kuzzari Kurdaite messenger who used to be in Zimri-Lim’s service; is sent to Elam and reports that Hammu-Rabi of Kurda wants alliance with Hammu-Rabi of Babylon (27 71). La-Awil-Addu General of Atamrum; goes to Esnuna to request troops and is refused (6 51 and 52); leaves (Andarig?) with 5,000 troops (26 355); extorts submission of HayaSumu (26 328); establishes camp outside Subat-Enlil (26 320); enters Subat-Enlil (26 316); leaves Subat-Enlil with Esnunakean troops (26 354); kills Haya-Abum and marches uplands (26 319); Saknum sends him ribs of bovine (26 331). La-Bas-Qani 1 of 7 soldiers from Appan in division of Yarim-Hammu, stationed in Qa††unan (FM 2 67). La-Dinu Father of Zimri-Addu (27 140). Laªum 1 Father of Sammetar 2 (Durand, “Administrateurs,” 95–96); writes Yasmah-Addu about behavior of Asqudum (26 4); about diviner (26 173); about epidemic downstream from Tuttul (26 259); about end of epidemic and events in Suhum (26 260); tells diviner Naram-Sin to proceed to Terqa if extispicies for Qa†anean messengers turn out unsound (26 137). Laªum 2 Governor of Qa††unan (Durand, “Administrateurs,” 96); writes FM 2 55–61; he and Haqba-Ahum look into report that prostitutes have entered palace of Qa††unan (27 60). Laªum 3 Lieutenant; mentioned in 26 478. Laªum 4 Son of Yaphuran; accompanies 4 Idamaraßean kings from “before the Hana” to Mari (27 20). Laªum 5 Army secretary; seals tablets registering troops (27 151); Zimri-Addu writes him regarding a Hana in dire straits (27 151). Laªum 6 Perhaps identical with Laªum 2; envoy of Zimri-Lim in Babylon; coauthors 26 469 with Abi-Mekim. Lahtanaªxºum 1 of 6 soldiers from Humsan in division of Yarim-Hammu, stationed in Qa††unan (FM 2 67). Lanasum Also spelled Lanasuwa (26 20); Mari representative in Tuttul; writes 26 215, 246; Asqudum entrusts him with goats in Tuttul (26 20). Larim-Abum Servant of Ußur-Awassu; sent on errand to Yasmah-Addu (26 285). Larim-Kubi 1 of 3 soldiers from Bidah in division of Yarim-Hammu, stationed in Qa††unan (FM 2 67). Larim-Numha Mentioned in 26 266. Larum Father of Yatarum 2 (27 117). Lawiliya Division commander; he and Dulqan were captured by Isme-Dagan in Harbe, escaped, and provide information on Ekallatean moves against Suhum (26 420). Lipissa See Lipit-Sin.

Index of Individuals

549

Lipit-Estar 1 Babylonian military officer; comes with 5,000 troops to Harbe in Suhum (26 477). Lipit-Estar 2 Babylonian messenger; accompanies Mariote envoys from Babylon to Mari (26 484); 1 of 4 messengers going to Mari and Andarig (26 486). Lipit-Sin Also Lipissa (25 526); leader of Esnunakean garrison of Ekallatum; prevented by Isme-Dagan from leaving (26 491, 525); leaves for Esnuna (26 526). Liqtum Brings complaint to governor of Qa††unan (27 82). Liter-Sarussu He and Hamatil appointed as administrators of stores in Ekallatum (26 300). Lu-Nanna Isme-Dagan’s vizier of foreigners according to Charpin and Durand, “Assur,” 391, comment b; expected to accompany Isme-Dagan to Mari (26 489). Lupahum Respondent of Dagan; relays Dagan’s message to Sammetar 2 for Zimri-Lim and accompanies Sammetar 2 to Dir (26 199). Malik-Dagan Inhabitant of Sa Akka; Itur-Asdu reports his dream (26 233). Manatan Administrator; probably in charge of guards; see Ziegler, “Esclaves,” 19; and G. Ozan, “Viandes et poissons,” FM 2 (1994), 152; G. Ozan, “Lettres de Manatân,” FM 3 (1997), 291–305; writes about pups (26 245). Mannanum Babylonian messenger; passes through Mari with companion from Qa†anum (26 105). Mannu(m)-Balu-Inana Regent of Atamrum in Suhpad (26 409); Zimri-Lim to write him regarding Sadu-Sarrum’s visit (26 432). Manum Babylonian courtier; accompanies Prince Mutu-Numaha to Mari (26 375). Maprakum Bannum installs him as majordomo of Íuprum (26 6); Aksak-Magir is afraid he will be installed as majordomo of Qa††unan (FM 2 50). Mar-Erßetim Babylonian rider; accompanies Mariote riders from Babylon to Mari (26 484). Marat-Estar Girl suspected of having bewitched Hammi-Epuh (26 253). Mar-Estar 1 of 7 soldiers from Appan in division of Yarim-Hammu, stationed in Qa††unan (FM 2 67). Marduk-Musallim 1 Babylonian messenger; sent to Esnuna and to Atamrum (26 372); 1 of 4 Babylonian messengers going to Mari and Andarig (26 486). Marduk-Musallim 2 Babylonian military commander; Hammu-Rabi dispatches him with 5,000 troops to Isme-Dagan (A.4515). Marduk-Naßir 1 Babylonian secretary; receives Mariote troops coming to Babylon (26 369). Marduk-Naßir 2 Governor of Saggaratum sends him and 200 troops to escort Babylonian messengers to Kurda (26 183). Marduk-Nisu Babylonian courtier and messenger en route to Zimri-Lim to announce that Abi-Mekim will bring troops back from Babylon (6 18); present at formation of treaty between Atamrum and Askur-Addu (26 404). Marduk-Qarrad Babylonian; overseer of pantry; receives Mariote troops coming to Babylon (26 369). Masihan Commissioner of Samsi-Addu; he and Yarim-Hammu beat up servant of the writer of FM 2 68. Masum-Atal King of Alilanum; accompanies Sarraya on his visit to Zimri-Lim (27 72-bis). Maßi-Istar 1 of 3 men from Bab Nahlim who were captured by Elamites, served under Atamrum, fled, and provide information on siege of Razama (6 37).

550

Index of Individuals

Masiya Appointed by Samsi-Adad as manager of “outside” of [Mari] (26 300); reports to Yasmah-Addu on registering the dead in an epidemic (26 264). Masum 1 Diviner, reporting from Mislan to Sumu-Dabi (26 168–72). Masum 2 Mayor; encroaches on Ustasni-El’s household (26 345). Memium Hana in prison for debt; Asmad pleads for his release (FM 2 52); involved in attempt on governor of Qa††unan (FM 2 71). Menihum His servant comes up from Suhum to Erib-Sin to tell him which route the Mariote army should take to Babylon (26 95); he and his troops have been spotted (26 460); does not help Ilsu-Naßir with carts for transporting harvest (27 4). Menirum Sent to Askur-Addu in Karana to arrange treaty with Mari (26 401); he and Yatar-Salim to travel from Karana to Mari (26 411); will bring report on revolt of Kukkutanum (26 412); writes with Zimri-Addu that Askur-Addu will leave for Mari next day (27 154); writes with Zimri-Addu about Atamrum’s reception by Hammu-Rabi of Babylon (27 164); other reports with Zimri-Addu from Babylon, 27 163–65 and 167; expected to arrive in Sippir on return from Babylon (26 497); he, Kibsi-Addu, and Zimri-Addu inform Buqaqum about progress of Atamrum’s return (26 498); Buqaqum meets him, Kibsi-Addu, and Zimri-Addu in Yabliya (26 500). Meptum Pasture-chief (Durand, LAPO 16, 627) in Suhum; writes 2 122; 26 244, 249, 251 (with Yasim-Dagan), 253; corresponds directly with Hammu-Rabi of Babylon; settled Mariote soldiers and their families in Suhum (26 35); informs Asqudum and Asmad about magnitude of evacuation of lower Suhum (26 35); consults with Asqudum, Asmad, and Buqaqum (26 481); informs Abi-Mekim in Mari about various issues in Suhum (26 456); sends Yarim-Addu of Hurban as prisoner to Zimri-Lim (26 36); guards approaches of river crossings near Mari with Kaªalan (26 54); reports on fire in main temple of Esnuna (26 244); reports on ordeals (26 251 and 26 253); informs Yaqqim-Addu (14 124); informs Bahdi-Lim on imminent departure of Abi-Mekim at the head of Babylonian troops (6 34); guides Mariote troops en route to Babylon through Suhum (26 98); needs to be alerted about possible moves against Suhum by Elamites withdrawing from Hiritum (2 30); needs to be alerted about danger from Isme-Dagan for Suhum encampment (26 420); seizes and sends Kurdean, Ekallatean, and Esnunakean messengers to Mari (6 27); gets information originating from 2 men who fled Babylonian troops headed north from Babylon (A.19); informs [Askur-Addu] about Babylonian troops marching on Allahad (26 440, 440-bis). Meranu(m) Physician; needed (26 125); sent by Samsi-Adad to Yasmah-Addu (26 268). Mesarum Captured by troops of Buqaqum together with Hadidum and 30 Suteans (26 482). Milki-Addu Majordomo of Asqudum 2 (26 8). Mubalasaga Official of Yasmah-Addu; may be able to provide women to entertain Queen Beltum (26 298). Mukannisum Treasurer; for functions, see J. Bottéro, 7, 236; for definition of his office, see Durand, “Travail du métal à Mari,” MARI 2 (1983), 127 n. 14; writes Zimri-Lim 26 111, 209; asked by Asqudum to open locker (26 70 and 71); is requested to load boat with siege equipment (26 71-bis); retrieves report on extispicies (26 111); relays divine message to Zimri-Lim (26 209).

Index of Individuals

551

Munawwirum Babylonian military leader in service of Zimri-Lim; reports to Zimri-Lim on attacks of Isme-Dagan on land of Karana (26 426); coauthors 26 427 on defense of land of Karana; is probably the “Babylonian” who goes from Karana to Andarig (26 523). Mut(u)-Askur Son of Isme-Dagan; involved in succession problems in Ekallatum (26 370); threatens Karana from southern Razama with 2,000 Babylonian troops and 2,000 of his own troops (26 411); dispatched to Esnuna to obtain troops (26 341); leaves for Esnuna (26 494); repulsed in Esnuna (26 428, 523); Assyrian informers tell Himdiya that he arrived empty-handed in Ekallatum (28 171); returns with high-ranking Esnunakean messenger (26 524); expected to bring his father to Mari (26 489). Mut-Bisir Recommends diviner Naram-Sin to Yasmah-Addu (26 138). Mutassi Military leader involved in action outside Asihum (26 405). Muti-Addu Brother and general of Asdi-Takim, king of Harran; sends 400 troops to Mari (27 80). Mutu-Dagan 1 1 of 3 soldiers from Bidah in division of Yarim-Hammu, stationed in Qa††unan (FM 2 67). Mutu-Dagan 2 Soldier from Íubatum in division of Yarim-Hammu, stationed in Qa††unan (FM 2 67). Mutu-Hadqim Servant of Isme-Dagan; he, Isar-Lim, and Rim-Addu gain trust of HammuRabi of Babylon, raising concern among Mariotes (26 104); he, Nabum-Malik, and Rim-Addu lead 20,000 Babylonian troops north from Babylon (A.19); leads Babylonian troops to Allahad (26 440, 440-bis; 2 122). Mutu-Numaha Son of Hammu-Rabi of Babylon; sent to Mari (26 375). Mutu-Rama Inhabitant of Ziniyan (26 462). Nab-Samas Division commander under Zimri-Addu; soldiers of his division who are on furlough are listed (27 153). Nabi-Sin Merchant; tries to collect debt owed his father (26 530). Nabu-Naßir 1 Zakira-Hammu requests his removal from Su-Nuhra-Halu (27 36). Nabu-Naßir 2 1 of 11 elders of district of Qa††unan who witness opening of tablet from king of Kurda, addressed to governor (27 67). Nabum-Malik Returns to Babylon and reports on Mari to Hammu-Rabi (27 141); he, Mutu-Hadqim, and Rim-Addu lead 20,000 Babylonian troops north from Babylon (A.19). Nahimum Official of Íura-Hammu; writes Asqudum about deterioration of relations between Mutebal and Mari (26 39). Nanna-Bitanim Attested as Nanna-Batanum in texts from Qa††ara; refuses to accompany Habdu-Malik from Karana to Mari (26 394). Nanna-Lutil His dream reported in 26 228. Nanna-Naßir Soldier in division of Ubariya; registered in Mislan; on list of soldiers on furlough drawn up by Zimri-Addu in Babylon (27 153). Napsi-Erah Receives 8 silver goblets for palace of Ekallatum (24 94); sent from Ekallatum to Qabra (26 489). Napsi-Pi-El Division commander (26 106). Napsum Presumably killer of slave of Yahun-El’s brother (26 434). Naram-Sin Diviner under Yasmah-Addu (Durand, 26/1, 247–49); stays in Rapiqum and is recommended by Mut-Bisir for royal service (26 138); performs extispicies about

552

Index of Individuals

illness of Yasmah-Addu’s wife Beltum (26 136); performs extispicies with Zikri-Hanat to find out whether Goddess Nin-Biri is happy with her refurbished face (26 132); is to go to Terqa if extispicies for Qa†anean messengers come out unsound (26 137); his assignment to Situllum by Samsi-Adad is opposed by Yasmah-Addu (26 138-bis). Narhi Sent by Zimri-Lim to Qa††unan; is to be provided with 50 troops as escorts (FM 3 130). Nawaritum Qutean woman general; see comment to 2 26; in encounter with Elamites (2 26); 10,000 of her troops headed for Larsa (6 27). Nidnat-Sin Babylonian general; dispatched with troops and boats to Buqaqum (26 470 and M.9530); receives honey and oil (21 100); Hammu-Rabi of Babylon orders him and Ilan-Semea to march from Suhum to Irnina (28 6); receives silver goblets upon his departure with 4 generals (24 94). Nikkissida-Abi Servant of Íilli-Tispak (26 295). Niqman Durand suggests that he was king of Abi-Ili (LAPO 16 264a); comes with elders of Qaªa to Asqudum and Hali-Hadun and is sent on to Zimri-Lim (26 48). Nuham-Ili Babylonian general; receives honey and oil (21 100). Nur-Addu Diviner (Durand, 26/1, 249–50); sent to Zikri-Addu to guard district of Qa††unan (26 139 and 140); complains to [Aksak-Magir] 26 141; Aksak-Magir organizes grain rations for him (FM 2 51). Pa-Ila Merchant of Zimri-Lim in Larsa; sent to check on Mariote prisoner in Dapirum (27 162). Pudal-Puri He and Zimri-Samas swear oath to Atamrum on behalf of their king, HayaSumu (26 328). Pussulum Division commander under Zimri-Addu; listed soldiers of his division who are on furlough (27 153); failed to supervise Urukean among his troops (27 163). Puzur-Annu 1 of 2 soldiers from Urbat in division of Yarim-Hammu, stationed in Qa††unan (FM 2 67). Puzur-Malik Probably physician in Mari (26 296). Puzur-Marduk Babylonian messenger; he and Kalalum bring message from Hammu-Rabi of Babylon to Mari (26 468 and 470). Puzur-Samas Official responsible for expenditure of silver goblets for foreigners (24 94). Qaqqadan Sent by Asqudum to Íidqum-Lanasi (26 549). Qarni-Lim King of Andarig before Atamrum; writes governor of Qa††unan about theft of sheep (27 69); stays with Kibsi-Addu in Hubsalum as Esnunakeans operate near Nagibum (26 508); Simah-Ilane writes him about Zilaban (26 464); Zimri-Lim makes alliance with Sarraya and him (27 71); about to go to Subat-Enlil when he receives invitation from Zimri-Lim to come to Mari (27 72); he and Sarraya meet between Saphum and Huraßa to coordinate visit to Mari (27 72); kings of Idamaraß assemble in order to deal with issue concerning Haya-Sumu and Qarni-Lim (26 352); Ibal-El recalls that he refused to dispatch troops to Mari (A.2730); his reservists, led by Ishi-Addu 2, confront troops of Kurda and Kahat at stand-off at Mariyatum (26 357); clashes with Hammu-Rabi of Kurda (26 40); he and Sarraya enter Mardaman (26 128); Zimri-Lim fails to save him (26 305). Qis-Humu He and Qisti-Ilaba conduct POWs from Andarig to Mari (26 408). Qisti-Annu Brother of Igmilum; comes to Karana to obtain his wife’s release (26 510).

Index of Individuals

553

Qisti-Diritim Respondent of Diritum; communicates divine message to Siptu concerning Zimri-Lim (26 208). Qisti-Ilaba He and Qis-Humu conduct POWs from Andarig to Mari (26 408). Qisti-Mama Comes with Yarim-Dagan and Sumna-Addu to ordeal in Id (26 251). Qurdi-Ili Possible reading of name of division commander who brings recruits to army (6 38+). Rabiyam Mariote soldier in Ilan-Íura who speaks up in front of Haya-Sumu (26 323). Rabum Yamßum requests lance for him (26 303). Reªi-El Leader of 400 troops under Yasmah-Addu (26 174). Rim-Addu 1 Servant of Isme-Dagan; he, Mutu-Hadqim, and Isar-Lim gain trust of HammuRabi of Babylon, raising concern among Mariotes (26 104); he, Mutu-Hadqim, and Nabum-Malik lead 20,000 Babylonian troops north from Babylon (A.19). Rim-Addu 2 1 of 4 Babylonian messengers going to Mari and Andarig (26 486). Rim-Addu 3 Soldier in division of Nab-Samas; registered in Bidaha; on list of soldiers on furlough drawn up by Zimri-Addu in Babylon (27 153). Rim-Sin Also called “the Larsaite”; king of Larsa; exchanges letters from Elam with Hammu-Rabi (26 362); reacts to division of Elamite troops (14 124); Hammu-Rabi of Babylon sends him high-level envoys with request for troops (26 363); promises collaboration with Hammu-Rabi against Elamite attack (26 367 and 368); refuses immediate extradition of Mutiabaleans (26 368); Hammu-Rabi of Babylon assures Zimri-Lim of support of Esnunakeans against Elamites and his intention to meet Rim-Sin of Larsa (2 33); has become enemy of Hammu-Rabi (26 372); does not personally take stand in Maskan-Sapir against Babylonian troops (26 385); brought out alive from Larsa and brought with his possessions to Babylon (27 156 and 158). Ripªi-Addu Witnesses Yasim-Addu’s threats against Zakira-Hammu in Qa††unan (27 57). Ripªi-Dagan He, Yaqqim-Addu, and Yarim-Dagan witness ordeal in Id (26 254). Risiya Senior singer at court of Yasmah-Addu (FM 4 37, comment 7); reports visit to Halab (26 9); he and Asqudum report from Halab on mission to bring Siptu to Mari as a wife for Zimri-Lim (26 10–12 and 15). Rumatum 1 Female neighbor of Sin-Iddinam in Dur-Yahdun-Lim, who allegedly had adulterous relationship with Sin-Iddinam (26 252). Rumatum 2 Inhabitant of Dur-Yahdun-Lim (26 252). Saggar-Abum General of Hammu-Rabi of Kurda; defeats Esnunakeans in sortie from Kurda (27 16); defends Asihum against Atamrum (26 405). Saggaran Kurdaite messenger; he, Zimri-Erah, and Yakun-Addu pass through Mariote territory (27 116). Sakiru(m) General; brings 600 Suhean troops to Babylon (26 369); arrives there before Zimri-Addu and Ibal-Pi-El (27 151); Zimri-Addu complains of not receiving more provisions than Sakiru(m) receives (27 152); is sent by Ibal-Pi-El to Sa Baßim with 300 troops (2 22). Sami-Erah Probably staff member of Ibal-Pi-El; en route to Mari with news about HammuRabi of Babylon and Ibal-Pi-El (26 488). Sammetar 1 King of Asnakkum before Isme-Addu; he, Tamarzi of Tarmanni, Sub-Ram of Kirdahat, and Itur-Malik of Suduhum go to Zimri-Lim (27 20); Zakura-Abu, Ibal-Addu, Yamut-Lim, and Tamarzi solicit Sub-Ram’s help in switching allegiance from him to

554

Index of Individuals

Haya-Sumu (26 126); works against interests of Zimri-Lim in Idamaraß (26 347); releases 2 kidnapped Mariotes (27 118); Mari failed to protect him against Elamites (26 303). Sammetar 2 Son of Laªum (Durand, 26/1, 232 n. 7); governor of Terqa; writes 26 14, 123, 143, 144, 150, 199, 231, 275, 276; FM 2 70; Zakira-Hammu requests his and HaqbaAhum’s report on status of district (27 25); homeowner in Qa††unan complains to him about having been evicted by governor (27 25); Zakira-Hammu writes him about locust plague (27 30); Hana Yasim-Addu is sure of his support in dispute with governor of Qa††unan (27 57); brickwork of his house suspected of being cursed (26 243); informs Ilum-Asu that his father’s brewer fled (26 91); is concerned about Siptu and female escorts on desert route during summer (26 14); forwards extispicies performed by Ishi-Addu (26 123); reports arrival of diviner Samas-In-Matim in Terqa (26 143); orders Samas-In-Matim to perform extispicies about presence of Rapiqeans in Terqa (26 144); reports on message of Dagan received by Lupahum and on trip to Dir (26 199); his dream subjected to extispicies (26 142); writes about offerings for Addu (26 231); describes Sumhu-Rabi’s death (26 275); excuses himself from meeting with Zimri-Lim (26 276); abducts servant of Zunana (26 232); Inibsina informs Zimri-Lim of his death (26 277). Samsi-Addu Yamina leader; enters Ahuna in company of Hardum and Yaqih-Addu at time of treaty between Yamina and kings of Zalmaqum (26 24); Sumu-Hadu wrongly accused of having seized Samsi-Addu’s tablets (26 5; see Durand’s comment w). Possibly the Yamina leader: He and Yarim-Hammu sell respectable person into slavery (FM 2 68); has a commissioner named Masihan (FM 2 68); Amat-Sakkanum belongs to his kin (26 249). Samsi-Erah King of Tilla; causes problems for Zimri-Lim (26 313); confronts Mariotes and Huziran in standoff at Mariyatum (26 357); antagonistic to Zimri-Lim and Atamrum (26 417). Samsu-Bal Yamhadean messenger traveling with Zu-Hadnim 2 (26 256). Samu-Addu King of Karana; allied with Samsi-Adad (26 528). Samuhel Zalmaqean messenger en route to Mari (14 76). Samusa 1 Kurdaite messenger passing Saggaratum (14 98). Samusa 2 Soldier in division of Nab-Samas; registered in Zurubban; on list of soldiers on furlough drawn up by Zimri-Addu in Babylon (27 153). Samuyum Conducts Burhusum and Iddin-Annu from Qa††unan to Mari (27 3). Saqqum Mentioned (26 349). Sasiya Conventionally read Zaziya; Sasiya means “Little-Moth”; perhaps “Little-Sasum,” the latter being king of Quteans; also called “the Turukkean”; king of Turukkum (26 339); sends message to Zimri-Lim (27 18); relationship to Zimri-Lim improves (26 27); unnamed kings do not send him troops (26 129); approached by messenger of AskurAddu about sheep rustling (26 339–40); Ekallatum requested Babylonian troops to help against him (26 384); Babylonian troops come to Isme-Dagan to help against him and king of Qabra (26 373); sarcastically(?) invoked as suzerain of Hammu-Rabi of Kurda (26 405); 300 of his troops arrive at the camp at Rakna (28 171); stays in Ninet or crosses Tigris (26 517); writes Hammu-Rabi of Babylon about ranking of kings in area (27 162); extradites king of Simurrum to Sasum and gives Sasum his sons as

Index of Individuals

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hostages (26 491 and 525); tricks Isme-Dagan and makes treaty with Hammu-Rabi of Kurda (26 526). Sasum 1 king of Quteans; Sasiya submits to him (26 491 and 525). Sasum 2 Mayor of Great Zarri; freak lamb among his sheep (26 241). Sibku-Na-Addu King of Suda; one of kings of Zalmaqum; for his career, see Kupper, 28, 35; his and Bunuma-Addu’s messengers carry deceitful message for Zimri-Lim (26 32); sends 800 troops to Mari (27 80 and 81). Simah-Ilane 1st king of Kurda during reign of Zimri-Lim; name explained in LAPO 16 266a and 18 1222b; see also Streck §2.35; his servants assemble for an inquiry (26 463). Simat-Huluris Kunnam leaves Subat-Enlil to him (26 325); does not believe that Elamites withdrew from Hiritum (26 327); refuses to surrender city to Zimri-Lim (26 328); gives up Subat-Enlil to La-Awil-Addu (26 316). Simhi-Erah Inhabitant of Abattum; sent to ordeal as Meptum’s agent (26 251). Sin-Abusu Enlists troops (26 476). Sin-Bel-Aplim Hammurabi of Babylon’s vizier of foreigners; with Ibal-Pi-El, arranges parade of newly arrived Hana troops (A.486+); discusses case pitting boy against Hana (26 257); is sent to Maskan-Sapir (26 362); stays there longer than expected (364, 367); returns (26 368); sorts out problems between Mariotes and Ekallateans at audience in Dildaba (26 384). Sin-Iddinam 1 Denounced by Asqudum in front of Samsi-Adad (26 4). Sin-Iddinam 2 Inhabitant of Dur-Yahdun-Lim; his wife suspects neighbor of adultery (26 252). Sin-Iddinam 3 Secretary in Babylon; incarcerates Elamite messengers (26 368, 370). Sin-Iddinam 4 His wife defends herself against accusation of adultery (26 488). Sin-Iddinam 5 1 of 2 soldiers from Zurubban in division of Yarim-Hammu, stationed in Qa††unan (FM 2 67). Sin-Illassu Courtier and junior servant of Atamrum; arrives in Saggaratum en route to Zimri-Lim (14 98). Sin-Imguranni Babylonian military leader in Zimri-Lim’s service; coauthors 26 427 on defense of Karana. Sin-Iqisam 1 of 7 soldiers from Appan in division of Yarim-Hammu, stationed in Qa††unan (FM 2 67). Sin-Ismenni 1 of 3 Kurdaite messengers en route to Mari (FM 2 55). Sin-Muballi† Brother of Rim-Sin, stationed in Maskan-Sapir; Mariote envoys sent to (land of) Larsa stay with him (26 362); is surrounded by Babylonian troops in MaskanSapir (26 385). Sin-Musallim Majordomo in Qa††unan; sent to Zimri-Lim to receive instructions for harvest (27 37); he and Yasim-Sumu promise treasurers delivery of grain (27 109). Sin-Napsera 1 of 7 soldiers from Appan in division of Yarim-Hammu, stationed in Qa††unan (FM 2 67). Sin-Naßir Son of Yadratum; contributed bull to offering (26 458). Sin-Remenni Diviner (Durand, 26/1, 250); resident of Kahat; recommended to YasmahAddu (26 108-bis). Sin-[ ] Son of Kakka-Ruqqum; Babylonian messenger sent to Esnuna (26 372).

556

Index of Individuals

Sulum Troop commander under Bahdi-Addu, leading Yabasa Hana (A.486+); receives gifts in Babylon (23 435; 25 815; A.486+). Sum-Na-Addu Comes to ordeal in Id with Qisti-Mama and Yarim-Dagan (26 251). Sumat-Erah His servant deserts from Babylonian troops (A.19). Sumhu-Rabi Succeeds Habduma-Dagan as governor of Saggaratum under Zimri-Lim (Durand, 26/1, 574); Birot, “Lettre,” 134, with n. 11, defines his tenure as ZL 1u to ZL 3u; see now Lion, “Gouverneurs,” 177–79; reports on arrivals and departures in Saggaratum (26 183); [PN] reports to him and Habduma-Dagan on matters of Tuttul (26 153); reports malformed birth (26 241); Sammetar 2 describes his death (26 275). Sumu-Dabi Leader of Yamina revolt against Zimri-Lim in ZL 2u; extispicies about possible military moves of his against Zimri-Lim (26 170); likely recipient of reports 26 168–72. Sumu-Erah Courier; he and Ziyatum bring message to Mari about audience with HammuRabi of Babylon (26 449). Sumu-Hadu(m) 1 1st governor of Mari under Zimri-Lim; holdover from Yasmah-Addu’s time; disappears after ZL 1u; for career, see Lafont, “Nuit dramatique à Mari,” FM 1 (1992), 96–97; Bannum protests false rumor that servants of Sumu-Hadum seized tablets of Samsi-Addu (26 5); informs Zimri-Lim about route of Asqudum and Siptu from Dur-Yahdun-Lim to Mari (26 16); his movements put Mislanites on alert (26 169); has problems with lifting his feet (26 182); his grain is in Qa††unan (27 9). Sumu-Hadu(m) 2 2 bulls that disappeared from an offering were found in his house (26 458). Sumu-Labu Sutean; his son and son of Ahi-Ebal escape troops of Buqaqum (26 483). Sumu-Na-Abi Mother of Yarim-Lim; dies during second visit of Asqudum and Risiya to Aleppo (26 10 and 11). Sumu-Takim Likely author of 26 322; speaks with Haya-Sumu on behalf of Kiru (26 323). Sumumu Father of Asdi-Madar (26 510). Íatu-Yamhad-Dadi PN?; defeat suffered by Numha at hands of Isme-Dagan is called defeat of Íatu-Yamhad-Dadi (26 495). Íidqi-Etar Division commander; sent as Meptum’s agent to ordeal (26 251). Íidqu(m)-Lanasi Prominent official in Kar-Kamis, perhaps vizier (Lafont, 26/2, 510–12; “Homme d’affaires,” 275–86); writes 26 530–37, 39–43, 47–48 and M.9157 to ZimriLim; 538 and 549 to Asqudum; 545 and 550 to Yasim-Sumu; and A.297 to HabduMalik; assists organization of grain transport from Kar-Kamis to Mari (A.2133). Íilli-Akka Soldier in division of Habi-Dagan; registered in Terqa; on list of soldiers on furlough drawn up by Zimri-Addu in Babylon (27 153). Íilli-Dagan Son of Adda-Gaya; soldier in division of Nab-Samas; registered in Barhan; on list of soldiers on furlough drawn up by Zimri-Addu in Babylon (27 153). Íilli-Istaran Esnunakean; brings something from Mari to Esnuna (26 6). Íilli-Mamma He and 5 other riders of Zimri-Lim pass Buqaqum en route to Mari (26 484). Íilli-Sin King of Esnuna; also called “the Esnunakean”; made king despite lowly social standing (26 377); Hammu-Rabi of Babylon negotiates treaty with him (26 372, 373); Esnunakean messengers show displeasure with statement that implies his lack of influence in upper land (26 404); sends 12,000 troops with grain to Situllum; gives grain to Elamites; sends message to Ekallatum and Kurda to hold Subartum (6 27); god placed good words between him and Hammu-Rabi of Babylon (2 24); concentrates troops in

Index of Individuals

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Tuttub (26 488); talks to prominent Yamina (27 165); makes peace with Babylon (26 523 and 28 171). Íilli-Tispak Chef; asks Ußur-Awassu to help free 2 of his servants (26 295). Íuhhutum Physician; wanted by Yasmah-Addu (26 267, 268). Íura-Hammu Also spelled Íuri-Hammu; king of Awnan; talks Zimri-Lim into giving him half a courtyard in palace in Mari for cultivation, according to sarcastic description by Asqudum (26 74). Íuratan Sent with messenger of Askur-Addu to Sasiya to retrieve captured sheep and shepherds (26 339–40). Íuri-Addu Soldier from Tizrah in division of Yarim-Hammu, stationed in Qa††unan (FM 2 67). Íuriya Governor of Ilan-Íura; sent with Vizier Aqba-Abi to Kunnam to pledge oath of allegiance (26 303); collaborates with Aqba-Abi and Simatum (26 305); with Aqba-Abi and Simatum, agitates against Ibni-Addu (26 312 and 313); passes Saggaratum en route to Mari (14 98); Yamßum suggests detaining him in Mari (26 315); is in Mari (26 313); pledges oath to Atamrum on behalf of Haya-Sumu (26 328). Sa-Pi-El Hana; he and herdboy Ibassir stole sheep from Yamutbal Haya-El (27 69); Ibassir denies any wrongdoing and blames him, and he flees to Kurda (27 70). Sabisanum His extradition from Haya-Sumu sought by Mari (26 353). Sadu-Sarrum Also Sadu-Sarri; king of Azuhinum; asks Sarraya for meeting prior to visit to Mari (26 127); is expected to come to Mari (26 407, 431, 432); arrives in Andarig (26 435). Sadum-Labua Also Sadum-Laba or Sadun-Laba; king of Asnakkum after Isme-Addu; is attacked by cities of Hurra and Sinah after killing Isme-Addu (2 33); Ibal-Addu of Aslakka and Hamman bring him to Ibal-El in Siharata (FM 2 63); Haqba-Ahum comes from Asnakkum with news about him (FM 2 64). Saknu(m) Commander of Mariote garrison in Nahur and later in Ilan-Íura; writes letters 26 346–55. Sallurum 1 Originally believed to be king of Esnuna; hypothesis refuted by Charpin, “Chronologie,” 53; according to Durand, 26/1, 145–46, relative of Ibal-Pi-El II; leader of Esnunakean operations in lower Suhum; is expected to come to Suhum and strengthen Harbe (26 480); strengthens Harbe with 15,000 men (26 479); Asqudum writes him that Mariote troops who insulted Esnuna will be punished (26 37). Sallurum 2 Babylonian messenger; accompanies Ibal-Pi-El (26 487). Samas-Abi 1 of 2 soldiers from Urbat in division of Yarim-Hammu, stationed in Qa††unan (FM 2 67). Samas-El Messenger of Askur-Addu; on mission to Kurda (26 522). Samas-Iddina 1 of 2 soldiers from Zurubban in division of Yarim-Hammu, stationed in Qa††unan (FM 2 67). Samas-Ili Babylonian overseer of cooks; receives Mariote troops en route to Babylon (26 369). Samas-In(a)-Matim Diviner in Terqa (Durand, 26/1, 251); his son asks for his professional advice (26 109); performs extispicies for city of Terqa upon arrival there (26 143); performs extispicies for east bank of district (26 142); performs extispicies regarding presence of Rapiqeans in Terqa (26 144); chariot-equids of Bunuma-Addu 3 given to him (26 185-bis); mentioned in connection with Mariote troops in Babylon (26 381).

558

Index of Individuals

Samas-Inaya Diviner (Durand, 26/1, 251–52); commences assignment in Dir on Balih (26 145); mayor of Dir pleads with Zimri-Lim to give him field (26 146). Samas-Lamassasu Serves Buqaqum as messenger; sent from Ekallatum to Kawilhum (26 489). Samas-Magir Official of Yasmah-Addu; orders extispicies (26 174). Samas-Malik Sent by Yanuh-Samar to Zimri-Lim for debriefing (26 360). Samas-Naßir 1 Official in Terqa; consults with Kibri-Dagan on living quarters of incoming priestess of Dagan of Terqa (26 179); reports vision in which Dagan interacts with other gods (26 196). Samas-Naßir 2 Babylonian military leader in Zimri-Lim’s service; coauthors 26 427 on defense of land of Karana. Samas-Tillassu Denounced by Asqudum before Samsi-Adad (26 4). Samsi-Adad Akkadian form of name; Amorite form Samsi-Addu; king of Ekallatum; father of Yasmah-Addu and Isme-Dagan; for his eventful life, see Yuhong; during reign of Yasmah-Addu in Mari, Samsi-Adad ruled from Subat-Enlil as “great king”; for date of his death, see Yuhong, NABU 1992 91; Asqudum denounces officials to him (26 4); situation after his death mentioned (26 303); Ibal-Pi-El likens behavior of Isme-Dagan toward Babylon to that of his father toward Esnuna (2 49); Zakira-Hammu recalls his work on fortification of Qa††unan (27 59); Askur-Addu is reminded of his father’s good relationship with him (26 528). Sarraya Also Sarriya; full name possibly Sarrum-Kin (see introduction, pp. 31–32); king of northern Razama; has particularly close ties with Zimri-Lim (A.2730); Zimri-Lim makes alliance with him and Qarni-Lim, which threatens Hammu-Rabi of Kurda (27 71); Zimri-Lim invites him and Qarni-Lim to Mari, but he decides to meet in Qa††unan (27 72); he and Qarni-Lim meet between Saphum and Huraßa to coordinate visit with Zimri-Lim (27 72); king of Azuhinum asks for meeting with him prior to trip to Mari (26 127); comes to Mari with kings of Alilanum and Asihum as well as general of land of Íubat-Estar (27 72-bis and 27 127); is insulted by reception in Mari and writes to Qarni-Lim about it (27 128); is not satisfied with provisions for his troops en route from Terqa to Qa††unan (27 129); he and Qarni-Lim enter Mardaman (26 128); is prevented from going to Mari by Atamrum’s siege of Razama (6 65); sends out elders of Razama to offer peace to Atamrum (14 104); defends Razama successfully against Atamrum (26 318). Sarru(m)-Ki(ma)-Kalima King of Razama of Yamutbal; he, Hadnu-Rabi, Hammu-Rabi of Kurda and Yanuh-Samar stay with Atamrum (A.2730); Hammu-Rabi of Kurda facilitates communication between him and Mari (14 76). Sarrum-Kin Perhaps full name of Sarraya; an encampment belongs to him (26 180). Sarrum-Nur-Matisu Imprisoned and scheduled to be sent to Asqudum (26 77). Sarrum-Íululi Usually read Sarrum-Andulli, but see M. Stol, “Old Babylonian Personal Names,” Studi epigraphici e linguistici 8 (1991), 193; military commander; writes 26 376–82 from Babylon; receives gifts in Babylon, ranking one step below Ibal-Pi-El (25 815); preferred over Zimri-Addu by Ibal-Pi-El (27 151). Sarrum-Tukulti She has information on Kiru (26 322). Sassaranum Governor of Nurrugum under Yasmah-Addu (16/1); reports on extispicies (26 175).

Index of Individuals

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Sattam-Kiazi Heads 12 palace women of Saggaratum (23 543); is classified as “maid of the king” (g é m e l u g a l ) in FM 4 57; see FM 4 15; suffers from hand of Estar Radan of Ekallatum (10 87 and 26 83). Selebum Pederast (assinnum); attached to cult of Annunitum (Durand, 26/1, 399); informs Inibsina of divine message (26 197); becomes ecstatic and speaks words of Annunitum (26 213); decries his lot (26 198). Sep-Sin Servant of Íilli-Tispak (26 295). Seplarpak Also Íiwa-Palar-Huhpak (M.6435+); usually called The Vizier (of Elam); Isme-Addu calls him “Grand Vizier of Elam” (A.3206); called “king of Ansan” (M.8806); Zimri-Lim recalls that he determined ownership of cities in lower Suhum against wishes of his “son” Hammu-Rabi of Babylon (26 449); no action on Esnunakean request until he acts (26 451); troops under Ishi-Dagan get close to “the Esnunakean,” meet The Vizier, and camp next to Babylonians (26 255); attempts to play Hammu-Rabi of Babylon against Rim-Sin of Larsa (26 362); is staying in Esnuna (26 361); warns Hammu-Rabi of Kurda against exchanging messages with Mari and Babylon (A.6); Mariote envoy in Babylon lauds him in front of his messengers as his protector and calls him “father” of Zimri-Lim (26 362); Ibal-El recalls that he requested troops from Mari (A.2730); Zimri-Lim sends him gift at occasion of his having seized Esnuna (M.8806); Hammu-Rabi of Babylon and Zimri-Lim agree not to make separate peace with him (M.6435+); wants Atamrum to quit siege of Razama and come to Esnuna (14 103); rejects Atamrum’s request for additional troops (6 52); Isme-Dagan brings precious gifts to him (26 370 and 371); Isme-Dagan recalls having been brought before him and reproached by him (26 384); Isme-Addu claims that the king and entire land brought tribute to him (A.3206); Idamaraß refuses to send troops to him or Atamrum (28 56); Qa†anum offers to become his vassal and invites him to come (A.266); collaborates with Mutiabal against Babylon (26 365); chooses 30,000 troops and heads for Mankisum during Elamite withdrawal from Babylon (27 145 and 147); dispatches all Esnunakean troops and 5,000 Elamites to lay siege to Situllum (27 148); withdraws to Diniktum (27 149); sends messengers from Diniktum to Malgum (27 150); renews diplomatic relations with Babylon (26 373); news of his death comes from Malgum to Babylon (26 383); Elamite messengers maintain that he is ill (26 384). Simatum Spelled Simat in 26 313; daughter of Zimri-Lim and wife of Haya-Sumu; married before her sister Kiru, who is also wife of Haya-Sumu; writes about dream and life in Ilan-Íura after her arrival (26 239); collaborates with Íuriya and Aqba-Abi (26 305); with Íuriya and Aqba-Abi, agitates against Ibni-Addu (26 312 and 313); talks badly about her father and is punished with sickness (26 312); Yamßum suspects her of trying to use sorcery against her father (26 314); Yamßum advises Zimri-Lim to detain her in Mari (26 315); Haya-Sumu takes servant girl away from Kiru and gives her to Simatum (10 33); threatens her sister Kiru (10 32). Simetagup Head of Elamite mission to Babylon (26 368). Simru(m) Represents Yarim-Lim and is contact person for Asqudum and Risiya on their first trip to Aleppo (26 9). Siptu Daughter of Yarim-Lim, wife of Zimri-Lim; Asqudum and Risiya “drop veils” on her, finalizing her marriage to Zimri-Lim just before her grandmother dies (26 10); gifts to her, received 18 days later, are listed in 26 11; writes Zimri-Lim about outcome of

560

Index of Individuals

extispicies regarding him (26 185); about outcome of divination staged by herself (26 207, 212); about divine messages (26 208, 211, 213, 214); Zimri-Lim writes her about disposition of household of official and extispicies concerning Atamrum and HammuRabi of Babylon (26 185-bis); about Haya-Sumu’s permission to let Kiru return home (10 135). Su-Estar Babylonian envoy sent to Atamrum with gifts and treaty proposal (26 372). Su-Nuhra-Halu Name segmented first as Sunuhra-Halu, then Sunuh Rahalu by Anbar (NABU 1995 65), now by Durand Su-nuhra-hâlû with translation “Celui-ci est le jeune-homme (l’aide) de l’oncle-maternel” (LAPO 16 7a); also written Su-NuhruHalu (26 344); Su-Nur-Halu (27 125); Su-Nurra-Halu (25 233 [see 27 125a]); Su-NerHa[lu] (26 473); Su-Nuhhura-Halu (14 59); Sunhur-Halu (FM 3 109); for his person, see Sasson, “Shunukhra-Khalu,” A Scientific Humanist: Studies in Memory of Abraham Sachs, ed. E. Leichty et al. (Occasional Publications of the Samuel Noah Kramer Fund 9; Philadelphia, 1988), 329–51; and Ziegler, “Esclaves,” 18–19; for seal legends, see Charpin (NABU 1999 78); secretary of Zimri-Lim; reads mail to Zimri-Lim (26 396); Zakira-Hammu sends him madder (27 36); requests cook and brewer from Yarim-Addu (26 374); Habdu-Malik explains to him the one-day delay of his mission (26 388); cover letter from Habdu-Malik to him (26 395); Habdu-Malik explains that he will bow to custom and send him copies of letters to Zimri-Lim (26 396); Zimri-Lim sends him repeatedly to deathbed of Hastuttu (26 397); Yasim-El asks him favor (26 441); holds agricultural land in Qa††unan (FM 2 61). Sub-Na-El 1 of 7 soldiers from Appan in division of Yarim-Hammu, stationed in Qa††unan (FM 2 67). Sub-Ram In earlier transliterations Subram; attested with this name are a king of Kirdahat, a king of Susa, and a governor of Atamrum in Subat-Enlil; according to Kupper, the king of Kirdahat became later king of Susa (28 127); according to Charpin, the king of Susa and governor of Atamrum were two persons (“Subat-Enlil,” 134–35), according to Durand one (LAPO 16 332b). For my view, see comment 2 to 26 435. Sub-Ram 1 King of Susa; 17 Qutean reservists go from Eluhtum to Susa, where they are treated badly by him, and move on to Qa††unan (FM 2 58); Zakura-Abu, Ibal-Addu, Yamut-Lim, and Tamarzi request his help in switching allegiance from king of Asnakkum to Haya-Sumu (26 126); 2,000 troops of Haya-Sumu and of his are en route to Qa††unan (27 69); Mariote merchant pays him silver for privilege of buying slaves in Idamaraß (27 117); territorial dispute with Haya-Sumu decided by ordeal (26 249). Sub-Ram 2 King of Kirdahat; he, Tamarzi of Tarmanni, Sammetar of Asnakkum and IturMalik of Suduhum go to Zimri-Lim (27 20); Mariote troops who are Hamman’s responsibility serve him (26 147). Sub-Ram 3 Governor of Atamrum in Subat-Enlil; Inbatum calls him and Bahlu-[ ] “keepers of the district” (10 84); Sukru-Tesub writes him about Amaz (26 435). Subisa 1 He and Dadum and his brothers are sent from Qa††unan to Zimri-Lim on matters relating to Balu-Estar (27 62). Subisa 2 1 of 11 elders of district of Qa††unan who witness opening of tablet from king of Kurda, addressed to governor (27 67). Subisa 3 Leader of revolt against governor of Qa††unan (FM 2 71).

Index of Individuals

561

Sukru-Tesub King of Eluhtum; disputes seizure of Amaz by Himdiya in letter to SubRam 3 (26 435). Tagid-Nawe Simatum suggests this name for girl (26 239). Tahtan Soldier from Yarikitum in division of Yarim-Hammu, stationed in Qa††unan (FM 2 67). Taki General of Atamrum; defeats attackers of Subat-Enlil (26 313); Saknum sends him shoulder meat of bovine (26 331). Takun-Hani Buqaqum dispatches him with “men of the streams” (26 481). Tamarzi King of Tarmannians; see 28, 205; he, Sammetar of Asnakkum, Sub-Ram of Kirdahat, and Itur-Malik of Suduhum go to Zimri-Lim (27 20); he, Ibal-Addu, YamutLim, and Zakura-Abu request help from Sub-Ram of Susa in switching allegiance from king of Asnakkum to Haya-Sumu (26 126). Tarhiya Mayor of unnamed place in Andarig; complains to Yasim-El about various issues (26 402). Tarim-Sakim Highest-ranking official in Mari at time of Yasmah-Addu (Villard, “Administrateurs,” 20–23); meets Asqudum in Terqa (26 88); recommends physician to Yasmah-Addu (26 270); his servant mentioned (26 287); Ußur-Awassu asks YasmahAddu to consult with him (26 292). Tarip-Natki See Turum-Natki. Tebi-Gerisu Explanation of name in LAPO 17 754a; official during Yasmah-Addu (see Villard, “Administrateurs,” 105) and early years of Zimri-Lim; reports on arranging extispicies in encampment of Hana (26 216); audits palace in Qa††unan (27 1). Tepahum Musician according to FM 4 73; Simatum suggests name for her daughter (26 239). Tilani-Hesud Reports about evicting sick woman from palace (26 279). Timlu Woman from Kasapa; reports dream to Addu-Duri (26 240). Tir-Ea Singer; inhabitant of Hisamta; recipient of amount of silver (26 258). Tugatum Father of Agagga (26 424). Tupki-Ishara Owns vineyard in Imar (26 23). Turum-Natki Also Tarip-Natki; king of Apum (Eidem, “Raiders of the Lost Treasure of Samsi-Addu,” FM 2 [1994], 202–3); his son and Yanuh-Samar are left by Esnunakeans in Subat-Enlil to guard land (27 17). Tußatan Inhabitant of Qa†anum; nephew of Iddin-Kubi; defeats Nabi-Sin’s attempt to make him take oath (26 530). ˇab-Bala†i Official of Yarim-Lim, probably vizier (23 556); conveys Yarim-Lim’s wish that Mariote visitors should tour his land during mourning for queen mother (26 10). ˇab-Eli-Matim He and Sin-Bel-Aplim head a Babylonian mission to obtain Rim-Sin’s troops in Maskan-Sapir (26 364, 367); returns from Maskan-Sapir (26 368); he and Sin-Bel-Aplim bring Hana troops into Babylon (A.486+); ˇab-Íillasu Agent; receives grain from Kar-Kamis (26 543). ˇab-Wasabsu Servant of Asqudum’s friend (26 78). Ubariya Division commander of Mariote garrison in Ilan-Íura; receives food rations of common soldier (26 314); writes Zimri-Lim about bad morale of Mariote troops in Ilan-Íura (26 356).

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Ulluri Roving envoy; writes Zimri-Lim jointly with Yamßum about movements of Atamrum (26 334); writes Zakira-Hammu same information (27 89); tries to convince Haya-Sumu not to submit to Elam (26 303); is antagonistic to Ustasni-El (26 344); arrives in Saggaratum, against expectation, without Kiru (14 118); Haya-Sumu does not want him to come back (26 329). Ußur-Awassu Official of Yasmah-Addu (Charpin, 26/2, 9–14), probably majordomo of palace in Mari (Villard, “Administrateurs,” 42–44); appointed as administrator of affairs inside city (26 300); writes Yasmah-Addu about wool rations of courtiers (26 284); about turquoise wool to finish royal garment (26 285); about garments (26 287); about missing soldier and various needed materials (26 286); about materials and choir boys (26 297); about slab for steles (26 292); about work on divine image (26 294); about house construction (26 289); about health of Queen Beltum (26 298); intercedes with Yasmah-Addu on behalf of someone (26 295); reacts to being criticized for not communicating (26 291); is ordered to dispatch physicians (26 296). Ußur-Pi-Sarrim Stays with Buqaqum (26 474). Usaris-Hetil Also spelled Usaras-Hetil; name explained by Durand, NABU 1988 12; confirmed by Charpin, NABU 1991 32; for his career, see Guichard, “Présages,” 319; and Durand, LAPO 18 1220a; diviner Ishi-Addu dispatches him and Yasmah-Addu 3 after favorable extispicies (26 112); writes Daris-Libur about death of girl (26 222). Ustasni-El Also spelled Istasni-El; disobeys Yamßum’s orders (26 323); minority of troops prefer him over Yamßum (26 322); writes Su-Nuhra-Halu about his problematic relationship with Yamßum (26 344); requests leave of duty in Ilan-Íura (26 345). Utukam Scribe; writes down Dagan’s message for Zimri-Lim (26 414). Warad-Addu Singer; requested by Zimri-Lim from Atamrum’s wife (26 435). Warad-Ilisu 1 Chief musician; see Durand, FM 7, 29–34; arrived in Terqa and is headed for Dur-Yahdun-Lim (26 163); travels to east bank of Euphrates and on to Imar (26 122); writes from Halab (2 71). Warad-Ilisu 2 Soldier in division of Pussulum; registered in Mari; on list of soldiers on furlough drawn up by Zimri-Addu in Babylon (27 153). Warad-Sin Father of Atamrum (A.96). Warassa King of Dir of Istaran; expected to exchange messengers with Babylon (26 372). Yaªus-Addu Sent by Qarni-Lim to look into matter of sheep stolen from Yamutbal (27 69). Yablu†-El Soldier from Bab-Nahlim in division of Yarim-Hammu, stationed in Qa††unan (FM 2 67). Yabni-Martu Received madder from Zakira-Hammu (27 52). Yabruq-Addu Yamhadean consul traveling with Samsu-Bal (26 256). Yadratum Father of Sin-Naßir (26 458). Yaduran Messenger; leads troops from Suda and Harran to Mari (27 80). Yaduranum Killed with his litter-bearers between Kakmum and Arraphum (26 512). Yagih-Addu Yamina leader, presumably one of Yamina kings; antagonist to Zimri-Lim; called “brother” of Sumu-Dabi and stays in Mislan (26 170, 172); is said to build up Manuhatan (27 17); enters Ahuna at time of treaty between Yamina and kings of Zalmaqum (26 24); men who fled with him to Esnuna are still there in ZL 11u (27 165). Yahad-Hammu 1 of 3 soldiers from Bidah in division of Yarim-Hammu, stationed in Qa††unan (FM 2 67).

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Yahatti-El Ili-Atpalam hands his servant over to Aksak-Magir and Yassi-Dagan (FM 2 48). Yahdun-Lim 1 King of Mari; loses reign to Samsi-Adad; conditions in his time and his deeds are frequently mentioned in letters during reign of Zimri-Lim (see Charpin, “Passé”); Asmad refers to Yahdun-Lim’s use of vagrants (26 24); ecstatic of Dagan requests offerings for his spirit (26 221). Yahdun-Lim 2 Successor to his brother Yatar-Ami on throne of Kar-Kamis; ignores IsmeDagan’s interference in matters of succession after Apla-Handa’s death (26 531). Yahmus-El Name explanation in Durand, “Réalités,” 29 n. 119; military leader involved in action outside Asihum (26 405). Yahßi-Dagan Promised delivery of carts for bringing in harvest of Qa††unan (27 4). Yahßib-El 1 Hana; in charge of 20 Hana who man outposts (FM 2 51); kept by Nur-Addu from leaving district of Qa††unan and quitting service as borderguard (26 140). Yahßib-El 2 He, Aksak-Magir, land registrar Yatarum, courier Ißi-Ahum, and Habdiya, majordomo of Bannum, inventory the households of Bannum and Zakura-Abu (FM 2 49). Yahulum He and Aªan-Lim are alerted in Ahuna that Baßßum 2 and Yassi-Dagan 4 are giving away secrets of Mari (27 118). Yahun-El Division commander; brother of man who killed children of Qarni-Lim and received retribution for his murdered slave (26 434). Yahßur-Addu Qa†anean messenger caught by Hammu-Rabi in gate of Larsa (26 383). Yakbar-Lim Representative of Imar in Tuttul(?); “chef coutumier de Tuttul” (Durand, 26 246a); asks Imarites about letting king of Nihriya enter Tuttul (26 246). Yakun-Addu Kurdaite messenger; he, Saggaran, and Zimri-Erah travel through Mariote territory (27 116). Yakun-Arari Division commander (23 596 I 23u [Yakun-Arru]); speaks to Hana soldiers about travel provisions (26 97); perhaps identical with Yakun-RU whose troops are mentioned in 26 257. Yakun-Asar 1 of 3 Kurdaite messengers going to Mari (FM 2 55). Yakun-Dagan Mariote messenger accompanying messengers from Kunnam and IsmeAddu en route to Mari (27 88). Yakun-Pi-Sin Military commander ranking one step below Ibal-Pi-El; receives gifts in Babylon (25 815). Yalªa-Addu Diviner from Halab (Durand, 26/1, 252–53); reveals conspiracy of [Yamina] in temple of Annunitum (26 150); urges Zimri-Lim to invite him to Mari (26 148); is being conducted from Saggaratum to Mari (26 151); mentions discovery of corpse of Asqudum 3 (26 149). Yamama Woman given as maid to Tarhiya by Zimri-Lim (26 402). Yamßi-Hadnu 1 Diviner (Durand, 26/1, 253–54); reports from Mislan to Sumu-Dabi (26 168–72). Yamßi-Hadnu 2 General; enters Rapiqum with Esnunakean troops (26 260). Yamßi-Hadnu 3 Highly placed Ekallatean; his servant concludes from his behavior that rumor about Isme-Dagan’s death is true (26 495). Yamßu(m) Also Yamßium, Yamßiyu(m); Charpin describes his status and actions (26/2, 46– 49); representative of Mari in Ilan-Íura in ZL 9u and 10u; overseer of weir of Ilan-Íura (for this title, see comment 1 to 27 87); writes 26 301–43; often at odds with king of IlanÍura; characterizes himself as soldier without knowledge of civilian life (26 333); wants

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Zimri-Lim to interfere on behalf of Ibni-Addu (26 312); refuses to attend dinners of Haya-Sumu because his troops are not given flour (26 314); tears his garment before Haya-Sumu in response to Ustasni-El’s insubordination (26 323); is popular with his troops (26 322); Haya-Sumu wants Ustasni-El to replace him (26 323); prevents troops of Atamrum from entering Ilan-Íura (26 328); takes on role of Zimri-Lim’s agent in IlanÍura (26 329); informs Zakira-Hammu that Haya-Sumu removed king of Kahat (27 86). Yamut-Lim King of unidentified city in Idamaraß; he, Ibal-Addu, Tamarzi, and ZakuraAbu request Sub-Ram’s help in switching allegiance from king of Asnakkum to HayaSumu (26 126). Yanabbi-El Troop guide; receives 20 sheep in Qa††unan (27 47). Yanßib-Addu 1 Numha; father of Yarim-Dadu (26 463); transports merchandise from Mari to Esnuna (26 6); dies during reign of Simah-Ilane (26 464). Yanßib-Addu 2 Military officer who transports drum from Imar to Asqudum (26 18); writes Zimri-Lim on behalf of subordinate (26 448). Yanßib-Addu 3 Writes 26 444 to Yasmah-Addu. Yanßib-Addu 4 Cultivator; requests field in Qa††unan from Zimri-Lim (26 445); announces delivery of garlic (26 446). Yanßib-Addu 5 Isme-Dagan seeks shelter in his city, Hamadanum (26 419). Yanßib-Addu 6 Agent of Zimri-Lim; receives grain from Kar-Kamis (26 543). Yanßib-Addu 7 1 of 3 men from Bab Nahlim who were captured by Elamites, served under Atamrum, fled, and provided information on siege of Razama (6 37). Yanßib-Dagan 1 Regular from Dasran; condemned to death and sought (26 199). Yanßib-Dagan 2 His party crosses border from Kurda to Mari amid difficulties (27 68). Yanßib-Dagan 3 Leads 2,000 of Bunuma-Addu’s Zalmaqean troops to Mari (27 79). Yanßib-[ ] Colleague of Yamßum who serves as representative of Mari in place not far from Ilan-Íura (26 309). Yanßiban Nahimum keeps contact with him and Ibal-Pi-El (26 39). Yanßibum 1 Vizier of Askur-Addu (26 427); leads Mariote troops from Karana to Mari at request of Habdu-Malik (26 394); accompanies Kukkutanum from Karana to Mari (26 401); receives instructions from Askur-Addu (26 423); comes to Andarig to bring Babylonian troops to Karana (26 427, 513). Yanßibum 2 Cultivator; relays Yalªa-Addu’s information about war council of Yamina (26 150). Yantaqim Name segmented Yan-Takim and discussed by Durand, LAPO 17 482c; official of Yasmah-Addu; writes Yasmah-Addu about physician (26 267). Yantin- See also Yattin-, which is a different spelling of the same element. Yantin-Addu Foreman of fishers; is requested to gather up boats for transport of grain harvest to Mari (26 58). Yantin-Erah 1 Also spelled Yattin-Erah; predecessor of Iddiyatum in Karana according to Lafont, 26/2, 465 n. 19; attached to staff of Zimri-Addu in Babylon (27 151); Yasim-El asks a favor of Su-Nuhra-Halu for him (26 441); Bahdi-Lim recommends him as leader of reinforcements to Babylon (6 28); receives gifts (23 435); Zimri-Addu refers to his arrival with additional troops in Babylon (27 151); Zimri-Addu consults with him, Addu-Naßir, and Inib-Samas in camp outside Hiritum (27 151); first to return to Mari from Babylon (27 162); he and Bahdi-Addu bring 100 personal guards back to Mari (2 25).

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Yantin-Erah 2 Mentioned together with Kutkutu in letter by Íidqum-Lanasi (26 539); his boat expected to leave Kar-Kamis (26 540). Yantin-Erah 3 mentioned (26 404). Yanuh-Samar Vizier of Haya-Abu and later Atamrum (so Charpin, 26/2, 130); he, HadnuRabi, Sarrum-Kima-Kalima, and Hammu-Rabi of Kurda stay with Atamrum (A.2730); left by Esnunakeans in Subat-Enlil as guide of guard-troops (27 17); writes 357–60 to Zimri-Lim; noncommittal about surrendering Subat-Enlil to Zimri-Lim (26 328); he and Simat-Huluris deliver Subat-Enlil to La-Awil-Addu (26 316); under house arrest (26 319). Yapah-Lim Messenger; helps lead 2,000 Zalmaqean troops to Mari (27 78). Yapah-[ ] [Guide]; takes garrison replacements to Ilan-Íura (26 407). Yaphuran Father of Laªum 4 (27 20). Yaqqim-Addu 1 Governor of Saggaratum; writes 14 65, 76, 98, 101–4, 106, 108, 109, 116, 118, 124; 26 206, 252, 254, 278; insults Zakira-Hammu while staying in Kahat (27 57); consults with Asqudum and Zimri-Erah about message of Hammu-Rabi of Babylon concerning Id (26 40); consults with Bahdi-Lim, Kibri-Dagan, and Yasim-Sumu about role of Zimri-Lim in campaign (26 119); relays news from Hanat about division of Elamite troops (14 124); he and Zimri-Addu are ordered to search for information about Qarni-Lim’s body (6 37); searches for Rumatum in Dur-Yahdun-Lim (26 252); reports on ordeal (26 254); requests physician (26 278); reports on enlisting troops for campaign to Babylon (14 65). Yaqqim-Addu 2 3d mayor of Hisamta (26 6). Yaqqim-Addu 3 Sent by Asqudum to report on assembly of Hana (26 46). Yaqqim-Lim Guide of Suhean troops moving from Karana to Qa††ara (26 411); informs Yasim-El about Ekallatean messengers staying in Qa††ara (26 414); leads 30 Suheans on mission to shadow Elamite withdrawal beyond Kakkulatum (2 30). Yarªip-Abba Saved Timlu from exile in Kasapa (26 240). Yarih-Abum Envoy; comes from Kurda and reports about Atamrum’s desire to change sides to Mari (14 101); conducts muster of Mariote troops in Andarig (26 408); takes charge of Mariote slaves who fled to Andarig (26 412); present at conclusion of treaty between Atamrum and Askur-Addu (26 404). Yarim-Addu Chief of Hurban; creates difficulties for Mari and is sent to Zimri-Lim by Meptum; returns and warns of arrival of hostile Hana troops (26 36). Yarim-Dadu 1 Son of Yanßib-Addu; see 27 100g; 130a; makes statement about valuables (26 463). Yarim-Dadu 2 Zimri-Addu mentions his people, for whom he wrote to Harbe (of Yamutbal?) (27 100). Yarim-Dagan Courtier; comes to ordeal in Id with Qisti-Mama and Sum-Na-Addu (26 251); witnesses ordeal in Id (26 254); Yalªa-Addu wants Zimri-Lim to send him [ ] (26 148); Kiru sends a letter with him from Ilan-Íura (10 33). Yarim-Hammu Durand, “Administrateurs,” 107; as division commander, he reports that 30 soldiers are on furlough in his division and is instructed to take care of reed and ruhtum for palace in Qa††unan (FM 2 67); as general, he refuses to appear before authorities in Qa††unan and sells respectable person into slavery (FM 2 68).

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Yarim-Lim King of Aleppo; dies between III and 15 VIII 9’ (Villard, 23, 473 n. 45); ranks above Zimri-Lim (26 21); happy about arrival of Asqudum and Risiya in matters of marriage of his daughter Siptu to Zimri-Lim and unhappy about nonarrival of singer Karanatum (26 9); happy about second gift from Zimri-Lim at occasion of his daughter’s marriage (26 11); gives dispositions for his daughter’s belongings (26 13); angry about Asqudum’s request for servant (26 21); expected to give Asqudum lumber and metal for transport to Mari (26 22); Hammu-Rabi of Babylon expresses satisfaction about being allied with Zimri-Lim and Yarim-Lim (26 468); plans to detain Imarite caravans (26 532). Yarkab-Addu 1 King of Hanzat; 2,000 of his Zalmaqean troops arrive in Qa††unan (27 78). Yarkab-Addu 2 His wife suspected of crimes (26 249). Yashadum Mayor of ˇabatum after Hammutar 2 (27 107). Yasim-Addu Hana; jailed after taking royal offerings and killing royal servant (27 57). Yasim-Dagan 1 His lagu donkeys are needed to bring Karanatum speedily to Aleppo (26 9). Yasim-Dagan 2 Military officer; musters his troops (26 33); apprehends condemned regular (26 199). Yasim-Dagan 3 Has dream with serious implications (26 82). Yasim-Dagan 4 He and Meptum report on ordeal (26 251). Yasim-El Representative of Mari in Andarig; sends letters 26 402–42; probably writes A.285; accused by Haya-Sumu of taking part in Atamrum’s seizure of city of Suhpad (26 409); sends servant to drive ox to Yamßum (26 302); Iddiyatum dispatches 100 troops to him (26 527); accompanies Askur-Addu to Mari (27 154); he, Iddiyatum, Belsunu, and mayors are present when messengers of Isme-Dagan bring message of peace to Askur-Addu (A.285); brings Babylonian troops from Andarig to Karana and returns midway (26 424); comes with Belsunu to Andarig (26 512); pleads with Himdiya to prevent revenge killing (26 434); does not return 20 soldiers that were assigned to Iddiyatum (26 520 and 521). Yasim-Hammu 1 Military officer who brings troops to support Babylon’s war against Larsa; writes 26 383 and possibly also 384; is mentioned in 27 155. Yasim-Hammu 2 Administrator; reduces field area of diviner Ilsu-Naßir (26 442). Yasim-Hammu 3 Messenger of Buqaqum; obtains information about Ekallatum from fugitive (26 491). Yasim-Sumu Accountant (sandabakkum) of Mari; see Ziegler, “Esclaves,” 19; Maul, “Sparmassnahme,” 755–73; employs members of Asqudum’s household in Qa††unan (27 38); departs from Qa††unan to join Zimri-Lim after checking on administration of district (27 37); he and Hammi-Sagis assign work quotas for threshing on crown land in Qa††unan (27 39); he and Sin-Musallim promise to deliver grain from Qa††unan to treasurers (27 109); cuts amount of grain rations for reservists (27 44); assigns 15 liters of grain as provision for 4 men (27 45); dispatches oxen for fattening (27 110); consults with Zakira-Hammu about informing Zimri-Lim of arrival of Yumraß-El in Qa††unan (27 84); consults with Bahdi-Lim, Kibri-Dagan, and Yaqqim-Addu about role of Zimri-Lim in campaign (26 119). Yasmah-Addu 1 King of Mari by authority of his father, Samsi-Adad, younger brother of Isme-Dagan, predecessor of Zimri-Lim; disappears at time of arrival of Zimri-Lim in

Index of Individuals

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Mari (see §3); Isme-Dagan writes him about reassignment of diviner Naram-Sin and transport of siege towers (26 138-bis). Yasmah-Addu 2 Ishi-Addu dispatches him and Usaris-Hetil (26 112). Yasmah-Bal Inhabitant of Ziniyan (26 462). Yasmah-Dagan Associated with Mariote troops in Babylon; receives gifts (23 435). Yassi-Dagan 1 Asqudum chides him for raising incriminating question about landownership in front of Zimri-Lim (26 74); Abi-Mekim writes him about chariot and its wheels (26 459); Ili-Atpalam hands over Yahatti-El’s servant to Aksak-Magir and him (FM 2 48). Yassi-Dagan 2 Military commander; stationed opposite Esnunakean forces under Sallurum in Suhum (26 479); governor of Qa††unan requests troops from him (27 30). Yassi-Dagan 3 Goes from Subat-Enlil to ˇabatum to flats above Tehran and through steppe to Andarig (27 65). Yassi-Dagan 4 He and Baßßum 2, who are Ganibateans staying in Ahuna, inform [ ] about Mari (27 118). Yassi-El 1 Writes down extispicy report on Tuttul (26 153). Yassi-El 2 Correspondent of Íidqum-Lanasi in Qa†anum; possibly foreman of merchants there (26 530); can inform Zimri-Lim about troubles in Kar-Kamis (26 542). Yasu-El Guide of unsuccessful campaign against territory of Babylon (A.3669+). Yaßi-El 1 Coauthors 26 480 with Buqaqum. Yaßi-El 2 1 of 7 soldiers from Appan in division of Yarim-Hammu, stationed in Qa††unan (FM 2 67). Yasub-Addu Asqudum helps himself to sheep owned by him and pastured by his servants near Terqa (26 20). Yasub-Dagan His foot treated by physician (26 296); stays in Kurda with Habdu-Malik (26 392). Yasub-Rabi 1 of 3 Kurdaite messengers going to Mari (FM 2 55). Yataphum Ekallatean commander (26 370q; Birot, “Découvertes épigraphiques au palais de Mari,” Syria 50 [1973], 6); mentioned together with Abdu-Surim in connection with problems of succession in Ekallatum (26 370). Yatar-Ami Son and successor of Apla-Handa; takes death of father to heart (26 537); would not keep lumber from being sent to Mari (26 541); he or his brother YahdunLim requests female singers from Hammu-Rabi of Babylon (27 162). Yatar-Amu Physician in Kar-Kamis (26 281). Yatar-Lim Guide of 200 Hana who attack Yamina encampment (27 17). Yatar-Salim Brother of Haqba-Hammu; accompanies Menirum on trip to Mari (26 411); informs Yasim-El and Belsunu about Esnunakean message for Askur-Addu (26 423); informs Iddiyatum about attempts of Ekallatum to lure Askur-Addu into alliance with Esnuna (26 513); comes to Andarig with message from Askur-Addu (26 438); probably identical with Haqba-Hammu’s brother, who is released from Andarig (26 511). Yatarum 1 Mayor of Ziniyan (26 462); Asqudum en route to Aleppo entrusts him with 6 lambs (26 20). Yatarum 2 Son of Larum; sends tin to Idamaraß to buy slaves (27 117).

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Index of Individuals

Yatarum 3 Land registrar; he, Governor Aksak-Magir, royal courier Ißi-Ahum, and Habdiya, majordomo of Bannum, inventory households of Bannum and Zakura-Abu (FM 2 49); probably last governor of Qa††unan, in which capacity he writes 27 173–77. Yattin- See also Yantin-, which is a different spelling of the same element. Yattin-Addu Military commander one step below Bahdi-Addu; receives gifts in Babylon (23 435). Yattin-Erah Staff member of Ibal-Pi-El, returning from Babylon (26 486). Yattinu Consul; probably staff member of Ibal-Pi-El and identical with Yattin-Erah; en route to Mari with news on Hammu-Rabi and Ibal-Pi-El (26 488). Yawi-Addu 1 Envoy; arrives in Saggaratum after 6 months’ detention in Asnakkum (14 102). Yawi-Addu 2 Son of Hayama-El; envoy sent to Atamrum to demand termination of siege of Razama (14 103). Yawi-Addu 3 Proprietor of sheepfold, arrested by governor of Qa††unan’s agents and brought before Zimri-Lim (27 63). Yeskit-El Writes Zimri-Lim about fall of Larsa (26 386). Yumraß-El Also Yamraß-El; king of Abi-Ili (27 84a); passes with 300 of his men through Qa††unan en route to Mari (27 83 and 84). Zaªikum Secedes from Yasmah-Addu’s kingdom and from gods of his city (26 156). Zakira-Hammu Governor of Qa††unan; writes 27 25–98; not as active in obtaining information as desirable (see comment 1 to 14 102); solicits and receives information from Ulluri on Idamaraß and Atamrum (27 89); travels to Andarig (27 72); meets with Sarraya of Razama (27 72-bis); denies Zimri-Addu access to irrigation water (27 108); Babylonians returning from Qa††unan inform Zimri-Addu about Zakira-Hammu’s taking advantage of his household (27 137). Zakura-Abu 1 King of Salluhan (see Kupper 28, 109); he, Ibal-Addu, Yamut-Lim, and Tamarzi request Sub-Ram’s help in switching allegiance from king of Asnakkum to Haya-Sumu (26 126). Zakura-Abu 2 His and Bannum’s houses are sealed and inventoried (FM 2 49). Zambuganni King of Amaz (Joannès, 26 347d); made peace with his cities (26 347). Zanigum Soldier in division of Ubariya; registered in Mari; on list of soldiers on furlough drawn up by Zimri-Addu in Babylon (27 153). Zikri-Addu 1 Official in district of Qa††unan; writes FM 2 47 and receives FM 2 48; does not acknowledge authority of Nur-Addu (26 139); does not react to letter of Zimri-Lim (26 140). Zikri-Addu 2 Groom; father of Ilum-Gamil (26 458). Zikri-Addu 3 He and Bazilum are highly placed Kurdaites in Esnunakean hands (27 16). Zikri-Addu 4 Soldier from Nara in division of Yarim-Hammu, stationed in Qa††unan (FM 2 67). Zikri-Hanat Diviner under Yasmah-Addu and Zimri-Lim (Durand, 26/1, 255); resident of Suhum; performs extispicies about grain in Yabliya (26 154-bis); is sent with Yabliyaites to perform extispicies about village that seceded (26 156); performs extispicies with Naram-Sin to find out whether Goddess Nin-Biri is happy with her refurbished face (26 132); performs extispicies with Hali-Hadun about Mari (26 154); performs extispicies with Inib-Samas about entry of Babylonian troops into Mari (26 155).

Index of Individuals

569

Zikri-Lim Hana soldier in division of Napsi-Pi-El; kills lion (26 106). Zikriya Kurdaite envoy; abducts apprentice barber in Mari (26 453). Zilaban Servant of Simah-Ilane; detained by Qarni-Lim (26 464). Zimra-Hammu Elamite envoy Simetagup expects help from him (26 368); his son mentioned in connection with vizier of Rim-Sin (26 370). Zimri-Addu 1 Son of La-Dinu (27 140); writes 27 99–170; governor of Qa††unan; later military leader of Mariote troops in Babylon under Ibal-Pi-El (27 151); Zakira-Hammu refers to his tenure as governor of Qa††unan during previous year (27 37); he and Yaqqim-Addu are ordered to search for information about Qarni-Lim’s body (6 37); prepares to go to Babylon (27 136); receives gifts in Babylon (25 815); complains that Ibal-Pi-El receives more provisions than he does (27 152); Sarrum-Íululi reports about bad and comical effects of discord between Zimri-Addu and Ibal-Pi-El in Babylon (26 380); Yantin-Erah is attached to him personally (27 151); Babylonians returning from Qa††unan inform him about Zakira-Hammu’s taking advantage of his household (27 137); he and Menirum write from Karana at beginning of campaign season ZL 11u (27 154); he and Kibsi-Addu write Buqaqum from Sippir (26 497); he, Kibsi-Addu, and Menirum inform Buqaqum about progress of Atamrum’s return from Babylon (26 498); Buqaqum meets him, Menirum, and Kibsi-Addu in Yabliya (26 500). Zimri-Addu 2 Commander of Mariote garrison in Kahat; writes about status of Tehran (27 169); possibly author of 27 170. Zimri-Dagan Diviner (Durand, 26/1, 255–56); complains to Zimri-Lim about not being given field and house at his post in Tuttul (26 157); performs extispicies for district of Saggaratum (26 158). Zimri-Erah 1 Asqudum consults with him and Yaqqim-Addu about message of HammuRabi of Babylon concerning Id (26 40). Zimri-Erah 2 Shares house in Qa††unan with Atrakatum and Governor Ilsu-Naßir (27 2). Zimri-Erah 3 Kurdaite messenger; he, Saggaran, and Yakun-Addu pass through Mariote territory (27 116). Zimri-Lim King of Mari; calls himself and is called by contemporaries “son of YahdunLim,” the former king of Mari; according to seal legend used at beginning of reign, he was son of Hadni-[Addu]” (Charpin and Durand, “Pouvoir,” 336–38); his mother was Addu-Duri (“Pouvoir,” 337; FM 4 50–51); full secular title, “son of Yahdun-Lim, king of Mari and the land of the Hana”; religious title, “regent of Dagan” (so on seal legend of Asqudum 1; see Charpin, “Les archives du devin Asqudum,” MARI 4 [1985], 456); takes prophecies more seriously than his predecessor, according to Charpin, “Prophéties,” 26–28; called by gods “guardian of Mari” (26 208); by Samas, “regent of Dagan and Addu” (26 194); by female relatives, “My Star”; by Atamrum and Askur-Addu, “our guide” (26 404); by Yasim-El, “king of totality” (26 409); belongs to Simªal branch of Amorites (Charpin and Durand, “Fils,” 150–52; 26 385); for his career and personality, see Sasson, “King”; participates actively in war; Bahdi-Lim utters concern about his safety on campaign (26 176); Goddess Belet-Biri says, “Kingship is his brickmold and reign his wall. Why does he keep going up the tower? He must guard himself ” (26 238); Dagan tells his respondent that battering ram and tower are given to him and go by his side (26 199); writes 26 191 to river god; sister Inibsina tells him, “I heard the following: ‘He scintillates [see note to text] all by himself.’ Do not scintillate all by

570

Index of Individuals

yourself!” (26 197); writes long letters (10 84; A.3080 = LAPO 17 733); relies on his own judgment (26 31); does not care for advice of outsiders (26 379); is said to believe in power of goodness (26 449); gets enraged over low work-quota of cultivators (26 76); has enemies in Subat-Enlil/Apum (26 358); is warned against compromising with Yamina (26 450); prepares siege of Mislan (26 168); Idamaraßean kings declare him their lord and father (26 347); forms alliance with Sarraya and Qarni-Lim, which threatens Hammu-Rabi of Kurda (27 71); demands possession of Id, Harbe, and Yabliya from Hammu-Rabi of Babylon (26 449); Hammu-Rabi of Babylon expresses satisfaction about being allied with him and Yarim-Lim (26 468); travels to Yamhad (26 365bis); is expected back from trip to Mediterranean in Terqa within 3 days (14 103); Hammu-Rabi of Babylon expects him to go up to Idamaraß (2 21); concludes treaty with Atamrum (26 328); installs Askur-Addu as king of Karana (M.7529); it is recalled that Zimri-Lim brought Ekallatum, Atamrum, the upper land, and the land of Subartum into anti-Elamite coalition (A.3669+); Atamrum’s wife refers to his decision in dispute with Askur-Addu (26 433); Hammu-Rabi of Kurda declares that he never was and is not presently ready to help Kurda (A.3577). Zimri-Samas Servant of Atamrum; travels to Babylon to negotiate treaty (26 372). Zimri-Samas He and Pudal-Puri pledge oath to Atamrum on behalf of their king HayaSumu (26 328). Zimriya King of Surra; sends message to Zimri-Lim (27 18); coordinates moves against Isme-Dagan with Yasim-El (26 415); gathers country population in Surra (26 421); his cities are mentioned (26 431). Zinan Sends a type of wood from Silhan to governor in Qa††unan (27 55). Zindawar Inhabitant of Hirmenzanim; sends messengers to Ibal-Addu (28 56). Ziyanam Servant of Askur-Addu; saves Kapidum from ambush in Tadum (26 357). Ziyatum Courier; he and Sumu-Erah bring message to Mari about audience with HammuRabi of Babylon (26 449). Zu-Hadni(m) 1 King of Surnat; attacked by Hammu-Rabi of Kurda (26 317); involved in seizure of Suhpad by Atamrum (26 409). Zu-Hadnim 2 Perhaps mayor; Bannum keeps 200 of his sheep for Zimri-Lim (26 5). Zu-Hadni(m) 3 Envoy; reports on Imarites en route to Id to undergo ordeal (26 256); comes from Atamrum to Ilan-Íura (10 32). Zu-Hadni 4 Guides 2,000 troops of Haya-Sumu and Sub-Ram to Qa††unan and ZimriLim (27 69). Zunan Diviner under Yasmah-Addu (Durand, 26/1, 256); neglects performing extispicies (26 88); Asqudum goes on expedition in his stead (26 159). Zunana Sister of Daris-Libur; writes him to prevent encroachment on her household (26 107); turns to Zimri-Lim to get her servant back from Sammetar (26 232). Zuzuni Servant of Askur-Addu; brings news about Turukkum (26 404).

Index of Group Designations

This is essentially an index of Akkadian words that designate members of groups, such as ethnicities, inhabitants of lands and cities, professionals, officials, soldiers, and so on. The reader should bear in mind that this is not a full index of groups of human society, but a selection of meaningful references. *

*

*

*

*

administrator (wedûm) Yasim-El wonders whether slaves transported from Andarig to Mari should go to palace or to administrators (26 414); administrators of the command of Esnunakean troops come to Hammu-Rabi of Babylon to ask for help against Elamites (27 147); Zimri-Lim informed of war council of Yamina kings, administrators, and mayors (26 150). agent (ebbum) See comment 1 to 26 329; servants of Zimri-Lim function as his agents (26 213); agents come to determine number of workers in plow unit for palace of Qa††unan and amount of grain rations for Hana and reservists (27 1); Haya-Sumu is upset that Yamßum should act as Zimri-Lim’s agent in Ilan-Íura by measuring grain to be sent to Mari (26 329); agents to be dispatched in connection with grain reserves in Suhum (26 37); governor of Qa††unan requests visit of agent to check on his administration (27 26); agents of Isme-Dagan mentioned (26 451); Íidqum-Lanasi measures out large quantities of grain to Mariote agents (26 543); Kibri-Dagan sends agents to cities of his province to enlist troops (3 19 and 20); Aksak-Magir of Qa††unan requests agents to manage giving out of grain rations to palace personnel (FM 2 51); king should dispatch [agent] ahead of him when going on campaign (26 119); agent responsible for campaign gear (26 190); agents dispatched to witness ordeal (26 249); Suhean division commander, Simhi-Erah, and 2 secretaries witness ordeal as agents of Meptum (26 251); agents of Samsi-Adad allow Esnunakeans to enter Rapiqum (26 260); kings of Idamaraß send their agents to Zimri-Lim after declaring him their lord (26 347). Ahunaite Inhabitant of Ahuna; Ahunaite alerts 2 men from Qa††unan about possible treason by 2 Ganibateans staying in Ahuna (27 118). Akkadian Inhabitant of southern Mesopotamia; Esnunakeans and Babylonians are Akkadians (27 135). Allahadite Inhabitant of Allahad; Allahadite messengers come to Sippir to meet IsmeDagan and Hammu-Rabi of Babylon (26 451).

571

572

Index of Group Designations

allied troops (ßabum tillatum), troops of the alliance (ßab tillatim), and allies (that is, troops) (tillatum) None in Andarig, nor troops outside or inside city (26 390); accompany Atamrum to Íidqum (26 404); Babylonian messenger reminds Atamrum of promise to dispatch them to Hammurabi of Babylon and is referred to fact that Atamrum will dispatch them to Zimri-Lim (26 404); Atamrum comes from Babylon with Babylonian allied troops (26 439); 2,000 Lullum are allies of king of Sirwunum (26 405); receive booty (26 408); their movements (26 415); promised as prize for joining alliance (26 423); Zimri-Lim removes Esnunakeans from Andarig without their help (26 303); accompany Zimri-Lim, giving him upper hand against Mislan (26 181); extispicies indicate that Zimri-Lim will not move out with them and his own troops (26 169); MutAskur fails to obtain allied Esnunakean troops (26 428); even if troops of Isme-Dagan are many, his allies will scatter in front of Zimri-Lim (26 207). Amazite Inhabitant of Amaz; Amazites ask king of Susa for protection (26 435). Andarigite Inhabitant of Andarig; see Isurum; Numha, Andarigites, or Idamaraßeans attack Babylonian messengers between Kurda and Qa††unan (27 168). army See troops. Arraphean Inhabitant of Arrapha; Arraphean and Ekallatean messengers on way to Zimri-Lim are detained by Bahdi-Lim (6 18). assistant (sa warkim) Assistant of pasture-chief sent to enforce rules about use of wells among Hana on Andarigite territory (27 48); assistant replaces Governor ZakiraHammu (27 59); assistant of majordomo of palace in Qa††unan is punished for letting prostitutes enter palace (27 60); assistant of governor of Suhum alerted to negligence among scouts of Yabliya (26 156). Assyrian Inhabitant of the city of Assur; see merchants; Babylonian, Ekallatean, and Assyrian troops threaten Andarig (26 411); 300 Assyrians with as many donkeys go to Karana; 30 of them continue to Kurda by way of Andarig and are detained in Allahad (26 432 and 433); Assyrians released as result of pressure from Askur-Addu (26 436). Asarugayum Hana clan; its soldiers led by Bihirum on campaign in Babylon (A.486+). Aslakkean Inhabitant of Aslakka; 2 Aslakkean messengers arrive in Qa††unan (27 97). Asnakkean Inhabitant of Asnakkum; Sadum-Labua called “the Asnakkean” (FM 2 64); Asnakkeans and Urgisites support Atamrum (26 321). Awnanean Member of the Yamina clan Awnan; Awnanean reveals secrets to Esnuna (26 456). Azuhinite Inhabitant of Azuhinum; see Hammu-Sar, Sadu-Sarrum. Babylonian Inhabitant of Babylon; see generals, messengers; Babylonians and Esnunakeans reckoned as Akkadians (27 135); Buqaqum reports that 2 Babylonian messengers en route to Mari and 2 en route to Andarig passed by (26 486); Yasmah-Addu recalls time when enmity with Babylonians shut off supply of bitumen for Mari (26 260); Babylonian courtiers help administer river ordeal in Id (26 249); Esnunakeans assemble in Uhul and Unine for action against Babylonians (26 503); Esnunakeans reap grain sown by Babylonians near Rapiqum (26 260); extispicies for entry of Babylonian troops to Mari (26 155); Babylonian troops receive gifts in Mari (26 274); troops under IshiDagan get close to Esnunakeans, meet The Vizier, and camp next to Babylonians (26 255); Hammu-Rabi informs Bahdi-Lim of having dispatched Babylonian troops and heavy gear (6 54); Abi-Mekim leads 5,000 Babylonian troops from Babylon (26 470;

Index of Group Designations

573

6 34); Babylonian and Mariote troops cross river Irnina at Namsi in anticipation of Elamite moves (27 140); 300 Babylonian and 300 Mariote troops are positioned at Sa Baßim (2 22); 6,000 Babylonian troops expected to go to Ekallatum (26 373); Babylonian troops make successful incursion into Elamite-occupied territory of Esnuna (27 141); Babylonians in Andarig receive share of prisoners of war (26 408); Babylonian, Ekallatean, and Assyrian troops threaten Andarig (26 411); Babylonians, having stayed several months in Qa††unan and returned to Babylon, inform Zimri-Addu about condition of his household (27 137 and 138); attack sheep of Elamites (6 27); 300 Babylonian troops under Mari’s command stay in Andarig (26 423); Belsunu and Yasim-El bring them to Karana (26 424); they stay in camp of Rakna (28 171); they join Himdiya and his troops (26 428); they go with him to Subat-Enlil (26 430); they receive from him prisoners of war captured in Amaz (26 436); Askur-Addu sends Babylonian troops back to Andarig (26 523); 2,000 or 3,000 Babylonian troops expected to come to Mari with Ibal-Pi-El (26 486); Zimri-Lim requests 10,000 Babylonian troops (2 25); Atamrum returns from Babylon with Babylonian troops (26 439 and 498); Babylonians keep in close contact with Atamrum after his return from Babylon and refuse to inform Mariote representative in Andarig (26 438); Babylonian troops coming from Sippir take along Hulalum in order to install him as king of Allahad (26 440, 440-bis); 2,000 Babylonian troops operate in area of Hubsalum and collaborate with Hammu-Rabi of Kurda and Himdiya (27 177); without Babylonian caravans, there is no turquoise wool in Mari (26 285). baker See pastry cook. bank of the Euphrates Settled population of kingdom of Mari in three Euphrates districts, as opposed to population on Habur and pasturalists (Hana); 100 Hana and 100 from bank of Euphrates witness establishment of ties between Mari and Razama (A.2730). barber (l ú . s u . i ) Courtier learns barber craft from the barber Abi-Eqar (26 453); sick man is brought to house of barber (26 282). battering-ram maker (yassabum) See leather workers. boatman (malahum) See carpenters; a boatman needed to build ferry for use in Qa††unan (27 7); not even junior boatman dispatched to Qa††unan (27 14); 2 depart from Qa††unan for Mari (27 175). border guard (lú bazahatum) Also called “those of the outposts” (sa bazahatim) and “men of the outposts” (l ú . m e s sa bazahatim); “royal internal security force,” according to J. Macdonald, “The Identification of bazahatu in the Mari Letters,” RA 69 (1975), 137–45; “sections d’assaut” according to Durand (LAPO 17, 381); often reported to be at full strength; Mariote border guards pushed aside by Yamina troops, then strengthened by additional guards drawn from shock-troops (26 176); Zimri-Lim discouraged from walking among lightly armed [troops] and border guards (26 176); Ibal-Pi-El brings his border guards up to full strength while Esnunakeans are nearby (26 508); patrol area for distance of 60 km (3 17); dispatched to obtain information on enemy (26 475); border guards of cultivated zone of Asihum draw Mariote troops into fighting (26 405); need to be at their outposts (26 140); Buqaqum moves his border guards to outskirts of Assur and Ekallatum (26 491); Buqaqum’s border guards seize fugitive from

574

Index of Group Designations

Ekallatum (26 495); they are asked to look out for fugitive slave (27 61); Sumu-Dabi is advised to give strict orders to guards and borderguards (26 172). boy (ßuharum) See Hursan; junior servant; typically, servants of the king are called “servants” (wardum), and servants of such royal servants are called “boys” (ßuharum); for a royal junior servant, see Sin-Illassu; boy of Yasim-El is probably prisoner of war (26 302); boys serve as messengers (26 391); run errands (27 61); carry tablets (2 21; 26 467; 27 53); are sent out to verify information (26 511); Iddiyatum sends his boy to convey urgent information to approaching Habdu-Malik (26 393); Elamite messenger en route to Halab sends 3 of his boys to Qa†anum (A.266); boys of Elamite messengers held in Babylon (26 363); boy of Asqudum brings merchandise to Kar-Kamis (26 538); boy of Yasim-Sumu brings silver for purchases to Kar-Kamis (26 545); Sarrum-Íululi calls courtiers in Babylon “boys” (26 381); courtier learning to be barber is called “boy” (26 453); boy of General Sarrum-Íululi serves as scribe (27 151); Atamrum calls his regent Zimri-Lim’s “boy” (26 409); Iddiyatum sends 2 of his boys with Assyrian merchants to obtain information on Ekallatum (26 526); Numha digging madder on Mariote territory are called “my boys” by the king of Kurda (27 67); Zakira-Hammu takes advantage of boys of absent Zimri-Addu (27 138). brewer (l ú . b a p p i r) See Hadanum; Yarim-Addu promises to buy brewer for Su-NuhraHalu (26 374); no brewer or millers in the palace of Qa††unan under Aksak-Magir (FM 2 50). Burallite Inhabitant of Burallum; see Hazip-Adal. campaigner (kirrum, kirretum; see my note, NABU 1999 45) Rim-Sin sends campaigners into territory of Babylon (26 372); Askur-Addu sends campaigners to Ekallatum (26 523); Buqaqum sends out campaigners who catch an informer (26 476); Ekallatean campaigners attack territory of Askur-Addu (26 511); campaigners lay ambush in reed thicket and attack Nusar (26 514). cantor (kalûm) See Eteya; exorcists and cantors cleanse city after epidemic (26 263); senior cantors (kalamahhu) cleanse palace after palace lady contracts disease caused by a god (26 279). caravan (kaskal) See travel groups. carpenter (l ú . n a g a r ) Carpenters fix a boat because boatman not available (27 14); mentioned in connection with carts and wheels (26 285); Zimri-Lim wants carpenters and boatmen of Terqa and Saggaratum dispatched to him (26 398); household of Bannum includes 1 carpenter, 1 leather worker, and 1 walker (FM 2 49). catchers of the bank of the Habur (ahhazu sa gú Habur) Governor of Qa††unan alerts them to fugitive slave (27 61). chair-bearer (l ú . g u . z a . l á ) Informs Inibsina of Sammetar’s death (26 277). chef (lurakûm) See Íilli-Tispak. child Family described as PN, his brothers, and [children] (26 8); Asqudum lets children travel by coach to Halab (26 17); Isme-Dagan asks his subjects to sell their children for grain (26 494); household of Qarni-Lim includes sons, maids, courtiers, donkeys (27 132); widowed wife and orphaned children of Qarni-Lim brought to Mari (6 65); household of Zakura-Abu includes 1 [boy] and [n] girls among the servants (FM 2 49); women and children enlisted for harvest work on crown land in Qa††unan (27 14); for trampling locust (27 28, 29); for drawing water (26 171); exposed to raiders (26 171);

Index of Group Designations

575

children and adults do not seek refuge in Babylon in face of Elamite threat (26 364); Hammu-Rabi of Babylon orders headmen of Kasalluk to bring children of Kasalluk to Babylon (26 365); Mutiabalean adults and children [deported] (26 365-bis); Mariote population in Suhum evacuated “together with their little boys and girls” (26 38); Zunana’s girl abducted on an errand (26 232); Askur-Addu condemns 3 children of his brothers to death (26 401); children of Qarni-Lim killed by Andarigite division commander Yahun-El or his brother (26 434); throng of Yamutbal and Numha refugees in Terqa and Hisamta includes “little boys and girls” and male and female slaves (26 62); escort troops for “girls” (mu n u s . t u r. m e s , perhaps the astalû singers of 26 112) going to Imar (26 122); girl of PN goes into trance and gives message of Annunitum to ZimriLim (26 214); it is feared that king will be grief-stricken by death of girl, possibly his daughter (26 222); Simatum dreams about how daughter of Tepahum should be named (26 239); girl, boy whom she is accused of having bewitched, and her mother come with Yamhadean troops to Id and undergo ordeal (26 253); boys blinded to become musicians (26 297); “young” slaves contrasted with adult slaves transported from Andarig to Mari (26 414). commissioner (hazannum) See Finet, “La politique d’expansion aux temps de HammuRapi de Babylone,” AIPHOS 20 (1963), 233; Charpin defines: “représentant auprès du roi local d’un pouvoir extérieur auquel il est subordonné” (“Isme-Addu,” 167); Durand derives the word from halßi+an, that is, “district” + individual, and defines office as commissioner of suzerain at court of his vassal (LAPO 16, 471); Tarhiya is Mari’s commissioner in Andarig (26 402); commissioner of king of Eluhtum in Amaz (26 435); inhabitants of Subartum want commissioner of Zimri-Lim installed (27 73); Luhayaites chase off their Kurdaite commissioner and make peace with Haya-Abum (26 353). commoner (muskenum) Zimri-Lim collects silver from commoners (26 54); Hamman overtaxes them in Lower Suhum (26 154-bis); commoner Íilli-Sin became king of Esnuna (26 377); Isme-Addu recalls that he protected kings of Idamaraß, whom their commoners arrested and brought to him (A.3206); Kiru feels treated by her husband like wife of commoner (10 33); diviners must reveal to king relevant omens deriving from divination done for commoners (26 1); predictions drawn from extispicy are different for king and commoner (26 2, 3); extispicy of commoner relevant to Zimri-Lim (26 85); extispicy of commoner discussed (26 109); freak sheep of commoner brought to Itur-Asdu (A.3051); Yasim-El fears hostile reaction among commoners in Andarig to extradition request (26 408); commoners in Andarig pay attention to Zimri-Lim’s actions (26 418); opinion of commoners in Idamaraß about Zimri-Lim is favorable (28 57); Kukkutanum incites commoners to revolt against Haqba-Hammu (26 412); military commander wants to finish up harvest so that commoners can go out on campaign (FM 2 69); commoners consider leaving Qa††unan because they expect to be drafted for more work on crown land (27 1); sow much land in Qa††unan (27 14); governor of Qa††unan accused of sowing in fields of commoners (27 25); at time of dearth of grain, “strong men” have grain, and “weak commoners” do not (27 25); grain reserves of palace and commoners are low (26 181); boat of governor is lost, so grain of palace and of commoners cannot be ferried across the Habur (27 43); commoners consider leaving district of Qa††unan for Subartum because of locust plague (27 26, 27); plagued by locusts two years in a row (27 30); harvest, thresh, transport grain of palace of Qa††unan

576

Index of Group Designations

in their carts (27 37, 38, 100, 102); collect grain of palace in Qa††unan (27 40); complain that their workload is heavier than that of commoners in Euphrates districts (27 37); palace and commoners help each other thresh (27 39); grain of palace and commoners in Habur Valley is flooded (27 101); aid of governor of Qa††unan employs Hana for service in palace to dismay of commoners (FM 2 71). companion (alik idim) See comment 1 to 26 18; messenger Zu-Hadnim travels with companion and his consul from Halab to Mari (26 256); Asqudum and his companion from Halab divide responsibility of transporting drum (26 18); Elamite companions of Mariotes on their way to Mari bring compatriots to Id for ordeal (26 255); 4 Larsaite riders of donkeys are companions of Babylonian envoys returning from Maskan-Sapir (26 368); Mariotes return with their Babylonian companions from Babylon to Mari (26 375 and 487); Ulluri passes Saggaratum en route from Ilan-Íura to Mari with companion (14 118); Babylonian companion of Ekallatean messengers is asked and reveals Ekallatean message (26 384); Haqba-Ahum arrives with his companion and Kurdaite messengers in Saggaratum (14 98); 2 Kurdaite messengers are companions of Mariote envoy coming from Kurda (14 101); Hammu-Rabi of Babylon assures Zimri-Lim that he will send Elamite messengers home without companion (26 361); Askur-Addu unwilling to give Esnunakean messengers companion as long as they cross Ekallatean territory (26 523); Esnuna protests to Askur-Addu about having dispatched Esnunakean messenger without companion (26 511); messenger comes without companion from Qabra to Karana (26 512). conscripts Conventional translation of gi-BI-e-tum; see n. 55 to 26 27; Babylonian conscripts, field-men, and rescue formations oppose Elamite shock-troops (26 366); Babylonian conscripts collect grain and straw (26 370); the fact that Asqudum’s troops are conscripts is expected to motivate Hana to assemble for military service (26 27). consul (sa sikki) See Yattinu; envoy Zu-Hadnim travels with companion and his consul from Halab to Mari (26 256). convoy (aliktum) See travel groups. cook (l ú . mu h a l d i m ) Yarim-Addu buys one cook in Babylon for Su-Nuhra-Halu (26 374). country folk (d u mu . m e s matim) See n. 131 to 27 107; lacking troops, governor of Qa††unan equips 20 country folk for service in outposts (27 23); herders of the country folk help trample locust (27 28); Zimri-Addu offers members of the Patakhum clan 5 dikes as subsistence plots and the country folk 3 dikes (27 107). courier (l ú lasimum) See light courier, express courier, Arusel, Ißi-Ahu; royal courier bringing oral command, also called “emissary” (siprum) of Zimri-Lim (FM 2 49). courtier (l ú . g ì r. s è . g a ) See Ana-Samas-Ter, Iksud-Ayyabisu, Manum, Sin-Illassu, YarimDagan; courtiers refuse to accept wool rations from Ußur-Awassu (26 284); household of Qarni-Lim includes sons, maids, courtiers, donkeys (27 132); 3 runaway courtiers conducted from Qa††unan to Mari (27 8); courtier flees from Ekallatum to Karana (26 491); Babylonian courtier accompanies Babylonian prince on journey to Mari (26 375); Sarrum-Íululi befriends 2 courtiers in Babylon, who give him inside information on palace; he calls them “boys” (26 381); courtiers and elders assemble to confer with Atamrum after his return from Babylon (26 438); Íidqum-Lanasi requests from ZimriLim young secretary who is courtier (26 541); Babylonian courtiers write down title

Index of Group Designations

577

guarantee for disputed territory after decision by ordeal in front of agents of Zimri-Lim (26 249); courtier and governor witness ordeal (26 254). craftsmen (d u mu . m e s ummêni) Need reed for fuel (26 51); high-ranking priestess should not live close to weaver women, walkers, and craftsmen (26 179). criminal (bel arnim) Zimri-Lim requests extradition of 2 criminals from Atamrum (26 408); Atamrum exchanges “the criminal” Kukkutanum for 5 “criminals” who are servants of Atamrum (26 413); Zimri-Lim urged not to regard Yamina coming down the river (Euphrates or Balih) as criminals (26 39); criminal turned over to assembly (of troops) by Yamßum gives information about Haya-Sumu and Kunnam (26 306); Yamßum protests Haya-Sumu’s treatment of Ibni-Addu as criminal (26 312). cultivator (l ú . e n g a r ) See Yanßibum 2; cultivators for bank of Euphrates pay annual tax (igisûm; FM 2 60); their tax is collected and they have deficits (26 265); Haya-Sumu’s cultivators kill 4 Numha in Mariyatum (27 135); cultivators and troops cannot dislodge lion from city gate of Mari (26 106); are victims of epidemic (26 264 and 265); Yanßib-Addu 4 calls himself “cultivator” of his lord (26 445). cup-bearer (d u mu saqî) Cupbearers in Terqa to collect ice (26 400). Dasranite Inhabitant of Dasran in district of Terqa; see Yanßib-Dagan. dancing-boy (l ú . t u r huppim) Sin-Bel-Aplim asks to meet one (26 255). day laborer (agrum) Day laborers harvest (27 138); they and singles leave locust-ravaged Qa††unan for Subartum, under cover of night (27 26); after they and singles left for Subartum, no troops were available in Qa††unan (27 80); hired to bring lumber from Kar-Kamis to Mari (26 541). deportee (nasihum) [n] deportees and [n] fugitives in Bannum’s household (FM 2 49). Dirite Inhabitant of Dir of Istaran; Dirite king mentioned together with king of Malgum (A.3669+). Dirite Inhabitant of Dir on Balih; citizens of Dir harvest grain of Dur-Íabim in one day (26 146); grain from granaries in Dur Íabim to be given to them (26 247). diviner (l ú . m á s . s u . g í d . g í d) Durand, 26/1, 3–68; see Apil-Ilisu 2, Asqudum, Dada; EribSin, Hali-Hadun 2, Hammi-Esim, Ibal-Pi-El 3, Ibbi-Amurru, Ilsu-Naßir 2, Inib-Samas, Ishi-Addu, Ismah-Samas, Itur-Asdu 2, Kakka-Ruqqum, Masum, Naram-Sin, Nur-Addu, Sin-Remenni, Samas-In(a)-Matim, Samas-Inaya, Yalªa-Addu, Yamßi-Hadnu, ZikriHanat, Zimri-Dagan; Zunan; diviners swear oath of office (26 1); diviner Ishi-Addu reports extispicy of another diviner (26 113); text of oracular inquiry is secret (26 104); diviner and physician to work together (26 125); performs extispicies for sick man (26 280, 403); asked to find out cause of leg problems (26 182); performs extispicies for date of burying victims of epidemic (26 260 and 263); consulted on dream (26 225); determines whether a dream was seen (26 239); Bannum feels Zimri-Lim should only appoint Simªal diviners (26 5); diviners formulate oracular inquiries for troops stationed in Sa Baßim (2 22); for troops about to move (26 27); for well-being of temples and prisons (26 452), city of Mari and district (26 453), Íuprum (26 455); 2 Mariote diviners perform extispicies together with 2 Babylonian diviners (26 102); diviner has male servants, one female servant, and lagu donkeys (26 130); diviner needed for Mariote troops in Karana (26 341); in need of assistant and pigeons for sacrifice (26 145); in need of grain (26 247); Yasim-El intercedes for diviner whose field area was reduced (26 442).

578

Index of Group Designations

division commander (g a l . k u5) See Ahum 3, Habi-Dagan, Hadni-Iluma, Lawiliya, NabSamas, Napsi-Pi-El, Pussulum, Qurdi-Ili, Íidqi-Etar, Ubariya, Yahun-El; Yakun-Arari, Yatim-Hammu; military rank immediately below general; ideally commands 100 troops (A.486+); generals and they should not release troops at time of danger (26 176); they and lieutenants of Hana troops in Babylon go mornings to gate of their general, BahdiAddu (27 151); Íilli-Sin, king of Esnuna, used to be division commander (26 377); general, division commanders, and foremen of 50, leading Zalmaqean troops to Mari, receive bread, beer, and grain at stopover in Qa††unan (27 78–80); Mariote division commanders and lieutenants in Ilan-Íura receive rations of common soldiers (26 314); Mariote division commanders in Babylon use quarreling between commanders to their advantage (26 380); receive gifts (25 815 and A.486+); Mariote division commanders in Andarig request supplies from Yasim-El (26 405); Yasim-El consults with them, lieutenants, and soldiers (26 408); Zimri-Addu sends division commander to sort out Hana problems (27 151); Suhean division commander, Simhi-Erah, and 2 secretaries witness ordeal as agents of Meptum (26 251). domestics (kinatû) Work on canal (26 62); victims of epidemic (26 265). donkey driver (mutarrûm) 6 Assyrian donkey drivers and their guide mentioned (26 518). Dunnite Inhabitant of Dunnum 1; Dunnites leave their city and go to Lasqum because of epidemic (26 259). Dunnite Inhabitant of Dunnum 3; Dunnites coauthor letter with Hurbanites and KibsiAddu about Esnunakean threats (26 503). ecstatic (muhhûm/muhhûtum) 4 Yamutbalean ecstatics from Ami of Hubsalum are apprehended by elders of Gassum and brought to pasture-chief (27 32); message of female ecstatic quoted (26 200, 237); her hair and hem brought to king (26 201); ecstatic delivers divine message and resumes shouting (26 202); eats lamb raw as drastic warning of impending epidemic (26 206); demands clean water for Dagan in Tuttul (26 215); ecstatic of Dagan relays Dagan’s wish for body-rite offerings (26 220); relays Dagan’s wish for offerings to spirit of Yahdun-Lim (26 221); ecstatic requests immediate work on city gate (26 221-bis); 2 ecstatics come alive in a dream (26 227); ecstatics of Dagan state that bricks in house of Sammetar are cursed (26 243). Ekallatean Inhabitant of Ekallatum; see messengers; Bannum upset that king appoints citizen of Ekallatum (26 5); Ekallateans rustle sheep near Yabliya (26 506); conclude treaty with Atamrum behind Isme-Dagan’s back (26 370); Babylonian, Ekallatean, and Assyrian troops threaten Andarig (26 411); Ekallatean troops attack Nusar (26 414); 2 Ekallateans and 1 Esnunakean killed in that attack (26 514); Ekallatean troops attack Purattum and Asan of the Numha (26 415); travel group of (Assyrian) merchants and Ekallateans, having entered territory of Karana, are not allowed to enter territory of Andarig (A.285); silent about rumor that Isme-Dagan died (26 495). Elamite Inhabitant of Elam; see messengers, informers; The Vizier sends 2 Elamites to undergo ordeal in Id (26 255); god pledges to cast nets over Elamites on behalf of ZimriLim (26 192); respondent predicts that lance of Elamite will be broken (26 208); Elamite troops divided into two columns, one marching toward Babylon, the other toward Ekallatum (14 124); the Yamutbal wish Zimri-Lim would do raqamum to them instead of their being uprooted by Esnunakeans and Elamites (27 132); 700 Elamite and

Index of Group Designations

579

600 Esnunakean troops led by Atamrum lay siege to Razama (14 104); Haya-Sumu communicates with Elamites (26 326); Haya-Sumu captures 2 Elamites and sends them to king (26 326); 20,000 Esnunakean and 10,000 Elamite troops dispatched to land of Subartum (27 147); Haya-Sumu informs Bahdi-Lim of arrival of Elamite and Esnunakean troops in Idamaraß (6 66); Hammu-Rabi of Babylon is interested in hearing news on Elamite troops besieging Razama (6 51 and 52); tension between Elamites and Esnunakeans in Subat-Enlil (26 315); Elamite troops go on campaign against land of Qutum (2 26); cross at Mankisum and build camp (27 140); Kunnam departs with Elamites from Subat-Enlil (26 325); Elamites lose siege tower at Hiritum (27 141); withdraw from Hiritum by way of Kakkulatum and Mankisum (27 145); Simat-Huluris does not believe that they withdrew from Hiritum (26 328); Simat-Huluris informed by Elamite messengers that Elamites troops withdrew from Hiritum (26 327); 400 Elamites are brought to Andarig after capitulation of Subat-Enlil to La-Awil-Addu (26 316); it is recalled that Elamites were afraid during withdrawal from Hiritum to Kakkulatum (A.3669); receive grain from Esnuna (6 27). elder (l ú . s u . g i) Elders of Terqa come to pray for Zimri-Lim and his army in temple of Dagan (3 17); governor of Saggaratum assembles elders to witness warning of ecstatic (26 206); governor of Saggaratum delegates enlistment of troops to mayors, lieutenants, and elders of his district (14 65); elder undergoes river ordeal in territorial dispute (26 249); elders of Qa††unan consult with Haqba-Ahum and Laªum on incident of prostitutes’ having entered palace (27 60); elders of Hurban coauthor letter with Dunnites and Kibsi-Addu about Esnunakean threat to their city (26 503); elders of Gassum en route to Mari bring 4 Yamutbaleans to pasture-chief (27 32); elders of Razama offer peace to Atamrum (14 104); elders of land of Kurda urge their king to demand that Atamrum cede their cities (26 391; see also 393); Atamrum negotiates possession of field with Haqba-Hammu and elders of Numha (26 404); headmen of Numha and elders of Kurda assemble (26 463); mayors and elders of Yamina conclude treaty with kings of Zalmaqum (26 24); elders of city controlled by Isme-Dagan intend to change sides to Askur-Addu (26 411); elders of Qaªa travel to Zimri-Lim (26 48); courtiers and elders assemble to consult with Atamrum after his return from Babylon (26 438); 11 named elders of district of Qa††unan and servants of the king witness refusal of governor to release confiscated madder to Kurda (27 67). Eluhtean Inhabitant of Eluhtum; see Sukru-Tesub; Eluhtean messenger attacked en route to Qa††unan (27 21); Eluhtean and Akkadian are observed taking oath (27 135). emissary (siprum) A synonym of “messenger”; Ibni-Addu sends his emissaries to HayaSumu’s rival (26 312). escort (musallimum) King of Qa†anum asks Zimri-Lim to give his messengers escorts for trip from Mari to Esnuna (26 25); governor of Qa††unan appoints escorts for trip to Saggaratum by members of Qarni-Lim’s household (27 132); king asks governor of Qa††unan to give Narhi 50 men to escort him to [GN] (FM 3 130); Numha see Mariote escort troops and refrain from attacking (27 68); governor of Saggaratum provides 200 troops to escort Babylonian messengers going to Kurda (26 183). escort detail (ßabum taqribatum) Either travelers to Imar go by boat or they need escort detail (26 122); Mariote escort detail brings Atamrum to Babylon and, on return, takes Mariote boats from Rapiqum to Id (A.162).

580

Index of Group Designations

Esnunakean Inhabitant of Esnuna; pronounced “Isnukkum” in Mari; current conventional transcription “Esnunnakean” based on spelling È s . n u n . n a ; see messengers, Ibal-Pi-El 2, Íilli-Istaran, Íilli-Sin; they and Babylonians are reckoned as Akkadians (27 135); Ibal-Pi-El recalls how Samsi-Adad made himself actual equal of Esnunakean king while professing his inferiority in rank (2 49); Samsi-Adad allowed Esnunakeans to enter Rapiqum (26 260); Esnunakeans prevent shipments of asphalt to Mari (26 260); 5,000 Esnunakean troops expected to fortify Yabliya Rock-City (26 480); Buqaqum is afraid Esnunakean troops will interfere with offerings in Dir (26 475); Esnunakeans move against Mariotes and Babylonians in Suhum (26 503); Kurdaite general Saggar-Abum defeats 500 Esnunakean troops (27 16); Esnunakeans leave garrison in Subat-Enlil and advance on Andarig (27 17); move against Allahad (27 64); are close to Allahad (26 467); troops under Ishi-Dagan get close to “the Esnunakean,” meet The Vizier, and camp next to Babylonians (26 255); Hammu-Rabi releases Esnunakean messengers and troops from prisons in Babylon (26 370); the Yamutbal wish Zimri-Lim would do raqamum to them instead of their being uprooted by Esnunakeans and Elamites (27 132); 500 Esnunakean troops enter Tilla (27 134); 700 Elamite and 600 Esnunakean troops are led by Atamrum to besiege Razama (14 104); 300 Esnunakean besiegers defeated in sortie from Razama (27 133); Hammu-Rabi of Babylon wants news on Elamite and Esnunakean troops besieging Razama (6 51 and 52); HayaSumu informs Bahdi-Lim of arrival of Elamite and Esnunakean troops in Idamaraß (6 66); tension between Elamites and Esnunakeans in Subat-Enlil (26 315); Meptum informs Hammu-Rabi of Babylon about conduct of Esnunakeans in upper land (2 21); Hammu-Rabi of Babylon informs Zimri-Lim about his plan to meet Rim-Sin and expects to be supported by Esnunakeans against Elamites (2 33); Esnunakeans send emissaries to Hammu-Rabi of Babylon behind the back of The Vizier (27 147); HammuRabi reminds The Vizier that he told him Esnunakeans would revolt (27 149); Esnunakean troops install king in Esnuna (26 377 and A.257); Hammu-Rabi of Babylon organizes repatriation of Esnunakean troops from Andarig (26 372); Esnunakean troops block route between Susim and Babylon (26 373); La-Awil-Addu leaves SubatEnlil with 3,000 Esnunakean troops (26 354); La-Awil-Addu takes Quteans and Esnunakeans in Subat-Enlil under his command (26 316); Esnunakeans in Andarig receive share of prisoners of war (26 408); Esnunakean troops are transferred from Andarig to join their comrades in ruined city (26 389); 4,000 Esnunakean troops are dispatched to Isme-Dagan (26 378); Esnunakean troops enter southern Razama and are expected to lay siege to Andarig or Karana (26 390); 2 Ekallateans and 1 Esnunakean killed in attack on Nusar (26 514); Esnunakean troops are at crossing of Mankisum and headed for Situllum (2 25); Isme-Dagan enters southern Razama prior to attack on Hißarum with Esnunakean allied troops (26 513); despite Askur-Addu’s alarm, Esnunakean troops did not leave Ekallatum to attack him (26 490); Isme-Dagan’s son goes to Esnuna to request additional Esnunakean troops (26 341); Iluma-Mannum comes from Esnuna to dismiss Esnunakean troops (26 523 and 524); Esnunakean troops in Ekallatum intend to withdraw but are detained by Isme-Dagan (26 491). executive (bel tertim) Ayyalum argues that being executive exempts him from decree of governor (FM 2 60); a majordomo is an executive (26 6); Bannum appoints and fires executives (26 6).

Index of Group Designations

581

exorcist (l ú wasipum) Exorcists and purifiers wash off taboo (26 44); they and cantors cleanse city after epidemic (26 263). field-man (ßab kidim) Babylonian conscripts, field-men, and rescue formations oppose Elamite shock-troops (26 366); no allied troops, field-men, troops stationed in city of Andarig (26 390). foreman of 50 (l ú . g a l 50) See also lieutenants; General, division commanders, and foremen of 50, leading Zalmaqean troops to Mari, receive bread, beer, and grain at stopover in Qa††unan (27 78–80). foreman of 10 (u g u l a 1 0 l ú . m e s) Ibal-Pi-El would not appoint Zimri-Addu to higher rank (27 151); 150 Mariote foremen of 10 receive gifts in Babylon (23 435). foreman of fishers (u g u l a l ú . m e s s u . h a) See Yantin-Addu. foreman of merchants (u g u l a d a m . g à r) Foreman of merchants of Assur arranges grain purchases in Karana (26 342). fugitive (l ú munnabtum) Fugitive from Ekallatum provides information about death of Isme-Dagan (26 495); fugitives from Ekallatum come to Karana and provide information on Ekallatum (26 341); fugitives from southern Razama inform Askur-Addu about Isme-Dagan (26 524); fugitive from land of Esnuna gives Hammu-Rabi of Babylon information (28 6); [n] deportees and [n] fugitives included in Bannum’s household (FM 2 49); fugitives and informers come steadily from Esnuna to Suhum (26 244); YasmahAddu and Isme-Dagan share fugitive manpower (26 269). Ganibatean Inhabitant of Ganibatum; see Baßßum 2, Yassi-Dagan 4; 20 mentioned (26 462). garrison troops (ßabum birtum) Elamites and Quteans serve as garrison in Elamite-occupied Subat-Enlil (26 316); Atamrum places garrison in Aramanima (26 401); people of Luhayan throw out mayor and garrison of their king (26 353); Mariote troops in kingdom of Andarig called garrison troops by Yasim-El (26 408); Ustasni-El served 5 years in Mariote garrison of Ilan-Íura (26 345); Saknum reports that Mariote troops dispatched as garrison of Ilan-Íura are safe (26 354); replacements for 100 troops serving as garrison in Qa††unan (27 16); garrison and captive Yamina use up barley in Qa††unan (26 189). general (l ú . g a l . m a r. t u) See Ahi-Lumur, Apil-Ilisu 6, Bahdi-Addu, Dada 2, HammuRabi 4, Hibrum-Malik, Kukkutanum, La-Awil-Addu, Muti-Addu, Nawaritum, NidnatSin, Nuham-Ili, Saggar-Abum, Sakirum, Taki, Yamßi-Hadnu 2; brothers of kings of Suda and Harran are generals (27 80); 1 general leads 2,000 troops of Hanzat to Mari (27 78 [number of troops probably not accurate]); 2 generals and diviner lead 4,000 troops coming from Babylon (26 131); 1 general leads 800 troops of Suda, another general 400 troops of Harran to Mari (27 80); 1 general commands 1,000 troops in Kurda (26 405); plurality of generals command 1,000 Mutiabalean troops (26 366); Babylonians Nidnat-Sin and 3 generals lead 5,000 troops (26 470 and M.9530); Haya-Sumu dispatches troops and general (26 325); Yamhadean troops on way to Babylon commanded by “general of command” (28 12; see note to text); Bahdi-Addu recommends generalship for Yantin-Erah as leader of 500 troops, pointing to Babylonian custom of appointing generals for as few as 2 hundred troops (6 28); Yamßum receives 3 homers of grain rations from Haya-Sumu and recommends to king to give equal amount to HayaSumu’s general in Mari (26 314); generals leading Zalmaqean troops to Mari receives bread, beer, and grain at stopover in Qa††unan (27 78, 80); Babylonian generals receive

582

Index of Group Designations

honey and oil in Suhum (21 100); Nidnat-Sin receives silver goblets at occasion of his departure with 4 Babylonian generals from Suhum (24 54); Mutiabalean generals receive gifts upon their arrival in Babylon (26 366); generals and division commanders should not release troops at time of danger (26 176); division commander and lieutenants of Hana troops in Babylon go in the mornings to see their general, Bahdi-Addu (27 151); Ibal-Pi-El forms contingent of troops from Euphrates districts and declares himself their general (27 151); general has his orders and should not have opinions (?) (26 380); Sin-Muballi†, 3 generals, and [n] thousand troops are besieged in Maskan-Sapir (26 385); Kukkutanum stripped of his rank as general (26 412); Qutean general takes his commander into custody (2 26); general of Íubat-Estar, replacing his king, accompanies Sarraya on visit to Mari (27 72-bis); generals of Tupham and Azuhinum accompany Sarraya on visit to Mari (27 127); Yamhadean general informs Bahdi-Lim about disappearance of 4 of their men (6 35). gents (d u mu . m e s l ú . m e s) Members of the upper class; see n. 84 to 26 54; not sent as soldiers to Babylon (3 19); recruited for guarding Mari, Terqa, and Saggaratum (26 54). governor (sapi†um) Administrative head of district; see Abi-Epuh, Akin-Urubam, AksakMagir, Bahdi-Lim, Habduma-Dagan, Hadni-Iluma 2, Iksud-Appasu, Ilsu-Naßir, IturAsdu, Kibri-Dagan, Laªum 2, Sammetar 2, Sumhu-Rabi, Sumu-Hadu, Íuriya, Sassaranum, Sub-Ram 3, Yaqqim-Addu, Zakira-Hammu, Zimri-Addu; governors and majordomos of Terqa and Saggaratum expected to protest use of carpenters and boatmen from their districts by central administration (26 398); governors and majordomos of Euphrates districts solicited for harvest workers by governor of Qa††unan (27 100 [see comment 1]); governors are instructed to provide wool to king (FM 2 57); are under orders to arrest evacuees from Suhum attempting to join Hana kinsmen (26 41); king frustrated that they do not execute his orders promptly (26 51); Atamrum has governor in Allahad (26 432) and Subat-Enlil (26 435); Íuriya is governor of Ilan-Íura (14 98). groom (kizûm) See Zikri-Addu 2; Buqaqum sends groom to Situllum to check on withdrawal of Esnunakeans from Ekallatum (26 491); Ipiq-Enlil is good physician and groom (26 270). guards (maßßartum; it is often not clear whether the word designates persons or the act of guarding) See personal guards, rear guards; prior to leaving, king must bring guards of Mari to full strength (26 38); Hali-Hadun 3 and Kaªalan affirm that all is well in Mari, including its guards (26 106); Saknum affirms that Nahur’s guards are strong (26 346); governor of Qa††unan has guards who check on passing and stopping (27 116); 40 gents guard Mari (26 54); Mari, Terqa, and Saggaratum are guarded in double-hour shifts (26 54); Larsaites and Simªal guard city of Terqa together (26 144); Mislanites advise Sumu-Dabi repeatedly to check carefully on his guards (26 168 and 170); Baßßum 1 does not neglect supervision of scouts and guards in Dir on Balih (26 247). guardsmen (n u n . n a) Left their post (26 52). Hana See Hali-Hadun, Ibal-El; Memium, Sa-Pi-El, Yabasa Hana (group), Yahßib-El, Yasim-Addu, Zikri-Lim, mayors; pasturalists; specifically Simªal pasturalists; for term, see introduction, pp. 34–36; Ha-na is translated as “Hana,” Ha-nu-ú as “Hanean,” but both words are referred to as “Hana”; I replace collective with plural (Hana kalusu “the Hana, all of them”); Andarigite herders have an audience with the governor of Qa††unan and propose division of pasture between them and Hana (27 48); sheep of encampments of Yamina and Hana graze together without incident (26 220); 200 Hana

Index of Group Designations

583

from vicinity of Qa††unan attack Yamina encampment in Lasqum (27 17); Hana concerned about safety of their sheep because of nearby Esnunakeans (26 508); rains mean bounty to them (27 2); kill lion, whom cultivators and troops could not dislodge (26 106); dispatched to find a certain variety of edible locusts (27 64); governor of Qa††unan urges Imarite traders to trade with them or else they might “rise” (27 65); 200 trusted royal servants, 100 Hana, and 100 from the bank of the Euphrates witness establishment of ties between Mari and Razama (A.2730); Hana proud to be of seed of Simªal (27 133); lance of Zimri-Lim and Hana is strong (26 303); Bunu-Estar declares loyalty to Zimri-Lim and Hana (27 19); 20 Hana under Yahßib-El man outposts armed with javelins (FM 2 51); aid of governor of Qa††unan employs Hana for service in palace to dismay of commoners (FM 2 71); evacuees from Suhum not allowed to join Hana (kin) (26 41); their parley is opportunity to wash off evil influences of taboo (26 44); it is feared that, at their parley, Pasture-chief Ibal-Pi-El will be criticized (26 45); surprisingly, all assembled to listen to king’s message (26 46); Asqudum sends Ibal-El to Hali-Hadun to assemble them for military service (26 27); Asqudum describes how he assembles Hana troops (26 40); their assembly point is Siharata (FM 2 63); Hana troops assemble in Saphu (26 30); Hali-Hadun recruits Hana troops and they assemble in Qa††unan, where they receive their orders (26 31); 2,000 Hana assembled in Qa††unan and waiting for Zimri-Lim to go on campaign (27 14); Atamrel urges ZimriLim to call up (Yamina) Hana (A.2741); men come from “before Hana” with good news (26 42); 4 kings from upper Idamaraß come from “before Hana” to Mari (27 20); 1,200 Hana troops go to Dir on Balih (FM 2 63); they defend Dir on Balih against threat of kings of Zalmaqum and Yamina (26 24); Hana troops passing Qa††unan en route to Mari escort Razameans (27 80); Ibal-Pi-El marches with Hana troops and troops from Qa††unan toward Razama (27 132); Hana troops quit en route to Babylon, complaining about lack of provisions (26 97); arrival of Hana troops in Babylon (A.486+); 804 Hana troops are stationed in Babylon under Bahdi-Addu and receive gifts (25 815); Hana troops arriving among reinforcements in Babylon join Hana troops that arrived earlier (27 151); it is feared that Hana troops will rise up if not sent home from Babylon (2 25); zeal of Hana troops in conquest of Larsa described (26 386); Bahdi-Addu reports on arrival (in Babylon?) of earlier and later groups of Hana (2 118); Zimri-Addu refers to Bahdi-Addu’s arrival with Hana troops in Babylon (27 151); Ibal-El leads Hana on mission to instill obedience to Sadum-Labua (2 33); Atamrum requests military assistance of Hana who are on his territory and under orders from Mari (26 389); Ibal-Addu requests military assistance from Hana (28 55); governor of Qa††unan requests 100 Hana for guard duty in city and outposts (27 14); grain rations for Hana and reservists on guard duty in Qa††unan (27 1); Hana use and wreck boat of the governor of Qa††unan (27 43); Hana troops in Suhum want evacuees from Rapiqum as their share of prisoners of war (26 37); Zimri-Addu enlists 100 Hana and Suhean troops armed with javelins to fight raiding Suteans (27 161); 100 Hana conduct Yamina prisoners of war from Qa††unan to Mari (27 16); Hana near sea of Halaba are threat to local population, hostile to Mari, threaten to ally themselves with Numha and should be removed from land of Apum (26 358); Hurbanite warns people in Suhum that Hana came to devour them (26 36); extispicies for their well-being and the border region of Qa††unan (26 141); writer of 26 282 suggests taking 2 Yaminite Hana to border and mutilating them there as warning to Yamina; 3,000 Yumahammean Hana

spread is 6 points long

584

Index of Group Designations

are mentioned in connection with Zimri-Lim’s claim on Yumahammean city in Suhum (26 468); Hana leaks secrets via Isar-Lim to Elam (26 311). Harbean Inhabitant of Harbe of Yamutbal; Harbeans moved to Kurda after Hammu-Rabi of Kurda cedes Harbe to Atamrum (26 410). Hadnean Inhabitant of the land of Hadnum; Hadneans and Turukkeans suspected of having attacked Íubatum (26 523). haulers (ßabum sadidum) Provisions needed for them (26 71-bis). Haziyanite Inhabitant of Haziyanum; Haziyanites take action against Kapidum of Hazzikkannum on behalf of Huziri (26 357). Hazzikkannean Inhabitant of Hazzikkannum; king of Kahat fears Hazzikkanneans will change sides to Huziri (26 357). headmen (qaqqadatum) Community leaders; Hammu-Rabi of Babylon advises headmen of Kasalluk (26 365); 80 headmen “of the land” from Imar go to river ordeal in Id (26 256); headmen of Numha and elders of Kurda assemble (26 463); Ibal-El calls 100 Hana and inhabitants of bank of Euphrates who witness establishment of ties between Mari and Razama “headmen of his land” (A.2730); Meptum, receiving Asqudum and Asmad in Suhum, calls them “headmen” (26 35); Kapidum is headman and de facto governor of Hazzikkannum for Akin-Amar (26 357). herald (nagirum) For the office, see L. Sassmanshausen, “Herolde im Alten Orient,” Baghdader Mitteilungen 26 (1995), 85–194; herald attached to Mariote troops receives gifts in value of those of division commander (25 815); employed in Mislan because Mariote attack expected (26 168); herald’s attempt to transmit Yamßum’s order to troops to go on wall of Ilan-Íura is frustrated by Ustasni-El (26 323). herdboy (n a . g a d a) See Ibassir; mentioned in connection with work for palace (27 38); governor states that herdboys are under direct authority of king (27 69); attack on sheep for livestock tax expected—sheep to be dispersed by turning them over to herdboys (27 112); they complain that sheep are driven when ewes are pregnant with early lambs (26 55). herder (guzalum) See country folk; Andarigite herders have audience with governor of Qa††unan and propose division of pasture between them and Hana (27 48). Hirmenzanimite Inhabitant of Hirmenzanim; see Zindawar. hostages (yalutum) Sasiya delivers his sons to Sasum as hostages (26 491). Hurbanite Inhabitant of Hurban; see Yarim-Addu; elders of Hurban coauthor letter with Dunnites and Kibsi-Addu about Esnunakean threat to their city (26 503); Hurbanite leaks Mariote secrets to Esnuna (26 456); Hurbanites create problems for Mari while Esnunakeans threaten to attack Yabliya (26 479). Hurraite Inhabitant of Hurra; Hurraites and Sinahites attack Asnakkum in aftermath of killing of Isme-Addu (2 33). Idamaraßean Inhabitant of Idamaraß; Yasim-El learns that Idamaraßean and Numha troops are rustling sheep belonging to palace of Mari (26 422); Numha, Andarigites, or Idamaraßeans attack Babylonian messengers between Kurda and Qa††unan (27 168); Askur-Addu and Kapiya, operating between Nagar and Sabisa, carry off 10 Idamaraßeans (27 135). Imarite Inhabitant of Imar; Imarites decide on visit of king of Nihriya to Dagan temple in Tuttul (26 246); Halab, Kar-Kamis, and Mari cooperate against Imarite commercial caravans (26 532); Imarite traders travel with oil from Tuttul by way of encampment to

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Qa††unan and on to Kurda (27 65); 80 headmen from Imar go to river ordeal in Id (26 256). informed person (ahizum) Durand 26 60a “âhizum: n’est pas quelqu’un dont les mouvements sont libre, commissionaire”; Birot, 27 17d, returns to use of conventional “informer”; Hana attack Yamina encampment and bring back 4 informed persons (27 17); Karanean campaigners capture informed persons near Ekallatum (26 523); give information on withdrawing Elamites (27 145 and 146); 3 Elamites are brought before Hammu-Rabi of Babylon and inform him about actions of The Vizier (27 148); provide information about situation in Tehran (27 168); Asqudum sends 1 and then another to Zimri-Lim and recommends to send secret agent to capture 3d (26 60). informer (sa lisanim, literally “one of tongue”) See also informed person, sleuth, spy; Buqaqum sends out border guards to capture informers (26 475); Buqaqum is ordered to capture informer for obtaining information on Isme-Dagan’s moves (26 430); Buqaqum sends out campaigners who capture informer, but fugitive informers come on their own (26 476); fugitives and informers come steadily from Esnuna to Suhum (26 244); light troops harassing marching column of superior force well-advised to capture informers (2 22); 2 captured in gate of Assur (28 171); 1 captured in Situllum, brought to Suhum, sent on to king (26 35); Yamßum captures 2 Elamite informers and sends them to king, but Haya-Sumu has them brought back (26 325). interpreter (mapalûm) Numheans expect their interpreters to help in case of abduction of Numheans by Mari (27 116; see note to text). Kahatean Inhabitant of Kahat; Kahatean troops returning from standoff at Mariyatum are ambushed (26 357). king See Yamina; after Samsi-Adad’s death 4 strong kings remained (26 303); Atamrum conquers cities that were formerly seats of kings (26 392); 7 kings accompany Atamrum to conclusion of treaty with Askur-Addu and are expected to accompany him to Mari (26 404); Yarim-Lim is happy about Zimri-Lim’s gifts, which surpass those of kings of land who are staying with him (26 11); Haya-Sumu severs hem of Kiru’s garment “before the kings” (10 33); Zimri-Lim is called “father and guide of kings of upper land” (26 404); Zimri-Lim gives “all the kings” instructions (A.230); Turukkeans (26 460) and Babylonians (26 461) come before kings of alliance of Zimri-Lim; HammuRabi of Babylon speaks for kings of his alliance (26 449); these kings, called the brothers of Zimri-Lim and Hammu-Rabi, should decide who controls Id (26 40, 468); contrasting Zimri-Lim with Haya-Sumu, Yasim-El calls the former the “king of totality” (26 409); king of Amaz chased off by the inhabitants of his city; Himdiya brings him back (26 433); king of besieged city not extradited by citizens (26 518). Kings of Idamaraß: assemble in Nahur and declare Zimri-Lim and Haya-Sumu their lord and father (26 347); assemble in Urgis and head for district of Nahur (26 352); messengers of The Vizier are staying with them (26 303); Atamrum waits for them to appear before him in Luhayan (26 334); Isme-Addu recalls that he protected kings (of Idamaraß) who were bound by their commoners and brought to him (A.3206). Kings of Subartum: denounce Isme-Dagan to The Vizier (26 384); Haya-Sumu bars Yamßum from news of Kunnam, Atamrum, and them (26 308); Sasiya asks HammuRabi of Babylon which kings of Subartum do not address him as their father (27 162).

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Index of Group Designations

Kings of Zalmaqum: they or mayors of Zalmaqum to be consulted (26 12); they make treaty with Yamina and pledge to go to war against Dir on Balih (26 24); “kings of upper land” contrasted with them (?) (28 12). Kurdaite Inhabitant of Kurda; see Akiyanu, Ißi-Halu, Kusiya, Kuzzari, Saggaran, Samusa, Sin-Ismenni, Yakun-Addu, Yakun-Asar, Yasub-Rabi, Zikriya, Zimri-Erah 3; Kurdaite messengers leave Babylon with Yarim-Addu (26 375); Kurdaite messenger abducts apprentice barber in Mari en route to Babylon (26 453); 3 high-ranking Kurdaite messengers en route to Mari (FM 2 55). lance-men (l ú . m e s sa m i s . s u k u r) 10 Babylonian lance-men guard presumed nephew of Zimri-Lim in Babylonian town (27 162). land The word “land” is occasionally used for its inhabitants; respondent warns IsmeDagan of wrath of Marduk in front of “the assembled land, all of it” (26 371); HammuRabi of Kurda (A.3577) and Isme-Dagan (26 494) consult with their land; Isme-Dagan fears his land will kill him (26 524); Askur-Addu rebuked by his land for transgressing the will of Zimri-Lim (A.230); Zimri-Lim sends offering to Tuttul, and the land sits down to banquet (26 215). land registrar (sa sikkatim) See Yatarum 3; Zimri-Addu appoints inhabitant of Qa††unan land registrar of ˇabatum (27 107). Larsaite Citizen of kingdom of Larsa; Larsaite envoys come from Maskan-Sapir to Babylon (26 368); Larsaite troops guard city of Terqa together with Simªal (26 144). leather worker (l ú . a s g a b) 2 leather workers involved in making battering-rams (6 65); 1 carpenter, 1 leather worker, and 1 walker in household of Bannum (FM 2 49). lieutenant (l ú . n u . b à n d a) See Laªum 3, foreman of 50; second in command to mayor in civil administration and to division commander in military; commands up to 50 troops; 1 division commander has 2 lieutenants under him (A.486+); division commander and lieutenants of Hana troops in Babylon go each morning to gate of their general, BahdiAddu (27 151); Yasim-El consults with division commanders, lieutenants, and soldiers (26 408); Mariote division commanders and lieutenants in Ilan-Íura receive rations of common soldiers (26 314); Mariote [division commanders] and lieutenants barred from access to Atamrum (26 438); gifts for them detailed in 25 815 and A.486+; governor delegates enlistment of troops to mayors, lieutenants, and elders of his district (14 65). light courier (qallum and kallum [26 334]) and light messenger (dumu siprim qallum) 2 light couriers sent from Qa††unan to Kurda to obtain information (27 16); HammuRabi sends “runners, light couriers,” to Susim (26 373); light courier rushes information to Asqudum (26 15); Asqudum sends 2 light messengers to Babylon (26 40); light courier arrives in Ilan-Íura from ˇabatum with news about Atamrum (26 334). light troops (qallatum) They, not shock-troops, suited for laying ambush (2 22); Babylonian light troops not appropriate as allied troops for Mari according to Hammu-Rabi (26 471). Luhayaite Inhabitant of Luhaya; Luhayaites throw out commissioner and garrison of Bunu-Estar and make peace with Haya-Abum (26 353). Lullu King of Sirwunum expected to lay siege to Adallaya with 2,000 Lullu troops (26 405). maids See slaves (female), women. majordomo (abu bitim) Zimri-Lim appoints majordomo of Hisamta (26 5); ranks as executive (26 6); can be fired for causing deficits and making mistakes in accounts (26 6); governors and majordomos of Terqa and Saggaratum expected to protest use of their

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carpenters and boatmen (26 398); governors and majordomos of Euphrates districts solicited for harvest workers by governor of Qa††unan (27 100 [see comment 1]); assistant of majordomo of palace in Qa††unan is punished for letting prostitutes enter palace (27 60); majordomo of Mari(?) responsible for provisions for visiting king (27 128); AksakMagir is concerned about being replaced by Maprakum as majordomo of Qa††unan (FM 2 50); Ibal-Pi-El offers someone position of majordomo in his household (26 93). man of the outpost See border guard. Mariote Inhabitant of Mari; in dream, Sehrite and Mariote women fight (26 229); IsmeDagan urges Askur-Addu to evict Mariotes from Karana (26 513); 10 Mariotes conduct 3 adversaries of Zimri-Lim from Karana to Mari (26 516); Askur-Addu requests 30 Mariote and Suhean troops to counter Ekallatean moves (26 521); Ekallateans uneasy about presence of Mariotes at audience with Hammu-Rabi of Babylon (26 384). matron (pursumtum) Matrons needed to keep Beltum company (26 298). mayor (sugagum) See Belsunu, Buqaqum, Hamman, Hammutar 2, Masum 2, Sasum 2, Tarhiya, Yaqqim-Addu 2, Yashadum, Yatarum, Zu-Hadnim 2; appointed by king (27 107); king appoints Asqudum mayor of Hisamta (26 5); mayor of ˇabatum pays annual fee of 2/3 pound of silver (27 107); mayor of Ziniyan arrives for audience with AbiMekim (26 462); Belsunu, Iddiyatum, Yasim-El, and mayors are present as messengers of Isme-Dagan bring message of peace to Askur-Addu (A.285); Himdiya makes mayor of Amaz regent of Atamrum (10 84); 2 kings or mayors of Zalmaqum should conduct (troops to Mari?) (26 12); governor delegates enlistment of troops to mayors, lieutenants, and elders of his district (14 65). Mayors of Yamina—Yaminite leader is requested to appear before king with 5 mayors (26 39); mayors and elders of Yamina conclude treaty with kings of Zalmaqum (26 24); Zimri-Lim plans to return mayors of Yamina to their cities (26 450); news on war council of Yamina kings, administrators, and mayors (26 150); they and pasture-chiefs assemble (A.2741). Mayors of Hana—Ibal-El places message of Hammu-Rabi of Babylon to Zimri-Lim in front of them, hoping it will help them to round up Hana troops (2 33); having pledged 1,000 Hana troops, they come up 200 short (6 38); they arrive with troops at assembly point (26 40); Asmad arrives in Qa††unan with 15 of them (27 93); Ibal-Pi-El arrives with them in Qa††unan (27 94); evacuees from Suhum arrested for escaping to encampments must be brought before mayors of Hana in Mari (26 41); they collaborate with cultic experts to remove taboo at parley (26 44). men of the streams (l ú . m e s nahali) Serve as guides (?) (26 481 [see comment 1]). merchant (d a m . g à r ) See Isar-Lim, Nabi-Sin, Pa-Ila, foreman of merchants; merchant of Zimri-Lim stationed in Larsa (27 162); Hammu-Rabi of Babylon’s total mobilization includes troops in possession of merchants (26 363); Íilli-Sin uses troops in possession of merchants (26 488 [see n. 341]); Karanean campaigners capture 8 near Ekallatum (26 523); merchant gives up on collecting debt (26 530); Zimri-Lim asks Zimri-Addu to take silver from merchant to buy lapis-lazuli in conquered Larsa, promising to send silver from Mari for the purchase (27 161); Asqudum intends to take silver from any merchant he sees to pay for purchases in Halab (26 22); Assyrian merchants expelled from Subat-Enlil (26 315); return (26 316); gain monopoly of grain trade between Karana and Ekallatum (26 342).

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Index of Group Designations

messenger (mar siprim) See Apil-Ilisu 5, Bali-Erah, Etel-Pi-Samas, Hammu-Rabi 5, Hammu-Takim, Haqbu-Dadi, Ibal-Addu 2, Ibal-Pi-El 4, Iddin-Nabium, Ilulla, ImgurSamas, Isurum, Ißharum, Istaran-Naßir, Kuzzari, Marduk-Nisu, Samsu-Bal, Samas-El, Yahßur-Addu, Yakun-Dagan, Yasim-Hammu 3, companion, rider of donkeys; Dagan requests presence of Zimri-Lim’s messengers (26 233); carry tablets (26 335); mail too heavy for them (27 137); are exhausted (26 29); Asqudum performs extispicies for them (26 87 and 137); Zimri-Addu jails 2 Kurdaite messengers, disputing their messenger status (27 116); Askur-Addu sends messenger and sheep owner whose sheep and shepherds had been taken by Turukkeans to Sasiya (26 339 and 340); Asqudum considers not sending messengers of kings of Zalmaqum on to Zimri-Lim because their message contains lies (26 32); Hammu-Rabi of Babylon takes messengers of Larsa and allied kingdoms to view Hiritum after defeat of Elamites (A.3669+); single messenger may be head of delegation of messengers (26 526 [see comment 2]); Elamite messenger en route to Halab sends 3 of his boys to Qa†anum (A.266); Kunnam sends messengers to kings (of Idamaraß) (26 303); Yamßum sends his messengers to Andarig (26 326) and to Zimri-Lim (26 335); Askur-Addu departs on day on which messengers arrive; they follow in order to deliver their message (26 526); messengers come to Mari, tell their message, are sent on to king, who is not in Mari (6 26); messengers of Hali-Hadun come from “before” Hana (26 29, 30); Kurdaite, Esnunakean, Allahadite, and Mariote messengers are in Sippir (26 451); Bahdi-Lim asks Zimri-Lim whether to send on Arraphean and Ekallatean messengers whose message he deems unnecessary (6 18); Zimri-Lim demands presence of his servants when messengers present their reports to Haya-Sumu in Ilan-Íura (26 307); messengers of Rim-Sin are bound and detained in palace in Babylon (26 372); Mariote messenger in Asnakkum detained for 6 months during Isme-Addu’s reign (14 102); Yaqqim-Addu detains Kunnam’s and Isme-Addu’s messengers on their way to Mari and asks Zimri-Lim whether to send them on (14 102); Yaqqim-Addu re-routes messengers to hide troubles among Mariote troops (14 103); The Vizier asks Hammu-Rabi of Babylon for renewal of exchange of messengers after war is over (27 150); exchange of messengers between Malgum and Babylon but not between Der and Babylon (26 372); Yarim-Addu travels from Babylon upstream with messengers from Kurda, Andarig, Karana, Qa†anum, and Haßura (26 375); messengers of Karana and Ekallatum travel together (26 387); Yarim-Lim dispatches his messengers with those of Zalmaqum (26 12); friction between Mariote and Ekallatean messengers in audience with Hammu-Rabi of Babylon (26 384); Mariote messengers in Babylon better treated than Ekallateans (26 384); messenger from Kahat does not give Buqaqum information (26 492); Yamßum counsels Zimri-Lim to keep Haya-Sumu’s threat against Kiru from messenger shuttling between Mari and Ilan-Íura (26 315); messenger of Haya-Sumu sees beautiful maid in palace of Qa††unan and wants her released so he can marry her (27 85); Mariote messengers returning from Babylon and a merchant are asked to check on Mariote kept captive in Dapirum on territory of Babylon (27 162); messengers of Atamrum are confused on status of their king relative to Zimri-Lim (27 162); Ekallatean and Kurdean messengers and their Esnunakean companion are caught among livestock in Suhum and brought to Mari (6 27). Babylonian messengers: they and Qa†anean messengers pass through Mari (26 105); ask Atamrum about troops to be sent to Babylon (26 404); shuttle between Babylon and Maskan-Sapir (26 363); 15 come from Kurda and Karana to Qa††unan and con-

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tinue to Babylon (27 168); in transit in Saggaratum en route to Kurda (26 183); bring Askur-Addu royal insignia (A.230). Ekallatean messengers: inform Hammu-Rabi of Kurda of Esnunakeans’ having entered southern Razama (26 391); detained in Karana (26 393); their presence in Qa††ara kept secret from Mari (26 414); come regularly to Kurda and are kept separate from Mariote messengers there (26 420); bring message of peace to Karana (26 511); deny Ekallatean involvement in attack on Nusar (26 515); Mariotes in Karana request their extradition from Askur-Addu (26 521); Kurdaite messengers passing through Karana accompany them from Kasapa to Ekallatum (26 522); inform Iddiyatum about Sasiya’s tricking Isme-Dagan (26 526). Elamite messengers: come to Babylon frequently (26 362); their food allowance decreased in Babylon (26 368); Hammu-Rabi of Babylon assures Zimri-Lim that he will send them to Elam without Babylonian companion; they are subsequently detained in their resthouses (26 361); they demonstrate and are housed in warehouse of Irra-Nada (26 370); they are locked in fetters in Babylon (26 363); released as soon as Elamite troops leave Esnunakean territory on way back to Elam (27 149); staying in the gate of the palace of Babylon after renewal of relations between Elam and Babylon (26 373); make their way secretly into Subat-Enlil and inform Simat-Huluris about withdrawal from Hiritum (26 327). Esnunakean messengers: witness conclusion of treaty between Askur-Addu and Atamrum (26 404); arrive in Parsipa, wait for Hammu-Rabi one day and for his answer another day (26 372); are transferred to village and guarded after seizure of MaskanSapir (26 383); they and Ekallatean messengers are in Karana asking Askur-Addu to change sides to Esnuna (26 423 and 511); high-ranking Esnunakean messenger comes to Razama to take back Esnunakean troops (26 524). Qa†anean messengers: 2 en route to Elam are sought (A.266); Zimri-Lim detains Qa†anean messengers going to Esnuna in Mari (26 25); Qa†anean messengers caught by Babylonians in gate of Larsa and brought to Babylon (26 383). miller (l ú †e’inum) Under Aksak-Magir there is no brewer or millers in palace of Qa††unan (FM 2 50). Mislanite Inhabitant of Mislan; Mislanites complain to Zimri-Lim about Asqudum’s having taken possession of field (26 74). Mulhanite Inhabitant of Mulhan; 2 Mulhanites bring tablets with information on Suhum to Zimri-Lim (26 505). Mutebal See introduction, p. 17; group of Yamina represented by Nahimum (26 39). Mutiabal Also called “Mutiabaleans” (Mutiabalû) and “sons of Mutiabal” (26 368); inhabitants of Kasalluk and surrounding land; 1,000 Mutiabalean troops arrive in Babylon (26 366); desert from Babylonian army (26 368); stage unsuccessful revolt against Babylon (26 365); are defeated (365-bis). Nahanite Member of the clan of Nahanum in Id; Nahanite Hana who went up to Subartum and made his way through enemy lines to Mariote troops in Babylon is maltreated (27 151). nobility Member of nobility (madarum); Urukean among Mariote troops in Babylon turns out to be member of nobility whose return to Uruk is of concern to Hammu-Rabi (27 163); Íilli-Sin, installed by soldiers as king of Esnuna, is no member of nobility (26 377).

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Index of Group Designations

Numha Also Numaha; gentilic Num(a)hayum translated “Numhean,” all forms referred to as “Numha”; Amorite population of Hilly Arc; see Introduction, pp. 17–18, headmen, slaves, Yanßib-Addu; Numha of Ekallatum have no grain (26 342); kingdom of Karana is described as city of Karana and land of Numha (26 412); Hamadanum (26 419) and Asan near southern Razama (26 415) belong to Numha; Numha and Yamutbal refugees throng district of Hisamta and Terqa (26 62); dig for madder in forest, causing flap between Kurda and Mari (27 66 and 67); Zimri-Addu unlawfully jails 2 Numha messengers (27 116); Numha and Mariote troops are about to engage in battle, but Numha retreat saying they are brothers of Mariotes and looking for Yamutbal (27 68); cultivators of Haya-Sumu kill 4 Numha in Mariyatum (27 135); complain that Mariote sheep use their pasture and wells (26 524); land of Numha sleepless because of Ekallatean attacks (26 521); 5,000 Numha and Yamutbal assembled and waiting to join Zimri-Lim on campaign (27 14); Atamrum offers Askur-Addu 600 Yamutbal troops in exchange for Numha troops (26 394); 100 to 200 Numha and Yamutbal “troops” (probably workers) live in district of Qa††unan (27 116); Numha troops in Qa††ara revolt (26 412); Yasim-El learns that Idamaraßean and Numha troops rustle sheep belonging to palace of Mari (26 422); Hana near Sea of Halaba threaten to use Numha territory for actions against Mari (26 358); Hammu-Rabi of Kurda warns IsmeDagan against attacking Numha (of Karana) (26 511); Hammu-Rabi of Kurda assembles Numha in Kasapa (A.3577); Numha, Andarigites, or Idamaraßeans attack Babylonian messengers between Kurda and Qa††unan (27 168); Yamßum is accused of having accepted Numha slaves (26 302); Numha captured by Ekallatean flees to Buqaqum (26 495); unnamed Numha emigrated from Saggaratum to Kurda (27 116); Numha not allowed to cross from Karana to Andarig without pass (A.285). Nusarean Inhabitant of Nusar; see Ili-Ram. party (sut PN) Party of Ibal-Pi-El brings message of Hammu-Rabi of Babylon to ZimriLim (26 361); party of high officials of Babylon stays in Maskan-Sapir (26 367); party of Babylonian companions of Esnunakean messengers stays in Esnuna (26 372). pastry cook (episat mersim) See Kundulatum. pasture-chief (merhûm) Word explained by Durand as mapras formation of the root rªª “to pasture” (26 86d; LAPO 17, 471–72); see Bannum, Ibal-El, Ibal-Pi-El, Meptum; pasture-chiefs are in Tuttul seeing Yasmah-Addu (26 86); mayors and 2 pasture-chiefs of Yamina Hana assemble (A.2741); Habdu-Malik, en route to Atamrum, writes pasturechief (26 388); Habdu-Malik stays with pasture-chief in order to coordinate eventual support of Hana troops for Atamrum (26 389); communication between royal administration and pasture-chief does not function well (26 394); Andarigite herders come to see governor of Qa††unan, proposing division of pasture with pasture-chief as representative of Hana (27 48); Dadi-Hadnu entrusts travel group to his pasture-chief (26 114). Patakhum Name of clan; Zimri-Lim appoints clan member as mayor; clan declines offer to fill office of land registrar (27 107). pederast (assinnum) See Ili-Haznaya, Selebum. people (nisu) members of household; also called “personnel” (l ú . l ú . m e s); head of household is released from prison in Kurda but his people are not (26 80); Ilsu-Naßir has no place to stay; his people are homeless (27 2); diviner Nur-Addu and his people (26 139); Zimri-Lim concerned about people of Yarim-Dadu (27 100); personnel of house-

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hold of royal servant divided between heirs and palace (26 185-bis); people of fugitive condemned man are delivered into slavery and expected to be freed upon his return (26 199); Haya-Sumu wonders whether he should remove his people in Nahur because Zimri-Lim wants to give control of Nahur to another (28 81). personal guard (l ú sut resim) See Kapi-Ili; personal guards and regulars receive 5 dikes of agricultural land as subsistence plots in Euphrates districts in return for “hard” service (27 107); Asqudum is assisted by 10 personal guards in assembling Hana troops (26 40); Mariote personal guard troops in Ilan-Íura want to be replaced after 3–month term (26 350). physician (a . z u , l ú asûm) See Iddin-Ili, Ipiq-Enlil, Meranum, Puzur-Malik, Íuhhutum, Yatar-Amu; sent to diviner (26 108-bis); tells Governor Sammetar to stay home (26 276); physician among fugitives from Nurrugum (26 269); someone is good physician and groom (26 270); sent by Zimri-Lim to treat carbuncle (26 278); 2 physicians in Mari too busy to join Yasmah-Addu (26 296). populace (sablum) See land; populace of land of Karana assembled in city of Karana because of threat of attack (26 393). population (l ú . l ú . m e s) Population of area frequented by Hana seek protection in fortified city (26 358); 2,000 troops that were settled in the past in Suhum are now 10,000 men and women; they are to be relocated (26 35); eclipse in 4th month presages loss of population of city (26 248). population of district called “district” (halßum) District of Qa††unan refuses royal grain because of uncertainty about terms of payment (27 76); district of Qa††unan(?) is gathered in strongholds (26 189); Zakira-Hammu gathers district for plucking sheep (27 37); for combating locust (27 28); for harvesting (27 14). porters (l ú . m e s s a g ú) Transport drum to Halab (26 18). porter troops (ßabum nasûm) Carry baggage of Zimri-Lim on campaign (26 5). priestess ugbabtum of Dagan; location of her residence considered (26 178 and 179). prince “The Prince” is title of king of Esnuna; Mariote troops do harm to him (26 37 [see comment 2]). prisoners Prison population (ßibittum) in Razama rises as Esnunakean messenger arrives to take back Esnunakean troops (26 524); troops in prison (ßabum sa neparim) and troops engaged in trench-digging are potentially dangerous for governor of Qa††unan (FM 2 71); weaver women, cultivators, and prison inmates (neparatum) who died in epidemic are listed (26 264 and 265). prisoners of war (sallatum) Also called ßibit qatim “catch of hand”; Asqudum was catch of hand of Bannum (26 5); Zimri-Lim accused of making prisoners of war in time of peace (26 39); Hana troops in Suhum want evacuees of Rapiqum as prisoners of war (26 37); Atamrum distributes 200 to allied troops (26 408); Yasim-El talks troops into giving up their right to them (26 408); are taken in villages and brought into Adallaya (26 421); taken by Himdiya in Amaz, given to allied Babylonian troops and, after Mariote protest, reserved for gods of Zimri-Lim’s choice (26 436); Sasiya takes over 100 in Ekallatean territory (26 526); Ekallateans take them in area from Raßum to Sa-Hadnim on bank of Tigris (26 342); Inbatum claims that Himdiya took none when he entered Amaz (10 84); Babylonians take them in Elamite-occupied Esnuna (27 141 and A.3669+); 200 victorious troops come back with 1 per soldier (26 357); Sarraya and Qarni-Lim divide 1,000 from Mardaman between them (26 128).

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592

Index of Group Designations

prostitute (harimtum) Prostitutes allegedly entered palace of Qa††unan (27 60). purifier (l ú mussirum) Purifiers and exorcists wash off taboo (26 44). Qabarean Inhabitant of Qab(a)ra; force of 2,000 Turukkeans, 2,000 Qabareans, 1,000 Yahurrum defeats Isme-Dagan (26 510). Qa†anean Inhabitant of Qa†anum; see Amut-Pi-El, messenger; Asqudum arrives with Qa†anean troops in Qa††unan (26 28); Zimri-Lim asks diviner in Dur-Yahdun-Lim to verify information on Qa†aneans and Zalmaqeans (26 121). queen (= principal wife of king) Land tells Askur-Addu to seek Zimri-Lim’s protection and predicts that Zimri-Lim will then give him his daughter to be queen in Karana (6 26). Qutean See Sasum; 17 Qutean reservists go from Eluhtum to Susa, where they are treated badly, then come to Qa††unan (FM 2 58); 400 Quteans in Babylon (26 483); veracity of message about coming of Quteans in doubt (26 489); successfully oppose invading Elamites (2 26); come to crossing at Mankisum at time of Elamite retreat from Hiritum (A.3669+); are on their way from Terqa to Zimri-Lim (26 283); 10,000 troops headed for Larsa (6 27); La-Awil-Addu keeps Quteans and Esnunakeans of Elam’s garrison troops in Subat-Enlil (26 316); La-Awil-Addu comes with reservists and Quteans to Ilan-Íura (26 328); Zimri-Lim wants them; Yamßum sends 9, warning that they can get “fierce” (26 330). Rapiqean Inhabitant of Rapiqum; Rapiqeans defeated by Esnunakeans (26 504); Hana want Rapiqean citizens as prisoners of war (26 37); Rapiqean citizens in Terqa cause apprehension (26 144). Razamean Inhabitant of the northern Razama; group of 27 (14 105) expected to pass through Qa††unan en route to Mari (27 80); dispatched from Qa††unan to Saggaratum (27 92); 2,000 stay in Andarig, and Atamrum sponsors their resettlement in Razama (26 409). Razamean Inhabitant of southern Razama; Askur-Addu turns over Razameans to IsmeDagan (26 413). rear guard (l ú e g e r) Hammu-Rabi of Kurda calls up rear guards and singles for campaign duty (26 430); they and singles to strengthen border settlements in kingdom of Karana (26 523); they and singles of Euphrates districts come up to Qa††unan to harvest (27 100, 102); 50 rear guards and singles mentioned (26 156); Innunaya is rear guard of governor of Allahad (26 432). reconnoiterer (l ú .baddum) moves in front of 100 troops (2 30). regent (saknum) Atamrum installs regent in Suhpad (26 409); Himdiya makes mayor of Amaz regent of Atamrum (10 84); superior of god River and regent of Id administer river ordeal (26 249). regular (l ú . m e s pihrum) Formerly read behrum, linked to bêrum and translated “elite troops”; army contingent consisting of commoners; see Yanßib-Dagan 1; they and personal guards receive 5 dikes of agricultural land in Euphrates districts as subsistence plots in return for “hard” service (27 107); 5 divisions of regulars wait on Ibal-Pi-El in Babylon (27 151); Asqudum keeps 30 regulars with him on way to Halab (26 18); regulars of Zimri-Lim come close to Andarig as Esnunakeans build camp near Nagibum (26 508); collect harvest of palace (27 14); Vizier of Elam requests support of Babylonian and Larsean regulars (26 362); Yasim-El chooses relief troops from regulars under his command (26 407); Isme-Dagan and Hammu-Rabi of Kurda surround Surra with

Index of Group Designations

593

their regulars (26 418); after withdrawing from Hiritum, The Vizier chooses 30,000 (27 145) regulars and takes them to Mankisum (27 146); enemy regulars carry heavy gear and leave Lazabat (27 170). rescue contingent (nehraranum) Babylonian conscripts, field-men, and rescue contingents oppose Elamite shock-troops (26 366). rescue detachment (nehrarum) See comment 4 to 26 156; rescue detachment from Karana responds to Ekallatean attack on Asan and Purattum (26 415); rescue detachment of 70 troops pursues Ekallateans after attack on Nusar (26 514); Abi-Epuh confirms arrival of rescue detachment on Esnunakean front, consisting of 50 rear guards and singles (26 156); enemy attack countered by dispatch of rescue detachment (26 167); Mislanites fear attack on Mari and ask for urgent dispatch of rescue detachment (26 168). reservist (l ú . d i r i . g a) Grain rations for Hana and reservists on guard duty in Qa††unan (27 1); 8 reservists guard city gate, fields of palace, and are on call for palace (27 6); reservists guard fields and outposts and serve as royal couriers (27 44); harvest grain of the palace in Qa††unan together with rear guards and singles (27 102); Zimri-Lim dispatches them to Qa††unan to help with harvest (27 37); 600 reservists of Ekallatum leave for campaign (26 430); member of Urukean nobility, who serves in Mariote army, takes 8 reservists of palace gate and has them escort him to Uruk (27 163); AksakMagir of Qa††unan requests lances for reservists (FM 2 51); 17 Qutean reservists go from Eluhtum to Susa, where they are treated badly, and come to Qa††unan (FM 2 58); Bunu-Estar sends 100 to Akin-Amar to hold Hazzikkannum (26 357); 100 reservists of Qarni-Lim fight on side of Mari in same conflict (26 357); La-Awil-Addu comes with reservists and Quteans to Ilan-Íura (26 328). respondent (apilum) Cleric who mediates between humans and gods; see Atamrum 2, Inni-Bana, Ißi-Ahu, Lupahum, Qisti-Diritim; see comment to 26 194; respondent of Dagan of Tuttul makes statement concerning Babylon and Mari (26 209); respondent of Diritum prophesies (26 208); respondent of Marduk chides Isme-Dagan for not having returned favor of Marduk (26 371); respondent of Samas of Sippir (Abu Habba) writes Zimri-Lim (26 194); respondent of Samas in Andarig requests scribe to transmit divine message to Zimri-Lim (26 414); female respondent makes statement about Zimri-Lim (26 204); respondent of Ninhursanga requests gifts from Zimri-Lim (26 219). rider Probably abbreviation of “rider of donkeys”; 8 Mariote and Babylonian riders pass through Suhum (26 484). rider of donkeys (rakib a n s e . h i . a) Person of high rank; “donkeys” could have been donkeys, horses, or mules; plural “donkeys” indicates that “rider” rode chariot, or coach, hitched to “donkeys”; 200 troops of Kurda defeat 500 of Esnuna and capture 12 (27 16); Babylonian envoys return from Maskan-Sapir with 4 as companions (26 368); Esnunakean rider of donkeys comes to Razama to take back Esnunakean troops (26 524); 3 Kurdaite messengers are riders of donkeys passing Qa††unan en route to Mari (FM 2 55 and 56); 2 generals and diviner are riders of donkeys leading force of 4,000 troops (26 131); Yamßum suggests to Zimri-Lim to send “a reliable man, a rider of donkeys, who does not mince words” to convince Haya-Sumu about freeing Ibni-Addu (26 312). rival (kaltum) Specifically rival of a reigning king; Haya-Sumu considers Ibni-Addu criminal because Ibni-Addu communicated with Haya-Sumu’s rival (26 312).

594

Index of Group Designations

runaway (b a . z á h) Zimri-Lim requests list of runaway and dead soldiers from Yamßum (26 314; see comment 3); Yasim-El provides Zimri-Lim with list of men on hand, troops in garrisons, soldiers on furlough, runaways, and dead (26 408). runner (d u mu lasimim) 4 runners of Askur-Addu come before Buqaqum (26 490). Saphean Inhabitant of Saphum; Isme-Dagan quarrels with Sapheans and carries off 15 of them (26 519). scout (sakbum) Scouts of Samsi-Adad and Hammu-Rabi of Babylon stayed together in Id in past, now Hammu-Rabi wants same arrangement with Zimri-Lim (26 449); KibsiAddu reports that his scouts are at full strength (26 505); diviner Zimri-Dagan arrives in Tuttul with his kin and scouts (26 157); deployed to close border between Karana and Andarig (A.285); to prevent Suhum evacuees from escaping to kin among Hana (26 41); deployed by pasture-chiefs to supervise herds (26 86); scouts of district neglected by governors (26 87); Abi-Epuh makes suggestion to Yabliyaites to place 50 in village suspected of collaborating with enemy (26 156); scouts of district of Yabliya are negligent (26 156); Baßßum does not neglect supervision of scouts and guards in Dir on Balih (26 247). scribe (d u mu é .†uppim) Hammu-Rabi of Babylon sends high-level delegation, including scribe, to Maskan-Sapir (26 362); discreet scribe needed to write down divine message (26 414); scribe serving Mariote troops in Babylon receives gifts with value slightly above those of division commanders (23 435); equal to gifts of division commanders (25 815); serves General Sarrum-Íululi in Babylon (27 151); Asqudum wants scribes dispatched to pasture for muster of sheep (26 55) . secret agent (naßrum and naßirum) Hana in area of Sea of Halaba send out secret agent to Kasapa (26 358); 3 secret agents, called “foes,” in Mariote custody (26 516) are conducted from Karana to Zimri-Lim (2 46); foils campaign of Ibal-Pi-El by informing enemy (27 141); reveals to Huzirum that Kapidum of Hazzikkannum plans to visit Akin-Amar (26 357); provides information on revolt in Yap†ur (26 217); Asqudum dispatches 2 informed persons to Zimri-Lim and recommends capturing 3d with help of secret agent (26 60). secretary (†upsarrum) See Marduk-Naßir; Sin-Iddinam 3; courtier who is a young secretary is requested by Íidqum-Lanasi from Zimri-Lim (26 541); Suhean division commander, Simhi-Erah, and 2 secretaries witness ordeal as agents of Meptum (26 251); secretary among fugitives from Nurrugum (26 269). secretary of army (d u b . s a r m a r. t u) See Laªum 5. servant (ìr) The term is so unspecific that only remarkable references are quoted; IbniAddu, king of Tadum, is called Zimri-Lim’s servant (26 312); Haya-Sumu calls Mariote representative in Andarig and king of Surnat his servants (26 409); configuration of liver predicts that the king will take households of his servants along (26 3); royal servants not allowed to hear text of oracular inquiries about their king (26 104); YarimLim considers servants of Zimri-Lim his servants (26 21); Zimri-Lim employs former servants of Yasmah-Addu, against Bannum’s wishes (26 5); Huziranum cannot ascend his throne without presence of Zimri-Lim’s servant (26 349); this servant collects payment due to Zimri-Lim (26 350); Karaneans swear they will inform Askur-Addu about treasonous acts of Haqba-Hammu and principal servants (M.7259); high-ranking servants of Ardigandi panic after defeat of their master (26 489); Askur-Addu condemns

Index of Group Designations

595

5 palace servants for treason (26 401); 5 servants of Atamrum extradited from Karana as criminals (26 413); royal servant in Qa††unan wants to be grouped with his peers in Euphrates districts (26 445); Hana beats servant of palace in Qa††unan to death (27 57); courtier is called servant of the king (26 453); servants of Zimri-Lim are his agents; they should protect him in time of danger (26 213); headmen of Numha and elders of land are called servants of Simah-Ilane (26 463); servants of governor cannot work on city gate because of harvest (26 221-bis). shepherd (l ú . s i p a, reªûm) Name of gall bladder in diviner’s jargon (for example, 26 2); Zimri-Lim called strong shepherd (26 346); Zimri-Lim asked to write Mariote shepherds to remove their sheep from Karanean pasture (26 524); shepherd, who is slave of Daris-Libur, flees, and governor of Qa††unan is ordered by Zimri-Lim to catch him (27 61); Turukkeans carry off sheep and shepherds of Karana (26 339, 340). shock-head (qammatum) See comment 3 to 26 197; prophecy of shock-head of Dagan in Terqa (26 197, 199). shock-troops (kibittum) The word designates troops fully equipped for warfare and, in 27 102 (see LAPO 17 585c), for harvesting. Zimri-Lim should be surrounded by shocktroops for his safety (26 119 and 176); Mariote border guards are pushed aside by Yamina troops, then strengthened by additional guards, drawn from shock-troops (26 176); Mariote shock-troops present in Subat-Enlil/Apum (26 358); Babylonian conscripts, field-men, and rescue formations oppose Elamite shock-troops (26 366); Hammu-Rabi promises to send shock-troops to Mari (26 381, 471); Abi-Mekim expects to lead them (26 470); Isme-Dagan’s shock-troops mentioned (26 424); shock-troops incorrectly deployed against marching column of enemy (2 22); 20,000 Babylonians, including shock-troops, march against Esnuna (A.3669+); troops of The Vizier fighting in Hiritum are shock-troops (A.3669+); Zimri-Addu requests them for harvesting (27 102). silversmiths (ku†immum) See Eressum-Matum. Simªal Tribal division of Amorites called Sons of the Left (that is north) and contrasted with Yamina, called Sons of the Right (that is south); see introduction, p. 15; term translated “son(s) of Simªal” and referred to as “Simªal”; Hana are proud to be of seed of Simªal (27 133); Bannum distrusts royal appointees who are not Simªal (26 5); Pasture-chief Ibal-El reports about well-being of encampment and Simªal (2 33); so does Zimri-Addu 2 (27 169); Hammu-Rabi of Kurda calls Numha for action against them, but Numha decline, declaring Simªal their brother (A.3577); Numha woman married to Simªal (27 116); Zimri-Addu complains that his actions, even if prompted by the word of a Simªal, are frustrated (27 151); they and Larsaites guard city of Terqa (26 144); prophecy concerning Zimri-Lim and Simªal (26 200). singer (l ú . n a r) See Karanatum, Tir-Ea, Warad-Addu; (female) singers entice Queen Beltum to leave her quarters at inappropriate time (26 298); Zimri-Lim requests singer from Atamrum’s wife (26 435); Yahdun-Lim of Kar-Kamis requests female singers from Hammu-Rabi of Babylon (27 162); Yarim-Lim requests singer Karanatum from ZimriLim (26 9). singer, senior (l ú . n a r. g a l) A high office; see Eteya, Risiya. singer (astalû) Extispicies for continuation of such singers’ trip not auspicious (26 112).

596

Index of Group Designations

singles (l ú . m e s d i d l i) See rear-guards; singles and day-workers leave locust-ravaged Qa††unan under cover of night in order to harvest in Subartum (27 26); after singles and day laborers leave for Subartum, there are no troops available in Qa††unan (27 80). slaves (ì r. n it a resum [male], géme amtum “maid” [female]) General Yarim-Hammu and Samsi-Addu sell man and his 20 people into slavery (FM 2 68); Hammu-Rabi of Babylon releases slaves and enlists them as soldiers (26 363); oracular inquiry about freeing slave of palace (26 115); male and female slaves in palace of Qa††unan come from Idamaraß and Subartum (27 85); Yamßum defends himself against accusation of having accepted Numha slaves (26 302); Numha slave owned by division commander in Andarig (26 434); male and female slaves are part of throng of Yamutbal and Numha refugees in Terqa and Hisamta (26 62); shepherd, who is slave without slave mark, fled (27 61); 3 slaves fled and are apprehended in Qa††unan (27 2); 25 palace slaves escape from Qa††unan, are apprehended in Harbe of Yamutbal, and extradited to Mari (26 412); slave disappears from palace of Qa††unan, and governor dispatches troops to find him (27 68); 30 adult and 30 young slaves are brought from Andarig to Mari (26 414); slaves of Mariote in Kurda are confiscated (26 420); 6 slaves are concealed (27 47); concern that slaves will be frightened because of death of their master (26 275); soldier cannot marry slave girl (26 547); Zimri-Lim wants slave girl of palace of Qa††unan released so that messenger of Haya-Sumu can marry her (27 85); female slave undergoes ordeal for her lady (26 251); female slave beaten to death (26 254). sleuth (l ú halilum) A type of spy; Yamina send out sleuth from Mislan to spy on war preparations of Mari (26 168). soldier (l ú . a g a . ú s) Yamßum states that since childhood he lived soldier’s life (26 333); Yasim-El consults with division commanders, lieutenants, and soldiers about distribution of prisoners of war (26 408); soldiers to be released so they can go home for cold season (2 24); female slave lives with soldier in Kar-Kamis and cannot become his wife (26 547); 1,300 receive gifts in Babylon (25 815); there is only limited food for soldiers in palace of Qa††unan (FM 2 50); soldier Gumul-Sin assigned to rear-guard of king on expeditions is not seen for 2 years (26 286); Yamßum rejects accusation of having accepted anything from soldiers (26 302); Haya-Sumu provides 21 liters unmilled flour as monthly ration to soldiers of Mariote garrison (26 314); Haya-Sumu puts soldiers in prison, Yamßum releases them, and they disappear (26 336). soldier on furlough (pa†irum) Zimri-Lim requests muster of troops in Andarig, including list of soldiers on furlough (26 405, 408); Zimri-Addu sends list (27 153); entire division of Yarim-Hammu in Qa††unan listed as on furlough (FM 2 67); muster reveals some (26 33); deficit of Yamina troops passing Dir on way to Babylon explained as soldiers on furlough (6 30); Yamßum will recall them in order to determine number of runaways and dead soldiers (26 314); group of them distinguishes itself in transporting heavy bronze-drum to Tuttul (26 18); of 50 Mariote troops in Ilan-Íura, 16 in 26 126 and 25 in 26 353 are on furlough; soldiers furloughed at inopportune time (26 176). spy (makûm) Isme-Dagan dispatches spies to prepare attack on Suhum (26 420); spies should accompany Hana troops (26 30). staff commander (l ú . g a l . m i s . m i d r i) Babylonian military rank corresponding to division commander in Mari; Mutiabalean staff commander triggers revolt of Mutiabal against Babylon (26 365).

Index of Group Designations

597

standard-bearer (mubabbilum) Suhean standard-bearers receive 1 shirt each as gift in Babylon (25 815); gifts received by them show that they rank below lieutenants (25 815 and A.486+); 50 standard-bearers of Hana troops stage parade upon their arrival in Babylon (A.486+). steward (l ú abarakkum) See Asqudum 2. Suhean Inhabitant of Suhum; see Yaqqim-Lim; difficulties of housing Suhean troops in Qa††unan (27 7); Askur-Addu requests 30 Mariote and Suhean troops to counter Ekallatean moves (26 521); contingent of 300 Mariote troops consists of 150 Hana, 100 troops from Euphrates districts, and 50 Suheans (2 22); Suhean troops lead by Sakirum arrive in Babylon (27 151); gifts for Suhean troops in Babylon (25 815); Yaqqim-Lim leads 30 Suheans to monitor withdrawal of Elamites along Zubi (2 30); Zimri-Addu enlists 100 Hana and Suhean troops armed with javelins to move against raiding Suteans (27 161); Asqudum is assisted by 10 Suheans in assembling Hana troops (26 40). superior (l ú . s a m a) High clerical office; see Ahum, Dada 3, Iddin-Ili 2; superior of god River and regent of Id administer river ordeal (26 249). Supurratean Inhabitant of Supurrata; see Balu-Estar; 2 stay with royal authorization in Qa††unan and return to Mari to report (27 120). Susean Inhabitant of Susa; see Sub-Ram. Sutean Assumed to be Amorite tribal group; probably Aramean (see introduction, pp. 25– 28); see Ahi-Ebal, Guladu; Hammu-Rabi of Babylon uses Suteans as couriers but does not expect authorities in Mari to allow them into Mari territory (6 51); attack in area of Madinatum, triggering counterstrike by Buqaqum (26 483); attack backside of Babylonian cultivated zone and are beaten back by Babylonian and Mariote troops (27 161); dream about Suteans snatching wife of Zimri-Lim and demanding their homes in exchange for her return (26 225). Sa Akka For an inhabitant of that city, see Malik-Dagan. Sehrite Inhabitant of Sehrum; Sehrite and Mariote women appear together in dream (26 229). Sinahite Inhabitant of Sinah; see Hurraite. Sudaite Inhabitant of the land of Suda (Kupper, NABU 1996 133); Hammu-Rabi of Kurda sends 5 of them to summon Sudaite troops against Zimri-Lim (A.3577). Suhpadean Inhabitant of Suhpad; according to Haya-Sumu, Suhpadeans offered him allegiance, but Atamrum seized control of Suhpad and made treaty with them (26 409). Sunaite Inhabitant of Suna; city of Amaz changes sides from Atamrum to “Sunaite” (king of Suna; 26 430). Tarmannian Inhabitant of Tarmanni in Idamaraß; place-name means “spring (of water)” in Hurrian (M. Salvini, Studi micenei ed egeo-anatolici 14 [1971], 171–80); king of Tarmannians and kings of Asnakkum, Kirdahat, and Suduhum go to Zimri-Lim (27 20). Terqaite Inhabitant of Terqa; ransomed in Kurda (26 421); Terqaites discuss planting of sesame with Asqudum (26 62). Tillaite Inhabitant of Tilla; Samsi-Erah, king of Tilla, also called Tillaite (26 357, 417); Tillaite troops return from standoff at Mariyatum (26 357). townspeople (aluyu and alanu “cities”) Townspeople of Surnat withdraw to citadel (26 422); townspeople of Kiyatan hold citadel (26 424); Turukkeans carry off 4 cities of

598

Index of Group Designations

Isme-Dagan (26 425); townspeople of Razama taunt their besieger, Atamrum, and frustrate his efforts to breach city wall (14 104). travel group (girrum), convoy (aliktum), caravan (harranum), travelers (alikutum) Servant of Atamrum joins travel group from Ekallatum to Babylon (26 372); travel group of (Assyrian) merchants and Ekallateans, having entered territory of Karana, are not allowed to enter territory of Andarig, but 50 donkeys and their drivers pass on to Kanis (A.285); Zimri-Dagan arrives in Tuttul with his brothers, his travel group and scouts (26 157); Dadi-Hadnu entrusts travel group to his pasture-chief (26 114); Ekallatean messenger requests from Askur-Addu permission for convoy to pass en route to Kurda (26 511); convoy from Malgum arrives in Babylon (26 383); dancing boy to return to Mari from Esnuna in convoy (26 255); Babylonian caravans do not come to Mari, so turquoise wool is not available (26 285); 11 travelers receive 70 sheep in Qa††unan (27 47). troop commanders (sapiru ßabim) Sulum and Bihirum appointed as such by Ibal-Pi-El after it turns out there are too many division commanders (A.486+). troops (ßabum) and army (ummanatum) Men serving as soldiers and in public works; see allied troops, conscripts, garrison troops, light troops, shock-troops; Hana. Only representative selections of the many references are given below. Assembling, mustering—Hali-Hadun brings out Hana troops and they assemble in Qa††unan (26 31); Asqudum explains how he assembles Hana troops (26 40); troops are slow in assembling (26 26); Yaminite kings must assemble their troops and comrades from encampments to counter Mariote threat (26 168); assemble for muster (26 408); troops to be sent from Terqa to Babylon are mustered: men who sent replacements, sick, old, gents stay home (3 19); muster reveals soldiers on furlough (26 33); after singles and day workers leave for Subartum, troops are not available in Qa††unan (27 80); to assemble an army is as difficult as to dismiss it (26 266); Atamrum and Hammu-Rabi of Kurda decree immediate assembling of troops (26 320); troops of district assembled for rescue mission (26 280). Escort—serve as escorts of visiting king (26 411). On foreign soil—Hammu-Rabi of Kurda demands withdrawal of Mariote troops from Andarig (26 392); should Mariote troops stay in Andarig and Karana if Esnunakean troops lay siege to either city? (26 390); troops accompanying Sarraya on visit to Mari get provisions from Mari in Mariote territory (27 129); Mariote troops in Babylon called relief troops (27 163); vassal requests troops from Zimri-Lim (26 34); Babylonian troops in Mari include many sick soldiers (26 274); Mariote troops in Ilan-Íura go hungry (26 313); Atamrum invites Haya-Sumu to let their troops camp together (26 355). Guard—Haya-Sumu does not assign (own) troops to guard gate of his palace (26 126); extispicies indicate troops should be concerned about their guard duties (26 152); troops ordered onto city wall (26 323). Harvest—troops needed for harvesting (27 27, 33, 36, 37 [reservists], 100, 102); Hana troops are given order to collect sheep and harvest (26 31); troops will be discharged after harvest (FM 2 70); Elamite army harvests (26 370); troops load grain (A.2133). Miscellaneous—Troops needed to revitalize abandoned Nahur (26 348); 100 or 200 troops of Yamutbal and Numha live in Qa††unan (27 116); Atamrum remarks sarcasti-

Index of Group Designations

599

cally that he might sell troops (26 404); Isme-Dagan plans to sell troops for grain (26 494); troops are dispatched to deal with Numheans digging madder in Mariote territory (27 66); Mariote troops threaten Esnunakean troops during truce (26 37); cultivators and troops cannot dislodge lion from city gate of Mari (26 106); troops are given chance to choose between Ustasni-El or Yamßum (26 322); Ustasni-El accuses Yamßum of having turned troops against him (26 344). Morale—Mariote troops distinguish themselves in siege of Hiritum (27 142); waste grain stores (26 247); meet with Haya-Sumu to announce their refusal to follow orders of Ustasni-El (26 323); it is feared that Hana troops in Suhum may loot (26 37). Numbers—for short survey, see Durand, “Unité,” 101–2; king of Esnuna claims intention to muster 120,000 (J. van Dijk, “Remarques sur l’histoire d’Elam et d’Esnunna,” AfO 23 [1970], 67:36); Isme-Dagan takes 60,000 to besiege Nurrugum (SH. 827:11– 14; see J. Laessoe, “IM 62100: A Letter from Tell Shemshara,” Assyriological Studies 16 [1965], 193); [n] thousand of Hammu-Rabi will fight 40,000 if god tells him so (26 379); 30,000 are headed for Andarig (27 18); The Vizier chooses 30,000 to go up to Mankisum (27 145); they consist of 20,000 Esnunakeans and 10,000 Elamites who are dispatched to Subartum after Elamite withdrawal from Babylon (27 147); 20,000 Babylonians headed north (A.19); 20,000 Babylonians intervene in Andarig (26 440 [see Abrahami, NABU 1992 1]); 20,000 Esnunakeans assemble in Uhul and Unine (26 503); they are face-to-face with 14+[n] thousand Babylonians (26 503); 20,000 Babylonians make incursion into Elamite-held Esnunakean territory (A.3669+); 15,000 Esnunakeans strengthen Harbe and 5,000 fortify Yabliya (26 479); 12,000 Esnunakean troops march on Situllum (6 27); Hammu-Rabi of Babylon agrees to dispatch 10,000 to Mari (2 25); 10,000 escape from ditches near Hiritum and make it to Kakkulatum (2 30); 10,000 Qutean troops headed for Larsa (6 27); Babylonian army accompanying Atamrum supposed to be 8,000 strong (26 498) but calculated to be 6,000 by Buqaqum (26 500); Hammurabi dispatches 6,000 to Isme-Dagan (26 373); 2,000 of Ibal-Pi-El and 4,000 Babylonians go on fruitless mission (A.3669+); they are 2,000 Mariotes and 3,000 Babylonians according to 27 141; 2,000 Hana have assembled in Qa††unan, while 5,000 Numha and Yamutbal are [en route] to Zimri-Lim (27 14); Hammu-Rabi of Babylon sends 6,000 to load barley and evacuate people from Mutiabal (26 365); LaAwil-Addu departs with 5,000 (26 355); Hammu-Rabi dispatches 5,000 under NidnatSin to Buqaqum (26 470); he dispatches 5,000 led by Marduk-Musallim to Ekallatum (A.4515); The Vizier dispatches 5,000 Elamites with 20,000 Esnunakeans to lay siege to Situllum (27 148); Yatar-Addu brings 4,000 in 4 days from Babylon to Hanat (26 131); Askur-Addu enters Subat-Enlil with 4,000 (27 133); 2,000 Babylonians and 2,000 Ekallateans and Assyrians withdraw from area of Karana as Mariote soldiers approach (26 411); 3,928 constitute army of Zimri-Lim assembled against Yamina (26 29 [if each soldier receives oil ration of 15 shekels; see comment d of Durand]); Sasiya dispatches 3,000, who ravage land of Ekallatum (26 526); General La-Awil-Addu leaves Subat-Enlil with 3,000 Esnunakeans (26 354); Ibal-Pi-El is expected in Suhum with 2,000 or 3,000 Babylonians (26 486); 2,000 Zalmaqeans of Yarkab-Addu of Hanzat and 2,000 Zalmaqeans of Bunuma-Addu in transit in Qa††unan (27 78 [number probably inflated]); 2,000 of Ardigandi are defeated by 500 of Kakmum (26 489); 2,000 Mariotes on training mission in Babylon (26 379); Sarrum-Íululi insists that Hammu-Rabi

600

Index of Group Designations dispatch a token 2,000, or 1,000 to Zimri-Lim (26 381); 1,000 or 2,000 necessary to pacify land around Aslakka (28 57); Hammu-Rabi of Kurda requests 2,000 from Hammu-Rabi of Babylon (27 71 and 26 451); 2,000 Babylonians go to Hubsalum: shock-troops stay; 1,000 march on (27 177); Askur-Addu enters Urgis with 2,000 (27 134); Hammu-Rabi of Kurda dispatches 2,000 against Surnat (26 422); Haqba-Hammu goes on rescue mission with 2,000 (2 50); 800 from Suda, 400 from Harran equal 1,000 [sic] Zalmaqeans in transit in Qa††unan (27 80); 2,000 of Haya-Sumu and Sub-Ram are in transit to Mari in Qa††unan (27 69); 1,000 or 2,000 would be ideal for protection of Mislan; 1,000 could be stationed on walls; 1,000 used for sorties (26 171); 2,000 Turukkeans lay in ambush for Sarraya and Qarni-Lim (26 128); La-Awil-Addu establishes camp outside Subat-Enlil with 2,000 (26 320); Zimri-Lim promises Ibal-Addu 1,000– 2,000 to deal with his rival (28 57); defenders of Razama beat 700 Elamites and 600 Esnunakeans (14 104); 1,000 Mutiabaleans arrive in Babylon during siege of Upi (26 366); 1,000 from Malgum join Hammu-Rabi of Babylon against Maskan-Sapir (26 385); Hammu-Rabi of Kurda dispatches 1,000 to build up and hold Asihum (26 422); 1,000 defend Asihum (26 405); 1,000 Yamina build up Manuhatan for protection of their encampment at Lasqum (27 17); 800 Hana arrive at Babylon, where they are allowed into city and put up in resthouses (A.486+); king of Suda dispatches 800 to Mari (27 80); 700 Kahateans arrive at Mariyatum (26 357); 150 [Hana?], 50 Suheans, 100 from bank of Euphrates and 300 Babylonians establish camp in Sa Baßim and patrol area (2 22); Atamrum offers to send 600 Yamutbaleans to Karana to make up for 100 Mariotes (26 394); Sarraya of Razama “fells” 500 besiegers of Razama (6 65); IsmeDagan detains 500 Esnunakeans in Ekallatum (26 491 and 525); 500 Esnunakeans enter ªTillaº (27 134); Atamrum pledges to give 500 to Zimri-Lim (26 404); Yasim-El recommends that Zimri-Lim give 500 to Askur-Addu (26 401); La-Awil-Addu arrives with 500 outside Ilan-Íura, triggering defensive action by Yamßum (26 328); 500 of bank of Euphrates are scheduled to return from Babylon (2 25); Zimri-Lim inquires about status of 500 in district of Qa††unan (27 46); Yanuh-Samar equips 500 of Huziri and dispatches them to Mariyatum (26 357); 400 Babylonians for Atamrum (26 384); king of Harran sends 400 to Mari (27 80); extispicies for 400 of Reªi-El (26 174); 300 Mariotes constitute garrison in Karana; 100 of these sent to Qa††ara (26 411); IbalAddu requests 300 to guard his capital in his absence (28 57); 300 of king of Abi-Ili in transit in Qa††unan (27 83); 300 of Sasiya arrive at camp at Rakna (28 171); 300 bring Haya-Sumu’s tribute to Kunnam (26 304); 300 harvest in Qa††unan (27 37); 300 good troops are badly needed in Mislan (26 171); 300 Esnunakeans are fighting from top of their earthworks in siege of Razama (27 133); 200 escort Babylonian messengers (26 183); 200 Babylonians and 100 Mariotes form strike force against Suteans near Larsa (27 161); 200 escort Aqba-Ahum and various persons from northern kingdoms to Mari (14 98); 200 Kurdaites successfully sortie against 500 Esnunakeans (27 16); 200 guard Harbe (26 37); 200 Hana attack Yamina encampment at Lasqum (27 17); 200 represent marching column (26 98); 200 beat 700 (26 357); Mislan needs 100 because extispicies indicate enemy raids (26 169); 100 load barley in Kar-Kamis (A.2133); 100 Yamina cross undetected from Guru-Addu through Mariote territory to Mislan (26 169); Askur-Addu dispatches 100 to Atamrum (27 154); 100 to be transferred from Andarig to Karana (26 394); 100 dispatched by Ibal-Pi-El to monitor progress of

Index of Group Designations

601

10,000 enemy troops (2 30); Yamßum keeps 100 ready with him as La-Awil-Addu arrives outside Ilan-Íura with 500 (26 328); 100 Ekallateans are killed (or beaten?) by troops of Sasiya (26 526); Akin-Amar of Kahat requests 100 from king of Kurda to keep Hazzikkannum from changing sides to Huziri (26 357); marching column of 60 cross at Sa Hiddan (26 95); Ishi-Addu has contingent of 50 in Ilan-Íura, of which 16 are on furlough (26 126); troops guarding Haya-Sumu consist of 25 soldiers on furlough and 22 active (26 353); Zimri-Lim requests dispatch of 50 from Andarig to secure Azuhinum (26 437); Askur-Addu kills 50 of Isme-Dagan’s garrison troops in Aramanima (26 401); Esnunakeans based in Rapiqum dispatch 50 to Id and halt export of bitumen (26 260); 30 Suheans to monitor enemy (2 30); 30 escort troops get party of travelers safely across turbulent northern border of Mariote territory (27 68); Asqudum keeps 30 regulars with him on trip (26 18); 20 Mariotes guard newly installed king of Kahat (26 317); 20 Hana under Yahßib-El who are equipped and dispatched to outposts still need javelins (FM 2 51); Iddiyatum requests return of 20 of his division from Andarig (26 520 and 521); Ziyanam saves Kapidum from Haziyanite kidnappers with 15 (26 357); 10 conduct secret agents to Zimri-Lim (2 46); plow work-unit of Asqudum consists of 3 (27 39); Kunnam gives Ibni-Addu 1 soldier (26 310); no troops available; “sons of the country” man the outposts instead (27 23). Other public works—dredge canal (27 40); do irrigation work (27 25); haul boats if weather not too cold (26 18); do construction work on city wall (26 147); carry grain from Karana to Ekallatum (26 342); 6,000 Esnunakean troops carry grain to Situllum (6 27). Predictions—Erib-Sin performs extispicies for Mariote troops going to Babylon (26 95–100-bis); troops stop in Hanat because extispicies for next leg of journey are negative (26 97); extispicies for well-being of troops and the distance they can safely travel from their present position (26 103); eclipse in month V means troops of king will be dispatched on good mission (26 248). Provisions—receive clothes, bread, and malt flour (26 126); seize their provisions but have no oil, without which they cannot fight in cold weather (26 29); 50 quit because of lack of travel provisions (26 97); threaten to leave if not given flour instead of unmilled grain (26 356). Relationship with king—Hammu-Rabi addresses his troops before attack on Maskan-Sapir (26 385); Sammetar asks king to take close look at troops (26 123); king is advised to greet/pray for troops who depart for campaign (26 119); Asqudum asks king to travel to troops quickly (26 29). Settlers in border regions—Askur-Addu settles troops on his northern border (26 523); Meptum settled 2,000 Mariote troops in Suhum (26 35). Troops of the palace gate—troops assigned to guard gate of palace (26 126); IbalPi-El has troops of palace gate wait on him (27 151); Mariote contingent in Andarig consists of troops of palace gate (26 405); Mariote troops and Babylonian troops of palace gate accompany Hammu-Rabi of Babylon to Kis (A.486+). War—killed in action (26 248, 357; 27 161); loot conquered city (26 436); take and receive prisoners of war (26 408); go on rescue missions (see rescue detachment); besiege cities (passim); burn harvest (27 141); destroy city (26 365); road installations? (26 379).

602

Index of Group Designations

troops of headpad contingent (ßab tupsikkanim) Heap up earthen ramps in sieges; The Vizier of Elam requests them from Babylon and Larsa (26 362). Tuttulite Inhabitant of Tuttul; citizens tear out doors for Dagan (26 215). Turukkean Written Turukkum (for example 26 339) or Turukkû (for example in 26 384); used as collective (for example 26 519); 2,000 lay ambush for troops of Qarni-Lim and Sarraya (26 128); Habdu-Malik informs Su-Nuhra-Halu that they crossed Tigris (26 395); Karanean in Andarig reports that they crossed Tigris and are headed for Razama (26 404); cross Tigris at Ade (26 517); 4,000 are rumored to have crossed Tigris and to be heading for Ekallatum (26 522); raid area across Tigris from Ekallatum (26 425); Kunnam to ask them for action against Zimri-Lim (26 310); Askur-Addu is afraid they will make incursion onto his land while he is in Mari (27 154); witness conclusion of treaty between Askur-Addu and Atamrum (26 404); contingent of them passed Mari on way to Babylonia (26 460); 2,000 Turukkeans, 2,000 Qabareans, 1,000 Yahurrum defeat Isme-Dagan (26 510); conquer city and send severed head of its king to IsmeDagan (26 511); 500 raid south of Ekallatum and Assur and reach (southern) Razama (26 519); they and Hadneans suspected of having attacked Íubatum (26 523); carry off sheep and shepherds of citizen of Karana (26 339 and 340). Uprapean Member of Yaminite clan Uprapu; Uprapeans raid fields about to be harvested near Ganibatum (26 462). Urgisite Inhabitant of Urgis; Urgisites and Asnakkeans support Atamrum (26 321). Urukean Man stemming from Uruk; member of Urukean nobility who serves in Mariote army returns to Uruk and creates problem between Hammu-Rabi of Babylon and Zimri-Lim (27 163). vagrants (l ú habbati. m e s) Asmad recalls that Yahdun-Lim made use of them (26 24). valet (sa temenni) Zimri-Lim inquires about 36 registered valets in Qa††unan (27 48); governor of Saggaratum sends valets to Hurran to attend to Sibtu and her party (26 16). villagers (kaprum, literally, “village”) King of Surra brings villagers into Surra for their protection (26 421). vizier ((l ú . ) s u k k a l) See Aqba-Abi, Belis-Tikal, Erra-Nada, Habdu-Malik, Yanßibum, Yanuh-Samar; for The Vizier (of Elam), see Seplarpak in index of individuals. vizier of foreigners (sukkal ubari) See Sin-Bel-Aplim, Lu-Nanna. walker (l ú a s g a b ) 1 carpenter, 1 leather worker, and 1 walker in household of Bannum (FM 2 49); high-ranking priestess cannot live close to weaver women, walkers, and craftsmen (26 179). weaver woman (mu n u s . u s . b a r) Female slave of palace in Qa††unan is weaver (27 85); high-ranking priestess cannot live close to weaver women, walkers, and craftsmen (26 179); list drawn up of weaver women, cultivators, and prison inmates who died in epidemic (26 264); victims of epidemic (26 265). wet nurse Called “mother” of child she suckled; Beltum’s wet nurse has no understanding of ways of palace in Mari (26 298). wife (mu n u s . d a m = assatum “wife”; also amtum “maid”) Wife of Atamrum, taking on duties of her absent husband during his visit in Babylon, is engaged in dispute with Askur-Addu (26 433, 436); Zimri-Lim requests singer from her (26 435); widowed wife and orphaned children of Qarni-Lim are brought to Mari (6 65); Mariote authorities request release of wife of Mariote detained in Karana (26 510); female slave of Zimri-

Index of Group Designations

603

Lim lives with soldier in Kar-Kamis and cannot become his wife (26 547); wife of SinIddinam 4 defends herself against accusation of adultery (26 488). witch (kassaptum) See 26 253; mentioned in unclear context (27 25). woman (mu n u s), including maid (amtum) Married woman comes to palace with message from Dagan (26 210); woman from Sehrum quarrels with another from Mari (26 229); Numhean woman, who is married to Simªal and lives outside the walls of Qa††unan, takes in two Numhean messengers (27 116); governor of Terqa is concerned about safety and comfort of women that come with Sibtu from Halab, calling them “delicate” (26 14); palace lady, alone in palace of Hisamta, needs company (26 57); 6 women are scheduled to undergo river ordeal (26 249); woman dispatched by Zimri-Lim undergoes river ordeal (26 250); woman undergoes river ordeal on behalf of her daughter (26 253); woman undergoes ordeals on behalf of her husband (26 254); women and children enlisted for harvest work on crown land in Qa††unan (27 14); for trampling locusts (27 28); 3 men and 4 women of household of Asqudum are employed by palace; 1 of them is old and cannot work (27 38); inventory of Bannum’s household includes 19 men and 2 women; household of his wife, 9 women, 1 man; household of ZakuraAbu, 2 women (FM 2 49); Zimri-Lim gives woman as maid to his commissioner, then gives her to another (26 402); Simah-Ilane denies having woman (awiltum) named Admu-Ummi in his possession (26 464); live belongings of Qarni-Lim moved to Mari after his death are sons, maids, courtiers, donkeys (27 132); 2 Sutean women captured in raid (26 483); 30 men and women captured, 2 men 1 woman killed in Ekallatean attack on Nusar (26 514); 40 men and women captured in attack on Íubatum (26 523); 5 women and 6 boys captured in villages and killed (26 518); 300 men and [n] women captured in Mardaman (26 128). work detail (ßabum epistum) The Vizier sends his work detail home after retreat from Hiritum (27 145 and 146); Hammu-Rabi of Babylon hands out silver to 650 members of Mariote work detail (27 161); Itur-Asdu pledges to oversee start of work of work detail (26 152). Yabasa Hana Hana clan; its soldiers are led by Sulum on campaign to Babylon (A.486+). Yabliyaite Inhabitant of Yabliya; see Zaªikum; official of Yasmah-Addu discusses with Yabliyaites ways of dealing with hostile village between Harbe and Ayyabe (26 156). Yahurrum See introduction, p. 16; 2,000 Turukkeans, 2,000 Qabareans, and 1,000 Yahurrum defeat Isme-Dagan (26 510). Yamhadean Inhabitant of land of Yamhad; name of land serves also as designation of inhabitants (14 65); Yamhadean troops leave Tuttul en route to Idamaraß (2 21); Yamhadean troops escort persons to Id to undergo ordeal (26 253); Warad-Ilisu reports that Hammu-Rabi of Halab is happy that Zimri-Lim sent Yamhadean troops to Babylon (2 71); Yamhad and Qa†anum said to be on way to Babylon (14 65); Yamhadeans receive silver goblets (24 94). Yamina Usually written d u mu . m e s Ya-mi-na; translated “sons of Yamina”; referred to as “Yamina”; read Bini-Yamina based on PN Bi-ni-ya-mi-na (Talon, “Les clans hanéens,” in Mélanges Birot, 280 n. 13); read maru Yamina because spelling ma-ar-mi-i alternates with d u mu . m e s Ya-mi-na in year-name ZL 2u (11, 43); Gelb understands d u mu(. m e s ) as determinative and reads “Yamina” because of writing d u mu . m e s Si-ma-al ù Ya-mi-in in 1 60 (“The Early History of the West Semitic People,” JCS 15 [1961], 38); a single

604

Index of Group Designations

Yamina can be called simply “Yamina,” as in PN lú Ya-mi-na (21 339:6–7); ending in -a not always present: see d u mu . m e s Ya-mi-in (A.2560:7 = Charpin and Durand, “Fils,” 180); for recent synopsis of spellings and attempt at harmonizing them, see Yuhong 98; Dagan asks whether their kings have made peace with Zimri-Lim (26 233); Zimri-Lim should not have trusted them when they came down to Saggaratum (26 199); they create problems for Mari (26 200); collaborate with kings of Zalmaqum against Mari’s control of Dir (26 24); extispicies to find out whether they will lay siege to Dur-Yahdun-Lim (26 121); war council of their kings, administrators, and mayors reported to Zimri-Lim (26 150); writer of 26 282 suggests taking 2 Yaminite Hana to border and mutilating them there as warning to Yamina; governor of Saggaratum judges embarkation of Sibtu and her retinue at Ganibatum too dangerous because of presence of Yamina (26 16); encamped in area from Lasqum to Manuhatan and attacked by Simªal Hana (27 17); sheep of encampments of Yamina and Simªal Hana graze together without incidents (26 220); Yamina troops from Ilum-Muluk, Samanum, and Raqqum in Qa††unan released (27 10); Zimri-Lim’s troops to take over transport of bitumen from Yamina troops who were released (27 12); Yamina troops to be conducted by 100 Simªal Hana from Qa††unan to Mari because keeping them in Qa††unan is too expensive (27 16; 26 189; FM 2 71); Zimri-Addu is offered field on Yamina land in district of Mari (27 108); news of hostile Yamina causes governor of Qa††unan to bring population of villages into city (27 113). Yamutbal Amorite tribe living to south of Numha in “upper Yamutbal” and in kingdom of Larsa; see introduction, pp. 17–18, Haya-El; Numha and Yamutbal throng district of Hisamta and Terqa (26 62); Yamutbal wish that Zimri-Lim would do raqamum to them instead of their being uprooted by Esnunakeans and Elamites (27 132); 5,000 Numha and Yamutbal assembled and waiting for Zimri-Lim to go on campaign (27 14); 4 Yamutbal, ecstatics of Ami, apprehended by elders of Gassum and conducted to pasturechief (27 32); Atamrum offers Askur-Addu 600 in exchange for Numha rather than allowing transfer of 100 Mariote troops to Karana (26 394); Hammu-Rabi of Kurda considers them enemies (26 522); Numha refrain from battling Mariotes saying they are brothers and Yamutbal their enemy (27 68); sheep of Yamutbal stolen by Hana (27 70); 100 to 200 Numha and Yamutbal troops (probably workers) have been living for many days in district of Qa††unan (27 116). Land and troops of (lower) Yamutbal celebrate Hammu-Rabi’s seizure of MaskanSapir (26 383). Yumahammean 3,000 Yumahammean Hana are mentioned to buttress Zimri-Lim’s claim on Yumahammean city (Harbe?) in Suhum (26 468). Zalmaqean Inhabitant of land of Zalmaqum; 10,000 Zalmaqean troops are expected to join 10,000 troops of Yamhad in action against Atamrum (2 21); 2,000 Zalmaqean troops of king of Hanzat arrive in Qa††unan (27 78); 2,000 Zalmaqean troops of Bunuma-Addu arrive in Qa††unan (27 79); Zalmaqean envoys come from Zalmaqum (14 76); Zimri-Lim asks diviner in Dur-Yahdun-Lim to verify information on them and Qa†aneans (26 121). Ziniyanite Inhabitant of Ziniyan; mentioned (26 462). Zurubbanite Inhabitant of Zurubban; see Kaªalan 2.

Index of Place-Names

For inhabitants of the places listed here, see the index of group designations. When not specified, “Yamutbal” means upper Yamutbal. The “Route to Kanis” is described in A. Goetze, “An Old Babylonian Itinerary,” JCS 7 (1953), 65. *

*

*

*

*

Abattum Euphrates crossing between Tuttul and Imar (Durand, “Haute-Mésopotamie I,” 160–61; “Imar,” 45–48; Charpin, NABU 1993 32); farthest city upstream on east bank of Euphrates in district of Saggaratum (26 158); Simhi-Erah is from there (26 251). Abi-Ili Royal city in Idamaraß; its king is Yumraß-El (27 84). Abullatum Grain-growing area outside of Mari (12 206, 712; 21 135); road to it guarded (26 52). Adallaya Also Adalle (26 343); city contested between Kurda and Andarig; expected to be besieged by Arrapha-Adal of Sirwunum (26 405); besieged by Atamrum (26 343, 406, 407); used as base of operations by Hammu-Rabi of Kurda (26 421). Ade Turukkean army crosses Tigris there (26 517). Admatum City near Aslakka in western Idamaraß; Hana cross (the steppe, a river?) to it (27 20); Isme-Addu refers to day of (military event at?) Hissalim and Admatum (A.3206). Adme City of Askur-Addu, besieged by Isme-Dagan (26 416). Agade According to 1 36, the ancient city of Akkad; troops cross (a river) there (26 482). Ahuna City on Balih; identification with Tell es-Seman proposed (J. M. Córdoba, “Tell es-Seman = Ahunâ?: Stationen einer altbabylonischen Reiseroute durch das BalihTal,” AoF 17 [1990], 360–78); see Marello, “Vie nomade,” FM 1 (1992), 123; probably not on Balih, according to Durand, “Documents pour l’histoire du royaume de HauteMésopotamie II,” MARI 6 (1990), 274 n. 9; Asmad writes to Zalpah and Ahuna in order to get information on kings of Zalmaqum and Yamina (26 24); some Yamina leaders entered Ahuna, while others fled to Tuttul (26 24); Mariote troops dispatched there (26 120); diviner in Tuttul sends clods of Zalpah, Serda, and Ahuna to Mari (26 153). Alilanum Royal city in orbit of Razama of Yussan; its king is Masum-Atal (27 72-bis). Allahad Also Allahada; royal city in Yamutbal; its king is Atamrum, who later becomes king of Andarig; kingship of Allahad revived after Babylonian intervention; Ibal-Pi-El moves from Hamadanum of Yamutbal to Harbe in connection with Esnunakeans going there (27 64); Esnunakean troops are close to it (26 467); Atamrum calls up troops there (26 320); Hammu-Rabi of Kurda wants Atamrum’s kingdom restricted to it and to

605

606

Index of Place-Names

Andarig (26 392); Atamrum brings allied Babylonian troops there and to Andarig (26 438); Babylonian troops are en route to it in order to install Hulalum as new king (26 440, 440-bis); Himdiya affirms well-being of Andarig, Allahad and Subat-Enlil (28 171). Amaz City in Idamaraß; Taki comes to rescue of Subat-Enlil and continues to Suna and there (26 313); Himdiya marches against it after it changed sides to Suna (26 430); Himdiya seizes lower city (26 433); makes prisoners of war there (26 436); Inbatum responds to message of Zimri-Lim about its status (10 84); claimed by Eluhtum and Andarig (26 435). Amian Yamina city in district of Terqa; no agent sent there to enlist troops (3 20). Andarig Probably Tell Khoshi; royal city and capital of Yamutbal; its kings are Qarni-Lim, then Atamrum, then Himdiya; Zimri-Lim’s trip there mentioned (26 232); Yamßum sends his messengers there for news (26 326); Hammu-Rabi of Kurda wants Atamrum’s kingdom restricted to it and Allahad (26 392); Yassi-Dagan goes from Subat-Enlil to ˇabatum to flats above Tehran and through steppe there (27 65); 30,000 troops head for it (27 18); Kurda defeats Esnunakeans and pushes them back to it (27 16); Esnunakeans leave Subat-Enlil and enter it (27 17); regulars of Zimri-Lim come close to it as Esnunakeans build camp near Nagibum (26 508); Yamßum recalls that Zimri-Lim expelled king of Esnuna from its gate (26 303); Yarim-Addu travels from Babylon upstream with messengers from it, Kurda, Karana, Qa†anum, and Haßura (26 375); IsmeDagan and Esnunakean troops are expected to move from Razama against it or against Karana (26 390); travel to Kurda, Andarig, Karana, and back to Andarig is a 3-day trip (26 392); Mariote troops leave it in evening and are close to Karana next day (26 424); at time of Habdu-Malik’s peace mission a “camp of Andarig” exists (26 390); Inbatum states that Andarig is under protection of Mari during time of Atamrum’s absence (10 84); Atamrum plans to travel from there to Mari by way of Saggaratum and Terqa or by direct route (26 404); Askur-Addu said to have gone there (26 511); Haqba-Hammu went there (26 511); Babylonian troops arrive there (26 427); Assyrian caravan arrives in (land of) Andarig (26 432); king of Azuhinum en route to Mari arrives there (26 435); Isme-Dagan calls it his enemy (26 513); Atamrum brings allied Babylonian troops there and to Allahad (26 438); Buqaqum goes on mission to Kurda, Andarig, and Karana (26 502); Mariote and Babylonian diviners perform extispicies for Situllum, Assur, Andarig, Kurda, bank of Euphrates, and Subat-Enlil (26 102 and 103); Himdiya affirms well-being of Andarig, Allahad, and Subat-Enlil (28 171). Appan City in district of Mari; cultivated land of Mislan extends to it (26 171); Kurdaite messenger plans to stop there en route to Elam (27 71); Zimri-Addu has field there (27 108, 109); soldiers in division of Yarim-Hammu in Qa††unan are from there (FM 2 67); scouts stationed from there to Niattum-Burtum to prevent Suhum evacuees from going to encampments (26 41). Apqum Possibly identical with Tell Abu Marya, east of Karana (see RGTC 3); extispicies performed there for bringing in grain to Maskurhum (26 175). Apum Land around Subat-Enlil; Sarraya goes to meet Zimri-Lim while Qarni-Lim guards it and land of Yussan (27 72-bis); Hana create difficulties for Mari there (26 358); Kunnam calls Haya-Abum “king of the land of Apum” and regards himself as his equal (14 102).

Index of Place-Names

607

Aramanima City in territory of Karana; occupied by Atamrum and turned over to IsmeDagan by him (26 401). Arraphum City east of Tigris; travelers attacked between there and Kakmum (26 512); Assyrians are headed for it (26 518). Asna Or [x]asna; city about 16 km from Ninet (26 518); Turukkeans cross Tigris and besiege it (26 518). Asa-Sin City on Zubi River; Mariote troops are stationed in area of Namsi “toward Asa[Sin]” (27 140). Asan Ekallatean troops attack Purattum and “Asan of the Numha” and bring its prisoners of war into southern Razama (26 415). Asihum Station 12 on Route to Kanis; royal city; its king, Hazip-Ulme, is vassal of northern Razama (27 72-bis); besieged by Atamrum and ably defended by Saggar-Abum (26 405); Hammu-Rabi of Kurda builds it up and dispatches 1,000 troops there (26 422). Aslakka Royal city in Idamaraß; its king is Ibal-Addu; Itur-Asdu sends clods of Urgis, Aslakka, and Suruzum to Mari for use in extispicies (26 184). Asnakkum Royal city in Idamaraß; its kings are Sammetar, Isme-Addu, and then SadumLabua; forms 1 of 4 districts of upper Idamaraß (5 51); kings of Asnakkum, Kirdahat, Tarmanni, and Suduhum go to Zimri-Lim (27 20); La-Awil-Addu leaves Subat-Enlil with troops and is thought to be going there or to Suruzum (26 354). Assur Modern Shergat (Qalºat as-Sarqa†); merchant city; not seat of kingdom in Old Babylonian period; gains trade monopoly on grain purchases from Ekallatum in Karana (26 342); Turukkeans raid south of Assur and Ekallatum as far as southern Razama (26 519); 300 Assyrians and 300 donkeys leave it en route to Karana and Kurda (26 433); Buqaqum and Ibal-Pi-El go there and on to Ekallatum (26 489); Buqaqum moves his border guards to Assur’s and Ekallatum’s outskirts (26 491); troops from camp of Rakna capture informers in its gate (28 171); Mariote and Babylonian diviners perform extispicies for Assur, Situllum, Andarig, Kurda, bank of Euphrates, Subat-Enlil (26 102 and 103). Ayyabe City in Suhum; Meptum details holdings of grain and oil there and in Yabliya and Harbe (26 35); grain from Ayyabe, Harbe, and Mulhan (26 154-bis); Zaªikum goes to Esnunakean-held Harbe and fortifies village between Ayyabe and Harbe (26 156). Azamhul City near Subat-Enlil; Yanuh-Samar affirms that it and Sehna are well (26 357). Azuhinum See Tupham; Uzuhinum is station 7 on Route to Kanis; Durand surveys possibilities of location (LAPO 16 353c); Zimri-Lim asks Yasim-El to dispatch 50 troops there (26 437). Bab Nahlim Also Bab-Nahlu; city in district of Mari (Charpin, “Traité,” 159 n. 47); mentioned as hometown of 3 persons (6 37 and 14 104); place of registration of soldier (27 153); soldiers in division of Yarim-Hammu in Qa††unan are from there (FM 2 67). Babylon Royal city; its king is Hammu-Rabi; The Vizier informs king of Larsa about moving against it (26 362); The Vizier announces his intention to lay siege to it (26 303); Elamites march on it and on Ekallatum (14 124); Esnunakean flees there (26 370); Mariote soldiers, having done some harm to The Prince of Esnuna, almost escape to it (26 37); Etel-Pi-Samas floats down in boat to it (2 24); Abi-Mekim arrives there (26 468, 469, 470); Mutiabalean troops camp in orchard there (26 366); Babylonian envoys return to it from Maskan-Sapir (26 368); travel group from Ekallatum en route to

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Index of Place-Names

it (26 372); Mariote troops march there from Great-Sippir (26 369); Menirum travels from there to Sippir (26 497); Isme-Dagan is chided for using its wealth against it (26 371); Isme-Dagan fears perception that he acts in its interest (26 494); respondent, speaking for Dagan of Tuttul, calls its acts against Mari futile (26 209); news from there creates anxiety in Mari (26 210, 212). Barhan Place of registration of soldier (27 153). Biªusnem Royal city in Idamaraß; reading uncertain; Durand equates it with Busªan 28 56b; its king mentioned in letter of Ibal-Addu (28 56). Bidah(a) Place of registration of soldier (27 153); 3 inhabitants serve in division of YarimHammu in Qa††unan (FM 2 67). Binum (“Tamarisk”) Atamrum expected to take steppe-route from there, Harbe, or Yabliya to Andarig (26 498). Bit Kapan Locality in Habur Valley (Durand, 26/1, 186 n. 24); Zakira-Hammu stays overnight there (27 91); tablet from Haqba-Ahum on way from Kurda reaches ZakiraHammu there (27 75); described as “midway” between Qa††unan and ? (27 74); dinners for Hammu-Rabi of Kurda, passing en route to Mari, to be made available there (27 75); Asqudum hears critical opinions about Ibal-Pi-El there (26 45). Bit Kusaya Location of levee break in vicinity of Saggaratum (26 56). Busªan Yap†ur revolt in area from Sarum to it (26 217). Dabis City of Yahruru in district of Saggaratum; inhabitant serves in division of YarimHammu in Qa††unan (FM 2 67). Damiqan Yamina city in district of Terqa; no agent sent there to enlist troops (3 20). Dapirum Location in territory of Babylon, where Kapi-Dagan is kept (27 162). Dildaba Location near Larsa; served as headquarters of Babylonian army besieging Larsa; Hammu-Rabi holds audience there (26 384). Diniktum City between Esnuna and Elam; Elamites withdrawing from Esnuna pass it (26 377; 27 149, 150); Esnunakeans transport grain destined for Elam there (6 27). Dir of Istaran Royal city near modern Badra; Elamite messengers pass it en route to Babylon (26 373). Dir 1 City on Balih; ruled by Mari through Mayor Hamman; it finally rained there and in Dur-Íabim (27 105); threatened by kings of Zalmaqum (26 24); 1,200 Hana troops go there (FM 2 63); diviner stationed there complains about his employment (26 145). Dir 2 City in district of Mari; carts from there and Nisir used by Ilsu-Naßir (27 4); work is done on palace there (26 455); foreman of fishers is instructed to bring together boats in area between it and Mislan (26 58); governor of Terqa and respondent of Dagan go there together to visit goddess of city (26 199). Dumtan Yamina city in district of Terqa; no agent sent there to enlist troops (3 20). Dunnum 1 City south of Lasqum on west bank of Euphrates (Durand, 26/1, 126); epidemic centered there (26 259). Dunnum 2 City near Mislan; it and watered tracts of Mislan must be guarded (26 24). Dunnum 3 City in Suhum; see Dunnite in group index. Dur-Labirum Overnight stay of Ibal-Pi-El after leaving Mari on campaign against Yamina (26 172). Dur-Íabim “Fortress-of-the-Troops” (Durand proposes different etymology in 26 146a); agricultural area near Dir; administered by district of Qa††unan; its irrigated land and

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that of Qa††unan, ˇabatum, and Silhan not touched by locust (27 28); it finally rained there (27 105, 106); citizens of Dir harvest its grain in 1 day (26 146); grain from its granaries to be given to Dirites (26 247). Dur-Yahdun-Lim City in district of Saggaratum; identification with Tell Mohasan proposed by Geyer and Monchambert, “Prospection,” 325; district extends to Abattum on east bank of Euphrates and from Sa-Hiddan to it on west bank (26 158); extispicies to find out whether it will be besieged (26 121); extispicies performed for it, Terqa, and Saggaratum (26 7); its gates are closed all the time and plow oxen are idled (26 76); mentioned in affirmations of well-being by governor of district (14 104); Asqudum is in Terqa one day and there the next (26 26); Asqudum wonders whether Sibtu, who is traveling to Mari from Halab, should visit palace there and in Saggaratum and Terqa (26 15); schedule for Sibtu and her party: first day there; second day embarkation in Hurran and trip to Zibnatum; third day Terqa (26 16); Warad-Ilisu arrived in Terqa; will be in Zibnatum next day and continue on to there (26 163); Bannum argues with ZimriLim about appointing its majordomo (26 6); place of registration of soldier (27 153); soldiers in division of Yarim-Hammu in Qa††unan are from there (FM 2 67); person named Rumatum is sought and found there (26 252); Sin-Iddinam 2 is an inhabitant. Dur-Yasmah-Addu or Fortress of my lord Name of Dur-Yahdun-Lim during the reign of Yasmah-Addu; death of person there triggers extispicies (26 84); Asqudum performs extispicies for Saggaratum, then for it, Mari, Terqa and Íuprum (26 88). Ekallatum Royal city north of Assur on west bank of Tigris (my note NABU 1996 101; Charpin and Durand, “Assur,” 368–70); its king is Isme-Dagan; Numha of Ekallatum have no grain (26 342); appointment of officials to administrative posts there (26 300); palace-lady must go there to pray to her goddess (26 83); Elamites march against it and Babylon (14 124); Babylonian troops march there from Sapiratum (A.4515); Turukkeans raid south of it and Assur and reach southern Razama (26 519); Turukkeans said to be heading for it (26 522); Isme-Dagan expected to return there from Babylon (26 371); travel group en route from there to Babylon (26 372); Isme-Dagan goes there at night from southern Razama (26 524); Isme-Dagan enters it after his son returns empty-handed from Esnuna (26 428); Buqaqum moves his border guards to Ekallatum’s and Assur’s outskirts (26 491); fugitive from there informs Buqaqum (26 495); silver goblets transported to palace there (24 54); Elamites withdrawing from territory of Babylon expected to go there (27 145 and 146); Mariote and Babylonian diviners perform extispicies together for bank of Euphrates and cities in the north, including Ekallatum (26 103). Elali City in territory of Tadum or Ilan-Íura; Ibni-Addu is incarcerated there (26 312); he is moved from there to Miskillum (26 313). Elam Land southeast of southern Mesopotamia; Kurdaite messenger sent there (27 71); Babylonians are planning trip there to buy tin (26 75); in dream, Zimri-Lim defeats it (26 228); Haya-Sumu wonders why Mari does not make peace with it (26 305); said to devour friend and foe (26 306). Eluhtum City in Idamaraß; sought in vicinity of modern Mardin (Durand, LAPO 18, 454); see PN Sukru-Tesub; 17 Qutean reservists go from there to Susa and on to Qa††unan (FM 2 58).

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Eluttum Field tract of palace in Tehran (27 34); comprises 130 dikes of land (27 33); mentioned in 27 35. Esnuna Modern Tell Asmar; pronounced Isnunak in Mari (26 525); royal city; its kings are Ibal-Pi-El (II), then Íilli-Sin; transport of merchandise from Mari there (26 6); king of Qa†anum requests Mariote escorts for his messengers going there (26 25); Buqaqum sends border guards there (26 478); The Vizier is staying there (26 361); Babylonian envoys stay there (26 372); The Vizier became acquainted with Babylonian and Larsean troops there (26 362); Elamite troops return there from Upi (26 369); DadiEtar brings silver and gold there (26 304); La-Awil-Addu goes there to request troops (6 51 and 52); Esnunakean sent secretly from there to Babylon (26 370); looted by Elamites (26 377); Elamites withdraw from there to Diniktum (27 149 and 150); IsmeDagan considers finding asylum there (26 491). Esnuna, land of Fugitive from there reaches territory of Babylon and gives information to Hammu-Rabi (28 6); Hammu-Rabi’s troops make 2 consecutive incursions into its territory (27 141); after Elamite withdrawal, it includes abandoned areas (26 373). Euphrates Called also “The river”; Yahßib-El, whose services go unrewarded in Qa††unan, is determined to go there (26 140); sheep of Yamina and Hana graze on west bank of Euphrates (26 220). Euphrates, bank of Often designation of the three Euphrates districts Mari, Terqa, and Saggaratum; Bannum affirms its well-being (26 6); harvest neglected there (26 31); Mariote and Babylonian diviners perform extispicies for Situllum, Assur, Andarig, Kurda, bank of Euphrates, and Subat-Enlil (26 102, 103); epidemic there wanes (26 260). Ganibatum City on Euphrates; identification with Abu Saºid, about 15 km downstream from mouth of Balih, proposed by M. Burke, “Ganibâtim, ville du Moyen Euphrate,” RA 55 (1961), 147–51; its inhabitants detailed for collecting harvest (26 462); governor of Saggaratum judges embarkation of Sibtu and party there too dangerous because of presence of Yamina (26 16); Zunana’s girl is sent from there to Rubban (26 232). Gassum City in Idamaraß (Birot 27 32b); its elders en route to Mari (27 32); located in area separating 2 Hana encampments (26 180). Great-Sippir Important city of kingdom of Babylon; modern Tell ed-Der; Mariote troops march from Kullizi to Sippir-of-Samas to Great-Sippir (26 369); Mariote envoys en route to Hammu-Rabi of Babylon are greeted in Sippir of Samas and then escorted there (26 449); Mariote troops leave camp of Hiritum and move there (27 146). Guppurum Assembly place of Hana; Zimri-Lim wants Hana to assemble there (26 27). Habur River; Qarni-Lim’s body dumped in it (6 37); its banks devoid of trees suitable for axletrees (27 8); floods (27 21); high water reaches fields (27 101, 102); locusts cross it from east to west (27 27, 28, 29); extispicies for travel on “big road” of east bank (26 183). Hadnum Land, bordering Tigris? (see Sa Hadnim); mentioned in connection with Ekallatean attack on Surnat (26 511); allies itself with Kurda (2 50); Haqba-Hammu seizes 5 cities there (26 512); mentioned in connection with Mardaman (26 128 and 512). Hahhum Land on upper Euphrates; mentioned in 26 547. Halab Modern Alep; Elamite messenger en route there sends boys on errand from Imar to Qa†anum (A.266); Asqudum to transport large copper drum from Mari to Tuttul and

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on to Halab (26 18); gifts for Seplarpak sent by Zimri-Lim from there (M.8806); Samas of Sippir wants Zimri-Lim to bring property of Addu there (26 194). Halaba “Sea of Halaba” identified by Charpin with flooded area of Wadi ar-Rad, south of Subat-Enlil (26 358b); Hana occupy plain between two localities named Saphum in its vicinity (26 358). Halabit Identified with Halebiye by Durand, 26/1, 126; sheep are pasturing within wide area, from there to Surman (26 86); corpse of Asqudum 3 found north of it (26 149); roof beams from there needed (26 289). Halhala City south of Sippir (see Stol, “Die altbabylonische Stadt Halhalla,” AOAT 253 [1998], 418–20); Erib-Sin performs extispicies there for Mariote troops marching to Babylon (26 100-bis). Hamadanum 1 Numha city of Yanßib-Addu 5; Isme-Dagan takes shelter there after withdrawal from Urzikka (26 419); Hana stay there as Esnunakeans close in on Nagibum (26 508). Hamadanum 2 City in Yamutbal; perhaps identical with Hamadanum 1; Ibal-Pi-El moves from there to Harbe in connection with Esnunakean moves to Allahad (27 64). Hammiqadum Place near Asihum (26 405); 3 boys of Ibal-Pi-El are abducted there by men from Sammetar of Asnakkum (27 118); mentioned in unclear context (6 62). Hanat City in upper Suhum; modern ºAnah; Yaqqim-Addu, en route to Sippir, reports from there (14 124); Bahdi-Lim musters troops going to Babylon there (27 151); ZimriLim is asked to travel there to meet troops stationed in Suhum (26 37, 38); Erib-Sin told by Zimri-Lim to perform extispicies for troops marching from there to Sapiratum (26 97); troops coming from Babylon reach it in 7 days (26 131). Hanna City in district of Terqa; governor of Terqa recruits troops from Zurubban, Hisamta, Himaran, and Hanna (3 19 and 20). Hanzat Royal city in Zalmaqum; its king is Yarkab-Addu (27 78). Haradum Modern Hirbet ed-Diniye; 36 km upstream from Hanat; see Joannès et al., “Présence babylonienne dans le pays de Suhu au XVII siècle av. J.-C.: L’exemple de Khirbet ed Diniye (Irak),” RA 77 (1983), 140; Kibsi-Addu mobilizes troops in area from Haradum to Hurban (26 503); Buqaqum writes Zimri-Lim from there to say that Atamrum is well (26 501). Harbe 1 City in Yamutbal; Atamrum affirms that it is his city (26 410); Ibal-Pi-El marches there from Hamadanum, while Esnunakeans march to Allahad (27 64); seat of division commander (26 420); seized by Isme-Dagan (26 420); runaway Mariote slaves apprehended there (26 412). Harbe 2 City in lower Suhum; district of Yabliya stretches from it to [Mulhan] (26 188); perhaps called “the Yumahammean city” in 26 468 (contrast with 26 449); Asqudum and Asmad arrive in Hurban, and Meptum comes from there to meet them (26 35); Zaªikum, a man from Yabliya, goes to Esnunakean-held Harbe and fortifies village between it and Ayyabe (26 156); Hamman wants to extract dues from commoners there and in all of lower Suhum up to Mulhan (26 154-bis); he does not receive grain there or in Ayyabe or Mulhan (26 154-bis); Asqudum performs extispicies for “lower district from Yabliya up to Harbe” (26 47); Meptum details holdings of grain and oil there and in Yabliya and Ayyabe (26 35); Asqudum writes Sallurum from there (26 37); KibsiAddu is there while Ekallateans rustle sheep in Yabliya (26 506); Harbe, Id, and

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Index of Place-Names

Yabliya are claimed by Mari and Babylon (26 449); Babylonian commander comes there to view border region while Mariote troops are looking for provisions there (26 477); Mariote troops go there from Rapiqum and on to Yabliya (26 477); Sallurum threatens Mariotes in Yabliya from there (26 479); he strengthens its defenses (26 480); Atamrum plans to leave Euphrates there or at Id to return by way of steppe to Andarig (27 167); Atamrum is expected to take steppe-route to Andarig from there, Tamarisk, or Yabliya (26 498); boats are dispatched to Id to obtain bitumen for Harbe (26 260). Harbe 3 City in or near district of Qa††unan (27 100). Harran Royal city; its king is Asdi-Takim (27 80); kings of Zalmaqum and Yamina conclude treaty in temple of Sin there (26 24). Harsamna Origin of red horses sent from Kar-Kamis to Mari (26 533) Haßarum See Hißarum. Haßura Probably biblical Hazor; see introduction, n. 29 (p. 13); Yarim-Addu travels from Babylon upstream with messengers from Haßura, Kurda, Andarig, Karana, and Qa†anum (26 375). Hassum Mentioned together with land of Hahhum and Zalwar (26 547). Haziyanum City in Idamaraß; its inhabitants support Huzirum in his quest to regain rule of Hazzikkannum (26 357). Hazzikkannum Also Hazzakkannum; Guichard, “Dame de Nagar,” 244, suggests identification with Tell Qaraßa; Zakira-Hammu recalls date when Zimri-Lim seized it (27 85); contested between Huziran and Akin-Amar (26 357); Huziran enters it (26 350). Hidar City on southern border of district of Terqa on east bank of Euphrates (26 142). Himaran Simªal city in district of Terqa; governor of Terqa recruits troops from it, Zurubban, Hisamta, and Hanna (3 19 and 20). Hiritum City on east bank of Irnina; its defense described (27 141); Isme-Dagan states he helped Babylon during its siege (26 384); Elamites abandon their siege of it (2 30); news of withdrawal of Elamite forces from there reaches Subat-Enlil (26 327, 328); Hammu-Rabi tours it with foreign envoys after defeat of Elamites (A.3669+); troops under Zimri-Addu are stationed there (27 151) and stay there in “bivouac” (27 144) and “camp” (27 145); Mariote troops leave camp of Hiritum and move to Great Sippir (27 146); Babylonian troops remove temporary defenses and dismantle Elamite rampart (27 145). Hissalim Isme-Addu refers to day of (military event at?) Hissalim and Admatum (A.3206). Hißarum Identical with Haßarum (LAPO 17 596a); identified with Hatra by Joannès (“Routes,” 341); Isme-Dagan expected to attack there (26 513); Zimri-Lim informs Babylonian generals in Andarig that Isme-Dagan attacked it (26 427). Hisamta City in district of Terqa; singer Tir-Ea lives there (26 258); Numha and Yamutbal throng district of Hisamta and Terqa (26 62); governor of Terqa recruits troops from there, Zurubban, Himaran, and Hanna (3 19, 20); Zimri-Lim appoints its mayor and majordomo (26 5, 6); palace-lady stays all by herself there (26 57); the plow oxen that are idle in Dur-Yahdun-Lim should work there or in Terqa (26 76). Hubsalum City and/or place of sanctuary of God Ami/Nergal in Yamutbal territory; Nergal called “king of Hubsalum” (26 194); Mariote troops dig a well there (26 419);

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Qarni-Lim stays there as Esnunakeans close in on Nagibum (26 508); Babylonian shock-troops stay there (27 177). Humsan City in Mariote territory; soldiers in division of Yarim-Hammu in Qa††unan are from there (FM 2 67). Huraßa Sarraya, coming from northern Razama, and Qarni-Lim, coming from SubatEnlil, meet between Saphum (of Apum) and Huraßa (27 72). Hurban Also Urban (26 97) and Uruban (26 503); city in Suhum between Haradum and Hanat (see Charpin, “Sapiratum,” 366); Esnunakeans threaten it but withdraw when Kibsi-Addu assembles Mariote troops there (26 503); Asqudum and Asmad arrive there, and Meptum comes from Harbe to meet them (26 35); Hana troops quit army between Urban and Hanat (26 97). Hurran Place of embarkation near Dur-Yahdun-Lim; schedule for Sibtu and her party: one day in Dur-Yahdun-Lim; second day, embarkation in Hurran and trip to Zibnatum; third day, Terqa (26 16). Husum Yarim-Hammu sells man from Husum into slavery (FM 2 68). Husla(n) Zimri-Addu refers to return of Zimri-Lim from there (27 131); Zimri-Lim fears sheep in its vicinity will stray into enemy territory (26 422 [reading not assured]). Id Modern Hit; location of river ordeals; economically important for its bitumen wells; Esnunakean troops mobilize in area from Id to Yabliya (26 503); Id, Harbe, and Yabliya are claimed by Zimri-Lim and Hammu-Rabi of Babylon (26 449, 468); Zimri-Lim consults with his servants about ceding Id to Hammu-Rabi of Babylon (26 40); extispicies about ceding Id (26 160); scouts of Samsi-Adad and Hammu-Rabi of Babylon used to stay there together, and Hammu-Rabi suggests same arrangement with Zimri-Lim (26 449); Atamrum and Babylonian troops stay overnight there, cross at Sa Baßim and take steppe route along river (26 499); troops are left there for Isim-Ea (M.9530); Atamrum plans to leave Euphrates there or at Harbe and return by steppe-route to Andarig (27 167); Ibal-Pi-El stays overnight there and witnesses ordeal (26 250); boats dispatched there to obtain bitumen for Harbe in Suhum (26 260); no Babylonian boats in Id (A.162). Idamaraß Also “land of Idamaraß”; area between Jaghjagh and upper Habur (Charpin, “Apum,” 118); contrasted with “upper land” (28 55, 56); male and female slaves in palace of Qa††unan originate there and in Subartum (27 85); kings of Asnakkum, Tarmanni, Kirdahat, and Suduhum are called “kings of Idamaraß” (27 20); Haya-Sumu refuses to go to Mari as long as situation there is unsettled (26 352); success of siege of northern Razama would mean its submission to Atamrum (27 132); Haya-Sumu informs Bahdi-Lim of arrival of Elamite and Esnunakean troops in its interior (6 66); troops of Yamhad left Tuttul en route to it (2 21); it will closely watch Zimri-Lim’s actions on behalf of king of Tadum (26 312); Ibal-Addu pledges to bring it into coalition against Elamites (28 55); Ibal-Addu states that it and upper land refused Elamite offers (28 56); half of it supports Askur-Addu; half, his brother (26 359). Iddin-Sin Soldiers in division of Yarim-Hammu in Qa††unan are from there (FM 2 67). Idiglat Tigris; grain [harvested] between Tigris and Irnina (27 140). Ilan-Íura Royal city in vicinity of Subat-Enlil; for name, spelling, and mention in Hittite myth, see Durand, “Réalités,” 20; Guichard, “Dame de Nagar,” 244, proposes identification with Tell Sarisi; its king is Haya-Sumu; called “stronghold of the king (Zimri-Lim)”

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Index of Place-Names

(26 356) and “border city of the king (Zimri-Lim)” (26 301); Yamßum is called “overseer of the weir of Ilan-Íura” (27 86); Huziran refuses to go there (26 351); Mariote garrison troops staying there want to be replaced (26 356); Yamßum asks for more troops to keep it under Mariote control (26 315); La-Awil-Addu comes there with siege equipment (26 328); ropes transported from there to Mari (27 50). Ilan-Íura, Land of Kurdaite troops ordered to make attacks on it (26 357). Ilum-Muluk City in province of Terqa (23 86); Yamina prisoners of war come from there, Samanum, and Raqqum (27 10). Imar City on Euphrates; modern Meskene; Elamite messenger en route to Halab sends servants from there to Qa†anum (A.266); Asqudum is there, expecting to be in Mari in 3 [+ n] days (26 15); Asqudum manages transport of large bronze drum there and on to Halab (26 18); shipment of trees for Mari expected to be halted in Imar because of troubles in Tuttul (26 18); Mariote troops expected to join Asqudum there (26 20); Asqudum will keep small boats there for his return from Halab to Mari (26 22); vineyard in Imar (26 23); diviner reports arrival of small and large cattle there (26 112); diviner will perform extispicies for embarkation of girls unless they are brought there by escort troops (26 122). Irnina Branch of Euphrates; Elamite troops, coming from Esnuna, and Babylonian troops, coming from Suhum, headed there (28 6); Babylonian troops [harvested] grain between it and Tigris (27 140); Ibal-Pi-El crosses it en route from Babylon to Mari before overnight stay opposite Sa Baßim (2 24). Isqa and Qaªa Cities or lands; “surely on the Hirmas (Jaghjagh)” (Durand, LAPO 17 557a); mentioned (26 24). Kahat Royal city in south-central Idamaraß; according to Charpin, “Campagne,” 180, not Tell Barri, as commonly assumed; Guichard, “Dame de Nagar,” 244, suggests identification with Tell Hamidiya; its kings are Akin-Amar, then Kapiya, then Attaya; ZimriLim en route there (FM 2 50); Kapidum visits his lord, Akin-Amar, there (26 357); messenger from Kahat comes to Haqba-Hammu (26 492); Yaqqim-Addu is staying there (27 57); Zimri-Addu 2 reports that all is well there (27 169); Haya-Sumu’s troops go there and install Attaya as its king (26 317; 27 86, 87); Yasmah-Addu expected to stop there (26 108-bis). Kakkulatum City on Zubi; Ibal-Pi-El monitors Elamite withdrawal in area between it and Sa [ ] (2 30); Elamites cross Zubi there (A.3669+) and destroy defenses of city (27 145). Kakmum Transtigridian city; defeats Ardigandi of Qabra (26 489); travelers attacked between it and Arraphum (26 512). Kanis Modern Kültepe; Assyrian traders with 50 donkeys move through territory of Karana and Andarig en route to Kanis (A.285). Kar-Kamis Modern Jerablus (Garablus, Djerablus); usually transcribed Carchemish in English; name means “quay-of-(god)Kamis” (G. Pettinato, Carcemis – Kar-Kamis, le prime attestazioni del III millennio,” Oriens Antiquus 15 [1967], 11–15); royal city on Euphrates; its kings are Apla-Handa, then Yatar-Ami, then Yahdun-Lim 2; merchant travels from there to Qa†anum and back to collect debt (26 530). Karana Royal city between Kurda and Ekallatum; possibly modern Tell Afar (see Joannès “Routes,” 351); its king at time of Samsi-Adad was Sami-Addu; after hiatus of more than 10 years, Askur-Addu was king at time of Zimri-Lim; kingdom described as

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Karana and land of the Numha (26 412); 100 Mariote troops guard it; another 1 hundred guard Qa††ara (26 527); grain is transported from there to Ekallatum (26 342); Yarim-Addu travels from Babylon upstream with messengers from there, Kurda, Andarig, Qa†anum, and Haßura (26 375); Isme-Dagan and Esnunakean troops are expected to move from southern Razama against it or Andarig (26 390); troops of Isme-Dagan come close to it (26 427); after attack on Nusar, patrols go out from it (26 415); 3-day round trip from Kurda to Andarig to Karana to Andarig (26 392); Mariote troops leave Andarig in the evening and are close to it next day (26 424); Buqaqum sends someone from Parpara there to intercept fugitive from Ekallatum (26 491); Buqaqum on mission there and in Kurda and Andarig (26 502). Land of Karana Allies guard it from camp in Rakna against attack by Isme-Dagan (28 171). Kasalluk City south of Babylon; revolts against Babylon and is destroyed (26 365). Kasapa Often-used residence of kings of Kurda; north of Mount Saggar (27 177); Hammu-Rabi of Kurda calls his land to an assembly there (A.3577); Hana in plain of Halaba send secret agent there (26 358); Zimri-Lim sends Habdu-Malik to meet Hammu-Rabi of Kurda there (26 387); Hammu-Rabi of Kurda stays there while his troops build up Asihum (26 422); messengers go from there to Ekallatum (26 522); 1,000 Babylonian troops plan to go there and on to Subat-Enlil (27 177); Timlu was brought from there by Yarªip-Abba (26 240). Kaßa Babylonian troops who are headed north and are expected to cross Suhum go through the a-mi of Kaßa (A.19). Kawilhum Also Kawalhum; the later Kalah; city on east bank of Tigris between Ekallatum and Nineveh; Buqaqum sends Samas-Lamassasu there (26 489); Isme-Dagan intends to send boats there to load grain (26 491, 525); his boats remain there (26 526). Kirdahat Also transliterated Qirdahat; according to Durand, “Haute-Mésopotamie I,” 161, it is on the Habur on the route to the west that runs north of Jebel Abd el-Aziz; royal city; its king is Sub-Ram 2; forms 1 of 4 districts of upper Idamaraß (5 51); its king and those of Asnakkum, Tarmanni, and Suduhum go to Zimri-Lim (27 20). Kis City in kingdom of Babylon; Hammu-Rabi visits it after not having been there for 10 years (A.486+). Kiyatan City “below” Karana (26 424); besieged by Isme-Dagan (26 520); Isme-Dagan seizes lower city (26 424); grain transported from there to southern Razama (26 521); Isme-Dagan retreats from it to southern Razama (28 171). Kullizi Upstream from Sippir of Samas; Mariote troops going to Babylon are met there by Babylonian officials (26 369). Kurda Probably modern Balad Sinjar; royal city; its kings are Simah-Ilane, then BunuEstar, then Hammu-Rabi 2; has large palace (26 138-bis); messengers attacked in its vicinity (27 168); Imarite traders go there from Tuttul by way of Qa††unan (27 65); tablets from northern Razama to Zimri-Lim are routed through it to Qa††unan (27 73); [Esnunakeans] intend to lay siege to it (27 19); Saggar-Abum sorties from it and defeats Esnunakeans (27 16); gods of Atamrum brought there for treaty oath (26 389 and 390); 3-day round trip from it to Andarig to Karana to Andarig (26 392); Buqaqum on mission to it, Andarig, and Karana (26 502); Mariote imprisoned there is released (26 80); Mariote and Babylonian diviners perform extispicies for bank of Euphrates and

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northern cities, including Kurda (26 102 and 103); Hammu-Rabi 2 orders troops to assemble there (26 320). Kurdissatum Turukkeans raid area across Tigris from Ekallatum south to it (26 425, 526). Kutlatum Field tract where palace has 90 dikes of irrigated land (27 33); its barley yield measured (27 109); located outside of “central” Qa††unan (27 116). Larsa Modern Senkere; royal city on Tigris; its king is Rim-Sin; The Vizier informs Hammu-Rabi of Babylon that he will move against it (26 362); Hammu-Rabi of Babylon talks about disappointing relationship with it (26 385); after conquest of MaskanSapir, Hammu-Rabi of Babylon lays siege to it (26 383); Abi-Mekim arrives there for negotiations with Hammu-Rabi of Babylon (26 471); Mariote troops under SarrumÍululi arrive there (26 378); Hammu-Rabi of Babylon expects it to fall shortly (26 381, 471); it falls (26 386); Babylonian troops enter it (27 156); Qutean troops headed for it (6 27). Larsa, land of Babylonian envoys sent to (land of) Larsa stay in Maskan-Sapir (26 362); concerned about Hammu-Rabi of Babylon’s assault and close to rebellion (26 385); is in fear after Babylonian conquest (27 161). Lasqum Basalt sill crossing Euphrates above Der Ez-Zor (Durand, 26/1, 125–26); basaltic ˙amma (Stol, “Trees,” 86); Asqudum goes there by boat from Tillazibi and continues overland to Imar (26 17); Hana attack Yamina encampment there (27 17); people of Dunnum flee epidemic and go to “mountain/land (kur) of Lasqum” (26 259). Latihum Locality on Habur where Numha cross to dig for madder (27 66); Numha ambush travel group there that is going from Rataspatum to ˇabatum (27 68). Lazabat City in Idamaraß; for route Kasapa – Lazabat – Kudimmar – Subat-Enlil, see Charpin, “Apum,” 118; grouped with Azamhul, Surnat, Kudimmar, and Nihru (23 594); enemy dismantles its fortifications (27 170); Mariote and Babylonian diviners perform extispicies for Situllum, Assur, Andarig, Kurda, bank of Euphrates, Subat-Enlil, and possibly Lazabat (26 102 [see n. 128 to the text]). Lower land (matum sapiltum) See Upper land; mentioned in 26 205. Luhaya(n) Also Luªuhaya(n) (27 89; 26 331); city north of Saggar; Atamrum is there and expected to go to Subat-Enlil (26 334); Atamrum tries to assemble kings of area there (26 334 [see Charpin, comment b] and 27 89); mentioned in connection with La-AwilAddu and Taki (26 331); Hammu-Rabi of Kurda gets ready to lay siege to it (26 430). Madinatum Suteans attack there (26 483). Magrisa City in northernmost district of Qa††unan; it and ˇabatum are not affected by locust plague (27 26). Malgum Land and royal city between Esnuna and Dir of Istaran; its king is Ipiq-Estar; The Vizier sends his messengers from Susim through Dir of Istaran and Malgum to Babylon (26 373); The Vizier sends messengers there from Diniktum (27 150); convoy comes from there to Babylon with news about Elam (26 383); Babylonians attack sheep of Elamites from there (6 27). Mankisum City on east bank of Tigris between Upi and Situllum; reached after Kar Kakkulatim and Kar Samas in Urbana-Yale itineraries; important Tigris crossing; messengers arrive [at Karana] from Mankisum and Situllum with news about Babylon and Esnuna (26 440); Isme-Dagan suggests selling children or troops for grain there (26 494, 341); Elamite troops cross there and build camp (27 140); are headed from there

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to Irnina (28 6); Esnunakeans at crossing there and headed for Situllum (2 25); Qutean troops come to crossing there (A.3669+); Elamites withdrawing from Hiritum move upstream to Mankisum (27 144–46). Manuhatan According to Durand, 26/1, 125–26, on east bank of Euphrates in district of Saggaratum; below Lasqum (26 259); Yagih-Addu fortifies it (27 17); Yamina encampment stretches from Lasqum to it (27 17); envoy Zu-Hadni 3 arrives there and obtains information about people of Imar en route to Id (26 256); tablet of Zimri-Lim catches up with Asqudum, who is there en route to Halab (26 22); Asqudum secures provisions for his troops there (26 27); it and Muban are well, while there is epidemic in adjacent Dunnum (26 259). Mardaman Perhaps station 14 between Admum and Eluhut on Route to Kanis; according to Durand 26 128a, west of Haburatum and north of “Andarig-Razama”; supports land of Hadnum against Karana (26 512); Qarni-Lim and Sarraya enter it and bring out over 1,000 prisoners of war (26 128). Mari Modern Tell Óariri; grain (of district) stored there (26 58); Atamrum plans to travel there by way of Saggaratum, Terqa, or by direct route (26 404); schedule for Sibtu and her party: one day in Dur-Yahdun-Lim; second day, embarkation in Hurran and trip to Zibnatum; third day, Terqa; fourth day, Íuprum; before start of fifth day, Mari (26 16); mayors of Hana staying there concern themselves with trespassers of encampment 26 41; Asqudum performs extispicies for it, Dur-Yasmah-Addu, Terqa, and Íuprum (26 88); gods pledge not to harm its brickwork (26 208). Mariyatum City in vicinity of Ilan-Íura; cultivators of Haya-Sumu kill 4 Numha there (27 135); location of standoff of Kahat, Tilla, and Kurda in opposition to Mari and Andarig (26 357). Maskan-Sapir Modern Tell Abu Duwari (E. C. Stone and P. Zimansky, Mar Sipri 2 [1989], 1–2); second city of kingdom of Larsa; Hammu-Rabi of Babylon sends his envoys there (26 362, 367, 368); Babylonian messengers go there regularly (26 363); surrounded by forces of Hammu-Rabi of Babylon and expected to open its gate in matter of days (26 385); seized by Hammu-Rabi (26 383). Maskan-Sar Locality of encounter between Babylonian and Larsean troops before conquest of Larsa (26 381). Maskurhum Close to Íarbat; extispicies are performed in Apqum before bringing grain there (26 175). Mazuradum City of Haya-Sumu; looted by Hammu-Rabi of Kurda (28 81). Miskillum City in southern border region of Ilan-Íura; Ibni-Addu is moved there from Elali (26 313). Mislan Yamina city in district of Mari; has extensive agricultural land watered by wells, extending to Appan (26 171); its watered tracts must be guarded (26 24); extispicies indicate that its cultivated area may be raided by Zimri-Lim (26 169); seized by ZimriLim (26 282); Asqudum gives instructions on cultivation there (26 76); its grain needed (26 181); place of registration of soldier (27 153); Zimri-Lim gives YarimHammu instructions there (FM 2 67); foreman of fishers instructed to collect boats between it and Dir 2 (26 58). Mount Murdi Western spur of Mount Saggar; modern Jebel Jeribe; Zakira-Hammu sends Zimri-Lim terebinths from there (27 53); Zimri-Addu sends men to collect terebinths there (27 123).

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Mount Saggar (sadûm Saggar); also Saggar; modern Jebel Sinjar; Mariotes cross it (26 410); Himdiya crosses it (26 433); extispicies for encampments east and west of Mount Saggar indicate problems (26 180). Mountainside (Saditum) Canal watering fields of Qa††unan; locusts cross it (27 28, 29). Muban Below Lasqum (Durand, 26/1, 126); it and Manuhatan are well, but there is epidemic in adjacent Dunnum (26 259). Mulhan Northernmost city of Lower Suhum; extispicies for district from Harbe to [Mulhan] (26 188); extispicies for it and Nasir (26 110); extispicies for area from it to Sapiratum (26 167); Buqaqum fears he must abandon it in face of Esnunakean attack (26 480); Hamman wants to extract dues from commoners in area from it to Harbe (26 154-bis). Murdi See Mount Murdi. Musilanum Locality in district of Talhayum where special variety of edible locusts can be found (27 64). Mutiabal Land around Kasalluk; defeated by Hammu-Rabi of Babylon (26 365-bis). Nagar City in Idamaraß; modern Tell Brak according to Durand (see Charpin, “Kahat” 68 n. 7) and D. Matthews and J. Eidem (“Tell Brak and Nagar,” Iraq 55 [1993], 201–7); identification with Nawar proposed by Durand, LAPO 16 263b; Askur-Addu and Kapiya stage attack between it and Sabisa (27 135). Nagibum Hana stay in Hamadanum as Esnunakeans close in on Nagibum (26 508). Nahur Station 12 on Route to Kanis; modern Qamishli or thereabouts, according to Durand, LAPO 18, 371; forms 1 of 4 districts of upper Idamaraß (5 51); seat of Mariote official; assembly-place of kings of Idamaraß; land (of Idamaraß) said to be glad that Zimri-Lim seized it (26 346); kings of Idamaraß assemble in Urgis and then go there (26 352); kings of Idamaraß assemble there (26 347); city is abandoned and in danger of slipping from Mariote control (26 348); Haya-Sumu reacts to Zimri-Lim’s plan to give it to Askur-Addu (28 81); Haya-Sumu expected to go there, and Kunnam expected to demand control of it (26 306); general of Atamrum left Subat-Enlil, and Yamßum fears that he goes there (26 319). Namsi City on Irnina south of Great Sippir; Mariote troops under Zimri-Addu stationed there (27 140). Nara City in Mariote territory; inhabitant serves in division of Yarim-Hammu in Qa††unan (FM 2 67). Nasir and Nisir City in Suhum (see comment 2 to 26 110); extispicies for it and Mulhan (26 110); carts of district of Nisir and Dir 2 used by Ilsu-Naßir (27 4). Niattum-Burtum Scouts are stationed between it and Appan in order to prevent Suhum evacuees from going to encampments (26 41). Ninet Identified with Nineveh (Nebi Yunus) by Yuhong, NABU 1994 38; Sasiya stays there while his army crosses Tigris at Ade (26 517); Turukkeans cross Tigris in its vicinity (26 518). Ninua Name of Nineveh used in north, according to Yuhong, NABU 1994 38; mentioned in broken context (26 92). Numha For land of the Numha, see index of group designations. Numhum-Karana Land of the Numha of Karana; borders on upper Yamutbal (26 404). Nurrugum Fugitives from Nurrugum reach Mari (26 269).

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Nusar Also Nunasar; hometown of Kukkutanum (26 412); attacked by Ekallatean troops (26 514, 515); Buqaqum arrives there with troops (26 528). Pardu Kahatean troops returning from Mariyatum are ambushed there (26 357). Parpara City on border of land of Ekallatum; Buqaqum is there and sends someone to Karana, who intercepts fugitive from Ekallatum (26 491); after Isme-Dagan’s death, disturbances break out there and in Suhra (26 493). Parsipa Also transcribed Barsipa or Borsip(p)a; city south of Babylon; modern Birs Nimrud; Hammu-Rabi goes there (27 372). Purattum Ekallatean troops attack Purattum and Asan “of the Numha” and bring its prisoners of war into southern Razama (26 415). Pus City “below Sippir” (27 141); Hammu-Rabi of Babylon receives troops returning there from campaign in Esnunakean territory (27 141). Puzurran City in southern district of Mari; Sammetar writes Zimri-Lim from there (26 231). Qaªa See Isqa; elders of Qaªa come to Zimri-Lim (26 48). Qabra Also Qabara; according to K.-H. Deller, NABU 1990 84, ca. 29 km northwest of Altin Köprü; royal city; its king is Ardigandi; Yasmah-Addu is there (26 291); Buqaqum sends Napsi-Erah there (26 489); Mariote messenger coming from there arrives at Karana (26 512). Qaßa In extreme southern Suhum (see Charpin, NABU 1991 112); Erib-Sin performs extispicies for troops marching there from Yabliya (26 98). Qa†anum Also Qa†ana; modern Mishrife (Al-Masrafa), near Homs, in southwestern Syria; royal city; its king is Amut-Pi-El; Yasmah-Addu’s wife Beltum comes from there (26 298); [troops] from there expected [to join] Hammu-Rabi of Babylon (2 21; 14 65); Hammu-Rabi of Babylon wants his son to travel to Yamhad or there (26 375); messengers are sent there from Mari (26 137); Elamite messenger en route to Halab sends servants from Imar there (A.266); merchant vows to go there to collect debt (26 530). Qa††ara Modern Tell Rimah according to Charpin and Durand, “Le nom antique de Tell Rimah,” RA 81 (1987), 125–42; station 4 on Route to Kanis; royal city; its king is Hadnu-Rabi; 100 Mariote troops transferred from Karana there (26 411); 100 Mariote troops guard Karana; another 100, Qa††ara (26 527); Numha stage revolt there (26 412); messengers do not find Askur-Addu in Karana and go there to meet him (26 526); Ekallatean messengers concealed from Mariotes there (26 414); Buqaqum meets Askur-Addu there (26 490); 2 persons are detained there (26 295). Qa††una(n) Also Qu††unan; district capital on Habur; endpoint of navigable part of Habur (1 7); Aksak-Magir understands his appointment to office there as punishment (FM 2 50); living space hard to obtain (27 7, 25); Imarite traders go there from Tuttul by way of encampment (27 65); Asqudum arrives there with Qa†anean troops in intense cold (26 28); Asqudum and Zimri-Lim plan to meet there prior to campaign (26 27); Hammu-Rabi of Babylon wants Zimri-Lim to go there and exert influence on Andarig, Kurda, and Qa††ara (A.4515); Zimri-Lim expected to visit (27 13); Habdu-Malik stays there en route to Andarig and Kurda (26 387); barley transported there from ˇabatum (27 5); furrowed land of Qa††una, ˇabatum, Silhan, and Dur-Íabim not touched by locust (27 28); high water of Habur floods grain plantations there (27 101, 102); has space for people and livestock of district in times of danger (27 112, 113). Qutum Land of the Quteans; Elamites attack it (2 26).

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Rahatum See Tehran; city in southern part of district of Qa††unan; reached in an afternoon’s walk downstream from Qa††unan (27 115); sheepfold of palace is located there (27 14); Zimri-Addu cultivates field there (27 108, 109). Rakna Site of Askur-Addu’s camp established after Isme-Dagan’s retreat from Kiyatan (2 50; 26 522); Himdiya calls it border city of Askur-Addu (28 171). Rapiqum City on Euphrates in northernmost alluvium; Samsi-Adad allows Esnunakeans to enter it (26 260); Samsi-Adad took it from Esnunakeans and gave it to Hammu-Rabi of Babylon (26 449); Mariotes have assault ladders there but cannot get to them (26 503); Esnunakeans cross from Uhul and Unine and defeat its defenders (26 504); Esnunakeans round up its and Yabliya’s sheep (26 504); someone declares he will fortify it and make its gods happy (26 476); Mariote troops go from there to Harbe to Yabliya (26 477); diviner Naram-Sin is staying there (26 138); Atamrum takes Mariote boats down to Rapiqum because there are no Babylonian boats in Id (A.162). Raqqum Uprapean city in district of Terqa; prisoners of war come from there, IlumMuluk, and Samanum (27 10). Raßu(m) Locality, not always written with place determinative; Hammu-Rabi of Kurda mentions his meeting with Isme-Dagan there (26 511); Isme-Dagan leaves it (26 417); Buqaqum writes from there about his mission to Kurda, Andarig, and Karana (26 502); Asqudum uses it as base from which to assemble Hana troops (26 40); Ekallateans make prisoners of war in area from there to Sa-Hadnim on bank of Tigris (26 342). Rataspatum Birot locates it near Aslakka (27 68a); Durand reads Rataßpatum (LAPO 16 283d); travel group is attacked, reaches it safely, and continues on to ˇabatum (27 68). Razama Common place-name; Razama of Bu-ra-ma-x and of Uhakim are stations 2 and 5 on Route to Kanis; Razama of Yussan and Razama of Yamutbal are mentioned side by side in 23 243; identification of Razama of Yussan with Razama of Uhakim not entirely impossible; of Razama of Yamutbal with Razama of Bu-ra-ma-x, possible; Turukkeans head for either one (26 404). Razama of land of Yussan, called here northern Razama; for locations, see n. 99 in introduction; called “Zimri-Lim’s city” (14 104); mail from its king to Zimri-Lim travels through Kurda to Qa††unan (27 73); [Elamite and Esnunakean troops move against] Razama and land of Subartum (26 365-bis); Atamrum’s siege of Razama begins (6 65); first events of siege (27 132); story of first phases of siege (14 104); Atamrum says to take down its defenses (27 89); Zimri-Lim demands that Atamrum cease its siege (14 103); Yamßum has news about siege (26 318); Zimri-Lim expected to go there to break siege (6 51 and 52). Razama of Yamutbal, called here southern Razama; Esnunakean troops enter it and are expected to move against Andarig or Karana (26 390, 391); Isme-Dagan and Esnunakeans enter it prior to attack on Hißarum (26 513); it is used as staging area for 2,000 Ekallatean and Assyrian and 2,000 Babylonian troops (26 411); Ekallatean troops bring prisoners of war from Asan and Purattum there (26 415); Isme-Dagan enters it prior to attacking Kiyatan (26 423); Ekallatean donkeys transport grain from Kiyatan there (26 521); attackers of Nusar return to it (26 515); donkeys transporting grain taken from Karana by Isme-Dagan fail to arrive there (26 524); fugitives from there inform Askur-Addu about Isme-Dagan (26 524); its prisoners rise up as Esnunakean messenger comes to relieve Esnunakean troops (26 524); Isme-Dagan retreats

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from Kiyatan and goes there (28 171); Isme-Dagan flees behind its walls (2 50); Turukkean Iniskibal is headed there to besiege it (26 404); Turukkeans reach it, raiding south of Ekallatum and Assur (26 519). Rubban Zunana’s girl is sent there from Ganibatum and is abducted on the way (26 232). Sadduwatum First station on Route to Kanis; Atamrum cedes it to Askur-Addu (26 527). Saggar See Mount Saggar. Saggaratum Dossin, “Archives de Sûmu-Iamam, roi de Mari,” RA 64 (1970), 19 n. 3: “Tell Feddeïn (on the Habur) opposite le petit village Sèhèr qui parait avoir conservé le nom de l’ancienne Saggaratim”; on his map in “Routes,” Joannès places it according to Dossin; Durand, “Imar,” 67 locates it at the confluence of the Habur and Euphrates; district capital; third city of the kingdom after Mari and Terqa (26 235); district extends to Abattum upstream on east bank of Euphrates, and from Dur-Yahdun-Lim to Sa-Hiddan on west bank (26 158); called “upper district” (26 17); merchandise coming down the Habur is transported to Qa††unan, then to Saggaratum (27 37 and 50); extispicies done for it, Terqa, and Dur-Yahdun-Lim (26 7); Asqudum performs extispicies for it (26 88); Zimri-Lim should not have trusted Yamina when they came there (26 199); Asqudum wonders whether Sibtu, who is traveling from Halab to Mari, should visit the palaces there, in Dur-Yahdun-Lim, and Terqa (26 15); epidemic in district (26 17); wall of city in disrepair (14 104); Kibri-Dagan organizes transport from there to Terqa (3 17); Atamrum plans to travel to Mari by way of Saggaratum and Terqa or by direct route (26 404); Asqudum discourages his troops from going from Manuhatan to Qa††unan by way of Saggaratum (26 27); troops will stay overnight there and next night at bridge (26 119); ecstatic eats raw lamb outside of its gate (26 206). Sahrum Awnanean city (14 64) in district of Saggaratum (23 427); Asqudum performs extispicies there for his trip to Halab (26 20). Saluhum Locality written without place determinative; Durand identifies it with Salluhan (26 33c); Asqudum writes Zimri-Lim from there (26 33). Samanum Uprapean city in district of Terqa (23 428, 429); Annunitum has sanctuary there (26 224); Yamina prisoners of war come from there, Ilum-Muluk, and Raqqum (27 10); Zimri-Lim appoints Aksak-Magir governor of Qa††unan there (FM 2 50); Asqudum sends Iddin-Ilaba there to collect boats for harvest (26 58). Samum Also Simum; origin of wine available in Kar-Kamis (26 536, 542). Saphu(m) Common place-name; see also Siphum; possibly generic term for a landscape (Charpin, 26 358c); Hana occupy plain in area of sea of Halaba between two localities named Saphum (26 358); Isme-Dagan gets into altercation with its inhabitants (26 519); Hana assemble there (26 30). Saphum of Apum Sarraya, coming from Razama, and Qarni-Lim, coming from SubatEnlil, meet there (27 72-bis); same meeting is described as “between Saphum and Huraßa” (27 72). Sapiratum Island city in upper Suhum, modern Bejan (Charpin, “Sapiratum,” 341); Atamrum considers going from there directly to Andarig (26 500); Babylonian troops, skirting Esnunakean territory, march from there to Ekallatum (A.4515); extispicies for troops marching there from Hanat (26 97); extispicies for area from Mulhan to there (26 167); 5 small-boats coming from Id pass it A.162. Sarum Yap†ur revolt “from Sarum to Busªan” (26 217).

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Serda City on Balih; diviner in Tuttul sends clods of its soil and that of Zalpah and Ahuna to Mari (26 153). Siharata Locality in central Idamaraß where Hana assemble and pasture-chief Ibal-El resides (2 33 and FM 2 63). Silhan Usually transcribed Zilhan, but see Bonechi, NABU 1994 96; city in district of Qa††unan; affected by locust plague (27 26); it, Qa††unan, ˇabatum, and Dur-Íabim not touched by locust (27 28); type of wood is sent to governor of Qa††unan from there (27 55); governor alerts it and ˇabatum to fugitive slave (27 61); Zimri-Lim instructs Yamßum regarding his mission to Ilan-Íura there (26 302). Siphum Probably another spelling of Saphum; Yasim-El sent an ox for Yamßum from there to Qa††unan (26 302). Sippir Usually spelled Sippar; name of two cities, Great Sippir = Tell ed-Der and Sippir of Samas = Abu-Habba; both cities on east bank of Irnina; see Charpin, “Sippar: Deux villes jumelles,” RA 82 (1988), 13–32; and NABU 1992 114; unqualified “Sippir” appears to refer to Great Sippir; Babylonian troops depart for Allahad “crossing from Sippir” (26 440-bis; 2 122); Hammu-Rabi of Babylon stays there (6 27); Kurdaite, Esnunakean, and Mariote messengers appear there before Hammu-Rabi (26 451); Zimri-Addu and Kibsi-Addu write Buqaqum from there, and Menirum is expected to arrive there from Babylon (26 497); Ibal-Pi-El goes there from Babylon (2 24); YaqqimAddu, en route to Babylon, sends a report about Hanat and promises to report again from Sippir (14 124). Sippir-of-Samas Mariote troops en route to Babylon march there and on to Great-Sippir (26 369); Mariote envoys en route to Hammu-Rabi of Babylon are greeted there and escorted to Great-Sippir (26 449); Samas calls it “city of life” in message to Zimri-Lim (26 194). Suhra City in kingdom of Ekallatum; after Isme-Dagan’s death, disturbances break out there and in Parpara (26 493). Suhum Land along Euphrates between Mari and Babylon; upper and lower Suhum are distinguished, Hanat being capital of upper Suhum, and Mulhan being northernmost city of lower Suhum (Charpin, “Sapiratum,” 365); lower Suhum called “lower district” (26 47); Sallurum threatens to seize all of Suhum from Mari (26 480); Isme-Dagan plans attack on its encampment (26 420); it is feared that Elamites withdrawing from Hiritum will turn toward it and cause it to rise up (2 30). Supurrata Also Sapurrata; locality upstream from Qa††unan; fork in routes to Subat-Enlil and Andarig (26 387); informer comes from there to Qa††unan with news about Babylonian moves in area of Hubsalum and Saggar (27 177). Surman Durand connects name with word for cypress (surmenum) and refers to 22 303, which shows this area had wood (26 86f); sheep are pasturing in area from Halabit to Surman (26 86). Susa City in Idamaraß (for Susa in Elam, see Susim); 17 Qutean mercenaries go from Eluhtum to Susa and on to Qa††unan (FM 2 58). Íarbat Governor of Nurrugum plans to approach it (26 175). Íidqum 1 City in Karana, close to border of Yamutbal; treaty between Atamrum and Askur-Addu concluded there (26 404). Íidqum 2 City in Saggar region; not to be confused with Íidqum in Karana (26 404).

Index of Place-Names

623

Íubatum 1 City on west bank of Tigris in territory of Karana; attacked by Hadneans or Turukkeans (26 523); attack on it mentioned (26 522). Íubatum 2 City in Mariote territory; inhabitant of Íubatum serves in division of YarimHammu in Qa††unan (FM 2 67). Íubat-Estar General of land of Íubat-Estar accompanies Sarraya on visit to Zimri-Lim (27 72-bis; 27 127 mentions generals of Tupham and Azuhinum instead of him). Íuprum “Spur”; city in district of Mari; possibly modern Tell Abu Óasan on east bank of Euphrates; see Durand, 26 57a; and Birot, 27 16i; appointment of majordomo of Íuprum (26 6); prisoner transport from Qa††unan to Mari expected to take route through Íuprum (27 16); Sibtu and her party expected to stay there the day before their arrival in Mari (26 16); lady living by herself in palace of Hisamta should be moved there or to Terqa (26 57); extispicies for its well-being (26 118, 455); Asqudum performs extispicies for it, Mari, Terqa, and Dur-Yasmah-Addu (26 88); sheep are driven there for muster (26 55); Kaªalan accompanies Zimri-Lim there from Mari (27 99). Sa Akka City in district of Mari; place of registration of soldier (27 153). Sa Amdadi Euphrates crossing close to Yabliya (Lackenbacher, 26 461b); Babylonians going upstream stay overnight there (26 461). Sa Baßi(m) Euphrates crossing north of Id; Ibal-Pi-El crosses Irnina at night and plans to stay next night opposite Sa Baßi and night thereafter at Uhul (2 24); Atamrum and Babylonian troops stay overnight in Id, cross Sa Baßi, and take steppe route along river (26 499); 300 troops sent there to patrol area against Elamites (2 22); Ibal-Pi-El leads unsuccessful campaign from camp opposite there (27 141). Sa Hadnim Ekallateans take prisoners of war in area from Raßum to Sa Hadnim on bank of Tigris (26 342). Sa Hiddan 1 According to Durand, opposite Hiddan and its port (“Problèmes d’eau et d’irrigation au royaume de Mari,” Bibliothèque archéologique et historique 136 [1990], 116 n. 55) and in “district of Naser” [= Nisir] 26 95b; troops cross there (26 95). Sa Hiddan 2 District of Saggaratum extends to Abattum on east bank of Euphrates, and from Sa Hiddan to Dur-Yahdun-Lim on west bank (26 158); stone slabs cut there (26 292). Sa Lalaªi In district of Saggaratum (23 69); residence of General Yarim-Hammu (FM 2 68). Sabisa City in Idamaraß; Askur-Addu and Kapiya attack between it and Nagar (27 135). Saladuwar Gold ring comes from there to Kar-Kamis (26 542). Saruna At the northern border of district of Terqa on east bank of Euphrates (26 142). Sehna See Subat-Enlil. Simurrum Transtigridian royal city (see RGTC 2, under Simurum); its king extradited to Sasum by Sasiya (26 491). Sirwunum Royal city and land near Karana; its king is Arrapha-Adal (26 405). Situllum City on west bank of Tigris between Mankisum and Assur; district of Situllum considered (southern) border district under Samsi-Adad (26 138-bis); The Vizier dispatches 25,000 troops to lay siege to it (27 148); Esnunakeans at crossing of Mankisum are headed for it (2 25); 10,000 Esnunakean troops march there (6 27); messengers arrive from there and Mankisum with news on Babylon and Esnuna (26 440); informers from there and Yahappila have information on Esnuna (26 475); informer captured

624

Index of Place-Names

there and brought to Zimri-Lim (26 35); Buqaqum sends someone there to check on withdrawal of Esnunakeans from Ekallatum (26 491); Mariote and Babylonian diviners perform extispicies for it, Assur, Andarig, Kurda, bank of Euphrates, Subat-Enlil (26 102). Subartum Strictly “zone des affluents de rive droit du Tigre au nord du Sinjar” (Charpin, “L’akkadien,” 39), generally area east of Idamaraß up to the Tigris (Charpin, “Engrenage,” 101); designation for the north (see n. 20 in introduction); The Vizier is expected to send troops to “land of Ekallatum” (27 145), or rather “land of Subartum” (27 147); Íilli-Sin sends message to Isme-Dagan and Hammu-Rabi of Kurda to keep it under their control (6 27); inhabitants of district of Qa††unan refuse royal grain, waiting to buy grain from there instead (27 76); male and female slaves in palace of Qa††unan originate in Idamaraß or there (27 85); its inhabitants request commissioner from Zimri-Lim (27 73); Zimri-Lim passes Qa††unan en route from there to Mari (27 51); Zimri-Lim brought it, Ekallatum, Atamrum, and upper land into anti-Elamite coalition (A.3669+); Zimri-Lim wants news about it, Kurda, and Andarig (27 45); its kings denounce Isme-Dagan before The Vizier (26 384); commoners go there to earn living during locust plague in Qa††unan (27 26); singles and day laborers from Qa††unan go there to earn living (27 80); Sasiya sends messenger to ask Hammu-Rabi (probably of Babylon) whether its kings regard Hammu-Rabi as their superior (27 162); Haya-Sumu fails to inform Yamßum on reports from Atamrum, Kunnam, and its kings (26 308); [Elamite and Esnunakean troops move against] it and (northern) Razama (26 365-bis); Nahanite Hana goes up to it (27 151). Subat-Enlil Usually referred to by its original name, Sehna, in letters of Yamßum and sporadically elsewhere (Charpin, 26 334c); modern Tell Leilan; Sehna is capital of land of Apum (26 358); called “fortress” and “placed like a [ ] in the heart of the land” (14 101); Yassi-Dagan goes from Subat-Enlil to ˇabatum to flats above Tehran and through steppe to Andarig (27 65); Esnunakean garrison left in Subat-Enlil (27 17); Zimri-Lim stays in Sehna (26 360); Qarni-Lim ready to go to Subat-Enlil from Andarig (27 72); Askur-Addu enters Subat-Enlil (27 133); Atamrum expected to go to Subat-Enlil from Luhaya (26 334); troops are not allowed to enter Subat-Enlil because it is city of The Vizier (14 104); Yamßum recalls Kunnam’s entry to Sehna (26 323, 26 307); Kunnam resides in Subat-Enlil (28 57); Haya-Sumu intends to go to Sehna (26 303) and does go there (26 305); discord between Elamites and Esnunakeans in Sehna (26 315); kings of Idamaraß do not go to Sehna to submit to Kunnam (26 306); Elamite messengers enter Sehna secretly and inform Simat-Huluris of withdrawal of Elamites from Hiritum (26 327); Haya-Sumu sends his men to induce Sehna to open gates to him (26 328); Taki comes to rescue of Sehna and continues to Suna and Amaz (26 313); Yamßum reports on latest news from Subat-Enlil (26 319); La-Awil-Addu leaves SubatEnlil with troops and heads for Asnakkum or Suruzum (26 354); Yamßum urges ZimriLim to come up to Sehna (26 316); general of Atamrum establishes camp before gate of Sehna (26 320); Himdiya affirms well-being of Andarig, Allahad, and Subat-Enlil (28 171); extispicies predict that Zimri-Lim will seize Subat-Enlil (26 102); fear that Isme-Dagan will seize Subat-Enlil motivates Zimri-Lim to ask Atamrum to do it (2 49); Babylonian troops cross Mount Saggar [to] ªKasapaº and Subat-Enlil (27 177); SubatEnlil frequently visited by Atamrum (26 387); Himdiya goes to Subat-Enlil (26 429–

Index of Place-Names

625

431, 434); army assembled in Subat-Enlil (26 266); physician Íuhhutum staying in Subat-Enlil (26 267). Suda Royal city in Zalmaqum; its king is Sibkuna-Addu (27 80). Suduhum Royal city in western or central Idamaraß; its king, Itur-Malik, and kings of Asnakkum, Kirdahat, and Tarmanni go to Zimri-Lim (27 20). Suhpad City near Subat-Enlil and Ilan-Íura; Atamrum gains control of it (26 409); its villages remain hostile to Atamrum (26 405); Haya-Sumu wants it back (28 81). Suna City; according to the Yale itinerary, between Subat-Enlil and Asnakkum; Taki comes to rescue of Subat-Enlil and continues on to Suna and Amaz (26 313). Surªum City near Gassum (see Durand, “Villes phantômes de Syrie et autres lieux,” MARI 5 [1987], 231); Hadni-Iluma tries unsuccessfully to obtain decent food for Zimri-Lim, who is expected there (FM 2 66). Surnat Royal city in central Idamaraß (see n. 55 to 26 317); its king is Zu-Hadni; attacked by Hammu-Rabi of Kurda (26 422, 511). Surra Also Zurra; royal city; its king is Zimriya; Isme-Dagan and Hammu-Rabi of Kurda surround it (26 418); its king brings villagers into it (26 421). Suruzum Also Surusum (26 354); Itur-Asdu sends clods of soil from it and from Urgis and Aslakka to Mari for use in extispicies (26 184); La-Awil-Addu leaves Subat-Enlil with troops and is believed to be headed for it or Asnakkum (26 354). Susim Susa; capital of lowland Elam; The Vizier sends his messengers from there to Dir of Istaran (26 373); no lapis-lazuli available in Larsa because nobody comes from there (27 161). Tadum Also Taªidum and Taddum; Guichard, “Dame de Nagar,” 244, suggests identification with Tell Farfara; royal city; its king is Ibni-Addu; between Kahat and Hazzikkannum (26 357); Ishi-Addu stops there en route to Azuhinum (26 127); Haya-Sumu sends message there, asking inhabitants to kill their king, Ibni-Addu (26 310). Talhayum 1 of 4 districts of upper Idamaraß (5 51); “capital of Yap†urum” according to Durand, “Talhayûm,” 112; Musilanum is located there (27 64). Tehran City in northern district of Qa††unan (Birot, 27, 8); below ˇabatum (Heimpel, “Locusts,” 106); Zimri-Addu 2 writes about status of Tehran (27 169); Yassi-Dagan goes from Subat-Enlil to ˇabatum to flats north of Tehran and through steppe to Andarig (27 65); locusts swarm from there to Rahatum (27 32); new governor of Qa††unan supplies its needs (27 37); its harvest and that of Rahatum are transported to Qa††unan (27 37); organization of harvest of it and Rahatum (27 39); construction done on temple of its god, Ami (27 56); offerings there (27 57). Terqa Modern Tell Asara; district capital; called “city of the god (Dagan)” (26 196); area upstream of it is called “Upper District” (see there); extispicies performed for it, Saggaratum, and Dur-Yahdun-Lim (26 7); urgent extispicies for it (26 143); ); Asqudum performs extispicies for it, Mari, Dur-Yasmah-Addu, and Íuprum (26 88); Numha and Yamutbal throng “district of Hisamta and Terqa” (26 62); plow oxen that have been idle in Dur-Yahdun-Lim should work there or in Hisamta (26 76); grain of district palace stored there (26 196); Asqudum is there and next day in Dur-Yahdun-Lim (26 26); Warad-Ilisu, en route to Dur-Yahdun-Lim, arrives there and will be in Zibnatum next day (26 163); Asqudum wonders whether Sibtu should visit palaces in Dur-YahdunLim, Saggaratum, and Terqa on her way to Mari (26 15); Atamrum plans to travel from

626

Index of Place-Names

Andarig to Mari by way of Saggaratum, Terqa, or by direct route (26 404); it freezes there (26 400); Zimri-Lim is there for 7–day ritual (26 5); Zimri-Lim holds consultations about return of Yamina to their cities there (26 450); Kibri-Dagan organizes transport from Saggaratum there (3 17); place of registration of soldier (27 153). Tilla First station on the route from Subat-Enlil to Saggaratum (1 26 [see LAPO 16 23a]); royal city; its king is Samsi-Erah; attacked by Andarig and Karana (26 419); HayaSumu wants Mariote help against it (28 81); Esnunakean troops enter it (27 134). Tillazibi Also Tillizibi; near Dur-Yahdun-Lim (see Durand, 26/1, 124–25); governor of Saggaratum counsels against letting Sibtu and her party travel from Dur-Yahdun-Lim there (26 16); Asqudum reckons 3 days from there to Lasqum by boat and to Imar by land (26 17). Tizrah City in district of Mari; place of registration of soldier (27 153). Tupham Yasim-El warns lands of Azuhinum and Tupham of possible Babylonian action against them (26 437); generals of Tupham and Azuhinum (27 127) and, on another occasion, a general of land of Íubat-Estar (27 72-bis) accompany Sarraya of Razama to Mari. Tuttub City in land of Esnuna; modern Hafaji; mentioned in 26 451; Íilli-Sin concentrates troops there (26 488). Tuttul Also Tultul (27 65); modern Tell Biºa at confluence of Balih and Euphrates; affected peripherally by epidemic (26 259); king of Nihriya wishes to enter in order to make an offering to Dagan (26 246); some Yamina leaders enter Ahuna while others flee to Tuttul (26 24); Asqudum organizes transport of heavy bronze-drum there (26 18); land around it is rebellious (26 18); troops of Yamhad leave it en route to Idamaraß (2 21); Imarite traders take a shortcut from there to Qa††unan by way of the encampment (27 65); diviner sends clod of its soil to Mari for use in extispicies (26 153); Zimri-Dagan arrives there with his kin and scouts (26 157); respondent of Dagan receives message from Dagan there (26 199); Zimri-Lim sends offering there, and land and city celebrate (26 215); pasture-chiefs meet Yasmah-Addu there (26 86). ˇabatum Identification with modern Tell ˇaban and Assyrian ˇabete sometimes doubted (see RGTC 3), but confirmed by me in “Locusts,” 105–6; city in northern district of Qa††unan; Yassi-Dagan goes from Subat-Enlil there and on to flats north of Tehran and through steppe to Andarig (27 65); group travels from Rataspatum to Latihum and ˇabatum (27 68); ˇabatum, Silhan, and banks of Habur are alerted to fugitive shepherd (27 61); its barley transported to Qa††unan (27 5); ropes from Ilan-Íura bound for Mari transported from there to Qa††unan (27 50); high water of Habur floods its fields (27 101, 102); it and Magrisa not affected by locust plague (27 26); its agricultural land and that of Qa††unan, Silhan, and Dur-Íabim not touched by locust (27 28); unwanted person at parley to be sent there or to Ilan-Íura to be out of way (26 45); exorcist sent there to perform extispicies for Hana and border (26 141); express courier comes from there to Ilan-Íura with news that Atamrum is in Luhaya (26 334); newly appointed governor, Zimri-Addu, organizes landholdings there (27 107); Pasture-chief Ibal-Pi-El is there (FM 2 55); boat lost by Hana crossing there (27 43). Udanum 3 miles from Larsa; Suteans come from there to attack “backside” of agricultural land (27 161).

Index of Place-Names

627

Uhul See n. 371 to 26 503; Esnunakean troops assemble there and keep their fleet there and at Unine (26 503); they cross from Uhul and Unine to Rapiqum (26 504); IbalPi-El crosses Irnina at night and plans to stay next night opposite Sa Baßim and the night thereafter opposite Uhul (2 24). Unine See Uhul. Upi City on east bank of Tigris not far from mouth of Diyala; besieged by Elamites (26 366); Elamites build camp there (26 363); Babylonian troops withdraw from it (26 369). Upper District Loose term for area upstream of Terqa; Zimri-Lim plans to stay in Terqa on his way there (26 61); Zimri-Lim should not go beyond Terqa because of epidemic there (26 17); Asqudum performs extispicies for it and for Zimri-Lim (26 81); district of Saggaratum so called (26 233). Upper land Contrasted with Idamaraß (28 55, 56); contrasted with Esnuna and Babylon (26 404); Ekallatum, Atamrum, upper land, and land of Subartum brought over to anti-Elamite cause (A.3669+); respondent of Diritum states that upper (land) is ZimriLim’s (26 208). Urban See Hurban. Urbat Residence of Kapi-Dagan’s family (27 162); soldiers in division of Yarim-Hammu in Qa††unan are from there (FM 2 67). Urgis Tell Mozan; Itur-Asdu sends clod of its soil and that of Aslakka and Suruzum to Mari for use in extispicies (26 184); kings of Idamaraß assemble there and then go to Nahur (26 352); Askur-Addu enters with 2,000 troops (27 134). Urranum Field tract (26 442). Ur(u)ban See Hurban. Uruk Modern Warka; Mariote soldier, being member of its nobility, goes there (27 163). Urzikka Location of camp shared by Isme-Dagan and Hammu-Rabi of Kurda (26 418); Isme-Dagan leaves there for Hamadanum (26 419). Wurqana Place in Suhum up to which Mariote troops were settled (26 35). Yabliya City in lower Suhum and district stretching from Harbe to [Mulhan] (26 188); Asqudum performs extispicies for “lower district from Yabliya up to Harbe” (26 47); Erib-Sin performs extispicies for troops marching from there to Qaßa (26 98); extispicies for “Yabliya of east bank” (26 188); Esnunakean troops mobilize in area from there to Id (26 503); Esnunakeans round up sheep from there and from Rapiqum (26 504); Meptum details holdings of grain and oil of Yabliya, Ayyabe, and Harbe (26 35); much grain available there (26 154-bis); Kibsi-Addu refers to time when he returned Yabliya to Zimri-Lim (26 506); Zimri-Lim and Hammu-Rabi of Babylon share power there (26 505); Yabliya, Id, and Harbe are claimed by Zimri-Lim and Hammu-Rabi of Babylon (26 449, 468); Yabliya intends to destroy village of Zaªikum (26 156); Buqaqum takes steppe-route “below Yabliya” (26 481); Atamrum takes steppe route along river between it and Sapiratum (26 500); Atamrum is expected to take direct steppe-route from there, Tamarisk, or Harbe to Andarig (26 498); Buqaqum departs for it (26 498, 499); Mariote troops go from Rapiqum to Harbe to Yabliya and fortify it (26 477); Sallurum is in Harbe and threatens Mariotes in Yabliya (26 479). Yabliya Rock-City Neighborhood of Yabliya; Esnunakeans expected to fortify it; their small-boats operate there (26 480).

628

Index of Place-Names

Yabniya Habdu-Malik interrupts his trip to Atamrum at cliff of Yabniya close to Supurrata (26 388). Yahappila City between Mankisum and Assur according to Urbana-Yale itineraries; for various writings, see Joannès, 23, 241b; informers from there and Situllum have information on Esnunakeans (26 475). Yamhad Land around Halab; Zimri-Lim travels there (26 365-bis); Hammu-Rabi of Babylon wants his son to travel there or to Qa†anum (26 375). Yamutbal Land of kingdom of Larsa (see introduction, n. 51); hails Hammu-Rabi of Babylon’s seizure of Maskan-Sapir (26 383); Mutiabalean deserters flee there (26 368). Yamutbal Specifically “upper Yamutbal”; land of tribe of Yamutbal, extending from Andarig in west to southern Razama or Sadduwatum in southeast; contrasted with NumhumKarana (26 404); Inbatum states during absence of her husband, Atamrum, that it is Zimri-Lim’s land (10 84+). Yap†ur Mentioned before Tarhus and Subat-Enlil on Urbana-Yale itineraries; according to Durand, “Talhayum,” 112, on west bank of upper Habur; Yap†ur revolts in area from Sarum to Busªan (26 217). Yarikitum City in Mariote territory; inhabitant serves in division of Yarim-Hammu in Qa††unan (FM 2 67). Yussan Also Yassan (27 72-bis); land around northern Razama; Sarraya visits Zimri-Lim while Qarni-Lim guards lands of Yussan and Apum (27 72-bis). Zakum In southern district of Mari (24 3); field-area in Zakum mentioned (26 442); hometown of Hammi-Esuh (26 422). Zalmaqum Land extending from Harran to upper Tigris (Charpin, NABU 2000 58); consists of royal cities Hanzat, Harran, Nihriya, Suda; their kings often act together: see index of group designations under “king”; Ibal-Addu is afraid that Elamites will gain control of Idamaraß up to Zalmaqum (28 57); Zalmaqean envoys come from there to Mari (14 76). Zalpah City on Balih; see M. van Loon, “Hammam et-Turkman on the Balikh: Background and First Results of the University of Amsterdam’s 1981 Excavation,” Akkadica 27, 30–45; J. M. Córdoba, “Tell es-Seman = Ahunâ?: Stationen einer altbabylonischen Reiseroute durch das Balih-Tal,” AoF 17 (1990), 360–78; station 18 on Route to Kanis; Asmad writes to Zalpah and Ahuna in order to get information on kings of Zalmaqum and Yamina (26 24); diviner in Tuttul sends its clod of soil and those of Serda and Ahuna to Mari (26 153). Zalwar Mentioned in connection with land of Hahhum and Hassum (26 547). Zapad Epidemic breaks out in Zurubban and spreads there (26 261). Zarhanum Mentioned (26 323). Zarri 3 cities by this name are distinguished according to Yamina clans of Awnan, Rabbum, and Yarih; Daris-Libur has servant who lives in Zarri (which Zarri is not specified; 27 61); fields of Zarri, probably of Zarri Awnan, are issue in visit of Awnanean ÍuraHammu in Mari (26 74); freak lamb born in Zarri Rabbum (26 241). Zibnatum Schedule for Sibtu and her party: one day in Dur-Yahdun-Lim; second day, embarkation in Hurran and trip to Zibnatum; third day, Terqa; fourth day, Íuprum; before start of fifth day, Mari (26 16); Warad-Ilisu arrived in Terqa and will be there next day

Index of Place-Names

629

and go on to Dur-Yahdun-Lim (26 163); tablet of Zimri-Lim reaches [ ] in Zibnatum (26 280); courier Ißi-Ahu is inhabitant of Zibnatum (FM 2 49). Ziniyan District between Terqa and Saggaratum (23 595); belongs to district of [Saggaratum] and Dur-Yahdun-Lim (23 69); Abi-Mekim reports from [ ] that citizens of Ziniyan have arrived (26 462). Zinnatan Hometown of Dulqan (26 420). Zurra See Surra. Zurubban City on border of districts of Mari and Terqa, on west bank of Euphrates; YassiDagan wants chariot taken there (26 459); governor of Terqa enlists troops from there, Hisamta, Himaran, and Hanna (3 19, 20); place of registration of soldier (27 153); 2 inhabitants serve in division of Yarim-Hammu in Qa††unan (FM 2 67); epidemic breaks out there and spreads to Zapad (26 261); Zimri-Lim stays there (26 276).

Appendixes

631

Appendix 1 Sumerian Personal Names in Mari Texts Balumunamhe “My-Reign-Is-Abundance” Supervisor of oil pressers. See Duponchel, FM 3, 203–5. Many writings of the name were used. They include variations of the 3d and 4th vowels. E-ri-is-ka-la FM 4 30 III 9u “Dear-Lady” Also written Eres(nin)-ka-la (FM 4 3 III 24). Eres-la-ma-sí “The-Lady-Is-My-Angel” A hybrid name, in which “The lady” is Sumerian and “my angel” is Akkadian (FM 4 6 IV 2). It is also written in the purely Sumerian form, logographically Eres-dLamma-mu (FM 4 15:15) and syllabically dEri-isma-gu (FM 4 13 III 77), as well as Eres-li-mu-gu (FM 4 3 IV 20). The spelling d Eri . . . shows that “the lady” was a goddess, and the syllabic spellings of the hybrid and purely Sumerian forms indicate that both forms were actually used. E-ri-is-lu-n[i-zu] (FM 4 30 III 6u), or Eres(nin)-lú-ni-zu (FM 4 3 IV 27), or Eres-lu-ni (FM 4 6 IV 9). E-ri-is-lu-un-z[i] (FM 4 30 III 8u), or Eres-lu-zi (FM 4 6 IV 5), or Eres(nin)-lú-zi (FM 4 3 IV 23). Girinisa “His-Foot-Is-Good” Servant of Yasmah-Addu who writes about Bisrean dogs (26 271). The literal meaning does not make much sense. Perhaps “foot” stands for “way,” and the path of his life is meant. A syllabic spelling of the name, Gi-ri-ni-su, is attested in A.4634:25u (Durand, MARI 4, 431). The person signs responsible for a list of palace women. Hamatil “Let-Him-Live-for-Me” High official under Yasmah-Addu (26 300). The name is perhaps the wish of the father to be survived by his son. Iskur-Mansum “Iskur-Gave-Him-to-Me” Babylonian, perhaps a physician, mentioned by Ibal-Pi-El in 26 273. Iskur-Lutil “Iskur-Man-Lifegiver” Servant of Yasmah-Addu (1 25; A.2412 [MARI 6, 559]). Iskur-Zikalama “Iskur-Life-of-the-Land” Scribe under Samsi-Adad (Durand, “Unité,” 124). Lamma-saga “Good-Angel” Servant of Yasmah-Addu (A.900 [MARI 6, 562]). Lú-Nanna “Man-of-Nanna” Servant of Isme-Dagan (26 489). Mubalasaga “Year-of-Good-Reign” Mentioned in 26 298 as knowledgeable about the women in the palace at the time of Yasmah-Addu. He was perhaps a courtier. Nanna-Lutil “Nanna-Man-Lifegiver” Servant of Zimri-Lim (26 228). Nanna-Mansum “Nanna-Gave-Him-to-Me” Scribe (24 6 I 7u). Nanna-Palil “Nanna-Goes-in-Front” Scribe under Samsi-Adad (Durand, “Unité,” 124). Tilani-Hesud “Let-His-Life-Be-Long” (26 279). Ur-Samana “Lion-of-Saman” According to letter A.2724 (Durand, “Protocoles,” 30–33) from Samsi-Adad to Yasmah-Addu, he administered an oath. Also mentioned in 26 135.

632

Appendixes

633

Usaris-Hetil “Let-Him-Live-Many-Many-Days” The name is explained by Durand in 26 222a. The person was probably a courtier. Utukam “He-Is-of-Utu” Scribe whom Yasim-El sent to record a divine message; time of Zimri-Lim (26 414).

Appendix 2 Names of Suteans in Old Babylonian Texts Name

Lang.

1 2 3

A-am-li-AN A-bi-Na-bi-um A-bi-sa-re-[e]

Am Akk Am

4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

Ab-da-a Ab-da-nu Al-ku-úa Ba-al-SI Ba-ri-ku-um Da-du-an Da-nu-um Ga-zi-za-nu-um

Ar Am ? ? ? Am Akk Akk

12 13 14

Gu-la-du Gu-na-hu-um Ha-am-mi-ta-lu-ú

? Akk Am

15 16 14

Ha-da-an Ha-di-du-um Ha-mi-ta-lu

Akk ? Am

14

Ha-mi-ti-lu

Am

17 18 19 20

Ha-ra-du Hi-id-du-um Hu-sú-ru-um I-lu-ú I-lu-ú-um I-lu-um I-lu-yab I-lu-yu-um

Am ? Akk ? ? ? ? ?

Data on Person recipient of garment 1 of 3 leaders of 2,000 Suteans

Source and Date YOS 13, 63 (SD “a”) 23 448:58 5 23 YOS 13, 118 (SD 6)

father of Al-ku-ú rents field for cultivation brings white donkey recipient of garment recipient of garment recipient of garment 1 of 3 leaders of 2,000 Suteans fled to Buqaqum recipient of garment negotiates about silver; is satisfied with 4,200 liters of barley; brings 2 rams recipient of garment attacks with 30 + Suteans 1 of 3 leaders of 2,000 Suteans leads caravan from Mari to Tilmun recipient of garment recipient of garment recipient of garment recipient of garment same as I-lu-ú same as I-lu-ú same as I-lu-ú same as I-lu-ú

634

CT 45, 59 (AÍ 10 II 10) Sippir 21 4 (18 V-bis 11u) 23 446 (end of ZL 2u) 23 446 (end of ZL 2u) 23 448; 451 [XI 2u]; 22 327 5 23 26 483 23 448:59 6 44 6 15 21 2 (5 XI 9u) 23 446 (end of ZL 2u) 26 482 5 23 1 17 18 64:2 (7 XII 9u) 22 167 (XI 2u [23, 347]) 21 336 (5 V 4u) 23 448 (15 XI 2u) 18 61 (14 XI 2u) 23 451 23 449–51; 22 167 22, 327

Appendixes

21

635

Name

Lang.

Data on Person

Source and Date

Ì-lí-e-pu-uh

Am

receives oil

7 19 (E ˇab-Íilli-Assur)

seals as witness of sale of Sutean slave “I., servant of Samas and [ ]” recipient of garment rents field for cultivation rents acreage in the land of Ba-ßú-ú messenger receiving silver recipient of a ram messenger receiving silver witness of sale of Sutean slave recipient of garment father of UD-la-Tum recipient of garment recipient of garment

9 6 (E Awiliya [see Charpin, MARI 2, 63])

22 23 24

Ì-lí-ra-pí Ia-di-ú Ia-aB-Zu-ú

Am Am ?

25 26 27 28

Ia-ag-mu-ur-AN Ia-an-ßí-ib-dDa-gan Ia-ar-si-AN Ia-ku-na-an

Am Am Am Am

29 30 31 32

Ia-ta-hu-um IB-ma-a-da-il Ilum-ma-ma-lik Ilum(AN)-ra-pí

? ? Akk Am

22 33 34 35

Ilum(AN)-ra-pí Iz-zu-um Na-ap-su-na-i-la Na-aB-ZU-um

Am Akk Am ?

36 35 37

Na-ás-ku-um Na-BI-ZU-um Na-bu-du-um

Akk ? Am

38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47

dNa-na-a-Ib-ni

Na-ZI-rum Pu-zu-ru-um Ra-bi-a Ra-bi-ú-um Ra-bi-um Ri-ip-i-im Ru-Da-Bu-um Sa-mi-hu-um Sà-am-sà-nu(-[x])

Akk ? Akk ? ? ? Am Am Akk Am

48 49 50 51

Su-ga-gi Su-mu-i-ba-al Su-mu-i-la Si-ip-rum

Am Am Am Akk

23 451 ([XI 2u]); 22 327 CT 8, 10 b CT 4, 31 a (AÍ 10 I 16) 7 169 (29 VI 6u) 7 226 [ ] 7 169 (29 VI 6u) MARI 1, 98 concerning 8 9 22 167 (XI 2u [23, 347])

18 64:2 (7 XII 9u) 23 448–51 (15 XI 2u); 22 167, 327 same as Ì-li-ra-pí 22 167 recipient of garment 18 64:2 (7 XII 9u) recipient of garment 23 446 (end of ZL 2u) recipient of silver, messenger 7 133 (22 XII 5u) of [R]a-b[i-i]m recipient of garment 21 336 (5 V 4u) messenger receiving silver 23 241 (21 XI) slave dealer, soldier CT 52 86 = AbB 7 86 (late OB) = Wilcke, WdO 9, 207–8 YOS 13, 118 (SD 6) messenger receiving silver 23 241 (21 XI) recipient of garment 23 446 (end of ZL 2u) recipient of garment 21 336 (5 V 4u) recipient of silver, messenger 7 165 (4 VI 6u) recipient of 4 sheep 21 10 sells his Sutean slave 89 recipient of garment 23 446 (end of ZL 2u) recipient of garment 23 446 (end of ZL 2u) recipient of silver, messenger 7 133 (22 XII 5u) of [R]a-b[i-i]m father of Ia-aB-Zu-ú recipient of garment 23 446 (end of ZL 2u) recipient of garment 23 451 (XI 2u); 22 327 recipient of garment 23 448, 451 (XI 2u)

636

Appendixes Name

Lang.

Data on Person

Source and Date

51

Si-ip-ru

Akk

same as Si-ip-rum

22 327

52

Ta-aK-ti

?

father of Ia-di-ú

53 54 55 56 57

Ti-da-bi-i UD-la-Tum d Uras-A-bi Warad-dMar-tu Ia8(PI)-mi-i-la

? ? Akk Akk Am

clans A-al-mu-ti-i Ba-ar Ha-la-nu-um Bu/Pu-li-i-la Mi-ha-li-za-yu Ya-ah-ma-mu

rents field for cultivation father of Warad-dMar.tu witness of loan slave sold by his Sutean master

YOS 13, 63 (SD “a”) CT 45, 59 (AÍ 10 II 10) Sippar TJAUB FM 22 (SI 10 V 22) 89

9 244; 14 78 A.3562 A.3562 9 244; 6 44 14 78

a. Al-ku-ú, son of Abdanu, is also mentioned in RA 69, 112–13, where a field is rented with his agreement/permission/on his order (sa qabê). Anbar thinks his name is Amorite. b. Ilu-ya is also a man from Qa†anum (23 450).

The assignments in the language column are impressionistic. It is not easy to differentiate names from closely related languages written in a script adapted to only one of them, Akkadian. Akk = Akadian, Am = Amorite, Ar = Aramaic. Special abbreviations: AÍ = Ammi-Íaduqa; E = Eponym; SD = Samsu-Ditana; SI = SamsuIluna; TJAUB = E. Szlechter, Tablettes juridiques et administratives de la III Dynastie d’Ur et de la I Dynastie de Babylone; WdO = Welt des Orients

Appendix 3 Conflict with Esnuna Source

Events

A.3591

Asmad informs 17 allies of impending Esnunakean attack; Hardum and Yagih-Addu chased off Yassi-Dagan asks Sammetar 2 to tell Zimri-Lim to come to Euphrates before Esnunakeans reach Rapiqum Sasiya warns Sammetar 2 of 3,000 Esnunakean troops who are headed for Rapiqum Buqaqum informs Zimri-Lim that Mariote troops moved from Rapiqum to Yabliya, which they fortify; 5,000 Babylonian troops came to Harbe Esnunakeans crossed from Uhul/Unine to Rapiqum, defeated a sortie, rustled sheep up to Yabliya Zimri-Lim vows to fight Esnuna in Suhum; wants troops from HadnuRabi, who besieges Qarni-Lim Zimri-Lim accuses Hadnu-Rabi of having driven Qarni-Lim into arms of Esnuna; wants troops Bunu-Estar, Sarraya, Hadnu-Rabi to send troops to save Zimri-Lim Hali-Hadun sent to arrange peace between Qarni-Lim and Bunu-Estar Since Esnunakean conquest of Ekallatum and Assur, Hurbanites keep communicating with Assur Esnunakean mobilization in area from Id to Yabliya countered by Mariote mobilization from Haradum to Hurban; 20,000 Esnunakeans in Uhul/Unine ready to attack Babylonians Sallurum strengthens fortifications of Harbe with 15,000 troops; 5,000 Esnunakean troops fortify Yabliya; without additional troops, Mulhan will have to be evacuated; Hurbanites troublesome; Sallurum threatens Yassi-Dagan Esnuna defeats Sarraya; Bunu-Estar and Hadnu-Rabi refrain from fighting Esnuna After rejecting repeated peace offers from [Esnuna], Kurda faces siege Kurda sorties and routs Esnunakean camp; Yamina POW’s sent from Qa††unan Hana sent to help Kurda against Esnuna; Esnunakeans and Qarni-Lim in Subat-Enlil; Esnunakeans expected to go home; Turum-Natki buried Hali-Hadun is afraid that Esnunakeans and Qarni-Lim, who are in Subat-Enlil, will get in touch with Yamina and rustle Simªal livestock Esnunakeans leave Subat-Enlil with household goods (of Samsi-Adad); [Qarni-Lim] returns to Andarig, having left troops under command of Yanuh-Samar and son of Turum-Natki in Subat-Enlil; Yagih-Addu builds up Manuhatan

Syria 19, 121–22 28 178 26 477 26 504 OBRT 2 OBRT 3 OBRT 4 10 157 A.2459 26 503

26 479 and 480

14 106 27 19 27 16 A.2821 A.2954 27 17

Date

637

2u 2u 2u 3–10 VII 2u 2u 2u 2u late 2u late 2u late 2u? 3u

3u

3u 3u 19 VIII 3u 23 VIII 3u VIII 3u VIII 3u

638

Appendixes

Source

Events

OBRT 5

Hadnu-Rabi withholds Zimri-Lim’s share of household goods (of SamsiAdad) brought out from Subat-Enlil Sasiya describes relationship between Esnuna and Zimri-Lim during previous two campaign seasons 15,000 Esnunakean troops and Yagih-Addu are assembled and expected to march to the Euphrates Ibal-Pi-El expects them to ªproceedº to Qa††ara and Allahad and seize Andarig; Hana itch to fight, and kings of Idamaraß wait for Zimri-Lim Esnunakean army led by Yagih-Addu and Atamrum close to Qa††ara and headed for Qarni-Lim who wants Sasiya, Sarraya, and Haya-Sumu informed and 500 Mariote troops to enter Andarig Esnunakeans transport salt to Qa††ara Kibsi-Addu informs Zimri-Lim that Hana are in Hamadanum, he is with Qarni-Lim in Hubsalum, Esnunakeans camp near Nagibum; Mariote regulars are close to Andarig Ibal-Pi-El informs Zakira-Hammu that he is on way from Hamadanum to Harbe and Esnunakeans are on way to Allahad Abi-Mekim informs Zimri-Lim that couriers of Sammetar 2 and Ibal-PiEl have reported Esnunakeans close to Allahad Ibal-Pi-El informs Zimri-Lim that 10 named kings of Idamaraß, troops of Apum, Qarni-Lim, and Hana are on way to Harbe Ibal-Pi-El informs Sammetar 2 of same Yassi-Dagan brings present from king of Qa†anum; it is registered in Nagibum in year “Zimri-Lim laid siege to Andarig” Hana mustered in Zurra in year “Zimri-Lim went up to save Andarig” Yamßum recalls that Zimri-Lim uprooted Esnunakean gate of Andarig Yamina abort raid on Mariote Euphrates after defeat of Esnuna; build up Abattum

A.1025 10 155 A.2119 28 168

A.654 26 508

27 64 26 467 A.1610 A.1212 25 35 M.5705 26 303 14 84

Episodes that cannot be fitted into chronological scheme A.1025 Zimri-Lim gives Hadnu-Rabi troops A.2119 Ibal-Pi-El recalls that Esnuna seized Ekallatum M.5431 Yamina messengers escorted by Esnunakean troops from Karana to Esnuna

Date 3u late 3u 4u 4u 4u

4u

4u 4u 4u 4u 4u 8 IV 4u 4u 4u

2u ? ?

A.654 = MARI 5, 203; A.1025 = MARI 6, 337–47, see p. 49 n. 46; A.1212 = RA 82, 112 = LAPO 17 605; A.1610 = RA 82, 112 = LAPO 17 604; A.2119 = Mémoirs de NABU 2, 97– 102; A.2459 = MARI 8, 387; A.2821 is communicated in paraphrase and partial translation by Jean in Revue des études sémitiques 1938, 128–29; A.3591 = FM 2, 256; M.5705 = MARI 5, 617; M.5431 = RAI XXXVIII, 185–93.

Appendix 4 Events during ZL 2 X–XII according to Records of Oil Expenditures Published in FM 3 22–128 Event Nurrugeans present in Mari tisanum (an ovid) brought to Yamhad Yabliyaite evacuees in Dir boats repaired that Asqudum took to Yabliya and Imar Qa†anean messengers in Mari 10 women went to Yamhad Asqudum brought chariot wheels to Yamhad Zimri-Lim went to upper district Simah-Ilane, king of Kurda, came from Babylon Zimri-Lim returned from upper district Zimri-Lim went to Dir 2 Simah-Ilane still in Mari Elamites hosted in Mari

639

Date X X [ ]X 1X 17 X 22 X 26 X 27 X 12 XI 15 XI 16 XI 3 XII 25 XII

Text 60:63 60:46 58 24 45 49 53 54, 60:31 66 67 72 105 117

Appendix 5 Kings Informed by Mari of Impending Esnunakean Attack in ZL 2u according to A.3591 King

Kingdom

Location

Bunu-Estar Hadnu-Rabi Sarraya Sarrum-Kima-Kalima Turum-Natki Haya-Sumu Huziran Kapiya Hadni-Turuk Mariyatum Hammu-Rabi Sibku-Na-Addu Asdi-Takim Bunuma-Addu Yarkab-Addu Abetar (Abi-Etar) Askur-Addu

Kurda Qa††ara Razama of Yussan Razama of Yamutbal land of Apum Ilan-Íura Hazzikkannum Kahat ? ? Asnakkum ? Suda Harran Nihriya Hanzat ? Admatum?

Hilly Arc Hilly Arc eastern Northern Plains Hilly Arc central Northern Plains central Northern Plains central Northern Plains central Northern Plains ? ? western Northern Plains ? upper Balih near Diyarbakir ? ? central Northern Plains

640

Appendix 6 Timeline of Events during ZL 9u–11u Dates in bold are the dates found in the text. Text

Date

Number of Section and Event

B. Clash between Elam and Babylon (pp. 56ff.) M.8806

II 9u winter 8u

26 362 early 9u 14 124

26 254 early 9u 26 366 26 363 26 369 early 9u 26 368

26 370

harvest in Esnuna

26 371 26 365 26 365-bis

7. Elam’s conquest of Esnuna presentation gift at occasion of Elamite conquest of Esnuna 8. An Elamite ploy backfires The Vizier sounds out Babylon and Larsa 9. Elamite moves from Esnuna Yaqqim-Addu learns in Suhum that Elamite troops formed two columns, one marching on Babylon, the other on Ekallatum Yaqqim-Addu stops over in Id on trip to or from Babylon 10. Events around Upi Elamite siege of Upi 1,000 Mutiabalean troops arrive in Babylon general mobilization in Babylonia; Babylonian troops ready to engage Elamites at Upi; Elamite messengers in fetters Babylonians withdraw from Upi Suhean troops led by Sakirum arrive in northern Babylonia 11. A battle with the Elamites and the sack of Kasalluk Babylonian envoys back from Maskan-Sapir Elamite messengers in Babylon incarcerated Mutiabaleans desert Babylonian army Esnunakean escapes Elamite occupation and comes to Babylon Isme-Dagan brings gifts to The Vizier and returns to Babylon Mutiabal changes sides to Elam destruction of Mutiabal; Zimri-Lim en route to Yamhad

C. Events in the North (pp. 64ff.) 26 370 26 371

early 9u harvest in Esnuna

13. Attempted coup-d’état in Ekallatum Hammutar installed by Atamrum as future king of Ekallatum Isme-Dagan buys back his kingship from Elam

641

642

Appendixes

Text

Date

6 37

barley stored burial of Qarni-Lim’s head in Hilly Arc Atamrum requests troops from Zimri-Lim III 9u 15. First phase of siege of Razama initial success of Atamrum Qarni-Lim’s belongings in Qa††unan Razamean sortie beats 500 Qarni-Lim’s belongings in Saggaratum Qarni-Lim’s belongings in Terqa

A.2730 27 132 6 65 3 17 and 6 37 14 103 14 104+

27 III 9u

25 134

5 IV 9u III 9u

27 133 27 134 6 66 26 323

26 311 26 326 26 303

A.3206 26 304

between 25 III and 7 IV 9u 10 IV 9u V 9u early V 9u

middle V 9u

26 305

26 318

ca. IV 9u

Number of Section and Event 14. Death of Qarni-Lim and prelude to siege of Razama

16. Continuation of siege of Razama Atamrum asks The Vizier whether to continue siege of Razama besiegers of Razama afraid of Zimri-Lim’s expected arrival 17. Chronology of continuation of siege Zimri-Lim receives messenger from Razama in Hazazar 18. Askur-Addu’s entrance into Subat-Enlil Askur-Addu entaers Subat-Enlil Askur-Addu marches to Urgis 19. Kunnam’s entrance into Subat-Enlil Haya-Sumu writes Zimri-Lim about Elamite invasion Kunnam enters Subat-Enlil

Kunnam in Subat-Enlil 20. Haya-Sumu’s submission to Elam negotiations between Haya-Sumu and Elamites visit of Ulluri in Ilan-Íura; he and Yamßum attempt to reverse Haya-Sumu’s decision to submit to Elam; Elamite messengers request troops from Idamaraßean kings report that Mari paid tribute to Kunnam troops of Ilan-Íura carry tribute, which Aqba-Abi presents to Kunnam Haya-Sumu bows to Kunnam and brings valuables; Kunnam demands withdrawal of Mariote troops from Ilan-Íura and Nahur 21. Zimri-Lim leaves for Razama Zimri-Lim exhorted to come to Razama

Appendixes Text 6 51 and 52

Date

2 21 23 545

ª23 Vº 9u

26 307 26 306 28 55 28 56 27 88 14 102

after 6 VI

26 310 26 311 26 312

10 IV 9u

26 323 26 322, 323

7 IV 9u

26 344

early V 9u

26 345

10u

26 322, 323 10 135 26 324

IV 9u

26 303 14 118

early V 9u

26 304 10 33 10 32 10 34+

643

Number of Section and Event Elam denies request for more troops by Atamrum; Atamrum urges Elam to invade Mari to prevent Zimri-Lim from going to Razama rumor of 20,000 Yamhadean and Zalmaqean troops marching on Idamaraß reaches Babylon Zimri-Lim starts out for Razama 22. Turning point Zimri-Lim achieves a victory Haya-Sumu shifts allegiance back to Mari Ibal-Addu of Aslakka gains support in Idamaraß against Elam kings of Idamaraß refuse Elamite approaches arrival of messenger of Kunnam in Qa††unan and in Saggaratum 23. Arrest of Ibni-Addu Ibni-Addu attempts to regain Tadum with Kunnam’s help but is repulsed in Tadum Zimri-Lim requests Ibni-Addu to come to Mari Ibni-Addu arrested in his palace by Haya-Sumu and incarcerated in Elali 24. Conflict between Yamßum and Ustasni-El insubordination of Ustasni-El visit of Sumu-Takim in Ilan-Íura; he expects to take UstasniEl back to Mari visit of Ulluri, he attempts to order Ustasni-El to Mari Ustasni-El complains to Su-Nuhra-Halu about Yamßum Ustasni-El requests replacement 25. The unhappy marriage of Kiru visit of Sumu-Takim to Ilan-Íura; Haya-Sumu promises to let Kiru go Zimri-Lim tells Siptu that Haya-Sumu agreed to let Kiru go Yamßum convinces Haya-Sumu to fulfill his promise to let Kiru go and asks for chariot and donkeys for her trip visit of Ulluri Ulluri, returning from Ilan-Íura, passes Saggaratum: no progress on Kiru’s return Yamßum reports that Kiru threatened suicide in a letter to Zimri-Lim, Kiru threatens suicide Haya-Sumu’s 1st threat to kill Kiru Haya-Sumu plans to go to Mari without Kiru

644 Text 26 315

Appendixes Date probably before IX 9u

A.4515

14 101 26 334 27 89 A.96

late 9u

26 325

late 9u?

26 327

early 10u

2 49 26 328

26 320 26 316 26 354 26 319 26 355 26 313

26 319 26 313 26 315

early to middle 10u

Number of Section and Event Haya-Sumu’s 2d threat to kill Kiru 26. Atamrum changes sides Hammu-Rabi of Babylon asks Zimri-Lim to induce Atamrum, Hammu-Rabi of Kurda, and Hadnu-Rabi to join Babylonian-Mariote alliance against Elam and sends Babylonian task force to prop up Ekallatum Atamrum asks Hammu-Rabi of Kurda to arrange meeting with Zimri-Lim Atamrum plans to go to Subat-Enlil and calls on kings to assemble in Luhayan Atamrum changes plans and returns to Razama Mariote draft of Atamrum’s commitment to Mari 27. Kunnam leaves Subat-Enlil to Simat-Huluris Kunnam hands Subat-Enlil over to Simat-Huluris and leaves with Elamite and allied Idamaraßean troops Elamite messengers inform Simat-Huluris that The Vizier has left Babylonia Ibal-El counsels Zimri-Lim to let Atamrum seize Subat-Enlil before Isme-Dagan does it Haya-Sumu’s attempt to gain control of Subat-Enlil repulsed by Simat-Huluris; Haya-Sumu submits to Atamrum 28. Atamrum becomes the new master of Subat-Enlil La-Awil-Addu establishes a camp outside Subat-Enlil La-Awil-Addu enters Subat-Enlil Saknum reports that La-Awil-Addu left Subat-Enlil Yamßum reports that La-Awil-Addu left Subat-Enlil in northerly direction La-Awil-Addu left Subat-Enlil for another foray 29. Taki’s rescue of Subat-Enlil Taki rescues Subat-Enlil from Eluhteans for Atamrum Haya-Sumu wants Yamßum to leave; no flour for Mariote garrison in Ilan-Íura 30. The end of Ibni-Addu Ibni-Addu’s request to go to Mari denied Ibni-Addu moved from Elali to Miskillum; Íuriya in Mari Zimri-Lim requests extradition of Ibni-Addu; Íuriya still in Mari

Appendixes Text

Date

26 313 26 356 26 314 26 302

middle 10u

645

Number of Section and Event Hammu-Rabi of Kurda extends protection to son of HayaSumu 31. The flour problem Mariote troops in Ilan-Íura still receive grain instead of flour troops about to revolt problem solved 32. An alleged oath violation Yamßum receives a Numha slave from Yasim-El

D. Back in the South (pp. 89ff.) 26 369 27 136 A.486+ 27 151

26 95 26 97 26 98 26 100-bis 28 12 27 78–81 14 76 2 71 2 21

2 23 6 54 26 470 6 34 2 21

early 9u before IV 9u before V 9u second half 9u

33. Mariote troops come to Babylon arrival of Sakirum in Kullizi, leading Suhean troops Zimri-Addu prepares to go to Babylon arrival of Bahdi-Addu leading Hana troops arrival of Yantin-Erah leading additional troops

Zimri-Addu summarizes dispatch of troops to Babylon 34. Reports of a diviner accompanying troops going to Babylon report on progress of troops from Sa Hiddan from Hanat from Yabliya from Halhala 35. Support from Yamhad and Zalmaqum Yamhadean troops arrive in Mari Zalmaqean troops pass through Qa††unan Zalmaqean troops not allowed to go on to Babylon Yamhadean troops sent on to Babylon ca. middle 9u Yamhadean and Zalmaqean troops join Zimri-Lim’s march against Atamrum. 36. Babylonian troops come to Mari late IV 9u Hammu-Rabi refuses to dispatch 10,000 Babylonian troops and to allow return of 1,000 Hana troops V 9u Hammu-Rabi dispatches troops with Kalalum V 9u 5,000 Babylonian troops dispatched to Suhum 8 V 9u Abi-Mekim expected to lead Babylonian troops to Mari Hammu-Rabi insists on fulfilling implementation of plan to send troops from Mari to Babylon

646

Appendixes

Text 6 18

Date 8 VII 9u

2 26

between V and VIII 9u

27 140

late 9u

28 6

after 29 II 10u 29 II 10u

21 100 2 119 26 489

27 141 27 142 2 30+

early 10u

27 141

A.522 2 22 early 10u 2 30+ 27 144, 145 27 146 27 147 27 148 26 361 26 377 27 149

Number of Section and Event arrival of Isim-Ea in Mari; Abi-Mekim expected to depart with Babylonian troops for Mari 37. Elamite moves in ZL 9u Elamite campaign against Quteans 38. Babylonian and Elamite troops move into position Babylonian and Mariote troops take position on east bank of Irnina near Namsi; Elamite troops establish camp on west bank of Tigris near Mankisum Elamites are headed for the Irnina, Babylonian troops in Suhum recalled Babylonian troops in Suhum leave for the Irnina 39. Isme-Dagan joins coalition against Elam Ibal-Pi-El and Buqaqum arrive in Ekallatum Isme-Dagan unable to visit Mari; Mariotes dispatched to Qabra and Kawilhum 40. Siege of Hiritum Elamites besiege Hiritum an episode in the siege of Hiritum last phase of siege 41. During the siege of Hiritum Babylonian troops burn harvest in Esnunakean territory Babylonian-Mariote task force, near Sa Baßim, commanded by Ibal-Pi-El, fails to halt Elamite forces marching to Hiritum Babylonian-Mariote force redeployed in Sippir (Abu Habba) 600 troops guard crossing at Sa Baßim 43. Elamite withdrawal Elamites prevented from crossing Irnina retreat to Kakkulatum while Hiritum is cleaned up, Elamites destroy Kakkulatum and move upstream toward Mankisum Zimri-Addu’s troops move from Hiritum to Sippir (Tell ed-Der) Elamites and Esnunakeans move north from Mankisum; Esnunakeans request help from Hammu-Rabi The Vizier expected to lay siege to Situllum The Vizier tarries in Esnuna Elamites loot Esnuna The Vizier reaches Diniktum

Appendixes Text

Date early 10u

A.2741 A.257 26 377 early 10u 26 372

early 10u 27 149 27 150 26 373

27 162 26 488 2 25 RA 33 6 27

2 24 26 486 26 487

[n] V 10u

before cold season

647

Number of Section and Event 44. A new king in Esnuna Atamrel suggests that Zimri-Lim install a nobleman in Esnuna Zimri-Lim suggests that Hammu-Rabi become or appoint a king in Esnuna Esnunakean troops appoint one of their own as new king of Esnuna 45. A new order Hammu-Rabi initiates treaty with Esnuna messengers shuttle between Malgum and Babylon treaty negotiations with Atamrum, transfer of Esnunakean soldiers from Andarig to Ekallatum and back home requested by Hammu-Rabi border war with Larsa 46. Renewal of relations with Elam Elamite messengers released from custody in Babylon; Babylonian messenger sent to The Vizier The Vizier proposes renewal of relations Esnuna temporarily closes border with Malgum to messengers shuttling between Elam and Babylon Hammu-Rabi gives silver and barley to Malgum 6,000 Babylonian troops go to Ekallatum 47. Mariote troops return home Yantin-Erah brings first contingent of Mariote troops from Babylonia to Mari Hammu-Rabi promises to dispatch Ibal-Pi-El home; army of Esnuna gathers in Tuttub Esnunakean army in Mankisum and headed north; YantinErah and Bahdi-Addu leave with their troops for home fruitless mission of Yaqqim-Addu in Babylon 12,000 Esnunakean troops on way to Situllum; Esnunakean grain for Elam; 10,000 Qutean troops headed for Larsa; Babylonians rustle Elamite sheep; Isme-Dagan and HammuRabi of Kurda urged by Esnuna not to provide troops for Babylon Ibal-Pi-El close to Babylonian border on his way to Mari Ibal-Pi-El expects to arrive in Suhum from Babylonia in 5 days Ibal-Pi-El not accompanied by Babylonian troops

648 Text

Appendixes Date

Number of Section and Event

E. Back in the North (pp. 114ff.) 26 320

early to middle 10u

26 372 26 409 28 81

middle 10u

ca. VIII 10u 26 405 26 405 26 343 26 406, 407 26 405

26 407 26 437

26 410

A.230 M.7259 26 401 6 26 26 401

before cold season

48. Atamrum becomes king of Andarig Atamrum calls up troops in Allahad Hammu-Rabi sends Atamrum a chair 49. Haya-Sumu’s star is fading Atamrum gains control of Suhpad Zimri-Lim supports Askur-Addu against interest of HayaSumu; Haya-Sumu requests Mariote troops to help fight Tilla 50. Atamrum besieges Asihum and Adallaya Atamrum lays siege to Asihum Arrapha-Adal expected to lay siege to Adallaya for Atamrum Harbe controlled by Hammu-Rabi [Atamrum and Arrapha-Adal] collaborate in siege of Adallaya Atamrum lays siege to Adallaya troops want sheep before cold season arrives

51. Sadu-Sarrum aborts his plan to go to Mari Sadu-Sarrum is ready to go to Mari; disruption of communications due to war Atamrum agrees to dispatch of Mariote troops to Azuhinum Babylonian troops leave Andarig; Yasim-El warns Azuhinum and Tupham before IX 10u 52. A thaw in relations between Hammu-Rabi of Kurda and Atamrum Treaty between Kurda and Andarig in which Harbe is given to Atamrum before IX 10u 53. Askur-Addu becomes king of Karana the land under Askur-Addu affirms its loyalty to Zimri-Lim and requests that Askur-Addu do the same loyalty oath of Karaneans to Askur-Addu conclusion of treaty between Mari and Karana land wants Askur-Addu to marry daughter of Zimri-Lim Atamrum allegedly proposed submission to Isme-Dagan Kukkutanum to come to Mari for troops ca. VIII 10u 54. Yasim-El goes to Karana

Appendixes Text 26 405 26 408

26 411

26 412

26 413

26 416 27 154 6 62

26 388 26 387

26 390

Date

649

Number of Section and Event Mari order to muster Mariote troops in kingdom of Andarig not executed because of dispersal of troops muster accomplished distribution of prisoners of war by Atamrum to Babylonian, Esnunakean, and Mariote allies Mari requests extradition of 2 criminals Yasim-El brings troops to Karana and averts threat from Ekallatum Askur-Addu evasive about trip to Mari Haqba-Hammu besieges [ ]urrana 100 of 300 garrison troops in Karana detailed to Qa††ara Menirum expected to return to Mari accompanied by HaqbaHammu’s brother in 2 days 5–15 IX 10u 55. Revolt of Kukkutanum Kukkutanum in Mari; returns to Karana and is denounced rebellion in Qa††ara Zimri-Lim asks Yasim-El to bring Askur-Addu to visit Mari because campaign is near Kukkutanum extradited from Andarig and killed Askur-Addu refuses to go to Mari late 10u 56. Askur-Addu’s trip to Mari Askur-Addu refuses to leave Karana as Isme-Dagan besieges Adme Yasim-El leaves Karana; Askur-Addu expected to leave the next day beginning of Askur-Addu’s travel gear has left Karana campaign season 10u/11u 57. Habdu-Malik sets out on a peace mission to Andarig and Kurda Habdu-Malik arrives at cliff of Yabniya Habdu-Malik in Sapurrata waiting for news on whereabouts of Atamrum 58. First attempt to establish peace between Kurda and Andarig Habdu-Malik comes from Kurda Esnunakean troops have entered Razama and may be headed for Andarig or Karana

650 Text 26 391

26 393 26 394

26 389 26 392 26 398 26 400 M.11948

26 404

26 414 26 414; 514 26 515 26 417 26 418 26 415

Appendixes Date

Number of Section and Event Hammu-Rabi has also been informed of troops’ having entered Razama elders press Hammu-Rabi to demand land for peace Habdu-Malik reviews relations between Mari, Andarig, and Kurda visit ends without result 59. Habdu-Malik visits Karana nearing Karana, Habdu-Malik is informed of measures taken by Karana against Ekallatum Habdu-Malik delivers message from Zimri-Lim urging peace between Karana and Andarig Atamrum balks at transfer of Mariote troops in Andarig to Karana 60. Habdu-Malik’s mission fails Esnunakean troops in Andarig moved to ruined city Habdu-Malik returns to Kurda 27 I 11u Hammu-Rabi lays out unacceptable conditions for peace Habdu-Malik executes instructions in Saggaratum and Terqa recommends gathering of ice in Terqa 19 II 11u registration of gifts from Atamrum, Hammu-Rabi, and Askur-Addu brought by Habdu-Malik to Mari II 11u 61. Treaty between Atamrum and Askur-Addu treaty between Andarig and Karana, aimed against Kurda, witnessed by Babylon, Esnuna, and Turukkeans Atamrum expected to visit Mari and bring 500 troops Turukkeans cross Tigris and head for Razama early 11u 62. Ekallatean attack on Nusar secret stay of Ekallatean messengers in Qa††ara Ekallatean attack on Nusar aftermath of attack on Nusar III 11u 63. Isme-Dagan withdraws from Urzikka Isme-Dagan returns from meeting with Hammu-Rabi of Kurda in Raßum Hammu-Rabi and Isme-Dagan raid territory of Surra and bring loot into their camp at Urzikka 23 [II or III] news from Iddiyatum: Ekallateans attack Purattum and Asan and bring loot into Razama king of Surra coordinates moves with Yasim-El in Andarig

Appendixes Text 26 419

Date [n] III

MARI 5, 617 29 III 11u 26 417 26 420

[n] V 11u

26 421 26 422

26 V 11u

26 423

ª5º VI 11u 6 VI 11u

26 512 26 513

5 VI

26 424

6 VI 7 VI

26 427 26 521

see appendix 7 26 491, 525

ca. VI–VIII 11u late 11u

651

Number of Section and Event Zimri-Lim arrives in Qa††unan and Isme-Dagan withdraws from Urzikka to Hamadanum Himdiya and Haqba-Hammu move against Tilla Mariote troops in Hubsalum (kingdom of Andarig) dig well Zimri-Lim in Surra Atamrum expected in Mari in 3 days 64. Events in the 5th month 2 months after Zimri-Lim returns to Mari, Kurda becomes openly hostile to Mari, and contacts between Kurda and Ekallatum continue Isme-Dagan spies out encampment of Suhum Mariote courtier imprisoned in Kurda; another taken to Kasapa with Hammu-Rabi courtier ransomed in Kurda Hammu-Rabi attacks territory of Atamrum Idamaraßeans and Numha rustle Mariote sheep Hammu-Rabi builds up Asihum and attacks Surnat 65. Isme-Dagan’s last hurrah Ekallatean and Esnunakean troops enter Razama Esnuna urges Askur-Addu to change sides Yasim-El, Belsunu, and Yanßibum go to Andarig to bring Babylonian troops to Karana Haqba-Hammu campaigns in Hadnum Isme-Dagan expected to attack Haßarum Lack of grain drives actions of Ekallatum Yasim-El and Belsunu leave Andarig with Babylonian troops for Karana Isme-Dagan near Kiyatan; Yasim-El returns to Andarig Isme-Dagan occupies lower city of Kiyatan Babylonian and Andarigite troops safeguard Karana Kiyatan seized; grain transported to Razama ineffective moves by Askur-Addu against Ekallateans in Kiyatan 66. Esnuna withdraws from Ekallatum 67. Sasiya cheats Isme-Dagan Isme-Dagan sends silver and ships to Kawilhum to obtain grain Sasiya submits to Sasum

652 Text 26 425, 526

Appendixes Date

26 493, 495 IX 11u and earlier 26 430

26 433 10 84 26 436 26 435

10 IX 11u ca. VIII 11u

26 432 26 433 26 436 A.285

sowing IX 11u

26 431 26 432 26 435

10 IX 11u

Number of Section and Event Sasiya tricks Isme-Dagan and raids Ekallatum down to Kurdissatum Esnunakeans have left Ekallatum peace accord between Kurda and Sasiya rumors of Isme-Dagan’s death 68. The issue of Amaz Hammu-Rabi of Kurda prepares siege of Luhayan; troops leave Kurda; Himdiya headed for Amaz Buqaqum warned about Ekallatean livestock rustlers Himdiya captures lower city of Amaz Inbatum answers Zimri-Lim’s protests of capture of Amaz and taking of prisoners of war Himdiya reacts to Zimri-Lim’s protests concerning taking prisoners of war in Amaz Yasim-El sends Himdiya a copy of a tablet from Sukru-Tesub to Sub-Ram about Amaz 69. A flap between Andarig and Karana 30 of a group of Assyrian merchants on the way to Kurda pass territory of Andarig and are detained in Allahad an altercation has developed between Inbatum and AskurAddu over the Assyrian merchants Inbatum freed merchants Yasim-El and Askur-Addu agree on procedure for border crossings between Karana and Andarig 70. Sadu-Sarrum finally goes to Mari Sadu-Sarrum is said to go to Zimri-Lim Andarigite governor of Suhpad to make arrangements for him arrives in Andarig and continues on to Mari

F. North and South Become a Single Theater of Operations (pp. 150ff.) late 10u 26 372 26 385 26 383

XIII 10u

71. Conquest of Maskan-Sapir hostility between Babylon and Larsa siege of Maskan-Sapir; city expected to open gates in matter of days Maskan-Sapir conquered; Hammu-Rabi leads army to siege of Larsa The Vizier died

Appendixes Text

Date

26 378 26 379 26 384

late 10u?

A.162 27 164

early IV 11u ca. IV 11u

26 381 26 471 V 11u 26 386 27 156 27 157 27 158 27 161

V 11u

25 9

7 VI 11u IX 11u

26 497 27 167 26 439 26 498 26 499 26 500 26 501

653

Number of Section and Event Esnunakean messengers confined in village Qa†anean messengers caught in front of gate of Larsa 72. During the siege of Larsa Mariotes under Sarrum-Íululi arrive at camp outside Larsa rumor that 4,000 Esnunakean troops went to Ekallatum Hammu-Rabi faces a force of 40,000 troops audience of Mariotes and Ekallateans in Babylon rumor has it that The Vizier died Atamrum crosses border into Babylonia Atamrum meets Hammu-Rabi 73. Before the fall of Larsa Larsa expected to fall in matter of days Hammu-Rabi promises to give Mari 1,000 troops Hammu-Rabi promises Abi-Mekim and Ahi-Erra to make decision on sending troops in 5 days 74. The fall of Larsa fall of Larsa Rim-Sin brought out of Larsa alive Hammu-Rabi stays in Larsa defenses of Larsa taken down; question about continued service of Mariote troops in Babylonia depressed state in postwar Larsa Mariote-Babylonian action against Suteans Zimri-Lim sends gift to Hammu-Rabi on occasion of fall of Larsa 75. Atamrum’s return from Babylon Zimri-Addu and Kibsi-Addu are in Sippir, waiting for Menirum, who comes from Babylon Atamrum explains why he does not intend to return by way of Mari Zimri-Addu, Menirum, and Kibsi-Addu attempt to convince Atamrum to go to Mari Buqaqum relays information about Atamrum’s plans Atamrum in Id; Buqaqum to go to Yabliya to meet him meeting in Yabliya; decision on Atamrum’s route put off until Sapiratum Buqaqum writes from Haradum: “My lord Atamrum is fine”

654 Text 26 438

Appendixes Date 29 IX 11u late 11u

26 185-bis A.19 2 122 26 440-bis 26 440 late 11u 10 29+ 26 502

A.3577 26 185-bis a.

Number of Section and Event Atamrum back in Andarig; Zimri-Lim tells Yasim-El to leave Andarig with his troops if Atamrum refuses to come to Mari 76. Babylon builds a bridgehead in Allahad Atamrum is dead 20,000 Babylonian troops on the march north Babylonian troops go to Allahad to install Hulalum as king Askur-Addu writes about installation of Hulalum; keeps troops in strongholds Himdiya has become king of Andarig 77. Inbatum’s troubles Atamrum’s harem, including Inbatum, moved to village Buqaqum visits Hilly Arc and intends to take Inbatum home to Mari 78. End of Zimri-Lim and Mari Hammu-Rabi of Kurda proposes cooperation with Babylon against Mari divination about Atamrum’s death and the possibility of Hammu-Rabi’s entering Mari

Appendix 7 Sequence of Key Events in Section 66 Source 26 341 26 494 26 342 26 342 26 490 26 342 26 523; 28 171 26 523 26 523 26 523 26 523 28 171 2 50 26 522 26 522 26 522 26 522 27 171 2 50 26 524 26 524 26 524 26 491; 525

Event Mut-Askur leaves for Esnuna Isme-Dagan dispatches troops for sale Grain from Karana transported to Ekallatum Askur-Addu strikes deal with Assyrian merchants Askur-Addu concludes peace with Ekallatum Ekallateans raid up to Sa Hadnim Mut-Askur returns from Esnuna accompanied by envoy who will take troops home attack on Íubatum Askur-Addu plans defensive settlements on the border Askur-Addu expected to quit camp (near Kiyatan) in 3 days Ekallateans move from Kiyatan to Razama Askur-Addu moves camp to Rakna Askur-Addu builds/fortifies camp in Rakna Esnunakean troops expected to withdraw before arrival of Isme-Dagan in Ekallatum 4,000 Turukkeans said to be on way to Ekallatum Kurda refuses Askur-Addu’s request for help in area of Íubatum 300 Turukkeans arrive at camp in Rakna Haqba-Hammu chases Isme-Dagan into Razama Grain transported by Ekallateans does not reach Razama Prison revolt in Razama Isme-Dagan leaves at night for Ekallatum Isme-Dagan detains Esnunakean troops in Ekallatum

655

Appendix 8 Ominous Parts and Marks of the Liver Babylonian

Mari

Translation

Text

sissiktum

155 (1)

naplasum

hem blinkers regard

kittum padanum (k a s k a l)

position of god truth path

subat sumelim

path of right path of left seat of left

naplastum

manzaz ilim padanum

padan imittim padan sumelim

naßraptum naßrapti imittim naßrapti sumelim ká é.gal

dananum padanat imittim

ká.é.gal

dananum puzrum

sulum tesmîm sulmum erßet sulmim rißu kakku magsaru mukil resim

palette palette of right palette of left palace gate

reinforcement paths of right mystery

96 (1), 100 (1), 1003 (1), 1004 ([1]), 113 (1), 155 (2), 161 (1) 113 (1) 96 (2), 100 (2), 1003 (2), 1004 (2), 113 (2), 155 (3), 161 (2)

100 (3), 1004 (3), 155 (4) 1002

96 (3), 100 (4), 1003 (3), 1004 (4), 113 (4), 155 (5), 161 (3) 113 (3) 100 (5), 1003 (4), 113 (3)

cleft of acknowledgement cleft 96 (4), 1003 (5), 155 (6), 161 (4) territory of cleft 100 (6) assistances (marks on liver) weapons (marks) battle axes (marks) caretaker 92 (1)

656

Appendixes Babylonian

Mari

Translation

sipa

gall bladder shepherd

martum

res martim maßrah s i p a sumel takaltim isda(n) s i p a

dannat sumelim mihiß pan nakrim nidi kussîm madda kussîm ubanum imitti ubanim sumel ubanim mat ubanim beritum sa ubanim ßibtum

nirum

imitti ubanim sumel ubanim kippi ubanim

ßibtum

nirum kakkum hasû

libbum eletuªa

657 Text 92 (2), 100 (10), 1002 (1u)

head of gall bladder duct of shepherd 100 (8), 113 (5) left of pouch two bases of shepherd 96 (5), 100 (9), 1003 (6), 1004 ([5]), 113 (6), 155 (7), 161 (5) fortress of left 100 (11), 113 (7) strike of face of 100 (12), 1003 (7), enemy 1004 (6u), 155 (8) drop of chair drop of chair 100 (13), 1002 (2u), 1004 (ª7uº), 155 (9) finger 96 (6), 100 (14), 1004 (8u), 155 ([10]) right of finger 113 (8) left of finger 1003 (8), 113 (9) loop of finger 161 (6) land of finger interval of finger outgrowth 96 (7), 1002 (3u), 1003 (9), 1004 (9u), 113 (10), 155 (11), 161 (7) yoke 161 weapon (mark) 100 (7) lungs 96 (8), 100 (15), 1002 (4u), 1004 (10u), 113 (11), 161 (8) heart 96 (9), 1004 (11u), 161 (9) 96 (10), 1002 (5u), 1003 (10), 1004 (12u), 113 (12), 161 (10)

Entries in the Babylonian column are taken from Yale Oriental Series—Babylonian Texts (YBT) 11 23. The series of ominous parts is slightly simplified. In column text 100 = 26 100-bis:7–16 (initial extispicies of first round), 1002 = 25–28 (verification of first round), 1003 = 36–41 (initial extispicy of second round), 1004 = 42–52 (verification of second round). The numbers in parentheses identify the place in the sequence of checking the ominous liver parts.