Letters and Papers 9782600019552

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JEAN DE LANGEAC

LETTERS AND PAPERS Edition, commentary and notes by Jan P endergrass

LIBRAIRIE DROZ S.A. 11, rue Massot GENEVE 2016

Volume published with the assistance of the University of Georgia (Athens, Georgia), in partnership with the President’s Venture Fund, the Deans Office of Franklin College and the Willson Center for Humanities and Arts.

www.droz.org Distribué en France par de Boccard 11, rue de Médicis 75006 Paris www.deboccard.com

ISBN : 978-2-600-01955-2 ISSN : 082-6081 Copyright 2016 by Librairie Droz S.A., 11 rue Massot, Genève All right reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or translated in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, microfiche or any other means without written permission.

TABLE OF C O N TE N T S Abbreviations.................................................................................................

15

Introduction................................................................................................... Acknowledgments.....................................................................................

19 37

Chronological Table......................................................................................

39

Travel for Church and State, 1511-1541....................................................

51

Letters and Papers.........................................................................................

55

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14.

Jean de Pins to Jean de Langeac — Toulouse, 20 October 1512 ... 57 Jean de Pins to Jean de Langeac — Toulouse, 4 April 1513.......... 59 Jean de Pins to Jean de Langeac — Toulouse, 30 December 1514 62 Jean de Langeac: Oration before King Manuel 1 of Portugal — Almeirim, [July] 1516........................................................................ 65 King Francis I to King Sigismund I of Poland — Paris, 27 January [1519]................................................................................................... 73 Instructions for Jean de Langeac and Antoine Lamet, envoys to Poland — [c. 27] January 1519, n.s................................................. 74 Sigismund I of Poland to Jean de Langeac and Antoine Lamet — [Krakow, c. early March 1519]......................................................... 87 Andreas Krziczki to Jean de Langeac and Antoine Lamet — [Krakow, March 1519]....................................................................... 88 [Guillaume Gouffier and Charles Guillart] to Jean de Langeac and Pierre de La Guiche — Lunéville, 2 May [1519]............................ 92 Andreas Krziczki to Jean de Langeac and Antoine Lamet — [Kraicow] 4 May 1519....................................................................... 95 Piotr Tomicki to Jean de Langeac and Antoine Lamet — [Krakow, July 1519]............................................................................ 99 Piotr Tomicki to Jean de Langeac — [Toruh, c. 3 July 1520?]..... 101 Instructions for Jean de Langeac, envoy to Switzerland — Troyes, 6 September [1521]............................................................................ 103 Jean de Langeac and Antoine Lamet to King Francis I — Bern, 30 September [1521]......................................................................... 105

8

LETTERS AND PAPERS

15. A Royal Letter Patent to Jean de Langeac and Antoine de SaintGelais: Commission to seize, itemize and auction merchandise confiscated at sea — [c. November 1521]........................................ 16. Report on Langeac’s and Saint-Gelais’s Mission to Saint-Pol-deLéon — Nantes, February 1522, n.s................................................. 17. King Francis I to Jean de Langeac: Commission to retrieve Fran­ çoise de Bouliers — Lyon, 1 June 1522........................................... 18. Instructions regarding the deliverance of Françoise de Bouliers — [ Lyon, c. 1 June 1522]..................................................................... 19. King Francis I: Commission to inspect the fortifications of Corbie — Saint-Germain-en-Laye, 13 September 1522.............................. 20. Jean de Langeac to King Christian II of Denmark — Edinburgh, 12 April [1523]................................................................................... 21. King Francis I to Jean de Langeac — [Blois, 30 May 1523].......... 22. King Francis I to the Lords of the Estates, Council and Parliament of Scotland — Blois, 30 May 1523.................................................. 23- King Francis I: Letter patent confirming Langeac in the office of Master of Requests — Plessis-lès-Tours, June 1524......................... 24. Deliberations of Parliament — Parliament of Paris, 27 July 1524.... 25. Louise de Savoie to the Ambassadors of the Twelve Cantons — Lyon, 26 October [1525]................................................................... 26. Louise de Savoie: Instructions for Jean de Langeac, envoy to the Twelve Cantons — Lyon, October 1525......................................... 27. Jean de Langeac: Speech before the deputies of the Twelve Cantons — Lucerne, [c. 3 November] 1525 .................................................. 28. Clement VII: Papal bull appointing Langeac as bishop of Avranches — Rome, 20 [October] 1526............................................................ 29. King Francis I: Placet in favor of Jean de Langeac — Saint-Ger­ main-en-Laye, 6 January 1527, n.s.................................................... 30. King Francis I: Letter of sufferance in favor of Jean de Langeac — Saint-Germain-en-Laye, 6 January 1527, n.s.................................... 31. King Francis I: Mainlevée in favor of Jean de Langeac — SaintGermain-en-Laye, 6 January 1527, n.s.............................................. 32. King Francis I: Another mainlevée in favor of Jean de Langeac — Saint-Germain-en-Laye, 8 January 1527, n.s.................................... 33. King Francis I: Letter patent in favor of Jean de Langeac — SaintGermain-en-Laye, 17 February 1527, n.s......................................... 34. Claude de La Croix: Ratification of Langeac’s petition for mainlevée — Paris, 19 February 1527, n.s......................................................... 35. The Parisian Court of Finances: Instructions to officers of Le Cotentin — [Paris] 19 February 1527, n.s....................................... 36. Minutes of the King’s Grand Council — Paris, 23 November 1527

108 110 120 126 132 135 139 141 144 155 157 158 163 169 174 177 178 180 183 186 188 191

TABLE OF CO N TEN TS

37. Jean de Langeac to Anne de Montmorency — Vic-le-Comtc, 10 February [1528]............................................................................. 38. Jean de Langeac [to Anne de Montmorency] — Lyon, 10 April [1528].................................................................................................. 39. Jean de Langeac to King Francis I — Le Pont-de-Beauvoisin, 13 April [1528]................................................................................... 40. Jean de Langeac [to Anne de Montmorency] — Sant’Ambrogio di Torino, 18 April [1528]..................................................................... 41. Jean de Langeac to Anne de Montmorency — Asti, 21 April [1528] 42. Jean de Langeac to François de La Tour and Balthazar Hercule de Jarente — Venice, 14 May [1528].................................................... 43. Jean de Langeac to Anne de Montmorency — Venice, 15 May [1528].................................................................................................. 44. Jean de Langeac to François de La Tour and Balthazar Hercule de Jarente — Venice, 19 May [1528].................................................... 45. François de La Tour and Balthazar Hercule de Jarente to Jean de Langeac — Orvieto, 20 May 1528................................................... 46. Jean de Langeac to Anne de Montmorency — Venice, 23 May [1528].................................................................................................. 47. Jean de Langeac to Anne de Montmorency — Venice, 6 June [1528].................................................................................................. 48. Jean de Langeac to Anne de Montmorency — Venice, 14 June [1528].................................................................................................. 49. Odet de Foix-Lautrec to Jean de Langeac — Naples, 22 June [1528].................................................................................................. 50. Jean de Langeac to Pope Clement VII — Venice, 25 June [1528].... 51. Jean de Langeac to Anne de Montmorency — Venice, 5 July [1528].................................................................................................. 52. Jean de Langeac to Anne de Montmorency — Venice, 1 August [1528].................................................................................................. 53. Federico II Gonzaga of Mantua to Jean de Langeac — Marmirolo, 18 August 1528.................................................................................. 54. Jean de Langeac to Anne de Montmorency — Venice, 23 August [1528].................................................................................................. 55. Jean de Langeac to Pope Clement VII — Venice, 29 August [1528] 56. François de La Tour to Jean de Langeac — Viterbo [c. 10-12 Sep­ tember 1528]...................................................................................... 57. François de Bourbon to Jean de Langeac — Pavia, 12 September [1528].................................................................................................. 58. Jean de Langeac to Anne de Montmorency — Venice, 15 Septem­ ber [1528]...........................................................................................

9

195 198 201 203 208 210 215 216 221 224 227 229 233 237 242 244 248 249 254 257 259 261

10

LETTERS AND PAPERS

59. Jean de Langeac to Anne de Montmorency — Venice, 18 Septem­ ber [1528]............................................................................................ 60. Jean de Langeac to Anne de Montmorency Venice, 23 September [1528].................................................................................................. 61. Pope Clement VII to Jean de Langeac — Viterbo, 1 October 1528 62. Jean de Langeac to King Francis I — Venice, 13 October 1528.... 63. Jean de Langeac to Anne de Montmorency — Venice, 13 October [1528].................................................................................................. 64. Jean de Langeac to Jean Breton — Venice, 13 October 1528........ 65. Geoffroy Tavelli to Jean de Langeac — Chur, 9 November 1528..... 66. Jean de Langeac to Anne de Montmorency — Venice, 11 Novem­ ber [1528]............................................................................................ 67. Jean de Langeac to Anne de Montmorency — Venice, 22 Decem­ ber [1528]............................................................................................ 68. François de Bourbon to Jean de Langeac — Alessandria, 24 December 1528............................................................................. 69. Marco Aurelio Arborsani to Jean de Langeac— Venice, 3 January 1529 70. Jean de Langeac to Anne de Montmorency — Venice, 14 January [1529].................................................................................................. 71. Lorenzo Anguillara da Ceri to Jean de Langeac — Barletta, 20 February 1529, n.s........................................................................ 72. Jean de Langeac to Anne de Montmorency — Venice, 27 February [1529].................................................................................................. 73. Jean de Langeac to King Francis I — Verona, 18 March 1529, n.s. 74. Jean de Langeac to Jean Breton — Verona, 18 March 1529, n.s....... 75. Jean de Langeac to Anne de Montmorency — Venice, 15 April [1529].................................................................................................. 76. Jean de Langeac to Anne de Montmorency — Venice, 23 April [1529].................................................................................................. 77. Jean de Langeac and Giovan Gioachino da Passano to King Francis I — Venice, 6, 10 and 11 May 1529................................. 7 8. Jean de Langeac to Anne de Montmorency — Venice, 7 May [1529]... 79. Jean de Langeac to Anne de Montmorency — Venice, 11 May [1529].................................................................................................. 80. Jean de Langeac and Giovan Gioachino da Passano to King Francis I — Venice, 12 May 1529.................................................... 81. Jean de Langeac to Anne de Montmorency — Venice, 12-13 May [1529].................................................................................................. 82. Jean de Langeac to Anne de Montmorency — Venice, 19 May [1529].................................................................................................. 83. Andrea Gritti to the Doge, Council and Elders of Genoa — Venice, 22 May 1529......................................................................................

264 266 269 271 287 291 293 296 298 302 305 313 318 322 324 334 336 339 343 362 366 370 382 384 387

TABLE OF CO N TEN TS

84. Jean de Langeac to [Jean Breton?] — Venice, 23 May [1529]....... 85. Jean de Langeac to King Francis I — Venice, 23 May [1529]....... 86. Jean de Langeac to Anne de Montmorency — Les Echarlis, 12 November [1529?]........................................................................ 87. King Francis I to Jean de Langeac — Angoulême, 22 April 1530..... 88. Langeac, Meigret and Dangerant to the Chief Officers of Bern and Zurich — Bremgarten, 31 October [1531]..................................... 89. Langeac, Meigret, Dangerant et al. to the League of Five Cantons — Bremgarten, 5 November 1531 ................................................... 90. Jean de Langeac to Anne de Montmorency — Bremgarten, 12 November [1531]......................................................................... 91. Jean de Langeac and Louis Dangerant to Anne de Montmorency — Bremgarten, 24 November [1531]............................................... 92. Langeac, Meigret, Dangerant et al. to Hans Golder and the Council of Lucerne — Bremgarten, 24 November 1531.............................. 93. The Council of Bern to Jean de Langeac — Bern, 8 December 1531..................................................................................................... 94. Jean de Langeac and Guillaume de Bonas: Appointments of a vicar general and substitute vicar of Limoges — Paris, 1 June 1532 / Limoges, 22 June 1532...................................................................... 95. Jean de Langeac to François de Dinteville — Paris, 8 June 1532... 96. Certificate of tonsure for Jean Gay — Saint-Leonard-de-Noblat, 8 June 1533........................................................................................ 97. Tax notice and receipts — July-August 1533................................... 98. Notice of litigation between Jean de Langeac and Gilbert de Roffignac — Brive-la-Gaillarde, 7 August 1533...................................... 99. Antoine Arlier to Jean de Langeac — [Nîmes, c. 24 September 1533]................................................................................................... 100. Antoine Arlier to Jean de Langeac — Nîmes, 24 September 1533 101. Etienne Dolet to Jean de Langeac — Toulouse, 8 November [1533] 102. Jean de Langeac to Pope Clement VII — [1 January 1534].......... 103. Etienne Dolet to Jean de Langeac — Toulouse, 1 January [1534].... 104. Etienne Dolet to Jean de Langeac — Toulouse, 1 March [1534]... 105. A letter dimissory for Antoine Brunet — Paris, 28 August 1534... 106. Etienne Dolet to Jean de Langeac— [Paris, c. early November 1534]... 107. Jean de Langeac to Jean du Bellay — Ferrara, 4 August 1535....... 108. Jean de Langeac to [Jean du Bellay] — Ferrara, 1 September [1535] 109. Jean du Bellay to Jean de Langeac — Perugia, 12 September 1535 110. Jean de Langeac to Jean du Bellay — Ferrara, 19 November [1535] 111. Celio Caleagnini to Jean de Langeac — Ferrara, 27 November 1535..................................................................................................... 112. Jean de Langeac to Antoine du Bourg — Isle, 1 April [1536].......

11 390 392 399 400 402 405 406 410 416 419

421 432 434 435 438 445 447 449 452 454 456 458 460 461 463 467 471 476 479

12 113. 114. 115. 116. 117. 118. 119. 120. 121. 122. 123. 124. 125. 126. 127. 128. 129. 130. 131. 132. 133. 134. 135. 136.

LETTERS A N D PAPERS

Jean Arnaud: Commission for six statues — Limoges, 9 April 1536 480 Certificate of tonsure for Pierre Benoist — Limoges, 28 April 1536 483 Tax notice and receipts — August 1536........................................... 484 Litigation between Jean de Langeac and the municipality of Limoges — Parliament of Bordeaux, 23 December 1536 .............. 487 Translation of the relics of Saint Pierre de Chavanon — Pébrac, 2 April 1537....................................................................................... 489 Jean de Langeac to Antoine du Bourg — Port of Edinburgh, 23-25 May [1537].............................................................................. 491 Jean de Langeac to Antoine du Bourg — Edinburgh, 30 May [1537].................................................................................................. 493 Jean de Langeac to King Francis I — London, July [1537]........... 495 Jean de Langeac to Antoine du Bourg — London, 6 July 1537 .... 498 Jean de Langeac and Antoine de Castelnau to King Francis I — London, 22 July 1537........................................................................ 507 Jean de Langeac [to Arthur Plantagenet] — Boulogne-sur-Mer, [25 August, 1537]............................................................................... 510 Jean de Langeac: Memorandum regarding annuities from the woods of Les Echarlis — 23 September 1537................................. 511 Litigation between Jean de Langeac and Gilbert de Roffignac ■ —■ Brive-la-Gaillarde, 22 November 1537............................................. 512 Tax notice for the rector of Les Cars — 18 December 1537......... 517 King Francis I to Guillaume Prudhomme ~ Moulins, 18 February 1538, n.s.............................................................................................. 519 Jean de Langeac: A receipt for wages and expenses as ambassador to Scotland and England — 26 February 1538, n.s........................ 522 Power of attorney for Jean and Pierre Louvète — Isle, 28 February 1538, n.s.............................................................................................. 524 Pierre Boutaud and Etienne Théveny: Act of property tenure — Limoges, 12 March 1538, n.s............................................................ 527 Litigation between Langeac and the municipality of Limoges — Parliament of Bordeaux, 5 June 1538............................................... 530 Jean du Chasteau: Act of property tenure and investiture — SaintLeonard-de-Noblat, 29 July 1538..................................................... 532 Denial of investiture to the Carmelite and Augustinian orders of Mortemart — Isle, 22 August 1538................................................. 535 Certificate of tonsure for Jean de La Combe — Allassac, 15 Sep­ tember 1538........................................................................................ 538 Certificate of tonsure for Hélie de Roffignac — Allassac, 3 October 1538..................................................................................................... 539 Usufruct of Allasac’s Hata Communis — Allassac, 5 Octobre 1538 540

TABLE O F C O N TEN TS

137. King Francis I to the Bishop of Limoges — Paris, 12 December [1538?]................................................................................................. 138. A receipt for Bishop Langeac — Paris, 25 January 1539, n.s......... 139. Litigation between Langeac and the municipality of Limoges — Limoges, 24 June 1539...................................................................... 140. Jean de Langeac to Anne de Montmorency — Rome, 25 November 1539..................................................................................................... 141. Jean de Langeac to Anne de Montmorency — Rome, 28 November 1539 ..................................................................................................... 142. Leonard Alesme to Jean de Langeac — Poitiers, 13 December 1539 143. King Francis I to Jean de Langeac — Paris, [c. January 1540]....... 144. King Francis I [to Cardinal Agostino Trivulzio] — Paris, [c. January 1540].................................................................................. 145. Pope Paul III to King Francis I of France — Castel Sant’Angelo, 8 February 1540................................................................................. 146. King James V of Scotland to Pope Paul III — Holyrood Palace, 20 February 1540, n.s......................................................................... 147. Jean de Langeac to Anne de Montmorency — Rome, February and March 1540................................................................................. 148. Jean de Langeac to Anne de Montmorency — Rome, 28 March 1540 ..................................................................................................... 149. Etienne Dolet to Jean de Langeac — Lyon, 1 March 1541 ........... 150. Guillaume Pellicier to Jean de Langeac — 14 April [1541]............

13

543 544 545 548 550 556 559 561 563 565 566 568 570 572

Bibliography................................................................................................... 575 Manuscripts............................................................................................... 575 Printed material(Early Modern, Modern and Contemporary)............... 578 Index of Proper Names................................................................................. 617

ABBREVIATIONS The following list identifies comm on abbreviations used in annotations. Refe­ rences to primary or secondary sources appear in full under the author’s name or under the work’s title in an expanded bibliography at the end o f this edition. Acta Tomiciana

Piotr Tomicki, Stanislaw Górski et al. Acta Tomiciana

A.D.

Archives départementales

A.N.

Archives nationales de France

Anselme

Pierre de Guibours Anselme de Sainte-Marie. Hiset chronologique de la maison toire geneaiogtq-, royale de France

Blanchard, Généalogies

François Blanchard. Les Généalogies des maistres des requestes ordinaires de Fhostel du roy

BM

Bibliothèque M unicipale (Municipal Library)

BnF Paris

Bibliothèque Nationale de France (Paris)

G4A

Collection des ordonnances des rois de France. Cata­ logue des Actes de François I er

CAH

Collection des ordonnances des rois de France. Cata­ logue des Actes de Henri IL

Calendar Spain

Calendar o f Letters, Despatches and State Papers relating to the Negotiations between England and Spain preserved in the Archives o f Simancas and elsewhere

Calendar Venice

Calendar o f State Papers and Manuscripts relating to English Affairs existing in the Archives and Collec­ tions o f Venice and other Libraries o f Northern Italy, 1202-1672

-CatholicJincyclopedia-.

.Charles _G._Herb erman s\_et_al., edd. The Catholic Encyclopedia

CEBR

P. G. Bietenholz and T. B. Deutscher, edd. Contemporaries o f Erasmus: A Biographical Register o f the Renaissance and Reformation

Centuriae Latinae I-II

Colette Nativel, ed. Centuriae Latinae (I, 1997; II, 2006)

DBF

Dictionnaire de biographie française

16

LETTERS A N D PAPERS

DBI

Dizionario biografico degli italiani

DHGE

Dictionnaire d'histoire et de géographie ecclésiastiques

CCJB

Jean du Bellay. Correspondance du cardinal Jean du Bellay

Eidgenôssische Abschiede

Amtliche Sammlung der altern Eidgenossischen Abschiede 1245-1798

Erasmus, Adagia

Erasmus o f Rotterdam. Opera omnia Desiderii Erasmi Roterodami (published since 1969 by N orth-H olland Publishing Co.)

Eubel

C onrad Eubel. Hierarchia catholica M edii Aevi

Gallia Christiana

Gallia Christiana distributa

Gallia Regia

Gustave Dupont-Ferrier. Gallia Regia ou état des officiers royaux des bailliages et des sénéchaussées de 1328 à 1515

Godefroy

Frédéric Godefroy. Dictionnaire de l'ancienne langue française, et de tous ses dialectes du 12e au XV siècle

G ougenheim , Grammaire

Georges Gougenheim . Grammaire de la langue française du seizième siècle

Greimas and Keane

Algirdas Julien Greimas and Teresa M ary Keane, Dictionnaire du moyen fiançais

Guicciardini

Francesco Guicciardini. La Storia d ’I talia de Fran­ cesco Guicciardini sugli originali manoscritti

Hozier

Jean François Louis d ’Hozier. Recueil historique des chevaliers de l ’Ordre de Saint-Michel

H te-V ienne

Haute-V ienne

in

provincias

ecclesiasticas

E dm ond H uguet. Dictionnaire de la langue fra n ­ çaise du seizième siècle JLLP

Jean de Langeac. Letters and Papers (this edition)

JPLLF

Jean de Pins. Letters and Letter Fragments

Lapeyre and Scheurer

André Lapeyre and Rémy Scheurer. Les Notaires et secrétaires du roi sous les règnes de Louis XI, Char­ les V III et Louis X I I (1461-1515). Notices person­ nelles et généalogies. Collection de documents inédits sur l ’histoire de France

LB

Erasmus o f Rotterdam. Desiderii Erasmi Rotero­ dam i opera omnia, emendatiora et auctiora. The Leiden edition (Lugdunum Batavorum, 17031706)

ABBREVIATIONS

17

LPFD

Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, o f the Reign o f Henry V III 1509-1517, preserved in the Public Record Office, the British Museum, and elsewhere

LPFS Elizabeth

Calendar o f letters and state papers relating to English affairs preserved principally in the Archives o f f mancas. Elizabeth, !558-[1603l

Maugis

Edouard Maugis. Histoire du Parlement de Paris de l avènement des rois Valois à la mort d ’H enri IV. 3 vols. Paris, 1913-1916

M irot and Babeion, Hommages

Léon M irot and Jean-Pierre Babeion. Hommages rendus à la Chambre de France. Chambre des comptes de Paris. Série P. XlV-XVF siècles. Inven­ taire analytique

MMGB

M artin and Guillaume du Bellay. Mémoires de M artin et Guillaume du Bellay

M olini M l

Giuseppe M olini. Documenti di storia italiana copiati su gli originali autentici e per lo p iù autografi esistenti in Parigi

M olini III {Appendice)

Giuseppe Molini. Documenti di storia italiana dall’ anno 1522 al 1530 che fanno segato ai pubblicati da Giuseppe M olini nel 1836-1837

NBG

Nouvelle Biographie Générale

NDB

Neue deutsche Biographie

n.s.

new style (year begins 1 January instead o f Easter day)

OER

H ans J. Hillerbrand, ed. Oxford Encyclopedia o f the Reformation

Ordonnances de François I er Ordonnances des rois de France. Règne de Fran­ çois I ey (published by Académie des Sciences Morales et Politiques) PopofE Prosopographie

M ichel Popoff. Prosopographie des gens du Parle­ ment de Paris (1266-1753)

Ribier

Guillaume Ribier. Lettres et mémoires d ’estat des roys, princes, ambassadeurs, et autres ministres, sous les regnes de François premier, Henry I I & François I I

Rott H R D F

Edouard Rott. Histoire de la représentation diplo­ matique de la France auprès des cantons suisses

Rott Inv

Edouard Rott. Inventaire sommaire des documents relatifs à l\histoire de Suisse conservés dans les archives et bibliothèques de Paris recto (front side)

18

LETTERS AND PAPERS

Sanuto

M arino Sanuto. I diarìi di M arino Sanuto

Strickler, Actensammlung

Johannes Strickler. Actensammlung zur schweizerischen Reformationsgeschichte in aen Jahren 15211532

Tessereau

Abraham Tessereau. Histoire de la Grande Chancel­ lerie de France

S.V., s . w .

sub voce, sub vocibus (under a designated entry or entries in a dictionary or encyclopedia)

v°

verso (back side)

INTRODUCTION Jean de Langeac, the third, perhaps fourth male child of a large Auvernat family 1, was a prominent officer of the French crown, a clergyman and diplo­ mat during the reigns of Kings Louis XII and Francis I of France. Viewed as ortant figure of the French Renaissance, he is frequently cited as a of the arts. The ornarnemaT^uIpitrum and elaborate bishop’s tomb commissioned for Saint-Etienne’s cathedral in Limoges rank among the city’s most remarkable artistic monuments dating from that era2 . He is generally credited with having introduced Leonard Limosin, a ceramic painter, and Giulio Camillo Delminio, an Italian philosopher, into the courtly circles of Parisian society, although such claims are founded largely on circumstantial evidence3 . The Metropolitan Museum of Art’s anonymous “Portrait of a Man”, painted in 1539, is thought to represent the bishop at the height of his career, when he was serving as a French ambassador to Rome and had come under serious consideration for promotion to the rank of cardinal. The date of the painting, the subject’s venerable beard and the prominent display of a manual signet with the bishop’s embossed seal have all been cited to substan­ tiate the attribution. Having entered the clergy as a young man, Langeac studied law and received his first major political appointment as a councilor cleric at the Parliament of 1

Information on Bishop Langeac’s ancestry can be found in Luc Maillet-Guy, Généalogie de la maison de Langeac (Lyon, 1929). The best general biography is still Françoise Bodin’s article, “Jean de Langeac, mécène et humaniste”, Bulletin de la Société Archéologique et Histo­ rique du Limousin LXXXVI (1955), pp. 81-104. See also Geneviève Semeilhon, “Le Revers de la médaille. Quelques réflexions nées à la lecture de documents concernant Jean de Lan­ geac”, Bulletin de la Société Archéologique et Historique du Limousin LXXXIX (1962), pp. 91-3 and 110-12; Michel Toulet, “Inventaire de biens ayant appartenu à l’évêque Jean de Langeac (1545)”, Bulletin de la Société Archéologique et Historique du Limousin CXX (1992), pp. 4552.; Gérard Chevassus, “Le Testament de Jean de Langhac, évêque de Limoges et abbé de Pébrac”, Cahiers de la Haute-Loire (1966), pp. 75-114, and by the same author, “Portrait d’un grand Auvergnat de la Renaissance, Jean de Langhac”, Le Jacquemart. A rt et Tradition en Langeadois yLTAX (1997), pp. 2-22.

2

See Annie Cloulas-Brousseau, “Le Jubé de la cathédrale de Limoges”, Bulletin de la Société Archéologique et Historique du Limousin LXXXIX (1962), pp. 87-113.

3

Thierry Crépin-Leblond, “Une Suite de portraits mythologiques émaillés par Léonard Limo­ sin”, Revue de T A rt CXVI (1997), pp. 17-26; François Secret, “Un Témoignage oublié de Giulio Camillo Delminio sur la Renaissance en France”, Bibliothèque d ’H umanisme et RenaissanceY X X W (1972) 275-8.

20

LETTERS AND PAPERS

Toulouse in 1511, only to resign after a brief apprenticeship there in order to pursue a more prestigious career within France’s central government. By 1516 he was a member of the king’s Grand Council and three years later became a royal master of requests. For over twenty-five years he served as a diplomatic emissary to a variety of European states, traveling long distances to Portugal (1516), Poland (1519), Hungary (1519), Venice (1519, 1528-1529), Switzer­ land (1521, 1525, 1531), Scotland (1523, 1537), Ferrara (1535, 1538), England (1537), Rome (1514, 1525, 1539-1540) and, according to contempo­ rary observers, to the emperor’s court in Spain. He also performed domestic missions to Burgundy (1512), Saint-Pol-de-Leon (1521-1522), Demonte (1522), Corbie (1522), Auvergne (1528), La Rochelle (1530) and Amiens (1532). As a member of the clergy he held title to more than a few ecclesiastical benefices, including seven French abbeys4 . Named bishop of Avranches in 1526, he transferred to the see of Limoges in 1532, where he then assumed a moderately active role in the administration of his diocese, presiding over ordinations, giving tonsure, issuing dispensations, promoting the Catholic faith and its cult of relics, defending the integrity of the ecclesiastical domain in and out of court and attending to the publication of statutes and missals. Frequently away on one mission or another, however, he relied on vicars, attorneys and delegates of the church to perform most routine administrative tasks under his authority 5 . The extent of his travels for official matters of Church and State can be estimated at something in the order of 50,000 kilo­ meters, mainly on horseback, over the course of about 30 years. In sum, he was a competent administrator, an experienced diplomat, a steadfast partisan of Roman Catholicism and a loyal servant of the French crown. , _____ This present edition of letters and ancillary administrative papers ispntêndedy to offer historians a better, more complete understanding of rhe Frenchman’s role in European affairs than would a_standarcLcollection of correspondence^ only. Obviously many of the archival papers that have been selected for publi­ cation here will resist classification as political or personal letters. Among them are mission instructions, mission reports, speeches, expense statements, letters of appointment to office, financial receipts, minutes of a French Grand Coun­ cil meeting, various acts of property tenure (actes de reconnaissance} and investi­ ture, estate memoranda, records of litigation, powers of attorney, certificates of tonsure, a certificate of translation of relics, a contract for artistic services and, finally, samples of pre-printed administrative cartelli issued by the bishop’s 4

5

Saint-Gildas des Bois (1505- or 1509-1519), Notre-Dame de Clermont (1507-?), Saint-Lô (1522-?), Sorèze (1524-1532), Saint-Augustin de Pébrac (1525-1541), Les Echarlis (15301541) and Notre-Dame d’Eu (1532-1541). For discussion of a new archival system introduced during Langeac’s episcopacy, see Liliane Delaume-Boutet, “Le Chartrier de l’évêché de Limoges, cotation et inventaires”, Bibliothèque de l ’Ecole des Chartes CLII (1994), pp. 159-203 (in particular, pp. 177-9).

INTRODUCTION

21

tax assessors in Limoges. Most were prepared by administrative personnel. Inasmuch as this category of documents could'have been expandecl alm o st^f infinitum, it became necessary to limit their number to a handful of representa­ tive j ag) pl In particular, it should be noted that the bishop of Limoges was one of the region’s traditional feudal lords, and that extant acts of property tenure are far more numerous than our limited selection might suggest. While some readers may view the addition of such documents as a distraction, others will find them no doubt enlightening for the insight that they provide into some neglected quarters of Renaissance society. At less than one hundred letters, a majority of which are devoted to the discussion of diplomacy and military affairs, Langeac’s combined active and passive correspondence can hardly be considered extensive. Remnants of his contact with humanist scholars are infrequent and suggest that his interaction with them, as a group, was perhaps not sustainecI. Readcrs-vyill find nonetheless letters and letter-prefaces addressed to him by Etierineljoict in a neoclassical Renaissance style;6 three letters of similar grain rrom jean de Pins, a councilor in the Parliament of Toulouse;7 two from Antoine Arlier of Nîmes, who offe­ red to publish under the bishop’s aegis a commemorative book of emblems; 8 a dedicatory letter from the Venetian lawyer Marco Aurelio Arborsani; another from Celio Caleagnini9 , and a preface to a contemporary legal work by Leo­ nard Alesme containing praise of Langeac’s “expertise” in Greek and Latin 10 . Unfortunately, none of the missives that Langeac addressed to any of them has come to light. More numerous are the bishop’s extant political and administrative letters. For the most part unpublished and in some cases unexamined, they have been preserved as disjecta membra in various public libraries and archives in France and elsewhere in Europe. In letters to King Francis I, Grand Master Anne de Montmorency, Jean Breton, Antoine du Bourg, Cardinal Jean du Bellay and others, the author frequently refers to additional missives now presumed lost. This suggests to us that only a small portion of his cumulative correspondence remains today. Most of his letters appear to have been professionally transcri­ bed from drafts, notes or dictation before they were presented to him for his 6

7

8 9 10

JLLP 101, 103, 104, 106 and 149- On Langeac’s relationship with Dolet, see David Amherdt, “Etienne Dolet et Jean de Langeac: Amour et haine d’un lettre pour son mécène”, Etienne Dolet, 1509-2009, ed. Michèle Clément (Geneva, 2012), pp. 59-92. JLLP 1, 2 and 3- See also Jean de Pins, Letters and Letter Fragments (Geneva, 2007), pp. 136-9, 142-4 and 174-6. JLLP 99 and 100. Antoine Arlier, Correspondance (Geneva, 1991), pp. 84-6. JLLP (F) and 111. JLLP 142. In repayment for Aiesme’s gracious remarks, Langeac provided him with a letter of recommendation addressed to Guillaume PelHcier, French ambassador to Venice from 1540 to 1542 (JLLP 150).

22

LETTERS AND PAPERS

signature. Consistencies in the characters and flourishes of his single-authored letters dispatched from Edinburgh, Venice, Verona, Les Echarlis, Paris, Ferrara, Isle, London and Rome point to the silent presence of one scribe or another who accompanied him on multiple journeys. When dealing with political and administrative letters of this sort, historians of past generations have in some cases resorted to the formation of repertoires, thereby extracting information that modern readers would find interesting or even “palatable”, while discarding elements viewed as verbose, redundant or merely rhetorical. Some second-hand manuscript copies and resumes preserved in today’s archives fall into that category. But whenever we censure the vapid formulas, abstruse syntax, run-on sentences, obscurities and erratic spelling of such letters, we also risk overlooking some of the distinctive stylistic qualities present in the early development of French epistolography. Based on what we now observe, Langeac and his writing staff were familiar with some of the finer etiquette involved in corresponding on important matters and could write effectively in the vernacular, but they were certainly not brilliant stylists. The bishop’s letters are clearly administrative documents, far removed from any kind of epistolary literature that might lend itself to feats of verbal agility and ingenuity. Classical rhetoric and, in particular, ambiguity, considered by some to be essential components of Literature, are things that Renaissance ambassa­ dors and their secretaries were generally cautious to avoid. In fact one particular manual prepared for the instruction of public notaries, Le Prothocolle des notaires., warns against the intrusion of amphibologies (ambi­ guous meaning) into official documents, stating: “All notaries must also avoid placing in their writings and instruments any kind of amphibology, that is to say ambiguous statements that can be inter­ preted in various ways. It is an error and a vice into which often fall young notaries who have studied the humanities and, coming straight from the schools, believe that they can reach out and touch the stars [...]” 11

Thus, when reading vernacular diplomatic correspondence of this period, we must remember that we are dealing with official documents whose authors in most cases do not seek to impress their correspondents with a display of classical rhetoric, but rather to accurately inform them of recent events, and at the same time, signify their ability and desire to serve. 11

“Tous notaires se doivent aussi donner garde de mettre en leurs escriptures et instrumens aucunes emphibologies, cest à dire sentences doubteuses qui peuvent etre tirees à divers sens et entendemens: et en cest erreur et vice tombent souvent les ieunes notaires qui ont esté artistes et qui viennent nouvellement des escholles et leur semble que de leurs doys ilz touche­ ront les estoilles [...]” (Le Prothocolle des notaires, tabellions, greffiers et sergens, [Paris: Galliot du Pré, 1528], F. XVr°-v°).

INTRODUCTION

23

Langeac’s typical diplomatic letter contains as many as five parts, six if we consider the external address, not unlike divisions commonly observed in the artes dictaminis of the Middle Ages. After a brief address and some form of exordium or pretext., such as an enumeration of prior letters sent or received, one finds in the main body of each a report on affairs of State followed by a paragraph somewhat more personal in nature, with details on the author’s health, an appeal for money or some other form of request. Barring exception, affairs of State take precedence over any personal items that the ambassador may wish to include. A final salutation is then followed by his signature at the bottom right-hand corner of the final page. The location of the ambassador’s signature is not without significance. According to Pierre Fabri’s Grand art de rhétorique, which contains the earliest complete manual on the art of letter writing in the French vernacular, writers must distinguish between three ranks of addressees: les grans (the elevated such as popes, emperors and kings), les moyens (the intermediate class, described by Fabri as that of priests and bourgeois), and finally les bos (a lower class compo­ sed of servants and manual workers). When speaking to someone of higher rank, Fabrl recommends that one sign très humblement (very humbly) in the lower right-hand corner of the page 12 *15. As a mark of courtesy, then, Langeac and his peers almost invariably inscribe their names in just such a fashion in their reports to members of the royal court. King Francis I, on the other hand, typically signed his royal letters patent in a higher position, toward the left or center, thereby signifying his authority and rank, while attending secretaries added their names to the same document in a lower position toward the right. This spatial arrangement is not without cause reminiscent of many hieratic dedication scenes of late medieval art in which kneeling authors are depicted humbly presenting their book to some magnanimous prince. Narrative sequence is another epistolary matter to consider. Again, according to Fabri’s Grand art de rhétorique, one should always begin letters of mixed content {lettres missives meslees) with more important matters before introdu­ cing lesser ones. “And”, he adds, “take note that one must always place one’s friend’s affairs first and one’s own afterward, in order to show that we do not neglect them.” I ^This~exp'lairis-why Tn Langeac’s~diplomatic correspondence, “afifeirToFState generally take precedenceyHe first discusses matters ofofficial "coricern, such as the”~progrèSS~of~negottótions, the movement of troops (both 12

15

Pierre Fabri, Le Grand et Vrai Art de pleine rhétorique, ed. A. Héron, 3 vols. (Rouen, 18891890), pp. 194-5. The work was first published in 1521. Its chapter on Epistres is an adapta­ tion and partial translation of Francesco Negro’s successful manual on neo-Latin epistolography. “Et nota que l’en doibt touiours mettre les premieres les négoces de son amy et puis les siennes après, pour monstrer que nous auons leurs négoces pour bien recommandées” (Fabri, op. cit., p. 284).

24

LETTERS AND PAPERS

friendly and enemy), military exploits and intelligence garnered from contacts with local authorities, ambassadors, military officers, friendly travelers or enemy letters. During his mission to Venice (1528-1529), he speaks in some detail of negotiations with the member states of the Holy League (as he calls it), the loss of Pavia 14, the Imperials’ tightening grip on M ilan 15 , the defeat of the French army in Naples 16, Andrea Doria’s entente with the emperor and the liberation of Genoa from French rule 17 . Once matters of State have recei­ ved due attention, he is then at liberty to introduce personal items Into his letters. The fifteen months that he spent as an ambassador in Venice_axe marked by two recurrent personal themes, insolvency and illness. The composition and humble language of the letters that he wrote during that period underscore his desire to serve the French crown and its principal minister of foreign policy, Anne de Montmorency, unwaveringly. In particular, he shows considerable discretion in the way that he formulates requests, suggestions and recommen­ dations. His constant use of the expression il vous playse is just one example, but a significant one common to most diplomatic letters of the same period. Again, Fabri advises that one should never use the imperative mood when addressing one’s superiors, but rather humble terms (termes humiliez) such as: “Sire, your viscount is a man of merit; may it please you to look upon him with favor” (plaise vous l ’avoir pour recommande)18 . The only noteworthy use of the French imperative in Langeac’s active correspondence occurs in a letter addressed to colleagues in Rome, when he writes: “Messieurs, for the love of God take care that the pope adheres to our league [...J.” 19 The use of an imperative is permissible in this case, not only because he addresses colleagues and equals rather than superiors, but also because it assumes the form of a wish rather than a command. Yet as his frustration with the contigencies of seemingly fruitless politics and war grew, he turned increasingly to the use of mildly prescriptive expressions such as the impersonal “one should” (il convient) to voice recommendations. In October 1528, when the Venetian Signory refused to honor a perceived debt to the league’s war effort, he sugges­ ted that the king “should speak sharply of the matter” with the Venetian ambassador in Paris to make his displeasure known 2 0 . Elsewhere, the future 14 15

JLLP 44. JLLP 70.

16

JLLP 58.

,7

JLLP 58. Fabri, op. cit., p. 195. JLLP 44: “Messieurs, pour Dieu faictes que nostre sainct pere entre en ligue [...].” JLLP 62: “Il convient qu’en parlez vifvement audict ambassadeur

18 19 20

IN T R O D U C T IO N

25

tense performs a similar function: “It will please you to command the dispatch 21 of letters When requesting money from Montmorency, Langeac is always tactful and polite, despite his urgent need. In the third week of May 1528, shortly after his arrival in Venice, he complains of inflationary prices in northern Italy, noting that he has incurred much personal debt. Surely he will fall into poverty and disgrace if he does not receive money soon 2 2 . On 6 June, he again implores Montmorency to send money, reminding the grand master that he has received nothing for over six weeks and has been forced to rely on personal funds 2 3 245. By August, those six weeks of neglect had become three months; he finds himself obliged to borrow beyond his means to repay, and he is at wit’s end: Et ne sçay plus à quel sainct me vouer. Soon, he writes, he will be forced to abandon Venice in disgrace 2 1 Small shipments of money offer temporary relief, but by mid-September 1528, he suffers from the “bad air” of Venice and takes to bed with a fever, unable to afford medicine to treat his illness. Again his message is urgent; if relief is not forthcoming, he fears he will die in poverty: ay doubte finer mes jours par pouvreté'1 ’^. The modest amounts that he acknowledges having received during his first several months in Venice all remain insufficient: “If it would please you to have a larger sum of money delivered to me”, he writes in October, “this would keep me from having to constantly bother you, which is what I most fear.” 26 As previously mentioned, Langeac almost invariably reports on affairs of State before touching on matters of personal concern. There are however exceptions to this rule, whereby personal items take precedence in a given narrative sequence. In one instance, a letter of 5 July 1528, after discussing negotiations on the restitution of Ravenna and Cervia to the pope and other matters, he thanks Montmorency for having recently augmented his estate, but also reminds him that a mere gesture of goodwill will not suffice to free him from the immediate clutches of poverty. Then, in a final paragraph, he returns to matters of official concern, mentioning a letter successfully delivered to François de La Tour and the passage of Galeazzo Visconti on official business 2 7 . 21 22 23 24 25 26 27

JLLP 85: JLLP 46. JLLP 47. JLLP 52. JLLP 59. JLLP 63:

il vous plaira commander lectres [...] esrre envoieez

“Et s’il vous plaisoit que plus grant somme m ’en feust delivree, ce seroit garder de vous importuner, qui est la chose que plus crains.”

JLLP 51.

26

LETTERS AND PAPERS

A second example of an atypical narrative sequence occurs in a letter of 14 January 1529, in which Ambassador Langeac reports on the arrival of Spanish soldiers in Genoa and the Venetians’ lack of diligence in combatting the imperial presence in Milan. Before announcing the fall of L’Aquila and, in ciphertext, Saint-Pol’s intent to request a leave of absence from Venice, however, he interrupts his narrative of unfolding political and military events in order to reiterate a personal appeal for repatriation — one that had gone unanswered since October of the preceding year. In the meantime the state of his health steadily declined: “My long sojourn”, he writes, “compels me to anticipate rather my death than a recovery of good health, making it impossible for me to continue to render service, albeit to my great dismay. For this reason, I implore you as humbly as I possibly can to provide for my replacement [...]. May it please you not to abandon your more than humble and most affectionate servant in such straits.” He then adds: “It has been three months since I have received un denier from my estate.” 28 In both of these letters, matters of personal concern received precedence over some affairs of State. Whether this atypical arrangement of content was intentional or not is impos­ sible for us to know, but it was at least an open invitation to take note. In the end the author’s pressing need of money and failing health will have sufficed to excuse any apparent disregard for epistolary decorum. O f course money is not only the nerve of war but also a foundation of diplomacy, and all Renaissance diplomats worth their salt possess more than one strategy for soliciting it. In diplomatic correspondence of the same period, one will usually find, in closing salutations, expressions of devotion and wishes of good health. Such formulas generally do not change much from one letter to the next, to rhe point that one might assume they had become a mere formality, void of any real significance. Yet their highly predictable nature could also make them, at times, an ideal locus for placing emphasis on a writer’s particular situation. A letter of 25 April 1528 illustrates how additions or changes to accepted formulas tend to stand out. Langeac, after having explai­ ned that his messengers refuse to deliver official dispatches without payment, urges Montmorency to provide funding. His closing salutation reads as follows: “Monseigneur, the creature of your hands, your poor bishop, very humbly recommends himself to your good grace and memory.” 29 Here, the addition of “your poor bishop” (vostre pauvre evesque) to an otherwise formulaic salutation 28

JLLP 70: “La longue

demeure m ’a reduyct à attendre plustost la mort que ma santé, et m ’a mis en estât de ne povoir faire service plus avant qui n’est sans myen creve-coeur. Parquoy vous supplie tant humblement comme plus puys que l’on me baille mon change [...]. Il vous plaira n ’abandonner vostre plus que humble et tresaffectionné serviteur avec l’extremité que dessus. Il y a troys moys que je suis sans avoir ung denier de mon estât.” 29 JLLP 41: “Monseigneur, la faction de voz mains et vostre pauvre evesque treshumblemenr se recommande à vostre bonne grace et souvenance.”

INTRODUCTION

27

underscores Langeac’s modest rhetoric of poverty, suggesting that only Montmorency can remedy his situation. During other missions, Ambassador Langeac reports on the success of his negotiations to end the Second War of Kappel (1531) 3 0 , affairs in the duchy of Ferrara (1535) 3 1 , the safe arrival of the king and queen of Scotland in Edinburgh (1537) 3 2 , an interview with King Henry V ili at Hampton Court Palace (1537) 3 3 , Cardinal Farnese’s legation to France (1539) 34 and the revolt of Perugia against papal authority (1540) 3 5 . Occasionally he brings up matters of personal financial concern, such as his lack of adequate equipage for a potential trip from Ferrara to Rome 36 or a promised exemption from payment of tithes 3 7 Elsewhere, he tends to the safe transport of his horses across the Anglo-French Channel3 8 . In interims between missions, he solicits an exemp­ tion from onerous administrative fees imposed by the Roman curia 39 , seeks a favor for a family member4 0 , recommends a client41 or enjoys a rare but welldeserved vacation4 2 . Strictly personal letters are however infrequent in this edition, mainly because their recipients saw little reason to preserve rh e m _ fl’he overwhelming majority of Ambassador Langeac's extant letters were r-written in French, but he was also comfortable in the aixe-o£JLatin_and, to a ( certain extent no doubt, Italian) While in Venice, he and Giovan Gioachino da Passano co-signed letters addressed to Kang Francis I in Italian 43 and together endorsed a letter from the Venetian doge to the council of Genoa, also in Italian 4 4 . Remnants of his orations and correspondence in Latin are rare. Although capable of producing reasonably elegant Latin prose himself, he was probably better acquainted with the thorny word stock of medieval law than with the flowers of Ciceronian discourse. Moreover, he was generally far too busy to allocate the time and effort that such writing required, especially as he 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44

JLLP 90 and 91. JLLP 107, 108 and 110. JLLP 118, 119 and 120. JLLP 120 and 121. JLLP 140 and 141. JLLPÌA7. JLLP 109. JLLP 121. JLLP 123. JLLP 95. 7ZZP111. C f./iZ P 1 5 0 . JLLP&6. JLLP 77 and 80. JLLP 83-

.

28

LETTERS AND PAPERS

progressed in years. With few exceptions, he was constantly underway from one location to the next or immersed in pressing administrative and diplomatic affairs once he had arrived at a given destination. The encomiastic oration that he delivered before King Manuel I of Portugal in July 1516 perhaps best represents the formation that he received in the humanities during his youth 4 5 . Our only extant copy of that speech is, howe­ ver, in Portuguese. There being no historical evidence to suggest that he was in any way proficient in that language, we should probably assume that the original speech was in fact delivered in Latin and was later translated for courtly consumption. His effusive praise of King Manuel, whom he credits with the discovery and conquest of territories in the Far East and flourishing spice trade in Europe, is replete with commonplace ornaments of classical culture, much of which is inspired by Plutarch. He does not speak at length to the ulterior purpose of his mission, yet we know from other sources that he and the Portuguese monarch discussed the prospect of a mutual defensive alliance between France, England and Portugal behind closed doors. The Ibe­ rian state’s newfound wealth and military success, combined with its establis­ hed network of eastern trade routes, made it an enviable ally in France’s incessant wars against the Habsburg dynasty4 6 . King Manuel was apparently satisfied with much of what the Frenchman had to say47 and sent him back to France with a personal nuncupative message at the end of the visit. Several years later, in January i 51T _as._news of Emperor Maximilian Fs death spread throughout Europe, KihgTranci? I of France, who aspired to the vacant imperial title, sent envoys abroad to solicit votes from electors in Ger­ many, Hungary and Poland. Langeac and another career diplomat, Antoine Lamet, were chosen to undertake the long journey to the court of King 45 46

47

JLLPA. In early March 1514, Langeac seems to have been attending to various matters in Rome. It was around that time that a delegation of Portuguese ambassadors led by Tristâo da Cunha arrived there to pay tribute to the newly elected Medici pope, Leo X, on King Manuel’s behalf. Their entry into the city, highlighted by the public exhibition of exotic animals and decor imported from Portugal’s newly acquired colonies, was one of the most widely celebra­ ted courtly pageants of the early sixteenth century. Precious jewels, leopards, a panther, color­ ful parrots and a trained elephant named Hanno were among the many splendid gifts that the ambassadors had brought with them to impress the papal court. Official recognition of Portugal’s expansionist enterprise came later that same year, when Pope Leo X issued the bull “Dum fidei constantiam”, wherein he conceded to rhe Portguese monarch and his successors patronage over lands already taken or to be taken in the East. If Langeac did not witness firsthand the opulence of the Portuguese mission to Rome, he must certainly have heard reports of it later that same year, which he then no doubt relayed to members of the royal French council at his first opportunity. “Grata nobis fuerunt ac periucunda, quae insignis orator virque egregius Magister Ioannes de Lanjac fidelissimus Vestrae Maiestatis consiliarius nobis tam fidelissimus quam amanter vestro nomine rettulit” (BnF Paris, Ms. fr. 2%3r°; cf. Luis de Matos, Les Portugais en France au XVf siècle [Coimbra, 1952], p. 255).

INTRODUCTION

29

Sigismund I of Poland, who, in his capacity as guardian over his nephew King Louis II of Hungary, was entitled to vote in the imperial election. Their instructions bade them travel as discreetly as possible, disguising themselves as ' pilgrims or merchants, to meet with the Polish king and gain his support, preferably in writing 4 S . In the event that an enumeration of the French king’s qualifications failed to persuade, they were authorized to offer incentives, such as the negotiation of a defensive league, financial compensation, high-profile international marriages or pensions for key members of the Polish council. Yet unlike Langeac’s prior mission to Portugal, the political situation at the Polish court was complex and the stakes were high. As the Polish king explained in his initial response, issued sometime around mid-March, he had already publicly declared at the Diet of Augsburg his intention to vote for the deceased emperor’s grandson, Charles. It would, he said, be inappropriate for him to modify his stance without first consulting the councilors of Hungary and Bohemia, but he was willing do so to see if perchance they wished to support King Francis’s candidacy. By early May, Langeac and his colleague had grown impatient. The Polish court’s delay, they said, showed a lack of courtesy toward the king of France, and they requested permission to leave. According to royal secretary Andreas Krziczki, who reported their complaint to Vice-Chancellor Piotr Tomicki, the French ambassadors expected a simple “yes” or “no” answer from Sigismund I, either a commitment to do as the king of France had asked, or a denial of the request4 9 . At this point, having just recently received a tentative message of approval from his nephew King Louis, Sigismund promptly notified Ambassa­ dors Langeac and Lamet that he was prepared to cast his vote in favor of King Francis, provided that the election came down to a tie. Satisfied with the apparent success of their mission, the ambassadors then returned to France by way of Hungary and Venice. Their reception at the castle of Buda, where they arrived on 15 May 1519, was however less cordial than expected. At that point they may have felt that their optimism was misplaced, but there was little more that could be done to change the tide of events. The imperial election was held a little over a month later and fell to King Francis’s rival, who was subsequently crowned Emperor Charles V. Langeac’s official communication with the Polish chancery appears to have been conducted entirely in Latin, but no letters that he himself wrote during that time have been found. The only reliable sample of his Latin writing that we now possess is a letter

48

49

50

JLLP 6. “Nolunt in summa, ut eis responderetur aliquid ambigue, sed simpliciter: vel facturam esse maiestatem regiam pro rege ipsorum quod petunt, vel non facturam” {Acta Tomiciana V 44-5). JLLP 20.

30

LETTERS AND PAPERS

an eloquent expression o f condolence for a king on the verge o f losing his crown. In few words he laments the nefarious actions o f treaty-breakers (foedifagos) who, w ithout cause, strayed from the straight path (a recto tramite}, thereby renouncing G od and truth. In addition to these meager findings, the Vatican Archives have preserved two o f Ambassador Langeac’s Latin letters addressed to Pope Clem ent VII during the sum m er o f 1528 51 and a copy o f a papal response sent from Viterbo on 1 O cto­ ber o f the same year 5 2 . An exact duplicate o f the second letter to the pope was also forwarded to the French royal court and is now preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France 5 3 . T he French ambassador’s two letters and duplicate letter were all w ritten in the same Italic hand, presumably that o f his secretary Etienne Dolet, who in a letter to Guillaume Bude several years later recalled having com ­ posed for the French embassy letters addressed to the Supreme Pontiff and others {aut ad Sum m um Pontificem aut ad alium quemvis} 5 4 . Hence the ambassador may have supplied the basic inform ation and general argum ent for each, but D olet gave them their Ciceronian veneer. JV A third letter to the Supreme P ontiff 5 5 , which has passed almost completely unnoticed hitherto, served as a preface to Langeac’s yet unpublished panegyric 3 Q § to Pope Clem ent VII. As we now understand, however, Langeac composed neither the panegyric nor its preface himself, but rather commissioned his form er secretary, Etienne D olet, to produce them in his stead. Com pleted sometime around 1 January 1534, the entire work was dispatched to Rome, where it lay neglected in the library o f Cardinal Sirleto for m any years before its entry into the Vatican Library. Apparently Langeac, who had recently exchanged the bishopric o f Avranches for that o f Limoges and was perhaps already contem plating his prom otion to the rank o f cardinal, had hoped to present this or some other work of literature to the pope in person during the Franco-papal interview at Marseille, tw o-and-a-half m onths earlier, but unforeseen events had made this impossible. In fact, he him self appears to bear m ost o f the blame for the delay, having given his form er secretary insufficient advance notice. O n 10 O ctober 1533, just one day prior to the pope’s entry into Marseille, Bishop Langeac addressed an urgent request to his former secretary, now a stu­ dent o f law, and a letter of similar content to Jean de Clauso, a printer and m er­ chant o f books, both residing in Toulouse. Having received no response, he wrote to D olet again on 20 O ctober for an update on w hat had transpired. In 51 52 53 54 55

JLLP 50 and 55. JLLP 61. JLLP 55. Etienne Dolet, Correspondance (Geneva, 1982), p. 105. JLLP 102.

IN T R O D U C T IO N

31

early Novem ber D olet wrote back to inform the bishop that the previous letters and request o f 10 O ctober had not been delivered, and that he and De Clauso regretted n o t having been able to assist him in “such an im portant m atter” {in tam amplo tuo negotio} 5 6 . By that time, members o f the French and papal delega­ tions were already on the verge o f departing from Marseille. Obviously an oppor­ tunity had been missed. Dolet, in his letter, provides no details regarding the nature o f Langeac’s request, but acknowledges having received money from the bishop in support o f his endeavors. Given the circumstances it now seems almost certain that Bishop Langeac had sent instructions regarding the production o f some work o f literature in honor o f the pope, which he had asked Dolet to either edit or redact and D e Clauso, who came from a family o f printers and calligra­ phers, to either p rin t or execute in elegant script. It wasn’t until almost two m onths after the Franco-papal interview at M ar­ seille had ended that Dolet finally completed his work on the project. O nly then was Langeac able to forward to Rome an ornate presentation m anuscript in Italic script titled Ioannis Langiaci Episcopi Panaegyricus Clementi Sum m i Pontificis. T h e w ork and its preface occupy 23 folio pages recto-verso, for a total o f 46 pages, each w ith eighteen lines o f text that merge Ciceronian rheto­ ric with the style and language o f Pliny’s panegyric to Em peror Trajan. T he initial pages o f the preface and panegyric are each adorned with a colorful decorative framework o f floral motifs. The fact that the handw riting does not m atch earlier assumed samples o f D olet’s Italic script suggests that the work may have been the result o f a collaborative effort between separate individuals, an author and a calligrapher, D olet and perhaps De Clauso. Otherwise one m ight assume that Dolet sent an unembellished copy o f the panegyric to Bishop Langeac, w ho then had it transcribed and decorated by some other professional calligrapher. Despite the somewhat negligent com position o f the panegyric’s final pages 5 7 , Bishop Langeac m ust have been sufficiently pleased w ith D olet’s effort, for he prom ptly sent additional funds in recompense, as one can see from a letter o f 1 M arch 1534, in which the young scholar expressed gratitude for m oney that was delivered to him by the bishop’s brother 5 8 . Past historians 56 57

5S

JLLP 101. Langeac’s letters of 10 and 20 October 1534 are now lost. During the first half of the speech, the bishop’s ghostwriter borrows expressions and com­ monplace ideas from Cicero’s De oratore, De amicitia, Pro Archia poeta and other texts, judiciously one might add, but then turns increasingly to Pliny the Younger’s Panegyric for inspiration and guidance. Quotations derived from Pliny become more frequent, more direct, more invasive, especially in the last section of the speech where approximately 50% o f the content was borrowed nearly verbatim from the Roman magistrate. Occasionally, a lengthy borrowed passage will culminate in some vague reference to contemporary events and mores, be it the pope’s struggle against the “nefarious” Lutheran sect or his defense of Christianity. JLLP 105.

32

LETTERS AND PAPERS

have understood from this and a previously mentioned passage in Dolet’s correspondence regarding the dispatch of funds, that Bishop Langeac had perhaps supported the young man’s studies out of the goodness of his heart, when in fact he may have merely seen fit to pay for services rendered. Potentially more complex and more intriguing than the panegyric itself is now the matter of Etienne Dolet’s decision to revise its preface, carefully remo­ ving all reference to Pope Clement, and publish it as one of his own personal letters to Bishop Langeac. In so doing, he tacitly acknowledged authorship of both. A side-by-side comparison of the phantom preface {JLLP 102) and its Doppelganger {JLLP 103) reveals that each sentence in the published version received at least one stylistic revision, usually minor. Verbose language was curtailed throughout in an effort to render the letter more esthetically pleasing. Indiscreet language was removed lest he accuse the bishop, hypothetically spea­ king, of being “perfectly insane” {ut ni sensu prorsus ipse careni). A missing relative pronoun in the original version {quod), presumably the result of scribal oversight, was restored in its published counterpart and a Ciceronian common­ place, employed elsewhere in Dolet’s correspondence {metus quidam pene subrusticus), was deleted in order to avoid repetition. Both versions, despite careful revision, retain nonetheless one nettlesome scribal error, but it can easily be corrected by replacing non with nunc, a word commonly misread in its abbreviated form In medieval and Renaissance manuscripts, so that the final text will read nunc conferri in the preface to Pope Clement, or nunc deferri in Dolet’s letter to Bishop Langeac. Scribal errors and stylistic refinements notwithstanding, only the most essen­ tial factual elements were modified in the published version of the letter in order to accommodate Dolet’s epistolary persona and so maintain the illusion of authenticity. First and foremost Stephanus Doletus assumes the nominative case, relegating Langiacus to that of a passive recipient in the dative. With the exception of the partial date, which only the published letter furnishes, there is moreover a general transition from specific to generic content. The verb edere, employed in the first sentence of the original letter, points to the comple­ tion of a speech •— an obvious reference to the bishop’s panegyric to the pope. In the printed version, use of the verb scribere remains vague. Dolet announces thereby some unspoken project, which has puzzled historians and has led to speculation. The original preface also speaks of crucial missions of the highest order that Langeac performed for the king. Its published counterpart on the other hand refers to some extremely important and grave business that had troubled Dolet. Here again, historians have been at a loss to explain exactly what Dolet meant. In the letter’s first incarnation, Bishop Langeac’s persona emerges from a tide of “public affairs and worries” {publicarum occupationum curarumquè), but in its second version, Dolet’s “worries and activities” are nondescript {curis negotiisquè).

INTRODUCTION

33

More significant is the substitution o f oratio for ratio later on, when discussing each author’s motivation. W hereas Bishop Langeac announces his reason for prais­ ing the pope {ut qua te ratione praedicavi, ipsa te illa ne lateai}, Dolet surrepti­ tiously announces his reason for publishing under his own nam e — u t qua te oratione laudandum suscepi, ipsa te illa ne lateat — “so that you will not be una­ ware of the speech that I undertook to praise you.” The troubling aspect, here, is that there is no historical evidence to suggest that Dolet had w ritten or had even begun w riting a speech in praise o f Langeac, although he had already produced one in praise o f Pope Clem ent VII on commission. Bishop Langeac was o f course perfectly aware o f w hat Dolet m eant, but the young scholar’s role as his ghostwri­ ter was som ething that the general public did not know. In all likelihood the epistolary Doppelganger o f 1 January was never actually dispatched and Langeac only discovered it, along with the reading public, when it appeared in print alongside other letters in a supplem ent to the tu rb u ­ lent young scholar’s Orationes duae in Tholosam sometime around O ctober 1534. By th at tim e Pope Clem ent VII had died. Bishop Langeac him self was preoccupied w ith the governance of his diocese and would soon em bark on yet another diplom atic mission to Italy, this time to the duchy o f Ferrara. U nder these circumstances, Dolet may have felt authorized to recycle a per­ fectly good letter and in the process rem ind his sometime benefactor o f services that he had rendered in the past. He may also have felt the agony o f ghostwri­ ter’s remorse and a desire to rem ind his inner circle o f friends and perhaps even apprise a future readership o f what he had accomplished in the bishop’s shadow. W ould not future historians at some point uncover the truth? In its original form D olet’s phantom preface to the pope was plausible fiction inas­ m uch as his patron appeared to be its true author. In its revised form it reemer­ ged as plausible fiction in a new context, serving as a discreet token and m etaphor o f its own form er Dasein. Yet as we all know, m etaphors are not always easy to interpret, and certainly not in their literal expression. It should therefore n o t surprise us to discover that historians of literature have encoun­ tered difficulties when dealing w ith the correspondence o f Etienne Dolet in general, and w ith this letter in particular. In the end, we do not know how Langeac reacted to the publication o f his former secretary’s Orationes duae in Tholosam and its adjoined letters, b u t one can easily imagine a m om ent of passing ire followed by Stoic deception upon discovering that his fleeting m om ent o f literary glory had been deflated by a former aide a secretis who, metaphorically speaking, let the cat out o f the bag. Now, in contrast to the refinement o f these individually tailored letters to foreign heads o f state, m any other routine administrative docum ents in this edition were redacted for the bishop by professional notaries based on regional standard models that had been in use for generations. T he bishop set priorities for the diocese; his superintending personnel oversaw their im plem entation. In

34

LETTERS AND PAPERS

the early fifteenth century, French royal secretary Odart Morchesne compiled a well-known manuscript collection of 268 unique form letters — some in French, others in Latin 59 — for use in the French royal chancery. In this and other formularies of the late Medieval and Renaissance era 60 , generic expres­ sions such as talis predlclus (in Latin), ledit tel, tel temps, tel lieu, tant livres parisis and teljour (in French), indicate passages in which scribes could substi­ tute specific names, times, places, sums and dates. Such manuscript collections were later complemented but not entirely supplanted by published works such as the Grand stille etprothocolle de la chancellerie de France, which also incorpo­ rated formulas derived from Morchesne’s collection. Secretaries were however still required to transcribe these sometimes lengthy documents painstakingly by hand, filling in specific information, often in multiple copies. This situation only began to change with the arrival of the printing press. Among the first texts published by Johannes Gutenberg in Mainz, Germany, were papal letters of indulgence that left blank spaces for manual inscription of a date and a recipient’s name. These early broadsides, published in the years 1454 and 1455, represented a lucrative source of income for both the publisher and the Roman Catholic Church. The practice was soon imitated by other printers and was then applied to other types of standard religious and secular administrative documents, such as certificates of pilgrimage, certificates of confraternity, invitations to public competitions in archery and harquebusery, tax notices and tax receipts. Today, such items belong to a category of fugitive printed material that historians and librarians commonly refer to as ephemera. The departmental archives o f Haute-Vienne have preserved, along with other interesting Catholic ephemera, samples of some of France’s earliest prin­ ted fill-in-the-blank tax notices and tax receipts 6 1 . The following list represents fourteen such notices and receipts delivered to individuals in the diocese of Limoges between August 1522 and August 1543 (that is to say before, during and after Langeac’s episcopacy): 1. Tax notice in the amount of 60 livres tournois addressed to the Convent of Saint-Martial of Limoges. Purpose: Amortizations and unnamed subsi­ dies to the king. -—- 30 August 1522 (Latin). 2. Tax notice in the amount of 100 sols addressed to the Franciscan Monas­ tery of Saint-Junien. Purpose: Amortizations and unnamed subsidies to the king. — 30 [August?] 1522 (Latin). 3. Receipt for 40 livres tournois, paid by the chamberlain of Saint-Martial of Limoges. Purpose: Amortizations and unnamed subsidies to the king. — 8 September 1522 (Latin). 59

60 61

See Odart Morchesne, Le Formulaire d ’Odart Morchesne (Paris, 2005), p. 26. One hundred seventy-seven of the form letters are in Latin; ninety-one are in French. See Hélène Michaud, Les Formulaires de grande chancellerie (Paris, 1972). A.D. Haute-Vienne, 2 J AA, article 1.

IN T R O D U C T IO N

35

4. Receipt for 20 livres tournois, paid by the chamberlain of Saint-Martial of Limoges. Purpose: Allocation toward payment of ransom for the French royal sons held hostage in Spain. — 30 January 1530 n.s. (Latin). 5. Tax notice in the amount of 100 sols addressed to the rector of Les Cars. Purpose: Papal tithes for the defense of the faith. — 27 July 1533 (Latin). 6. Receipt for 100 sols, paid by the rector of Les Cars. Purpose: Papal tithes for the defense of the faith. — 3 August 1533 (Latin). 7. Receipt for 24 livres tournois, paid by the chamberlain of Saint-Martial of Limoges. Purpose: Papal tithes for the defense of the faith. — 7 August 1533 (Latin). 8. Receipt for 7 livres tournois 10 sols, paid by the rector of Les Cars. Pur­ pose: Allocation of charitable aid to the king. — 18 August 1536 (Latin). 9. Receipt for 33 livres tournois, paid by the chamberlain of Saint-Martial de Limoges. Purpose: Allocation of charitable aid to the king. — 18 August 1536 (Latin). 10. Tax notice in the amount of 24 livres tournois addressed to the Abbess of Les Allois. Purpose: Allocation of charitable aid to the king. — 21 August 1536 (Latin). 11. Tax notice in the amount of 7 livres tournois 10 sols addressed to the rector of Les Cars. Purpose: Allocation of charitable aid to the king. —• 18 December 1537 (Latin). 12. Tax notice in the amount of 3 livres tournois addressed to the Prioress of Rouzé. Purpose: Allocation of charitable aid to the king. — 25 January 1542 n.s. (Latin). 13. Tax notice in the amount of 16 livres tournois addressed to the Abbess of Les Allois. Purpose: Allocation of charitable aid to the king. — 8 July 1542 (French vernacular). 14. Tax notice in the amount of 16 livres tournois addressed to the Abbess of Les Allois. Purpose: Allocation of charitable aid to the king. — 24 August 1543 (French vernacular). These notices or cartelli, as they are called by local scribes, illustrate an innovative use o f the era’s new technology and underscore the im pact o f the French m onarchy’s economic policies on the clergy. Based on the lim ited set o f docum ents surveyed here, the diocese o f Limoges was called upon to furnish additional taxes at increasingly regular intervals during the reign o f King Francis I. This occurred six or seven times in all over the course o f 21 years, not counting a tithe for the defense o f the faith — pro defensione fid ei — sought by the Vatican in 1533. 62 T he clergy o f Limoges, which in some cases had grown to view church revenue as personal income, was often vexed to learn o f yet another passing o f 62

Philippe H amon sees a near doubling of general taxes (Az taille) in France between 1515 and 1545, but he also points out that the increment was consumed in large part by inflation during the same period {L’A rgent du roi [Paris, 1994], pp. 66-7).

36

LETTERS A N D PAPERS

the hat. It is therefore not surprising if Pierre Foucher’s local chronicle speaks unflatteringly o f Bishop Langeac’s role in the levy o f an extraordinary tax placed on the diocese in 1536, after a fruitless attem pt to raise funds the preceding year: “At this time in the year 1535, more than five months later, the king ordered a levy placed on the temporal domain for half of all earnings, pending the collection of a tithe that the pope had been unwilling to grant him. The bishop of Limoges, by order of the king, then came to this city on the second Saturday after Easter [29 April 1536] and, with that long beard that he had acquired at court, harangued the clergy to such effect that it granted the king a subsidy of three tithes payable upon the harvest of new fruits.” 63 In all fairness, it should be noted that Langeac’s diligence in such matters was perhaps not entirely unm otivated. Records o f reim bursement show that funding for his diplom atic mission to Scotland and England came from a similar levy o f taxes imposed upon a recalcitrant clergy just one year later. 64 In order to ensure compliance, the standard tax notices o f Limoges contained com m inatory language threatening censure, excommunication, confiscation o f property and other dire consequences in the event o f non-paym ent. T he sample cartelli o f July 1533, August 1536 and Decem ber 1537, which have been inclu­ ded in this edition, are typical in this respect6 5 . Moreover, given that m any o f the religious com m unities w ithin the diocese were occupied by corporations or w om en, the authors o f these pre-printed tax notices sometimes judiciously left blank spaces in their layout to accommodate num ber and gender-specific parts o f speech. W here this was not the case, scribes could simply write over any offen­ ding portion o f a standard printed text to correct the oversight. In 1539, the French central governm ent also published its so-called ordinance o f Villers-Co tterêts m andating the use o f French in future administrative and judicial acts. In secular administrative circles, the transition from Latin to French was generally prom pt, b u t as we can see in the H aute-V ienne collection o f pre-printed cartelli, it was not until shortly after Bishop Langeac’s death that the diocese o f Limoges issued its first fill-in-the-blank tax notice in French, namely under the adminis­ trative authority o f Cardinal Jean du Bellay. W hen compared w ith other, laborintensive administrative docum ents o f the same era, these tax cartelli o f Limoges 63

64 65

“En ce temps l’an MDXXXV, après plus de cinq mois, le roy fit lever le temporel par moytiés des benefices, en attendant lever une decime, laquelle le pape ne luy voulut accorder. Mais l’evesque de Limoges vint en ceste ville de par le roy le jour du semady après Quasimodo et fit tant de remonstrances aux gens d’eglise, avec sa grant barbe qu’il avoir porté de court, que on consentit faire au roy un don de trois decimes payables sur les fruits nouveaux [...]” (Emile Molinier, “Extraits de la chronique de Pierre Foucher”, Documents historiques baslatins, provençaux et français, vol. 2 [Limoges, 1885], p. 56). JLLP 127 and 128. JLLP 97, 115 and 126.

37

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

represent a decisive step in the direction of modern administrative practices and rank, along with Germany’s Schützenbriefe (invitations to competitions in archery and harquebusery), among the earliest forms of pre-printed mass mailings. Given the exceptional diversity of the letters and administrative documents assembled in this edition, it would be impossible to provide here a detailed discussion of each. This leaves ample room for discussion elsewhere of Bishop Langeac’s temperament, education, political activities, administrative achieve­ ments and reputation as a patron of the arts. Every effort has been made to provide accurate transcription of primary texts, along with any anomalous orthography that they contain. Capital letters, punctuation, apostrophes and h’5 diacritical marks have however been added, or in some cases modified, in order to facilitate the modern reader’s task. With the exception of certain titles, such as S'", Monf, and M e, which can be interpreted variably according to an indivi­ dual’s profession or perceived social status, abbreviations and ligatures have been resolved. This practice of course impacts the rendering of many common expressions like f e (fere, faire}, led. (ledit, ledici) and if (vostre, votre), which have been treated in a context-sensitive manner as far as possible, taking into consideration each scribe’s personal style. The critical apparatus of individual texts will in some cases provide limited insight into choices that were made. Each text is preceded by a completethird-person résumé or paraphrase in of contenty In instances where the third-person voice of an original document comcities with that of the résumé, readers should be aware that a full or literal

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I wish to thank all of the individuals and institutions that have assisted me during my research on the letters and administrative papers of Jean de Langeac, including the many librarians and archivists who have supplied me with digital and microform copies of manuscript materials. Without their help, this edition would not have been possible in its present form. A special debt of gratitude goes to Max Engammare, Steven Grossvogel, Amélia Hutchinson and Cathe­ rine Jones, who were kind enough to proofread sections of the manuscript and offer constructive suggestions during its elaboration. Any errors that remain are of course my own. Funding for this publication was graciously provided by the University of Georgia’s Willson Center for Humanities and Arts, Dean’s Office of Franklin College and President’s Venture Fund.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 27 March 1474

1499

January-May 1500

1505- or 1509-1519

1507 3 September 1511

late June [1512]

July 1512October 1512 8 November 1512

15 March 1513

Marriage of Langeac’s parents Tristan de Langeac and Anne d’Allègre (Luc Maillet-Guy, Généalogie de la maison de Langeac [Lyon, 1929], p. 20). Langeac is elected provost (or co-provost?) of SaintJulien de Brioude \Gallia Christiana II 464; see also Pierre Cubizolles, Le Noble Chapitre Saint-Julien de Brioude [Aurillac, 1980], pp. 541-2, who disagrees). Paris. He is involved in a dispute over the priory of Lurcy-le-Bourg in the diocese of Nevers. His adver­ sary is Pierre de Fontenay, a doctor of law at the Uni­ versity of Paris (BnF Paris, Ms. Clairambault 765, pp. 325 and 358; M. Fournier and L. Dorez, La Faculté de Décret de ^Université de Paris au x F siècle, vol. 3 [Paris, 1913], p. 459). Langeac is abbot of Saint-Gildas des Bois (Gallia Christiana II 464; Jean-François Luco, Histoire de Saint Gildas de Rhuys, [Vannes, 1869], p. 193). He is named abbot of Notre-Dame de Clermont (Gallia Christiana II 464). Toulouse. He enters the Parliament of Toulouse as a councilor cleric. The parliamentary register designates him as a doctor in civil and canon law at the time of his appointment (A.D. Haute-Garonne, B 14, f. 841v°). Toulouse. He informs fellow parliamentarian Jean de Pins of Antoine Duprat’s promotion (JPLLF, pp. 120-2). Paris, Burgundy (and elsewhere). King Louis XII sum­ mons Langeac to Paris and sends him on a mission to Burgundy (A.D. Haute-Garonne, B 15, f. 222v°). Toulouse. Langeac resumes his work in Parliament’s Chamber of Inquests (Chambre des Enquêtes) through the third week of January 1513 (A.D. HauteGaronne, B 15, ff. 222v°-260v°) and then disappears from the records for almost two months. Toulouse. He attends Parliament (A.D. HauteGaronne, B 15, f. 290r°) and then disappears from the records for close to three months.

40 April 1513 June 1513November 1513

3 March 1514

December 1514 7 May 1515 14 November 1515

1516 July 1516

19 November 1518 27 January 1519

6 May 1519

15 May 1519

LETTERS AND PAPERS

Paris, He is expected to greet the Benedictine monk Charles Fernand during a trip to Paris {JLLP 2). Toulouse. Attendance as a member of the Chamber of Inquests (A.D. Haute-Garonne, B 15, ff. 328r°402r°). He ceases to appear in Parliament after 24 November. Langeac, provost (or co-provost?) of Saint-Julien de Brioude in the diocese of Saint-Flour, receives permis­ sion from Rome to cumulate his office with the abbey of Notre-Dame de Clermont and precentorship of Le Puy-en-Velay. He holds a licence in canon and civil law (J. Hergenroether, Leonis X. Pontificis Maximi regesta, vol. 1 [Freiburg im Briesgau, 1884], p. 447). Rome. Fulfillment of a mission to the papal court {JLLP 3). He resigns his commission in Parliament (A.D. Haute-Garonne, B 16, ff. 140v°-141r°). Avignon. Langcac, governor general of Avignon, receives habilitation as a doctor of civil and canon law at the University of Avignon (A.D. Vaucluse, D 36, f. 31v°). Member of the king’s Grand Council (precise date of appointment unknown). Diplomatic mission to Portugal. Langeac delivers an oration before King Manuel I of Portugal at Almeirim {JLLP 4). He completes his assignment by 28 July and prepares to return to France (Luis de Matos, Les Portugais en France au XVf siècle [Coimbra, 1952], pp. 255-6). Appointment to the office of royal master of requests {JLLP 23). Mission to Poland. Langeac and Antoine Lamet are sent to solicit the Polish king’s vote for King Francis I in the forthcoming imperiar election {JLLP 5). Krakow (Poland). Their mission ended, Ambassadors Langeac and Lamet depart from the Polish court {Acta Tomiciana V 46-7). Buda. Langeac and Lamet arrive for consultation with Louis II of Hungary. They depart for Venice in the company of Poncet de La Tour, France’s special envoy to Hungary, sometime around 17 May (Sanuto XXVII 352; A. Kluckhohn, Deutsche Reichstagsakten, vol. 1 [Gotha, 1893], p. 650).

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE

late May ! early June 1519 25 June 1519

26 February 1520

31 August 1521

6 September 1521 September-October 1521

November 1521January 1522

1522

February 1522

1 June-4 July 1522

13 September 1522

1523

41

Venice. Langeac and Lamet send gifts to ViceChancellor PiotrTomicki and his nephew (JLLP 11). Milan. Langeac and Lamet pass through Milan after their stay in Venice. They praise the king of Poland and the Venetians for their hospitality, but complain of their reception at the court of Louis II in Buda (Sanuto XXVII 416). Cognac. Langeac bears witness to the king’s edict regarding ecclesiastical promotion and distribution of Church benefices in the province of Bordeaux {Ordonnances de François I er II 556-9). Aigueperse. Constable Charles III de Bourbon dispat­ ches Langeac, whom he describes as one of his cham­ berlains \Je F de Langhat, Vungde mes chambellans}, to King Francis in the city of Troyes (BnF Paris, Ms. Clairambault 320, f. 156r°; another copy Ms. Clairambault 453, f. 169r°-v°). Troyes. Langeac’s appointment as ambassador to Switzerland (JLLP 13). Switzerland. Envoy for the French crown. He arrives in Bern on 23 September {JLLP 14) but is then recal­ led after Antoine Lamet casts doubt on his suitability for the mission (Rott H RD FÏ 252-3). Saint-Pol-de-Leon. Mission to seize and auction mer­ chandise from the ship La Barbe de Pempoul. Langeac returns to Paris by way of Nantes in early February (JLLP 15 and 16). Langeac is elected dean of Saint-Gal de Langeac, a position that he will retain until c. 1537 (Gallia Christiana II 464; Gerard Chevassus, “Le Testament de Jean de Langhac, évêque de Limoges et abbé de Pébrac”, Cahiers de la Haute-Loire [1966], p. 79-81). He is said to be a canon of the church of Lyon (Jean Beyssac, Les Chanoines de PEglise de Lyon [Lyon, 1914], pp. 159-60). Mission to Provence. He has orders to deliver Fran­ çoise de Bouliers from the custody of her relative, Louis de Bouliers, lord of Centallo (JLLP 17 and 18). Francis I sends Langeac to inspect the financial accounts and military fortifications of Corbie, near Amiens (JLLP 19). Langeac becomes abbot of Saint-Lô in the diocese of Coutances (Gallia Christiana II 464).

42 1523

12 April 1523

May 1523

1525

March 1525

1 July 1525

26 September 1525 26 October 1525

early November 1525 9 September 1526

c. JanuaryFebruary 1527

LETTERS AND PAPERS

He is named abbot of Sorèze, a benefice that he will retain until 1532 (J. H. Albanès and U. Chevalier, Gallia Christiana novissima I 627-8; M.-O. Munier, Catalogue des archives de l'Abbaye-Ecole de Sorèze [Tou­ louse, 2009], p. 274). Edinburgh, Scotland. Langeac, newly appointed ambassador to Scotland, writes to Christian II of Denmark (JLLP 20). Scotland. He completes a mission to the court and parliament of King James V (A. Teulet, Relations poli­ tiques de la France et de l'Espagne avec l'Ecosse au XVf siècle, vol. 1 [Paris, 1862], pp. 43-5; BnF Paris, Ms. Dupuy 486, £ 191r°; JLLP 21 and 22). He inherits the ecclesiastical estate of Bonnebaud from his uncle, Antoine de Langeac (Gerard Chevassus, “Le Testament de Jean de Langhac, évêque de Limoges et abbé de Pébrac”, Cahiers de la Haute-Loire [1966], p. 79-81). Rome. Louise de Savoie’s envoy Joannes Langiatus confers with Pope Clement VII. He is described as a royal counselor and master of requests (Clement VII to Louise de Savoie, Rome, 24 March 1525, Monu­ menta saeculi XVI, ed. Pietro Balan, vol. 1 [Innsbruck, 1885], pp. 116-17). Precy-sur-Vnn (Yonne). Langeac is a witness to the testament of his uncle François d’Allègre. See Félix and Emmanuel Grellet de La Deyte, Le Château, la ville et les seigneurs d'Allègre (Paris, 1929), pp. 83-5. He is named abbot of Saint-Augustin de Pébrac {Gallia Christiana II 464). He receives appointment as special envoy to Switzer­ land, where he must appease the crown’s creditors (JLLP 25 and 26). Lucerne. He addresses the council of Lucerne (JLLP 27). The king ratifies Langeac’s nomination as bishop of Avranches (CAF I 179, n° 2352). A little over a month later, the papal office issues a letter of appoint­ ment on his behalf (JLLP 28). Rome. Negotiations with the papal court (JLLP 33). King Francis issues letters of placet and mainlevée, the­ reby confirming Langeac’s appointment to the see of Avranches (JLLP 29 to 35).

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE

43

Bishop Langeac unites in marriage Jean d’Argouges and Françoise Guiton, both from the diocese of Avranches (Edouard Le Héricher, Avranchin monu­ mental et historique, vol. 2 [Avranches, 1846], pp. 666-7). Le Héricher’s source cites the year 1526, however 1527 n.s. seems more plausible, given that the king’s letter of placet needed to be issued first. 18 August 1527 Montferrand. Langeac attends the marriage of his niece, Marie de Langeac, to Louis de [.estrange (Henry de Lestrange, La Maison de Lestrange [Paris, 1912], pp. 300-3, pièce justificative n° 15,2). Paris. He serves as a witness to Marie de Langeac’s 18 and 20 November renunciation of inheritance and the appointment of 1527 Christophe d’Allègre as her legal guardian (Henry de Lestrange, La Maison de Lestrange [Paris, 1912], pp. 296-300, 302-4, pieces justificatives nos 15,1 and 15,3). Paris. Attendance at a meeting of the king’s Grand 23 November 1527 Council (JLLP 36). Paris. Attendance at an assembly of notables (JLLP December 1527 37). Bishop Langeac unites in marriage Vincent Guiton 1528? and Rollande d’Argouges, both from the diocese of Avranches (Edouard Le Héricher, Avranchin monu­ mental et historique, vol. 2 [Avranches, 1846], pp. 666-7). Auvergne. Commission to address the Nobility of early February 1528 Auvergne (JLLP 37). He is detained by John Stewart at Vic-le-Comte until 1 March (Bnf Paris, Ms. Clairambault 313, £ 92r°). 10 April 1528 Lyon. Langeac is on route to Venice (JLLP 38). May 1528-June 1529 Resident French ambassador to Venice. He arrives on 7 May 1528 (Sanuto XLVII 373; cf. Calendar Spain III2 677, n° 421). Venice. With tears in his eyes, he laments the death 27 August 1528 of Commander Odet de Foix-Lautrec before the Venetian Signory (Sanuto XLVIII 410). Venice. He complains angrily of treatment that he 13 September 1528 receives from the Venetian proveditors. As a represen­ tative of the king of France, he says, he is not subject to their authority and it is inappropriate for them to command him (Sanuto XLVIII 473). 1527?

44 28 November 1528

3 January 1529

13 March 1529

25 May 1529 27 May 1529 11 June 1529 15 June 1529 24 June 1529 1530

4 April 1530

28 April-4 May 1530

11 May 1531

20 May 1531

LETTERS A N D PAPERS

Venice. He advocates a petition before the Venetian Council in favor of Jewish physician Jacob Marnino (David Kaufmann, “Jacob Mantino, une page de l’his­ toire de la Renaissance”, Revue des Etudes Juives XXVI [1893], p. 44; cf. Sanuto XLIX 194-5 and L 67)* Marco Aurelio Arborsani dedicates a Carmen de laudibus Francisci I Francorum regis to Ambassador Langeac (JLLP GJ). Venice. Langeac requests a short leave of absence under the pretext of wishing to consult with the governor general of the Italian forces, Janus Fregoso, in Verona (Sanuto L 56). He is back in Venice by 21 March (ibid. L 77). On the true purpose of his mission to Verona, see JLLP Tb. Venice. He departs for Loreto “to fulfill a vow” (per certo suo vodo, Sanuto L 366, 372). Loreto. He is presumed to be in Loreto (Sanuto L 374). Venice. He and Camillo Pardo Orsini depart for Fer­ rara (Sanuto L 461, 475; Molini II 206). Ferrara. Ercole d’Este gives Langeac a letter for King Francis I (Molini II 209). Cassano d’Adda. Langeac requests funds for 800 landsknechts (Sanuto L 554). He receives the abbey of Les Echarlis (Gallia Chris­ tiana XII 221; Edmond Régnier, “Histoire de l’abbaye des Echarlis”, Bulletin de la Société des Sciences Histo­ riques et Naturelles de l ’Yonne LXVII [1913], pp. 271-4). He is elected provost of Saint-Julien de Brioude (Gallia Christiana II 457; Pierre Cubizolles, Le Noble Chapitre Saint'Julien de Brioude [Aurillac, 1980], pp. 540-2). La Rochelle. Commission to investigate complaints of misappropriation, inspect the city s defensive walls and oversee requisite repairs (JLLP 87). Langeac (Haute-Loire). He arrives at the abbey of Saint-Gal de Langeac and presides over a meeting of the collegiate chapter. See Gerard Chevassus, “Portrait d’un grand Auvergnat de la Renaissance, Jean de Langhac” Le Jacquemart XVIII (1997), pp. 2-3. Pébrac. He mediates the settlement of a dispute bet­ ween his brother, Régnault de Langeac, and the municipality of Langeac. Their accord is ratified by

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE

45

the Parliament of Paris on 4 August 1531. See PierreGuillaume Simon (ed.), Lettres patentes du Roi portant érection dun consulat en la ville de Langeac (Paris, 1772), pp. 31-48. Chantilly. Langeac, special envoy to Switzerland, 12 September 1531 receives 1200 Lt. for his trip and departs the same day (JLLP 88). October-December Switzerland (Rott HRDF I 384-5). On 13 January 1532, Francis I notifies the Councils of Lucerne, Un, 1531 Schwyz, Unterwalden and Zug that he expects Langeac’s return dejour en jour (“any day”). See Theodor Scherer-Boccard et al, Archiv fur die schweizerische ReJbrmationsRGeschichte, vol. 3 (Freiburg im Briesgau, 1876), pp. 639-40. January-February 1532 Rouen. Langeac and Philippe de Cossé-Brissac are expected to arrive in the city sometime around 25 January to attend the entries of Queen Eleanor, Dauphin François and other members of the French royal family. See André Pottier, Les Entrées de Eléonore d ’Autriche, reine de France, et du dauphin, fils de François 1er, dans la ville de Rouen (Rouen, 1866), pp.XXV-XXVI. Langeac is named abbot of Notre-Dame d’Eu, located 31 March 1532 in the diocese of Rouen [Gallia Christiana XI 297). 1 June 1532 Paris. Langeac, now bishop of Limoges, appoints Guillaume de Bonas to serve as his vicar general. Bonas, unable to fully assume the responsibility, desi­ gnates Pierre Benoist as an adjunct vicar three weeks later (JLLP 94). Cf. Gallia Christiana II 464. Amiens. Substituting for Chancellor Duprat, Langeac 4 and 7 November presides over meetings of the king’s Grand Council 1532 (BnF Paris, P.O. 1639, n° 60, ff. 163v°-164r°). 4 March 1533, n.s. Paris. He attends a meeting of the king’s Grand Council (BnF Paris, P.O. 1639, n° 60, £ 164r°). Saint-Léonard-de-Noblat. He gives tonsure and cleri­ 8 June 1533 cal standing to Jean Gay, a youth from the parish of Moissannes (JLLP 96). Limoges. Official entry as bishop [Gallia Christiana 22 June 1533 II 539; Emile Ruben et al, Registres consulaires de la ville de Limoges, vol. 1 [Limoges, 1867], p. 226). Brive-la-Gaillarde. He initiates litigation against 7 August 1533 Gilbert de Roffignac, lord of Roffignac and co-seigneur of Allassac (JLLP 98). Marseille. He attends the conference between Fran­ October-November cis I and Clement VII (JLLP 101). While there he 1533

46

20 October 1533

28 October 1533

22 December 1533 January 1534

4 April 1534 12 April 1534

28 August 1534

c. November 1534

1 February31 December 1535 August 1535

5 October 1535

LETTERS AND PAPERS

takes part in a meeting of the Grand Council on 4 November and presides at one held on 7 November (BnF Paris, P.O. 1639, n° 60, f. 164r°). Marseille. He writes to his former secretary Etienne Dolet with a request, presumably asking him to pen something in honor of Pope Clement VII on his behalf (JLLP 101). Publication of Statuta sinodalia diocesis Lemovicensis, revised and augmented by Bishop Langeac (A. Lecler, “Anciens statuts du diocèse de Limoges”, Bulletin de la Société Archéologique et Historique du Limousin XL [1893], p. 124). Limoges. Langeac presides over ordinations {Gallia Christiana II 539). Etienne Dolet completes his work on a Panegyric of Pope Clement VII and forwards it to the bishop {JLLP 102 and 103). Limoges. Bishop Langeac presides over ordinations {Gallia Christiana II 539). Limoges. Assisted by Mathieu Jouviond and others, he exhumes the relics of Saint Domnolet for ceremo­ nious ostentation in the churches of Saint-Grégoire and Saint-Martial (Emile Molinier, “Extraits de la chronique de Pierre Foucher”, Documents historiques bas-latins, provençaux et français, vol. 2 [Limoges, 1885], p. 54). Paris. His office issues a letter dimissory in favor of Antoine Bonnet, a choir singer {machiotus) in the church of Paris, originally from the village of Felletin in the diocese of Limoges {JLLP 105). Dedication of Etienne Dolet’s De imitatione Cicero­ niana to Bishop Langeac {JLLP 106). The work is published by Sebastian Gryphius the following year. Ambassador to Ferrara {JLLP 107 to 111; BnF Paris, Ms. Clairambault 1215, f. 74r°). Langeac accompanies Renée de France to Delizia di Belnguardo, an Estense palace located about 15 kilo­ meters southeast of Ferrara {JLLP 107). Ferrara. Johannes Sinapius describes himself as Bishop Langeac’s personal physician in a letter to Simon Grynaeus (David J. Shaw, “Clément Marot’s Huma­ nist Contacts in Ferrara”, French Studies LII [1998], pp. 285-6).

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE

47

27 Novem ber 1535

Celio Caleagnini sends a copy o f his Disquisitiones aliquot in libros officiorum Ciceronis to Langeac along w ith a dedicatory letter to accompany it {JLLP 111).

28 April 1536

Limoges. Langeac gives tonsure and clerical standing to Pierre Benoist the Younger {JLLP 114).

29 April 1536

Limoges. He exhorts the clergy o f Limoges to grant paym ent of charitable aid to the king (A.N. L 735, n° 3,2; Emile Molinier, “Extraits de la chronique de Pierre Foucher”, Documents historiques bas-latins, pro­ vençaux et français, vol. 2 [Limoges, 1885], p. 56).

5 M ay 1536

Limoges. H e presides over ordinations {Gallia Chris­ tiana l i 539).

Decem ber 1536June 1539

Litigation between church and m unicipal authorities o f Limoges regarding levies on the transport o f goods w ithin the diocese (jLL P 116 and 131).

January 1537

Paris. Langeac attends an assembly o f French prelates convened by Cardinals Louis de Bourbon and Jean de Lorraine (A.D. H aute-V ienne, 3 G 693-694, Royal letter patent requesting financial aid from the diocese o f Limoges, Nevers, 20 September 1537).

17 January 1537

He baptizes his grandnephew Jean, son of Francois de Langeac and Catherine de Polignac, presumably at a family estate at Domeyrat or nearby Langeac. See Joseph Birot and Jean-Baptiste Martin, 1 Trois Manuscrits du trésor de l’église primatiale de St-Jean de Lyon intéressant le Velay ou les régions voisines”, extract from Bulletin His­ torique de la Société Scientifique et Agricole de la HauteVienne (Le Puy-en-Velay, 1914), p. 7.

17 M arch6 September 1537

M ission to Scotland and England. H e accompanies King James V and Madeleine de France, first from Com piègne to Paris, then to Scotland, returning to Fontainebleau by way o f England {JLLP 127).

2 April 1537

Pébrac abbey. Translation o f the relics o f Saint Pierre de Chavanon, at the bishop’s behest {JLLP 117).

21 April 1537

By order o f the bishop. Publication o f Missale secun­ dum usum ecclesie cathedralis beati prothomartyris et archilevite Stephani et diocesis Lemovicensis fideli studio revisum by Léonard and Guillaume de La Nouaille o f Limoges (BM Limoges, Rés. P. Lim. V29). Also Published by P. Ber ton the following year (BnF Paris, òlbiac B-27917).

10 May 1537

Le Havre. Langeac embarks w ith King James V and M adeleine de France on their passage to Scotland (Michel Dassonville, Ronsard, étude historique et litté­ raire, vol. 1 [Geneva, 1968], p. 70).

48 20 May 1537 c. May-June 1537

24 June 1537 1 July 1537

22 August 1537 22 November 1537 28 December 1537

1538

28 February 1538 April 1538

4 May 1538

8 June 1538

LETTERS AND PAPERS

Port of Edinburgh. Arrival around 10 o’clock at night (JLLP 118). An organist, having left Bishop Langeac’s service out of anger, asks Cristoforo Cattan to establish a geomantic chart for him and so advise him whether or not he should return into the bishop’s service. See Cattan’s La Geomance du seigneur Christofe de Cattan (Paris: Gilles Gilles, 1558), E 133r°-v°. London. Langeac arrives in the English capital (JLLP 120 and 121). London. He has an interview with Henry VIII at Hampton Court (JLLP 121 and 122; Muriel St. Clare Byrne, The Lisle Letters, vol. 4 [Chicago, 1981], p. 465, App. 3). Dover. Arriving in the company of David Beaton, he prepares to cross the Channel to Boulogne-sur-Mer {JLLP 123). Brive-la-Gaillarde. Langeac pursues litigation against Gilbert de Roffignac (JLLP 125). Limoges. He receives Marguerite de Navarre and her entourage at the cathedral (Emile Ruben et al., Registres consulaires de la ville de Limoges, vol. 1 [Limoges, 1867], p. 304). Cristoforo Cattan establishes a geomantic chart for Langeac, along with prognostications for the year 1538. See Cattan’s La Geomance du seigneur Christofe de Cattan (Paris: Gilles Gilles, 1558), fr. 158v°-159r°. Isle (Limoges). Langeac grants power of attorney to Jean and Pierre Louvète, primarily for the collection of taxes and rents (JLLP 129). Ferrara. He delivers a message from King Francis I to the duke of Ferrara (Lope de Soria to Charles V, 21 April: Calendar Spain V2 470-3, n° 199). He acquits Jean de Louvète for a payment of fifty livres ten sols derived from the sale of a house at the Bridge of Saint-Martial in Limoges (A.D. HauteVienne, 1 G 2, p. 77). Limoges. He attends a meeting of the cathedral chap­ ter, whereby a decision is made to sound the church bell in his honor whenever he enters the city (A.D. Haute-Vienne, 3 G 27, f. 22r°-v°; Geneviève Semeilhon, “Le Revers de la médaille. Quelques réflexions nées à la lecture de documents concernant Jean de Langeac”, Bulletin de la Société Archéologique et Histo­ rique du Limousin LXXXIX [1962], pp. 88 and 110).

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE

24 July 1538

22 August 1538

15 September and 3 October 1538 25 January 1539 February 1539

30 April-2 May 1539 September 1539June 1540

13 December 1539

1 March 1541 22 May 1541

c. 27 July 1541

49

Limoges. He attends a procession in honor of Saint Martial (A.D. Haute-Vienne, 3 G 27, f. 29r°v°; Genevieve Semeilhon, “Le Revers de la médaille”, p. 110). Isle (Limoges). He denies investiture to the Carmelite and Augustinian orders of Mortemart for properties located within the jurisdiction of Nieul (JLLP 133). Allassac. He gives tonsure and clerical standing to Jean de La Combe and Hélie de Roffignac (JLLP 134 and 135). Paris. He seeks registry of a payment recently delive­ red to the king’s treasurer (JLLP 138). Paris. Ambassador Edmond Bonner accuses Langeac of having uttered libelous statements against King Henry Vili, regarding in particular the abolition of mass and immolation of saints’ bones in England. Langeac disputes the accusation before a session of the French king’s Private Council (Ribier I 388-9). Les Echarlis. King Francis I pays a visit to the local abbey (G4AVIII 505). Ambassador to Rome. The account of Royal Treasurer Jean du Vai indicates that Langeac departed from Vil­ lers-Co tterêts on 9 September 1539 and returned to Paris on 30 June of the following year (BnF, P.O. 1639, n° 60, f. 166r°; BnF Paris, Ms. Clairambault 1215, ff. 77v° and 79v°). Léonard Alesme dedicates a Tractatus in materiam sub­ stitutionum to Bishop Langeac (JLLP 142). It is published the following year in Poiriers. Etienne Dolet dedicates De officio legati to the bishop (JLLP 149). Les Echarlis. Langeac prepares a draft of his last will and testament (Gerard Cnevassus, “Le Testament de Jean de Langhac, évêque de Limoges et abbé de Pébrac”, Cahiers de la Haute-Loire fl 966], pp. 75114). Langeac dies in Paris. See Maillet-Guy, Généalogie de la maison de Langeac, p. 22; Chevassus, “Le Testament de Jean de Langhac”, p. 104.

TRAVEL FO R C H U R C H AN D STATE, 1511-1541 The following chart estimates most but not all distances that Langeac trave­ led for matters of Church and State. A trip to Spain, trips to Avranches, Aigueperse and certain other travel to and from Toulouse, Lyon, Paris and Limoges have been omitted due to a lack of adequate documentation. Their addition alone, not to speak of commissions unknown, should easily raise the total estimate to something in the neighborhood of 50,000 kilometers traveled over the course of about 30 years.1 1512

Mission to Burgundy and ehewhere. Toulouse —Paris —[Dijon?] —[Paris] —Toulouse 1514 Trip to Rome. Paris - Rome - [Paris] Governor o f Avignon. [Paris] —Avignon —Paris 1515 1516 Ambassador to Portugal. Paris —Almeirim —Paris Diplomatic mission to Poland. Paris —Kraków —Buda 1519 —Venice —Milan —Cognac 1521 Commission far Constable Bourbon. Aigueperse — [Auxerre?] —Troyes 1521 Diplomatic mission to Switzerland. Troyes —Bern — Paris 1521-1522 Mission to Samt-Pol-de-Léon. Compiègne —Nantes — Saint-Pol-de-Leon —Nantes —Pans 1522 Mission to Provence. Lyon —Demonte, Italy —Lyon 1522 Mission to Corbie. Saint-Germain-en-Laye —Corbie —Paris Diplomatic mission to Scotland. Paris —Edinburgh — 1523 Paris Diplomatic mission to Rome. Lyon (Saint-Just) — 1525 Rome —Lyon (Saint-Just) 2 1

2

1,995 km 2,835 1,380 3,320 3,850

km km km km

325 km 995 km 1,465 km 860 km 295 km 2,180 km 1,960 km

Based on results provided by Google Maps using default settings for travel by automobile. Locations cited in brackets are presumed points of passage, departure or arrival. Both Etienne Dolet and Leonard Alesme have independently confirmed that Langeac also com­ pleted a diplomatic mission to the emperor’s court at some point in his career. According to Dolet, this occurred after a mission to Scotland (JLLP 142). Thus Langeac could conceivably

52

LETTERS AND PAPERS

1525

Diplomatic mission to Switzerland. Lyon — Lucerne —Lyon

1527

Trip to Rome. Paris —Rome —Paris

1528

Mission to Auvergne. Paris - Vic-le-Comte -- Paris

1528-1529 Ambassador to Venice. Paris - Vic-le-Comte — Lyon - Le Pont-de-Beauvoisin - Sant’Ambrogio di Torino — Asti — Venice — Ferrara ■• Cassano d ’Adda — [Paris] 3 1530

Mission to La Rochelle. [Angoulême] — La Rochelle — [Angoulême] 4

1531

Trip to Pébrac. [Paris] —Langeac —Pébrac - [Paris]

1531-1532 Diplomatic mission to Switzerland. Chantilly —Bremgarten —Bern —Paris 1532

Mission to Amiens. Paris —Amiens —Paris

825 km 2,835 km 885 km 2,635 km

290 km 1,050 km 1,365 km 290 km

1533

Voyage to Marseille. Paris — Limoges — Brive-laGaillarde - [Rodez?] - [Montpellier] - [Nîmes] 5 Marseille —Limoges

1,650 km

1535

Ambassador to Ferrara. [Paris] —Ferrara — [Paris]

2,200 km

1536

Affairs o f the diocese. [Paris] —Limoges

1537

Diplomatic missions to Scotland and England. C om piègne —Le Havre —Edinburgh —London — Dover —Boulogne-sur-M er - Fontainebleau 6

1537

Affairs o f the diocese. Fontainebleau - Limoges

390 km

1537

Affairs o f the diocese. Limoges — Brive-la- Gaillarde — Limoges

185 km

1538

Mission to Ferrara. [Moulins]

3

7

—Ferrara —Limoges

395 km 2,555 km

1,940 km

have made the trip sometime around July or August 1525, during which time a cascade of highranking French diplomats were dispatched to Madrid and Toledo in view of obtaining a prompt release of King Francis I from captivity (Aimé Champollion-Figeac, Captivité du roi François I er [Paris, 1847], pp. xxxviii-xxxix). A round-trip journey from Lyon to Toledo would add another 2,600 kilometers to the approximate total distance of his documented travel. Around the time of Langeac’s return to France (July 1529), the itinerant royal chancery was operating out of Coucy and La Fere to the north-northeast of Reims. See CAF VIII 465.

4

The royal chancery was operating out of Angoulême from 22 April to 28 May 1530 (G4F VIII 469-70), which coincides with the time of Langeac’s mission to La Rochelle.

5

Presumably Langeac, who was in Brive-Ia-Gaillarde on 7 August, caught up with the royal train at Montpellier and accompanied it to Nîmes, Arles and Avignon, before arriving in Marseille in early October 1533. See the itinerary of the royal chancery in G4AVIII 482-4 and letters by Antoine Arlier and Etienne Dolet in JLLP 99-101.

6

See JLLP 118-23 and 127-8. Delivery of a letter to the duke of Ferrara sometime in April 1538, presumably in preparation for the Treaty of Nice on following 18 June {Calendar Spain V 2 470-3, n° 199). The royal

7

53

TRAVEL FOR CHURCH AND STATE, 1511-1541

J J II

1538 Affairs o f the diocese. Limoges —Allassac —Limoges 175 1539-1540 Ambassador to Rome. Villers-Cotterêts — Rome — 2,910 Paris Subtotal: 44,035 Estimated total for the years 1511-1541: 50,000

chancery was operating out of Moulins at the estimated time of Langeac’s departure. See G4FVIII 501 and JLLP 127-

LETTERS A N D PAPERS

1. Jean de Pins to Jean de Langeac Toulouse, 20 October 1512 Louis, whom De Pins commends for his faithful and diligent service to Senator Langeac, delivered the senator’s elegant letter just before sunrise the other day. De Pins usually gets up ahead of the common worker, yet on that day he was still in bed when the messenger arrived. It should be noted that this was a holiday, and that De Pins felt he could relax a bit and sleep beyond his normal hour. Hence, in the event that Louis spoke of the incident, Langeac should not presume that De Pins has suddenly become lethargic. In his letter, Langeac accused De Pins of indolence and neglect for failing to respond to several missives. His indictment, although astute, was nonetheless unfounded, inasmuch as such missives were never delivered. Hence, in the interest of avoiding epistolary debate, he invites the senator to return home quickly so that they can settle their account face to face. He conveyed greetings to everyone mentioned in the letter, who in return send wishes of good health. As for Langeac’s thoughts on diplomatic missions, it almost made De Pins laugh. Why should Langeac expect a show of consideration for the absent, when so few show it even for those present? If he were in Toulouse now, he would hardly be able to suppress laughter, seeing how cold and frigid some have become. In the meantime, anticipating Langeac’s safe return, De Pins will light a fire in the hearth so that they can warm themselves before it together. When he arrives, Langeac will find that several new senators — Basilhac, Pieux and Nogerolles — have joined their ranks. * Manuscript source: BM Nîmes (France), Ms. 215, pp. 15-16 (f. 148r°-v°), n° 18. Published text and commentary in JPLLF, pp. 136-9. Langeac was away on official business from approximately 1 July to 8 November 1512 (A.D. Haute-Garonne, B 14, ffi 139v°-222v°).

Pinus1 Langiaco senatori S. Atullit mihi nuper humanissimas litteras tuas Ludovicus2 tuus vel potius noster, neque enim tibi ipsi magis quam uni mihi iucundus et gratus est, quia is non diligere modo sed et amare te vehementer est visus. Cuius rei inde vel maximam coniecturam facio, quod is tui honoris ac dignitatis causa vehemen­ ter mihi laborare videtur perindeque minimis quibusque tuis rebus ac maximis commoveri. Is venit ad me mane, paulo ante diluculum (id enim mihi credi

58

JEAN DE LANGEAC

abs te velim), nondum enim exporrectusa eram, et scis servari mihi veterem illum Demosthenis morem, ut antelucana vigilia omnes vel etiam ipsos opifices praevenire soleam3 . Rides, ut video, nec mihi tantum habes apud te fidei, ut vel hoc tantum pusillum quiddam et tenue credas. Sed extra iocum, dies sane tum festus erat, quo mihi nonnihil laxere animum libuit et in utramque aurem securius stertere4 , quare tum satis iam multo die surrexeram neque tam mane quam alias vel invitus soleo. Vides quam sum occupatus, ut id totum quicquid est culpae deteram, ne, si quid ille ad te detulerit, tu in deteriorem partem accipias meque te absente multo quam solebam magis somnolentum factum existimes. Verum haec alias. In litteris tuis graviter mecum quereris, meque desidiae ac tarditatis insimu­ las, quia ne unis quidem litteris tantum pluribus tuis epistolis ad me responsum fecerim. Facis tu quidem astute, qui, quo te crimine apud nos maxime culpan­ dum noveris, id in me accusando totum praeoccupes, ac etiam mihi — quod est quidem multo molestius — mei tuendi defensionem praeripis. Ego vero ne vivam, si non modo plures sed ne unas quidem abs te post tuum discessum litteras acceperim ! Sed utcumque est, velim inter nos iam paria faciamus et, ne ulla posthac litterarum contentio fiat, tu propere ad nos venias. Venies tamen, mihi crede si alias unquam, amicis tuis omnibus expectatissimus atque gratissimus, qui te non videre modo, sed complecti etiam et amplexari deside­ rant. Salutavi omnes diligenter, quos mihi mandaveras, qui te quoque vicissimb salvum esse cupiunt. De legationibus quod scripsisti, parum abest quin mihi risum moverit. Quid enim tu in his habendam esse rationem absentium putas, cum ne praesentibus quidem satis abunde fuerint?5 Sed tu, si adsis, vix satis risum teneas, adeo quosdam frigidos algentesque videres. Sed nos interim tibi caminum focumque parabimus, ut tu, cum veneris, nobiscum una possis concalescere. Vereor enim ne tu quoque perfrixeris, praesertim istic ubi iam omnia nivibus obsepta esse audio. Invenies sane magnam hominum turbam Basilios6 , Plautios7 ac Nogerolios8 , quos tu non reliqueras. Intumesces, sat scio, ubi post te tantum gregem videris. Vale, Tolosae XIII. Kal. Novembr. 1512. a

1

2 3

experrectus, ed. 2007 |

b

vicissem, ed. 2007

Jean de Pins, a doctor of law and humanist scholar from Toulouse, became a councilor cleric in the Parliament of Toulouse on 24 November 1509 (A.D. Haute-Garonne, B 14, f. 333r°) and maintained cordial epistolary relations with many of his professional col­ leagues, including Langeac. Under King Francis I, de Pins went on to occupy a seat in the Parliament of Milan (November 1515) and served as a French ambassador to Venice (20 January 1515 to 19 April 1520) and Rome (May 1520-January 1522) before assuming the office o f bishop of Rieux in April 1527. See CEBR III 85-6,- Centuriae Latinae II 2718; JPLLF passim. Ludovicus tuus-. Identity unknown. Cf. Cicero, Tusculanae disputationes 4,19: “Cui non sunt auditae Demosthenis vigiliae? qui dolere se aiebat, si quando opificum antelucana victus esset industria.”

59

LETTERS AND PAPERS

4

5

6

7

8

A variant of the popular expression in utramvis aurem dormire (to sleep soundly). Cf. Ter­ ence, Heautanimorumenos 342. Presumably Langeac has petitioned the Parliament for an exemption from taxation or the continuance of his Parliamentary wages during his mission for the crown. JLLP 54 and 58 evoke a similar request regarding exemption from the clergy’s tithe. Jean de Basilhac, son of Philippe-Pierre de Bazillac and Françoise de Lévis-Mirepoix, was a cleric senator in the Parliament of Toulouse from 14 June 1512 until the time of his death, which occurred sometime prior to 27 August 1541 (A.D. Haute-Garonne, B 15, f. 123r°; B 34, f. 459v°). He served as a regular member of the Chamber of Inquests {Chambre des Enquêtes} and was a frequent participant in parliamentary debates from approximately 1512 to 1524. His election to the bishopric of Carcassonne in 1515 was contested by a rival candidate, Martin de Saint-André, to whom the office was awarded by a decision of the king’s Grand Council in 1522. In 1528, he and fellow senator Hélie Reynier were commissioned by Parliament to secure foster homes for 150 abandoned orphans (A.D. Haute-Garonne, B 20, f. 280r°). See André Navelle, Families nobles et notables du M idi toulousain, vol. 2 (Fenouillet, 1991), p. 58; JPLLF, pp. 138-9. Jean de Pieux, a doctor of law, was appointed to rhe office of lay senator in the Parliament of Toulouse on 7 October 1512 (A.D. Haute-Garonne, B 15, f. 206r°). He died sometime between 31 August and 6 September 1520 {ibid. B 18, ff. 369r° and 373v°). See Charles Portal, Extraits de registres de notaires (Albi, 1901), pp. 78, 178; André Navelle, Families nobles et notables du M idi toulousain, vol. 8 (Fenouillet, 1993), p. 267; JPLLF, p. 139. Jean de Nogerolles {or Nogeroles), a former capitoni of Toulouse (1501) and procureur général in Parliament (February 1509-November 1512), became a lay senator in Parliament on 8 October 1512 (A.D. Haute-Garonne, B 15, ff. 208v°-209r°). He died sometime prior to 4 February 1521 {ibid. B 18, f. 473r°). See André Viala, Le Parlement de Toulouse (Albi, 1953), I 240 n.4 and II 211; André Navelle, Families nobles et notables du M idi toulousain, vol. 8 (Fenouillet, 1993), pp. 47-53; JPLLF, p. 139.

2. Jean de Pins to Jean de Langeac Toulouse, 4 April 1513 Although he has nothing of importance to write, De Pins did not wish to send Langeac’s courier back without a letter. His brother, the provincial delegate, returned yesterday from a mission to King Louis and reported that ambassadors had come from Spain to ask for a one-year truce. Since the king had not yet granted them an audience, one can only speculate on the outcome of their meeting. It was presumed they would accomplish nothing and return home. The king, having completely recov­ ered from his illness, is intent on war. While nothing was known for certain regarding the Swiss, preliminary reports from France’s ambassadors suggested a willingness to join the French alliance. But then seeing their Landestag extended for several days, De Pins fears they may just be biding rime as they seek alliances elsewhere. The king

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has assembled a great army in the Rhône Valley that is poised to cross the Alps under Bourbon’s command and reclaim northern Italy. It is said to comprise 20,000 soldiers, among which 8,000 landsknechts, 1,000 French horse, 200 mailed knights and numerous machines of war. Supplies are in abundance and the price of rations has remained remarkably affordable in light of the number of troops present. He has received no certain news from Rome, although a letter from the Holy City has announced the death of Leo X. According to De Pins’s brother, who was present when it was read before the king, the letter and its author received little credence. If Langeac should require confirmation, De Pins, who merely repeats what he has heard, will refer him back to the source of the rumor. In the meantime he sends greetings to Fernand. * Manuscript source: BM Nîmes (France), Ms. 215, pp. 18-19 (ff. 149v°-150r°), n° 20. Published text and commentary in JPLLF> pp. 142-4. Langeac was absent from his post at the Parliament of Toulouse from 16 March to 6 June 1513 (A.D. HauteGaronne, B 15, E 328r°).

Pinus1 Langiaco senatori S. Tametsi novi nihil esset, quod te scrire magnopere tua interesse putarem, quia omnia levia, frigida et incerta erant, tamen committere nolui, ut tabella­ rium istum praesertim familiarem et domesticum tuum ad te meis litteris vacuum demitterem. Frater provinciae legatus2 heri sub edendia tempus a prin­ cipe rediit. Narrabat ab Hispaniis venisse legatos, qui annuas belli inducias peterent3 . Princeps nondum eis senatum dederat, quare nihil tum sciri poterat, nisi quod sibi quisque aut voluntate aut coniectura finxisset. Sperabatur magis non confecto negotio reversuros. Rex enim iam plane ab omni morbo confir­ matus nihil magis quam enses et bella cogitat. De Helvetiis certi nihil adhuc. Sed erat mira omnium expectatio fore, ut se nobis coniungerent, et in eam sententiam paulo ante legati rescripserant. Rustica tamen sua illa et publica comitia adhuc aliquot dies dilata fuerant, in quibus nescio quam recte nobis sperandum arbitrer, qui timeo ne illi alio spectantes frustrandi magis et fallendi temporis occasionem captent quam ulla certa foederis ineundi consilia capiant. Rex apud Allobrogos magna militum manu coacta paratum in aestivis exerci­ tum continet, quem imperatore Borbonio4 transmittat Alpes, et Galliam trans­ alpinam vindicet5 . Viginti militum millia referuntur8 , inter quos sunt octo Germanorum millia, Galli equites mille, ducenti cataphracti, tormentorum ingens etiam numerus. Commeatus affatim undique comportatur incredibilisque esse narratur in tanto hominum numero rei annonoriae vilitas. De rebus Romanis scriberem ad te, si quid habere certi potuissem ; hoc unum tamen neque id satis certa fide compertum adiiciam, venisse ab Urbe litteras, quae nuntiarent Leonem pontificem maximum nuper Iullo suffectum decessisse6 . His se, dum principi legerentur, frater interfuisse retulit, sed non habitas fuisse magnae admodum fidei, quia non a satis certo authore prodiissent. Haec habui

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pauca quae scriberem, sed nec quibus tamen fidem meam obligo ; tu si quorum a me fidem requiras, morosius ego te ad autores relegabo. Interim vale et me Fernando7 nostro commenda. Tholosae, pridie Nonas April. 1513. 3

1 2

3

4

5

6

7

edendi, ms. Nîmes leaves blank space [suggested addition) |

b

referentur, ed. 2007

Jean de Pins. See JLLP 1 n.l. Presumably the senator’s elder brother, Jean de Pins, baron of Montbrun and lord of Forgues near Muret. In addition to serving as a maître d ’hôtel to King Louis XII and governor of Gaure and Saint-Béat (Haute-Garonne), he also held the office of viguier of Toulouse from approximately 1492 to 1515- As Senator De Pins states in this letter, his brother returned from Blois on 3 April. See Cormary, pp. 13-14; André Navelle, Families nobles et notables du M idi toulousain:, vol. 8 (Fenouillet, 1993), pp. 230-41; JPLLF, pp. 134-5. According to reports from Spain and England, the Queen of France conveyed the initial offer of a one-year truce with Spain sometime in February 1513, to which King Ferdinand replied favorably (LPFD I 495-502, n° 3766; Calendar Spain II 98-103, n° 89). Subsequent negotiations led to the conclusion of an armistice between the leading European states at Orthez less than two months later. Cf. John S.C. Bridge, A History o f France, vol. 4 (New York, 1978), pp. 196-8. Charles III de Bourbon, duke of Bourbon and count of Montpensier, was a veteran of the Italian Wars under King Louis XII. He was also governor of Languedoc from approxi­ mately September 1512 to June 1524 and constable of France from 12 January 1515 [Gallia Regia III 487-8, n° 13722; CAF[ 7, n° 43). When his fiefdoms came under judicial seizure in 1522, however, he turned for assistance to Emperor Charles V who gave him a command in the imperial army. Bourbon then invaded Provence in the summer of 1524, but unable to overcome Marseille’s defenses and faced with mutiny he soon retreated to Italy where he contributed arms in hand to the defeat of the French in 1525. In the spring of 1527 he marched against Rome and died there on 6 May in what historians now call the Sack of Rome. See Vincent J. Pitts, The Man Who Sacked Rome. Charles de Bourbon, Constable o f France (1490-1527) (New York, 1993); Denis Crouzet, Charles de Bourbon, connétable de France (Paris, 2003). Galliam transalpinam vindicet: “so that [Bourbon] can seize northern Italy.” The term designates French territories located “beyond the Alps”, in other words northern Italy. This is obviously a false rumor. Giovanni de’ Medici succeeded Julius II as Pope Leo X on 11 March 1513 and remained in office until the time of his death on 1 December 1521 (see OER II 418-19). Presumably Charles Fernand, a Christian humanist teacher and scholar from Bruges, Bel­ gium. He taught liberal arts at the University of Paris in the late fifteenth century, became first musician in the royal chapel of Charles VIII and entertained cordial relations with many Parisian humanists and theologians. Toward the end of 1492, he retired to the Benedictine monastery at Chezal-Benoît, located in the vicinity of Bourges, and remained there until approximately 1508 or 1509- He then transferred to the abbey of Saint-Vincent du Mans where he died in the second or third week of June 1517. His published work, which includes an edition of Senecan tragedy, personal letters and commentaries on spiri­ tual literature and monastic discipline, is all in Latin. Charles’s younger brother, Jean, was also a royal musician in Paris, but less renowned. He published a book of hours titled More dive crucis per Johannem Fernandum, musicum regium edite (Paris, no date), and he is the

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author of a life of Saint Sulpicius published posthumously in the seventeenth century. He is also reported to have written a commentary on Terence, now lost. After spending about two years as a monk in the Benedictine abbey of Saint-Sulpice in Bourges (1494-1496), Jean relocated to Saint-Allyre in Clermont, where he died in 1531. See Ursmer Berlière, “La Congregation bénédictine de Chezal-Benoît”, Revue Bénédictine XVII (1900), pp. 2950, 113-27, 252-74, 337-61; Franco Simone, “Robert Gaguin ed il suo cenacolo umanis­ tico”, Aevum XIII (1939), pp. 410-76; Dictionnaire de spiritualité ascétique et mystique, doctrine et histoire V 174-6; CEBR II 21-2; Jean-Pierre Massaut, Josse Clichtove I 160-5; JPLLF, pp. 31-2.

3. Jean de Pins to Jean de Langeac Toulouse, 30 December 1514 De Pins was delighted to learn of Langeac’s safe arrival in Rome, the success of his mission and his triumph over rival ambitions. Certainly there were many reasons to worry. First of all, because of the climate, which is harmful to foreigners. To French­ men, the Roman sky is oppressive and the heat of its sun almost fatal. Secondly, because of the affair itself, which, given its importance, was no less dangerous than the climate, for Langeac faced serious competitors, in Rome no less, where, as every­ one knows, swords and corruption abound. Thus De Pins would have rejoiced fully at the good news had not the prospect of seeing himself henceforth deprived of Langeac’s pleasant company stifled his mood. But he laments in vain. The joys of life, as he has learned, are almost always followed by affliction. His sole consolation comes from the realization that this affair will bring ample reward and dignity to Langeac. The remaining portion of this letter will be as pleasant for De Pins as it will be for Langeac, even though it may involve a burdensome request, that is to say, if one considers it a burden to recommend a fine and highly worthy man to someone as generous and liberal as Langeac. Barthélemy de Castellane of Nice, whom he recom­ mends most emphatically, is knowledgeable and refined, their friendship longstanding and sacred. De Pins’s affection for him is such that he cannot say if he has ever loved another mortal as deeply, that is with the exception of Langeac. Castellane feels the same way about De Pins and prizes nothing in life as highly as their friendship. His disposition and manners are such that he considers it disgraceful to concede defeat, as in all things, especially in love and benevolence. Navct-will Langeac regret having admitted him into his circle of friends. He will see that the man is modest, genteel, gracious, complacent, highly cultured, and imbued with practical experience and sci­ ence. Realizing just how many supplicants flock to court almost daily, De Pins would leave the entire matter up to Langeac’s discretion, making no specific request with respect to Castellane’s employ, if he thought that Langeac was sufficiently familiar with the man’s ability and character. Although appropriate for any task, Castellane

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deserves a charge that would allow him to devote himself freely to literature and the pursuit of scholarship, his true vocation. A certain Corvinus Italus, as De Pins recalls, once held a secretarial position in Rome, from which he was dismissed, and has not yet been replaced. He was knowledgeable and erudite but unworthy of trust. If Langeac were now to secure that vacant post for Castellane, oh how joyous he would make them both! Or rather, will make them, for De Pins prefers to employ the future tense knowing that Langeac will not rest until their request has been fulfilled. * Manuscript source: BM Nîmes (France), Ms. 215, pp. 32-4 (ff. 156v°-157v°), n° 36. Published text and commentary in JPLLF, pp. 174-6.

Pinus1 Langiaco senatori S. Simulae mihi nunciatum est et te salvum Roma venisse et honestissime illic provincia, quam susceperas, functum 2 , graves etiam et duros admodum adversarios vicisse, quos illic tibi ingens quaedam hominum ambitio paraverat, difficile credas, quantam animo simul mixtam maerori laetitiam ceperima . Nam et tua gloria et salute praesertim nihil mihi gratius obtingere potuisset, cuius si unquam alias, vel iam maxime fructum amplissimum cepisseb mihi videor, quod erant multa, quae non me modo, qui per singula temporis momenta miro timore cruciabar, sed et reliquos omnes non aeque tibi necessa­ rios neque adeo benevolos ingenti quodam et incredibili metu de te sollicitare coeperunt ! Primum locus ipse cum sui natura exteris quibusque pestilens et noxius, gravitateque caeli, aestuque solis nimio pene fatalis nostris hominibus ; tum vero negocium ipsum, quod sane mihi non multo minus quam caelum omne metuendum videbatur, quod, ut erat magni momenti, ita eius causa in admodum graves competitores incideras, idque Romae, ubi quanto passim ferri gladiorum, quanta licentia bacchari soleat, nemo est qui ignoret. Quare esse me Hercule mihi videtur, quod solide mecum gaudere debeam, quod equidem facerem, idque tam avide et tam libenter, ut nihil unquam in vita mihi cupidius fecisse videar, nisi aliud quiddam totum id ex animo nobis gaudium excuteret. Nam quid aut durius mihi unquam aut gravius accidere poterat, quam ubi te mihi posthac, ubi dulci consortio suavissimoque tuo congressu carendum esse sentio ? Verum id frustra querimur. Ita enim fere semper natura comparatum accepimus, ita haec misera humanae vitae conditio est, ut vicina semper ac pene proxima sint maeroribus gaudia, nihilque sit usquam mortalium ex omni parte foelix. Ego vero in meo tanto dolore hoc unum solatium capio, quod in spem fere certissimam adduci mihi videor, fore, ut ea res tibi et fructum maxi­ mum et amplissimam posthac dignitatem afferat ; cuius utinam tibi tantam in dies fieri accessionem videam, ut aliqui metuere incipiant (neque ego enim unquam adduci potero, ut id faciam), ne tu posthac in mei oblivionem venias. Quod tantopere ab optima tua ista natura mitissimoque et liberalissimo inge­ nio tuo abest, ut nihil non modo mihi, sed ne hominum cuiquam minus metuendum existimem. Sed de his satis.

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Iam vero ad reliqua mihi quidem apud te consueta semper et solita, sed quae tibi perinde ac mihi ipso grata esse perspicio, ut scilicet tibi novi aliquid simul atquec negocii ac molestiae exhibeam, si quidem aut negotium aut molestia cuiquam videre debeat hominis optimi et honestissimi et — si quid ad rem pertinere putas — tui etiam amantissimi diligens commendatio, prae­ sertim apud te, quem ad hoc unum mihi natura maxime instituisse videtur, ut se omnibus passim omni opere, cura, studio, labore ac diligentia, opibus quoque, fortunis atque divitiis, munificum et liberalem exhibeat. Quod sane mihi unum inter istas innumeras animi et ingenii tui dotes maxime semper excelluisse visum est, idque ne uni iam mihi abs te vehementissime flagitanti desit, te non modo rogo, sed — si pateris — etiam atque etiam obsecro. Bartholomaeo Castellano3 Nicaeo viro doctissimo et humanissimo iam multos annos familiarissime utimur, cum eoque iam mihi vetus et antiqua necessitudo est. Amor autem in hominem tantus et tam mirificus, ut te uno excepto vix satis sciam, num quemquam unquam mortalium vehementius amaverim ; qui me quoque mutuo tantopere et tam ardenter diligit, ut pene nihil in vita sibi amicitia nostra pulchrius existimet. Eo enim ingenio, ea natura, his moribus natus est, ut cum caeteris rebus omnibus tum vel amore praesertim vel benefi­ cio vinci turpissimum iudicet4 . Quare ego, quod sciam quantopere istic apud principem vestrum automate valeas, pro tua in eum fide et singulari quadam observantia, quantoque cuivis hominum unico verbo vel auxilio vel ornamento esse possis, putavi officii nostri fore, si tibi hominem nobis amicissimum quam diligentissime commendarem, rogaremque paulo etiam quam amicitia nostra postulet accuratius, ut quicquid in me vel officii vel beneficii collatum velles, id totum in hominem istum conferas, quem ubi semel in tuum gregem acce­ peris, scio nunquam te posthac exhibiti in illum beneficii paenitebit. Nihil enim minus verendum est, quam ne non illum amicitia tua dignissimum iudices. Agonosces enim hominem modestum, mitem, humanum, facilem, doctumque imprimis et eruditum, multoque rerum usu, multo periculo atque doctrina praeditum. Quare ego tametsi sciam eam fere quotidie hominum multitudinem in aulam incurrere, ut potius effluat inde aliquid quam novo detur aditus, tamen nihil unquam facere mihi iucundius potes, quam si hoc per te consequor, ut Castellano nostro detur in aula locus honestus simul et commodus, et qui te, qui illo, qui meis quoque apud te precibus non indignus videatur. Ego nullam et certam apud te conditionem peterem, tibique totum huiusce rei, plenumque et liberum arbitrium relinquerem, si putarem tibi aeque ac mihi Nicaei nostri naturam et ingenium cognitum. Quem licet cuili­ bet negotio satis aptum et idoneum invenias, tamen rem multo mihi gratissi­ mam feceris, si ei locum aliquem dari cures, in quo litteras et eruditionem, ad quas solas natus videtur, libere magis exerceat. Memini Corvinum quemdam Italum 5 doctum satis et eruditum, sed pessimae fidei hominem, locum istic ab

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epistolis tenuisse, exactumque inde pessimis eius moribus, necdum ei quem­ quam suffectum. Quem liberum adhuc et vaccantem, si per te Castellanus noster consequi posset, vah ! quam me, quam illum tibi obnoxium quamque utrumque nostrum foelicem faceres. Ac vel facies quidem potius. Utar enim hoc verbo libentius, quod sciam nihil in te morae futurum, quominus voti compotes simus. Quod ut etiam magis magisque, manibusque — quod aiunt — ac pedibus enitaris6 , te per sacratissimam nostram amicitiam non rogo modo, sed obtestor et obsecro. Vale, Tolosae 3° Kal. Ianuar. 1514. a

coeperim, ms. Nîmes [ b coepisse, ms. Nîmes | c semper tibi, ms. Nîmes (simul atque, seems more appropriate).

1 2

3

4

5

6

Jean de Pins. See JLLP 1 n .l. Langeac’s “mission” {provincia) to Rome may have been related in some way to his appoint­ ment to the office of governor general of Avignon (A.D. Vaucluse, D 36, f. 31v°), for which he would have required papal consent. See Edilberr de Teule, Chronologie des docteurs en droit civil de l ’Université d ’Avignon (1303-1791) (Paris, 1887), p. 25. Barthélemy de Castellane, a doctor of civil and canon law and neo-Latin poet from Nice, was second archdeacon of Avignon in 1513 and served as vicar general of Carpentras from 1520 to 1524. He and De Pins were close friends and had frequented many of the same academic circles during their years of study in Italy, notably during the years 1505-1508. Castellane maintained cordial ties with many humanist scholars of the period, including Erasmus, Andrea Alciato, Pietro Bembo, Jacopo Sadoleto and Jean de Boyssoné. See CEBR I 278; Antoine Arlier, Correspondance d ’Antoine Arlier (Geneva, 1990), p. 118; JPLLF, pp. 63-4. Amore praesertim... vinci'. An epistolary commonplace (Cicero, Epistulae ad familiares 12,30,3; Plinius Caecilius, Epistulae 4,1,5). Massimo Corvino Bruni, a lawyer and classical scholar from Naples, was a former secretary in the service of French cardinal François Guillaume de Clermont-Lodève. In 1510, when France and the papacy were at odds over the excommunication of Duke Alfonso d’Este, Clermont-Lodève sought to leave Rome in secret, bur was denounced by his secretary and detained for several months. Bruni was promptly rewarded for his loyalty to the Vatican with the bishopric of Isernia, which he administrated from 1510 to 1522. See D B IXXIX 832-4. manibus ac pedibus enitari'. “to strive with all one’s might.” On this commonplace expres­ sion, see Erasmus, Adagia I,Ìv,15 (LB II 157B).

4. Jean de Langeac Oration before King Manuel I o f Portugal Almeirim, [July] 1516 According to Plutarch’s Roman Histories, Cicero, the father of Latinity, was in the habit of saying that orators who raise their voice to compensate for a lack of eloquence

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are like the lame mounted on steeds, especially when they do this at the beginning of an oration where one should speak^softly and with temperance.fThis is a recom­ mendation that Langeac takes to heart. jHe accepted his mission as''ambassador with the utmost circumspection, realizing that it in fact exceeds his abilities. Not only is his voice not loud, but it is hoarse; it trembles and it is weak. If he did not take into consideration King Manuel’s liberal humanity, surely he would fall into that infamous labyrinth from which not even Ariadne’s thread could extract him. It is well known that Themistocles, prince of all Greece, once fell into bewildered silence when required to speak a few words before a crowd. One reads of the same thing happening to Demosthenes, prince of orators, in the presence of King Philip of Macedonia. And yet Langeac, trusting in King Manuel’s indulgent kindness, will now boldly speak rather than observe prudent silence. Still, he will not amplify his speech as do orators, but instead will be brief so that he will neither waste his own time nor be a nuisance to the king. Literature shows that princes attain their standing as much by consent of the gods as by that of the people, and that King Manuel, who is both liberal and all-powerful, succeeded to the throne of Portugal with good reason. Never before have the Portu­ guese been as fortunate to find themselves governed by the prudence, good counsel and justice of such a prince who generously rewards the meritorious. King Manuel rejoices in the prosperity of his subjects, just as he laments their adversities. A follower of truth, he demonstrates in all things gravity. He shows grace and courtesy in matters of royal discretion (cotisas dos prazeresp, circumspection in times of doubt; truth and severity in justice; strength in misfortune; kindness, decorum and humanity in pros­ perity. Such are the trnirs of a good, august and exceptional prince. W hat could be more foreign to princes, or less conducive to their serenity, than when, having to serve as a model of humanity for others, they become obstinate and haughty? Not so, however, King Manuel. That famous crown of oaken boughs celebrated by the ancient writers befits him as guardian of the lands and lives of his subjects. He expelled from land and sea those who oppressed the name of Christ. He subjected to his rule the coasts once occupied by the Africans and thereby performed many heroic feats. He drove their savage forces from the coastline, forcing them to talee flight. Such action renders him honorable in the eyes of all nations and gives him great fame. His noble courage in war and peace inspire wonder, as do his prudence, piety, magnanimity, sense of justice, generosity and all of the other royal qualities that so many attribute to him. They praise him in particular for his courage and all that he has done to promote Christianity as he ventures daily into regions yet unexplored. And in all such places he raises the banner of the true cross, thereby benefitting all of Europe, which now enjoys an abundance of spices that were once rare. Finally it should also be said that King Manuel, like a new Caesar, upholds the dignity of senators and that of the nobility. Like Pyrrhus, he illustrates and confirms all social ranks and triumphs over his enemies with liberality. Who then is more worthy of the throne than King Manuel? Thanks to his effort, all of Christianity is now safe from barbaric incursions. These things, in particular King Manuel’s success and expedition against the Africans, which is joyous to men of all estates, ages and origins, have brought him to the attention of the most Christian king of France. There is, as far as Langeac can presume to know, nothing that King Francis wishes more than to preserve their mutual friendship; the affinity of their

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kindred heart promotes such feelings. Pray tell, the French, who surpass other nations in arms and troops, have they not also come to the aid of the Christian faith? Once Constantine had endowed the papacy of the Church, what need did it then have of their assistance? Langeac need not remind of Charlemagne’s two expeditions into Italy. It was he who defeated Desiderius, king of the Lombards and usurper of the Church’s possessions. And what of the two French kings named Louis, one distin­ guished in arms, the other fully equal to Scipio or Numa Pompilius? Once the Suevi had been defeated and the army of the Treveri destroyed, their effort placed the Holy Sepulchre in Christian hands. And if Langeac were to cite the assistance that the Portuguese and the French have given to the Christian faith, surely he would also mention the history of Great Antioch. However, so that he may conclude his foray into ancient history briefly, he need only recall what his patron King Francis I did at the beginning of his reign. Did he not impose upon the Swiss, that ferocious race of warriors, a marvelous peace accord in only nine hours? And he had only just attained the flower of his youth! When, after the peace agreements, they treacherously attacked him, he defeated them with almost no preparation and forced them to pay fines for their treachery. It was they who had come to him with great arrogance, calling them­ selves “tamers of princes.” His condition for granting them peace was to see them acknowledge the exploits of his noble warriors, for otherwise he would rise up like another Hercules to expunge the monstrous arrogance of their barbarous race. But rather than dwell on such a boundless topic, Langeac should now return to the pur­ pose of his oration. What Homer writes is certainly true for King Manuel, namely that a Jupiter once bestowed scepter and honor on a prince so that his noble heart might see what is just. Of what value then are the splendid works of virtue and public responsibility? And what reward might King Manuel expect if, as in the once grateful world of the past, he had brought gifts like those of Ceres, Pallas Athena and Bacchus, who for the wheat, oil and wine that they discovered were remembered in the fables of the gods? Surely in heaven he would have been ranked before all others. King Manuel has better and greater rewards already in his own virtues, for he more than any other king on earth is worthy of great admiration. All nations, not merely the Spaniards and his own subjects, obey him, love him and honor him, saying that Jupiter created him in his likeness. But enough of Homer. Many wish to see King Manuel and to make his personal acquaintance. And this is no less true for Langeac. He was therefore pleased to accept this mission to Portugal in order to see his august host, it being a desire that has consumed him for many days now. The same thing has occurred to others as well, because the force of virtue is such that it captures even the villainous in its awe. It is written that thieves once went to one of Scipio’s country villas just to see him; all the more will good people go to see a good king. King Manuel, because he fulfills all of the duties of a good king and has added merit to his good fortune, is worthy of the greatest honors. Hence Langeac pays reverent tribute to him and is most happy to have had the opportunity to contemplate him with his own eyes. He humbly prays that God will sustain the king’s virtue, and that the king may live yet another hundred years, not so much for his own sake but for that of all Christians. Whatever else Langeac has to say, he will state elsewhere at the king’s pleasure.

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* Manuscript source: Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal, Codex Alcobacensis 297, ff. 43v°-44v°. The abbreviations xpianissimo, xpo, xpao(s), xpadade, and xpaa are ren­ dered below as christianissimo, Christo, cristao(s), cristandade, and cristiana. Pllâ has been rendered as either polla or pella in different contexts. The c-cedilla before front vowels (e and Ì) has been maintained according to its usage in the manuscript. Accents have been added to dê and o, where appropriate, to facilitate the reader’s task.

Oraçao dada em publico por monseor de Lanjaca gouvernador de Vinhao1 embaixador del-rei de França a el-rei Dom Manuel2 . Anno 1516. Diz aquelle grande Plutarco Coroneu3 em suas estorias romanas Çiçero, pai da palavra latina, custumava dizer aquelles oradores que com mais alta voz se esforçavao polla fraqueza de sua eloquenza assi como mancos a cavallo subir4 , mayormente quando no começo da oraçao bradam omde manso e temperadamente se deve dizer, mas eu, ó Emanuel serenissimo rei e magnanimo, desta sentença de Tulio me nao quis apartar. Tornei a mim muito cuidoso o cuidado de minha embaixada mandada em nome e per mandado de Françisco, rei dos françeses christianissimo e nunca vençido, cujo embaixador aqui venho ainda que nao iguoal a minhas forças. Nom tam soomente a mim nao he dada vooz alta, mas ainda rouca, tremiliguosa e manca, e por çerto, se eu nao esguardasse tua humanidade liberal, sem duvlda eu cahiria naquelle laberinto que nem o fio de Ariadne* me poderia tirar. Sabemos por çerto Temistocles, prinçepe de toda Greçia, como quer que poucas palavras ouvesse de dizer ao povo, emmudeçersse com espanto, a qual cousa lemos aver aconteçido a Demos­ thenes, prinçepe dos oradores, diante de Felipo rei de Maçedonia5 , mas favoreçente a mansidao de tua claridade mais quero verguonhoso diante de ti poucas cousas dizer que com seguro silençio calarme, nem curarei de me alarguar segundo custume dos oradores, mas tam triguosamente que nem tragua a mim despesa de tempo nem a ti fastio. Contam as letras os prinçepes nom menos por consentimento dos deoses que dos homens virem a sua real altura, que com ajuda liberal do todo pode­ roso, com razao soçedeste no reino de Portugal. Nunca voto melhor aguourado, a meu entender, aos teus aconteçeo que averem tal prinçepe per cuja prudençia, conselho e justiça fossem guovernados e finalmente os bem mereçentes de sua liberalidade natural fossem acreçentados. Alegraste na prosperidade dos teus ; doyste das suas adversidades, e sempre trabalhando humano d’amar verdade, diante de ti em todas as cousas trazes gravidade ; nas cousas dos prazeres, graça e cortesia ; nas duvidosas esguardamento ; na justiça, verdade e severidade ; nas cousas contrairas e tristes, fortaleza ; nas ledas e prosperas, mansidao, feliçidade e humanidade. Estas sam as partes de bom, augusto e perfeito prinçepe. Que cousa he mais alhea dos prinçipes ou menos conveniente a sua serenidade, que avendo de ser a todolos outros exemplo de humanidade, se façam difiçees e

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soberbos ? Por tanto, a ti vencedor e defensor da terra e da vida dos teus, he divida aquella coroa, a quai estabeleçeram de ramos de cavalho6 aquelles antiguos contadores de todas as artes, nam menos de toda fortaleza liberaes que prudentes estîmadores. Çerto empuxaste aquelles que ho nome de Christo ameaçavao, ocupadores da terra e mar. As costasb ocupadas dos Africanos triguosamente ao teu juguo someteste e muitas façanhas de cavalarias nelles fizeste, e corn fortalezas seus bravos impetos lançaste em tal forma que foi cousa conveniente daremtec as costas, e fugirem por tua emtrada, a qual cousa, ó rei mui benigno, te faz amte todolos povos mui homrrado e de mui grande fama. Espantosa he a tua nobre vertude na guerra e na paz, e a tua grande prudençia, religiao e grandeza de coraçâo, justiça, benefiçençia e todalas outras ver tudes reaes que de ti nom soo j untamente se dizem, mas maravilhosamente te louvao, e prinçipalmente aquella tua estremada vertude real corn traballio de acreçemtar ho nome cristao, corn o quai penetras cada dia as regioes nom conheçidas da redondeza. E em todos os luguares alevantas ha bandeira da verdadeira cruz pello quai toda a nossa Europa sente proveîto, em tal maneîra que aguora somos abastados em multa avondança de todas as cousas aromati­ cas, das quaes amte era grande minguoa e careza. Finalmente nao he para calar que assi como outro Çesar estabeleçes dignidade senatoria e nobreza, e exclareçes toda condiçao, assi como Pirro7 , [e]d confirmas, e todos quaesquer metaes8 vençes corn tua liberalidade. Quem he mais digno de reino que ti, por cuja força a cristandade toda estaa saa neste tempo das corridas dos barbaros ? As quaes cousas provocao grandemente açerca de tie ho christianissimo e nunca vençido rei dos françeses, çerto provoca a tua boa feliçidade [e]f entrada nos africanos — entrada, dïguo, no çeo e na terra, aos homens de toda ordem, idade e geraçao mui alegre. O qual, tanto que isto conheçeo, nenhuma cousa lhe foi mais desejada que a tua real amizade corn a sua ser conservada ; çerto esta prouximidade de coraçâo dambos traz aquelles effeitos. Pella ventura os françeses, antre as outras naçoes mui esforçados em armas e em forças, nam socorreram a fee cristiana ? Se Constantino 9 dotou e ornou ho pontificado da Igreja, que neçessaria lhe era emtam a vertude delles ? Passo aas duas entradas em Italia de Carlo Magno, o quai vençeo a Desiderio10, rei dos Lombardos usurpante os ditosg da Igreja, e destruyo aquelle reino para sempre. Calo os dous Luises reîs de França11 , dos quaes hum em armas e outro nom menor de Scîpiao12 ou de Nûma Pompi­ lio 13, os suevosb vençidos e destruido o exçerçito dos treveros114, entreguoif aos cristaos ho sancto sepulcro. Que seria se eu trouxesse os teus subsidios e os dos françeses feitos aa cristandade ? Por çerto fazendo en isto cometeria a hestoria de Antiace15 . E para que mui breve dê firn a contar as estoreas dos antiguos, que seria se trouxesse isso mesmo em lembrança, aquello que o meu Miçenas, nao esqueçido dos seus, fez em prinçipio do seu tempo, em tal maneira que a vida que he breve tornarla mui nobre e de digna façanha ? Pella

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ventura nom aflegio os elveçiosk , gente mui feroz, de vida prodigua e guerreiros, com maravilhosa concordia consiguo consentirne em nove oras16 , e isto escassamente tocante a frol de sua mançebia?17 E depois de feitos os contratos de paz aquelles que com enguano o cometiam, quasi emproviso guerreiramente vençeo e fez paguar as penas mereçidas do enguano e traiçâo a estes que com enguanos e muita soberba a isto vieram, que assi mesmos ousavao chamar amansadores dos prinçepes18 . A condîçao sua hera ver fazedoiros os feitos dos nobres, salvo se esse mesmo Hercules se alevantasse que com sua mao dita nunca vençida ouvesse quebrantada ha soberba monstruosa de gente tam bar­ bara. E nam convinha mais estenderme por tam comprida praya, nem meter velas em tao profundo peeguo19, mas a nossa oraçao se torne donde partimos. Ó rei, aquelle dito de Homero te convem çertamente : Hum Jupiter deu o çeptro e os ditos homrrados por tal que as cousas que fossem ditas justas visse o nobre coraçao de prinçepe2 0 . Ó rei bem aventurado, que contam fermosos offiçios de vertude e auctoridade pubrica e exerçitada ? E corn que premio1, ó rei piedoso, autor de toda fee e defensor, pensas vir ser agualardoado se em o mundo passado e aguardeçido estes doeës fizeras em o quai Çeres pello triguo que achou, Palas pello azeite, Baco pello vinho forant metidos no conto dos deoses ? Créé que tu foras amteposto a todolos do çeeo, mas melhores e mayores premios têes e ficam com tuas vertudes, posto que tu antre os reis do mundo sejas digno de grande admiraçao e espanto. A ti todolos povos, nom tam soomente espanhoes e os que ao teu imperio obedeçem, multo te amam, olhao e homrrao, dizendo tu seres aquelle rei criado de Jupiter e a elle Jupiter semelhante [e]m familiar, Segundo sentença de Homero falamos. Verte e conheçerte de façe muitos desejam, por que eu mesmo de mim faço conjeitura, ao qual por çerto o offiçio desta embaixada prinçipall foi a min grato e açepto, e isto por ver a tua sagrada e augusta presença, de cujo desejo dias ha que ardia. Isto mesmo aconteçeo a alguuns por que a força da virtude he tal que tambem aos maos move em seu espanto, e os ladroes por causa de ver a Sçipiao lemos irem a huma sua quintaa1121 ; quanto mais aquelles que maos nom sao desejarao ha façe do bóo rei. E por tanto, rei serenissimo, tu que enches todolos numeros22 de verdadero rei, e que ajuntaste grande vertude aa tua grande fortuna, por tanto es bem aventurado e a todos espamtoso0 e dìgno de grandissimas homrras. A ti eu com muito boa vontade faço reverençia e em meu nome a ti paguo a de toda geraçao dos homes divida, leedo muito por que me aconteçeo com estes olhos te esguardar. E finalemente a deus todo poderoso eu humildoso peço que nesta tua vertude que he divina seja favoreçente e piadoso atee o firn derradeiro de tua vida, e que venhas ao firn da vida nam antes de çem annos deste anno, e isto nam tanto por tua causa como por toda a dos cristaos. Todalas outras cousas que por mim hao de ser ditas declararei apartadamente quando a tua magestade aprouver. Dixe.

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a de ridanes, cod. Ale. 297', de Ariadne, suggested revision | b cousas, cod. Ale. 297', costas, suggested revision [ c darente, cod. Ale. 297\ daremte (or darem-te), suggested revision | d e, suggested addition | e ti, cod. Ale. 297 interlinear addition ] f e, suggested addition | g d/tos, cod. Ale. 297 (i.e. ditas cousas) | h soiços, cod. Ale. 2 9 7 11 tenerios, cod. Ale. 297 (see adjunct note) I >hum ... e outro... entreguou, cod. Ale. 297 (i.e. entreguaram) | k elneçios, cod. Ale. 297 I 1 pr/meiro, cod. Ale. 297', premio, suggested revision | m e, suggested addition | n quitaa (or quitaa?), cod. Ale. 2 9 7 1 ° espam toso, sic cod. Ale. 297

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3 4 5

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There is little evidence that Langeac played any significant role in the affairs of Avignon, perhaps because of a lack of municipal records for the years 1514-1515. See Emile Roux, Auvergnats en Provence (Clermont-Ferrand, 1967), pp. 14-17. Manuel I, king of Portugal from 1495 to 1521, greatly supported overseas trade and already controlled most of the oriental spice trade in Europe. The purpose of Langeac’s mission, which is not stated in the oration, was to gain Portugal’s adherence to a treaty of friendship between France and England, dated 5 April 1515. See Jeronymo Osorio, De rebus Emmanuelis regis Lusitaniae invictissimi virtute et auspicio gestis (Olysippone, 1571), p. 384; Visconde de Santarém, Quadro dementar das relaçoes politicas et diplomaticas de Portugal com as diversaspotencias do mundo, vol. 3 (Paris, 1843), pp. LXII and 181-3. Coroneu (Latin, Chaeroneusy. “of Chaeronea” (Plutarch’s birthplace). Plutarch, Cicero 5,6 (= Lives 863C). Demosthenes and Themistocles are renowned Athenian orators and statesmen. The source of Langeac’s statement is uncertain. Aeschines gives a biased account of Demosthenes’s lack of eloquence, shame and ultimate lapse into silence before Philip of Macedonia in De falsa legatione 11,40-3. Plutarch relates how Themistocles, speaking before an assembly of the people, refused to unveil a plan to burn the Hellenic fleet assembled in the port of Pagasae (Themistocles 20,1-2 [= Lives 121F-122B]), but there is no suggestion that the Athenian was at a loss for words on that occasion. ramos de cavalhox “oaken boughs.” The oak was the sacred tree of Jupiter and a crown made o f its leaves or boughs (the corona civica or quercea) served to honor those who had saved the life of a fellow Roman in battle. See Plutarch, Coriolanus 3,3 (= Lives 214E). Pyrrhus of Epirus, a Greek general and statesman, king of Epirus and Macedonia. During his march against Macedonia, he was rumored to be a glorious warrior who treats captives both kindly and humanely (Plutarch, Pyrrhics 11,8 [Lives 389B]). The soldiers in his midst wore oaken boughs on their heads (ibid. 11,11 [Lives 389CJ). todos quaesquer metaes'. “any force of arms whatsoever.” As the Latin expression ferrum, which literally means “iron”, the Portuguese metaes can serve to designate swords, blades or offensive weapons metonymically. Constantine the Great was the first Roman emperor to convert to Christianity. He estab­ lished freedom of religion through the edict of Milan (313) and made Constantinople the capital of the Eastern Roman Empire. Desiderius, the last king of the Lombards, surrendered to the forces of Charlemagne in 714. Louis VII (1137-1180) and Louis IX (1226-1270), respective leaders of expeditions during the second and seventh crusades. Presumably Langeac is referring here to Scipio Africanus the Elder, a celebrated Roman general of the Second Punic War and later politician of the Roman Republic. The general is credited with major tactical victories, among which the defeat of Hannibal’s army at the battle of Zama in 202 B.C.E. His adoptive grandson, Scipio Aemilianus the Younger,

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commanded the army that destroyed Carthage in 146 B.C.E., thus ending the Third Punic War. Numa Pompilius was the legendary second king of Rome. Plutarch, who wrote of his life, notes that his reign was virtuous and peaceful. suevos... treveros-. the Suevi and Treveri. Here the manuscript designates the Swiss (soiços) and some unknown cultural group, the Teneri (tenerios). Both designations seem highly implausible in the oration’s context. Presumably the Portuguese translator misread the original Latin text and should have written suevos (the Suevi) and treveros (the Treveri) instead. The Suevi (or Suebi) were the legendary ancestors of the Portuguese nation, as were the Gauls those of modern-day France. It makes sense that Langeac would wish to include some mention of the Suevic Kingdom in his oration before King Manuel. As for the Treveri, their capital city, Augusta Treverorum, served as the imperial residence of the Western Roman Empire during the fourth century. Following the demise of these tribal nations (vençidos os suevos, destruido o exçerçito dos treveros), other generations of kings took up the Christian banner. Langeac views Kings Manuel I of Portugal, Louis VII and Louis IX of France, and ultimately Francis I, as the heroic successors of these early Chris­ tian dynasties. Antioch, a once populous city of ancient Syria, held great symbolic importance as a center of early Christian civilization. Saint Paul performed much of his missionary work in Anti­ och and it was there that the disciples of Jesus were first called Christians (Acts 11,26). A reference to the battle of Marignano, which began in the evening of 13 September 1515 and ended the next morning. Honorat de Valbelle confirms Langeac’s estimate, stating that the actual fighting lasted “something over nine hours” —- duret la dicto batalho 9 horos et davantage (Histoire journalière, vol. 1 [Aix-en-Provence, 1985], p. 77). For detailed discus­ sion of the event, see Didier Le Fur, Marignan, 13-14 septembre 1515 (Paris, 2004). a frol (flor) de sua mançebia: “in the flower of his youth.” At the time of the battle, King Francis was only twenty years old. amansadores dos prinçepes-. “tamers of princes.” Bran tome’s account of the battle of Marig­ nano echoes that of other contemporary sources: “Ceste bataille fut des plus signalées du monde, d ’autant que, despuis Jules Caesar, nul n’avoit vaincu ceste si belliqueuse nation que nostre roy: c’est nation, dis-je, si vaillante et superbe, de ceux-là qui s’attribuoient le nom et qualité de dompteurs des princes-, titre, certes, par trop fier et arrogant; mais le roy, pour ce coup-là, leur fit très bien effacer, et ne le portarent oncques plus” (Oeuvres III 138). Compare Vergil, Aeneis XII, 263-4 (penitusque profundo vela dabit). This notion of divine right, a commonplace of classical political theory, is expressed by Achilles in Homer’s llliad 2,204-6: “No good thing is a multitude of lords; let there be one lord, one king, to whom the son of crooked-counseling Cronus has given the scepter and judgments, that he may take counsel for his people.” quintaa (or rather quinta)-, “a country villa.” Cf. Rita Costa Gomes, The Making o f a Court Society: Kings and Nobles in Late Medieval Portugal (Cambridge-New York, 2003), p. 181. The anecdote regarding Scipio Africanus and the thieves is recorded in Valerius Maximus, De dictis factisque memorabilibus 11,10,2. todolos numeros-, “all of the duties”, a Latinism. Cf. Ovid, Remedia amoris 372: “ad numeros exige quidque tuos.”

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5. K ing Francis I to King Sigismund I o f Poland Paris, 2 7 January [1519] Wishes of increased good fortune co Sigismund I, king of Poland. Jean de Langeac, lord of Langeac and royal maître des requêtes, and Antoine Lamet, lord of PlessierSaint-Just and governor-bailiff of the mountains of Burgundy, knights and loyal ser­ vants of the French crown, have been sent to discuss matters that may be of mutual interest to both nations. Their words deserve no less credence than would those of Francis himself, if he were present to speak them. * Published source: Acta Tomîciana V (1855), p. 25, n° XXVI. Also examined were manuscript copies of this letter preserved at the Ossolinski National Institute Library (Poland), Ms. 174, f. 51v° and Bibliotheka Kórnicka (Poland), Ms. 224, f. 32r°. There is a brief record of the mission in BnF Paris, Ms. Clairambault 317, f. 304r°. Minor orthographic distinctions between Acta Tomiciana (primary text), Ms. Ossolinski and Ms. Kórnicka — que {quae), consanguinee {consangineae), hospitii {hospiciî), Lameth ('Lamet), nil {nichil, nihil), cum {quum), etc. — will not be recorded in our critical apparatus. x|07^

Franciscus, rex Galliaruma , Sigismundo, regi Polonie1 . Excellentissimo ac potentissimo principi Sigismundo, Dei gratia regi Polo­ nie, charissimo ac dilectissimo fratri et consanguineo nostro, felicitatis Ìncrementumb . Charissime ac dilectissime frater noster et consanguineec , mittimus ad vos dilectos et fideles nostros Ioannem de Langhac, militemd , dominum dicti loci, magistrum ordinarium requestarum hospitii nostri, et Antonium de Lameth2 , militem, dominum de Plessis, baillivume montium in Burgundia, ut nostro nomine vobis aliqua exponant et communicent, que in utilitatem et commo­ dum utriusque nostrum spectare et pertinere nobis visa sunt, quorum verbis perindef fidem voss habere et credere optamus, ac si coram loqueremur11 et mentem animumque nostrum vobis declararemus, cum pro singulari eorum in nos fide, studio et devotione nil dicturos aut facturos1 esse confidamus, quod in mandatis non habuerint. Charissime et dilectissime frater et consanguinee noster, Deus optimus maxi­ mus vos statumque vestrum diutissime conservet ac tueatur. Datum ParisiisJ die XXVII mensis Ianuarii. a Gailie replaces Polonie {crossed oui), ms. Ossolinski', Galliae, ms. Kórnicka | b Excellentis­ simo... incrementum, mss. Ossolinski and Kórnicka omit | c frater et consanguinee noster charissime, ms. Ossolinski', frater et consanguineae noster, ms. Kórnicka J d Joannem de Lag

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hac milite, ms. Kórnicka | e Baillinum, Acta Tomiciana\ Baillium, ms. Kórnicka | f pervide, ms. Kórnìcka | s eos, ms. Ossolinski | h loquereremur, ms. Kórnicka j 1 aut facturos, ms. Kórnicka omits | J Parisii, ms. Kórnicka 1

2

Sigismund I, king of Poland from 1506 to 1548, As guardian of his nephew Louis II of Hungary, Sigismund was eligible to cast a vote in the imperial election. Despite much hesitation, his representative at the imperial diet voted for Charles I of Spain. See OER IV 58. For discussion of Sigismund’s relationship to France, see Andrzej Wyczanski, Francja wobec panstw jagielloiiskich w latach 1515-1529 (Wroclaw, 1954). Kenneth F. Lewalski offers a survey of the monarch’s importance as a patron of Renaissance art and learning in “Sigismund I of Poland: Renaissance King and Patron”, Studies in the Renaissance XIV (1967), pp. 49-72. Antoine Lamet {or de Lamet), lord of Plessier-Saint-Just and viscount of Laon, served as governor-bailiff {bailli) of La Montagne-en-Bourgogne from 1515 to 1523 and performed numerous missions to Switzerland between 1511 and 1534. He became général des finances of Outre-Seine in 1535 and retained that office until 1541. See JLLP 13-

6. Instructions for Jean de Langeac and Antoine Lamet, envoys to Poland [c. 27] January 1519, n.s. Francis I, king of France, hereby dispatches Messieurs de Langeac, his royal coun­ selor and master of requests, and Antoine Lamet, knight and lord of Plessier-SaintJust, governor-bailiff of the mountains of Burgundy and gentleman of his chamber, as ambassadors to the royal court of Sigismund I of Poland. They are to travel in disguise, with minimal escort, as secretly as possible, pretending to be pilgrims or merchants so that they may avoid discovery. Upon their arrival, they will present their letter of credence and communicate in private the following information: First of all, that King Francis has commissioned them to hold discussions with king Sigismund and to solicit his counsel on confidential matters pertaining to the common weal of all Christianity. They are to inform him in as much detail as possible that important princes and lords from Germany and elsewhere have persuaded King Francis to seek the imperial crown in order to prevent the Turkish sultan, enemy of the Christian faith, from invading Christianity. These princeTand lords, in their effort to persuade him, stated that the true office of emperor consists in the defense of Christianity against its enemies and in spreading the Christian faith for the greater glory of God. In their opinion, King Francis is in the prime of his life. He is experienced in warfare, possesses the ability and means required by the office, and has made it his goal to bring univer­ sal peace to Christianity. These traits have moved them to support his candidacy. Content with his present lot, King Francis recognizes that this empire would be more of a burden to him than an asset, yet he is willing to allocate his youth, strength

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and wealth to the defense of the Christian faith and the greater glory of God. Inas­ much as he could achieve these goals more easily if he were in possession of the empire’s ports and bridges, he has decided to seek election to the imperial office, not o m o f ambition, avarice or a desire to dominate, but for the reasons mentioned above. Sigismund, in his capacity as the legal guardian of Louis II of Hungary and Bohemia, is entitled to participate in the upcoming imperial election. Hence Francis wishes to clarify his purpose in order to receive the Polish Icing’s advice and secure his vote in that election. Should Sigismund comply with this request, he will never find in all of Christianity a prince more grateful and willing to assist him in his affairs. The ambassadors should point out that no other Christian prince is better suited than King Francis to withstand the Turkish sultan’s campaigns. Francis is young, in the prime of his years, liberal, magnanimous, fond of arms, experienced in warfare, esteemed by soldiers and military commanders alike. He possesses a mighty kingdom, rich and powerful estates, fiefdoms and territories where he is well loved and obeyed by all, and from which he receives whatever he may require for a major campaign. He maintains an army of soldiers in his pay, who are as valiant as any in Christian lands. He has abundant artillery, with the finest gunners that one can find, ports and access to both the Mediterranean Sea and Atlantic Ocean, and a fleet of warships, caraques, navires, galions, galees, bastardes, subtiles, all appropriately equipped and armed with supplies and munitions. At peace with his neighbors, he is at liberty to serve God and the Christian faith without distraction or impediment. Sigismund I of Poland and his nephew, the king of Hungary, are constantly assailed by the Turks and Infidels and can profit greatly from Francis’s election. Should Francis become emperor, he will remedy their situation and see to it, with God’s help, that the Turks never again return. Hence the kings of Poland and Hungary, as the primary beneficiaries of Francis’s quest, should desire no less than Francis himself that he succeed. If the emperors of the last sixty years had performed their duty instead of conduct­ ing war against their neighbors for what they perceived as their property, Greece would not have been lost, as it now is, and the Turks would not menace Christianity, as they now do. The Christian faith would have multiplied and spread; souls would have been saved from damnation, and hapless Christians would not live in submission, captivity and enslavement to Infidels, as is now the case. All Christians, in particular the king of Poland, who is at the threshold of peril, have much at stake in this matter and should seek to promote the welfare of Christianity. The ambassadors must not forget to mention that the Turkish sultan, once he has learned of the emperor’s death, will seek to discover the identity of his successor. If he hears that the new emperor lacks courage, that he is inexperienced in warfare, lacks the requisite finances or troops for war, or that he commands no respect, his desire to wage war against Christianity will intensify, and he will undertake his campaign with greater vigor and audacity. However, should he discover that the elected king of the Romans is courageous, magnanimous, fond of arms, experienced in warfare, rich, powerful, able to command respect, and endowed with soldiers and artillery, he will know great fear and will be reluctant to undertake war against Christians. In lieu of the menaces that he now proffers, he might well adopt a softer tone. In addition to this, the ambassadors will tell Sigismund of news that came from Lord Bazouges (Baudouin de Champagne), King Francis’s ambassador to the deceased

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emperor, about six weeks ago. According to Bazouges, the Turks are waging war against the kings of Poland and Hungary, and Hungary risks defeat. Moved by their plight, King Francis sent Joachim Maltzan, a knight and gentleman of his chambers, as a French ambassador to Poland to propose a defensive alliance and confederation of their kingdoms, fiefdoms and territories. That King Francis himself is involved in no war and has no need of aid from the kings of Poland and Hungary, shows clearly that the sole purpose of his offer is to assist them in the defense of their territories against the Infidels. Inasmuch as Francis is under no constraint and has no need of assistance, yet has offered to come to their defense of his own volition, they can well imagine what he will do hereafter, if the king of Poland sees fit to honor his request and vote for him in the election. Francis will be able to defend them all the better if he is elected emperor, especially as he will have an obligation to do so, not alone by virtue of his imperial office, but also in repayment of Sigismund’s liberal support. After having presented these arguments to the king of Poland, Langeac and Lamet must pay close attention to his response, as he will either agree to support Francis with his vote, or he will prevaricate. If he prevaricates, this will be in order to derive some profit from King Francis, or because he seeks the imperial crown for himself or supports someone else’s candidacy. In the first case, that is if Sigismund offers to do as Francis asks, the ambassadors will thank him profusely and entertain him with fine language in order to maintain him in his opinion. They will ask his advice and counsel as to how Francis should conduct himself to arrive at his ends. If, at the same time, they can do so politely and without offending him, they will obtain his promise in writing and send it with all due haste to Messieurs d’Orval (Jean d’Alb ret), Admiral Bonnivet and President Guillart in Lorraine, as they will all other matters that may arise, making use of the cipher that was given to them, if necessary. In the second case, wherein Sigismund hopes to obtain something from King Fran­ cis, Langeac and Lamet will learn what and how. If it involves forming a league in defense of their kingdoms and territories, they will proceed along those lines, but stop short of specifying what aid Francis will give them. At the same time it should be stated that this aid will be given at the expense of the petitioner for at least as long as the troops are deployed. The treaty should also include the following clause: “except when the individual receiving a request for aid is busy waging war in defense of his kingdom.” If Sigismund seeks to obtain money, it will be necessary to stipulate that his vote can be of no use without those of the other electors, in which case the ambassadors will promise him as little as possible, up to the amount of [blank space]. the aforementioned sum. Should the king of Poland show by his response that he himself seeks election as emperor, the ambassadors are to inform him that King Francis will neither be annoyed nor wish to hinder his election. However, given that Francis has been assured a major­ ity of the votes, Sigismund could well see his ambition foiled. Hence Langeac and Lamet will diligently beseech him to show Francis the same courtesy that Francis will show him. No service to a prince will ever bring Sigismund as much honor, profit and advantage as the one that he will perform for King Francis.

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If Langeac and Lamer recognize by Sigismund’s response that he supports another candidate, they will ask him to consider all things carefully with God in mind. He should think of his realm and nephew and the danger that they face; weigh the intention and the faculty of those who aspire to the imperial crown; consider the current state of Europe and the plans that are underway to invade Christianity. Once he has contemplated it all, he will in fact discover that no other Christian prince is as able as Kang Francis to promote the welfare of Christianity. If, on the other hand, Sigismund favors one of the imperial candidates or some other German prince, Lan­ geac and Lamet can say that his candidate is a worthy, honorable one, but that one must consider each one’s potential. Such a candidate, they can say, is not prepared to support a heavy burden over a long period of time and has quarrels with his neighbors. The first thing that these individuals do, once they don the imperial crown, is to wage war on one another in an effort to recover what they claim as their property. Thus, instead of maintaining peace among Christians so that they can wage war against Infidels, they sow dissent and foment division for their own personal gain. But now is not the time to seek personal gain; instead, the future emperor should be willing to spend what he has in the defense of Christianity. If they see that Sigismund is inclined to elect Charles I, king of Spain, to the imperial office, Langeac and Lamet will remind him that Francis is a close relative of Charles. And although Francis desires Charles’s well-being and advancement, he places greater emphasis on the promotion of Christianity and the common weal. They will speak of Charles’s tender age, his inexperience in warfare, his delicate constitution, and the servants that govern him, who are often more concerned with their own profit than the common good. His kingdoms are far away from Germany, making it difficult or even impossible for him to furnish aid if something were to arise. And the customs of the Spaniards m-those of the Germans; past experience, has often- shown this when they combined forces to wage war. Charles is the king of Naples, yet no such king, by virtue of the oath that he swears upon investiture, may aspire to the imperial crown. If he were to attain it, this would spark war between him and the pope and division among Christians. In addition to this the deceased emperor, by virtue of his lineage, titled himself king of Hungary and Croatia. These are both possessions of the Polish king’s nephew. If Charles became emperor, this would make him a powerful adversary, placing a sword in his hand, with which he could then take Hungary away from Sigismund’s nephew. If the king of Poland speaks to them of marriage for his nephew and niece, they can tell him that France has beautiful women of noble lineage closely related to the king, such as the daughters of the deceased king of Navarre (Jean III d’Albret), those of the lord of Laval and others for whom one could negotiate marriage. Likewise there are great lords and princes such as the king of Navarre, the count of Saint-Pol and others whose marriages could be arranged if the king of Poland so desires. And finally, the ambassadors will tend to all matters in Francis’s best interest, in accordance with the confidence that he places in them. In addition to this, Langeac and Lamet will determine for themselves which indi­ viduals of influence and reputation are closest to the lung of Poland. They will make their acquaintance and convince them, by means of the aforementioned rationale, to make good use of their influence, so that King Sigismund will support Francis’s cause.

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And to that end they may promise, as they see fit, according to the quality of each individual, 600 écus in annual pension to be distributed among them. * Manuscript source: A.N, (France) J 952, n° 9 (archival draft; no signature). This scribal draft retains numerous corrections in the margins and between the lines; a final version does not appear to have survived. Modified and rejected passages have, for the most part, nor been recorded in the critical apparatus. A résumé and excerpts of these instructions appear in August Kluckhohn (ed.), Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Kaiser Karl K vol. 1 (Gotha, 1893), pp. 153-5. Kluckhohn assigns a plausible date of 27 January 1519 to these instructions, that being the day on which the ambassadors’ letter of credence was issued (JLLP 5).

Doubles des instructions pour les électeurs de l’Empire : Langhac, Poullogne. Paris, janvier Ve XVIIIa l . Messrs de Langhac, conseiller et maistre des requestes ordinaire de l’ostel du roy, et Anthoine Lamet2 , chevalier, sr du Plessis, bailly des montaignes de Bourgongne, l’un des gentilz hommes de la maison d’lcelluy sr, lesquelz ledict seigneur envoyé par devers son trescher et tresamé frere et cousin le roy de Poullongne3 , se retireront par devers luy le plus secrètement, à moindre compaignie que faire se pourra, en habit desguysé pour n’estre conneuz, faignans aller en quelque pèlerinage ou en marchandise, auquel bailleront les lettres de creance que.ledict sr luy escript et par ycelle diront secrètement ce que s’ensuyt: Premièrement que ledict seigneur leur a donné charge de communiquer et traicter avec luy d’aucunes choses secretes concernans le bien, prouffit et utilité de toute la Chrestienté, sur lesquelles ledict seigneur desire avoir f advis, ayde et conseil dudict de Pologne comme de celuy que ledict sr ayme et cherist, tient et extime prudent et saige, pour les vertuz desquelles ycelluy de Pologne est décoré et remply. Leur charge est de luy dire et remonstrer le plus longuement et mieulx que faire se pourra que après la vacacion de l’empire, et auparavant ycelle, plusieurs gros princes et seigneurs tant de la Germanie que d’ailleurs ont persuadé ledict seigneur de voulloir entendre et s’ayder à estre esleu en roy des Rommains pour le bien, prouffit et utilité dc xùpLitc\la Chrestienté affin de resister que le Turc4 , ennemy de nostre foy, qui parses devis6 , preparatifz et propos menasse de invader et destruyre la Chrestienté, ne parviengne à ses fins et désir. Et pour persuader ledict seigneur disoient que le vray estât et office d’empereur est de donner ordre et pourveoir que nul mal ne inconvenient n’aviengnent en la Chrestienté et qu’il doîbt y aller preserver, garder et defendre des ennemys de nostre foy et avoir le soing et cure de l’augmenter et acroystre à l’honneur et louenge de Dieu et exaltacion de sa foy. Et d’autant que ung empereur, pour faire les choses susdictes et icelles remectre à execucion, doibt estre fort et puissant et avoir bon vouloir de ainsi le faire, et que lesdicts srs et princes

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sçavent que la naturelle inclination dudict sr a esté depuys son jeune aage, comme est encores, adonnee à exposer sa force, jeunesse et avoir à l’augmenta­ tion et deffense de la foy Chrestienne, et aussi leur semble que ledict sr en la fleur de son aage est expérimenté et adextre au fait de la guerre, et a grosse force, pouvoir et puissance, et s’est mis en devoir de mectre paix universelle en la Chrestienté pour myeulx obvier à l’intention du Turc, et que moyennant ledict empire pourroit myeulx son desir executed et exploicter sadicte force et jeunesse au prouffit, deffense et augmentation de la Chrestienté, ont esté meuz, ainsi que ont fait sçavoir audict seigneur, de le persuader de vouloir entendre à avoir icelle empire. Et jaçoit que ledict seigneur se contente de ce qu’il a pieu à Dieu luy donner, et que voye et congnoisse que icelluy empire luy seroit de trop plus grand contraignementd et charge que de prouffict et utilité, neantmoins pour le grand

rant que moyennant ledict empire pourra plus aisément et facillement conduire son désir à efect et execution pour les passages, ports, havres et pons que pourra avoir et recouvrer davantaige à cause dudict empire, s’est délibéré y entendre, et aussi pour gratifier et complaire à ceulx qui tresinstamment l’ont prié et requis de ce faire. Et n ’entend ledict seigneur aucunement y aspirer pour ambicion, avarice, ni pour dominer, ains seullement pour les causes et raisons que dessus, ce que a bien vollu_ faire sçavoir et entendre audict roy de Pollonnye pour avoir sur ce son advis et conseilla, et afin que s’il voit que l’intencion d’icelluy seigneur concerne le bien, prouffict et utilité de la chose publicque Chrestienne, que son plaisir soit de le volloir ayder à parvenir à son intencion, tant de sa faveur et pouvoir que de sa voix comme tuteur et administrateur du roy de Honguerye et de Boesme son prochain parent5 . Et si ad ce faire se veulx monstrer bon et cordial frere dudict seigneur et luy octroyer liberallement et de bon ceur et affection ce que icelluy seigneur luy demande, congnoistra effectuellement que aura faict plaisir à ung prince qui ne demeurera ingrat, de sorte que là et quant le vouldra employer en quelque chose, le trouvera prest, prompt et appareillé de ce faire, autant et plus que si c’estoit son propre frere charnel. Et si ne treuvera icelluy roy de Polonnye en toute la Chrestienté prince duquel se puisse en tous ses affaires myeulx ne plus fiablement soy aider que dudict seigneur. Et quant aura eu la parfaicte congnoissance d’icelluy seigneur, jamais n’aura regrect ne desplaisir de luy avoir compleu et aydé, ains grand’ joye et plaisir pour l’evident prouffict et utilité que luy en pourra advenir. Et sur ce luy porront remonstrer qu’il n ’y a pour le jourd’huy en toutte la Chrestienté, le tout bien considéré, prince qui soit pour mieulx obvyer aux entreprises du Turc que ledict seigneur, actendu que tout son volloir et inten­ cion est incliné pour ce faire, qu’il est jeune et à la fleur de son aage, liberal, magnanime, aymant les armes, expérimenté et adepte au faict de la guerre,

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aymé de tous capitaines et gens suivans les armes, et que tient et possedde ung gros royaulme et plusieurs pays, terres et seigneuries riches et puissans, esquelz est bien vollu, aymé et obey, tellement que en a et tire ce qu’il veult, que est pour porter longuement ung gros faictz. Et si a ung gros et grand nombre de gens d’armes que tient continuellement à sa soulde, qui sont aussi vaillans que nulz de toutte la Chrestienté ; a grand nombre d’artillerye montée et acoustree, ainsi qu’il appartient, et d’aussi bons canonnyers si que pourroit trouver. Et si a plusieurs ports et havres maritimes en son royaulme, aulcuns pays, terres et seigneuries tant sur la mer mediterranee que occeanne6 , et plusieurs carraques, navires, gallions, gallees, bastardes et subtilles, équipées, munyes et armees de ce qu’il y appartient. Et a bonne paix et amityé graces à nostre Seigneur avec tous ses voisins, de sorte qu’il pourra employer au service de Dieu et de la foy sa personne et tout son avoir sans nul destourbyer ny empeschement. Et sur ce pourront avoir grand’ commodité et prouffit iceulx roys de Polonnye et de Honguerye, son nepveu, qui sont incessament mynez, assailliz et guerroyez par iceulx Tourcs et infidelles, parquoy ledict sr, s’il parvient à l’empire, pour le debvoir et se acquicter de la charge que aura, et aussi pour l’amour que porte audict roy de Honguerye son proche parent, et audict roy de Polonnye, y remédiera de sorte que fera avec l’ayde de nostre Seigneur perdre le chemin de y plus retourner à iceulx Tourcs. Et espere ledict sr, s’il parvient à son désir, que le principal prouffict et commodité qu’en proviendra, redondera à la commodité et soubzlagement diceulx roys de Polonnye et Hon­ guerye, lesquelz pour leur singulier prouffit et utilité ne doibvent moins soubzhaister et desirer que ledict sr y parviengne que luy mesmes. Et si les empereurs qui ont esté depuis EX ans en ça eussent eu la volunté de faire leur debvoir et le dequoy pour l’executer7 , et n’eussent esté empeschez ny occuppez à mesner guerre à leurs voisins pour recouvrer ce que pretendoyent estre leur propre, la Grece, n’eust esté perdue comme est, et les Turcs ne feussent si voisins de la Chrestienté comme sont, et ne machinassent ne menassassent les Chrestiens comme font, ains fût la foy de nostre Seigneur et rédempteur Jesus Crist augmentée et dilatée, et plusieurs âmes qui ont esté en voye de dampnation saulvees, et les povres Chrestiens ne seroient à la captivité, servitute et subgection des infidelles comme sont. A quoy ung chacun et mesmement ledict roy de Polonnye, qui est saige et près du feu8 , doibvent avoir grand regard et ont gros interest à cest affaire, et de tout leur ceur et povoir doibvent tacher au bien de la Chrestienté, car en recepvera les premiers fruictz9 . Et ne fault oublyer luy dire que dès l’heure que le Turc sçaura la mort de l’empereur, tout son ceur et ymagination tendra à congnoistre quel nouveau empereure fera la Chrestienté, et s’il entend que soit quelque personage qui ait faulte de ceur et magnanimité, ou qui ne soit adextre et expérimenté au faict de la guerre, ou qui ait peu de quoy et gens pour la conduire ou soit mal obey, son désir et intencion de guerroyer la Chrestienté haulsera, et plus virillement

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et audacieusement entreprandra son cas. Aussi au contraire, s’il scet que celluy qui sera esleu roy des Romains soit homme de ceur, magnanime, aymant les armes, exercité et adextre à la guerre, riche, puissant, bien obey, ayant force gens de guerre et artillerye, il sera en une grosse craincte, et les mesnasses qu’il faict à present pourront bien retourner en doulceur, et n’entreprandra si facillement de faire la guerre contre les Chrestiens comme feroit au contraire s’il sentoit ung empereur pusillanyme ou n’ayant de quoy. Plus diront que peult avoir six sepmaines ou environ que ledict seigneur, adverty par le seigneur de Bazoges10 , son ambassadeur par devers le feu empe­ reur, que les Turcs faisoient la guerre contre iceulx roys de Polonnye et Honguerye, et que le royaulme de Honguerye est en grosse extrémité et en dangier d’estre perdu et foullé, meu d’amour fraternelle et pour la proximité du lignaige qu’est entre luy et icelluy roy de Honguerye, fut meu envoyer par devers ledict roy de Polonnye Joachim de Molsan11, chevalier, l’ung des gentilz hommesf de sa maison, par lequel icelluy roy de Polonnye aura peu sçavoir la tresco rdialle amour et entière afection que ledict seigneur luy porte, et à son nepveu, d’autant que leur offroit entrer en amitié, alliance et confederacion avec eulx à la defence de leurs estatz, pays, terres et seigneuries, jaçoit que ledict sr n’ait nulle guerre ne inimitié ne besoing de l’ayde et deffense desdicts roys de Polon­ nye et de Honguerye, qui denote et monstre clerement que ledict sr ne faisoit ladicte offre à autre fin, si n’est pour le désir et affection que avoit de les ayder et secourir à defendre leurs payss contre les înfidelles. Et si ledict seigneur sans estre en aucune neccessité ny avoir besoing d’icelluy roy de Polonnye, ny de son nepveu, et sans avoir leur congnoissance ny estre pryé par eulx, de luy mesmes s’est offert en leur affaire et neccessité de les secourir et defendre, peuvent assez congnoistre et entendre que fera par cy après, si icelluy roy de Polonnye, à sa priere et requeste, luy ayde de bon ceur et liberallement de sa faveur et voix comme tuteur de son nepveu de parvenir à l’empire. Et aura icelluy seigneur trop plus grande aisance et faculté de les defendre s’il est empereur que autrement, d’autant que ad ce sera obligé tant par le debvoir de l’estât de l’empire que pour remunerer et s’acquicter du plaisir et gratuité que luy aura faict icelluy roy de Polonnye. Et après avoir faict lesdicres remonstrances à icelluy roy de Polonnye, iceulx de Langhac et Lamet auront l’eulh et regard à sa responce, car par icelle ou tendra à faire liberallement plaisir audict sr de sa voix et faveur ou dissimulera de ce faire. Et s’il dissimulle, ou ce sera afin de faire son prouffict de quelque chose dudict sr, ou que luy mesmes tend à estre empereur ou tient la main pour quelque autre1. Du premier cas, qu’est, s’il s’offre à complaire au roy de ce que luy demande, lé remercyeront tresfort et l’entretiendrond de bonnes parolles pour le tenir en ceste oppinion et luy demanderont son advis et conseilh, comment ledict sei­ gneur se doibt gouverner à parvenir à ses fins. Et avec ce, s’ilz peuvent honnestement et sans aucunement le fascher ne luy desplaire, tireront sa promesse par

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escript et l’envoyeront à toutte dilligence à me$srs d ’O rval 1 2 , adm iral 13 , et president Gui Hart1 4 , qui seront en Lorraine, comme se feront touttes autres choses que leur pourront survenir, et par leurs chiffres que leur ont esté baillez, si besoing est. Lesquelz s rs d ’Orval, admirai, et president leur m anderont ce que auront à faire, et obtem péreront ad ce que leur sera par eulx m andé en l’estât, forme et maniere que si le rov mesures leur escripvoitk . Et quant à l’autre point qu’est,(^i-4celluy roy de Polonnye tend à faire son prouffit du roy, sçauront en quoy ny com m ent. Et si c’est pour faire ligue et confederacion à la deffence de leurs estatz et pays, tireront oui tre à la faire sans declairer toutesfoys ne specifier l’ayde que ledict seigneur leur baillera. Avec ce sera dit que icelle ayde se baillera aux despens du requérant, à to u t le moins tan t que seront en expedicion de la guerre et que ne seront1 d e retour en leur pays. E t d ’autre part conviendra m ectre-ceste-exceptierff que celluy ï paq lid seivit demandé ayde seroit occuppé à defendre p ar guerre son estdt. Et s’il rcnd- à- avo’H'-arg'énr' 'hiLilt entendre que sa”voix ne"peüIVdcGâcns- prauffiter si n ’est que les voix des autres ellecteurs feussent esgalles, onquel cas luy promecteront jusques à la somme d e ----------------- m et au dessoubz, et le m oins que faire pourront. Et à ces fins ledict sr leur a faict bailler et délivrer ung povoir souffisant pour ce faire et pour l’obliger à ladicte somme. Et si icelluy de Polonnye m onstre par ses parolles que luy mesmes tend à parvenir à l’empire, luy diront que si les électeurs de l’empire sont inclinez à le volloir eslire, ledict sr n ’en sera m arry et ne le vouldroit empescher, mais d ’autant que ledict sr est asseuré de la pluspart et que ledict Polonnye se pour­ rait trouver frustré de son intencion, le prieront bien fort de se volloir m onstrer tel envers ledict sr que ledict sr se m onstre envers luy, et que jamais ne fera plaisir à prince qui luy redonde à si grand honneur, prouffit et utilité que reviendra celluy que fera audict seigneur. Et s’ilz congnoissent par ses parolles q u ’il tiengne la m ain pour quelque autre, luy diront et rem onstront que veulle avoir bon regard et consideracion à touttes choses et mectre D ieu davant les yeulx et penser à son pays et de son nepveu, qui sont 11 près du feu, et que veulle faire comparaison des personages, de la volunté et du povoir de ceulx qui sont pour parvenir audict empire, et q u ’il considere le temps où sommes et les preparatifz que font les ennemys de la foy pour invader la Chrestienté. Et luy diront que quant aura à tout bien pensé et considéré, trouvera par vérité qu’il n ’y a prince en la Chrestienté qui soit plus apte, cappable au bien, prouffict et utilité d ’icelle Chrestienté, que icelluy seigneur. Et s’ilz congnoissent par ses parolles q u ’il tum be sur quelcun specifiement, si c’est quelcun des électeurs de l’empire ou autre prince d ’Allemaigne, pourront dire que celluy que nom m era est bon personage, hom m e de bien, et vault beaucoup, mais toutesfoys sur ce fault avoir regard et considera­ tion de la puissance de chacun d ’eulx, que n ’est pour porter longuem ent ung gros faictz, et qu’ilz ont des querelles les ungs sur les autres. Et la premiere

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chose que font après que ont l’empire, c’est de faire la guerre entre eulx pour recouvrer ce que prétendent estre à eulx, et par ainsi, en lieu de entretenir la paix en la Chrestienté afin de mieulx faire la guerre contre les infidelles, mectent discention15 et division pour leur prouffict particulier, ainsi que a esté veu par experience par cy devant. Et est le temps tel aujourd’huy qu’il ne fault penser à faire son prouffit particulier, ains de despendre le syen pour se deffendre contre les ennemis de la foy. Et si voient qu’il fut enclin à eslire le roy catholicque, à luy remonsteront qu’il est proche parent et allié du roy, et combien que ledict sr desire son bien et advancement, toutesfoys veult plus avoir de soing et de regard au bien, prouffit et utilité de la Chrestienté et de la chose publicque. Et sur ce remonstreront son bas eage, qu’il n’est expérimenté ne adextre au faict de la guerre, et n’y fut oncques, et est maladif et en telle disposition que sa personne n’est pour porter ung grand fez, gouverné par serviteurs qui souventes foys tendent plus à leur prouffit particulier que à celluy de la chose publique. Ses royaulmes sont loing de la Germanie, tellement que dificille ou impossible chose seroit de la secourir et ayder si aucun affaire y survenoit. Les meurs des Espaignolz sont totallement contraires à celles des Allemans, ainsi que souventes foys a esté trouvé et expérimenté quant se sont trouvez ensemble à faire la guerre. Il est roy de Naples, et nul roy de Nappies, par le serment que faict à son investiture, ne doit aspirer ne parvenir à l’empire, et s’il y parvenoit, seroit ung commencement de guerre entre luy et le pappe, et remectroit en division la Chrestienté que de present est en bonne unyon. Et si y a plus que faict bien le penser et considerer. Le feu empereur, à cause de son patrimoine, se disoit estre roy de Honguerye et sr de Croasse, que tient et possédé le nepveu d’icelluy roy de Pollonye : pourquoy, de l’eslire comme tuteur d’icelluy roy de Hongue­ rye, ce seroit preparer ung fort et gros adversaire à son diet nepveu et bailler l’espee en la main de son ennemy pour luy tollir et oster son bien, que ne seroit acte d’ung bon tuteur, ains venir totallement contre son serment. Et si icelluy roy de Polonnye leur parloir de mariage pour son nepveu le roy de Honguerye, et pour la seur d’icelluy16 , luy pourront dire qu’il y a en France de belles dames et damoîselles proches parentes du roy, comme les filles du feu roy de Navarre17 ou sr de Laval18 et autres, desquelles le mariage se pourroit traicter. Aussi y a de gros seigneurs et princes comme le roy de Navarre, le conte de Sainct Poi et autres, dont les mariages se pourraient condurre quant icelluy roy de Polonnye y auroit devotion. Et finablement0 feront iceulx ambassadeurs en tout et partout ce que verront à faire pour le mieulx, au prouffit et utilité dudict seigneur, et tout ainsi qu’il a en eulx sa parfaicte fiance. D ’autre part lesdicts Langhac et Lamet se informeront et d’eulx mesmes verront qui sont les plus proches et qui ont plus de credit et reputacion autour d’icelluy roy de Polonnye, esquelz prandront acointance, et les persuaderont

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par les raisons que dessus à faire tant envers leur maistrep que tiengne le party du roy. Et pour ce faire leur promecteront, ainsi que verront à faire et selon la qualité de leurs personages, VIe escus de pension annuelle, à les départir entre eulx ainsi que verront à faire19 . a

Double des Instructions données par le roi françois 1. à ses envoyés pour les Electeurs de l’Empire, ainsi que vers le roi de Pologne, A. N. J 952 {later addition to the margin) | b devis, A.N. J 952 {this interUnear addition replaces devys, which has been deleted) | c aexecuter (à executer ?), A.N. J 592 | d contraig^me^r (?), A.N. J 952 | e quel empereur, A.N. J 592 {adds nouveau) | f homes, A.N. J 952 | s lewrr pays, A.N. J 952 j h leul, A.N. J 952 {i.e. l’oeil) I 1 powr que quoque autre le soit (?), A.N. J 952 adds pour above the line and deletes le soit I 1 lentrediendront, A.N. J 952 | k escrivoit. Et... (followed by several lines o f blank space-, the next folio begins-. ‘Et quant alautre point”), A.N. J 952 | 1 que ne seront, A.N. J 952 omits {suggested addition) | m A.N. J 952 leaves a blank space j n son, A.N. J 952 | ° vray {in the margin), A.N. J 952 | p leurs maistres, A.N. J 952 1

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External address, to which a later hand has added at the top of the page a redundant title: janvier 1518. Antoine Lamet, lord of Plessier-Saint-Just and viscount of Laon, was governor-bailiff of La Montagne-en-Bourgogne from 1515 to 1523. See JLLP 13 (and passim). Sigismund I, king of Poland from 1506 to 1548. See JLLP 5 (and passim). le Turc. Selim I, sultan of the Ottoman Empire from 1512 to 1520, He greatly expanded the eastern boundaries of the Ottoman Empire, defeating the Safavids at the battle of Çaldiran in 1514. His forces then expelled the Mamluk knights from Syria in 1516 and took Cairo the following year. Having gained control over the holy cities of Mecca, Medina and Jerusalem, Selim declared himself Caliph of Islam. See Peter M. Holt et al., Cambridge History o f Lslam, vol. 1 (Cambridge, 1970), pp. 314-23; Selcuk Aksin Somel, Historical Dictionary o f the Ottoman Empire (Oxford, 2003), pp. 262-3. Louis II Jagiello, king of Hungary and Bohemia from 1516 to 1526, was Sigismund I’s nephew. He was only ten years old when he ascended to the throne, so his states were governed by council until 11 December 1521. Historians generally describe him as an ineffectual leader. He was defeated by the Turkish Ottomans at the battle of Mohacs on 29 August 1526. See NDB XV 381-2; Istvan Gyorgy Tóth (ed.), A Concise History o f Hungary (Budapest, 2005), pp. 172-7. tant sur la mer mediterranee que occeanne: The Mediterranean sea and the Atlantic ocean. le dequoy pour lexecuter. “the means to accomplish it.” See Huguet, s.v. quay. qui est... pres du few. “who is close to the fire” {i.e. in the face of danger). One is reminded here of proverbial expressions such as “Qui plus est pres dou feu plus art” (Guillaume de Lorris, Roman de la Rose) and “On s’art qui est pres du feu” (Charles d’Orléans, Rondeau). For other examples see Samuel Singer, Thesaurus proverbiorum medii aevi, vol. 2 (BerlinNew York, 1995), p. 230. et mesmement ledict roy de Polonnye... car en recepvera les premiers fruietz: Use of the thirdperson singular verb {recepverd) is not without its logic here. Baudouin de Champagne, baron of La Suze-au-Maine, lord of Bazouges-sur-le-Loir and other properties, was a chamberlain to Francis I and knight in the order of Saint Michael. He is reported to have taken part in the battle at Ravenna in 1512. He completed a brief diplomatic mission to see Charles of Egmont, duke of Guelders, in June 1515, and

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accompanied the king’s expedition to Italy later that year (Jean Barrii Ion, Journal, vol. 1 [Paris, 1897], p. 73). He was, from 1516 to 1519, one of King Francis’s principal agents in Germany. In December 1516 he sought to negotiate on the king’s behalf an alliance with Ludwig von der Pfalz, but without success. From August to November of 1518 he served as an ambassador at the court of Emperor Maximilian, then, from December through the early months of 1519, conducted negotiations with several of Germany’s electoral princes, Margrave Joachim von Brandenburg, Archbishop Richard von Greiffenklau, Duke Friedrich von Sachsen and Archbishop Hermann von Weid among others, in the hope of garnering support for the French king’s imperial aspirations. He returned to Paris in early May 1519, Just prior to the election of Charles V to the office of Holy Roman Emperor. See CAF V 425, n° 16853 and IX 6, 7, 8, 37 and 38; A.D. Sarthe, Inventaire sommaire, G 778, 802, 842; La Chesnaye-Desbois, Dictionnaire de la noblesse, vol. 5 (Paris, 1864), pp. 109-10; François-Auguste Alexis Mignet, Rivalité de François I er et de Charles K vol. 1 (Paris, 1886), pp. 145, 146, 162, 189; Sébastien de La Bouillerie, Bazouges-sur-le-Loir, son église et ses JieJs (Mamers, 1884), pp. 68-73; August Kluckhohn (ed.), Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Kaiser Karl K vol. 1 (Gotha, 1893), pp. 24, 104-5, 133-6, 175-6, 246-7, 337-8, 464, 665-7, 838 and passim. Joachim Maltzan (Joachim Freiherr von Maltzan, Moltzan, Moltzhan, Malzan, etc.}, a military officer and diplomat from Brandenburg, was the eldest son of Berend Maltzan and Godei von Alvensleben. As a youth he studied in Bologna, Leipzig, and Pavia, then found entry at the court of Herzog Wilhelm IV of Bavaria (1510) and gained experience in the regiments of Georg von Frundsberg. From 1512 to 1515 he served as a military officer and chamberlain at the court of Massimilano Sforza in Milan. He is reported to have led Swiss, mercenaries at the battle of Novara on 6 June 1513 and at Marignano two years later. Following the removal of Sforza from Milan, Maltzan offered his services to the French crown, most notably in the years 1517-1519 as King Francis sought to strengthen his alliances with Poland, Hungary and the electoral princes of Germany. During that time, Maltzan conducted complex negotiations with Margrave Joachim von Brandenburg, the margrave’s brother Archbishop Albrecht von Mainz, and other electoral princes. He also represented France’s interests at the imperial diet of Augsburg in October 1518. He entered the service of Ferdinand of Habsburg in 1527, leading expeditions against Janos Szapolyai and his Ottoman allies in 1527, 1529, 1532 and 1541-1543. He also participated in the Schmalkaldic War of 1546-1547. Suspected of Lutheran sympathies, he lost favor with King Ferdinand in 1549 and fled north where he enjoyed the protection of Johann Albrecht von Mecklenburg. He played an active role in negotiations that led to the Peace of Passau. He is said to have died in 1556. See Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie XX 155-7; Georg Christian Friedrich Lisch, Joachim Maltzan oder Urkunden-Sammlung zur Geschichte Deutschlands (Schwerin, 1853); August Kluckhohn (ed.), Deutsche Reichstagsakten unter Kaiser Karl K vol. 1 (Gotha, 1893), pp. 29-34 and passim-, Gustav C. Knod, Deutsche Studenten in Bologna (1289-1562) (Berlin, 1899), pp. 329-30. Eduard Bôcking gives sam­ ples of Maltzan’s correspondence with Francis I, Antoine Duprat and Ulrich von Hutten, ranging from August 1518 to April 1519, in Ulrich Hutteni equitis Germani opera quae reperiti potuerunt omnia, vol. 2 (Leipzig, 1859), pp. 477-83. Jean d’Albret, seigneur of Orval and other properties, served as the governor of Champagne from approximately July 1488 to July 1523. Over the course of his long career in govern­ ment, he rendered various diplomatic services to the French crown. He received a delega­ tion of Hungarian ambassadors sent to negotiate the marriage of Anne de Foix to Vladislas II Jagiello in 1501 and negotiated a projected marriage of Renée de France to then Arch­ duke Charles of Austria in 1515 •—-an idea that was later abandoned. In September 1516,

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he was one of several envoys sent to receive Charles’s oath confirming his adherence to the treaty of Noyon. From May to June of 1519, Orval, Admiral Guillaume Gouffier de Bonnivet and parliamentarian Charles Guillart supervised and coordinated King Francis’s initiative to secure votes from imperial electors in Germany, Hungary and Poland. A vet­ eran of the Italian wars, Orval was present at the battle of Agnadello in 1509 and took part in the defense o f Mézières in 1521. He died on 10 May 1524. See CAFI 26, n° 152; I 183, n° 1030; I 188, n° 1050; V 299, n° 16219; V 444, n° 16958; V 458, n° 17030; V 464 n° 17064; 1X38 and 224; Gallia Regia II 114-15, n° 6596; D B F \ 1315-17. Guillaume Gouffier, lord of Bonnivet and admiral of France from 1517 to 1525. See JLLP 9. Charles Guillart, fourth president in the Parliament of Paris from 1508 to 1534. See JLLP 9. discention-, trouble, revolt, contention. See Godefroy, s.v. dissention. Anna Jagiello was Louis II Jagiellos’s sister and, by virtue of her marriage to Ferdinand of Habsburg in 1521, a future queen of Bohemia and Hungary. See NDB I 299-300. Jean III d’Alb ret, king of Navarre from 1484 to 1512. In 1512, Ferdinand II of Aragon invaded the kingdom of Navarre, prompting d’Albret and his wife, Catherine de Foix, to seek refuge in France. Jean d ’Albret died in June 1516 and was survived by four daughters. Anne d’Albret, the eldest, was born in 1492. See Raoul Anthony and Henri Courteault, Les Testaments des derniers rois de Navarre (Toulouse, 1940), pp. 91-128 and passim-, Alvaro Adot Lerga, Juan de Albret y Catalina de Foix, o la defensa del estado navarro (1483-1517) (Pamplona, 2005); Michel Levasseur, Histoire des d ’Albret et des rois de Navarre (Biarritz, 2006), pp. 253-68. Guy XVI de Laval, count of Laval, seigneur of Montfort and other territories, was a knight in the order of Saint Michael and a prominent member of the French aristocracy. He is reported to have taken part in batdes at Genoa (1507) and Guinegate (1513), as well as in combat against the English in the waters of Brittany (1517) and in the vicinity of Morlaix (1522). Appointed lieutenant governor of Brittany in 1521, he became governor of that province on 27 August 1526 and died in the county of Laval on 20 May 1531. Two of his daughters, Catherine and Anne, became maidens of honor at the court of Queen Claude of France in 1515. See GIFT 257, n° 1397; I 461, n° 2440; Hozier I 136, n° 169; [Louis Julien Morin de] Labeauluère, “Les Funérailles de Guy XVI, comte de Laval. Fragment de la chronique de Le Doyen (XVIe siècle)”, Revue de l ’A njou et du Maine XI (1859-1860), pp. 1-16, 101-14, 231-7 and 268-89; Betrand de Broussillon, La Maison de Laval, vol. 4 (Paris, 1902), pp. 5-104; Malcolm Walsby, The Counts o f Laval: Culture, Patronage and Religion in Fifteenth and Sixteenth-Century France (Ashgate, 2007), pp. 40 sqq. and passim. D ’autre part... à faire-. This entire paragraph seems to have been intended for insertion at some earlier point in the letter, presumably just before the paragraph that now precedes it.

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7. Sigismund I o f Poland to Jean de Langeac and Antoine Lamet [Krakow, c. early March 1519] Sigismund I of Poland responds to the French ambassadors who, on behalf of their king, solicit his vote in the imperial election. He thanks the king of France for his unwavering goodwill and affection, in particular for having sent his ambassadors such a great distance to see him; and he wishes the king good health and success in return. W ith regard to the remaining articles of the ambassadors’ commission, which he fullyunderstood, he will respond at abater daté) once he and his council have had the opportunity to fully examine thenir----* Published source: Acta Tomiciana V (1855), pp. 25-6, n° XXVII. Also examined were manuscript copies of this letter preserved at the Ossolinski National Institute Library (Poland), Ms. 174, f, 52r° and Bibliotheka Kórnicka (Poland), Ms. 224, f. 32v°. Minor orthographic distinctions between Acta Tomiciana (primary text), Ms. Ossolinski and Ms. Kórnicka — Francie {Franciae), benivolentia {benivolencia, benevo­ lenti^ , que {quaè), retulerunt {rettulerunt), etc. — have not been recorded in our critical apparatus.

Responsum a Sigismundo12, rege Polonie, datum legatis regis Galliarum peten­ tibus suffragium regi suo in electione ad Cesareatuma2 . Sacra maiestas regia, magnifici domini oratores, plurimas agit et habet gratias diarissimo8 domino regi Francie de hac illius maiestatis tam propensa in se benivolentia acc affectu, quodque eius maiestatem serenissimam adeod longin­ quam a se existentem dignata este per dominationes vestras, oratores suos, visere et salutare, cupitque vicissim eius maiestas, ut illa itidem maiestas serenissimaf et longa optimaqueg valetudine et11 felicissimis quibusque successibus semper utatur3 . Reliqua vero, que vestre dominationes nomine illius maiestatis retulerunt, maiestas sua serenissima plane1 intellexit et perpensis illis paulisper in animo et consilio suo dominationibus vestris alio tempore respondere dignabitur. a

Responsum a Sigismundo, rege Polonie, dat«»z oratoribus regis galliarwœ, ms. Ossolinski-, Responsum a SigismunzA Regi PolowMe Oratoribus Regis Galliae, ms. Kórnicka | b Christianissimo, mss. Ossolinski and Kórnicka | c &, ms. Ossolinski', et, ms. Kórnicka | d a Deo, ms. Kórnicka | e dignata est, ms. Ossolinski omits | f MzwAtas sua Ser^wwwina, Ms. Kórnicka | s optataque, ms. Ossolinski | h &, ms. Ossolinski-, ac, ms. Kórnicka | ' plene, ms. Ossolinski 1 2

Sigismund I, king of Poland from 1506 to 1548. See JLLP 5. These French ambassadors are Antoine Lamet (see JLLP 13) and Jean de Langeac.

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A case of mixed majesties. Earlier in the letter, the expression majestas serenissima was used in reference to the king of Poland; here it designates the king of France. It would have made more sense to write: cupitque vicissim eius maiestas serenissima, ut illa itidem maiestas et longa optimaque valetudine et felicissimis quibusque successibus semper utatur.

8. Andreas Krziczki to Jean de Langeac and Antoine Lamet [Kraków, March 1519] Andreas Krziczki has been asked to communicate his king’s response to the French ambassadors, whose commission comprised the following articles: First they expressed King Francis’s sorrow and dismay over Maximilian’s untimely death. They also described how a majority of the imperial electors, both before and especially after the tragic event, had beseeched him, King Francis, to seek election to the imperial crown, which he agreed to do. They noted that His Majesty the king of Poland, Sigismund I, in his capacity as guardian to Louis II of Hungary and Bohemia, his nephew, is entitled to participate in the election, and that his vote would hold great importance in the event of a divided outcome. Hence, King Francis solicits Sigis­ mund’s support and offers in return favorable conditions for an alliance and other things adduced at length in the ambassadors’ eloquent oration. The king of Poland is singularly pleased with the expression of goodwill that has been extended and is honored that the king of France has seen fit to seek his assistance in this matter. Having been informed of the French king’s virtue, character and bold actions, nothing could please Sigismund more than to secure his friendship. He feels that an alliance with such a powerful and magnanimous prince, whom he welcomes as a confederate in his battle against the enemies of Christianity, would be most advantageous for the common weal. the imperial office is concerned, he is sorely grieved to see it now vacant. He has lost not only a friend but also a loving brother, from whom he received numerous valuable services. Christianity too has lost its main pillar and, as the French ambassadors themselves have stated, its most radiant star. King Francis is not unaware of the great bond that united Emperor Maximilian and his nephews with the kings of Poland and Hungary. Nor is he unaware that His Majesty the king of Poland has already publicly expressed at the Diet of Augsburg his full support of Charles I of Spain, portraying him as a candidate worthy of the imperial crown and oneTfiat he should be willing to promote. At the time, Sigismund knew nothing of Francis’s ambition. For him to declare something entirely different now would be seen as a mark of inconstancy and neglect, traits that must be far removed from any prince. And yet Id is Majesty the king of Poland, who sees Christianity’s enemy at his nation’s border, can think of no one better suited for the office than the king of France, who has the necessary resources, an army of soldiers, and the appropriate age, courage and wealth. W ith the entire effect of good governance at stake, Sigismund would be

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pleased to see Francis promoted to the office of emperor, j/e^he_ cannorecommit to support hirp_ax_jhe-^resentjlnie. It would be inappropriate for him to modify his prior stance without first consulting the councilors of Hungary and Bohemia, since it is a matter for their king to decide in consultation with them. If, however, the councilors (especially those of Bohemia) and imperial electors are willing to concede their votes to King Francis, or if a significant portion of them are so inclined, then His Majesty the king of Poland will not deny him his support. As regards the marriages, alliances and friendship that Francis proposes, Sigismund embraces the offer most willingly. Such matters are at the sole discretion of His Majesty, who is not bound by the counsel and consent of others. He welcomes any marital union that Francis may deem worthy of his kingdom’s royalty and invites the French ambassadors, if they wish, to begin negotiations with him on this matter. His Majesty the king of Poland also expresses sincere thanks for the solemn and eloquent praise that he received during the ambassadors’ visit. Although everything that can be said of him originates in God, who directs all human actions according to His will, he is nonetheless appreciative of their kind words. * Published source: Acta Tomiciana V (1855), pp. 27-8, n° XXIX. Also examined were manuscript copies of this letter preserved at the Ossolinski National Institute Library (Poland), Ms. 174, ff. 52r°-53v° and Bibliotheka Kórnicka (BK, Poland), Ms. 224, ff. 32v°-34v°. Minor orthographic distinctions between Acta Tomiciana (primary text), Ms. Ossolinski and Ms. Kórnicka — in primis {imprimis, inprimis), Cesar (Caesar), dissensio (dissenssid), bee (haec), suffragium (suffagium), benivolentia (benivolencia, benevolentia), conditio (condicio), oratio (orario), vaccare (vacare), sidus (sydus), legitima (legittima), Ungane (Hungariaé), etc. — have not been recorded in our criti­ cal apparatus.

Responsum1 eisdem oratoribus*. Legatio dominationum vestrarum2 hec in summa continebat : Retulerunt in primis quam dolenter et moleste tulerit serenissimus et Christianissimus domi­ nus rex Gallie mortem intempestivam Cesaree maiestatis3 et qualiter ipse tum vivente adhuc illius maiestate, cumb maxime post obitum, fuerit perc maiorem electorum partem ad culmen Romani Imperii postulatus, quod illius maiestas, ne precibus illorum deesse et frustra nomen Christianissimi habere videretur, detrectare et recusare noluit. Sciens autem sacramd maiestatem regiam tutorem agere serenissimi domini regis Ludovici4 , nepotis sui amantissimi, cuius suffra­ gium in pari electorum dissensione potissimum valeate , postulat a maiestate sua, ut ubi ad eam dissensionem electorum res deveniret, ipsa nomine serenis­ simi nepotis sui suffragium dare pro illius maiestatef Christianissima dignare­ tur, offerens vicissim illius maiestas pro eo officio maiestati sue serenissime conditiones non contemnendas ad mutuam benivolentiam et coniunctionem suam cum eius maiestate pertinentes, et id genus, que omnia dominationes vestre5 diserta et eleganti oratione latius explicaverunt5 . Ad que maiestas sua

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serenissima committere mihi dignata est sic dominationibus11 vestris respondere. Non vulgari voluptate affecta est maiestas1 regia, magnifici domini oratores, quod Christianissimus et excellentissimus dominus rex Gallie appulerit suum animum ad coniunctionem et benivolentiam mutuam cum maiestate sua sere­ nissima ineundam, quodque illius maiestas dignata sit in his negotiis suis, quibus operam eius maiestatis sibi conducere posse intelligit, libere et confi­ denter huc ad eamJ vestras dominationes mittere ac honorem hunc eius maiestati serenissime impartiri, pro quo agit et habet illius maiestatik gratias immortales. Equidem non fallitur ipse Christianissimus dominus rex Gallie in ea existimatione et fide, quam de eius maiestate serenissima concepit ; hec enim cognitam habens1 cum virtutem et magnitudinem animi tum res fortiter gestas eiusdem Christianissimi domini regis Gallie, nihil gratius habere pos­ set111, quam se illius maiestati charum11 et coniunctum reddere ; sed et reipublice Christiane0 non parvam ex suo cum illius maiestate amore et benivolentia utilitatem futuram putat, habita illius maiestate tam potenti et magnanimo principe socia et adiutrice ad hostes catholicep fidei reprimendos, quorum impetum maiestas sua serenissima suis cervicibus semper sustinet. Quod autem ad imperii sedem attinet, hanc quidem eius maiestas cum sua tum rei Christiane causa vehementer dolet in presens vaccareq . Amisit enim eiusr maiestas amicum et fratrem amantissimum, cuiuss in se plurima et hones­ tissima experta est officia. Amisit et respublica Christiana summum suum colu­ men et — ut verissime1 dominationes vestre dixerunt — sidus preclarissimum Cesarem illum Maximilianum incomparabilem, cum quo et illius serenissimis nepotibus quanta affinitas sibi et serenissimo domino nepoti suo intercessit, Christianissimus dominus rex Gallie non ignorat. Non ignorat etiam illius maiestas quam operam et quod testimonium universo fere orbi maiestas sua pro serenissimo domino rege catholico6 ad eundem 11 sedem imperii sufficiendo prebuerit in conventu Augustensi7 , utpote cui pro debito necessitudinis et amore defuncte Cesaree maiestatis non secus quam filio proprio, optimos quosquev successus ex animo faveret, nihil tum etiam de voluntate Christianissimi domini regis compertum habens in ea rew ; et proinde aliter nunc sentire et velle quedam x nota inconstantie et oblivionis officii7 esse videretur, que ab uno quoque principe longe aliena esse debet. Verum enim vero maiestas suaz serenissima, ut contigua nostre fidei hostibus, sciens quo in discrimine res Christiana sit constituta et quanta quamque presenti ope indigeat, neque videns, qui alter ad laborem hunc subeundum magis idoneus et accomodatus sit Christianissimo domino rege Gallie, qui opibus, gentibus, etate, animo et fortuna plurimum polleta , totus vero rei bene gerende effectus a Cesare in primis dependet, libenter et ex integro affectu videret*5, ut idem Christianissi­ mus dominus rex Gallie ad eam ipsam imperii sedem proveheretur, sed polli­ ceri nunc illius maiestati hanc operam, quam postulat, non est ulloY modo

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maiestati sue integrum et licitum, ut videlicet0 inconsultis consiliariis regni Ungarie et Bohemie mutare priorem declarationem deberet, cum res eorum regis agatur et sine quibus ipse rex etiam in legitima etate constitutus nihil ageret. Tamen, ubi eadem erit voluntas et affectus consiliariis, regni presertim Bohemie, ac etiam electoribus Imperii, quam habet maiestas sua erga commune E bonum et Chrisrianissimum dominum regem Gallìe, ut in illum votis suis consentirent, maiestas sua^ regia libenti et alacri animo, sua quacunque opera poterit, illi non deerit, quin etiam, ubf1 ad eius maiestatem vota et sententie alique inclinarent, vellet liberaliter id totum in illius maiestatem Christianissimam transferre. Que vero maiestas sua9 Christianissima dignata est eius maiestati1 significare et offerre de matrimoniis et federibus, pro mutua inter se affinitate et coniunctione, gratissimo animo maiestas sua serenissima amplectiturK. Et cum eax res sit in arbitrio et potestate solius maiestatis sue, neque in hoc sit ad consilia et consensus aliquos aliorum astricta, consentit et offert se ad omnia eiusmodi vota serenissimi et Christianissimi domini regis Gallle, ut quas cuperet et dignas regio sanguine putaret in regno suo affinitates, illius maiestati conci­ liaret, vel si placuerit*4, dominationibus vestris iam hic ea in re cum maiestate sua tractare et initia aliqua facere, et id libenter videret. Cuperet enim maiestas sua serenissima per omnem occasionem se cum illius maiestate Christianissima coniungi, et ei in omnibus rebus placere et gratificari. Habet etiam singulariter vestris dominationibus maiestas sua regia gratias non vulgares de honore hoc et laudibus maiestati sue serenissime per easv ornate simul et graviter^ attributis. Et licet maiestas sua id totum quidquid sit, quod de illa dici possit0 , domino Deo refert acceptum, qui humanos actus pro arbitrio suo dirigit, tamen inde affectum in se dominationum vestrarum meti­ tur, illumque gratissimum habet. a

Responsum a Sigismundo primo rege Poloniae datum oratoribus Francisci regis Galliae, 1519. Cricius, ms. Kórnicka | b ipse tum vivente... tum, ms. Ossolinski-, ipso cum uniente... tum, ms. Kórnicka | c pro, ms. Kórnicka | d s., Acta Torn. | e valet, mss. Ossolinski and Kórnicka | f Mz/zNtótis, ms. Kórnicka | g dominatio vestra sua diserta... latius explicavit, ms. Ossolinski-, dominatio vestra sua deserta... latique explicavit, ms. Kórnicka | h dominationi­ busque, ms. Kórnicka | 1 sacra maiestas, mss. Ossolinski and Kórnicka | J eam, ms. Kórnicka omits I k M e rta s, ms. Kórnicka | 1 habemus, ms. Ossolinski [ m nihil habere gratius possit, ms. Kórnicka | n harum, ms. Kórnicka [ ° Christiane, ms. Kórnicka omits | p Catholica, ms. Kórnicka | q vaccat, ms. Kórnicka | r eius enim, ms. Kórnicka | s et cuius, mss. Ossolinski and Kórnicka | r verissimae, ms. Kórnicka j u eandem, mss. Ossolinski and Kórnicka | v quoque, ms. Kórnicka | w in ea re compertum habens, mss. Ossolinski and Kórnicka | x quemadmo­ dum, ms. Kórnicka | y officii debiti, mss. Ossolinski and Kórnicka | 2 Polonie, ms. Ossolinski adds between Unes j “ polet, ms. Kórnicka (i.e. pollet) | affectu videt, ms. Ossolinski-, affictu viderit, ms. Kórnicka | Y non est nullo, ms. Kórnicka | 6 et videlicet, ms. Kórnicka | e communem, ms. Kórnicka | erga commune... maiestas sua, marginal addition in ms. Ossolinski | n uti, ms. Kórnicka | 0 Christianissimam transferre. Quae vero maiestas sua,

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ms. Kórnicka omits | L maiestas, ms. Kórnicka | K complectitur, ms. Ossolinski | x ea, ms. Kórnicka omits | placeret, ms. Ossolinski 5 v per vos, ms. Kórnicka [ gravit, ms. Kórnicka j ° posset, ms. Ossolinski 1

2 3 4 5

6 7

Andreas Krziczki {or Andrzej Krzycki), the presumptive author of this letter, was a royal secretary of the Polish chancery, a poet and a diplomat. His name, although omitted from Ms. Ossolinski and Acta Tomiciana, appears in its Latin form Cricius in the entry tide of Ms. Kórnicka. He was a nephew of Vice-Chancellor Piotr Tomicki and had studied in Bologna under Codro Urceo and Filippo Beroaldo sometime between 1498 and 1503. After serving for a short while as a secretary to the first wife of King Sigismund I, he found employment in the king’s chancery in 1515. Over the course of his career he occupied important ecclesiastical offices. He was provost of the cathedral church of Poznan (1507), bishop of Przemys'l (1523-1527), of Plock (1527-1535), and archbishopric of Gniezno (1535-1537). He maintained cordial relations with several prominent northern humanists, including Erasmus. See D H G EXXIX 910-12; CEBRII 275-8; Harold B. Segel, Renaissance Culture in Poland: The Rise o f Humanism, 1470-1543 (Ithaca, N.Y., 1989), pp. 191-226. Antoine Lamer (JLLP 13) and Jean de Langeac. Maximilian I, Holy Roman Emperor from 19 August 1493 to 12 January 1519Louis II Jagiello, king of Hungary and Bohemia from 1516 to 1526. See JLLP 6. dominationes oestre: “Your Eminences” (as opposed to “Your Eminence”). Use of the singu­ lar, as is the case in mss. Ossolinski and Kórnicka, would point to Langeac as the one who delivered the expository oration. His name appears in first position in the king’s letter of credence and in the ambassadors’ instructions {JLLP 5 and 6). Charles I, king of Spain, soon to be crowned Emperor Charles V. in conventu Augustensi: at the imperial diet or Reichstag that met in Augsburg during August 1518. Sigismund was one of five electors having promised his vote to Maximilian’s grand­ son, Charles, at the next imperial election. A formal treaty to that effect was ratified by Sigismund’s representative on 1 September (A. Kluckhohn, Deutsche Reichstagsakten, vol. 1 [Gotha, 1893], pp. 110-13).

9. [Guillaume Gouffier and Charles Guillart] to Jean de Langeac and Pierre de La Guiche Lunéville, 2 May [1519] In response to Langeac’s and La Guiche’s letter of 6 April, Admiral Gouffier and First President Guillart have arranged the transfer of 10,500 ecus by way of Venice, this being the amount that Langeac and La Guiche had promised to their Polish counterparts. Presumably the money will already be in Langeac’s and La Guiche’s hands by the time the bearer of this letter arrives; however, should the Poles wish to dispatch a messenger to Koblenz, Gouffier and Guillart can deliver the money to him there just as well.fThat way the Poles cannot renege on grounds that their demands were not satisfied! Gouffier and Guillart have also asked King Francis to have the

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Supreme Pontiff send papal briefs to the king of Poland and Bohemian council on his behalf. All of the other prince-electors have already received one. The king’s affair appears to be progressing well. As for the rest, Langeac and La Guiche are to conclude their negotiations and obtain assurances from the Icing of Poland without delay, even if this means further concessions on their part. In which case they need not seek prior approval from Gouffier, Guillart or the king. Whatever concessions they choose to make will be honored. But in so doing they should take care to avoid unnecessary expenditure. Although d’Albret has not yet arrived in Lunéville, this present letter will serve as their joint communique. * Manuscript source: BnF Paris, Ms. fr. 5756, ff. 8v°-9r° (copy without signature). There is a copy of the cipher that Langeac was to use during this trip in BnF Paris, Ms. fr. 5761, f. 51r°. Pierre de La Guiche seems to have been involved in the transfer of funds to Poland and presumably joined Langeac and Lamet there sometime around early May. He does not appear to have replaced Lamet at any time, as some have speculated (Jean Barrillon, Journal, vol. 2 [Paris, 1899], p. 118). Writing to the king of France in early May, Sigismund stated that Langeac and Lamet were about to return to France with details on their negotiations. Both ambassadors left Krakow on 6 May {Acta Tomiciana V 46-7), but then continued their journey to Hungary and Venice before returning to France. Cf. A. Kluckhohn, Deutsche Reichstagsakten, vol. 1 (Gotha, 1893), p. 634.

[Guillaume Gouffier 1 and Charles Guillart2 ] A Messrs de Langjac et de La Guische 3 , ambassadeurs devers le roy de Poulogne. Mess rs , tout présentem ent avons receu voz lettres du VF d ’avril, vous advisant que avons pourveu à vous faire tenir les dix mil cinq cens escuz, à quoy se m ontent les promesses que vous avez faictes, par la voye de Venise, ainsi que nous escripvez. Et combien que croyons que par ce cousté là n ’y aura faulte, et que ladicte somm e sera en voz mains aussitost que ce porteur sera à vous, si ceulx à qui avez prom is veullent envoyer devers nous à Couvalencea près de Treves4 , là où nous serons en brief, quelque hom m e auquel ilz veullent que facions bailler ladicte somme, nous le ferons afin q u ’ilz n ’ayent excuse que on ne leur ait satisfait. Aussi, que avons adverty le roy pour avoir brefz de nostre sainct pere en sa faveur addressantb au roy de Poulogne et au conseil de Boesme ; tous les autres princes eslecteurs en ont eu. Et vous advisons que l’affaire du roy va tresbien du cousté de deçà. Au dem ourant, concluez et prenez seureté dudict roy de Pologne sans vous arrester à aucune chose, quelque qu’il soit, si bien y estoit prom ectre 5 et donner quelque chose davantaige c , et ne renvoyez devers le roy ne nous pour en dem ander noz advis, car l’on satisfera à tout ce que promectrez. Toutesfoiz ne laissez pour cela d ’en prandre le meilleur marché que pourrez. Ceste lettre servira pour M ons r d ’Orval 6 et pour nous, car il n ’est pour le present icy 7 . A Luneville, le II m e de may.

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a couvalence {or perhaps convalence), ms. fr. 5756 | b address^»/- {or perhaps address*?), ms. fr. 5756 abbreviation | c davantaigfe], ms. fi. 5756 cropped at margin

1

2

Guillaume Gouffier, lord of Crèvecoeur and Bonnîvet, was one France’s leading military­ officers and a veteran of several expeditions to Italy. He was present at the siege of Genoa in 1507, took part in the battle of Marignano in 1515 and led a major campaign to recapture Milan from 1523 to 1524, but without success. He was promoted to the rank of admiral in 1517 and became governor of Dauphiné two years later. On occasion he performed diplomatic missions, traveling to Rome in October 1515 to meet with the pope and to England in August 1518 to negotiate a treaty with King Henry VIII. From January to June of 1519, Admiral Bonnivet, Jean d’Albret and President Charles Guillart coordi­ nated the king’s efforts to win support among the imperial electors in Germany and Poland. Bonnivet died at the battle of Pavia on 24 February 1525. See CAF IX 18, 38, 57, 142, 224 and passim-, Gallia Regia II 319, n° 7857; Hozier I 134-5, n° 167; D B F X V Ï 699-700; Francis Ambrière, Le Favori de François I er, Gouffier de Bonnivet (Paris, 1936); Pierre Carouge, "Artus (1474-1519) et Guillaume (1482-1525) Gouffier à l’émergence de nouvelles modalités de gouvernement”, Les Conseillers de François I er, dir. Cédric Michon (Rennes, 2011), pp. 229-54. Brantôme, who portrays the admiral as a favori o f the king’s household, writes that he was an honorable but inept military commander and blames him in no small measure for France’s misfortune in Italy {Oeuvres III 61-9). Charles Guillart or Guillard, lord of Le Mortier, La Selle and L’Espichelière in the county of Le Maine, was a lawyer and politician with close ties to the royal court. He occupied the office of fourth president in the Parliament of Paris from 1508 to 1534 and acted on occasion as a diplomatic envoy. In prior years he had served successively as a councilor in the Parliament of Paris (cleric office 1482-1488; lay office 1488-1496) and as a royal master of requests (from August 1496). In October 1515 he was sent, along with Adrien de Hangest, to negotiate peace with the emperor {CAF VIII 574, n° 32255). From January to June 1519, he and his colleagues Jean d’Albret and Guillaume Gouffier oversaw negotia­ tions with the electoral princes of Germany and King Sigismund I of Poland. As a leading figure in Parliament, Guillart became involved in the controversy surrounding the ratifica­ tion of the Concordat of Bologna, played a prominent role in government during King Francis’s captivity and opposed attempts to curtail the authority of Parliament in a famous speech before the king’s Lit de justice in July 1527. He resigned as fourth president of Parliament in 1534 and died, according to one source, about three years later. See CAF III 10, n° 7491; IX 7 and 38; A. Kluckhohn, Deutsche Reichstagsakten, vol. 1 (Gotha, 1893), passim-, Maugis I 370-3, 402-5, 580-1, III 115, 119; J. de La Mattinière, “Le Parlement sous les rois de France, de 1491 à 1554”, Annales de Bretagne XXXVI (1930), pp. 190-2; Sarah Hanley, The Lit de justice o f the Kings o f France. Constitutional Ldeology in Legend, Ritual, and Discourse (Princeton, 1983), pp. 51-72; Popoff, Prosopographie I 90-2, n° 103; I 627, n° 1376. Théodore Godefroy has reproduced the main portion of Guillart’s speech before the Lit de justice (1527) in Le Ceremonial françois, vol. 2 (Paris, 1649), pp. 465-74. Early in his parliamentary career Guillart translated from Latin into French a brief history of the kings of Sicily by Jean de Candida. This work has been published by Camille Couderc in “Jean de Candida historien”, Bibliothèque de l’Ecole des Chartes LXXXV (1924), pp. 323-41. Among those who dedicated scholarly works to President Guillart, one can cite Nicolas Chappuis {De mente et memoria libellus utilissimus, Paris: Josse Bade, 1511), Guillaume de La Mare {Sylvarum libri quattuor, Paris: Josse Bade, 1513), Publio Fausto Andrelini {Fausti praefationes duae, altera de vivente, altera de defuncta Anna Francorum regina et Britanniae duce, Paris: Josse Bade, 1516), Josse Clichtove {In politica Aristotelis

95

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3

4 5 6

7

introductio, Paris: Henri Estienne, 1516; Opus magnorum moralium Aristotelis, Paris: Simon de Colines, 1522; Antilutherus, Paris: Simon de Colines, 1524), Jean Savigny (Francisci Patricii Senensis... Enneas de regno et regis institutione, Paris: Galliot du Pré, 1519), Pierre Cousturier (Adversus insanam Erasmi apologam Petri Sutoris antapologia, Paris: Pierre Vidoue, 1526). Jean Ravisius Textor dedicated his edition of De memorabilibus et claris mulieribus aliquot diversorum scriptorum opera (Paris: Simon de Colin es, 1521) to Guillart’s wife, Jeanne de Vignacourt. Pierre de La Guiche, lord of Chaumont-la-Guiche and La Perrière, was a knight and gentleman of the king’s chamber under Kings Louis XII and Francis I. In 1491 he married Anne-Françoise de Chazeron, a niece of Cardinal Georges d’Amboise, and served in Italy under Charles VIIL He was governor-bailiff of Autun and Montcenis from 1495 to 1502 and captain of the now-demolished bastions of Riveau (1496-1502) and Semur (c. 15121516). From 10 September 1513 to 1543 he was governor-bailiff of Mâcon. In addition to his career in regional governance he completed diplomatic missions to England (JanuaryApril 1515; November 1517), Switzerland (November 1515-March 1516; April-July 1520; April 1524) and Germany (April 1512; February 1519). In September 1523, follow­ ing the defection of Charles de Bourbon, constable of France, he was ordered to confiscate the territories of Beaujolais and Dombes on behalf of the crown. On 9 April 1528 his son, Gabriel, received appointment to the office of governor-bailiff of Mâcon à survivance, meaning that his appointment would take full effect upon the father’s death. Pierre de La Guiche is reported to have died on 10 September 1543. See CAF IV 506-7, n° 13375; V 592, n° 17705; IX 7, 18, 76-7, 78; Gallia Regia I 155-6, n° 2246; I 169, n° 2325; I 246, n° 2832; IV 16, n° 14563; Claude Saulnier, Autun chrétien (Autun, 1686), p. 209; A.J.G. Le Glay, Negotiations diplomatiques entre la France et [Autriche (Paris, 1845), vol. 1, pp. 486-8; vol. ^passim-, Rott H RD FI 198, 203, 212-17, 232, 236 and passim-, Alessandro Cutolo, “Nuovi documenti francesi sulla impresa di Carlo V ili”, Archivio storico per le province napoletane LXIII (1938), pp. 237-42; Monique Garrand-Zobel, “Lettres échangées entre François Ier et ses ambassadeurs à Londres (août-octobre 1518)”, Bibliothèque de l ’Ecole des Chartes CXII (1954), pp. 104-25. The treaty that La Guiche and his colleague Jean de Selve negotiated with England in 1515 has been published in Thomas Rymer, Foedera, vol. 13 (London, 1727), pp. 476-87. Couvalence près de Treves-. Koblenz, in the vicinity of Trier (Germany). si bieny estoit promettre...: “even if it means promising...” (suggested interpretation). Jean d’Albret, lord of Orval and governor of Champagne from 1488 to 1523, helped coordinate the negotiations underway in Germany and Poland. See JLLP 6. Ceste lettre servira pour Mons1' d ’Orval et pour nous... : This letter represents the opinion of all three of the king’s delegates, even though d’Orval is not present to sign.

10. Andreas Krziczki to Jean de Langeac and Antoine Latnet [Krakow] 4 May 1519 The French ambassadors have learned of King Sigismund’s favorable reaction to their king’s message of goodwill from a prior communique. They also learned of his willingness to accommodate the French king’s request. port ___________ °__ 1 .

~

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JEAN DE LANGEAC

They have been informed, moreover, of the reason that compelled His Majesty to retain them at his court and why it would have been inappropriate for him to make a decision without the knowledge of his nephew and his nephew’s counselors, given that, when he assumed the office of guardian, he solemnly promised that he would do nothing of importance without consulting them. In the meantime, through letters and envoys, His Majesty has succeeded in convin­ cing his nephew to manifest a willingness equal to his own to gratify the king of France. His Majesty’s envoy has not yet returned from Bohemia, so he still has no confir­ mation regarding the wishes of the region’s inhabitants. Nonetheless, since his nephew has already declared by way of another envoy, who recently arrived, that he intends to accommodate the king of France, His Majesty the king of Poland does not wish to detain the French ambassadors any longer, for fear that the delay will further inconvenience them and their king. / T h u s His Majesty has mandated Andreas Krziczki to inform the French ambassa6 dors that he is willing to cast his ballot freely and readily for the king of France, X provided that the election comes down to a lie,. Otherwise Bohemia’s vote would be \ of little import. This promise is subject to the condition that King Francis, should he discover that he himself cannot carry the election, will cast whatever ballots he may have in favor of King Sigismund of Poland or King Louis of Bohemia. As regards a friendly alliance with France, King Sigismund told his nephew rhe king of Hungary that they would conduct all official matters by way of joint council and concerted decree. His nephew has informed His Majesty, moreover, that his trea­ sury’s archives contain documents attesting to numerous alliances and treaties between his predecessors and the kings of France, but that they could not be found quickly, and that he would send transcripts of them to Poland once they had been assembled, so that those alliances might be either renewed or modified more conveniently in joint council. His Majesty the king of Poland, having no recollection of previous alliances with France, did not wish to decide these matters on short notice, without having first studied the terms of the old alliances from the announced transcripts. Nor did he wish to detain the French ambassadors already eager to depart. Instead, he wants to hold negotiations with the French at some later time, and in consultation with his nephew, on all that pertains to the proposed cooperative alliance. As for the rest, His Majesty sends greetings and expressions of fraternal affection to King Francis, wishing him every success and inviting him to look upon the Polish kç crown, its subjects and its resources as if they were his own and to place no less trust in His Majesty the king of Poland than he does in his most faithful servants. * Published source: Acta Tomiciana V (1855), pp. 45-6, n° XLVIII. Also examined were manuscript copies of this letter preserved at the Ossolinski National Institute Library (Poland), Ms. 174, ff. 64r°-65r° and Bibliotheka Kórnicka (Poland), Ms. 224, ff. 44r°-45v°. Minor orthographic distinctions between Acta Tomiciana (primary text), Ms. Ossolinski and Ms. Kórnicka — que {quae), benivolentia (benivolentia, benevolen­ tia), sue (suae), quidquam (quicquam), scientia (scientia), nil (nihil), nuncius (nunctius), adhuc (aduc), diutius (diutius), dissensio (dissenssio), erario (aerano), fedus (foedus), nolens (nollens), felicibus (foelicibus), etc. — will not be recorded in our critical apparatus.

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Responsum ultimum datum oratoribus regis Gallie1. Die S. Floriani2 , 1519a Intellexerunt vestre dominationes ex priori responso, quam grata extiterit sacra maiestasb regia de hac propensione et benivolentia in se Christianissimi domini regis Gallie, quam eius maiestas per vestras dominationes illi exhibere dignata est. Intellexerunt eius pariter maiestatis summum affectum et studium gratificandi et conciliandi sibi maiestatem illam Christianissimam in his, que per easdem dominationes vestras a se postulavit. Que autem causa compulit maiestatem suam, illas hactenus apud se detinere et quare non erat integrum maiestati sue quidquamc absque scientia serenissimi domini nepotis sui et consiliariorum ipsius statuere, ut quibus id pollicita fuit et literis etiam suis firmavit tuncd , cum munuse id tutorium susceperat, se nihil in rebus alicuius momenti absque illis agere, etiam abunde cognoverunt. Et proinde egit diligenter per literas et nuncios suos eius maiestas apud dictum serenissimum dominum nepotem suum et eius consiliarios, ut eos in eandem sententiam et voluntatem gratificandi Chris nanissimo domino regi Gallie inducere possit. Licet vero nuncius ex Bohemia3 nondum redierit, nec quidquam adhuc maiestas sua compertum habet de voluntate illorum regnicolarum, tamen quia serenissimus dominus nepos suus4 iam illi animum suum per nuncium, qui noviterf huc venit, declaravit, quod videlicet sequi velit consilium eius maiesta­ tis et Christianissimo domino regi Gallie gratificari pariter cupit, maiestas sua serenissima non expectato etiam reditu sui nuncii ex Bohemia, dominationes vestras diutius iam detinere non vult, ne quid hacg mora illi maiestati Christianissime incommodare et vestras dominationes longiori fastidio afficere velle videretur5 . Sic igitur in summa maiestas sua serenissima dominationibus vestris respon­ dere mihi mandavit, quod alacri et libentissimo animo suffragium dare vult et est parata Christianissimo domino regi Gallie in assequenda hac imperatoria dignitate, quando11 eo ventum fuerit, ut suffragium maiestatis sue locum et facultatem esset habiturum, hoc est in pari electorum dissensione. Nam alias suffragium serenissimi domini regis Bohemie parvi est momenti. Pollicetur autem id maiestas sua serenissima1 ea lege, ut si Chris tianissimus dominus rex Gallie intelligeret perduci hanc rem in personam suarh non posse, pariter faveret sua suffragia, que haberet, vel huic maiestati, vel serenissimo domino regi Ludovico, et ipsis1 opera sua, quo id alteruter eorum consequi valeat, non deessem . Quod vero ad coniunctionem, affinitates11 et federa cum dicto Christianis­ simo domino rege Gallie ineunda attinet, quia et de hac re significaverat sere­ nissimo nepoti suo, ut pro firmiori nexu, coniunctione0 et unitate istorum regnorum omnia communibus consiliis et decreto agerentur, et illius Ungariep maiestas renunciari fecit huic maiestati fuisse predecesso ribus suis cum regibus

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Gallie multa federa et societates, haberique in erario literas huius rei, sed eas tam celeriter comperiri non potuisse, velle tamen postea compertis istisq tran­ sumpta6 et copias illarum ad maiestatem suam mittere, ut vel antiqua federa renovarentur, vel, si quid addendum mutandumve videretur, in commune consuli possit commodius. Maiestas sua, que aut predecessores sui forte nulla adhuc federa cum Christianissimisr dominis regibus Gallie habuerunt et cui cum serenissimo nepote suo et regnis illius coniunctio et societas arctissima intercedit, nolens quidquam in tam angusto tempore de his rebus statuere, et antequam ex copiis sibi mittendis conditionem federum antiquorum cogno­ scat, tractare et dominationes vestras inaniter, que dudum festinant5, occupare, vult alio tempore communi consilio et processu cum serenissimo nepote suo apud Christianissimum dominum 123regem Gallie cuncta, que ad fedus, benivolentiam et coniunctionem perpetuam inter maiestates suas attinent11, per ora­ tores communes agere et singula fine et auspiciis felicibus constituere. Quod reliquum est, sacrav maiestas regia Christianissimo domino regi Gallie plurimam salutem et optimos quosque successus dicit et precatur, seque illius maiestati in mutuum et fraternum amorenT ex corde commendat offerens ad eius maiestatis omne desiderium et commodum se, regnum, populos, vires et facultates suas omnes, ut illis eius maiestas Christianissima in his omnibus, que huic maiestati factu possibilia et licita fuerint, non secus utatur quam suis propriis, rogatquex maiestas sua serenissima illius celsitudinem, ut de se non aliter sibi persuadeat neque aliam fidem habeat7, quam de his habet, quos sibi fidissimos et faventissimos esse cognoscit. a

1519, Acta Tom. omits', Responsum ultimum a Sigismundo rege oratoribus Gallis, die S. Floriani, 1519, ms. Ossolinski', Responsum a Sigismundo Primo Rege Poloniae Datum Oratoribus Francisci Galliarum Regis. Die Sanet. Floriani, Anno 1519. Cricius, ms. Kórnicka I b s. Mazcftas, Acta Tom.\ sacra Mzzz&tas, mss. Ossolinski and Kórnicka | c quicque, ms. Kórnicka | d tum, ms. Kórnicka | e munusque, ms. Kórnicka | f novit, ms. Kórnicka [ 6 hec (?), ms. Ossolinski | h quum, ms. Kórnicka | 1 serenissima, ms. Kórnicka omits | 1 in persona sua, Acta Tom. | b faveret pariter, mss. Ossolinski and Kórnicka | 1 ipsius, ms. Ossolinski | m deesset, mss. Ossolinski and Kórnicka ( n affinitatis, mss. Ossolinski and Kórnicka | ° conjunctionis, ms. Ossolinski | p Ungarie, mss. Ossolinski and Kórnicka omit | q ipsis, ms. Kórnicka | r Christianissimo, ms. Kórnicka j s sustinant, ms. Kórnicka | e dominum, ms. Kórnicka omits | u attinet, ms. Ossolinski | v s., Acta Tom.', sacra, mss. Ossolinski andKórnicka I w seque in mutuum et fraternum amorem illius M