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English Pages [196] Year 1979
Latin America 1978 Edited by Grace M. Ferrara
Writer: Christopher Hunt
Facts On File 119 West 57th Street, New York, N.Y. 10019
Latin America 1978 ® Copyright, 1979, by Facts oìsFile, Inc. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form without the permission of the publisher except for reasonably brief extracts used in reviews or scholarly works. Published by Facts on File, Inc., 119 West 57th Street, New York, N.Y. 10019.
The Library of Congress Cataloged This Serial as Follows: Main entry under title: Latin America. 1972. New York, Facts on File, inc. v. 24 cm. annual. (A Facts on File publication) ISSN 0094-7458 1. Latin America—Periodicals. I. Facts on File, inc., New York. F1401.L325 918'.005 73-83047 rev ' MARC-S ISBN 0-87196-258-6
987654321
PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
Contents
INTRODUCTION.....................................................................
Page 1
REGIONAL DEVELOPMENTS........................................... Press Censorship................................................................ Economic & Other Developments.................................. Beagle Channel Territorial Dispute................................
3 7 8 11
ARGENTINA............................................................................. Prisoners & Rights Abuses.............................................. Government & Politics...................................................... Terrorism............................................................................. Economy............................................................................. Territorial Disputes............................................................ Other Developments..........................................................
15 15 18 20 21 23 26
BOLIVIA................................................................................... Elections Precede Military Coups................................... Other Developments..........................................................
27 27 32
BRAZIL....................................................................................... Military Rule Continues Following Presidential Election............................................................................. Abuses of Human Rights............... .................................. Labor Unrest....................................................................... Economy................................................................ Atomic Energy....................................................................
33 33 39 40 42 44
CHILE.......................................................................................... Letelier Assassination Probe............................................ Military Control Eased, Civil Liberties Restricted....... Human Rights Abuse......................................................... Economic Developments.................................. ................ Labor Unrest....................................................................... Beagle Channel Dispute.................................................... Other Developments...........................................................
45 45 53 56 60 61 62 64
COLOMBIA................................................................................ Liberals Retain Power, Turbay Elected President....... Guerrilla Attacks, Student & Labor Unrest.................. Other Developments...........................................................
65 65 69 72
CUBA................................. U.S. Relations & Political Prisoners............................... African Involvement......................................................... Economic Developments...................................................
74 74 77 79
DOMINICAN REPUBLIC................................................... Opposition Wins Presidential Election............................ Other Developments...........................................................
80 80 86
ECUADOR.................................................................................. Government & Politics....................................................... Economic Developments...................................................
88 88 92
EL SALVADOR........................................................................ Political Violence & Human Rights................................. Elections...............................................................................
93 93 97
GUATEMALA........................................................................... 98 Controversial Elections..................................................... 98 Political Violence.................................................................. 100 Economic & Other Events.................................................. 102 Junta Overthrows Melgar................................................. 103 Pre-Coup Developments...................................................... 103
MEXICO........................................................................................ Civil Unrest & Violence...................................................... Crime & Corruption............................................................. Oil............................................................................................ Economy & Labor................................................................ U.S. Relations........................................................................ Other Developments.............................................................
105 105 107 109 110 Ill Ill
H3
NICARAGUA............................................................................ Chamorro Murder Spurs Anti-Somoza Demonstrations................................................................ Violence Increases............................................................. Guerrillas Seize Congress, Win Prisoners’ Release..... Mounting Disorder............................................................. International Repercussions............................................. Negotiations Halt, Violence Resumes........................... Foreign Pressures Continue.............................................
115 116 123 124 127 129 132
PANAMA.................................................................................... The Panama Canal Treaties.............................................. Government & Politics...................................................... Other Developments..........................................................
134 134 145 147
PARAGUAY.............................................................................. Politics & Human Rights.................................................. Other Developments..........................................................
148 148 150
PERU........................................................................................... Elections Proceed But Military Retain Control............ Economic Problems.......................................................... Other Developments..........................................................
152 152 154 159
URUGUAY................................................................................ Government & Politics...................................................... Human Rights Issue.......................................................... Economic Developments.................................
161 161 162 162
VENEZUELA...................... U.S. Relations..................................................................... Economy...................................................... .'..................... Presidential Campaign...................................................... Other Events......................................................................
164 164 164 166 168
OTHER AREAS........................................................................ Bahamas............................................................................... Barbados............................................................................. Costa Rica............................................................................ Dominica............................................................................. Grenada................................................................................ Guyana.................................................. Haiti...................................................................................... Jamaica................................................................................
169 169 169 171 173 173 173 175 176
Puerto Rico.......................................................................... Surinam................................................................................ Trinidad & Tobago..............................................................
179 179
INDEX..........................................................................................
181
Introduction
This is the seventh volume of the Facts On File annual on Latin America. It records the history of Latin America and the Caribbean area during 1978. The purpose of this series is to give researchers, students, educators, librarians and others a convenient, reliable, unbiased and inexpensive source of information on the many events that take place each year in this important part of the world. The 1978 volume, therefore, records the essential details of such events as the increase of violence in Argentina, further developments of the Letelier murder probe in Chile and of the long-standing Beagle Channel dispute between Argentina and Chile, the threatened overthrow of the 40-year-old Somoza rule in Nicaragua, Mexico’s discovery of great oil reserves and the ratification of the Panama Canal treaties. But it also covers more than just the most important occurrences. It provides facts on economic developments, guerrilla operations, labor action, diplomatic relations, government corrup tion, political maneuverings, student activism, military affairs and the many other events that make up the history of Latin America and the Caribbean area during 1978. The material of the book consists largely of the Latin American record compiled by Facts On File in its weekly reports on world events. Such changes as were made in producing this book were largely for the purpose of eliminating needless repetition, supplying necessary amplification or correcting error. Yet some useful repeti tion was provided deliberately: for example, when two countries are involved in a single event, the report, or at least part of it, is often carried in the chapter for each of the two countries; this means more 1
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complete coverage of each country in the place the reader is most likely to look, makes it less likely that these items will be overlooked and reduces some of the need to consult the index and other chapters to locate a specific fact. As in all Facts On File works, a conscientious effort was made to record all events without bias and to produce a reliable and useful reference tool.
Regional Developments
Human Rights & International Relations
Guard installations, and steps toward a ‘national dialogue’ between the govern ment and opposition groups.” Panama—Opposition by political parties was not permitted, but with the ap proach of the 1978 elections Panamanian politicians were “optimistic about partici pating more actively in the country’s policy and decision-making process,” the report said. Recent progress in human rights included moves toward the restora tion of the right to trial in all cases, and expanded freedom to express political views.
Two U.S. congressional committees Feb. 9 released a report prepared by the State Department on the observance of human rights in 105 foreign countries. The report—the second annual one issued by the U.S. government—covered countries that received U.S. aid or bought U.S. weapons. Officials said that, because of military and political considerations, U.S. military aid was being reduced only in the case of one country—Nicaragua—cited for rights violations. The two committees releasing the report were the House International Rela tions Committee and the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. Among the findings of the report on individual countries: U.S. Issues Report on Abuses.
Carter Visits Venezuela & Brazil. Presi dent Jimmy Carter visited Venezuela and Brazil March 28-31 as part of his effort to strengthen U.S. relations. The President was accompanied by his top foreign policy advisers, his wife, Rosalynn, and his daughter, Amy. Carter had been scheduled to make the trip in Novem ber 1977 but had postponed the trip because of problems involving his energy program. The trip produced no breakthrough in policy, but Administration officials said that Carter had deepened U.S. friendship with Venezuela and helped to ease ten sions with Brazil.
Nicaragua—Nicaragua had a long tradi tion of authoritarian rule. In 1974, follow ing a terrorist attack aimed at the govern ment, martial law and press censorship had been imposed. The report said that “serious abuses of the rights of persons” were committed by the National Guard. In September of 1977 press censorship was lifted. Subsequently, the report said, “the political scene has been char acterized by vehement and lively press and public debate, attacks on National
Among highlights of the trip: Venezuela—Carter was greeted in Caracas by President Carlos Andres 3
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Perez, whom he once called “one of my best personal friends.” Carter im mediately endeared himself to his Vene zuelan hosts by making a brief speech in Spanish that ended with the cheer “Viva Venezuela!” Perez said that Carter was respected throughout Latin America be cause of his commitment to human rights. In their talks over the next 24 hours, Carter and Perez agreed on a wide range of issues, including their support for the new Panama Canal treaties and their op position to Cuban military involvement in Africa. At the end of the first round of talks March 28, the two presidents signed agreements establishing maritime boundaries between the U.S. and Vene zuela and providing for closer cooperation against the international narcotics traffic. The two leaders later disagreed publicly but politely on ways of closing the eco nomic gap between industrial and develop ing countries. In a long toast at a state banquet for Carter March 28, Perez said the industrial nations had taken few concrete actions to close the gap. “Statesmen with the best goodwill and greatest perception,” he said looking at Carter, “are constantly persuaded by large economic interests and by old dogmas of strategic power.” Replying the next day in an address to the Venezuelan Congress, Carter said, “We all share responsibility for solving our common problems.” He said that the U.S. was willing to give economic and technological aid to developing countries, but they in turn must “moderate disrup tive price movements and stabilize the prices of primary commodities.” The members of the Organization of Petro leum Exporting Countries, he added, “have a responsibility to use their surplus wealth to meet the human needs of the world’s people.” Despite this difference, Carter and Perez parted on very good terms. As evi dence of their strong friendship, it was noted, Carter, unlike other leaders who visited Venezuela, had been lodged at the president’s official residence.
rights and nuclear nonproliferation. On the first, he said the U.S. and Brazil would have to “speak to each other frankly and with understanding” if they were to make progress in promoting “human freedom and the rule of law.” On the second, he said that “the peaceful use of atomic power is not incompatible with the need to prevent nuclear proliferation.” Brazilian President Ernesto Geisel, who met Carter at the airport, replied that he would be “very happy” if the visit gave Carter “a fair opinion on Brazilian reality.” The Brazilian government had made it clear that it resented U.S. criticism of its record on human rights and of its plan to import a West German uranium-reprocessing plant that might be used to produce ingredients for atomic weapons. Foreign Minister Antonio Azeredo da Silveira had said that Carter was visiting on his own initiative, not at the invitation of Brazil, according to the New York Times March 30. Nevertheless, Carter reportedly con vinced Geisel and his advisers that the U.S. wanted strong ties with Brazil despite their disagreements. At a press conference in Brasilia March 30, Carter said, “Our need for Brazil as a partner and friend ... is presently very important to us and will always be that important in the future.” Carter later addressed the Brazilian Congress, which received him warmly, and then flew to Rio de Janeiro for a brief rest. Before departing from Brazil March 31, he met discreetly with six prominent civilians. Some of them, such as Julio de Mesquita Neto, publisher of the news paper O Estado de Sao Paulo, and Paulo Evaristo Cardinal Arns, Roman Catholic archbishop of Sao Paulo, had publicly op posed the government on human rights and other issues. Arns’s office said Carter had given him a handwritten letter for de livery to a pentecostal minister in Sao Paulo who had been arrested by security police.
Brazil—Arriving in Brasilia March 29, Carter received a correct but chilly wel come that reflected the tensions in U.S.-Brazilian relations. In his remarks at the airport, the President raised the two issues that had contributed most to these tensions: human
President Carter reaffirmed his com mitment to human rights June 21 in a welcoming address to the General Assembly of the Organization of American States (OAS), which convened
Carter Stresses Human Rights at OAS.
REGIONAL DEVELOPMENTS in Washington for its eighth annual session. “My government will not be deterred from our open and enthusiastic policy of promoting human rights,” Carter told the foreign ministers of 26 OAS countries. “We prefer to take actions that are posi tive, but where countries persist in serious violation of human rights, we will continue to demonstrate that there are costs to the flagrant disregard of international stan dards.” “I am convinced,” Carter declared, “that all the peoples of the Americas want a world in which citizens of every country are free from torture, arbitrary arrest and prolonged detention without trial, free to speak and think as they please.” Carter devoted a quarter of his 2,000word address to human rights. He did not mention any countries that violated civil liberties, but as he spoke the various na tional delegations were given copies of reports by the OAS’ Inter-American Commission on Human Rights charging flagrant rights abuse by Paraguay and Uruguay and less serious violations by Chile. Carter discussed a wide range of other issues in the hemisphere, but, to the sur prise of most delegations, he made no specific reference to Cuban military activities in Africa. The President ap parently felt that if he raised the issue, many delegations would feel they were be ing dragged into an East-West dispute, the Washington Post reported June 22. Carter praised Latin American coun tries that were moving from military to elected civilian government, and vowed that during such transitions the U.S. would not “intervene . . . [or] show fa voritism toward particular individuals or political parties.” He said, however, that his Administration would “continually support and encourage political systems that allow their people to participate freely and democratically in the decisions that affect their lives.” The President said the ratification of the new Panama Canal treaties “should be a good omen that other disputes in our hemisphere can also be settled peace fully.” Specifically, he mentioned Bolivia’s desire for an outlet to the Pacific Ocean, the border dispute between El Salvador and Honduras and the territorial dispute
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between Guatemala and the British colony of Belize. Carter expressed satisfaction that all but one eligible nation in the hemisphere (Cuba) had signed the Treaty of Tlatelolco, which banned atomic weapons from Latin America. The President also pledged to bring about ratification of the American Convention on Human Rights “as soon as possible.’’ He noted that six Latin American nations had ratified the conven tion in 1977, and only three more were needed to bring the treaty into force. Rights Violators Criticized—As the General Assembly opened its debate June 23, the Jamaican foreign minister, Percival J. Patterson, denounced dis regard of human rights by the govern ments of Uruguay, Paraguay and Chile. Patterson said Jamaica was “deeply concerned over the very serious viola tions” of human rights in Uruguay, “the serious accusations made by the Inter American Commission on Human Rights against Paraguay” and “the repeated refusal of Chilean authorities to reveal the number of persons who have disappeared [in Chile] since 1973.” Patterson was rebuked by the Uru guayan foreign minister, Alejandro Rovira, who told him: “You are not up to date on the situation of human rights in Uruguay, which has given, is giving and will give solid respect to human rights 55 A top U.S. State Department official, Warren M. Christopher, told the session later June 23 that “terrorism is no excuse to abuse human rights, and one cannot respond to terrorism with the antiterror ism of the state.” Christopher apparently was referring to the Uruguayan, Argentine and Chilean governments, which often said they were forced to repress civil liberties in order to combat left-wing terrorism. Christopher was supported by the Ven ezuelan ambassador to the OAS, Jose Maria Machin, who declared that by fight ing terrorism with government violence, “we only fall into the same territory that we condemn.”
U.S. Panel Lauds Rights Drive—The Council on Hemispheric Affairs, a non profit U.S. research organization
6
concerned with Latin America, declared that the Carter Administration’s human rights drive “has made a significant contribution to the cause of humanity in the hemisphere, and ... we have now entered a period where no totalitarian regime can victimize its own people with impunity or silence,” it was reported June 24. The council said, however, that the Administration’s rights policy was “episodic and anecdotal rather than structural in nature,” and that the policy seemed to be “guided as much by political expediency” as by conviction. The council charged that Argentina was the worst violator of human rights in Latin America. Other abusers, it said, were Uruguay, Guatemala, Chile, Nicaragua, El Salvador and the Dominican Republic. OAS Assembly Closes—The eighth an nual session of the OAS General Assembly ended in Washington July 1 after eight days of debate dominated by the human rights issue. On the last day, the Assembly passed a resolution extending the mandate of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR), which investigated alle gations of rights abuse in countries that belonged to the OAS. The Assembly also approved resolu tions asking Chile to continue its recent policy of reducing repression; urging Paraguay to take certain steps to increase respect for human rights, and calling on Uruguay to admit a panel from the IACHR to investigate charges of systematic rights abuse by the Uruguayan military government. (In other, unrelated measures, the Assembly resolved to open negotiations with the U.S. for collective economic aid, and to begin consultations toward reduc ing Latin American military spending. (The Assembly also passed resolutions expressing concern over growing trade protectionism in developed countries—im plicitly, the U.S.—and setting vague guidelines for multinational corporations operating in Latin American nations. The guidelines asked, among other things, that multinationals not interfere in the internal affairs of those countries, and stated that the countries’ courts had exclusive juris diction over the multinationals’ activities there.)
LATIN AMERICA 1978 During the Assembly session the IACHR had released reports accusing the Uruguayan and Paraguayan governments of consistently violating the human rights of their citizens. The 70-page report on Uruguay found “serious violations . ... of the rights to life, liberty and personal security; freedom of opinion, expression and dissemination of ideas; fair trial and due process of law; freedom of assembly and association, and the right to vote and to participate in government.” The report said Uruguayan political prisoners were subjected to various forms of torture, including beatings, electric shocks, sexual attacks and immersion in tanks of water, vomit, blood and urine. In one method of torture, called “the horse,” nude prisoners were forced to ride a gyrat ing sawhorse until their genitals were in jured, the report said. The report also denounced the Uru guayan government for refusing to allow the IACHR to make investigations in Uruguay, and for refusing to prosecute Uruguayan security officers who were ac cused of torturing and/or killing prisoners. The report was rejected June 28 by the Uruguayan government, which asserted in a 155-page rebuttal that “no form of tor ture or mistreatment is used in any place of detention, arrest or confinement” in Uruguay. The reply confirmed that 20 of 25 Uruguayans listed in the IACHR report had died in police custody, but it denied they had been tortured. The reply also confirmed that a number of detainees had been hospitalized with “traumatic le sions and other abnormal conditions” resulting from clashes with security officers. Uruguayan Foreign Minister Alejandro Rovira denounced the report’s “con demnatory assessments” and said his government hoped to have “a more objec tive and fruitful dialogue” with the IACHR in the future. However, he did not invite the IACHR to come to Uruguay to verify his government’s contention that it respected human rights. The IACHR’s report on Paraguay ac cused its government of committing ‘‘constant” violations of human rights, including illegal imprisonment, possible murder and the use of “every form of cruelty” against prisoners.
REGIONAL DEVELOPMENTS These allegations were denied June 30 by Paraguay’s delegate to the OAS, Luis Argana, who dismissed the report as “tendentious, unfounded” and “sensa tionalist.” Argana charged that re port was based “not on concrete evi dence but on allegations” by “mer cenaries” who opposed the Paraguayan government. Argana asserted that “cruel invasion by guerrillas” from surrounding countries had forced the Paraguayan government to keep the country under a state of siege for the past 30 years. He said he could prove that alleged victims of torture in Paraguay actually had died for other reasons, including violent lovers’ quarrels. Argana’s remarks evoked rebuttal from the chairman of the IACHR, Andres Aguilar of Venezuela, who said the OAS had shown “Franciscan patience” with Paraguay’s stalling tactics and its refusal to allow an on-the-spot investigation by the rights commission. Aguilar said the human rights situation in Paraguay was one of “chronic evil.” The Paraguayan government agreed later June 30 to allow the IACHR to send an investigative panel to Paraguay, but it did not say when. Human Rights Convention Enacted. The American Convention on Human Rights finally came into force July 18 when Grenada became the 11th member of the Organization of American States to ratify it. Drafted by the OAS General Assembly in 1969, the convention established the Inter-American Court of Human Rights and gave a firmer legal basis to the OAS’ Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, whose mandate previously had de pended on periodic resolutions by the General Assembly. The court would be based in San Jose, Costa Rica, where the convention was drafted. Modeled on the European Court of Human Rights, it would have seven judges elected by the General Assembly. The court would sit at least 10 days a year and hear cases brought by individuals, by the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights or by countries that had ratified the convention. The court’s judg ments—including fines for countries that were found to have violated human rights—would be considered “final and
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not subject to appeal,” according to the convention. The convention had serious weaknesses, however. Three of the largest Latin American countries—Argentina, Brazil and Mexico—had refused to ratify it. In addition, all but one of the ratifying coun tries (Costa Rica) had attached reserva tions to their ratifications that would weaken the court’s authority. Some countries had discovered that the convention’s principles conflicted with their own laws, according to the Latin America Political Report July 28. The convention stipulated, for example, that the death penalty should not be reinstated by states that had abolished it, and that it should be banned for political offenses. The convention also opposed abortion, which could pose a problem for the U.S., where abortion was legal. President Carter had signed the conven tion in 1977 and had vowed in June to press the U.S. Senate to ratify it. When Carter made his promise, only eight nations had ratified the convention. Panama and El Salvador soon added their approval, and Peru was moving toward ratification when Grenada contributed the required 11th endorsement. The other ratifying nations were Colombia, Ecuador, Guatemala, Haiti, Honduras, the Dominican Republic and Venezuela.
Press Censorship IAPA Backs Press Freedom. The Inter American Press Association concluded its 34th general assembly in Miami Oct. 13 by adopting a series of resolutions defend ing freedom of the press in the Americas. In the most important resolutions, the association: ■ Urged Cuba to release journalists who had been jailed for opposing its Com munist government. ■ Asked Chile to restore full press freedom, beginning with the withdrawal of Decree 107, which required government approval of any new publication. ■ Denounced Peru’s new press law for failing to restore press freedom or to return expropriated newspapers to their former owners.
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8 ■ Criticized Nicaraguan President Anastasio Somoza for violating freedom of the press and information and for allegedly not trying hard enough to find and punish the assassins of Pedro Joaquin Chamorro, the late director of the Managua newspaper La Prensa. ■ Expressed alarm at growing infringe ments on First Amendment rights in the U.S., notably the jailing of New York Times reporter Myron Farber for refusing to hand over his notes for use in a murder trial in New Jersey. ■ Demanded that the Argentine govern ment try or release jailed journalists, and return the newspaper La Opinion to its former owners (including its publisher, Ja cobo Timerman, who was under house ar rest). The IAPA also approved the annual report of its Freedom of the Press Com mittee, which rated countries according to their degrees of press liberty. The com mission: ■ Found that there was press freedom, with only occasional threats or limitations, in the Bahamas, Barbados, Bolivia, Canada, Colombia, Costa Rica, the Dominican Republic, Honduras, Jamaica, the U.S. and Venezuela. ■ Reported that there was no press freedom in Cuba, Panama, Paraguay, Peru and Uruguay, and that there were severe restrictions on the press in Chile, Haiti and Nicaragua. ■ Found that there were less severe limi tations on press freedom in Argentina, Ecuador, El Salvador, Guatemala, Gu yana and Mexico.
Economic & Other Developments '77 Economic Performance Poor. Latin American economies were characterized by slow growth and continuing rises in unemployment in 1977, according to the annual report of the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB), Economic and Social
Progress in
Latin America,
released Sept. 10. The economic growth rate of Latin American countries slowed to an average of 4.5% in 1977, the report said, due largely to the “lagging effects” of the
1974-75 recession in the industrial coun tries and to the region’s difficulties in adjusting to higher oil prices. The regional unemployment rate reached alarming proportions, meanwhile, due in great part to the staggering growth of the labor force to 97 million in 1975 from 67 million in 1960. “The projected increase to the year 2000 is equally awesome,” the report said, foreseeing a Latin American labor force of 194 million at the turn of the century. Among other economic developments emphasized in the report: ■ Inflation became more pervasive in the region, although some countries with extreme inflation managed to bring it somewhat under control. Only Costa Rica managed to hold its inflation rate to 5% or less. ■ There was significant reduction in the external debts of Latin American nations because of a sharp rise in their exports at least equal to the strong upsurge in 1976. Agricultural production picked up after a slight slowdown in its rate of increase in 1975 and 1976. The report was emphatic in rendering its judgment that Latin America’s economic performance in 1977 was “not satisfacto ry-” Development Plans Collapse. Members of the Caribbean Common Market (Cari com) had abandoned their plans to es tablish joint development projects in several areas, according to the Latin America Economic Report Jan. 13. The plans—for regional aluminum smelters, a regional food corporation and a collectively owned shipping firm— collapsed under a number of economic pressures, the Report said. Among these: ■ Jamaica, the most populous of Caricom’s 12 members, signed agreements with non-Caricom countries while discuss ing similar ventures with the Caricom states. Jamaica arranged to sell raw ma terials to Venezuela’s aluminum-smelting industry and to start a jointly owned com mercial shipping company with Mexico. ■ Most Caricom members, particularly Jamaica and Guyana, had large deficits in their budgets and balance of payments, which prevented them from making firm financial commitments to joint projects.
REGIONAL DEVELOPMENTS ■ Trinidad & Tobago was making so much money from its oil exports, and find ing it so easy to raise more money abroad, that it had decided to go it alone on development projects. A 150,000-ton alu minum smelter in which Jamaica and Guyana were to have participated, would now be built by Trinidad alone. The project would cost $334 million and be completed by 1982. Trinidad also had established a govern ment shipping company in partnership with Seatrain Lines of New York. And it had decided to create its own food and ag ricultural corporation to reduce food im ports. Caricom had been undermined further by the adoption of protectionist trade policies in Jamaica and Guyana. Acute shortages of foreign exchange had forced the two countries to curb imports from fellow Caricom states, undercutting the regional free trade that was Caricom’s main achievement, according to the Latin America Economic Report. This development further alienated Trinidad & Tobago from Caricom, for as the region’s leading manufacturer, Trinidad stood the most to lose from pro tectionist policies among its neighbors. Between January and October 1977 Trinidad’s exports to Jamaica alone fell by 39.2% compared with 1976, the Report noted. U.S. Economic Ties Discussed. The Second Annual Caribbean Conference on Trade, Investment and Development met in Miami for several days of discussions on U.S. economic relations with the Carib bean, it was reported Jan. 22. The conference, attended by about 600 businessmen and bankers, heard ad dresses from government officials such as President Joaquin Balaguer of the Dominican Republic and U.S. Assistant Secretary of State Terence A. Todman. Balaguer warned the conference that poverty, high birth rates and “extreme politicization” had put Caribbean coun tries “on the verge of social catastrophe.” Todman said that two-way trade between the U.S. and Caribbean states to taled more than $6 billion. “The health of the Caribbean economies affects [American] citizens in other ways,” he added. “Unless we can help foster the
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development of industries and jobs in the Caribbean, our communities will face a continued wave of legal and illegal immi grants.” Eight Nations Sign Amazon Pact. The eight South American nations that shared the Amazon River basin signed an agreement July 3 to develop the region’s resources and protect its natural environ ment. The accord, known as the Amazon Cooperation Treaty, was signed in Brasilia by the foreign ministers of Brazil—which governed the largest portion of the 5-million-square-mile territory—and Venezuela, Colombia, Guyana, Surinam, Ecuador, Peru and Bolivia. The pact guaranteed “the broadest possible freedom of navigation of the Amazon River and the other rivers in the area,” and committed the eight countries to cooperate in building roads linking the Amazon delta with points in each of their respective national territories. The treaty also: ■ Provided for multinational biological research and the exchange of information to ensure “the rational use of the region’s flora and fauna in order to maintain an ecological balance and preserve its various species.” ■ Vowed to preserve “the ethnic and archeological wealth” of the area, refer ring to the dozens of primitive Indian tribes that lived there, some totally isolated from civilization. ■ Provided for the establishment of an Amazon Cooperation Council that would meet annually to assess the progress and application of the treaty, and would be staffed by each of the signatory countries on a rotating basis. The treaty was proposed by Brazil and pushed through from first draft to final signature in 15 months, a remarkably short time, according to the Latin America Political Report July 7. World Bank Loans Increase. The World Bank’s annual report said the bank’s development loans in Latin America and the Caribbean had reached a record $2.1 billion in fiscal year 1978, which ended June 30, according to the Latin American Index Sept. 15.
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The 1978 figure was $217 million, or 11%, above the lending total for fiscal 1977. Brazil, Mexico and Colombia, in that order, borrowed the largest sums from the bank in fiscal 1978. Brazil borrowed a total of $705 million, Mexico $469.5 million and Colombia $354.6 million. (Brazil was the world’s largest borrower from international banks in the first half of 1978, receiving a total of $1.76 billion, ac cording to statistics of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Develop ment, cited by the Latin America Eco nomic Report Aug. 25.) Export Bank Founded—Latin Amer ica’s first regional export bank, the Banco Latinoamericano de Exportaciones, S.A., was incorporated in Panama, it was reported Sept. 8. The bank would have $25 million in capital subscriptions provided by 23 Latin American governments and other inves tors, according to officials of the Interna tional Finance Corp. (IFC), an affiliate of the World Bank. The IFC would contribute a share of $2.5 million of the initial equity capital. The new bank would help finance the exports of its member nations, the IFC said. Its executive vice president would be Arthur Giraldi, formerly a senior vice president with Bank of America in San Francisco. Parana Waters Diverted for Dam. The waters of the Parana River between Brazil and Paraguay were diverted into a bypass canal Oct. 20 to allow construction of the central section of the massive Itaipu dam and hydroelectric station. A joint project of the Brazilian and Paraguayan governments, Itaipu would be the largest power station in the world, generating 12.6 million kilowatts of elec tricity—six times the capacity of the Aswan High Dam in Egypt. Brazilian President Ernesto Geisel and Paraguayan President Alfredo Stroessner pulled the switch that detonated 58 tons of dynamite, pulverizing two dikes and send ing the Parana waters into the bypass canal. The two leaders also signed a contract under which a group of European com
LATIN AMERICA 1978
panies would supply 18 turbine generators to Itaipu at a cost of $850 million. The firms were Brown Boveri Ltd. of Switzer land; Brown Boveri, Siemens and Voith of West Germany, and Creusot Loire and Societe Alsthom Atlantiqueof France. Brazil and Paraguay would share Itaipu’s power equally. Brazil would use it for industrial development in Sao Paulo and other southern areas, while Paraguay, a poor agrarian country, would sell most of its share back to Brazil. Itaipu was only one of three hydro electric stations planned on the Parana. The other two were joint ArgentineParaguayan projects, at Yacyreta-Apipe and Corpus downstream where the Pa rana formed part of the border between Argentina and Paraguay. Argentina had been concerned for several years over Itaipu, fearing that the huge dam would diminish the capacity of the stations at Yacyreta-Apipe and Corpus. Argentine representatives had met with Brazilian and Paraguayan officials to discuss the issue, but it was not known whether they reached an agreement to calm the Argentines’ fears. While the Itaipu project was expected to cost $12 billion, Yacyreta-Apipe was expected to cost $3.2 billion and have a generating capacity of 3.3 million kilo watts. Corpus, which would be located between Itaipu and Yacyreta-Apipe, had a projected capacity of six million kilowatts and no estimated cost as yet. There was some speculation that Corpus was not a serious plan, but just an Argentine bargaining card to be used against the Brazilians, according to the Fi nancial Times (London) July 28. King Visits Latin America. For the second time in little more than a year, King Juan Carlos I visited Latin America. His stops this time were Mexico Nov. 17-22, Peru Nov. 22-26 and Argentina Nov. 26-30. As before, the king emphasized Spain’s good relations and ethnic ties with Latin American countries, and he promoted trade between Madrid arid its former colonies. Specifically, Spain sought to sell indus trial goods and technology and to insure imports of such commodities as Mexican oil, Peruvian copper and Argentine meat and wheat, according to the Latin America Political Report Dec. 1.
REGIONAL DEVELOPMENTS
A large group of commercial and indus trial officials accompanied the monarch, meeting with their local counterparts in each country. Few specific trade agree ments were signed during the trip, although there were general accords on economic and technical cooperation. Juan Carlos and Queen Sofia received an extremely warm welcome in Mexico Nov. 17. Spain had resumed diplomatic relations with Mexico in March 1977, after a long hiatus caused by Mexico’s support of Republican forces during and after the Spanish Civil War. Since the resumption, trade between the two coun tries had nearly doubled, with a surplus on Mexico’s side because of the high cost of its oil exports. While trade was on the agenda of the king’s discussions with Mexican President Jose Lopez Portillo, the monarch concen trated on promoting Spain’s new image as a European democracy. He made ap pearances in several Mexican cities, confirming one Mexican official’s opinion that his visit was “symbolic and psycholog ical rather than commercial.” The Spanish monarch was received with equal warmth in Peru Nov. 22. Two days later he received an honorary doctorate from San Marcos University in Lima “in recognition of the democratic principles that guide [the king’s] government poli cy-” In Buenos Aires Nov. 26 Juan Carlos was welcomed warmly by throngs of Argentines but coolly by the country’s military leaders. The restrained official reception was attributed to differences between the king and the Argentine junta over human rights, although Juan Carlos was careful to make only general public remarks on individual liberties during his stay in Buenos Aires. Relatives of political prisoners and persons who had disappeared presented a letter to the king Nov. 27 appealing for his help in locating and freeing their loved ones. As the king lay a wreath at a monu ment in Buenos Aires that day, a woman pleaded for his help in finding her daugh ter. She was restrained by security offi cers. The monarch appeared to ignore the incident, but later he reportedly expressed concern to Argentine President Jorge Videla over the large number of prisoners in Argentina.
11 That night, at a banquet in his honor, Juan Carlos said that “political order and social peace can have no other foundations than the dignity of the person, the inviola ble rights of man and respect for the law.” Apparently to emphasize his desire to see civilian rule restored in Argentina, the king met Nov. 28 with former President Arturo Frondizi and Radical Party leader Ricardo Balbin. The next day he conferred with other civilian politicians, a Peronist labor leader and retired Adm. Emilio Massera, an outspoken critic of the junta’s slow timetable for a return to democratic rule.
Beagle Channel Territorial Dispute Argentina, Chile Quarrel over Islands. A
long-standing dispute between Argentina and Chile over the ownership of three is lands intensified in January and February. The islands, called Lennox, Nueva and Picton, were located at the eastern en trance to the Beagle Channel, just below Tierra del Fuego at the southern tip of South America. [See map] Both Ar gentina and Chile had claimed sovereignty over the islands for more than 100 years, and Argentina had persisted in its claim after the islands were occupied by Chile. The two countries agreed in 1971 to submit their dispute to arbitration by Queen Elizabeth II of Great Britain. The Queen accepted and appointed an arbitra tion panel of five judges from the Interna tional Court of Justice, only one of whom was British. After six years of study, the panel ruled in Chile’s favor. Its decision was endorsed by the Queen on April 18, 1977 and published on May 2, 1977. Chile immediately accepted it. According to a previous agreement, Argentina was given nine months to protest the manner in which the decision was reached, but the ruling was nonetheless binding and was scheduled to be implemented on May 2, 1978. Argentina made it clear toward the end of 1977 that it would not accept the Queen’s decision. Adm. Emilio Massera, commander of the Argentine navy, traveled to the Argentine town of Ushu-
12
LATIN AMERICA 1978
Large map shows southern tip of South America and three islands disputed by Chile and Argentina. Small map insert shows Chile and Argentina in their entirety.
aia, on the Beagle Channel, and declared that Argentina would not yield “a single step” in its dispute with Chile. The Chilean press noted soon afterward that the Argentine navy had gone on ma neuvers in the general area of the islands and that additional troops had been sent to Argentine army and air force outposts in the south, it was reported Jan. 6. The Ar gentine government announced Jan.8 that it had sent two submarines and one air craft carrier into the region. In addition, Argentine soldiers in the southern terri tory of Patagonia arrested more than 2,000 Chileans who were living in city slums without proper documentation, it was reported Jan. 12. The Argentines were upset about several things, according to the London Times Jan. 19. Soon after the Queen’s rul ing was published, Chile issued a decree and map claiming that possession of the three islands gave Chile the right to claim a 200-mile “economic zone” in waters of the south Atlantic hitherto controlled by Argentina. Chile increased the tension early in January by claiming possession of
all other islands south of the Beagle Chan nel to Cape Horn. Finally, the Times noted, Chile’s pres ident, Gen. Augusto Pinochet, charged early in January that “certain Marxist elements” were responsible for Ar gentina’s rejection of the Queen’s ruling. This infuriated the right-wing Argentine military officers who were taking a hard line on the Beagle Channel. As Argentina continued its military buildup in the south, Chile responded with a buildup of its own and a proposal for a meeting between Pinochet and Argentine President Jorge Videla. The two generals conferred for five hours Jan. 19 in Men doza, Argentina, but they apparently made no headway in resolving the dispute. A second meeting between the two presidents was scheduled for the next week, but Chile postponed it without explanation Jan. 24. The apparent reason for the postponement was Argentina’s de cision to issue a formal rejection of the Queen’s ruling Jan. 25. The rejection was contained in a note given by the Argentine foreign minister to
REGIONAL DEVELOPMENTS the Chilean ambassador and the British charge d’affaires in Buenos Aires. The note asserted that the Queen’s arbitration award was “issued in disagreement with international law” and that Argentina would not recognize any Chilean claims “over territory or any maritime area” that were based on the award. The note sug gested that Argentina and Chile hold bi lateral negotiations on their differences. Replying Jan. 26, the Chilean govern ment reminded Argentina that the Queen’s arbitration was binding under two treaties signed by Argentina and Chile: a 1902 treaty making such arbitration possi ble and the 1971 agreement arranging for arbitration of the Beagle Channel dispute. Chile said it was willing to negotiate with Argentina, but “such negotiations can never deal . . . with questions resolved by the decision of Her Britannic Majesty.” The Queen stepped in Jan. 30 and reaffirmed the validity of her ruling. Pi nochet sent a letter to Videla Jan. 31 ask ing him to reduce the number of troops near Chile’s borders and asserting that Chile “refuses to accept negotiations under the pressure of threats.” The Ar gentine foreign minister declared Feb. 3 that his country would take “all measures necessary” to defend Argentine sover eignty in the Beagle Channel. Argentina began new naval maneuvers in the south Atlantic Feb. 10, sending an aircraft carrier and about 50 other vessels into the Beagle Channel area. A navy spokesman said the operation would “demonstrate the navy’s state of alert and the effectiveness of our personnel against any contingency.”
Dispute Negotiated—The government of Chile and Argentina began negotiations in Santiago March 1 to resolve their dispute over territorial rights in the Beagle Chan nel and the south Atlantic. The talks had been arranged Feb. 20 at a meeting in southern Chile between Chilean President Augusto Pinochet Ugarte and his Argentine counterpart, Gen. Jorge Videla. The two signed an agreement providing for three stages of negotiation: first, a 45-day session in which “conditions of harmony” would be es tablished; next, a six-month analysis of the jurisdictional claims of each country, and finally, the drafting and ratification of agreements.
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Although the meeting between Pinochet and Videla appeared to be friendly, Pi nochet angered Argentine officials by de claring flatly that the decision of an international arbitration panel awarding Chile three islands in the Beagle Channel was not a subject for negotiation. (Ar gentina, which had agreed to the arbitra tion, rejected the award on grounds that it violated “international law.”) Chile’s Foreign Ministry followed March 10 with a statement declaring that Argentina’s rejection of the award “lacks any force or juridical value.” At the heart of the Beagle Channel dispute, according to the New York Times Feb. 20, was the eagerness of each country to exploit the oil, gas and fishing resources that were presumed to exist in the area south of the channel extending to Antarctica. Ownership of the islands in the channel was important because it gave the owning country grounds to claim a 200-mile “economic zone” around the is lands. Argentina and Chile ended six months of negotiations Nov. 2 without resolving the principal issues in the dispute. To break the impasse, Chile suggested that a third country be asked to mediate. After some hesitation, Argentina agreed Nov. 7. A communique that was issued at the end of the negotiations revealed that the two sides still disagreed on: ■ Ownership of three islands at the en trance of the Beagle Channel, which had been awarded to Chile in 1977 by an arbi tration board appointed by Great Britain’s Queen Elizabeth II. ■ Ownership of several other islands between the Beagle Channel and Cape Horn. ■ A boundary line in the area and local sea rights for each country. ■ Sea rights in a portion of the Strait of Magellan where Chile was exploring for oil. The heart of the dispute was the islands at the entrance to the channel—Nueva, Picton and Lennox. When the arbitration commission awarded them to Chile, its military government claimed Atlantic waters that had always been considered Argentine, and sought to enlarge Chile’s sector of Antarctica. Argentina balked
14
and declared the arbitration award null and void. After a series of bellicose threats, Ar gentina proposed a compromise under which the three islands would be Chilean but Chile would renounce all claims to At lantic waters. Chile refused, and President Augusto Pinochet delivered a harangue against Argentina that set the armed forces of both countries to threatening war. Under these circumstances, it was difficult for the negotiations to succeed. The atmosphere was made even more tense by military maneuvers on both sides and increased purchases of arms and am munition by the Chilean and Argentine armed forces. Argentina called up 500,000 reservists Oct. 11, and staged blackouts and air-raid drills in Buenos Aires and cities on the Chilean border. As a result of the quarrel, trade between Chile and Argentina, which amounted to $400 million a year, virtually came to a halt. Argentina held up a ship ment of trucks, cars and chassis from Brazil to Chile, but finally let it through after arousing the enmity of the Brazilian government, it was reported Sept. 15. Argentina had a more powerful army and air force than Chile, but the Chilean navy was skilled at navigating the tur bulent southern waters, and Chilean waters in the Beagle Channel area were mined. War would be extremely risky for both sides, in any event, because Chile feared intervention by Peru and Bolivia on Argentina’s side, and Argentina feared in tervention by Brazil. Peru and Bolivia both had lost territory to Chile in the War of the Pacific at the end of the 19th century, and Bolivia was particularly adamant about regaining its maritime provinces. In a move aimed at least partly at Chile, Argentine President Jorge Videla met with Bolivian President
LATIN AMERICA 1978 Juan Pereda Oct. 25 and expressed sup port for Bolivia’s quest for an outlet to the Pacific Ocean. The foreign ministers of Chile and Argentina held another meeting on the Beagle Channel Dec. 12 but failed to agree on a mediator tO' help resolve their dispute. Chilean Foreign Minister Hernan Cu billos, who flew to Buenos Aires for the meeting, said on returning to Santiago Dec. 13 that Chile had accepted Argenti na’s suggestion that Pope John Paul II be the mediator. Chile had refused, however, to agree to the drawing of a demarcation line dividing the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans on a meridian passing through Cape Horn, Cubillos said. “These and other demands of the Argentine government limiting the action of the mediator prevented a final agree ment,” Cubillos asserted. The failure of this latest round of talks fueled fears of a war over the Beagle Channel. Both Argentina and Chile put their military forces on full alert Dec. 15, but the tension eased somewhat the next evening when Argentina vowed to “ex haust all efforts toward a peaceful settle ment.” Pope John Paul had sent letters to Argentine President Jorge Videla and Chilean President Augusto Pinochet Dec. 12 urging them to continue negotiations “obviating steps that could lead to unfore seeable consequences.” The U.S. too had urged the two sides to reach a peaceful solution, asking the Orga nization of American States Dec. 12 to consult with Chile and Argentina on ways of resolving the territorial dispute. The U.S. State Department said Dec. 15 that it was working vigorously to help end the conflict, but it did not specify how.
Argentina
Prisoners & Rights Abuses Government Names Political Prisoners.
In an apparent response to pressure from Washington, the Argentine government made public five lists naming 2,314 citizens who were in jail for political reasons. The first list, released Feb. 3, named 703 women being held in the Villa Devoto prison outside Buenos Aires. The second, issued Feb. 13, named 798 men who were jailed in the city of La Plata, and the third, reported Feb. 19, listed 423 men being held in the province of Santa Fe. Another list, made public April 9, named 158, and an April 12 list named 232. Human rights activists in Argentina said the first list contained the names of 14 women who had been reported to have dis appeared. Families of other prisoners on the list said they had known their relatives were in jail, but had not known where. The Argentine government had said in December 1977, after announcing the release of 432 political prisoners, that 3,607 prisoners were still being held under the state of siege, that is, for political reasons. However, foreign sources said the number of prisoners was actually much higher. A U.S. State Department report, cited in the issue of the Spanish magazine Cambio 16 that went on sale Feb. 13, said 15
there were between 12,000 and 17,000 political prisoners in Argentina. Only 5,500 to 7,500 of the prisoners were being held in official jails, the report said; the others were in secret military camps and police detention centers. The report said only 14% of the prisoners could be described as “subver sives.” The great majority of the detainees were persons who opposed government policies in ways that other countries would find completely acceptable. Some were ar rested because they were relatives, friends or colleagues of other prisoners, and a small number—between 1,000 and 2,000—were in jail “by mistake,” the report said. U.S. Secretary of State Cyrus Vance had read a summary of this report before he visited Argentina in November and dis cussed the human rights issue with Pres ident Jorge Rafael Videla, Cambio 16 reported. Videla’s refusal to do anything substan tive about political prisoners after Vance’s visit had greatly disappointed the U.S. government and led it to increase its pressure on Argentina regarding human rights, according to the New York Times Jan. 29. The release of the lists of prisoners was an apparent response to this pressure. Still, this was not enough to satisfy some U.S. officials. Edward Mezvinsky, the American delegate to the United Na tions Human Rights Commission in Ge-
16 neva, singled out Argentina March 6 as a nation where human rights were con sistently violated. Mezvinsky said that despite the release of some prisoners in December 1977 and the publication of the lists in February, the “tragic disappearances” of human rights activists were continuing in Argentina. U.S. Rep. Silvio O. Conte (R, Mass.) called March 13 for the release of Jacobo Timerman, a former newspaper publisher who had been held without trial in Ar gentina since April 1977. Conte said the Argentine government’s treatment of Timerman was a “blatant example of dis regard for . . . human rights.” Meanwhile, reports of new arrests ap peared in the foreign press. Argentine human rights sources quoted in the Miami Herald Feb. 19 said 75 persons were reported to have disappeared in January. 87 Sect Members Arrested. Eighty-seven members of the Divine Light mis sion, a religious sect whose devotees followed the Indian-born guru Maharaj Ji, were arrested in the resort city of Mar del Plata on charges of using drugs and practicing their faith, which had been declared illegal by the Argentine govern ment, it was reported Feb. 15. Six members of a sect called the Center of Inner Religion were arrested Feb. 16 in Resistencia (Chaco Province), and 15 Je hovah’s Witnesses were reported Feb. 19 to have been arrested in Villa Regina (Rio Negro Province). The Jehovah’s Witnesses had been outlawed in 1976 on grounds that their sect “may have evil designs.” The Divine Light Mission and another Indianoriented sect, the Hare Krishna move ment, also had been prohibited that year. (The government decreed Feb. 14 that all religions except Roman Catholicism must register with the state or be banned. The decree said that religious orders con sidered “injurious to the public order, na tional security, morality or good habits” could be refused registration. Argentina was 90% Roman Catholic. There were an estimated 600,000 Jews and at least 500,000 Protestants in the country.) In recent arrests, security forces had seized 60 Jehovah’s Witnesses in Mar del Plata, it was reported March 21. Another 30 members of that sect were arrested in Andalgaba March 29. The detentions
LATIN AMERICA 1978
were denounced March 31 by the Buenos Aires Herald, an English-language news paper, which said Argentina seemed to be suffering “one of the greatest eruptions of religious persecution in its history as an in dependent nation.” Meanwhile, the Catholic church continued to pressure the government to release other prisoners, including two French nuns who were active in human rights groups. A commission of Argentine bishops had asked President Jorge Videla to free all prisoners who had not been brought to trial, it was reported March 21. Videla met with three archbishops April 10 and admitted that 3,600 Argentines were being held without trial. He said, however, that they were not political prisoners but “subversive or economic de linquents,” and that they would eventually be tried for terrorism or corruption. He added that any priests under arrest were being held for crimes, not for churchrelated activities. 55 Die in Prison Riot. Authorities at the Villa Devoto prison outside Buenos Aires said that 55 inmates were killed and 78 in jured March 14 when prisoners rioted and set fire to their bedding and furniture. The authorities said all the deaths were caused by burns and asphyxiation result ing from the fires—not by the retaliatory action of prison guards, who used tear and nauseating gas to subdue the rioters. However, persons who lived near the prison reported hearing gunshots during the riot, and there were unconfirmed reports that a prison guard had been shot to death by inmates. The riot occurred in a cellblock of 161 prisoners, most of whom had been sentenced for drug-related crimes. Villa Devoto’s 700 political prisoners were kept in another cellblock and did not par ticipate in the disturbance. No reason for the riot was given. News papers speculated that the mutiny might have been a protest against Villa Devoto’s overcrowding (the prison had 4,000 inmates although it was built for only 2,500). There were also reports that prison guards had fired on a car that was cruising the Villa Devoto area before the riot. Newspapers speculated that the car was to have helped in a break-out planned to coincide with the riot.
ARGENTINA
The last major uprising in an Argentine prison occurred in December 1962, when 10 guards and between 50 and 100 prisoners were killed in a riot at Villa Devoto. No official death toll in this rebellion was ever given. Timerman Leaves Jail. Jacobo Timerman, former publisher of the news paper La Opinion, was freed from prison April 17, one year after his arrest for un specified “economic crimes” related to the Graiver guerrilla-financing scandal. Timerman remained under house ar rest, however, as the government continued to investigate his financial affairs. Despite the fact that he had been convicted of no crime, he had been stripped of his rights and La Opinion had been taken over by the government. Timerman’s imprisonment had become a symbol of human rights abuse in Ar gentina and, to some, an example of antiSemitism by the military government. International journalists’ groups and the U.S. government, among others, had ap plied pressure for Timerman’s release. The U.S. Embassy said April 17 that it viewed his transfer to house arrest as “en couraging.” But months later he remained under house arrest despite the fact that the Supreme Court ruled fa vorably July 24 on a writ of habeas corpus filed by his wife.
OAS Rights Probe Set. The military junta agreed to let a delegation from the Organization of American States’ human rights commission visit Argentina to inves tigate charges of rights abuse by the government, it was reported Oct. 19. No date for the investigation was set, but Foreign Ministry sources told the Washington Post it would take place before July 1979. Local human rights groups and the U.S. government had been pressuring the junta to allow an investigation, charging that political arrests, kidnappings and murders were still common in Argentina despite the apparent eradication of left-wing guer rillas over the past two years. The Carter Administration had dis closed July 19 that until the junta improved its rights record, the U.S. Export-Import Bank (Eximbank) would
17
not lend Argentina $270 million it needed to buy American turbines for a large hydroelectric project. After this stance was criticized by the Argentine govern ment and press and by U.S. business executives in Buenos Aires, the Adminis tration reversed itself Sept. 26 and ap proved the loan. The Administration refused, however, to allow the junta to buy more than $100 million worth of American arms and military spare parts. The State Department’s human rights coordinator, Patricia Derian, had angered the junta in August by telling a congressional panel that Argentine ter rorists and political dissidents were sub jected to “systematic torture” and “sum mary executions,” and that the human rights situation in Argentina was not im proving. The Argentine Foreign Ministry expressed “indignation” over Derian’s testimony, and Argentine newspapers car ried stories about alleged human rights abuse in the U.S., it was reported Aug. 20. Argentine rights groups, meanwhile, continued to demand information from the junta on the 3,000 persons they said had disappeared since the 1976 military coup. Most were thought to have been arrested and possibly killed by security forces or right-wing terrorists. The Permanent Assembly on Human Rights gave the government a list of 151 persons it said had disappeared in the first half of 1978, it was reported Aug. 8. The government continued to deny that there were any political prisoners—it said there were only jailed “terrorists” and “common criminals”—and it announced Aug. 7 that during the first half of the year it had found 201 persons who were sup posed to have vanished. The regime did not say so, but it implied that the 201 were all safe in their homes. Human rights or ganizations said, however, that none of the 201 was on their lists of disappeared persons, it was reported Aug. 8. Press in Danger. The Argentine press association (Adepa) accused the govern ment Sept. 23 of tolerating not only the arrest but the kidnapping and murder of journalists. The Inter American Press Association reported Oct. 9 that Argentine journalists faced not only official reprisals for what they wrote but “the possibility of para-official rep
18
risals by elements of the military acting without higher authority.” Almost 80 journalists were under ar rest in Argentina, according to the Latin America Political Report March 17. Enrique Esteban, a reporter for the Buenos Aires newspaper Clarin, was kid napped with his wife July 23 by nine armed men claiming to be security officers. His wife was freed after the men interrogated her for five hours, but Esteban was held. The Spanish news agency EFE reported Oct. 7 that Esteban was being held by the army, which had formally accused him of helping a guerrilla group. The army, however, announced Sept. 30 that it had found Esteban bound and gagged in a car in Bahia Blanca and had released him. Three other journalists were kidnapped and did not reappear. Julian Delgado, edi tor of the business journals Mercado and El Cronista Comercial, vanished June 4. Luis Cordoba and his wife, Alcira Rios de Cordoba, who worked for the newspaper El Litoral, were abducted July 23 in San Nicolas, 155 miles north of Buenos Aires. Juan Nazar, a Buenos Aires province newspaper publisher who was kidnapped in July 1977, was released Aug. 26. He refused to say anything about his year long captivity. Finally, Horacio Aguila, director of the conservative weekly magazine Confirmado, was shot to death by unidentified gunmen Aug. 28. Press Loses Air-Fare Discount—The Ar gentine government had decided to abolish the traditional 50% reduction in fares for journalists traveling on state airlines, ships and other transport, the Miami Herald reported Oct. 27. The decision was denounced by spokesmen for various newspapers, who called it a vicious blow against the press. The cut-rate fares, according to the Buenos Aires daily Cronica, were an “inalienable right.” Many members of the press already believed that government security forces were behind the numerous kidnappings, beatings and murders of Argentine journalists. The attacks seemed to be random, victimizing leftist, moderate and conservative newsmen alike. The press was being allowed to criticize the government’s economic policies—
LATIN AMERICA 1978
possibly because the Economy Ministry was run by civilians—but it was not permitted to question the wisdom of the armed forces, the Herald noted. President Videla recently had called on the press to show its “valor and courage” by “saying all that njust be said, without hushing up anything . . . [or] straying from the truth.” But he warned that “at times it is necessary not to speak, but instead to keep a prudent silence when the general well-being is at stake.”
Other Arrests, Kidnappings—Amnesty International said it had received informa tion of at least 100 kidnappings in Ar gentina between May and August, it was reported Sept. 8. Many of the victims were presumed to be dead, but a considerable number were simply being held, according to the Latin America Political Report. Beatriz Perosio, president of the psychologists’ associations of both Buenos Aires province and Argentina, was abducted Aug. 8 by men claiming to be federal policemen. Thirty-five Buenos Aires union leaders were arrested, meanwhile, it was reported Sept. 22. Alfredo Bravo, secretary general of the teachers’ union and vice president of the Permanent Assembly on Human Rights, was moved to house arrest June 18 after being held in jail for over eight months without charge. Thirteen other political prisoners were apparently killed by security forces in in cidents that were described as shootouts and accidental detonations of terrorist bombs, according to the Latin America Political Report Sept. 8. The Permanent Assembly for Human Rights took out an advertisement in a Buenos Aires newspaper Oct. 22 to ask the government to free more than 1,000 women alleged to be political prisoners. The rights organization said at least 1,000 more women had disappeared, having been kidnapped and possibly killed by se curity forces or right-wing paramilitary groups.
Government & Politics President Retires From Army. President Jorge Rafael Videla retired from active
ARGENTINA
duty July 31, handing over his army com mand and his seat on the military junta to his friend and protege, Gen. Roberto Viola. Videla thus became the “fourth man” at the head of the Argentine government, a civilian president who ruled along with the three junta members. It was unclear, however, just how much power Videla would wield in relation to the junta. The 23-man military high command had decided May 2 to extend Videla’s term as president until March 1981, by which time the structure of the government presuma bly would change in accordance with a military pledge to create a broad-based, representative regime including civilian leaders. The decision was not reached easily, however, because of the navy’s opposition to Videla’s continued rule. The naval com mander, Adm. Emilio Massera, disap proved of the restrictive economic policies of Videla and his economy minister, Jose Martinez de Hoz, and he apparently felt the combination of Videla as president and Viola as army commander would further diminish the navy’s influence in the government. Massera felt, furthermore, that the government had to accept civilian members sooner than the army intended, and had to show more respect for human rights than it had recently, according to press reports. However, the army was too strong for the navy, and Massera’s objec tions were overruled. The army was ru mored to have made concessions to the navy in exchange for its eventual approval of Videla, but it was unclear what these were. Videla had said March 29 that in order to insure a “pluralistic” society, the armed forces wanted to hold a “working dialogue” with “the most representative figures of national life.” However, when the centrist Radical Civic Union, one of the “recessed” political parties, openly welcomed the prospective “dialogue,” the military cracked down on some of its leaders. Some 40 prominent Radicals issued a statement April 23 praising the govern ment’s pledge to restore democracy but criticizing the regime’s economic policies. Within hours two of the signatories, Carlos Perette and Antonio Truccoli, were hauled into police headquarters for questioning.
19 In a strong reply to the Radicals, In terior Minister Albano Harguindeguy declared April 26 that political parties would not be allowed to “raise their voices to advise or criticize the government.” Political parties, Harguindeguy asserted, “are necessary for the representative form of government that we seek in the fu ture, but not now.” Radical leader Ricardo Balbin sub sequently asked the government for per mission to meet with local party members in San Luis, and the government de murred. When the Radicals went ahead and met May 1 under the pretense of sharing an informal dinner, Balbin was ar rested for nine hours. The press also came under attack from the government around this time. Two newspapers, La Opinion and Cronica, were closed for three days beginning April 21 for reporting that the army com manders were about to extend Videla’s term as president. Although this was true, the papers were punished for implying that the navy and air force did not agree with the army (all decisions by the military junta theoretically must be unanimous). Despite these instances of repression, Videla reaffirmed May 29 and Aug. 1 that the armed forces would create a more liberal, representative government. He said May 29 that the army had decided ir revocably to “install a true, authentic and representative democracy, with full respect for our republican principles.” Videla asserted Aug. 1 that now that left-wing terrorism had been “defeated,” he would strive for “a civic-military con vergence” that would lead to the restora tion of democracy.
Videla Sees Eventual Democracy— President Jorge Videla admitted Sept. 5 that there had been considerable political repression in Argentina in recent years, but he said democracy eventually would be restored under his program of “na tional reorganization.” Speaking in Rome, where he attended the inauguration of Pope John Paul I, Videla said Argentine political parties would be allowed to resume activities “in due time.” But this would not occur, he asserted, until “these parties stop being vote-gathering enterprises and become true opinion-forming bodies.” He did not elaborate.
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Army Commander Gen. Roberto Viola had said earlier that Videla would be suc ceeded in 1981 by another military man chosen by the armed forces leadership, it was reported Aug. 23. The new president would serve a three-year term and be eligible for a second term, Viola said. Each of the three armed services, meanwhile, had prepared a plan for Ar gentina’s political future. A synthesis of the plans would be approved by top military leaders sometime in November and sent to the military junta for adoption, according to the Associated Press Oct. 15. The air force’s plan, reported by the Buenos Aires newspaper Clarin Oct. 12, called for the “institutionalization” of the armed forces’ role in government. It said the transition from a military regime to a constitutional government must be con trolled by “a party favorable to the military government.” Cabinet Shuffled. President Jorge Videla replaced five of his Cabinet ministers Nov. 6. The shuffle brought two new civilians into the Cabinet, but neither represented the political parties or the trade unions, which had hoped to get mini sterial posts under Gen. Videla’s promised “dialogue” with the opposition. Civilians Alberto Rodriguez Varela and Juan Llerena Amadeo were named justice minister and education minister, respec tively, while retired air force Brig. Carlos Washington Pastor became foreign minister, retired Rear Adm. David de la Riva was named defense minister and retired Rear Adm. Jorge Fraga, social welfare minister. Interior Minister Albano Harguindeguy, an army general, and Economy Minister Jose Martinez de Hoz, a civilian, kept their posts. Labor Minister Horacio Liendo, another army general, was also kept on but was expected to be replaced soon. The Cabinet changes were the first of Videla’s 2*