Lafayette in the Age of the American Revolution—Selected Letters and Papers, 1776–1790: April 1, 1781–December 23, 1781 9781501736018

Citation preview

Lafayette in the Age of the American Revolution

Lafayette at Yorktown

Lafayette in the Age of the American Revolution SELECTED LETTERS AND PAPERS, 1776-1790 Volume IV • April1, 1781-December 23, 1781

STAN LEY

J.

IDZERDA, Editor

ROBERT RHODES CROUT, Associate Editor

Linda J. Pike and Mary Ann Quinn, Assistant Editors

CORNELL UNIVERSITY PRESS ITHACA AND LONDON

Copyright© 1981 by Cornell University All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in a review, this book, or parts thereof, must not be reproduced in any form without permission in writing from the publisher. For information address Cornell University Press, 124 Roberts Place, Ithaca, New York 14850. First published 1981 by Cornell University Press. Published in the United Kingdom by Cornell University Press Ltd., Ely House, 37 Dover Street, London W1X 4HQ.

International Standard Book Number o-8014-1336-2 Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 76-50268 Printed in the United States of America Librarians: Library of Congress cataloging information appears on the last page of the book.

THE PAPERS OF THE MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE Sponsored by the Cornell University Libraries, the National Historical Publications and Records Commission, and the National Endowment for the Humanities ADVISORY BOARD

E. Marie Benabou, Universite de Paris I Yves-Marie Berce, Universite de Limoges Louis Bergeron, Ecole des Hautes Etudes en Sciences Sociales Herbert Dieckmann, Cornell University Durand Echeverria, Brown University C. Herbert Finch, Cornell University Jacques Godechot, Universite de Toulouse Michael G. Kammen, Cornell University Steven L. Kaplan, Cornell University J. Gormly Miller, Cornell University Mary Beth Norton, Cornell University Robert R. Palmer, Yale University George W. Pierson, Yale University Howard C. Rice, Jr., Princeton University Fred Somkin, Cornell University Chantal de Tourtier-Bonazzi, Archives Nationales HONORARY MEMBERS

Arthur H. Dean Mary Marden Dean

Comte Rene de Chambrun

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The editors of the Papers of the Marquis de Lafayette have received a great deal of generous cooperation in the preparation of this volume. We wish to acknowledge here the persons who have given so freely of their time, advice, and support. Without them, the publication of the documents in this volume would have been impossible. We thank in particular the staffs of the Hall of Records of the State of Maryland, the Archives Branch of the Virginia State Library, the Virginia Historical Society, the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, the American Philosophical Society Library, and the North Carolina State Archives for the gracious assistance they have offered us. We also thank those who have assisted us at the Manuscript Division of the Library of Congress, the National Archives and Records Service, the New York Public Library, the New-York Historical Society, the Maryland Historical Society, the Skillman Library of Lafayette College, the Pierpont Morgan Library, the William L. Clements Library of the U niversity of Michigan, the Houghton Library of Harvard University, and the Yale University Library. Staff at the University of Chicago Library, the Lilly Library of Indiana University, the Annmary Brown Memorial of Brown University, the library of the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, the Frick Art Reference Library, and the Yale University Art Gallery were also of great help to us, and we extend our sincere thanks to them. Permission to publish the documents and illustrations in this volume has come from many libraries, archives, and individuals. They are credited in the provenance note to each document and in the list of illustrations, but we express here our gratitude to all of them. We have continued to receive the invaluable cooperation of persons at the Archives Nationales and the Archives des Affaires Etrangeres in Paris, the Service Historique de I'Armee at Vincennes, and the Public Record Office in London. Chantal de Tourtier-Bonazzi, conservateur at the Archives Nationales and a member of our advisory board, has

Vlll

Acknowledgments

been a constant supporter, and we ask her to accept our most sincere thanks for her assistance, her wise counsel, and her friendship. Several private collectors have made important contributions to our work. We give special thanks to Mme Andre Balleyguier, who generously gave us permission to print and quote from Lafayette material in her possession. M. and Mme Rene de Chambrun have been exceptionally.gracious in honoring our requests for copies of Lafayette material housed at the Chateau de La Grange-Bleneau, and we express to them our very great appreciation. The editorial staffs working with the papers of other eighteenthcentury figures have given us the benefit of their expertise as work on this volume progressed. We thank in particular the staffs of the Papers of Nathanael Greene, the Papers of General Friedrich Wilhelm von Steuben, the Papers of Robert Morris, the Papers of Thomas Jefferson, and the Papers of George Washington. Research for this volume could not have been done without the friendly assistance we have received from the staff at the National Historical Publications and Records Commission. Richard Sheldon, Sara Dunlap Jackson, and Mary Giunta have quickly and expertly answered our many queries. We are also grateful for the assistance given us by the staff of the Cornell University Libraries, particularly by persons in Interlibrary Services and in the Department of Rare Books and Manuscripts. We have been very fortunate in having continued financial support for work on this series from the National Historical Publications and Records Commission and from the Cornell University Libraries. The project has received important additional grants from the National Endowment for the Humanities, the Rockefeller Foundation, the Gebhard-Gourgaud Foundation, the Port Ulao Foundation, and the Surdna Foundation. Editorial work on this volume was also supported in part by a generous contribution from Walter Annenberg on behalf of the Annenberg Foundation in honor of the Honorable and Mrs. William P. Rogers. Other individuals, who prefer to remain anonymous, have given financial support to the project, and we thank them for their generosity. Arthur H. and Mary Marden Dean, honorary members of our advisory board, also have our deepest thanks for their continuing support of our work. Cornell University's large and varied Lafayette collection, now named after them, was their generous gift to the university in the tg6os. In addition, Mr. Dean has taken a personal interest in our publication project and has offered us important encouragement, advice, and support. We express to him our sincere appreciation. The services of those who have worked with us in preparing the

Acknowledgments

ix

manuscript for this volume have been invaluable to us. We thank Judith Slein, Peg John, Rita Smidt, Rita Guerlac, S. Rosalinda Wagner, Gerry Idzerda, Coralee Rooney, Victoria Williams, Mark Kennedy, Edward Shephard, and Joan Antokol. Lloyd Kramer, who was an assistant editor for the third volume of this series, has given us perspective on our work from time to time, and we appreciate his continued interest. Barbara Salazar, our editor at Cornell University Press, has shown great patience in working with us, and we are grateful for the grace and skill with which she puts the finishing touches on our work. We have been more fortunate than Lafayette in our conduct of the Virginia campaign, for we have had from the start reliable logistical support from many individuals and institutions. We have profited greatly from their generosity and skill. STANLEY

Ithaca, New York

J.

IDZERDA

CONTENTS

xxm

Introduction Editorial Method

XXIX

Selection, xxix; Transcription, xxix; Translations, xxx; Annotation and Index, xxxi

Guide to Editorial Apparatus

xxxm

Textual Devices, xxxiii; Descriptive Symbols, xxxiii; Location Symbols, xxxiii; Short Titles, xxxv

xxxix

Chronological Outline PART I. THE WAR MOVES TO VIRGINIA

30, 1781 From Nathanael Greene, April 3 To the Baron von Steuben, April4 From George Washington, April 5 From George Washington, April 6 To George Washington, April 8 From the Governor's Council of Maryland, April To Alexander Hamilton, April 10 To Thomas Sim Lee and the Governor's Council April 10 To George Washington, April 10 To the Chevalier de La Luzerne, April 10 From the Baron von Steuben, April 10 From George Washington, April 11 To George Washington, April 12 From the Governor's Council of Maryland, April To George Washington, April 13 To George Washington, April 14 To Alexander Hamilton, April 15 To George Washington, April 15 To Nathanael Greene, April 17 To Thomas Sim Lee and the Governor's Council April 17

1 3 5 6 8

APRIL I -JUNE

10

8

15 16

of Maryland,

12

17 19 22 23 24 26 27 29 30 32 33 3~)

of Maryland, 41

Contents

XII

To George Washington, April 18 To George Washington, April 18 From the Comte de Vergennes, April 19 To Thomas Jefferson, April 21 To George Augustine Washington, April 21 From the Baron von Steuben, April 21 From George Washington, April 21 To the President of Congress, April 22 To the Chevalier de La Luzerne, April 22 From George Washington, April 22 From George Washington, April 22 To George Washington, April 23 To Thomas Jefferson, April 25 To the Baron von Steuben, April 25 Orders of the Day, April 26 From William Phillips, April 26 To George Weedon, April 27 To Nathanael Greene, April 28 From William Phillips, April 28 From William Phillips, April 29 To William Phillips, April 30 From Nathanael Greene, [May 1] From Richard Claiborne, May 2 To George Weedon, May 3 To Nathanael Greene, May 3 To Nathanael Greene, May 3 From Richard Claiborne, May 3 To George Washington, May 4 From George Washington, May 4 From George Washington, May 5 To Jethro Sumner, May 7 To George Washington, May 8 To the Chevalier de La Luzerne, [May] g To the Baron von Steuben, May 10 From the Comte de Vergennes, May 11 From Benjamin Franklin, May 14 From Nathanael Greene, May 14 From Thomas Jefferson, May 14 From George Weedon, May 14 To Anthony Wayne, May 15 To George Weedon, May 15 To the Baron von Steuben, May 17 To George Washington, May 17 To Nathanael Greene, May 18 From Anthony Wayne, May 19 From George Weedon, May 19 From Anthony Wayne, May 20

43 46 47 48 so 51 52 53 54 s6 59 6o 62 63 64 66 67 68 6g 71 73 74 75 77 79 8o 81 82 84 86 87 88 8g 91 92 93 g6 g8 101 102 104 106 108 110 114 115 ll6

Contents To Daniel Morgan, May 21 From Richard Claiborne, May 21 To the Chevalier de La Luzerne, May 22 To the Vicomte de Noailles, May 22 From George Weedon, [May 22] From Nathanael Greene, May 23 To Nathanael Greene, May 24 To George Washington, May 24 From the Marquis de Castries, May 25 From Lord Cornwallis, May 26 To Thomas Jefferson, May 28 To George Weedon, May 28 From the Baron von Steuben, May 28 To the Baron von Steuben, May 29 To Anthony Wayne, May 29 To George Weedon, May 29 From Thomas Jefferson, May 29 From Thomas Jefferson, May 30 From the Baron von Steuben, [May] 30 To Thomas Jefferson, May 31 To the Baron von Steuben, May 31 From Thomas Jefferson, May 31 From George Washington, May 31 From Anthony Wayne, May 31 From Anthony Wayne, June 1 From George Weedon, June 1 To Anthony Wayne, June 2 To James Wood, June 3 To the Baron von Steuben, June 3 To Nathanael Greene, June 3 To George Washington, June 3 From the Baron von Steuben, June 3 From Lord Cornwallis, June 4 From George Washington, June 4 From Anthony Wayne, June 4 From the Baron von Steuben, June 5 From Anthony Wayne, June 6 To Anthony Wayne, June 7 From Anthony Wayne, June 7 From Nathanael Greene, June 9 To Daniel Morgan, June 12 From the Board of War, [ca. June 12] To the Baron von Steuben, June 13 From Richard Claiborne, June 13 From the Baron von Steuben, June 13 Banastre Tarleton to Lord Cornwallis, June 13 To the Baron von Steuben, June 15

Xlll

117 119 120 121 125 126 128 130 132 1 34 136 1 37 1 39

140 141 142 1 43

146 1 47

148 150 151 1 53 156 1 57 158

160 160 161 162

165 166 167 168 169 170 171 171

172 172 176

178 1 79

180 182 183

185

Contents

XIV

To the Chevalier de La Luzerne, June 16 To George Weedon, June 16 From George Weedon, June 17 To Nathanael Greene, June 18 To George Washington, June 18 To Lord Cornwallis, June 20 To Nathanael Greene, June 20 From George Weedon, June 20 To Nathanael Greene, June 21 To Anthony Wayne, June 21 To George Weedon, June 2 1 To the Baron von Steuben, June 22 To Anthony Wayne, June 22 From Anthony Wayne, June 22 From Nathanael Greene, June 23 To Thomas Sim Lee, June 25 From Anthony Wayne, June 25 To Anthony Wayne, June 25 To Thomas Nelson, June 26 To Anthony Wayne, June 26 To Nathanael Greene, June 27 To Thomas Nelson, June 28 From Lord Cornwallis, June 28 From George Washington, June 29 To Captain Ewell, June 30 To Anthony Wayne, June 30

185 189 190 191 194 196 1 97 201

202 205 205 206 206 207 208 210 211 212 214 215 216 217

218

219 221

222

PART II. CORNWALLIS THE HUNTER BECOMES THE PREY

29, 1781 To Thomas Nelson, July 1 To [Nathanael Greene], July 4 To Charles Dabney, July 7 To Nathanael Greene, July 8 To George Washington, July 8 General Orders, July 8 To the Vicomte de Noailles, July 9 To Allen Jones, July 1 o To Thomas Nelson, July 10 To Thomas Nelson, July 12 To Thomas Nelson, July 13 From the Baron von Steuben, July 13 From George Washington, July 13 To Anthony Wayne, July 15 To Thomas Burke, July 16 To Daniel Morgan, July 16 To Daniel Morgan, July I7 To Lord Cornwallis, July 19

JULY I-AUGUST

225 228 231 235 236 239 240 240 241 242 243 244 246

247 248

249 251 253 253

Contents To Thomas Tucker, July 19 To George Washington, July 20 To George Washington, July 20 To George Washington, July 20 To Thomas Nelson, July 21 To Anthony Wayne, July 21 To Thomas Nelson, July 22 From Nathanael Greene, July 22 From Anthony Wayne, July 22 To Nathanael Greene, July 23 To Thomas Nelson, July 2g To the Baron von Steuben, July 2g To Anthony Wayne, July 2g From Anthony Wayne, July 24 To the British Officer in Charge of the American Prisoners, July 25 To the Baron von Steuben, July 25 To Anthony Wayne, July 25 From Thomas Burke, July 26 To William Davies, July 27 To George Weedon, July 27 From Thomas Nelson, !July] 28 To Thomas Nelson, July 29 To Thomas Nelson, July 29 To Thomas Sim Lee, July go To George Washington, July go From George Washington, July go To George Washington, July g1 From James Barron, July g1 From Thomas Nelson, August g To Anthony Wayne, August4 From Thomas Jefferson, August 4 To Thomas Sim Lee, August 6 To George Washington, August 6 From the Baron von Steuben, August 6 To Thomas Nelson, August 7 James McHenry to Thomas Nelson, August 8 From Anthon.y Wayne, August g From Anthony Wayne, August 10 To George Washington, August 11 To Anthony Wayne, August 11 To Thomas Nelson, August 12 To Nathanael Greene, August 12 To Nathanael Greene, August 12 To the Baron von Steuben, August 1g To the Chevalier de La Luzerne, August 14 To Daniel Morgan, August 15 To George Weedon, August 15

xv 254 255 257 259 261 26g 264 266 268 269 271 272 274 275 276 276 277 278 279 28o 281 282 28g 285 286 288 290 292 2gg 294 296 298 299 go 1 go2 gog go7 gog gu g1g g14 g15 g18 g2o g21 g2g g24

Contents

XVI

From William Davies, August 15 From George Washington, August 15 To Thomas Nelson, August 16 To Henry Knox, August 18 From Josiah Parker, August 19 To Thomas Nelson, August 20 To George Washington, August 21 From George Washington, August 21 To Anthony Wayne, August 22 To Adrienne de Noailles de Lafayette, August 24 To the Comte de Maurepas, August 24 To the Prince de Poix, August 24 To George Washington, [August] 24 To Nathanael Greene, August 25 To George Washington, August 25 To Anthony Wayne, August 25 To Thomas Nelson, August 26 From Nathanael Greene, [August 26] From George Washington, August 27 To Thomas Nelson, August 29

326 329 33I 332 334 336 337 34° 34I 342 345 346 349 352 356 359 36I 362 364 365

PART III. VICTORY AT YORKTOWN AUGUST 30-DECEMBER 23,

1781

To Thomas Nelson, August 30 From Thomas Burke, August 30 From the Comte de Grasse, August 30 From the Marquis de Saint-Simon-Montbleru, August 30 To John Taylor, August 31 To Anthony Wayne, August 31 From David Jameson, August 31 From Anthony Wayne, August 31 To George Washington, September 1 From George Washington, September 1 From George Washington, September 2 From Anthony Wayne, September 2 To Thomas Nelson, September 4 To Thomas Burke, September 6 To Thomas Nelson, September 6 From William Davies, September 7 From George Washington, September 7 To the Chevalier de La Luzerne, September 8 To George Washington, September 8 To George Washington, September [9] From George Washington, September 10 To Thomas Nelson, September II From Anthony Wayne, September II To Anthony Walton White, September I2

367 369 372 373 376 377 378 379 380 380 383 384 386 387 387 388 389 39° 39I 392 395 397 398 399 399

Contents From Lord Cornwallis, September 15 From Thomas Nelson, September 15 From Nathanael Greene, September 17 Benjamin Harrison, Jr., to George Washington, September 23 To Lord Cornwallis, September 25 Observations by the Comte de Grasse during his Conference with the Marquis de Lafayette, [ca. September 26] To the Chevalier de La Luzerne, September 30 To George Washington, September 30 To George Washington, September 30 To Lord Cornwallis, October 3 To Nathanael Greene, October 6 From Nathanael Greene, October 8 To the Chevalier de La Luzerne, October 12 From Alexander Hamilton, October 15 To the Chevalier de La Luzerne, October 16 To the Comte de Maurepas, October 20 To the Prince de Poix, October 20 To Adrienne de Noailles de Lafayette, October 22 From the Comte de Grasse, October 24 To Samuel Cooper, October 26 To the Baron von Steuben, October 26 To Lord Cornwallis, October 31 To Thomas Nelson, October 31 From George Washington, November 15 To the President of Congress, November 22 To Nathanael Greene, November 22 Resolutions of Congress, November 23 To the President of Congress, November 25 Congress to Louis XVI, November 29 To George Washington, November 29 From the Comte de Vergennes, December 1 From the Marquis de Segur, [ca. December 5] From the Marquis de Segur, December 5 To George Washington, December 21 To John Paul Jones, December 22 To George Augustine Washington, December 22

Appendix I: French Texts Appendix II: Calendar of Omitted Letters Index

xvn 400 401 401 403 404 405 407 409 411 412 413 415 416 418 420 422 424 426 427 429 432 434 434 435 437 438 440 441 442 443 444 447 448 449 451 452

453 491 517

ILLUSTRATIONS

The Marquis de Lafayette at Yorktown

frontispiece

Oil by Jean-Baptiste Le Paon, 1783. Courtesy of Lafayette College.

Plan of the harbor and city of Annapolis,

1781

11

Ink and watercolor map by Michel Capitaine du Chesnoy. Reproduced from Howard C. Rice, Jr., and AnneS. K. Brown, trans. and eds., The American Campaigns of Rochambeau's Army IJ8o, IJ8I, 1782, 1783 (Princeton: Princeton University Press; and Providence: Brown University Press, 1972), vol. 2, plate 83. Original missing from Service Historique de l'Armee, Vincennes.

Nathanael Greene

36

Oil by Charles Willson Peale, 1783. Independence National Historical Park Collection.

Friedrich Wilhelm, baron von Steuben

65

Oil by Charles Willson Peale, 1780. Courtesy of the Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts.

William Phillips

70

In the uniform of lieutenant colonel commanding the Royal Artillery. Mezzotint by Valentine Green after Francis Cotes, 1785. National Army Museum, London.

Thomas Jefferson

too

Oil by Mather Brown, 1786. Courtesy of Charles F. Adams. Photo courtesy of the Frick Art Reference Library.

Lord Cornwallis Oil by John Singleton Copley, date unknown. Courtesy of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston: 29.787, Bequest of George Nixon Black.

The Comte de Rochambeau Oil, eighteenth-century French school, date unknown. Private collection.

135

Illustrations

XX

George Weedon

159

Pencil sketch by John Trumbull, 1791. Yale University Art Gallery, Gift of Mrs. Winchester Bennett.

Map of Cornwallis's marches in Virginia, May-June 1781

163

Detail of an unsigned map, "March of the Army under Lieut. General Earl Cornwallis in Virginia, from the junction at Petersburg on the 20th of May, till their arrival at Portsmouth on the 12th of July 1781." Reproduced by permission of the British Library, London: Department of Manuscripts, Add. MS 57715, no. 11.

Banastre Tarleton

184

Oil by Sir Joshua Reynolds, ca. 1782. National Gallery, London.

John Graves Simcoe

192

Oil by Jean Laurent Mosnier, ca. 1798. Metropolitan Toronto Library: 927-1.

Estimate of stores left at Point of Fork, June 4, 1781

199

Steuben's estimate of the stores destroyed by the British. Courtesy of The New-York Historical Society, New York City: Steuben Papers. Photo Courtesy of the Papers of General Friedrich Wilhelm von Steuben.

Anthony Wayne

213

Oil by Charles Willson Peale, 1783. Private collection.

Map of Cornwallis's marches in Virginia, July 1781

232

Detail of an unsigned map, "March of the Army under Lieut. General Earl Cornwallis in Virginia, from the junction at Petersburg on the 2oth of May, till their arrival at Portsmouth on the 12th of July 1781." Reproduced by permission of the British Library, London: Department of Manuscripts, Add. MS 57715, no. 11.

Daniel Morgan

252

Oil by Charles Willson Peale, ca. 1794· Independence National Historical Park Collection.

Sir Henry Clinton

260

Miniature by John Smart, ca. 1777. National Army Museum, London.

Map of Virginia

295

Detail of an ink-and-watercolor map by Michel Capitaine du Chesnoy of Lafayette's campaign in Virginia, 1781. Map Collection, Yale University Library.

James McHenry Pastel drawing by James Sharples, ca. 1795. Independence National Historical Park Collection.

304

Illustrations

xx1

Proceedings of the court-martial of James Grant, August g, 1781 310 Enclosed in Wayne to Lafayette, August 10; approved by Lafayette. Virginia Historical Society: Mss. 2 L1314b6. Josiah Parker Detail of "Capture of the Hessians at Trenton, December 26, 1776." Oil by John Trumbull, ca. 1791. Yale University Art Gallery.

335

Mebane, Habersham, and Stevenson, exchanged American prisoners, to Lafayette, August 1o, 1 781 354 Enclosing depositions complaining that American prisoners were impressed into service on British ships. National Archives and Records Service: RG 360, PCC 156, pp. 238-45· View of Yorktown Yorktown as seen from Gloucester Point in 1754. Drawing by John Gauntlett. Courtesy of The Mariners Museum, Newport News, Virginia: PH 952. Franc;ois-Joseph-Paul, comte de Grasse Oil by Jean-Baptiste Mauzaisse, date unknown. Musee National du Chateau de Versailles. Photo by the Musees Nationaux, Paris.

374

Admiral Thomas Graves Oil by James Northcote, date unknown. National Maritime Museum, London: Greenwich Hospital Collection.

396

Benjamin Lincoln Oil by Charles Willson Peale, 1781-82. Independence National Historical Park Collection.

410

Plan of the siege of Yorktown Detail of map by Jean-Baptiste Gouvion, October 29, 1781. National Archives and Records Service: RG 360, Miscellaneous PCC.

417

Surrender of Lord Cornwallis, October 19, 1781 Oil by John Trumbull, completed 1797. Yale University Art Gallery.

423

Generals of the French and American armies at Yorktown, after the surrender 430 Oil attributed to Charles Willson Peale, 1782 or later. Maryland Historical Society, Baltimore. Key to Lafayette's cipher code Enclosed in Lafayette to Washington, November 29, 1781. Library of Congress: Manuscript Division, Papers of George Washington, Series 4·

445

MAPS

See also the maps included in the list of illustrations.

The Chesapeake

44

Greene's campaign in the Carolinas, 1781

97

Counties of Virginia (1775)

144

Virginia below the Blue Ridge: Fredericksburg to Petersburg

177

The Hudson Highlands and New Jersey

220

Southern Virginia: James and York river area

237

The southern states

250

INTRODUCTION

The documents in this volume trace the history of the 1781 Virginia campaign, which reached its climax in the surrender of Lord Cornwallis's army at Yorktown and proved to be the most successful in America's long War for Independence. It was the campaign in which Lafayette saw fulfilled his long-standing desire for an effective military cooperation with France, and it gave his own military and political skills their most severe test. As commander of the American troops in Virginia throughout the spring and summer of that year, Lafayette did more than any other allied commander to prepare the way for the British capitulation at Yorktown. The greatest American victory was Lafayette's most shining personal triumph. As the documents in this volume show, however, the outcome of the campaign was unpredictable until the allied forces were actively besieging Yorktown. From April to September it had seemed impossible to achieve a decisive victory, yet, given France's economic and diplomatic circumstances and the difficulty with which America kept its army in the field, such a victory in 1781 was absolutely essential if American independence was to be recognized in the peace negotiations. News of the American military situation that reached France in 178o and early 1781 was not encouraging. The Continental army had suffered costly defeats at Camden and Charleston, South Carolina, in 1780, and Benedict Arnold's treason had nearly given Britain the strategically important post at West Point. A French expeditionary force under Rochambeau had arrived in July but remained blockaded at Newport with too few ships to challenge British control of American waters. In January 1781, troops of the Pennsylvania and New Jersey lines mutinied, while Benedict Arnold, now a British general, led a series of virtually unopposed raids in Virginia. America's situation was indeed desperate. Once again Washington and Congress looked to the French king for support.

XXIV

Introduction

With instructions from Washington and Congress, John Laurens left for France in February 1781 as a special envoy to lay before the French government the critical state of American affairs. Washington's instructions stressed the necessity of France's doing its utmost to meet America's need for money, military clothing, supplies, and ships to support operations. In an April 9 letter to Laurens, Washington restated the problems facing America, concluding with a note of resignation: "but why need I run into the detail, when it may be declared in a word, that we are at the end of our tether, and that now or never our deliverance must come." 1 France would do what it could for the United States, but it could not hope to meet such enormous demands completely, for France was also experiencing severe financial strain as well as problems with its Spanish ally. When Spain entered the war in 1779, both France and Spain envisioned a speedy end to the fighting. These expectations were frustrated when the ineffective campaigns of 1779 and 1780 brought the war no closer to conclusion. As a result, Spain quickly tired of the war and by 1781 had been secretly negotiating a separate peace with the British for more than a year, hoping to receive Gibraltar in exchange for peace. Such a peace might have compelled France to accept unfavorable terms in order to end a war it could no longer afford to fight. French Foreign Minister Vergennes had begun to think of the 1781 campaign as the last in which the French would participate. He had also proposed that Russia mediate a peace between the belligerents, ensuring that France, by taking the initiative, would predominate over Spain in the negotiations. Vergennes's determination to make peace with England as soon as possible, whatever might happen to the issue of American independence, was reflected in a memorandum of February 1781: he was willing to leave the quesdon of independence in the hands of the empress of Russia, and to accept, in place of a definitive peace, a long-term truce in America that would leave England and Spain in possession of territories held at the time of the negotiations. 2 The course of those negotiations would surely depend on the outcome of the last campaign, and while arrangements for the mediation would proceed through 1781, France would lend the Americans what strength it could toward the victories that would give the allies bargaining power at the peace table. The 1781 campaign was more crucial than either the Americans or Lafayette knew. 1John C. Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington, 39 vols. (Washington, D.C., 1931-1944), 21 :439· 2 Samuel F. Bemis, The Hussey-Cumberland Mission and American Independence (Gloucester, Mass.: Peter Smith, 1968).

Introduction

XXV

Laurens's missiOn in France was to a great extent successful. The Americans would receive 10 million livres with a loan guarantee for another 1 o million, and essential supplies and clothing. But Laurens received evasive answers to his questions about the ships and troops that would be sent to America. To keep Spain in the war the French had given more weight to Spanish military projects than in previous campaigns; the ships so crucial to America would go first to the West Indies to support Spanish expeditions against the British. After several months in the West Indies, the squadron under De Grasse would proceed to North America, where it would aid American operations. De Grasse's instructions reflected France's declining faith in the reliability of American arms: should the American army disintegrate in the course of the campaign, De Grasse was to take Rochambeau's army to the West Indies. French fears about the Continental army proved unjustified as the 1781 campaign opened. In January the military outlook began to improve as the Americans gained a major victory at Cowpens, South Carolina. In February Washington sent Lafayette to Virginia with a detachment of 1,200 men to attempt to capture Arnold at Portsmouth. Unfortunately, the French squadron that was to support the expedition had to turn back after a battle with a British squadron off the Chesapeake Capes, and the plan could not be carried out. Lafayette was preparing to bring his troops back from Maryland to join the main army in April when he received Washington's orders to take his detachment to South Carolina to reinforce General Greene. By the third week in April Lafayette's detachment had advanced as far as Virginia, but it was scarcely strong enough for the opposition it would have to face there, for the British general William Phillips had disembarked 2 ,ooo troops in Virginia in late March. For Lafayette and his Continentals the spring campaign had opened. Phillips began a series of raids into the interior of Virginia to capture shipping and stores and to stop support from reaching Greene's army. Virginia was as unprepared as it had been for Arnold's raids in January, and Lafayette found himself caught up in the defense of the state, serving as the commander of the troops there. With a detachment that had dwindled to goo and a small body of militiamen, he attempted to check British raiding parties that were searching out Continental supply depots and destroying all manufacturing and commerce that might serve the rebel cause. There were shortages of arms, horses, wagons, supplies, and clothing for the American troops. Only by using all of his resourcefulness, political prowess, imagination, and military skill was Lafayette able to prevent Phillips's army from inflicting serious damage to the southern army's supply system. The raiding had peaked

XXVI

Introduction

when Lafayette learned that Lord Cornwallis's army was marching toward Virginia from North Carolina. Cornwallis arrived in Virginia in May, intending to cooperate with Phillips in the effort to cut off supplies to the American army in the Carolinas. Phillips died of fever several days before Cornwallis arrived, and Cornwallis took command of Phillips's army to carry out the plan. The combined British forces far outnumbered Lafayette's, and although Lafayette maneuvered his troops both to protect stores and to fo.llow Cornwallis, he scrupulously avoided a major engagement. Lafayette's correspondence makes clear that, even while he contended with the largest British army in the field, he believed that Greene's campaign in South Carolina was more significant. In light of the French government's policy, this was true, for, with Cornwallis's army in Virginia, Greene was able systematically to attack enemy outposts in South Carolina; it was possible that the British would not control the Carolinas at the time of peace negotiations. The campaign in Virginia was meanwhile acquiring greater importance. Cornwallis, obeying a series of orders and counterorders from Sir Henry Clinton in New York, withdrew from the interior of the state in June, embarked his forces in late July, and in August disembarked his troops at Yorktown and Gloucester, which he began to fortify for use as a naval station. As he completed this series of maneuvers, it became apparent that Cornwallis with his large army was in a position that made him a promising target for an allied attack. In the north, Washington and Rochambeau had joined forces on the Hudson in June for an attack on New York. Reconnaissance showed that strong naval support would be essential to the success of the enterprise, and the commanders could only wait to hear from De Grasse, who was to bring his squadron and troops to New York or the Chesapeake sometime before the end of the campaign. De Grasse's dispatch, saying that he was en route to the Chesapeake, arrived in mid-August; Washington and Rochambeau lost no time in readying their armies to join Lafayette in Virginia. Lafayette learned of the plan in late August and began to prepare for the arrival of the allied forces. Though the number of militiamen with Lafayette's army was slowing increasing, there continued to be severe shortages of arms, supplies, and transportation. Lafayette constantly appealed to civilian leaders for more support so that he could maintain pressure on the British troops. He knew that if he could keep Cornwallis confined until the allies arrived, the end of the campaign would more than compensate for the hardships he and his army had endured. The last weeks of the campaign brought to a stunning conclusion Lafayette's long struggle against the British in Virginia. De Grasse's

Introduction

XXVJI

squadron sailed into the Chesapeake on August 29, bringing 3,200 French troops, and on September 5 De Grasse met and repulsed a squadron under Admiral Thomas Graves off the Virginia Capes, thus guaranteeing the allies naval superiority during the ensuing weeks. The force opposing Cornwallis's army grew rapidly. On September 10 Admiral Barras's squadron arrived from Newport with siege artillery and much-needed provisions, and by September 26 all of the allied troops had arrived from the north. The siege began on September 28; Cornwallis capitulated on October 17. The Americans, with the aid of their French allies, had gained the victory that would give them a strong position in peace negotiations, and Lafayette's part in it was large. During the months he commanded in Virginia he showed maturity, good judgment, and restraint in handling military matters as well as a capacity to obtain the cooperation of civil authorities, allowing him to manage deftly the many aspects of a defensive war fought with few resources. After the surrender he was eager to lead still another expedition, this one against Wilmington, North Carolina. When realization of the plan proved impossible, he resolved to return to France, where he hoped to persuade the French to assure America of military aid for a campaign in 1782. During his progress north from Yorktown, Lafayette stopped at Philadelphia, where he received instructions for the American ministers in Europe as well as encouragement to continue his personal efforts on America's behalf to obtain more fiscal and naval support from the French ministry. He expected to return to America in the spring, perhaps to serve with Greene in the South; but his service to America was to be of a different order. Within a few months after the news of Yorktown reached England, the Commons authorized George III to make peace with the United States, and although hostilities continued for two more years, there were no major actions on the American continent after the siege of Yorktown. Lafayette would become involved in the peace negotiations and would be deeply immersed in American diplomatic and commercial affairs. During the next few years, his adopted country continued to claim a very large share of his attention and affection as he worked to strengthen the bonds of the French-American alliance.

EDITORIAL METHOD

SELECTION

Nearly three thousand first- and second-party Lafayette documents are available to us for the period 1776-1790. We shall publish about three-fifths of them in these volumes. The choice of documents depends on the exigencies of space and the desire to avoid needless repetition. We intend to provide material sufficient to illuminate the events in which Lafayette participated, his motives and character, and those of the people with whom he lived and worked. The selections include first-party material: letters and documents written by Lafayette himself, including the memoir he wrote in 1779 (in Volumes 1 and 2); second-party material: letters and documents addressed to Lafayette; and some third-party material: contemporary letters, journals, and documents that contain information about Lafayette. First- and second-party documents that we do not print are listed in Appendix II. TRANSCRIPTION

In our transcription of the manuscripts we retain the original spelling. If it is unusual enough to cause confusion, the correct spelling follows in brackets. The thorn (as in "ye") is transcribed as "th." Punctuation is retained as found, except for dashes at the ends of sentences, which are replaced by periods. A minimum of additional punctuation is supplied when necessary for clarity. When the writer's punctuation is unclear, we follow modern usage. Original capitalization is also retained, except that each sentence is made to begin with a capital letter and names of persons and places and personal titles are silently capitalized. Lafayette's use of capitals increased during the period of this volume, and in some instances he wrote over lower-case letters to capitalize them. We have tried to reproduce his capitalization, but in cases where it is unclear we follow modern usage. Abbreviations are not spelled out unless they

Editorial Method

XXX

are not readily recognizable; contractions are retained. Superscript letters are brought down to the line. When the manuscript has been damaged or contains an illegible passage, if no more than four letters are missing, we supply them silently. If more than four letters or entire words are missing, we supply them in brackets, with a question mark within the brackets if the conjecture is doubtful. Gaps that cannot be filled are explained in brackets in the text; for example, [illegible], [torn]. The writer's interlineations or marginal notes are incorporated into the text without comment. Slips of the pen are silently corrected. Words underlined once by the writer are printed in italics. Passages written in cipher and deciphered interlinearly are printed in large and small capitals. Signatures are printed in large and small capitals. Addresses, endorsements, and docketing are not transcribed but are included in the provenance note if they are contextually significant. The dateline is placed at the head of each document regardless of its position in the manuscript. The greatest problems arise in the materials that were altered in preparation for the publication of Memoires, correspondance et manuscrits du General Lafayette, publiis par sa famille: Lafayette's Memoir of 1779 and his letters to his family and to George Washington. Many changes have been made in these manuscripts in pencil and nineteenth-century ink. Words, sentences, and even paragraphs have been scribbled over or marked for deletion with slashes or brackets, and words and phrases have been added in the margins and between the lines in Lafayette's nineteenth-century hand. It is likely that he made or approved all the changes, because copies of the letters and memoir that Lafayette sent to Jared Sparks in 1829 conform to the text of the amended manuscripts. Most of the changes Lafayette indicated were incorporated in the texts printed in the Memoires. A comparison of the printed texts with the amended manuscripts reveals further changes, but these alterations follow the pattern Lafayette established. The majority of the changes are purely stylistic, and we disregard them. We have attempted to print the text as Lafayette first wrote it. When a significant passage has been deleted on the' manuscript or omitted from the Memoires, we print it in angle brackets. All other significant changes are explained in the notes. TRANSLATIONS

The French materials in this volume are translated into English because these documents would otherwise be either unintelligible or poorly understood by too many readers. Our experience and knowledge of eighteenth-century French has enabled us to offer what we believe to be accurate translations, particularly of idioms and technical

xxxi

Editorial Method

terms; more important, our effort has been to catch the nuance and tone of the French language of that time, when epistolary style often depended on the status of the correspondents as well as the subject discussed. Translators' rationales are rarely convincing to those who have an intimate grasp both of the era and of the language being used. For those readers, the French texts of all translated documents are printed in Appendix I. The letter T is placed as a superscript after the title of every translated document. The same superscript follows passages translated in the notes, but we do not print the French texts of those passages. In the translations, spelling, capitalization, and punctuation are modernized. ANNOTATION AND INDEX

Notes to the text follow each document. The first note g1ves the provenance and other necessary information about the document and is unnumbered. The numbered notes provide clarification, information, and explanation of materials in the text. In our annotation we have tried to take into account the pattern of Lafayette's life and thought and the fact that the best commentary on his letters usually is to be found in the other documents. When we cite documents that are printed in our volume, we identify them by title and date only, unless more than one letter was written on the same date to the same person; in such cases page references are provided. The source citation is given for all other items mentioned in our notes. All proper names are identified in the Index; people and places are given space in the annotation only when the information is immediately required for an understanding of the text. A genealogical chart showing the immediate ancestors, close relatives, and children of the Marquis and Marquise de Lafayette may be found in Volume 3·

GUIDE TO EDITORIAL APPARATUS

TEXTUAL DEVICES

[roman]

Conjectural reading for missing or illegible matter (a question mark follows when the reading is doubtful); interpolated explanation of gallicisms; matter taken from another copy or added to the manuscript. See notes for each document. Editorial comment inserted in the text. [italic] (roman) Matter deleted in the manuscript, or in Lafayette, Memoires, but here restored. See provenance note for each document. (italic) Docketing or marginal reply to issues raised in the document. DESCRIPTIVE SYMBOLS

ADS AL ALS AM AMS D DS L LbC LS M T

Autograph document signed Autograph letter Autograph letter signed Autograph manuscript Autograph manuscript signed Document Document signed Letter Letter-book copy Letter signed Manuscript Translation LOCATION SYMBOLS

American repositories (with abbreviations as m the National Union Catalogue of the Library of Congress):

XXXIV

CSmH CSt

CtY DLC DNA GAHi ICU I Hi InU MBBS MH MHi MWA MdAA MdHi MiDbEI MiU-C MnHi NHi NIC NN NNF NNPM NNPF Nc-Ar NeD NcU NhD NjHi

Guide to Editorial Apparatus

Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery, San Marino, California Manuscripts Division, Department of Special Collections, C. H. Green Library, Stanford University, Stanford, California Yale University Library, New Haven, Connecticut Manuscript Division, Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. National Archives and Records Service, Washington, D.C. Atlanta Historical Society, Atlanta, Georgia Department of Special Collections, Joseph Regenstein Library, University of Chicago Illinois State Historical Library, Springfield Lilly Library, Indiana University, Bloomington Bostonian Society, Boston Houghton Library, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston American Antiquarian Society, Worcester, Massachusetts State of Maryland, Department of General Services, Hall of Records, Annapolis Museum and Library of Maryland History, Maryland Historical Society, Baltimore Edison Institute, Henry Ford Museum and Greenfield Village Library, Dearborn, Michigan William L. Clements Library, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor Division of Archives and Manuscripts, Minnesota Historical Society, St. Paul New-York Historical Society, New York Department of Rare Books, Cornell University Libraries, Ithaca, New York Manuscripts and Archives Division, New York Public Library; Astor, Lenox, and Tilden Foundations Fordham University Library, Bronx, New York Pierpont Morgan Library, New York Carl H. Pforzheimer Library, New York Division of Archives and History, North Carolina Department of Cultural Resources, Raleigh Duke University Library, Durham, North Carolina Wilson Library, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill Baker Memorial Library, Dartmouth College, Hanover, New Hampshire New Jersey Historical Society, Newark

Guide to Editorial Apparatus

XXXV

NjMoHP Morristown National Historical Park, Morristown, New Jersey Princeton University Library, Princeton, New Jersey NjP David Bishop Skillman Library, Lafayette College, Easton, PEL Pennsylvania Haverford College Library, Haverford, Pennsylvania PHC Historical Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia PHi PPAmP American Philosophical Society Library, Philadelphia Rhode Island Historical Society Library, Providence RHi RP Providence Public Library, Providence Annmary Brown Memorial, Brown University, Providence RPAB Archives Branch, Virginia State Library, Richmond Vi ViFreJM James Monroe Memorial Foundation Library, Fredericksburg, Virginia Virginia Historical Society, Richmond Vi Hi Manuscripts Department, Alderman Library, University of ViU Virginia, Charlottesville ViW Earl Gregg Swem Library, College of William and Mary, Williamsburg, Virginia Foreign repositories: AAE Archives du Ministere des Affaires Etrangeres, Paris ALG Archives de La Grange AN Archives Nationales, Paris BMH Bibliotheque Municipale du Havre PRO Public Record Office, London SHA Service Historique de l'Armee, Chateau de Vincennes SHORT TITLES

AHR: American Historical Review. Archives rf Maryland: Archives of Maryland, 70 vols. to date (Baltimore: Maryland Historical Society, 1883-). Balch, Maryland Papers: Thomas Balch, ed., Papers Relating Chiefly to the Maryland Line during the Revolution (Philadelphia, 1857). Boyd, Jefferson Papers: Julian P. Boyd et al., eds., The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, 19 vols. to date (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1950-). Burnett, Letters of Congress: Edmund C. Burnett, ed., Letters ofMembers of the Continental Congress, 8 vols. (Washington, D.C.: Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1921-1936). Clinton, American Rebellion: William B. Willcox, ed., The American Rebellion: Sir Henry Clinton's Narrative of His Campaigns, I775-r782 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1954).

XXXVI

Guide to Editorial Apparatus

Clinton-Cornwallis Controversy: Benjamin Franklin Stevens, ed., The Campaign in Virginia, 1781: An Exact Reprint of Six RaTe Pamphlets on the Clinton-Cornwallis Controversy . .. , 2 vols. (London, 1888). "Correspondence of Josiah Parker": "The Revolutionary Correspondence of Colonel Josiah Parker, of Isle of Wight County, Virginia," Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, 22 Quly l914h57-66. Correspondence of Washington & De Grasse: Institut Franl;ais de Washington, ed., Correspondence of General Washington and Comte De Grasse, I78I, August I7-November4 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1931 ). Ferguson, Papers of Robert Morris: E. James Ferguson et al., eds., The Papers of Robert Morris, I 781 -I 784, 4 vols. to date (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1973-). Fitzpatrick, Writings of Washington: John C. Fitzpatrick, ed., The Writings of George Washington, 39 vols. (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1931-1944). Gottscha~ c, Letters of Lafayette: Louis Gottschalk, ed., The Letters of Lafayette to Washington, 1777-1799, rev. ed. (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1976 ). Hening, Statutes: William Waller Hening, ed., The Statutes at Large; Being a Collection of All the Laws of Virginia, from the First Session of the Legislature in the Year I6I9, 13 vols. (Richmond, 1819-1823). fCC: Worthington C. Ford, ed., journals of the Continental Congress, 1774-1789, 34 vol. (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office 1904- 1937). JHD: journal of the House of Delegates of the Commonwealth of Virginia ([Richmond, 1828]). LAAR: Stanley J. Idzerda et al., eds., Lafayette in the Age of the American Revolution: Selected Letters and Papers, 1776-1 790, 4 vols. to date (Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1977-). Lafayette, Memoires: Memoires, correspondance et manuscrits du General Lafayette, publies par safamille, 6 vols. (Paris, 1837-1838). Letters written in English are translated into French. Lafayette, Memoirs (London): Memoirs, Correspondence and Manuscripts of General Lafayette, Published by His Family, 3 vols. (London, 1837). Letters written in French are translated into English. Lafayette, Memoirs (New York): Memoirs, Correspondence and Manuscripts of General Lafa_yette, Published by His Family (New York, 1837). Same as vol. 1 of the London edition, with some additional letters. Letters of the Governors of Virginia: H. R. Mcllwaine, cd., Official Letters of the Governors of the State of Virginia, vol. 3: The Letters ofThomas Nelson and Benjamin Harrison (Richmond: Virginia State Library, 1929).

Guide to Editorial Apparatus

xxxvn

Letters of McHenry to Lee: [Sara Redwood Lee, ed.,] A Sidelight on History, Being the Letters ofJames McHenry aide-de-camp to the Marquis de Lafayette to Thomas Sim Lee governor of Maryland, Written during the Yorktown Campaign 1781 (privately printed, 1931). Patou, Lettres au vicomte de Noailles: Jean Patou, ed., Lettres inedites du General de La Fayette au vicomte de Noailles ... (1 78o-I78r) (Paris: Jean Patou, 1924). Rice and Brown, Rochambeau's Army: Howard C. Rice, Jr., and Anne S. K. Brown, trans. and eds., The American Campaigns of Rochambeau's Army 1780, 1781, 1782, 1783, 2 vols. (Princeton: Princeton University Press; and Providence: Brown University Press, 1972). Simcoe, Journal: John Graves Simcoe, Military journal: A History of the Operations of a Partisan Corps, Called the Queen's Rangers, Commanded by Lieutenant Col.]. G. Simcoe, during the War of the American Revolution (New York, 1884). State Records of North Carolina: Walter Clark, ed., The State Record of North Carolina, vol. 15 (1780-1781) (Goldsboro, N.C., 1898). Syrett, Hamilton Papers: Harold C. Syrett et al., eds., The Papers of Alexander Hamilton, 26 vols. (New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1961-1979). Tarleton, Campaigns: Banastre Tarleton, A History of the Campaigns of r 780 and 1781 in the Southern Provinces of North America (1787; reprint ed., New York: Arno Press, 1968). Virginia Council Journals: H. R. Mcllwaine et al., eds., journals of the Council of the State of Virginia, 4 vols. to date (Richmond: Virginia State Library, 1931-). Virginia State Papers: William P. Palmer, ed., Calendar of Virginia State Papers and Other Manuscripts, vols. 1-3 (1652-1784) (Richmond, 187 5 -188 3 ). VMHB: Virginia Magazine of History and Biography. Washington Diaries: Donald Jackson et al., eds., The Diaries of George Washington, 4 vols. to date (Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 1976-). Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence: Francis Wharton, ed., The Revolutionary Diplomatic Correspondence of the United States, 6 vols. (Washington, D.C., 1889).

CHRONOLOGICAL OUTLINE

(Italics indicate major historical events in which Lafayette did not participate.) 1757 September 6. Lafayette born at Chavaniac, in Auvergne. 1 759 August 1. Father killed at the Battle of Minden. 1760 April 5· Birth of sister, Marie-Louise-Jacqueline, who died three months later. 1763 February 10. Treaty of Paris; France, defeated in Seven Years' War, gives up all claims in North America. 1770 April 3· Mother dies. May. Inherits a large fortune from his grandfather. 1771 April g. Becomes a sous-lieutenant in the King's Musketeers. 1 773 April 7· Becomes a lieutenant in the Noailles Dragoons. 1774 April 11. Marries Adrienne de Noailles. May 19. Becomes a captain in the Noailles Dragoons. 1775 Summer. Stationed at Metz; at a dinner given by his commander, the Comte de Broglie, hears the Duke of Gloucester speak of the American revolt. December 15. Birth of daughter, Henriette. 1776 June 11. Placed on reserve status.

xi

Chronological Outline

December 7· Signs agreement to serve as a major general in the American army. 1

777

February. Buys La Victoire, in which he plans to carry a party of French officers to America. February 21-ca. March g. Visits London. April 20. Sails from Pasajes, Spain, for America on La Victoire. June 13. Arrives at North Island, South Carolina. July 1. Birth of daughter Anastasie in Paris. July 27. Arrives at Philadelphia; reports to Congress. July 31. Appointed major general, but without command; invited to join Washington's military "family." September 11. Wounded in the leg at the Battle of Brandywine. October 3· Death of daughter Henriette in Paris. October I 7· Burgoyne surrenders to Gates at Saratoga. November 25. Lafayette commands at a skirmish at Gloucester, New Jersey. December 1. Receives command of a division. 1778 January 23. Selected by Congress to lead an "irruption" into Canada. February 6. French-American treaties of alliance and commerce signed in Paris. February 19. At Albany. Decides the Canadian expedition is not feasible. Assumes command at Albany. March 31. Leaves Albany to resume command of his division at Valley Forge. May 4· Congress ratifies the French-American treaties. May 18. Lafayette given command of an independent detachment to obtain intelligence of British movements and interrupt British communications. May 20. Leads retreat from Barren Hill. June 28. Battle of Monmouth. july I I. D'Estaing arrives off New York. July 22. Lafayette appointed to the command of a detachment ordered to Rhode Island to serve under Sullivan. August 8-g. British evacuate works on northern end of Rhode Island; American forces under Sullivan occupy them. August I I - I 4. Hurricane batters French and British fleets off Rhode Island; Howe withdraws to New Y ark. August 21. D'Estaing sails for Boston. August 30-31. Lafayette assists in evacuation of American troops from Rhode Island. September I 4. Franklin elected minister plenipotentiary to France.

Chronological Outline

xli

October 5· At Fishkill. Challenges Carlisle to a duel. October 13. Requests leave from Congress to return to France. 1

779 January 11. Lafayette sails from Boston for France on the Alliance. February 6. The Alliance reaches Brest. February 12. Lafayette arrives at Versailles; confers with Maurepas. February 12-19. Under house arrest in Paris. March 3· Named lieutenant-commander of the King's Dragoons with the rank of mestre de camp. March 14-3 1. Discusses plans with the French ministers for a raid on Irish and English coasts. An expedition under Lafayette and Jones decided upon.

April I 2. Aranjuez Convention confirms the alliance of France and Spain. May 22. Lafayette-Jones expedition abandoned; ordered to take command of the King's Regiment of Dragoons. June 13. Ordered to Versailles to meet with Vaux, who will command the troops in Normandy for a joint French-Spanish expedition against England; made aide-marechal-general-des-logis under Vaux. june I6. Spain's official declaration of grievances presented to the British ministry; Spain institutes siege of Gibraltar. October 9· American and French defeat at Savannah. November. Expedition against England abandoned. December 24. Birth of Lafayette's son, George Washington. December 26. British fleet and troops under Clinton sail from New York for Charleston, South Carolina. 1780 January 8-I6. Rodney captures Spanish convoy and Spanish blockading squadron. January-February. Lafayette discusses with French ministry plans for an expeditionary force to be sent to America. February 29. Catherine II issues Declaration of Armed Neutrality. March 20. Lafayette sails from Rochefort for America on L'Hermione. April 26. Arrives off Boston Harbor. May 10. Arrives at Washington's camp, Morristown, New Jersey. May I 2 . Americans surrender at Charleston. july IO. French expeditionary force under Rochambeau and Ternay arrives off Newport. July 24-ca. August 5· Lafayette confers with Rochambeau and Ternay at Newport. August 15. Assumes command of light division. August I 6. Gates's defeat at Camden. September 2 1-2 2. Lafayette attends Hartford Conference with Washington, Rochambeau, and Ternay.

xlii

Chronological Outline

September 25. Benedict Arnold's treason discovered. September 29-30. Lafayette sits on court-martial of Major Andre. October 7· Battle of Kings Mountain, South Carolina. October I 4. Washington appoints Greene commander of the southern army. November 26. Washington orders Lafayette's light corps disbanded. December. In Philadelphia. December I). Ternay dies. December 20. Britain issues manifesto authorizing reprisals against United Provinces (unofficial declaration of war). December 30. Detachment under Benedict Arnold arrives at Portsmouth, Virginia. 1781 January 1-10. Mutiny of Pennsylvania Line. January 4· Lafayette attempts to negotiate with the mutineers at Princeton. January 5-7. Arnold occupies Richmond. January 11. Lafayette returns to Washington's winter quarters at New Windsor, New York. January I 7· Battle of Cowpens, South Carolina. January 20-27. Mutiny of New jersey Line. February 20. Lafayette appointed to command expedition against Arnold in Virginia ("Portsmouth expedition"). February 21. Lafayette's detachment leaves New Windsor. March I. Articles of Confederation formally ratified. March 8. Destouche.1's squadron leaves Newport for thr Chesapeake. March 13-14. Lafayette leaves his troops near Annapolis and goes to Yorktown, Virginia. March I 5. Battle of Guilford Courthousr, North Carolina. March I6. Battlr of Cape Henry ("First Battle of the Capes"). Destouchrs returns to Rhode Island. March 23-27. Lafayette confers with Virginia officials and the Baron von Steuben. March 26. Phillips arrives in Virginia with 2,ooo troops and takes command from Arnold. March 28. Lafayette leaves Williamsburg to rejoin his troops in Maryland. March 30-31. Visits Washington's mother in Fredericksburg and goes to Mount Vernon. April6. Washington orders Lafayette's detachment to South Carolina to join Greene. April 7-13. At Head of Elk, Maryland. April 15-19. In Baltimore, preparing for march south. April 21. Lafayette's detachment arrives in Alexandria, Virginia. Lafayette takes command of American troops in the state.

Chronological Outline

xliii

April 24. British under Phillips and Arnold land at City Point, Virginia. Cornwallis's army marches from Wilmington, North Carolina, to join Phillips. April 25. Lafayette arrives at Fredericksburg. Skirmish near Blandford, Virginia; Phillips's army enters Petersburg, burns warehouses; Greene's troops repulsed at Hobkirks Hill, near Camden. April 2 7· British raid shipping at Coxendale (near Osborne's), Virginia. April 29. Lafayette's detachment arrives at Richmond. April 30. Finding Richmond defended, Phillips withdraws his troops and sails down the James River. May 1. Greene orders Lafayette to remain in Virginia and officially gives him command of the troops in that state. May 4-6. In camp near Bottoms Bridge. May 6. The Comte de Barras arrives at Boston from France to command the French squadron in America. May 7-8. In camp at Richmond. May 9· Spanish capture Pensacola. May g-10. In camp near Osborne's. May IO. British evacuate Camden. May I I. British garrison surrenders fort at Orangeburg, South Carolina. May 11-19. In camp near Wilton. May I2. British surrender Fort Motte, South Carolina. May I 3. British reinforcement of 1 ,Boo men sails from Staten Island to join Phillips. May I 4. Phillips dies of a fever at Petersburg, Virginia; Arnold takes command. May I 5. British surrender Fort Granby, South Carolina. May 20. Cornwallis's army joins Arnold's at Petersburg; Cornwallis takes command. May 2 o -2 2. Mutiny in the Pennsylvania Line at York, Pennsylvania; Wayne has twelve mutineers executed. May 20-25. In camp at Richmond. May 22. Washington and Rochambeau confer at Wethersfield, Connecticut, and agree on a joint expedition against New York City. Greene institutes siege of Ninety-Six, South Carolina. May 24. Cornwallis's army leaves Petersburg for expedition into Virginia. May 26. Wayne's detachment leaves York, Pennsylvania, for Virginia. june I -21. French army leaves Newport to join Washington's army on the Hudson. june 2. French forces under De Grasse capture the garrison on Tobago. june 4· British detachment under Tarleton raids Charlottesville. june 5· British detachment under Simcoe destroys stores at Point of Fork, Virginia. june 7-I5. Cornwallis camps at Elk Hill.

xliv

Chronological Outline

June Io. Wayne, with I ,ooo Pennsylvania troops, joins Lafayette. June II-I4. Lafayette's army maneuvers between British army and Continental stores by means of an abandoned road. june r5 -r6. Cornwallis occupies Richmond. June I g. Steuben, with Virginia Continentals and militia, joins Lafayette. Greene abandons siege of Ninety-Six. June 21. Cornwallis evacuates Richmond, begins march to Williamsburg; Lafayette's army follows. june 2 5. Cornwallis occupies Williamsburg. June 26. Skirmish between Wayne's troops and Simcoe's at Spencer's Tavern, near Williamsburg. June 27-July 4· In camp near Tyree's Plantation, 20 miles from Williamsburg. [early July]. British evacuate and burn fort at Ninety-Six. july 4· Cornwallis evacuates Williamsburg, begins march to Portsmouth. July 6. Battle of Green Spring against Cornwallis. july 9-24. Tarleton's Legion makes an unsuccessful expedition to destroy military stores in Virginia. july 15-18. At Richmond. July 1g-August 1. At Malvern Hill. july 21 -24. Combined American and French armies reconnoiter area around New York City; Washington and Rochambeau decide an attack is not feasible. August 2. Cornwallis occupies Yorktown and Gloucester and begins to fortify them. August 14. Washington and Rochambeau learn that De Grasse is sailing for the Chesapeake. August 14-24. In camp near the fork of York River. August r8. British evacuate Portsmouth and its supporting posts. August I 9· American and French armies begin march from Philipsburg to Virginia. September 2. De Grasse's fleet arrives at Yorktown; French marines placed under Lafayette's command. September 5-26. At Williamsburg. September 5. De Grasse's fleet engages British fleet under Graves off the Virginia Capes ("Second Battle of the Capes"). September 8. Battle of Eutaw Springs, South Carolina. September 10. Comte de Barras's squadron arrives in the Chesapeake with siege cannon and supplies. September 14· Washington and Rochambeau arrive in Williamsburg. September 26. Lafayette visits De Grasse's flagship. The last of the French and American troops arrive in Williamsburg. October 3. Lauzun's Legion and Mercer's infantry skirmish with Tarleton's Legion near Gloucester.

Chronological Outline

xlv

October 14. Redoubt No. 10 captured by troops under Lafayette's command. October I 6. Cornwallis's forces attempt a retreat across York River but are forced back by a severe storm. October 19. Cornwallis surrenders. October 2 1 -2 2. Lafayette discusses with De Grasse the possibility of his fleet's carrying troops for an expedition under Lafayette's command against Wilmington, North Carolina. October 23-31. At Yorktown. November 4· De Grasse leaves the Chesapeake for the West Indies. November 8-28. In Philadelphia. Presides over court-martial of spies Lawrence Marr and John Moody (November 8-10); confers with members of Congress. December 10-22. In Boston. December 23. Sails for France on board the Alliana. 1782 September 17. Birth of daughter Virginie. October 24. Accepts position of quartermaster general of FrenchSpanish expeditionary force mobilizing at Cadiz. 1783 January 20. Preliminary peace, hostilities officially ended. March. Lafayette becomes a marechal de camp in the French army. 1784 August 4 -December 2 1. American tour. 1786 Works for French trade concessions for the United States as a member of the "American Committee." August. Buys plantation in Cayenne for experiment in slave emancipation. 1787 February 22-May 25. Attends Assembly of Notables. May 24. Calls for toleration of the Protestants and reform of the criminal law. 1788 November 6-December 12. Attends Second Assembly of Notables; supports doubling of the Third Estate. .. 1789 March 26. Elected deputy to the Estates General from Auvergne. June 27. Joins with the Third Estate, which had constituted itself as the National Assembly. July 1 1. Presents draft for the Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen. July 13. Chosen vice-president of the National Assembly. july 14. Fall of the Bastille.

xlvi

Chronological Outline

July 15. Lafayette proclaimed commandant of the Paris National Guard. 1790 June 19. Supports decree abolishing titles of nobility. 1791 October 8. Lafayette resigns as commandant of the Paris National Guard. 1792 Ca. January 1. Takes command of the Army of the Center at Metz. May-August. Commands the Army of the Left. August 1 o. Arrest of the king. August 19. Lafayette impeached by the Convention. Emigrates and is captured by the Austrians. September 18, 1792-September 19, 1797. Imprisoned at Wesel, Magdeburg, Neisse, and Olmiitz. 1797 September 19. Released from prison under the terms of the Treaty of Campo-Formio. November. Moves to Lemkiihlen, Holstein. 1799 Ca. January. Moves to Vianen, Holland. November 9-10 (18 Brumaire). Establi5hment of the Consulate. 18oo January. Lafayette establishes residence in France at La Grange. 1807 December 24. Death of his wife, Adrienne. 1815 Begins first of several terms in the Chamber of Deputies. june 18. Battle of Waterloo. June 22. Lafayette insists on Bonaparte's abdication. 1824 August 16. Arrives in New York for American tour. 1825 September g. Sails for France. 1830 July 28-go. Active in the Revolution of 1830. August 16-December 26. Commandant of National Guard of the Realm. 1834 May 20. Death in Paris.

Lafayette in the Age of the American Revolution

PART I THE WAR MOVES TO VIRGINIA April 1-june 30, 1781

... the worst of the affair is that on looking behind me I see just goo Continental troops and some militia, sometimes more and sometimes less but never enough not to be completely thrashed by the smallest of the two armies that do me the honor of visiting. To the Chevalier de La Luzerne, May g, 1781

During the winter of 178o-81, the South had been the scene of an active campaign between the forces of Nathanael Greene, newly appointed commander of America's southern army, and Lord Cornwallis, whose objective was to secure the Carolinas for the British. The last major battle between Cornwallis and Greene took place at Guilford Courthouse, North Carolina, on March 15; although Cornwallis forced Greene to retreat from the field, he lost nearly a third of his army in the fighting and was obliged to withdraw. Cornwallis decided not to return to South Carolina, where he could have reinforced the troops he had left there under Lord Rawdon. Instead, he led his weakened army to Wilmington, North Carolina. There he could obtain much-needed supplies, replace some of the men he had lost, and prepare for an expedition against the supply depots in Virginia that sustained the Continental army in the Carolinas. Greene's army immediately marched back into South Carolina to open an offensive that would eventually force the enemy to relinquish control of the interior. There had been no active campaign in the North in 1780. All plans for an attack on New York had proved impracticable, and Lafayette chafed at the inactivity. The best opportunity for military action came finally in February 1781, when Washington conceived a plan for a short expedition against Benedict Arnold's detachment at Portsmouth, Virginia. Lafayette enthusiastically took command of the detachment Washington entrusted to him, but in April he found himself in Annapolis with 1,200 Continentals, unable to carry out Washington's instructions. On March 16, Admiral Destouches's squadron had fought Arbuthnot's off the Chesapeake Capes and had failed to gain the naval superiority prerequisite to a land attack on Portsmouth. Lafayette prepared to return to the main army at New Windsor, New York, for the

2

The War Moves to Virginia

opening of the spring campaign in the North. Before he left Maryland, new orders came from Washington. Washington had learned that 2,ooo British troops under General William Phillips had sailed from New York. Believing that Phillips was en route to join Cornwallis, Washington decided to send a reinforcement to Greene. Since Lafayette's detachment could reach Greene's army before any troops from headquarters, Washington on April 6 ordered his detachment to South Carolina. Lafayette had little enthusiasm for a move to the south, as he had expected to participate in an allied expedition against New York in the spring. He nevertheless set to work immediately to obtain in Maryland the necessary supplies and transportation for his corps. While in Maryland, he received intelligence that Phillips had landed in Virginia, and he hastened his preparations. Phillips now commanded the army that had been under Arnold, along with the troops that he had brought with him. Only days after Lafayette's detachment arrived in Alexandria, Phillips launched an expedition to destroy shipping, military stores, and manufacturing in Virginia. Lafayette began to organize the defense of the state as best he could. Correctly guessing that Phillips meant to destroy Continental stores at Richmond, Lafayette quickly mobilized his troops and took up a strong position on the heights of Richmond on April 29. Phillips judged it imprudent to attack him and retired with his army to Petersburg the next day. Lafayette had saved Richmond. The pressure on Virginia increased during May. Another British reinforcement arrived from New York, and finally on May 20 Cornwallis brought his army to Petersburg to join Phillips's army, bringing the number of troops there to about 7,200. American and French military leaders still assumed that Cornwallis would soon embark for South Carolina to relieve Rawdon. Even as Cornwallis was preparing a series of raids to destroy the southern army's supply system-and, if possible, bring Virginia under British control-Washington and Rochambeau were meeting at Wethersfield, Connecticut, where they agreed on a plan to relieve Greene by an attack on New York. The threat of attack would force Clinton to recall troops from the South for the city's defense. The documents show that Lafayette also believed that the fight for the Carolinas was the most important element of the 1781 campaign. Even when Cornwallis's troops were overrunning Virginia, he thought it his duty to contribute to Greene's increasing success by sending him whatever assistance he could. Yet, as commander of the troops in Virginia, he constantly faced the extremely difficult task of defending that state against the raids of an ever larger British force. He had

April1-June 30, 1781

3

neither cavalry nor transportation sufficient to move as quickly as the enemy. He lacked money, supplies, arms for the militia, and accoutrements for the few horses he was able to obtain through military impress. With his small detachment of regulars and the militia that rallied to its side, Lafayette tried to oppose the enemy raids while avoiding a general engagement, for he realized that, above all, he had to keep his corps intact. He detained Lawson's Virginia militia, which was to have joined Greene, and from April to early June he expected Wayne to arrive with Pennsylvania troops destined for Greene's army. He had hoped to keep Wayne's troops with his army for a short time. In April he would have used them to check Phillips. In May he thought that if the Pennsylvanians could join him in time, he could prevent Cornwallis's junction with the British already in Virginia. But Wayne was delayed, and Lafayette managed to act quickly, with only his small corps, to remove or protect the more important stores that Phillips and then Cornwallis sought to destroy. Wayne arrived at last on June 10, in time to join Lafayette in a maneuver that successfully blocked Cornwallis's route to one of the largest depots of Continental stores. Having destroyed what rebel stores. he could find, Cornwallis marched toward Williamsburg at the end of June to receive any orders that might have come from Sir Henry Clinton. For the first time since his arrival in Virginia, Lafayette was not being pressed by superior forces and thought his army strong enough to hazard a small action. His army followed the British march-which Lafayette termed Cornwallis's "retreat"-and managed to surprise a foraging party near Williamsburg. Although losses were small and relatively equal on both sides, the action was the first offensive move the Americans had been able to make in Virginia in some months, and Lafayette saw it as proof that Virginia would not be lost. He could only await Cornwallis's next move and hope for other opportunities to show the strength of the rebel arms.

From Nathanael Greene Head quarters Col. Ramsey's Deep River April 3d. 1781 Dear Sir This day your letter of the 25th of March was delivered me; and two of the 25th & 27th from Baron Stu ben, 1 by the last of which I find the British Fleet continue masters of the Sea. The Baron thinks the French

4

The War Moves to Virginia

fleet have come to Cape Fear; this I can hardly suppose. He also adds that you had set out for Anapolis with an intention to return to the Northward. I cannot think this will be advisable for you to return, as the enemy are greatly reinforced in Virginia, and superior by far to the southward. The Northern Army must be secured by the detachments which is made from New York to the Southward; and the Northern States will certainly have reinforced Genl. Washington before this; therefore I cannot apprehend any thing for the safety of the Northern Army and to this may be added the plan of the Ministry is to push the war to the Southard and not to the Northward. These reasons and the very critical situation of the Southern States and the fatal consequences that must attend your drawing off your force if the enemy push their operations as they most undoubtedly will induces me to wish you to March your force Southward by Alexandria and Fredricksburg to Richmond which will be a point from which you can cooperate either with me or the Militia in the lower Country, as the movements of the Enemy may render necessary. As we cannot effect any thing splendid it is necessary to guard against a misfortune. I am confident General Washington will approve of the measure and from this perswasion venture to give you this advice until His Excellencys pleasure can be farther known. It is impossible for the Southern States with all the exertions they can make under the many disadvantages they labour to save themselves. Subsistence is very difficult to be got and therefore it is necessary that the best of troops should be employed that a less number may answer. Every exertion should be made for the salvation of the Southern States for on them depend the liberty of the Northern. It will be our interest to keep the enemy as much divided as possible for many reasons: as our force is composed principally of Militia we can avail our selves of a much greater number when they are divided than when they act collectively. We can also fight them to much more advantage divided than collected as the force of the Militia dont increase from the increase of numbers in the same proportion as the force of regulars does. For these reasons I have determined to carry the war into South Carolina to prevent Lord Cornwallis from forming a junction with Arnold, and expect by that movement to draw him immediately out of the State, and if you follow on to support me, it is not impossible but we may give him a drubing, especially if General Wayne comes up with the Pensylvanians. But if you go immediately to the Northward Virginia will not be able to send us another man; and the dangerous and critical situation they will be left in, will prevent them from making the necessary exertions raising the Continental troops. The last accounts I had from the Enemy they were at Cross Creek,

April1-June 30, 1781

5

and probably they mean to take post there, but I am rather inclind to think they will fall down to Wilmington; however this is quite uncertain. It would afford me great pleasure to have you with the Southern Army and here is a sufficient field to exercise your genius and gratify your ambition. I kindly thank you for your affectionate and friendly address upon our misfortunes at Guilford. I did all I could to obtain victory and with the pride of a republican feel a conscious superiority to the black torrent of censure that ever follows (for a time) the unfortunate. With esteem and affection I am my dear Marquis Your most obed. humble Sr. N. GREENE ALS (NNPM), draft. 1. Lafayette's letter of March 25 not found. In Steuben's letter to Greene of March 25 he summarized American troop movements in Virginia and informed Greene that he had sent on to him four pieces of artillery (NHi: Steuben Papers). Steuben's March 27 letter has not been found.

To the Baron von Steuben Annapolis April the 4h. 1781 Dear Sir Your late favor mentionning the Arrival of Clel. Morris 1 Having Come yesterday to Hand, I Hasten to send on my Answer least you should Be gone Before this Arrives at Richmond. I am sorry of your disappointement on account of your Recruits, and the more so as General Greene seems to Be in a great need of men and Ammunition; the first Article I cannot supply Him with as my instructions are positive, and my zeal Cannot Be farther exerted But in Recommendations to my friends in Maryland and Pennsylvania. On the second point I think I may do some thing, and instead of taking with me my field pieces and Ammunition I send them to the southern army where I Hope they will be serviceable. The four six pounders with 300 Rounds each and Near Hundred thousand Cartridges will Be immediately sent By Governor Lee to Frederisksburg where I Hope you will obtain Horses and waggons to Carry them to the southern Army. General Smallwood puts them under Convoy of a detachement of the Maryland line commanded by Lt. Clel. Stuart.

6

The War Moves to Virginia

The inclosed are letters which Had Been given to Major McPherson for to be delivered to the french Commanders. 2 They Appear to Be of your Hand writing, and are in that Case Relating to the expedition. But in Case I was mistaken I wish you will send them Back that I may forward them to Mr. de Tilly. I Request you will present my Compliments to the gentlemen of your family and Believe me with much esteem and attachement Your most obedient Humble Servant LAFAYETTE

No News from the North ward But the Confirmation of a dutch war. 3 I Have Heard Nothing from Williamsburg, and Cannot as yet ascertain what these transports were or what men they Had on Board. 4 I Request you will Be so kind as to write me what Has Been Reported to you on that subject. ALS (NHi: Gates Papers). 1. Steuben had written Lafayette on March 29 that Greene's aide-de-camp, Colonel Lewis Morris, had arrived in Williamsburg bringing an urgent request from Greene that men and ammunition be sent him from Virginia (in LAAR, 3:423-24). Lafayette wrote Morris on April 4• saying that he regretted not having seen him in Richmond to discuss Greene's situation. He also informed him that he would be sending Greene some of his fieldpieces and ammunition (ViW). 2. Letters not identified. 3· Irritated by the United Provinces' persistent refusal to discontinue shipments of naval stores to France, Great Britain in the fall of 1780 found a pretext to break relations with the Dutch. Although the British government's manifesto of grievances on December 20, 1780, was not a declaration of war, an order in council on the same day authorized immediate reprisals against Dutch shipping and property; on February 3, 1781, Admiral George Rodney captured the rich Dutch island of St. Eustatius, which was a center for contraband trade in the West Indies. 4· Lafayette had earlier received intelligence reports that a British fleet had come into Lynnhaven Bay with other ships thought to be transport ships from New York (Lafayette to Washington, March 26, 1781, in LAAR, 3:416-17).

From George Washington Head Quarters New Windsor sh. April 1781 My dear Marquis I have successively received your favors of the 3d. 7h. gh. 15h. 23d. 25h. and 26h. of last Month.' You having been fully instructed as to your operations and I having nothing material to communicate, was the reason of my not answering them before. While we lament the miscarriage of enterprize which bid so fair for success, we must console ourselves in the thought of having done every thing practicable to

April 1-June 30, 1781

7

accomplish it. I am certain that the Chevalier de Touche exerted himself to the utmost to gain the Chesapeak-the point upon which the whole turned. The Action with Admiral Arbuthnot 2 reflects honor upon the Chevalier, and upon the Marine of France. As matters have turned out it is to be wished that you had not gone out of the Elk. But I never judge of the propriety of measures by after events. Your move to Annapolis, at the time you made it, was certainly judicious. The report of the French Fleet being off Cape Fear was erroneous. 3 They returned to the Harbour of Newport the 26h. of last month. I imagine the detachment will be upon its march this way, before this reaches you. I do not know what you will have done with your heavy Artillery. You had I think (if you should not have already got it to the Head of Christian River) best leave it at Baltimore or at any safe place. The light peices with the two smallest Mortars and the Ammunition and Stores belonging to them are to go to the southward with the first division of the Pennsylvanians. You will therefore leave them at some safe and proper place upon the communication and upon your arrival at Philad. inform General Wayne where they are, that he may take them along with him. I wish the detachment may move as quickly as they can without injury to the troops. Should Count de Charlus, Count St. Maime and Count Dillon be with you, you will be pleased to make my Compliments to them. I am with sincere Regard My dear Marquis Yr. &c. P.S. You will give me notice of the approach of the detachment especially from Philad. to this place. L (DLC: George Washington Papers, Series 4), draft. 1. Lafayette's letters to Washington of March 7, g, 15, 25, and 26 are in LAAR, 3: 376--78, 38g-go, 397-98,413-14, 416-18. The letter of March 3 and a second letter of March 26 are in Gottschalk, Letters of Lafayette, pp. 153, 165-67. 2. The Battle of Cape Henry, March 16, 1781, in which Admiral Arbuthnot defeated a squadron under the Chevalier Destouches. 3· In one of his March 26 letters to Washington, Lafayette said he had received intelligence that Admiral Destouches had sailed to Cape Fear, North Carolina, after the battle with Arbuthnot's squadron.

8

The War Moves to Virginia

From George Washington Head Quarters New Windsor 6h. April 1781. My dear Marquis Since my letter to you of yesterday, I have attentively considered of what vast importance it will be to reinforce Genl. Greene as speedily as possible, more especially as there can be little doubt but the detachment under Genl. Phillips, if not part of that now under the command of Genl. Arnold, will ultimately join, or, in some degree, cooperate with Lord Cornwallis. 1 I have communicated to the General Officers, at present with the Army, my sentiments on the subject, and they are unanimously of opinion that the detachment under your command should proceed andjoin the southern Army. Your being already three hundred Miles advanced, which is nearly halfway, is the reason which operates against any which can be offered in favr. of marching that detachment back and forming another-a plan which I once had in my own mind, as it was hastily formed and neither Officers or Me'1 might have imagined they were to leave their Corps for so great a length of time, but, as matters are circumstanced, private inconveniencies must give way to the public good, and you will therefore immediately, upon the receipt of this, turn the detachment to the southward. Inform General Greene that you are upon your march to join him; and take his direction as to your route when you begin to approach him. Previous to that, you will be guided by your own judgment, and by the Roads on which you will be most likely to find subsistence for the troops and Horses. It will be well to advise Governor Jefferson of your intended march thro' the State of Virginia, or perhaps it might answer a good purpose were you to go forward to Richmond yourself, after putting the troops in motion and having made some necessary arrangements for their progress. You will now take the light Artillery, and smallest Mortars with their Stores and the Musket Cartridges with you. But let these follow under a proper escort rather than impede the march of the detachment which ought to move as expeditiously as possible without injury to them. The heavy Artillery and Stores you will leave at some proper & safe place, if it cannot be conveniently transported to Christien River, from whence it will be easily got to Philada. You may leave it to the option of Lieut. Colo. Stevens to proceed or not as he may think proper. His family are in peculiar circumstances and he left them in the expectation of being absent but a short time. 2 Should there be

April 1-June 30, 1781

9

other officers under similar circumstances you may make them the same offers and they shall be relieved. I will now mention to you, in confidence, the reason which operated with me more than almost any other in favor of recalling your detachment and forming another. It was the uneasiness occasioned among the Field Officers of those Regiments, which furnished the Men, upon the appointment of Colo. Jimat and Major Galvan to commands in the Corps. They presented a memorial to me upon the subject, and I gave them the true reason, which was, that the Regiments in their lines were so extremely thin of Field Officers of their own, that necessity, if nothing else, dictated the measure. 3 I have heard nothing of the discontent lately, but should I find it revive again, upon its being known that the Corps is to continue together, I shall be obliged, for peace sake, to relieve those two Gentlemen by Officers properly belonging the lines from which the Regiments are formed. You will therefore prepare them for such an event and tell them candidly the reasons, founded principally upon their having already had their tour in the Infantry. Should they be relieved, they will probably incline to continue with the southern Army. There is as much or more probability of their finding employ there than with us, as we shall, from all appearances, remain inactive. I am My Dr. Marquis L (DLC: George Washington Papers, Series 4), draft with corrections in Washington's hand. 1. British Major General William Phillips had arrived in Virginia with 2,000 troops in late March. Arnold and his detachment were thereafter under his command, but there were then no specific plans for cooperation with Cornwallis in the Carolinas. 2. Ebenezer Stevens had already left the detachment to return to his wife, who was sick in New Windsor (John Austin Stevens, "Ebenezer Stevens," Magazine of American History, 1 [1877]:6o7). 3· William Heath had enclosed to Washington the complaint he had received from seven field officers of the Massachusetts Line that, despite their active service to their country, the field commands of the Massachusetts men in the detachment had gone to officers outside the line (James Mellen et al. to Heath, February 27, 1781, DLC: George Washington Papers, Series 4); Heath's covering letter to Washington (March 2, 1781, in ibid.) was less restrained than the letter he enclosed: I cannot smother my own feelings, which have been exceedingly wounded under some considerations on this occasion. I never will admit an idea to enter my breast, that it is possible for any officer, especially a foreigner to have the interests or honor of my country more at heart than I have; and if the conduct of my General in any instance should discover that he placed less confidence in me, it cannot fail to make a painful impression. Washington replied to the complaints in a letter to Heath on March 21 (in Fitzpatrick, Writing of Washington, 21:342-44).

10

The War Moves to Virginia

To George Washington Elk April the 8h. 1781. My Dear General Your Excellency's Letters of the 5h. and 6he. Inst. are just Come to Hand, and Before I Answer to their Contents Beg Leave to Give you a Summary Account of the Measures I Have Lately taken. As to the Part of My Conduct you Have Been Acquainted with, I am Happy, My dear General, to find that it Has Met with Your Approbation. When the Return of the British fleet put it out of Doubt that Nothing Could Be undertaken for the present Against Porsmouth, I Sent pressing orders to Annapolis in order to Have Every thing in Readiness and even to move the troops By Land to the Head of Elk. 1 I myself Hastened Back to Maryland, But I Confess Could Not Resist the Ardent desire I Had long Ago of Seeing Your Relations And Above All your Mother at Frederisk Burg. For that purpose I went Some miles out of the way, and in order to Conciliate My Private Happiness to duties of a Public Nature, I Recovered By Riding in the Night those few Hours Which I Had Consecrated to My Satisfaction. I Had Also the Pleasure of Seeing Mount Vernon, And was very Unhappy that My Duty and My Anxiety for the execution of Your Orders Prevented My paying A Visit to Mr. Custis. 2 On my Arrival at Annapolis, I found that Our preparations were far from Promising a Speedy Departure. The Difficulty of Getting Waggons and Horses is Immense-No Boats Sufficient to Cross over the ferries-the State very desirous to keep us as Long as possible, as they were Scared By the Apparition of the Hope 20 guns and the Monk 18 guns who Blockaded the Harbour and who (as Appeared from Intercepted Letters) were Determined to Oppose our Movements. 3 In these Circumstances, I thought it Better to Continue My Preparations for a journey By Land, which, I am told would Have Lasted ten days on account of ferries, and in the Mean while Had two Eighteen pounders put on Board a Small Sloop which Appeared Ridiculous to Some, But proved to Be of A Great Service. In the Morning of the 6h. Commodore Nicholson went out with the Sloop and An other Vessel full of men. Wether the Sound of 18 pounders or the fear of Being Boarded Operated Upon the ennemy I am Not able to Say. But after Some Maneuvres they Retreated So far as to Render it prudent for us to Sail for this place. Every Vessel with troops and Stores Was Sent in the Night By the Commodore to whom I Am

PL.

unl... tt... lwu ,.....1r~1l ,.,~\lllaap•Ji~

·r.u .... ,.....

.,(/, t/,r }.',.,,,,,..,,..,( ,('{/,,. /,,'t.f./,1 'Ji""/'·• ,,./,.,. ~L.jot· l :,•Jtt•ntl ~( r11'\f11 1-. til' (..' Jt~1 \,·If,··"

t"un1111 •1111/

.... . .

~

.

,~

( ,.,. l'o•,

''•

Map of the encampment of Lafayette's troops at Annapolis, March-April178I, showing British warships Hope and General Monk blockading the harbor

12

The War Moves to Virginia

Vastly Obliged, and Having Brought up the Rear with the Sloop and other Vessel I arrived this Morning at Elk. It is Reported that the Ships Have Returned to their Station. If it is So, they Must Have Been Reinforced, and their Commander Had Already Applied for an Augmentation of Force. Before I Left Annapolis I Received a Letter from General Greene which Being Intended to Be Delivered by Clel. Morriss was very short, and Refferred to Propositions which Clel. Moriss was ·to Make to Baron de Viomenil and Myself. 4 That officer Came within twenty Miles of Williams Burg, and Hearing from Baron de Stubens that I was just gone He thought it Useless to Communicate Propositions which Related to A Cooperation with the french forces. By this Express and letters from the Baron I did Not Hear Any thing further of the Ennemy's Arrival in the Chesapeak But what I Have Once Mentionned, But Hearing that General Greene was in want of Ammunition I took the liberty of Leaving for the Southern Army four 6 pounders with 300 Rounds Each, Near Hundred thousand Cartridges and Some Small Mortars which I left to the Care of the Governor and General Smallwood, Requesting them to Have waggons and Horses Impressed and to Send them to a place of Safety where they must Be By this time. I also wrote to the governor of Virginia, to General Greene and the Baron, and these Stores will Set off in a few days under the Care of a detachement for the Maryland Line Commanded By Lt. Clel. Stuart. 5 On my passage from Annapolis two men Came on Board our vessels whom I Suspected to Be Spies, and we therefore Put on the Appearance of British. They were at first Cautious But Upon Mjor. McPherson's describing Some Acquaintances of theirs in the British Army, 6 they were Entirely Satisfied, and told us that they Had Been on Board the other Vessels, that they Used to furnish the Army with flour and that a Sloop was just waiting for an opportunity to Slip off They offered to Guide us, and one of them is Gone with McPherson to Secure the Sloop Least the Rebels Should order Her up. As Soon as He Returns I will Have Both Hanged as Spies. In consequence of previous orders Every thing was in Readiness for our Movement. The troops were ordered to March to morrow Morning, and I Expect a Sufficiency of vessels is Now at Willmington or Christiana Creek, so that I was in Hopes to join your Excellency in a very few days. Your Letter of the 6he. ordering me to the South ward is just Come to Hand. Had I Been still at Annapolis, or Upon the Road By Land (and of Course with the Same Means to Return which I Had to Advance) Your Commands would Have Been Immediately obcicd. But

Aprill-June30, 1781 Necessity keeps us Here for Some days, and as Your Letter Came in two days Your Answer to this Must Be Here Before we are In a situation to Move. When Your Excellency wrote to me, I was Supposed to Be at Annapolis or Very Near that place with the Means of Returning, which Makes a great difference. An other Still more Material is that Instead of joining Either Arnold or Philips (if Philips is there) Lord Cornwallis is So disabled as to Be forced to A Retreat as Appears from General Greene's Letter. 7 To these Considerations I Have Added this one which is desisivethat Being only fitted to March twelve Miles part of it in the State of Delaware, and a part of our provisions Being Asked for from Philadelphia, it is Impossible to Have the Necessary Apparatus to March and Subsist or to Cross ferrys on our way towards the Southern Army So as to Leave this place Under four or five days. As to a transportation through the Bay, we Cannot Expect the Same good luck of frightening an Ennemy who Must know How despiceable our preparations were, and we Must at Least wait for the Return of look out Boats which if Sent Immediately will not probably Return under five or six days. In these Circumstances, My dear General, I Am Going to Make Every preparation to March to Virginia So as to Be Ready as Soon As possible. I shall keep Here the Vessels, and will also keep those which Have Been ordered to Christiana Creek. This State of Suspence will Distract the Ennemy's Conjectures and put Me in a Situation to Execute Your Excellency's orders which will be Here Before I Can Be able to Move with any degree of Advantage towards the South ward. Had it Been possible to obey to Morrow Morning I would Have done it Immediately. But Since I am obliged to Make preparations, I Beg Leave to Make these observations which I would Have Been allowed to present, Had I Been at the Meeting of General officers. The troops I Have with Me Being taken from Every Northen Regiment, Have often (tho' without Mentionning it to me) Been Very Uneasy at the idea of joining the Southern Army. They want Cloathes, shoes particularly, they Expect to Receive cloathes and Monney from their States. This would Be a great Disappointement for Both officers and Men. Both thought at first they were Sent out for a few days And provided themselves Accordingly. Both Came Chearfully to this Expedition, But Both Have Had Already their fears on the idea of Going to the South ward. They will Certainly obey, But they will Be Unhappy and Some will desert. Had this Corps Considered themselves as light Infantry destined for the Campaign to Be Separated from their Regiments it would Be At-

The War Moves to Virginia tended with Less Inconveniences and Such a Corps in the Course of the Campaign Might Be Brought there particularly By water without difficulty as they would Be prepared Accordingly. Supposing the Jersay line were to join the detachement of their troops at this place it would Hardly make any Difference as we Have Been But five days Coming from Morristown to the Head of Elk. These Considerations, My dear general, I Beg You to Be Convinced Are Not influenced By personal Motives. I would Most Certainly Like Better to Be in a situation to attak Newyork Nor would I like in an operation Against Newyork to See you deprived of the New England Light Infantry, But I think with you that these Motives are not to Influence our determination if this is the Best way to Help General Greene. By the Letters I Have Received from my two friends Marquis de Castries and Count de Vergennes 8 I Am Assured that we shall soon get an answer to our propositions against Newyork, and strongly led to Hope that Having a Naval Superiority the Army Under Your Immediate Command will not Remain inactive. At all Events, My dear general, I will Use My Best Endeavours to Be Ready to Move either way as Soon as possible and Have the Honor to Be with the Highest Respect and Affection Your Most obedient Humble Servant and friend LAFAYETTE

I Beg you will present my Respects [to] Mrs. Washington Mrs. Hamilton and the family. ALS (DLC: George Washington Papers, Series 4). 1. Orders not found. 2. John Parke Custis, Washington's stepson. 3· Intercepted letters not found. Maryland formally requested Lafayette to keep his detachment in Maryland on April 8, following reports of British raids along Maryland rivers. See following letter. 4· See Greene to Lafayette, March 29, 1781, in LAAR, 3:422. 5· On April 4, 1781, Lafayette wrote to Jefferson (Vi: Executive Department, Governor's Office, Letters Received), to Greene (CSmH: George Washington Greene Transcripts), and to Steuben (above) on the arrangements to send artillery and ammunition to Greene. General William Smallwood, whom Greene had sent to Maryland to obtain supplies and reinforcements for his army, sent the materiel with a detachment commanded by John Steward, First Maryland Regiment. 6. William Macpherson, lieutenant and adjutant in the British Sixteenth Regiment of Foot before the Revolution, was at this time a brevet major in the Continental army and a volunteer with Lafayette's detachment. 7· Greene wrote in his March 29 letter to Lafayette that Cornwallis was retreating in such haste after the Battle of Guilford Courthouse that he left his dead unburied and that Cornwallis's army was burdened by a large number of wounded (LAAR, 3:422). 8. Letters not found.

April1-June 30, 1781

From the Governor's Council of Maryland In Council, 8th. April, 1781. Sir, We have just received Information from Col. Beall Lieutenant of Prince George's County that six of the Enemy's Ships have burnt Col. Barnes house on St. Mary's River and plundered him of all his Property, and have burnt Priest Hunters House at the Mouth of Port Tobacco Creek and are proceeding up Patowmack River to Alexandria with any Intention to destroy that Town and plunder the Inhabitants on the River; 1 The Ships that laid off this City returned this Morning with a Brig and a small schooner and stood up the Bay 'till they got above the Mouth of the Harbour, and then tacked and stood down, many concurring Accounts lately received induce us to beleive that Genl. Philips with not less than two thousand Men has arrived at Portsmouth. From these Facts we think we are justified in concluding that the Enemy have in Contemplation, the effecting a Junction with Cornwallis which if accomplished must terminate in the Destruction or Dispersion of the Southern Army if not strongly and timely reinforced, the plundering Harassing and distressing the People on the [Shores], the destroying our Town, and military Stores and getting Possession of the Provisions that have been collected for our Army; The military Stores and Provisions at this Place and Baltimore Town must be a capital Object and as we have the strongest Reasons to think as soon as they have perpetrated their Designs in Potowmack, if not before they will visit this City and Baltimore. Under these Circumstances we beg Leave to submit to your Consideration the Propriety of detaining the Detachment under your Command in this State and marching such a Part as you may deem necessary to our Assistance in Baltimore Town and in this City. LbC (MdAA: Council Letter Book, 1780-1787, pp. 113-14). 1. Joshua Beall to the governor of Maryland, April 7, 1781 (in Archives of Maryland, 47: 168).

r6

The War Moves to Virginia

To Alexander Hamilton Elk April the 10h. 1 781 Where is for the Present My dear Hamilton? This Question is not a Mere affair of Curiosity-it is not Even wholly owing to the tender Sentiments of My friendship-But Motives Both of public and private Nature Conspire in Making me wish that Your Woe Be Not Accomplished.1 Perhaps are you at Head quarters-perhaps at Albany. At all events I'll tell you My History. Had the french fleet Come in Arnold was ours. The More Certain it Was, the Greater My disappointement Has Been. At last it Has Become Necessary for me to Be Convinced that they Had Returned to Rhodcisland. I think they Have Exerted themselves for the Common good, and this Has Been a Confort in our Misfortune. Having luckily Arrived at Elk By water which at first I Had no Right to Expect, I Have Received the general's letter. 2 If you are at Head Quarters You will Have Seen My Correspondance with the General-if not I tell you that I am ordered to the Southern Army, and the General thinks that the Army Under His Immediate Command will Remain Inactive. After a March of forty days we will arrive at a time when the Heat of the Season will put an end to operations. This detachement is So circumstanced as to make it very inconvenient for officers and men to proceed. Before we arrive we Will perhaps Be Reduced to five or six Hundred men. There will Be no Light Infantry formed no attak Against Newyork None of those things which Had flattered My Mind. If a Corps is Sent to the Southward By land it ought to Have Been the Jersay Line. But if we weaken ourselves Newyork will Be out of the Question. Monsieur Destouches will I think propose to the General to Send to Philadelphia L'Evei'lle and all the frigats. These with [theJ frigats now at Philadelphia would Carry 1500 men to whatever part of the continent the General would think proper. We Could then Go to Morristown, there to form a true Corps of Light Infantry upon the principles at first intended, and Embarking in the first days of May we Could Be at Willmington; Georgetown or any where else Sooner than we Can now Be there By Land. I would Have the Bataillons Composed of Six Compagnies which would make four, or six Batai1lions of four Compagnies-Clels. emploied-Webb, Sprout, Lt. Clels. Huntington, Olney, Hull, Barber,

April1-June 30, 1781

Gimat, Laurens, Majors Willis, Fish, Gibs-inspectors Smith, Trescot, and an other-Brigadiers Gal. Huntington and Clel. Scamell-are a Good Corps of Artillery under ... My dear friend you would Be more useful at Head quarters-But if you don't Stay there you know what you Have promised to me. If this matter was So Managed we Can't Be so far gone But that we Might Return. Adieu, write me often and long letters. It is probable I will Be in the southern wilderness until! the end of the War-far from Head quarters, from the french Army, from my Correspondance with France-But the little good I Could operate in this Last Instance must Have taken place By this time. 3 My Best Respects and affectionate Compliments Walt on Mrs. Hamilton. Most friendly Yours LAFAYETTE

ALS (DLC: Alexander Hamilton Papers). I. Hamilton had resigned in February as Washington's aide-de-camp, following a disagreement with Washington at headquarters. Washington, through Tench Tilghman, proposed a reconciliation, which Hamilton refused, and efforts by Lafayette and several of Hamilton's other friends to persuade him to withdraw his resignation were equally unsuccessful. Because two of Washington's other aides were away at the time, Hamilton offered to remain in Washington's service until at least one of the aides should return (Hamilton to Philip Schuyler, February I8, I 78I, in Syrett, Hamilton Papers, 2 :563-68). 2. See Washington to Lafayette, April6, I78L 3· Lafayette had written letters to the French ministers on behalf of John Laurens, who went to France in February to make an appeal for increased French assistance (see Lafayette's letters to the Marquis de Castries, January 30, and to the Comte de Vergennes, February I, I78I, in LAAR, 3:2g4-30I, 307-9). The letters seem to have had a beneficial effect on Laurens's mission. See Vergennes to Lafayette, Aprilig and May II, and Castries to Lafayette, May 25, I781.

To Thomas Sim Lee and the Governor's Council of Maryland Elk April the wh. 1781 Sir I Have Received Your Excellency's favor of the 8h. lnst. and Most sincerely Lament the depredations Committed By the Ennemy. This cruel and Savage way of Making war is the More Exesperating as it is out of our power either to punish or to prevent these devastations. Every town laying on the Bay or the Rivers is so defenseless and exposed that each of them Requires a force to defend it superior to what the ennemy will send for its Reduction. So far as Relates to armed Vessels, and privateers, I should think that Militia Could Be Collected to oppose the landing of a few sailors. As to the Movements of the

The War Moves to Virginia British troops, they are so Rapid, and it is so impossible to defend Both shores of every River that with the Least judgement they may elude our opposition. I Have made preparations for an Immediate movement, and if no obstacle occurs shall march to morrow with the whole detachement. The New latitude added to My instruction Gives me the liberty of doing what I could not even think off when at Annapolis. 1 The same zeal I had to execute My first orders will Prompt me to advance Rapidly into the Southern States. However unadequate I am to the defense of Annapolis, Baltimore, and Alexandria at once, I will Hasten to the point that will Be the Nearest to those three places. I Request your excellency to furnish me with speedy, minuted, and frequent intelligences. It will Be necessary that a Collection of Waggons and Horses Be made at Baltimore in order to Relieve those which we take from this place. I Beg leave to Request your excellency will please to order that a quantity of live Cattle, and flour Be also collected at that place. 2 The Rapidity of our movements wholly depends upon the precautions that will Be taken for our transportation and Subsistence. I Hope, Sir, that precautions will Be taken for the Safety of our Stores now at or Near Indian Landing. General Smallwood will certainly dispose of them in the Best manner, But I Request You will acquaint Him that if I proceed South ward I will want the Musket Cartridges. When I was Coming up the Bay two men Came on Board my vessel which then was full of my troops, and a part of the fleet and detachement under my Command. Having Been induced to mistake us for British, they gave us every intelligence in their power, offered to guide us to several places on the shore, and in telling us they Had Been on Board the Hope, and Had supplied the ennemy with provisions offered to pilot us to a place where they Had a sloop Loaded with flour and Ready to slip off to Porsmouth. One of them went with Major McPherson whom they took as well as every one of us to Be a British officer, the other was put in irons immediately after the departure of His Comrade in a Barge with my aid de camp. As soon as Major McPherson arrives I will have Both of them tried and executed as they come within the description of Spies giving intelligences to the ennemy and going to them for imparting the Remarks they Have made among us, with an offer to guide them to attak our people in Consequence of the intelligences which they Have Collected Among us for that purpose.a Major McPherson Being gone with the Spy and six soldiers (supposed By that Man to Be British) I Have Not Yet Heard from them. They were to land in Gun Powder Creek, and I Request your excellency will please to send there as I am uneasy on that matter and am

April1-June 30, 1781

19

affrai:d some thing Has Happened to McPherson. In Requesting My Best Respects to Be presented to Mrs. Lee I Have the Honor to Be Your Excellency's Most obedient Humble servant LAFAYETTE

ALS (MH: bMs. Sparks 49·3· no. 119; by permission of Houghton Library, Harvard University). 1. See Washington to Lafayette, April 6. 2. See the Council's reply to Lafayette, April 12. 3· See also Lafayette to Thomas Sim Lee and the Governor's Council of Maryland, April17, 1781.

To George Washington Elk April the 10h. 1781 Dear General By My Letter of the 8h. Your Excellency will Have known of My Arrival at this Place and the Preparations I was Making to Proceed South ward. I took at the same time the Liberty to Inform You that the Great want of Monney, Baggage, Cloathing, Under which Both officers and Men are Suffering and the Hope they Had of Being furnished with a Part of these Articles from their States would Render it Very Inconvenient for the troops to Proceed Immediately By Land. They Begin to Be sensible of the Reason which detains them Here, and are Uneasy about it As they are so Unprovided for the Journey. I Have However Hurried on Preparations and will Be able to Set off to Morrow Morning. The Circumstance of My Being Ready sooner than I Expected, and a Letter from the Governor of Maryland informing that Six Ships whom I take to Be plundering vessels were Coming Up the Potowmack 1 Induce me Not to wait for Your Excellency's Answer. Not that I pretend to defend the towns of Alexandria Baltimore and Annapolis at a time, or to Stop the depredations of the Ennemy's Parties in a Country where their Naval Superiority Renders it Impossible, But Because I don't think Any Consideration Must delay the Execution of Superior orders, and Because if this Corps was Not Sent South ward they would with Alacrity March Back thirty or forty Miles More to Regain the Grand Army. Having Received No Particulars of Your Excellency's Journey to Rhode Island But By the News paper, a letter from you to Mr. Lund Washington and private Letters of Some friends, 2 I Cannot know what change Has taken place in Your Plans, and Am not able to Account for

20

The War Moves to Virginia

the Inactivity which You foresee for the Grand Army. Letters from Ministers, Letters from My friends, Intelligences from other Quarters Every thing was Combined to flatter me with the Hope that our Grand and desicive object would Be in Contemplasion. 3 I Then was not displeased with the dispositions of the Ennemy that weakened that place. It is probable your Excellency's plans Have Changed and You Intend to Prosecute the war to the South ward. I Had Yesterday the Pleasure of dining on Board the Hermione and Left Her under Sails to go to Rhode Island where she will Probably Be the day after to Morrow. Mr. de La Touche Treville Uncle to Captain La Touche will it is Said Command the Squadron of the Second division.4 I was Conversing with His Nephew in whom He Has an Entire Confidence on the Expedition Against Newyork and He assured me that His Uncle's plan would Certainly Be to take Possession of the Harbour, And send a force up North River-which you know is entirely the thing that You wanted Mr. de Ternay to do. Monsieur de La Touche Having Confidentially told me that He Had a Great influence over Monsieur Destouches, I observe to Him How important it was for the Common Cause that the french fleet Might Have the Greatest Possible Activity. We were also Conversing of the difficulties we Laboured Under for transportation, and He told me that the Next day After His Arrival at Rhode Island, Unless Such obstacles Occurred as He Could Not foresee, Monsieur Destouches would Make You an offer of the ship L'Eveille and the four frigats to Carry twelve Hundred men to Any Part of the Continent you Might think Proper. Those Ships are too Strong to Be affrai:d of frigats, and too fast Sailors to Be in the Least Concerned By the fear of a Squadron. Thinking that (particularly as Lord Cornwallis Has Retreated) our March would take us forty days where desertion and Sickness occasioned By want of Shoes and Every other necessary as well as By the Heat of the sun would much Reduce our Numbers, and that these ships with the addition of the two frigats at Philadelphia armed En f1ute 5 would in sailing only the 4h or sh of May Carry 1500 men to Willmington George Town or Any place in the Rear of Lord Cornwallis or the Neighbourood of General Greene I thought it My Duty to Encourage this Idea which would Bring us to the Point of Operations Sooner than we Could Arrive By Land. It would Also Give You the time of forming at Morristown or Trenton a detachement well provided Agreably to the Project you Had in Contemplation after the Return of the Corps when the Appointement of officers Could Be Made without affecting the Delicacy of the Regimental officers Nor the Honor of those Already Emploi:ed. While we would Be operating Mr. Destouches might keep cruizers off Charleston.

April 1-June 30, 1781

21

These Ideas, My dear General, Are only thrown out in Consequence of the freedom which You Have often Ordered Me to take. What Mr. Destouches May do is Uncertain, and I did not think Myself Authorised to Express to Him the Least wish on that Head. It was My duty to Relate our difficulties to you and the chances I foresaw to See them Relieved in Some Measure But unless the Bad weather of which there is now a prospect Makes it Impossible, I will Be to morrow at the ferry of the Susquehana. You may Have known from Mr. de La Luzerne that two Millions and a Half Had Been given to Mr. Franklin and that Marquis de Castries and Count de Vergennes were trying to obtain a Sum More Adequate to our wants-that However the Minister of France Has Requested me Not to Mention as it was as Yet an Uncertainty, and would Perhaps Give ill grounded Hopes destructive of the internal efforts we ought to Make. 6 I am told that just Before the Departure of Mr. de LaPeyrouse Some dispatches were sent to Brest, But do Not think they Contain Any thing Relating to our Operations as Marquis de Castries writes me that the determination of the Council upon our Letters will Be sent By the Ship who is to Convoy the Expected Vessels. 7 I am Very Sorry I Have not Seen the Aid de Camp who Had a verbal Message from General Greene. Inclosed I send to Your Excellency the Letters I Have Received on the Occasion. 8 Perhaps did He mean to propose an expedition towards Cape Fear or George Town which Might Be made with the Light Squadron above Mentionned. An additional Circumstance is that the EveiJle will now Be Commanded By Mr. de Lombard Captain La Touche's uncle who is Entirely Under that Gentleman's influence. I write to the Board of war for to get Some Shoes and other parts of Cloathing. 9 I will this Morning Speack to the Commanding officers of Batai:Ilons on our intended journey-But Have not Yet said any"thing to Clel. Gimat and Major Galvan Because it is possible that New circumstances may Engage You to change Your dispositions. 10 Going By water, if possible would level most all difficulties-But if I don't Hear from you I will allwais proceed on. Requesting Your Excellency to present My Best Respects to Mrs. Washington and Compliments to the family I Have the Honor to Be with the Highest Respect Your Excellency's Most obedient and affectionate Servant LAFAYETTE ALS (DLC: George Washington Papers, Series 4). 1. See Governor's Council of Maryland to Lafayette, April 8, 1781. 2. Washington's letter to his cousin Lund Washington has not been found; no private letters to Lafayette have been found that mention Washington's trip to Newport in March.

22

The War Moves to Virginia

3· An attack on New York. Washington replied to this letter on April14, stressing that there was "little or no prospect" of such an expedition: "The contingencies appeared to me so remote in the Conversations I had with Count De Rochambeau, that I could not justify myself in withdrawing a detachment already so far advanced towards the point in which relief is immediately and absolutely necessary" (Fitzpatrick, Writings of Washington, 21 :455). 4· Charles-Aug-ustin Le Vassor, comte de La Touche-Tn'ville (1712?-88), was a lieutenant general of marines; his nephew, Louis-Rene-Madeleine, comte de Latouche (1745-1804), only later known as Latouche-Treville, was a naval captain in 1781 commanding L'Hermoine (Auguste Jal, Dictionooire critique de biographie et d'histoire ... [Paris, 1872]. pp. 744-45). 5. A frigate armed en flute had a reduced armament so that it could be used as a transport vessel. 6. On March 27 La Luzerne had written Washington of his disappointment at the failure of the expedition against Arnold but mentioned nothing about money for America (DLC: George Washington Papers, Series 4). La Luzerne's letter to Lafayette on the subject has not been found; France gave Benjamin Franklin one million livres (not two and a half) at the end of 1780 to pay Congress's bills of exchange (Vergennes to La Luzerne, December 4, 1780, in Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence, 5: 181-S2). For France's determinations on financial support for America for 1781, see Vergennes to Lafayette, April 19, 1781. 7· Castries's letter not found. "The expected vessels" were to bring the "second division" of Rochambeau's army. See Vergennes to Lafayette, june 3· 1780, in LAAR, 3:50-52. 8. Probably letters from Steuben and from Greene's aide-de-camp, Lewis Morris, both dated March 29, 1781 (LAAR, 3:423-24). See also Lafayette to Steuben, April4. 9· Letter not found. 10. See Washington to Lafayette, April 6.

To the Chevalier de La Luzerne T Elk, April 10 [1781] I have just been scribbling so much, Monsieur le Chevalier, that I shall only write you a few lines this morning. M. de Charlus will have told you everything concerning our expedition. It was a misfortune, but it was no one's fault. Some would have preferred that the French had pursued, or rather that they had left sooner, but everyone does justice to the intentions of the French and their conduct during the battle, 1 and Virginia and Maryland are as fair about this as Pennsylvania. The enemy seems to be purposely redoubling its depredations in order to make its presence felt in the Bay. All the letters I receive talk of burnings and acts of cruelty. The governor of Maryland informs me that the enemy ships are sailing back up the Potomac and intend to burn Alexandria. He fears for Baltimore and Annapolis. 2 I shall march hard in that direction tomorrow, but defending these rivers is about as easy as defending the rivers on the moon. You surely know that I am

April 1-June 30, 1781

23

leaving for the South. Our officers and soldiers are not too happy about it. We have no money, clothing, shoes, nor shirts, and in a few days we shall be making our meals on green peaches; our feet are torn for lack of shoes and our hands itchy for lack of linens. 3 When I say "we," I really mean it, for I think my baggage has been taken. 4 But all that will not prevent us from marching if we must, and tomorrow we shall set out to execute the orders of the general, who believes this course necessary. Farewell, Monsieur le Chevalier, a thousand compliments to M. de Marbois. I embrace you with all my heart. It is too bad that I am going back, because we would have defeated the English squadron with two eighteen-pounders mounted on a boat, which would have made my naval reputation. It is said that the president of Congress received news that a British detachment was coming to New Castle. 5 If that were so it would be as well for orders to be sent to us tonight to remain here, but I have great difficulty believing the news unless General Clinton has gone mad, which might well be, because for some time he has been amusing himself by chasing dead herring with a pack of hounds. AL (AAE: Correspondance politique, Etats-Unis, Supplement, vol. 14, fols. 241-42), translation. 1. See Lafayette to Washington, March 25, 1781, in LAAR, 3:413-16, for an account of the March 16 encounter between the French and British squadrons. 2. Governor's Council of Maryland to Lafayette, April 8, 1781. 3· The men probably had scabies, an uncomfortable skin disease caused by mites and transmitted by contact with diseased persons or their clothing. The first symptom was itchy hands, but the disease eventually spread over all the body, except the face, and could render a soldier unfit for duty. 4· Lafayette's baggage had indeed been taken. See Lafayette to Washington, April18, note 2, p. 46. 5· General David Forman had written Congress on April2, forwarding intelligence he had received from New York City that arrangements were being made there to embark a large number of troops for Delaware Bay. Sir Henry Clinton was said to be taking command of the force, which would establish a post at New Castle, Delaware (DNA: RG 360, PCC 78, vol. g, fol. 477).

From the Baron von Steuben Chesterfild Co. Ho. April 1oth [1781] Sir I am honor'd with your favor of the 4th. Instant. Since my last letter to you I have recvd. one from Genl. Greene, dated at Deep River 6th

24

The War Moves to Virginia

April in which he expresses his sorrow, That the Troops under your command had not march southward.' Lord Cornwallis has moved toward Willmington by the Route of Cross Creek and Genl. Greene has taken up his ma[r]ch for South Caroline. From all, and the best information I have been able to collect the Enemys late re-inforcement to Portsmouth amounts of from 1,500 to 2 ,ooo men, [necessarily led?] by Major General Philips. Notwithstanding this augmentation they have till now, continued close to their works. I am much pleased, to hear that you have order'd on the Field Pieces, and amunition you had with you, to the Southward, as they certainly must be very acceptable there. The Discharging of all the Virginia militia has greatly weakend Genl. Greene so that he stands in need of an immediate succor, & notwithstanding all my exersions the prospect of his having one from this state is very faint, and I am apprehensive that unless he has some relief from the northward speedily, he will be in very disagreeable circumstances. I have taken the Letters written by me out of those you sent and have remanded the others. 2 I am with respect Sir your mot. humble sevt. L (NHi: Steuben Papers), draft. 1. Greene to Steuben, April 6, 1781, NHi: Steuben Papers. See also Greene to Lafayette, April 3, 1781. 2. See Lafayette to Steuben, April 4·

From George Washington Head Quarters New Windsor 11h. April 1781. My dear Marquis Your favor dated at Elk the 8h. instant reached me at ten oClock the last Evening. While I give you credit for the maneuvre by which you removed the British Ships from before Annapolis, I am sorry, as matters are circumstanced, that you have put yourself so much further from the point, which now, of necessity, becomes the object of your destination. Whether General Phillips remains in Virginia or goes further southward he must be opposed by a force more substantial than Militia alone, and you will for that reason immediately open a communication with Genl. Greene. Inform him of the numbers, situation and probable views of the enemy in Virginia and take his directions as to marching forward to join him, or remaining there to keep a watch

April1-June30, 1781

upon the motions of Phillips should he have formed a junction with Arnold at Portsmouth. Every difficulty, so far as respects the wants of the officers and Men, and the uneasinesses which might arise upon their being ordered upon a more distant service than they expected, was foreseen, and would have been removed by recalling the detachment and forming another, had not the reasons of a public nature, which were mentioned in my letter of the 6h. outweighed all private considerations. You must endeavour to get Shoes, which will be essentially necessary before you can move, from Philada. and if you will cause a return to be made of such Articles as will probably be wanting in the course of the Campaign I will endeavour to forward them from hence, with a proportion of any stores which may have been sent on by the States for their troops. If the officers will write back to their Friends here for any additional Baggage of which they may stand in need, it shall be forwarded under careful conductors. The difficulties which you will experience on the score of provisions and transportation would have been common to any other Body of Troops. They will I know be great, but I depend much upon your assiduity and activity. Had I have had the most distant prospect of such an operation as you speak off I should have looked upon your detachment as essential to the undertaking, but I can assure you, without entering into a detail of reasons (which I cannot commit to paper) that I have not at present an Idea of being able to effect such a matter. 1 This had very considerable weight in influencing the determination of the General officers and myself, for we would have been very happy in an opportunity of succouring the southern States by a diversion, 2 could it have been attempted with any tolerable hope of success. The small remains of the Jersey line seems necessary to form a head to which the Recruits, if any are obtained, may unite themselves. That line stands next for detachment and therefore it is more than probable that it may soon become necessary to send the whole to the southward. But the reason which I have just mentioned operates in favr. of keeping the remainder as long as possible. I shall be glad to hear from you-the time of your setting out from Elk, your prospects of getting on and the temper of the Troops, and above all I shall ever be happy in knowing that you are well and that every thing contributes to your happiness and satisfaction, being very truly and sincerely My dear Marquis yr. most obt. and hble. Servt. P.S. You seem aware of the danger of attempting a passage down the Chesapeak by water. I will add my opinion that it is not on any account to be attempted.

The War Moves to Virginia L (DLC: George Washington Papers, Series 4), draft. 1. "As to what respects you personally" was deleted at the beginning of the sentence; "against New York" was deleted and replaced, in Washington's hand, by "as you speak off." 2. "On the side of New York" was deleted here.

To George Washington Elk April the 12h. 1781 Dear General Owing to a very Heavy Rain and a Most Stormy Night I was yesterday obliged to Counter Mand the orders I Had Given to the troops and Upon the Representation that the Roads to the Susquehana would Be Impassable, I differed our departure to this Morning. We shall encamp on a Ground Near the Ferry and Be as Expeditious as possible in Crossing the River. In Consequence of Your Excellency's permission I Have allowed Some officers to Return to the Army with orders to Report themselves to Head Quarters. The Extreme wants of the officers Have induced me to permit an officer per Batai'llon and one of the Jersay Line to Return to the Army and get some cloathes for themselves and the Rest of the Corps. This Measure Appeared to Be Necessary, and Clel. Barber is gone to Philadelphia with a letter to the Board of War Exposing our wants and Requesting Some tents, over ails, shirts, shoes &c. 1 While these will Be preparing I thought I might Indulge Him to go to Morristown, as I think His presence will Be Necessary at Philadelphia By the time when our supplies will Be forwarded. Major Troop Being gone we want a field officer to Reimplace Him. 2 Clel. Barber and Major Reed are Happy to Remain with us and I am no less Happy to keep these excellent officers. Colonel Vose is (I am told) desirous to Return. The officers of His Batai'llon knowing that it was His Inclination Has waited on Clel. Smith to Express to Him the ardent desire they Had in Case Clel. Vose was allowed to go, that Clel. Smith Be appointed to the Command. This Circumstance I thought worth Communicating to Your Excellency. Smith is Sick for the present, and a letter would find Him either Here or at Philadelphia. Was He to Be attached to a light Corps as He was last Year I think He would Be glad to Act as Inspector, But in the Southern Army would Be under an officer to whom He is Superior in Rank of Commission. As to Clel. Gimat and Major Galvan, Now that their fate is Going to Be decided in a way which Cannot But Affect their feelings and Repu-

April 1-June 30, 1781 tation, I think Myself obliged to Submit to Your Excellency an observation which for fear of Appearing Partial I Had Hitherto Omitted. I will therefore Confidentially Impart to you that Major Galvan is very Unpopular among the officers, while Colonel Gimat is particularly Beloved. Complaints Have often Been made to me against the one, while the other Has Ever Received from the officers under His Command the Most flattering testimonies of affection, and I may go so far as to Say that the Recalling of Clel. Gimat will Be very disagreable to His Batai:Ilon. This I Mention to Your Excellency, No that I think the Sentiments of the officers Must Induce you to Recall Major Galvan, a Measure which I would Be far from Advising, But Because this opposition Being perhaps owing to the partiality of the officers for or against private persons, and this Circumstance Being of a Very serious Nature for these two Gentlemen, I thought it My duty Not to withdraw Any Particulars from Your Excellency's knowledge. 3 With the Highest and Most affectionate Respect I Have the Honor to Be Your Excellency's Most obedient Humble servant LAFAYETTE

I Beg Leave to present My Respects to Mrs. Washington and Compliments to the family. ALS (DLC: George Washington Papers, Series 4). 1 • Letter not found. 2. Lafayette had written Washington on April 10, informing him that since Washington had given his permission for Benjamin Throop to return to camp, Lafayette would give him leave to go (in Gottschalk, Letters of Lafayette, p. 101). 3· For Washington's reply on Gimat and Galvan, see Washington to Lafayette, April 22.

From the Governor's Council of Maryland In Council, 12th. April, 1781. Sir, We were honored with your Letter of the wth. Instant, a sufficient Number of Militia may be always collected to deter the Marines of the armed Vessels and Privateers from landing and repel them if they should, which makes us perfectly easy on their Account, and although we coincide with in Opinion, while the British continue superiour on the water, their Advantages are such our Attempts to make opposition at any particular Point may be rendered nugatory by their changing their Design, and carrying on their Operations else where, yet we must

The War Moves to Virginia suggest that some Town and Places from their Situation and other Circustances of Moment must be greater Objects of Attention than others and more likely to be attacked. We have the strongest and most irrefragable Proof of your Zeal to advance the Interest and happiness of the States and knew that alone was sufficient to prompt you to comply with our Requisition if restricted Instructions and other Objects had not made it improper. Your Resolution to march with the greatest Rapidity to reinforce the southern Army imparts to us the greatest Pleasure and merits our warmest Applause, and your halting at such Points as would enable you to give the most speedy Assistance to either of the three Towns you mention would be highly agreeable, yet we do not wish that the temporary Releif that would be derived from your Stay among us should impede your moving rapidly to the Succour of the Southern Army. We have issued orders to Mr. Poe to collect at Baltimore what Waggons and Horses may be necessary for your Detachment and required Mr. james Calhoun our Commissary at Baltimore to provide for your Use a Number of fine Cattle and a Quantity of Flour. You may depend on finding every Thing furnished agreeable to our Desire. 1 Your Stores that were left at the Indian Landing were ordered to be removed to George Town on Patowmack, but when we were apprised of the Enemy's Intentions against Alexandria, Orders were given to stop them ten Miles on this Side, which is unquestionably a Place of Security and in your Route from Baltimore to the Southward. We are convinced the disaffected and Emissaries of the Enemy are dispersed through the State, and are busy in collecting and supplying them with Provision, and communicating every kind of Intelligence by which Means they have Notice of all our Preparations and Movements. It is our Desire that Examples should be made of them in the speediest Manner whenever detected. 2 We have directed the Lieutenant of Harford County to go to Gun Powder Creek, and make immediate Inquiry after Major McPherson, 3 that Part of the County is well affected and we think you need not be uneasy about his Safety; a Letter from A Gentleman of Alexandria wrote at 7 oClock Yesterday Morning informs us that the Enemy are moving up Patowmack in considerable Force consisting of eight Vessels of various Sizes, that the last Accounts say they are above Drumfries and that they have no Doubt but that they are intended against Alexandria, where every Exertion is making to oppose them, 4 we shall give you minute speedy and frequent Intelligence of every Movement and Design of the Enemy as soon as it is obtained. LbC (MdAA: Council Letter Book, 1780-1787, pp. 125 -26). 1. Governor's Council to David Poe, April 12: no letter to James Calhoun, deputy

April1-June30, 1781 quartermaster general at Baltimore, has been found, but on April12 the Council wrote Benjamin Griffith, the state purchasing agent at Baltimore, ordering him to purchase live cattle and provisions for Lafayette's troops (Archivrs of Maryland, 45:395~6). 2. See Lafayette to Thomas Sim Lee and the Governor's Council of Maryland, April 17, 1781. 3· Governor's Council to Richard Dallam, April 12, 1781, in Archives of Maryland, 45:3g6. 4· John Fitzgerald to Joshua Beall, April 11, 1781 in ibid., 4 7:179.

To George Washington Susquehana Ferry April the 13h. 1781 Dear General I Have Received Your Excellency's Letter Relating to Clel. Gouvion. 1 It would Have Been Very Agreable to Me to keep this officer. Your orders Have Been Sent to Philadelphia where He is for the present. However distant I may Be from the scene, I am Happy to find that Your Excellency Hopes to Undertake the Grand object we Have Had in Contemplation. By a Letter just Received from the Board of War it Seems that Representations of wants Have Been Made which they Have Mistaken for objections from me to our journey South ward. 2 I Have Said to some officers that our Proximity to the Southern States was the Reason which Had Induced Your Excellency to Send this Detachment-But I Hope I Need not Assuring You that Never I thought of Insinuating the Least idea of Alteration to Your Excellency's projects, But Such as You Could think of Making Yourself after your own ideas and Intelligences. Perhaps My letter to the Board will Appear Disrespectfull or Impolite-But Nothing Could stop Me in an Instance where it Might Be suspected I objected to Your plans, or Even differed in Opinion. You know me too perfectly Not to think an Explanation Useless. It is Confidently Reported that the Second Division is Arrived to the Capes of Delaware Consisting of Nine Ships of the Line. This was the Number Mentionned to me By Marquis de Castries to Be in Harbour. 3 Your Excellency would in that Case Have A Brillant Campaign to the Northward. With the Highest and Most affectionate Respect I have the Honor to Be Your Excellency's Most obedient Humble Servant LAFAYETTE

ALS (DLC: George Washington Papers, Series 4). 1. Washington had written Lafayette on AprilS, requesting him to send Jean-Baptiste de Gouvion back to the main army, in part because he feared that if Gouvion went south

The War Moves to Virginia with Lafayette he would "interfere" with Thaddeus Kosciuszko, the commanding engineer in the southern army (Fitzpatrick, Writings of Washington, 21 :433). 2. Lafayette's letter to the Board of War and the board's reply have not been found, but the correspondence is briefly summarized in Lafayette to Greene, April 17, below. 3· The report on the arrival of a "second division" for Rochambeau's expeditionary force was without foundation. The French government had decided to send Admiral de Grasse's fleet to North America in 1781 after a tour of duty in the West Indies rather than send ships of the line directly to the United States from France.

To George Washington Susquehana Ferry April the 14h. 1781 My Dear General Your Excellency's Letter of the 11h. Has Overtaken me at this Place, and Having Given to You An Account of Every Measure I thought Proper to take, I will only Add that I am Still at the ferry where the troops Have Crossed the River, But the Wind Blows so High that it Has Been Impossible to take the Waggons over, and I am obliged to Have others Impressed on the Southern Side of the Susquehana. Your Excellency Mentions the Propriety of Remaining at the Head of Elk Untill shoes Can Be Collected-But the prospects I Have from the Board of War Are Not flattering Enough to Encourage this Measure. On the other Side General Greene is pressing in His Ad vices, and will soon Be so in His orders to Me. I Cannot obtain Any Good Account of Philips's Motions, Nor oppose the Schemes He May Have formed Untill I am Much farther Advanced. And Disatisfaction and Desertion Being two Greater Evils than Any other We Have to fear, I am Anxious to Have Rivers, other Countrys, And Every kind of Barrier to Stop the Inclination of the Men to Return Home. Many Men Have Already Deserted. Many More will I am affraid take the Same Course. Whatever Sense of duty, ties of affection, and Severity of discipline May Operate Shall Be Emploi:ed Most Earnestly By me, and I wish we Might soon Come Near the Ennemy which is the only Means of putting a stop to that spirit of desertion. I am Sorry to Inform Your Excellency that the Uneasiness in Clel. Vose's Batai:llon Has Increased to the Highest pitch. Their Hatred to Major Galvan is not without foundation as He does not treat them with that Even temper which troops Have Right to Expect-But should Not prove So prejudiciable Had the officers and Men the least Confidence in Clel. Vose, or Colonel Vose the least firmness to superintend the Conduct of His Major and other officers. These last Have Complained

April 1-june 30, 1781 to me, But I did not think it Consistent With discipline to Give them a Redress when Clel. Vose is present and is to answer for the Maintenance of Good order and A proper Conduct in His Corps. In the Mean while the Men desert, the officers are disatisfied, Major Galvan goes on in the same Way, which He thinks to Be the Best, and I Cannot punish this officer who is Active, zealous, But plagues the Bataillon with a peculiar line of Conduct which Cannot Bring Any charge upon Him and is Not Cheked By His Colonel. Many Articles, and Indeed Every one which Compose the Apparatus of a soldier will Be Wanting for this Detachement. But shoes, Linnen Over ails, Hunting shirts, shirts And Ammunition will Be the Most Necessary supplies for which I Request Your Excellency's Most pressing orders to people Concerned and Most warm Entreaties to the Board of War. I wish it was possible to Have the Men Equiped at Once, and this would Be a Great Saving of Expense. While I am writing to Your Excellency the Wind Rises More and More which will Much Impede our passage for Such stores as were to Cross over With the Waggons and the Guard Appointed to stay with them. At such A distance from the Ennemy, I Cannot Give Your Excellency Any Account of their Movements, But By the last Intelligences General Philips was Still at Porsmouth. Should the french Get a Naval Superiority An Expedition Against Porsmouth is Very Practicable. These Compagnies filled up to their proper Number, and some other troops to Increase the Corps to two thousand would with a detachement of Artillery from Philadelphia Be Equal to the Attak of that post. 3000 Militia Can with the Greatest Ease Be Collected. In Case the Remainder of Duke de Lauzun's Legion arrives that Corps Could Come in the fleet. 1 But should the french Become superior at sea, the British fleet in Chesepaeke would Be in danger, and in Every Case if Your Excellency thinks of Sending Any Reinforcement this Way (let it Be the Jersay troops or Recruits) their Coming By water to James or York River May Save an Immense trouble and Expense. My Heart and Every faculty of My Mind Have Been these last Years so much Concerned in the plan of an Expedition against ___ 2 that I am very .desirous to Hear By the first safe Opportunity what Reasons Can Have Overthrown the Project. Some disputes that Have at first Happened Betwen the Jersay and . New England troops make me think that these Last Must Be as much as possible separated from the Pennsilvanians. 3 While I was writing this, Accounts Have Been Brought to me that a Great desertion Had taken Place Last Night. Nine of the Rhodeisland Compagny, and the Best men they Had who Have made Many Cam-

The War Moves to Virginia

paigns and Never were suspected-these men say that they like Better Hundred Lashes than a journey to the Southward. As long as they Had an expedition in View, they were very well satisfied-But the idea of Remaining in the southern states appear to them Intolerable and they are Amazingly averse to the people and climate. I shall do my Best, But if this Disposition Lasts, I am affrai:d we will Be Reduced Lower than I dare Express. With the Highest and Most affectionate Respect I have the Honor to Be Dear General Your Most obedient Humble servant LAFAYETTE

M. G.

ALS (DLC: George Washington Papers, Series 4). 1. Following this sentence, Lafayette originally wrote but crossed out: "[He also?] Might Be sent By Land-Lauzun is very Desirous to Come Here." 2. New York. 3· Following the example of the Pennsylvania Line, some of the New Jersey troops at Pompton had mutinied in mid-January. Washington sent about 500 well-clothed New England troops under General Robert Howe to suppress the mutiny and execute a tew of the ringleaders. The detachment arrived several days after the brief uprising had peaceably subsided, but Howe saw evidence of continuing insubordination and resolved to make an example of the mutineers. After a quick trial, two of the ringleaders were executed, at Howe's orders, by a number of their fellow mutineers. The New Jersey troops still harbored ill feeling toward the New England troops over this incident when, a month later, they were ordered on detachment under Lafayette. At Princeton on February 27 hostilities surfaced, and fighting broke out between the two groups (Washington to Howe and to the New England States and New York, January 22, and Howe to Washington, January 27, 1781, DLC: George Washington Papers, Series 4; Francis Barber to Elias Dayton, February 28, 1781, PHi: Gratz Collection).

To Alexander Hamilton Susquehana April the 15h. [1781] Dear Hamilton You are So Sensible a fellow that You Can Certainly Explain to me what is the Matter that Newyork is Given up 1-that our letters to France Go for Nothing-that while the french are Coming I am going. This last Matter Gives Great Uneasiness to the Minister of France. 2 All this is not Comprehensible for me, who Having Been Long from Head Quarters, Have lost the Course of Intelligences. Have You left the family, My dear Sir? 3 I Suppose So, But from Love to the General for whom you know My affection Ardently wish it was not the Case. Many Many Reasons Conspire to this desire of Mine-But if You do leave it, and if I go to Exile, Come and Partake it with me. Yours L.F.

April I-June 30, 1781

33

This letter is for you alone; except My Best Respects which I adress to Your Lady. ALS (DLC: Alexander Hamilton Papers). 1. The plan for an attack on New York had been laid aside. See Washington to Lafayette, April 1 1. 2. La Luzerne. 3· Although Hamilton had resigned as Washington's aide-de-camp, he was still performing secretarial tasks for him occasionally. At about this time he moved from headquarters in New Windsor to De Peyster's Point, across the Hudson. See also Lafayette to Hamilton, April 10, note 1.

To George Washington Susquehana Ferry April the 15h. 1781 Dr. General Clel. Gouvion By whom I Have Received Letters and Intelligences from Philadelphia is just Going to Head Quarters. This Opportunity Being Safter than Common Expresses I Beg Leave to Adress a few Lines to Your Excellency. The Board of War Cannot Supply our Wants. Indeed they Nor Congress did not think we would Be ordered to the Southward and of Course Have not Been so Much in Earnest for giving us Supplies. But Had their Wishes Been Very Sanguine, they were Not able to afford us Any Great Succour. The Pennsylvanians Consist of 1200 Men and Could Be Compleated But for Want of Monney. They are Ready to March, But Have declared they did not choose to Move Untill they Had Received three Month's pay. Monney is Consequently Searched for Every where. The Pennsylvanians Being Upon that footing and very well Equiped, we Cannot Wonder at the Desertion of our Soldiers circumstanced as they Are. Nothing Can Make me More Unhappy than the Incessant Desertion of our Best, finest, and Most Experienced Soldiers. This Detachement will Be Reduced to An Handfull of Men, and they Say that Arriving at the End of Operations, three Months Before the Campaign Oppens in Carolina they will Be Still More Reduced By the disorders of that Unwholesome Climate. A Letter from You Relating to the delays of the french makes a great Noise at Philadelphia. 1 Indeed it Gives me pain on Many Political Accounts. There are Many Confidential Communications which You Once Had Requested from me, and which My peculiar Situation with Both Sides of the alliance would Enable me to Make-But Having Been

34

The War Moves to Virginia

ordered from You, and Many things I Had to Say Not Being of a Nature which would Render it prudent to Entrust them to Paper, these Personal Services Must Be out of the Question So long as the War Continues in Carolina. By Chevalier de La Luzerne I Hear that the french Army Have offered to Come to North River and Must Be upon their Move By this time. This does not Coincide with that Had Been Said at Hartfort-But in Calculating A Correspondance with France proves that I was Right in telling You that this Court truly wanted their troops to Be Active. As to the Second division, the Hope of Acting Against ___ ,2 the Sanguine wishes of France on the Occasion, He is of the Same Opinion with Me. I would Have Sent His letter, Had it Not Been too Expressive of His Grief for My Departure owing to A particular friendship for me, and the Idea His Court May Have of My Services in A Cooperation. 3 Considering the footing I am Upon with your Excellency, it would Perhaps Appear to You Strange, that I never mentionned a Circumstance lately Happened in your family. I was the first who knew of it, and from that Moment Exerted Every Means in My power to prevent a separation which I know was Not Agreable to Your Excellency. 4 To this Measure I was prompted By affection for you, But thought it was Improper to Mention Any thing about it, Untill you was pleased to Impart it to me. Having Been Some what Concerned in the project of Sending the first division, and wrote Many letters about the Second, I am Embarrassed How to Make Any More dispatches to the french government Until! I know more of our Present Circumstances. If any Safe Opportunity Was to offer I would Be very Happy to Hear Some thing of our Situation. Chevalier de La Luzerne writes me that You Have now 8ooo men under Arms and Before you attak Newyork will Have 12000. He says that the Ennemy Have only sooo Regulars at that place-But Certainly He Must Be Mistaken. With the Highest Respect I have the Honor to Be Your Excellency's Most obedient Humble Servant LAFAYETTE

ALS (DLC: George Washington Papers, Series 4). 1. Rivington's Royal Gazette, April4, 1781, published a portion of an intercepted letter from Washington to Lund Washington that read in part: It was unfortunate-but this I mention in confidence-that the French fleet and detachment did not undertake the enterprize they are now upon, when I first proposed it to them. The destruction of Arnold's corps would then have been inevitable before the British fleet could have been in a condition to put to sea. Instead of this the small squadron, which took the Romulus and other vessels, was sent, and could not, as I foretold, do any thing without a land force at Portsmouth. See also Washington to Lafayette, April 22, note 3 (p. 6o). 2. New York.

April1-june 30, 1781 3· Letter not found. 4· See Lafayette to Hamilton, April

35 10,

note

1.

To Nathanael Greene Baltimore April the 17h. 1781 My Dear Sir Before I Have the Honor to Answer Your Letters, Give me Leave to Render You An Account of My Movements, Which Will Apologize for Your Not Hearing Sooner from me, As Your favors Have Ever Been directed where I was not, and My Daily Dispositions Different from What it Was the Preceding day My Duty to Intend. When I Returned to Annapolis, it Was My Immediate duty to obey the Positive orders I Had Received, And the only thing I Could do Was to divest Myself of our Artillery And Ammunition. This Measure of Going to Annapolis, A proper Step, I think in the Circumstances we were then Under, Had Not Been directed By the General, and I was the More Anxious to Return to the Head of Elk. Two frigats who Blockaded the Harbour Having Been for a While Removed We took this Opportunity to Slip off, And on My Arrival at Elk I prepared to Embark at Christiana Bridge Which Measure and A Most Speedy Arrival to the Grand Army was Again Recommended to Me By a Letter from the General dated the 5h. Instant. But A Letter of the 6th 1 Having Acquainted me that the Detachement Was to Return to Virginia, and that Gal. Philips's Arrival in that State Required a Support of Continental troops Without Which Your Situation Might Become Very Critical I Had Every Preparation to Make for a Retrograde Motion. The General's Letter Being Intended for Annapolis or there About and our Arrival at Elk Altering in Some Measure the Case, I Exposed to the General the Particular Situation of the detachement But Acquainted Him that I Would March to the Southward as fast as it Was possible. 2 The Next day, I think, Your Letter of the 2d. apriJ3 Came to Hand Which Served to Hasten My Exertions, and I Have Lately Received An Anterior letter of Yours as well as a Letter from Baron de Stueben informing me that Philips Was at Porsmouth With a Reinforcement of 1500 or 2000 Men. 4 The Peculiar Circumstances of the Detachement Which I Will Report Immediately to You Had Made Such an Impression upon the Minds of Congress and the Board of War that I was By them Advised to Stay

Nathanael Greene, commander in chief of the southern army, was waging a vigorous campaign in the Carolinas which allowed him time to do little more than advise Lafayette on the defense of Virginia.

April 1-june 30, 1781

37

U ntill Answers Could Be Got from the Commander in Chief. I took the Liberty to Answer that Having Received Orders they Could not Be Anhiliated By Advices, and that Your Situation Made it Necessary for me to Hasten to the Southward So that I Had Already taken My Line of March. When I Was Crossing the ferry I was Overtaken By a Letter from General Washington Repeating the Directions He Had given and the Motives which Had Influenced them, and Promising Every Relief He Could Afford in our Circumstances. 5 Previous to that, I Had Sent Clel. Barber to the Board of War And directed Him to Get whatever He Could for our Relief. Barber is Not Returned, But the Answer from the Board Gives us a Very poor prospect. 6 Such officers as Could not Conveniently or to Speack With truth Could not possibly Remain Have Been discharged By me and others will Be Sent to Reimplace them. An officer Per Batalllon is Gone to Head Quarters to fetch Summer Cloathes for the Rest. Clel. Gouvion and Lt. Clel. Stevens Have Been Recalled By the General Not to Be Reimplaced. Lt. Clel. Smith Who Acted as Inspector is Dangerously ill at Elk Which Gives me Great Concern and Doctor Hagan our Chief Phisician Has Been obliged to Return to Philadelphia. Owing to the High Wind that Blew at our Crossing the Susquehana and the Many Difficulties that Attended us, we Could not Arrive at Baltimore Before this Day, and the troops Have Encamped on the other Side of Elk Ridge Ferry where they will Halt one Day to Refresh and Clean themselves. Now, My dear General, I am Going to Give You An Account of Our Circumstances Which Are of An Uncommon Nature, and I defy they Can Be Exagerated. When this Detachement Was ordered out Every Individual in it thought they were Going on a tour of duty of two or three days And Provided Accordingly. The Light Compagnies of Every Regiment (Newyork Excepted) which Consisted of 25 men were By Common Drafts from the Regiments Increased to 50 and to Complete the Number of 1200 (Which Was immense in Comparaison to our force then at West Point) the Jersay Line were Ordered to furnish a detachement. Thus Circumstanced our officers Had No Monney, No Baggage of Any Sort, No Summer Cloathes and Hardly a Shirt to Shift. To these Common Miseries the Soldiers Added their Shocking Naked[ ness and] a want of Shoes &c. &c. Having Been thus Conducted to Trenton, they were Hurried on Board of Vessels and Having Been Embarked at Elk they Arrived at Annapolis where the Hope of A Short Expedition Against Arnold Silenced Every Complaint and kept up their Spirits. They Had Hitherto Been in Houses or on Board of Vessels, So that it was Impossible they Would feel the Extreme Want of tents Which However Crouded with officers and Men Leave a Number

The War Moves to Virginia of them to Sleep in Oppen Air, Camp Kettles Could Be Borrowed in towns or from Vessels, and Blankets were Almost Unnecessary. To this I May Add that Every farthing of Monney Has Been Spent, Every Shoe Worn out, and Many Hatts Lost in the Navigation, and that Want of Linnen Has given a dreadful! itch to a great part of our Men. 7 Every thing However Went on Very Well, and the troops Being Ready to March from Elk, Reconforted themselves with the Pleasant Prospect of Returning towards Home, Seeing their Wives all of whom Had Remained, and Getting Large Sums of Monney which You know the New England States Have Sent to their troops, When My Countermanding the Order was With An Amazing Sagacity Imagined to Relate to a Retrograde March to the Southward. The officers did not like it More than the Men, and the Men Whose discipline does not Give them the Idea of Complaining Began to Desert in Great Numbers. This Disposition Was Increased By the part which Every Body took to their Misfortune and Desertion Went to Such a pitch that out of the Rhode island Compagny which You know Very Well thirteen, I think, of the Best and Most trusty men Made their Escape. The New England troops Have taken An idea that Southern Climates Are Very Unwholesome and that of Carolina Mortal to them. Every officer Assured me that our detachement Would Soon Be Reduced to five or Six Hundred Men. Now, My dear General, that I Gave You an Account of our Situation, I Beg Leave to Submit to You the Measures which I thought proper to take. My first object Was to Get the troops on this Side of the Susquehana and Request the Militia officers to pick up Deserters and Send them to me Immediately. I then Made An Adress to the Detachement which Enforced By the difficulty of Crossing and the Shame I Endeavoured to throw upon Desertion Has Almost Entirely Stopped it. 8 The Men Are Now on the other Side of Elk Ridge Ferry which is a New Barrier. Two deserters Have Been taken up One of whom I will Have Hanged to Morrow, and the other as well as an other Soldier who Behaved A miss will Be Disgraced So far as to Be Dismissed from this Corps. And as our Brave and Excellent Men (for this Detachement is Extremely Good) are Shokingly Destitute of Linnen, I Have Borrowed from the Merchants of Baltimore A sum on My Credit which will Amount to About two thousand Pounds and will procure a few Hatts, Some Shoes, Some Blanketts, and a pair of Linnen over ails, and a Shirt to Each Man. I Hope to Sett the Baltimore Ladies At work fix the Shirts which will Be Sent after me, and the Over Ails will Be Made By our taylors. I will use My Influence to Have the Monney Added to the Loans which the french Court will Have Made to the United States, and in Case I Cannot Succeed Bind Myself to the Merchants for a paiement With

April 1-june go, 1781

39

Interests in two years. McHenry Now President of the Baltimore Board of War Has Given me a Very Important Aid to Bring about this Arrangement.9 With these Precautions I think our Present detachement will Be Preserved in Good order, and As I Will Send to You an Exact Return will only Say this time that we Have about thousand men Rank and file and a Compagny of Artillery. By a Letter Received from Baron de Stueben I am Informed that General Philips Has Brought to Porsmouth 1500 or 2000 men. This In Addition to Arnold Must Give Between 2500 and 3000 men. Reducing it to 2000 men Philips Might operate With, it Becomes Essential that My detachement Should Advance as fast as possible. The Common Way of Marching troops, Besides that it Announces the Very day of our Arrival and Every one of our Stages to the Ennemy, Has Appeared to me So dilatory that I would Be upon the Roads or at the ferries for An Eternity. I will therefore Leave our tents, Sick men, two Howitzer and the Artillery I Had Announced to You which Has not yet Been moved more than a few Miles. Those and the Artillery Compagny with a detachement of infantry under A Major will follow us as fast as possible. The Rest of the Corps Having Com pleated their Rounds will Make forced Marches to Frederiskburg and Every Waggon and Horse I Can Come Across will Be Impressed for that purpose. When at Frederiskburg I Hope to Receive Some farther orders and Intelligences from You. But Suppose it Was not the Case, I will March in the Same Way to Richmond, and if I was to Hear Some thing of General Philips will act to the Best of My judgement Untill I Receive from You More positive orders. My Instructions from General Washington for My Conduct to the time when I'll Hear from You Are pointed towards Philips, and Your plans perfectly Agree with that Idea, So that if I Receive no orders By the time I Get to Richmond I will prepare to Move Either Way Agreable to the dispositions you will make, and if General Philips appeared to Intend Such Motions as would Be of disservice to You I will Make it My Business to Be Ready to Check Him as far as it Can Be clone with Such an inferiority of forces. Give me Leave to tell you, not as to My General, But as An affectionate friend, that Your Movement Into South Carolina Has Highly pleased me and that I Consider it As A great piece of Generalship. Your Intention of Separating the Ennemy, and the Motives that Influence it perfectly Agree With My own Opinion. To this I Beg Leave to Add an observation Upon the Detachement I Now Command. On our Arrival At Richmond, Unless a Great Emergency Occurs we must probably Wait for our Artillery, tents, &c. Before we March to the Southward. General Waine Must Be Now on His Way to Your Army; I

The War Moves to Virginia am not Certain He Has Marched, But Every Account Confirm it. I knew He waited for Nothing But Monney which Has Been Collected, So that he Must By this time Have Marched or Be Ready to March from Yark Town-So that He will Be at Richmond a Very few days after us. From what Has past Betwen thejersay Soldiers we Have and those of New England, I foresee Great Inconveniences to join these to the Pennsylvanians. 10 The More So as the Last Because they Have Revolted are Well Clad, well paled. Their jonction with this detachement would Be attended with Disputes, and we are for the present Very well United. Our troops do not for the Present extend their Views farther than Virginia, and their Going farther Southward would Be attended with Real and Imaginary Inconveniences. These Remarks, My dear General, Are far from throwing the Least objection to our Marching Southerly if a jonction of your forces Appears to You of Some Advantage. I Mean only to Say, that if You Are able to effect Your purpose By dividing the Ennemy's forces, the New England troops would Like Much Better to Remain in Virginia and would easier get the proportion of Supplies from their States which the General Has promised to Send to them. As to the Love of Commands, paragraphs &c. &c. you Have So Little Ambition, My dear general, that you could not [Conceive] my Vishes on those Accounts was it Not for the knowledge you Have Been able to Get from Our Intimacy. But these Motives Are to Be out of the Question when public Good is Interested, and whenever it Can Be done With propriety, I know You will Be Glad to Gratify me-l will not only Mention that General Philips's Battery at Minden Having killed My father, I would Have No objection to Contract the Latitude of His plans. 11 In Case, Before we join, Something Worth Mentionning Was to Happen Am I to Send, or not to Send to Congress a Copy of My Letter to You? However Immaterial the thing is I want your directions on that Head, Because I sincerely do not know what is the properest Method. I Hope, My dear Sir, I Need not telling You How Happy I will Be Under Your orders and How Much My zeal for public good will Be increased By Motives of Private Affection. With the Highest Respect I Have the Honor to Be Your Most obedient Humble Servant LAFAYETTE

I Request you will please to present My Best Compliments to your family and My other friends. Don't Believe that when I am alone My Schemes are So very Bold as when I Submit them to the Examination of others. Excuse the lenght and Scribbling of this letter. I will not take the

April 1-june 30, q81

time of Making it Shorter or Copying it and Send it off By the Chain 12 day and Night. ALS (MiU-C: Greene Papers). 1. Also from Washington; letters of April 5 and 6 printed above. 2. See Lafayette to Washington, April 8. 3· Lafayette probably means Greene's letter of April 3· above. 4· Greene to Lafayette, March 29 (LAAR, 3:422-23), and Steuben to Lafayette, April I O.

5· Washington to Lafayette, April 11. 6. Letter not found. 7· See Lafayette to La Luzerne, April 10, note 3· 8. See also Lafayette to Washington, April 18. g. In Lafayette's behalf James McHenry wrote the merchants of Baltimore on March 6, asking them to assist Lafayette in outfitting his expeditionary corps (extract in Archives of Maryland, 47: 116-17). For Lafayette's arrangements with the merchants, see Lafayette to Congress, April 22, 1781, and note 1. 10. See Lafayette to Washington, April 14, note 3· 11. Lafayette's father, a colonel in the French grenadiers, was killed at Minden on August 1, 17 59, when his commanding officer needlessly exposed the corps to British artillery fire. 12. Chain of express riders. Lafayette also wrote Jefferson by this means, informing him that the detachment was advancing to Richmond by forced marches and requesting him to forward this letter to Greene (letter of April 17, Boyd, jefferson Papers, 5:477).

To Thomas Sim Lee and the Governor's Council of Maryland Baltimore April the 17h. 1781 Sir I Have the Honor to Inform Your Excellency that the Detachement Under My Command Have Passed this Day through Baltimore and will encamp on the other Side of Elk Ridge Ferry where they will Remain to Morrow By which time I May Be Honored With An Answer from Your Excellency. Intelligences from the Ennemy, and letters from General Greene oblige me to Enter as soon as possible Into the State of Virginia. The fatigue of the troops, the Absolute Want of Shoes, and the desire of Having as Many Rivers as possible Behind us to prevent desertion are the Reasons which, tho' With Reluctance, Have forced me to Impress a Large Number of Waggons to Carry the troops as far as Potowmack. The distance Being But Short, and the time of their Service Not Exceeding two days, I thought I Might Make a free use of the permission Given By Your Excellency and Council to Impress Every thing which would Be Necessary to forward the Movements of this detachement. 1 By a letter from Baron de Stueben Dated at Chesterfield Court

The War Moves to Virginia

House the wh. of this Month I find that General Philips is Arrived with 1500 or 2000 men. The Ennemy keep Still within their works and their projects are as yet Unknown. Some days Ago I Had the Honor of Giving to Your Excellency An Account of A discovery I Had the Good Luck to Make Relating to a Mode of furnishing flour to the Ennemy which Many Disaffected people within this State Seem to Have Adopted. 2 One Paul Bred, A Quaker, Has Made His Escape, But if Ever He was Retaken I Beg Leave to Request He would Be Sent to the Military Authority. Pigot Being Convinced of Coming within the description of a Spy was Hanged at Susquehana Ferry. Out of three Other tories Concerned in this trade who upon the Information of Pigot were taken up, and whom the Lieutenant of the County Requested Mjor. McPherson to Carry off with Him One Has Been Shot in Attempting to force His Way from the Guard, the two others will Be delivered to Clel. Smith. From the Confession of Pigot we Have Got two other Names which Your Excellency will find in the Inclosed letter of Major McPherson, An officer to whose perseverance, zeal, and Adress I am indebted for the discovery of this plot in which (on account of the gale that Blew a little while after He got into the Barge) His Life Has Been Very Much Endangered. 3 I Had Yesterday the Pleasure of Seeing Clel. Smith's Regiment of Militia, and Am Happy in An Opportunity to Express to Your Excellency How Satisfied I Have Been with their Excellent Appearance. This And other Preparations of defense Made By this town do Her citizens Great Honor. I am Under the Greatest obligations to Captain Moore 4 and the Gentlemen of His Corps who Most Obligingly Have Exerted themselves in the Procuring of our Supplies. I Cannot finish this letter Before I do once More Express to Your Excellency the Concern I feel for the Inconveniences which our passing through this State Brings upon its Inhabitants. Nothing Makes me More Unhappy than A Necessity to Impress Private Property thereby Distressing our Best Citizens. But Your Excellency And Council and Indeed this whole State Seem So Much Aware of the Danger the Southern States are under, that Upon Such Lively Representations of it as I Have Received it Became My duty to Hasten My March By Uncommon Exertions. With the Highest Respect I Have the Honor to Be Your Excellency's Most obedient Humble Servant LAFAYETTE

ALS (MdAA: Brown Book, 7:71). 1. See Governor's Council of Maryland to Lafayette, April 12. 2. Lafayette to Thomas Sim Lee and Governor's Council of Maryland, April 10. 3· Upon receipt of Macpherson's letter to Lafayette, which named joshua Dorsey and

April 1-june 30, 1781

43

Edward Conard as additional suspects, the Governor's Council ordered Dorsey apprehended and brought to Annapolis for questioning (Macpherson to Lafayette, April 15, and Governor's Council to lieutenants of Baltimore and Harford counties, April 21, 1781, in Archives of Maryland, 47:18g-go; 45:410). A John Cromwell from Baltimore, who owned a plantation on Gunpowder Creek in the area where the flour was loaded on board two ships, was said to have purchased the flour and was also taken into custody (Richard Dallam to James Calhoun, April 11; Cromwell to Thomas Sim Lee and Governor's Council, June 16, 1781, in ibid., 4 T 183-84, 296). Of the six men taken into custody in this affair, apparently only Walter Picket (spelled "Pigot" by Lafayette and Macpherson) was executed at Lafayette's orders. Macpherson refers to the man who escaped as Jonathan Paul, and in other correspondence he is called John Paul (John Moale to Thomas Sim Lee, April28, 1781, in ibid., 4F•n6). 4· Nicholas Ruxton Moore, commander of a Baltimore horse troop.

To George Washington Baltimore April the 18h. 1781 My Dear General Every one of My Letters Was writen Upon So Lamentable a tone that I am Happy to Give you a Pleasanter Prospect. The Anxiety I feel to Relieve Your Mind from a Small part of those Many Sollicitudes and Cares which our Circumstances Conspire to Gather upon you, is the Reason of My Sending this Letter By the Chain and With A Particular Recommendation. When I Left Susquehana Ferry it was the General opinion that we could not Have Six Hundred Men By the time we would Arrive at our Destination. This and the Shocking Situation of the Men afforded the More Gloomy prospects as the Board of War Have Confessed their total Inability to afford us Relief. Under these Circumstances I Have emplo"ied Every personal Exertion, and Have the pleasure to inform you that desertion Has, I Hope, Been put to an end. On My Arrival on this Side of the Susquehana, I Made an order for the troops wherein I Endeavoured to throw a kind of Infamy upon desertion, and to improve every particular affection of theirs. Since that, desertion Has Been lessened (which is greatly owing to the difficulties of Returning). 1 Two deserters Have Been taken up one of whom is Hanged to day and the other (Being an excellent Soldier) will Be forgiven But dismissed from the Corps as well as an other Soldier who Behaved A Miss. To these Measures I Have Added one which my feelings for the Sufferings of the Soldiers and the peculiarity of their Circumstances Have prompted me to Adopt. The Merchants of Baltimore Lend me a sum of about 2000 pounds which will procure some shirts, Linnen over ails Shoes, and a few Hatts.

T he Chesapeake

Aprilt-June 30, 1781

45

The ladies will make up the Shirts and the over ails will Be made By the detachement So that our Soldiers Have a chance of Being a Little more Comfortable. The Monney is Lent upon My Credit, and I Become a Security for the payement in two year's time, when By the french Laws I may Better dispose of My Estate. But Before that time, I am to use My influence with the french Court, in order to Have as Soon as possible this sum of Monney added to any Loan Congress will Have Been able to obtain for them. In Case you are told, My dear general, that My whole Baggage Has Been taken in the Bay I am sorry I Cannot Discountenance the Report.2 But when the Mention of papers and Maps will Be made, don't aprehend any thing Bad for my papers nor for the Maps you Have put in My possessions. Nothing Has Been lost But writing paper and (English) printed Maps. The fact is this-when at York I Had Some Continental Soldiers and My Baggage to Send up in a Safe Barge and an unsafe Boat, I of Course gave the Barge to the Soldiers who Easily went to Annapolis. The Baggage was put in the Boat and Has not Been Since Heard of. But Being Aware of the danger I took By land with me Every article that on public Accounts was in the Least Valuable. By a letter from Baron de Stueben Dated Chesterfield Court House the 10h. April I find that General Philips Has at Porsmouth 1500 or 2000 Men added to the force under Arnold. Proper allowance Being Made for Exagerations I aprehend that His whole Army Amount to 2500 men which oblige me to Hasten My March to Frederis Burg and Richmond where I expect to Receive orders from Gal. Greene. The Importance of Celerity, the desire of lengthtening the Way Home and immense delays that would Stop me for an age Have determined me to Leave our tents, artillery &c. under a guard and with orders to follow as fast as possible while the Rest of the detachement By forced Marches and with Impressed waggons and Horses will Hasten to Fredriburg or Richmond, and By this, derange the Calculations of the ennemy. We Set off to Morrow and this Rapid mode of travelling added to My other precautions will I Hope keep up our Spirits and Satisfaction. With the Highest Respect and tender affection I Have the Honor to be dr. gal. Yours LAFAYETTE ALS (DLC: George Washington Papers, Series 4). The manuscript has been edited in ink in Lafayette's later hand. The text of significant deletions has been restored in angle brackets. 1. When this letter was printed in Lafayette, Memoirs (New York), the following postscript was printed to annotate the word "lessened": P.S. The word lessened does not convey a sufficient idea of what experience has proved to be true, to the honour of our excellent soldiers. It has been announced in general orders, that the detachment was intended to fight an enemy far superior in

The War Moves to Virginia number, under difficulties of every sort. That the general was, for his part, determined to encounter them, but that such of the soldiers as had an inclination to abandon him, might dispense with the danger and crime of desertion, as every one of them who should apply to head-quarters for a pass to join their corps in the north might be sure to obtain it immediately. [pp. 405-6] The provenance of the postscript is unknown because no manuscript copy of it has been found. See Lafayette to La Luzerne, April 22, 1781, in which Lafayette described the results of this announcement in general orders. 2. The Americans captured a privateer off Cedar Point in Chesapeake Bay in late April and took seven prisoners. An officer who was involved in the disposition of the prisoners wrote: The Chaps had with them a Pretty deal of very good wearing Apparel, such as shirts, Breeches, Waiscoats &c. Summer Ware, and which they say partly belonged to the Marques La Fayette, which I imagine is truth, they (the Privateer) took Middleton's Boat in which the Marques's baggage was shiped. I have taken the Liberty of telling those who took them to leave them a [Shirt], & divide the rest amongst them, as an incouragement, which in future will be to our Advantage their being a great many Strolers who ought to be detected & who the Common People are to apt to let pass unnoticed. U. Taylor to Colonel Richard Barnes, April 27, qi:lt, in Archives of Maryland, 47: 214-15]

To George Washington Baltimore April the 18h. 1781 My Dear General The Bearer of this Mr. Lavaud Came to Me with a Recommendation from Viscount de Choiseu"il in the West Indias and an other from Major General Lincoln who By this time Must Be with the Army. 1 He wishes to Serve as A Volonteer But I told Him that my family was full and could not Be increased with french aids de Camp, that my detachement was Small and Had No Room for Volonteers. He then asked me a letter for Your Excellency which I chearfully give to Him But offered it as My advice that He ought to turn His projects Some other Way. General Lincoln who Introduces Him to me will Be a Better patron than Myself who Have No Acquaintance with this Gentleman. With the Most affectionate Respect I Have the Honor to Be My dear General Your Most obedient Humble Servant LAFAYETTE

ALS (PHi: Gratz Collection). 1. Recommendations not found. Benjamin Lincoln, who had been exchanged in November 1780, did not return to the main army until June 1781. No evidence has been found that Lavaud served with the Continental army.

Aprili-june 30, 1781

47

From the Comte de VergennesT Versailles, April 19, 1781 I received, sir, the letter you did me the honor of writing last January thirtieth .1 The situation of the Americans which you describe is indeed distressing, and we felt, from accounts of it already given by M. le Chevalier de La Luzerne, that it was necessary and even urgent that we give them new support. You may tell General Washington that the king has decided to underwrite a loan of 10 million livres tournois, which will be floated in Holland, payable to the United States. Consequently, sir, His Majesty will have given or procured for the Americans by the end of this year a sum of 20 million. I dare say that General Washington 2 will realize the extent and importance of this favor, especially if he considers, as he should, the support of a squadron and a corps of troops that the king has placed at his disposal, and the exorbitant expenditures of a war we support only for the sake of the Americans. Congress estimated its needs and requests at 25 million. I am quite willing to admit the truth of this calculation, but the king for his part must take into account the extent of his resources; you will easily conceive that they are consumed by the extraordinary expenses required by his efforts on behalf of the American cause. I beg you to make General Washington fully aware of the strength of this consideration. He is too enlightened to be unmoved by it or to allow himself any feeling other than gratitude. I have done what I could to inspire his aide-de-camp with this attitude, but I have not succeeded at all. Mr. Laurens shows zeal, but I tell you in confidence that he did not express it in a manner suited to the nature of his mission. We did not take offense, because we attributed his behavior only to his inexperience in public affairs. I think I should speak to you about this officer because it is possible that, because he was annoyed at not obtaining everything he asked for, or rather insisted upon-that is, weapons, clothing, munitions, and 25 million besides-he may give a biased account to his chief. 3 I feel I must prepare you to caution General Washington against the prejudices he could form. Mr. Laurens, moreover, has been very well received by all of the king's ministers, and I dare say that, in this respect, he will make known his complete satisfaction. The extraordinary means with which the king provides the Americans, sir, lead him to hope that they will put the greatest energy into the operations they undertake during the next campaign; I beg you to tell

The War Moves to Virginia

General Washington that, in this respect, His Majesty has the greatest confidence in his experience, his activity, and his patriotism. I have nothing to add to what I said in my last letter concerning our operations; our dispositions remain as I expressed them to M. le Chevalier de La Luzerne. 4 Moreover, sir, I hope that if the war continues beyond this campaign, as seems rather likely, we shall not be approached again with such requests. I warn you that it would be totally impossible to satisfy them. France is not an inexhaustible mine. L (AAE: Correspondance politique, Etats-Unis, vol. 16, fols. 205-6), draft in secretary's hand; translation. 1. Lafayette's letter to Vergennes of January 30, 17H1, introduced John Laurens and described the state of American military affairs, stressing the need for France to give America the assistance that Laurens would be requesting (AAE: Correspondance politique, Etats-Cnis, vol. 15, fols. 139--63). 2. "Et toute son armee" (and all his army) deleted here in the draft. 3· Laurens did not think he had been treated unfairly, but in his letter to Washington of April 11 he indicated that he was trying to get as much as possible out of France's new financial agreements with America. To save time, Laurens wanted the French to negotiate the 1o-million-livre loan themselves and give that amount to the Americans immediately out of the French treasury. France had agreed to give another 10 million, 4 of which was to pay Congress's bills of exchange: clothing, ordnance, and military stores were to be deducted from the remaining 6 million, but Laurens hoped to be able to obtain those supplies on credit so as to conserve the 6 million for other purposes (in Wharton, Diplomatic Correspondence, 4:356-57). 4· In his letter to Lafayette of March 10 (L.AAR, 3:391), Vergennes referred Lafayette to the letter he wrote La Luzerne on March 9 on aid to the Americans. He told La Luzerne that no second division would be sent to supplement Rochambeau's expeditionary force but that De Grasse, who was in the West Indies, might be able to lend some support (AAE: Correspondance politique, Etats-Unis, vol. 15, fols. 341-44).

To Thomas Jefferson Alexandria April the 21st 1781 Sir My Last Letter to Your Excellency Having Acquainted You of Our Preparations to Return to the South ward, and Having Also Mentionned the Reasons which in the present danger Urge me to Hasten By forced Marches to the Support of Virginia, 1 I will only Add that we Came in two days from our Encampement Near Baltimore to this place and Intend Setting out to Morrow for Frederisk Burg. Our Baggage, Artillery and Stores Are Left Behind us. In our Absolute want of Shoes and Cloathes of Every kind it is Impossible for the

April1-june 30, 1781

49

Men to Make Such Rapid Marches Unless we Have An Extraordinary Help of Horses and Waggons. This Method I knew to Be Bigg with Difficulties-But Every letter Urging the Necessity of our Going to the South ward, Representing the Vast and Immediate Danger which threatens this State, I Have flattered Myself that Her Inhabitants Could not Deny us the Means of Advancing to their Defense, And Have Been Encouraged By this Idea that in the whole Detachement (considering its Peculiar Circumstances) there is not one Soldier But who Sacrifices more in this Expedition than Would Be the very Loss of the Articles which we Borrow for two or three days. From what is Reported in this town, I am Led to Believe that General Philips is Expected into the Country And that Your Excellency Has Some Aprehensions of A visit to Richmond. Whatever May Be Your Intelligences of the Ennemy's intended Movements I Beg Your Excellency will please to Give me a full knowledge of them that I May, As far as possible, Endeavour to Check Gal. Philip's Plan, and Render our Services to this State. May I Beg leave to Request Your Excellency that orders Be Given for the Getting of Provisions at Richmond. Backed Bread, fresh and Salt Meat, with a Quantity of Rum will Be Necessary. We are So Entirely Destitute of Shoes that Unless a Large Number of them is Collected the feet of our Men will Be So Sore as to Make it Impossible for them to Advance. What public Authority and private Credit Could do I Have Already tried, But find Myself obliged to trouble Your Excellency with the Care of Remedying our wants. Should the Movements of the Ennemy alter Circumstances, Your Excellency will determine where our provisions ought to Be Collected. On My Arrival at Alexandria, where I Had two days Before Sent one of My Aids de Camp with An Application to the Civil Authority, I found that Not one Single Waggon Could Be obtained. Under these Circumstances I thought it was Better to use Military Impress. My Aid de Camp, A Virginian, With Non Commissioned officers (to Be More Certain of their delicacy towards the Inhabitants) And people of the Country Accompaging them were Intrusted with the Care of providing Means to Carry us to Frederis Burg. 2 I Request Your Excellency to Be Convinced that My Respect for the Rights and Conveniences of the Citizens Cannot Be Equalled But By My Zeal to forward Every Means of Securing their freedom, and that My Happiness will Be Compleat if our Services may Be Useful to the State of Virginia. With the Highest Respect I Have the Honor to Be Your Excellency's Most obedient Humble Servant LAFAYETTE

so

The War Moves to Virginia

ALS (CtY: Benjamin Franklin Collection). 1. Lafayette to Jefferson, April q, 17RI, in Boyd, Jefferson Papers, 5:4 77· 2. The aide-de- the Southward was a separation from you. I refer you to private letters

The War Moves to Virginia accompanying this, one written previous to the receipt of your last the other subsequent. 8 As to our force here, you know what it was when you left us and you will know what it is now when I tell you that we have as yet received but few recruits. The enemys present force of regular troops at New York is near 7000. I shall recommend Major McPherson as you request to General Greene. Present my warmest thanks to that officer and assure him of the sense I have of his services. 9 You were right My Dr. Marquis in supposing that no explanation could be necessary as to your letter to the Board of war. 10 I know your sentiments and your friendship. I shall not detain the express to enlarge on the other subject of your letters. I will embrace the first safe opportunity to give you a full view of our affairs-what we are and what we expect to be; that you may regulate your future correspondence with your Court accordingly. Hitherto I could give you nothing material more than you know as to ourselves. Wherever you are assure Your self of all my esteem confidence and affection. Yrs. sincerely L (DLC: George Washington Papers, Series 4), draft. t. Letters of April 12, one of April 13, and one of April 15 printed above; letters of April 11 and a second letter of April 13 printed in Gottschalk, Letters of Lafayette, pp. 102, 104; in error Lafayette's letter of April 14 is acknowledged here as a second letter of April 15. 2. There is a marginal note here of what was to be on the list: 1,200 shirts, 1,200 pairs of linen overalls, and 1,200 pairs of socks and shoes. 3· See Lafayette to Washington, April 12. 4· Washington to Lafayette, April 6, 178 t. 5· See Lafayette to Washington, April 12 and '4· 6. An attack on New York. 7· 'The case of a surprise of the enemy in their present divided state with a decided naval superiority" deleted here in the draft. 8. Washington to Lafayette, April 21 (above) and April 22 (following letter). g. In one of his April 13 letters, Lafayette told Washington of Macpherson's part in uncovering the plot to supply flour to the British, emphasizing the danger to which Macpherson was exposed. Lafayette asked Washington to recommend :Macpherson to Greene so that if Lafayette's detachment went south, Greene might give Macpherson command of a detachment (in Gottschalk, Letters of Lafayette, pp. 17g-8o). Washington never had occasion to write the recommendation, as Macpherson remained in Virginia with Lafayette. 10. See Lafayette to Washington, April 13, printed above.

April 1-june go, 1781

59

From George Washington New Windsor april 22d.1781 My dear Marqs. Since writing the inclosed 1 your several letters (acknowledged in my public one of this date) are come to hand. All of them except that of the 12th arrived at Hd. Quarters within the course of one hour. The reasons assigned in some of your letters-and others which have occurred to me-