La vie de nostre benoit sauveur Ihesuscrist & La Saincte vie de Nostre Dame: translatee a la requeste de tres hault et puissant prince Iehan, duc de Berry 9780814754108

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La vie de Nostre Benoit Sauveur [hesuscrist La saincte vie de Nostre Dame

The publication of this monograph has been aided by a grant from the Samuel H. Kress Foundation

La Vie de Nostre Benoit Sauveur [hesuscrist

La Saincte Vie de Nostre Dame translatee a la requeste de tres hault et puissant prince

| Iehan, duc de Berry MILLARD MEISS and

| ELIZABETH H. BEATSON

NEW YORK UNIVERSITY PRESS for the College Art Association of America

NEW YORK 1977

Monographs on Archaeology and the Fine Arts sponsored by

THE ARCHAEOLOGICAL INSTITUTE OF AMERICA

, XXXII and

THE COLLEGE ART ASSOCIATION OF AMERICA Fditor:

Isabelle Hyman

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data La Vie de nostre Benoit Sauveur Ihesuscrist. La vie de nostre Benoit Sauveur Ihesuscrist and La saincte vie de Nostre Dame.

Text based chiefly on Ms. fr. 992, in the Bibliotheque nationale, Paris. La vie de nostre Benoit Sauveur Ihesuscrist is attributed to J. Gerson.

1. Christian literature, French. 2. French literature—To 1500. I. Meiss, Millard. II. Beatson, Elizabeth Home. IIL. Gerson, Joannes, 1363-1429. La vie de nostre Benoit Sauveur Thesuscrist. IV. La saincte vie de Nostre Dame.

PQI391.V5 843.1 76-16657

ISBN 0-8147-5410-4

Copyright © 1977 by the College Art Association of America Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 76-16657 ISBN: O-8147~-5 410-4

Contents Preface by Margaret L. Meiss page vii

Introduction I by Millard Meiss ix Notes page xu

| Introduction II by Elizabeth H. Beatson XIV Notes page xxv

The Transcription XXVIII Table of Chapters and Concordance XXX La vie de Nostre Benoit Sauveur Ihesuscrist 3

La saincte vie de Nostre Dame 134 Description of Copies La vie de Nostre 156 Benoit Sauveur Ihesuscrist and La saincte vie de Nostre Dame

Bibliography 162

Glossary 166

Index 175

List of Illustrations 173 V

Preface

[hesuscrist and La saincte vie Nostre Dameofstemmed from two events, rather l | \HE IDEA OF PUBLISHING thisdetranscription La vie de Nostre Benoit one Sauveur recent, the other from the time of Jean de Berry. The former was the appearance in , 1961 of the Isa Ragusa and Rosalie B. Green Meditations on the Life of Christ, a translation of ms. ital. rr5 in the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris. From the moment of publication my husband found this book so useful that it was seldom out of arm’s reach when he was working. But, useful as he found it, it is unlikely that he would have embarked on the transcription and publication of this French version had the translation into the vernacular not been reported to have been made for Jean de Berry. After thirty years of work on the series French Painting in the Time of Jean de Berry and on several facsimiles of beautifully illustrated manuscripts from the Duke’s collection, all of which had required close study of the Duke’s patronage, collections, and particularly his library, my husband looked forward to publishing in as simple a manner as possible this Vie de Nostre Benoit Sauveur Ihesuscrist. The text, unlike the Meditationes, was not available in any form other than manuscript or incunabula and he thought it would be of interest not only to art historians but to students of various aspects of the period. He died a few months before the book could be readied for the publisher, but Elizabeth H.

Beatson and Johanna M. Cornelissen have applied themselves to completing it in their usual devoted, competent and conscientious manner. My husband had completed his intro-

duction shortly before his death and had seen all the rest of the book except for Mrs. Beatson’s introduction. They had discussed it, but she had not had time to undertake some final investigations or to write it before their collaboration came to an end. vil

viii | Preface Many colleagues have facilitated the preparation of this book. If some are inadvertently left out of my list they will, I hope, consider the special circumstances and forgive omissions. We should like to thank Mme Genevieve Hasenohr and M. Max Lieberman, and among directors of libraries and their staffs I think particularly of Marcel Thomas and Francois Avril of the Bibliotheque Nationale; Raymond Cazelles of the Musée Condé, Chantilly ; Dr. Knaus and Dr. K. H. Staub of the Hessische Landes- und Hochschulbibliothek, Darmstadt; and Charles Ryskamp, Paul Needham and John Plummer of the Pierpont Morgan Library, New York.

| Among other friends and colleagues I wish to single out for their long and friendly collaboration Marie-Thérése d’Alverny, Marthe Dulong, Marie-Madeleine Gauthier and, of course, Rosalie Green and Isa Ragusa. Not only this book but the whole series has benefited from close and loyal friendships. In the preface to the first volume of French Painting in the Time of Jean de Berry, my husband referred to my less than enthusiastic response to the undertaking of that enormous and literally engulfing project, and to my role as critic and associate particularly when we were in Europe. This was a far too generous evaluation of my participation, but I did sometimes assist with this project and it was his wish that I write the preface, which he knew he

would not live to do. |

Princeton , November 15, 1975

MARGARET L. MEISS

Introduction | MILLARD MEISS

HE GREAT TRANSFORMATION of the visual arts in Italy in the late thir| teenth century was accompanied by fundamental changes in religious thought, and a major carrier of the new ideas and attitudes was the Meditationes Vitae Christ, recently written in Tuscany. The Meditationes dwelt, as its title implies, on the feelings of the actors—Christ and his “family’’—as they move through the sad events, and these, as well as accompanying objects and actions, are described so vividly that they were adopted in contemporary artistic representations.

: The Meditationes was widely read in Italy in Latin and Italian versions, and then it began to be diffused all over northern Europe. Its influence on the art of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries has been recognized by all modern scholars. Virtually unknown, on the other hand, has remained a vernacular version of it prepared in metropolitan France, and for no less a person than the Duke of Berry. Its interest is increased by the fact that it is a very free translation, adding and suppressing at will. I came across only brief references to it a decade ago when exploring French religious literature.' Yet it should be very important to an understanding of French culture of the time if only because, incorporating much of the Meditationes itself, it clearly discloses religious attitudes very similar to the novel earlier Italian ones. The existence of this content in the vernacular made it especially accessible to patrons and artists. And we can be certain that it reached the artists because the book was made, we are told in the prologue, for the greatest patron of the time. It is striking that the date given for the Vie, “‘translatee”’ as it is described, is 1380, just the moment when the 1x

x | Introduction I Duke began to build on a much larger scale his unique collection of illuminated manuscripts. Unlike his brother, King Charles V, the Duke of Berry was not primarily concerned with — translations from Latin, but he did commission a few: the Quatre vertus ascribed to Seneca, and the version of Boccaccio’s De casibus by Laurent de Premierfait.? No copy of the Vie de

Nostre Benoit Sauveur is listed in the Duke’s inventories, and indeed not many manuscripts of it have been identified anywhere? it must, nevertheless, have enjoyed a considerable popularity, because it was one of the very first texts to be printed in France. It came from the press, shortly before 1480, of Guillaume Le Roy and Barthélemy Buyer at Lyons.‘

The type resembles the one called Lotharinus used by these printers at this time. Until recently only two copies of this edition seemed to have survived: one at Chantilly, the other in the Bibliotheque Nationale. Two years ago a third copy was acquired by the Pierpont Morgan Library.® Although the Vie de Nostre Sauveur is clearly based upon the Meditationes it differs from it in many ways. It tends to preserve the narrative passages and to suppress the long meditative sections. The stories themselves are often told in different ways and with different details. Thus in an apparently unique passage in the Vie God the Father warns Christ that

he will need to redeem Adam’s action of stepping toward the tree and reaching for the apple by being stretched upon the cross and attached to it with three nails, “‘rough, badly forged, and blunt at the end.’’§ Such a nail seems to lie conspicuously near the center of the scene of the Nailing to the Cross in Jean de Berry’s Belles Heures (fol. 141v). More extensive is the relation of the Entry into Jerusalem in his Trés Riches Heures to the description of this scene in the Vie. In the Meditationes this passage (in the translation from the Italian, as in the Latin) reads: And He took leave of His mother and the Magdalen and the other sisters and, having said farewell, went with His small but very faithful company. They followed Him until they came to Bethpage, that is, a hamlet that was halfway on their road. Here He stopped and sent two disciples to Jerusalem to bring Him an ass and its colt that were tied in a public place, designated to serve the poor. When this was done, the Lord humbly mounted the ass and rode awhile, and then mounted the colt. On them, the disciples had placed their clothing. In this way the Lord of the world rode. And although it was a most just thing to honor Him, in the time of honor He wished to use such mounts and such trappings. Watch Him well and see how He shames the honorable pomp of the world in this honor. These animals were not decorated with reins and gold saddles and silk ornaments, according to the custom of worldly folly, but with

, wretched rags and two little cords, although He was King of kings and Lord of lords. When the multitudes knew of it, they came towards Him and received Him as King, with praises and songs, with great joy, their garments spread on the ground, and branches of trees. But He mingled tears with this joy. When He was near Jerusalem, He wept for it, saying, “If you had known, you would cry.’”

Introduction! | x1 The text of the Vie is more pertinent to the miniature: Quant le ternps s’aprouchoit que Jhfes]ucrist devoit faire la redempcion de nature humaine, il fist son aprest pour aller prescher en Jherusalem. La vierge Marie, le Ladre, et la Magdalaine

| le prierent qu’il n’y allast point: ... Dit histoire que en la place com[m]une de Jh[e]r[usa]l[e]m avoit une asnesse avecques son poulain, et le premier pouvre qui en avoit mestier s’en aidoit. Pourquoy N[ost]re S[eigneu|r,

ung dime[n]che, bien matin, envoya deux de ses disciples querir l’asnesse, et qu’ilz la pre[n]- | sissent seureme[n]t car ilz ne trouveroient personne qui la leur ostast. Et quant |’asnesse fut venue avecques so[n] poulai[n], les disciples despoillerent leurs robes et en couvrirent premiereme[n|t le poulain; et qua[n]|t N[ost]re S[eigneu]r fut monte dessus, il com[m]enca a ruer et a giguer. Lors N[ost|re Seign[eu|r descendit hastiveme[n]t, car il n’avoit mye acoustume de

, chevaucher poulains, et apres il monta sur l’asnesse. Ceste asnesse signifioit le vieil testame[n]t, et le poulai[n] signifioit le testament nouveau. Et c’estoit signifiance que ainsi com[mle l’asne et le poulain avoie[n]t soustenu Jhles]ucrist et porte, qu’il porteroit et soustendroit la paine des pechez du vieil testame[n]t et du nouvel. Le Seigneur de tout le monde s’en alloit en

Jhfe]r[usa]l[e]m sur une asnesse, couverte de pouvres robes et avoit bride de cordes, ainsi avoit-il este prophetize pour abesser l’orgueil des seigneurs mondains qui chevauchent les grans chevaulx parez de beaux harnois, mais le Roy des Roys chevauche asnes a brides de cordes. Gra[n]t peuple le suyvoit, et montoient sur les arbres, et luy gettoient les fleurs et les

| rains de la verdure sur le chemin, et estandoient leurs robes par la ou il devoit passer.® Only in the Vie do people throw flowers as well as branches onto the road, and only does this text interpret the colt as the New Testament and the ass as the Old. One of the most exceptional stories told in a full-page miniature in the Tres Riches Heures is the Meeting of the Three Magi. The Meditationes omits a description of the entire event. Of the first event, that is, the coming of the Magi to Christ, I do not intend to narrate the mo-

: rality and the exposition that have been so diligently presented by the saints. To learn how the Magi came from the Orient to Jerusalem, how Herod dealt with them, how they were guided by the star, why they made their offerings, and the other things that are part of this matter, read the text of the Gospel and the expositions of the saints and you will find all.’

The Vie, on the other hand, dwells on the journey and includes the following unique passage: Ilz partirent de leurs palais tous trois en une heure et tirerent la ou ilz veoient l’estoille, tant qu’ilz se vont recontrer tous trois en ung chemin ou il avoit ung oratoire selon leur loy, com[m]e nous faisons aujourduy les croiz es parties des chemins. Et Dieu saiche com|ml]e ilz fure[n]t joyeulx et se firent noble reverence et se saluerent doulcement."”

The place of meeting was marked, in other words, by a monument of the kind known in the late Middle Ages as a montjoie."' Even the text that devoted special attention to the journey, the Historia trium regum by Johannes of Hildesheim, of about 1370, does not describe a monument at the place of meeting.”

xii | Introduction I Since the text of the Vie was written around 1380, it belongs to the period of the visual arts commonly designated as of the “International Style” or the ‘“‘Courtly Style.” It has, however, as little relationship to that art as does the Meditationes itself. Perhaps the most interesting aspect of the Vie, indeed, is its development of values inculcated a hundred years earlier in a text written in Italy. In the Vie the chief characters, the ““family’’ of Christ, are no less simple and humble than in the earlier Italian text; they are normally associated with virtue, whereas the wealthy and powerful are almost by nature evil. Men living close to the land such as shepherds become even more prominent than in the Meditationes. They are conspicuous not only in landscapes but near Christ in the Nativity and the Adoration of the Magi. Undoubtedly they attracted great interest for a variety of reasons: a growing interest in nature, for instance, and in the ideal of a serene, pastoral life. These concerns were shared by the wealthy patrons of illuminated books and their cultivated advisers. Surely the interest of these men was not limited to a sense of condescension and artificial fondness, as has been asserted, in the attempt to give a full, even if narrow, unity to the International Style and to find in it values of the aristocracy alone.’ Indeed, we can readily learn that at the same time very different views were advocated with great strength by the greatest living theologian, Jean Gerson. Gerson was not only chancellor of the University of Paris and prominent canon in the chapter of Notre-Dame, but also a close counselor to the Valois Dukes, Philippe le Hardi and Jean de Berry. He was preoccupied with the religious growth of uneducated people, and around 1400 he wrote several texts in the vernacular, including one called ‘‘l’A.B.C. des simples gens.’ He preferred penitential mysticism to scholasticism because it enabled even simpletons to know God." It is not surprising that he prompted the cult of St. Joseph, a carpenter. These attitudes and values permeate also the Vie de Nostre Benoit Sauveur, part of which, as we shall see, was probably written by Gerson himself. They appear also in the painting of the time, and it is evident that we need to broaden our current conception of its character. “‘Artificial fondness”’ is far from enough. Princeton April 1975

NOTES | t. | have, however, drawn frequently from it in the series of volumes published since 1967 under the general title French Painting in the Time of Jean de Berry. 2. The Late XIV Century and the Patronage of the Duke, 1967, p. 288. 3. E. Salter, Nicholas Love’s ‘“Myrrour of the Blessed Life of Christ” (Analecta Cartusiana, x), Salzburg, 1974, p. 66 n. 40, incorrectly cites me for the identification of Bibliotheque Nationale, nouv. acq. fr. 6194 as Jean de Berry’s copy of the Vie (The Late XIV Century and the Patronage of the Duke, 1967 [not 1907],

: Introduction! | xiii pp. 289, 403 n. 30). Ms. nouv. acq. fr. 6194 is a Provencal translation of the Meditationes. 4. C. Perrat, ‘Barthélemy Buyer et les débuts de l’imprimerie a Lyon,” Humanisme et Renaissance, Ul,

: 1935, p. 103ff. The Vie de Nostre Sauveur is not mentioned by Perrat. See J.-C. Brunet, Manuel du libraire et de l’amateur de livres, 5th ed., Paris, v, 1865, col. 1184; E. Roy, ““Mystére de la Passion en France du XIV¢ au XVIF siecle,” Revue Bourguignonne, XIN, 1903, pp. I-189; XIV, 1904, pp. 153-506. 5. Pierpont Morgan Library, Early Printed Books: Major Acquisitions of the Pierpont Morgan Library 1924-1974, New York, 1974, no. Io. 6. See The Limbourgs and Their Contemporaries, 1974, Pp. 165. 7. See Meditations on the Life of Christ, ed. I. Ragusa and R. B. Green, Princeton, 1961, p. 306.

: 10. See p. 20. , 8. See p. 60. 9. Op. cit., p. 48E.

tz. See The Limbourgs and Their Contemporaries, 1974, Pp. 156. 12. M. Elissagaray, La légende des rois mages, Paris [1965], p. 115f.

, 13. E. Panofsky, Early Netherlandish Painting : Its Origins and Character, Cambridge, Mass., 1953, p. 66ff. 14. J]. Gerson, Oeuvres completes, ed. Mgr. Glorieux, Paris, vil [1966], pp. 154-157. 15. Ibid., p. 15.

Introduction I] ELIZABETH H. BEATSON

HEN WE STARTED to prepare this edition of the Vie de Nostre Benoit \ \ Sauveur, we knew that there had been no previous study of the text. But as the work progressed we began to suspect that those who had referred to it had never even read beyond the Infancy cycle. Emile Male, the only art historian to have made any use of the text, quotes from the Miracle of the Cornfield. If he had noticed the connection with Jean de Berry, he would surely have mentioned it, and the reference he gives is so vague that only because we know the Vie can we identify it as his source.! In his major study of the Passion plays in France, Emile Roy, like Male, quotes from the Infancy cycle, and he lists three copies of the Vie, two manuscripts and the Lyon incunabulum. But if he had investigated further, he would have found that one of the manuscripts, Carpentras, ms. 28, contained what would have interested him most—a complete account of the Passion.’ It is not altogether surprising that our predecessors failed to establish that there exist two versions of the Vie, one truncated and the other full-length. We were more fortunate in having microfilms which show that within the same number of pages Carpentras, ms. 28, has a text more than twice the length of the other manuscript, now in Darmstadt. Moreover, we had the good fortune to identify in the Bibliotheque Nationale a second and better manuscript of the complete version, which reinforced other evidence that the text in this form is an integrated work dating from the time of Jean de Berry. The Meditationes Vitae Christi of Pseudo-Bonaventura is addressed to a nun, whereas

xv

Introduction II | xv , the compiler of the Vie makes it clear from the start that his work is intended for all ranks of the laity. There are lessons to be drawn for great princes, the ‘gens bourgeois et marchans”’ as well as for the poor and humble. “Le maistre doit amer son bon serviteur, et le serviteur son maistre.’? Nobles must be respected, but the man who stands midway should be no more eager to serve “‘les grans plus que les petits.”’ Spiritual heights can be attained no less easily, and perhaps more easily, by the unlettered than by the learned.’ The principal exponent of such ideas at the time the Vie was composed was, as Millard Meiss has pointed

: out, Jean Gerson. And it was because we turned to the vernacular works of the Chancellor for some sign of his involvement in our text that we recognized the Passion section as a reworking of his famous sermon, Ad Deum vadit, delivered on Good Friday, April 13, 1403.4

We shall consider below what evidence there is for the date of 1380 or 1390, both of which can be supported by the varying incipits, and we shall propose that the Vie was probably begun in 1390 and then completed in or after 1403. We cannot with absolute certainty give a name to the author of either part, but in our opinion Gerson wrote the first

| part. We are persuaded that at the very least he suggested the project to the Duke and that it was compiled under his aegis. There is evidence that a Carmelite composed the second part, taking up the work in 1403. In any case, the Life of the Virgin which serves as an epilogue to the whole was written by a member of that Order.® We hope that with the publication of the text more copies of the Vie will be brought to light and that fresh evidence will confirm, or correct, our suppositions.

THE TWO VERSIONS The Vie de Nostre Benoit Sauveur has come down to us in two basic versions—one ending with the Last Supper, the other continuing through the entire Passion to the Descent of the Holy Ghost at Pentecost. The short version is represented both by the Lyon incunabulum

, and by a manuscript of the second half of the fifteenth century in the Hessische Landesbibliothek at Darmstadt.® An offshoot of this version, lacking most of the childhood miracles and so even shorter, was printed under the title L’Enfance de Nostre Seigneur. It came from the press of Jean de la Fontaine in the late fourteen eighties or nineties and has survived, as far as we know, only in a single copy, now in the Bibliotheque Nationale. Both the incunabula and the manuscript include the incipit giving a date for the translation, made as it says for Jean de Berry, and apart from variations in spelling, abbreviations and other

, small differences the texts can be said to agree.” The complete version has been preserved in two manuscripts, both of the second half of the fifteenth century but differing greatly in quality. The first, now in Carpentras (Biblio-

xvi | Introduction II theque Inguimbertine, ms. 28), is written on paper in an indifferent hand; it includes the incipit but there are some lacunae in the text and, like the incunabula and the Darmstadt manuscript, it is unillustrated. By contrast, the second, Bibliotheque Nationale, ms. fr. 992, which we came across while studying French versions of the Meditationes in 1969, is written

by an excellent scribe on fine vellum; the text is complete and clear, and it contains 130 miniatures by Jean Colombe and his workshop. The incipit, however, is missing, which explains why this copy was not brought into earlier references to the Vie.® Before deciding on which copy we should base our transcription we had to consider the relationship of the two versions. Did the complete text as represented by Carpentras, ms. 28, and Bibliotheque Nationale, ms. fr. 992, date from the time of Jean de Berry, or was the second part of this text composed independently and put together with the first part at some later date ? If only the first part, in effect the shorter version, dates from the time of the

Duke, our transcription would have been confined to that. The incipit describes the work as a Life of our Savior, which leads us to expect that the Passion at least will be included and that probably, as in the Meditationes, the story will be carried down to Pentecost. Passions, we know, were sometimes composed as independent works, but we can cite no Life of Christ that breaks off, as the short version does, after the Last Supper.? In addition, the text of both versions of the Vie offers the strongest evidence that a continuation was intended. The author, in his account of Christ’s ministry, tells us specifically that not all the miracles will be included “‘pour plustost venir a la passion,” and,

still within the short version, he announces the beginning of “le mistere de la benoiste passion” before Christ leaves Bethany for the Last Supper.!° There are, moreover, references back and forth between the two parts. For instance, the ‘“‘clou rude et malforge,”’ to which

Millard Meiss has drawn attention, appears in the dialogue between the Father and Son before the Incarnation, and again when Christ is nailed to the Cross. And when Christ is given the sop we are reminded that at the earlier moment he agreed to drink the vinegar to redeem Adam’s enjoyment of the apple at the Fall.1! Another link is that both parts of the Vie recommend the same two works to the reader—the Doctrinal de la foy catholicque and the Dialogue—and to these we shall return later. As a final argument, no break in style is noticeable at the point where the short version meets the continuation. The text follows an already established pattern; the Gospel account or Prose is followed by the Exposicion and an occasional Exemple, and passages addressed to the reader—the devote personne—are usually rubricated Acteur. Only the

| Oraisons are added, prayers in which the reader is asked to join as in spirit he accompanies the Savior through his Passion to his death. As we shall see, a new and important element was inserted into the Vie that might be expected to have brought about a change in style.

But this does not coincide with the end of the short version, an ending so abrupt that

Introduction Il | xvii Guillaume Le Roy felt the need to add an explicit, which was copied in the edition of Jean de la Fontaine.” To the question why the short version should exist at all, one simple answer is suggested by the length—it is about half the full version. If the copy from which the exemplars of the Darmstadt manuscript and the Lyon incunabula derive was bound in two volumes, and the first volume had become separated from its companion, a short version, just as we know it today, could have come into circulation. Once we had decided in favor of the full-length Vie, the Bibliotheque Nationale manuscript, fr. 992, with its complete and careful text, was the obvious choice for the transcription. It is a luxury manuscript, clearly made for a patron of rank, but there is nothing to indicate his or her identity. To establish the patron, however, was not to our purpose. By the same token we have not undertaken any stylistic study of the miniatures to place the cycle chronologically within the oeuvre of Colombe’s workshop and so date the manu-

, script more precisely than ca. 1480.1? We have, however, established that there is general agreement between the text of ms. fr. 992 and the copies of the short version, and also with Carpentras, ms. 28, which is probably some twenty years earlier.

THE DATE We have no documentary evidence for the composition of the Vie either from the inventories of Jean de Berry or from the surviving account books. But considering other factors we have come to believe that the work was composed in two stages, the earlier part almost certainly dating from 1390 and the later from 1403 or thereafter. The earlier part, incidentally, concludes before the end of the short version of the Vie. The incipits of the Lyon incunabula, the Darmstadt and the Carpentras manuscripts all

, agree substantially, except in one important respect.* Only the incunabula give an unequivocal date for the translation—1380. Darmstadt, ms. 1699, gives the date as mil iii Pxiiti**, and this we suggest should be read as 1390. The xx following and above the last figure indicates the vigesimal system, but xiii (14) < xx (20) = 280, giving us the year 1580 for the translation. It is difficult to accept that a scribe capable of making this decent tran-

scription in a careful script would write a date for the translation more than a hundred years later than his copy. Could it not be that his exemplar read “‘mil trois cens et dix et quatre vins,” and that in transposing the words into figures he omitted a space after the x? We do know of two dedicatory epistles in translations made for Charles V where the date is in this inverted form, though it must be admitted that both are in verse and the inversion suits the rhyme.! The Darmstadt manuscript has, on a blank page, a note in an eighteenth-

xviii | Introduction II century hand. The writer gives some historical information about Jean de Berry, and the date of the translation as 1390, adding “‘environ,”’ presumably to express his hesitation at what, nevertheless, seemed to him, as it does to us, the only possible reading of an unusual form.!®

The date given by the Carpentras manuscript, ““L’An de grace courant mil q{ua|tre cens

et quarante et vins ans,” has been rejected in the recent survey of dated manuscripts as “une mauvaise lecture de l’archetype: ‘mil q[ua]tre cens quarante et vins’ (pour 1380).?*” The authors also reject the possibility that the date given (1460) could apply to the copy, which is signed by the scribe, Glaudius Negri, at the end. They make no mention of the word “‘courant,” which does not occur in other copies of the incipit. But this word would be quite in place if Glaudius intended 1460 as the date of his own work. And, judging from the script, 1460 could well be the date of the manuscript. So far the incipits have indicated a date of 1380 or 1390 for the early part of the Vie. If we

are correct in identifying the Doctrinal, or Doctrinal de la foy catholicque, cited in both parts of the Vie, with a work written in 1388, it provides a post quem to confirm the later date. A treatise known as the Doctrinal de la foy (or foy catholicque), and sometimes as the Doctrinal aux simples gens, was written by or, more probably, for Guy de Roye, Archbishop of Sens and founder of the College de Rheims in Paris.!® Manuscript copies, the many incunabula printed under the title Doctrinal de sapience, and Caxton’s translation all agree in dating the work 1388. It is described in the preamble as “‘pour les simples prestres qui n’entendent mie |’Escripture, et pour les simples gens est-il fait en francois, plainement et par

grant conseil et examinacions esprouves a Paris par le conseil de pluseurs maistres en divinite.’’!® It does, as the Vie says, have a chapter on the Holy Name of Jesus; it has a great deal to say on the love of God and of one’s neighbor; and it speaks at length on the Holy Sacrament, and on sin. In subject and style it would certainly have appealed to the author or authors of the Vie, and it fits so well with Gerson’s own pastoral program that it was copied

together with a collection of his early treatises in a manuscript now in the Bibliotheque Nationale.?° In the same manuscript we find the Lucidaire, which is almost certainly the text described as the Dialogue in the Vie. Written in the form of question and answer, the Lucidaire in a vernacular version claims to satisfy all reasonable doubts touching the Catholic faith.2! More important, it does discuss the matters on which it is cited in the Vie. We know that it was widely used, and it was printed by Guillaume Le Roy in 1478, just before the Vie.22 Unfortunately, we do not know in what year the popular vernacular version, available towards the end of the fourteenth century, was made, and so, unlike the Doctrinal, it is no help in dating the Vie.° Another aspect of the incipit, the Duke’s titles, presents a fresh problem, but leads to our

Introduction II | xix supposition that the Vie was composed in two stages. In all the copies Jean de Berry is described as Duke of Berry and of Auvergne, Count of Poitou and of Etampes, a style which would have been incorrect in 1380, 1390, or at any time in his life. Published documents of 1379, 1386, and 1388 all show him as duc de Berry et d’ Auvergne, conte de Poictou, and there was no change until 1394, when his second wife, Jeanne de Boulogne, succeeded her

| father, giving the Duke the right to add conte d’ Auvergne et Bouloigne to his other titles.”4 As for Etampes, it was only in 1385 after complicated negotiations that he obtained rights of succession from his childless cousin, Louis d’Evreux, conte d’Etampes, and he had to wait until his death in 1400 to succeed to the title and do homage for the lands.?® From

then on his style remained constant—duc de Berry et d’Auvergne, conte de Poictou, d’Estampes, de Bouloigne et d’ Auvergne. If, as we believe, the Vie was composed in two campaigns, it could be that d’Estampes was not part of the original incipit of 1380 or 1390,

| and that when work was resumed, in or after 1403, there was room to add to the Duke’s copy his most recent title but not the earlier ones, which after 1400 were in any case placed last. The text itself provides us with a definite post quem for the second stage in the composition of the Vie. Still within the short version, after the anointing of Christ’s feet by Mary Magdalen and Judas’s decision to betray him, is the rubric Ad Deum vadit, followed by

, the quatrain:

A Dieu s’en va par mort amere Jhesus voyant sa doulce mere. Si devons bien par penitence De son dueil avoir remenbrance.”® This is the text and these are the opening lines of Jean Gerson’s celebrated Passion sermon,

, delivered in Paris, at the Church of St. Bernard, on Good Friday, April 13, 1403. There follows the Exposicion, taken almost word for word from Gerson. And then—with the difference that the Vie necessarily includes an account of the Last Supper, the Washing of the Feet and the Communion of the Apostles, which Gerson had preached on Holy Thursday— the texts move parallel, past the ending of the short version, to follow Christ to Gethsemane. Hereafter, until the Entombment, the Vie, with certain omissions and significant additions,

is a paraphrase and sometimes a word-for-word repetition of the sermon. There is no at-

: tempt to conceal the source, although the Chancellor is not named. At one time we thought that Gerson might have written this account of the Passion at an earlier date for the Vie, and then reworked it for the sermon. But this is impossible as the break between the two parts of his address is rubricated here: Explicit sermo beate Marie Virginis. Sequitur collatio post prandium.”"

xx | Introduction II The sermon ends with the Entombment, but the compiler of the second part of the Vie follows the Meditationes in including the Resurrection, the Descent into Hell, Christ’s appearances to his mother and to the disciples, the Ascension, and finally the Descent of the Holy Spirit. Both manuscripts conclude with a Saincte vie de Nostre Dame, based on the Golden Legend and other apocryphal sources. We see no reason to suppose that it is not contemporary with the second part of the Vie. A letter of 1408 from Jean Gerson to the newly appointed bishop of Constance gives an indication that the Vie was completed before that date.”* Writing in Latin, he recommends, together with a group of his own vernacular treatises, a “Vita Christi de recenti compilata.” The only other Life of Christ to approximate this description would be the Vita Christi of Ludolph of Saxony, and that was composed almost half a century earlier. Like the Vie, it is based on the Meditationes, but far from being of ‘“‘courte duree”’ and adapted for the laity, itis a scholarly work and a compendium of patristic literature.2? We cannot imagine that Gerson would have preferred Ludolph’s version when the Vie was available, written in French, and intended like one of the treatises that he mentions “‘pour le salut des ames du simple gens.’’°?

THE AUTHORS Prominent scholars who translated texts for Jean de Berry, such as Jean Courtecuisse, Nicolas de Gonesse and Laurent de Premierfait, were all eager to link their names to the noble patron in a lengthy dedicatory epistle or in an explicit.*! By contrast, the incipit to the Vie is remarkably brief and direct. It contains no compliments to the “‘tres hault et puissant” Duke, and the author remains anonymous. Quite possibly this was because the author was too young and little known to be linked to the Duke. Even more possibly, as the statement of intent in the incipit suggests, it was because his objectives were pastoral and inconsistent

with personal fame. ,

The work, we are told, is a Life of Christ ‘“ordonne en brief langayge ou parolles. Pourceque le peuple d’auiordui ayme et requiert avoir choses briefves comme cellui qui est de courte duree et de petite devocion.’’*? We cannot suppose that such a project was initiated by the Duke. His piety took the form of costly gifts of precious reliquaries and church furnishings in return for masses and prayers for his own, or for his immediate

family’s, welfare and salvation. He was never distinguished by an interest in the material, let alone the spiritual, needs of the populace.** His library was filled with splendid Books of Hours and liturgical manuscripts for his own use. But no copy of the Vie is recorded in his inventories, a sign that he lacked enthusiasm for a work that did not reflect his per-

Introduction II] | xxi sonal taste. The Vie, in other words, was initiated by someone other than the Duke, someone with an eye to the needs of the “‘peuple d’auiordui,”’ the common people. The first part of the Vie, as we have shown, was composed around the year 1390. We

, know that Jean Gerson’s Ad Deum vadit was incorporated into the Passion section in or after 1403, and that Gerson recommended a Life of Christ—very probably the Vie—a few years later. Is it possible that he was the anonymous compiler, or at least the initiator of

the project? There are circumstantial, ideological and literary reasons for thinking that he was.

In 1390 this wheelwright’s son, then twenty-seven, was already a lecturer in theology and active in the life of the University.** As a student of the eminent Pierre d’Ailly, whom he was to succeed as Chancellor five years later, he might have been brought to the attention of the Duke. In any case, he must have been known at court when he was invited to preach before the King on Ash Wednesday, 1389. Characteristically, he gave that sermon, like many others to follow, in French.*® By 1393 he had been appointed confessor to the Duke’s brother, Philippe le Hardi, but in 1390 he was still without an influential protector. So if he did initiate this vernacular Life of Christ, he might well have sought the sponsorship of Jean de Berry, and he would have been in a position to obtain it.*®

| The ideological and literary reasons for believing Gerson to be the initiator, if not the author, of the Vie are even more compelling than the circumstantial ones. Gerson was the leader of a reform movement within the Church, a movement that emphasized the pastoral mission of the clergy and the instruction of the people. We know from the many treatises he produced around the turn of the century that he stressed the importance of literature in the vernacular for the simple person, whether cleric or layman. He considered texts in French important for listening to—on the part of the illiterate—as well as for reading.®” In his Mountain of Contemplation, addressed to his sisters, he expressed the wish that Bonaventura’s treatise on the Passion, the Stimulus amoris, should be translated. Not long after, a vernacular version was made by the confessor to Jean de Berry’s daughter, Marie.** A constant theme of the Chancellor’s sermons was “‘Do penance, and believe the Gospel!’”*® What could have better served that end than a French version of the Gospel story, presented in a direct and lively form, with brief commentaries that the reader could apply not only to his own life but to society at large? Gerson’s learned Latin writings do not suggest him as the author of the Vie. But with the recent publication of all his vernacular works it is now possible to appreciate his ability to adapt imaginatively a theme to his audience. In many cases he first preached in Latin to an audience of scholars, then gave the same sermon in French, in terms that were suited to a mixed audience of nobles, merchants, tradesmen and the menu peuple. While his tracts, sermons and letters in Latin are filled with classical references and scholarly considera-

xxii | Introduction II tions, his vernacular writings, addressed so often to the unlearned or young, are much closer in style to the Vie, where we find only an occasional “‘disent les docteurs” or “‘dit la glose.”*° To make a narration realistic and convincing he constantly introduces homely details, or uses dialogue, as in the account—in the Ad Deum vadit—of St. John bringing the news of Christ’s arrest to the Virgin. This account, incidentally, was taken over into the Vie almost word for word.”! All the ideological and literary characteristics of Gerson’s work are evident in the changes that the author of the Vie made in adapting the text of the Meditationes. For instance, in the account of the Nativity, both in the Vie and Meditationes, Joseph sits disconsolate at not being able to provide the necessities for the birth. But in the Vie Mary cheers him, saying, “Mon tres doulx amy Joseph, ne vous esbahissez mye. . .”’ and she suggests that he fetch and lay before her the hay to receive the Child.*” The Meditationes, addressed to a nun, has a long passage on the virtues of poverty and humility, and the reader is urged to “Kiss the beautiful little feet of the infant Jesus... and beg His mother to let you hold him awhile.” The Vie directs its reader’s attention rather to the annunciation to the shepherds, painting the scene with as much vivid, realistic detail as in a miniature of a contemporary Book of

Hours. Pseudo-Bonaventura also contrasts the poor shepherds with the rich who see nothing, but the author of the Vie, with his wider audience in mind, speaks of ‘‘the great princes who were in Bethlehem, and the rich bourgeois and merchants, all sleeping, who

heard nothing of this melodious nativity,’ drawing the moral that we should not despise ‘les laboreux, ne les pastoureaulx, ne les pouvres gens.’’** In Gerson’s time the Meditationes

was thought to be the work of St. Bonaventura, the theologian he most admired. And though he never mentions the Meditationes directly, the prologue to it is clearly the source of a passage in the Mountain of Contemplation where he speaks of the devotion to Christ’s

life of St. Bernard, and of St. Cecilia, who always carried with her the Gospel of Our Savior.®

The only serious objection that might be advanced to Gerson as author or initiator of the Vie is that the work includes apocryphal material, especially the Infancy cycle of the Holy Family in Egypt and the miracles performed there by the Christ Child. In his Considerations sur Saint Joseph, written about 1413, Gerson condemned—under the title De ’enfance du Sauveur—the Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew, the source of this cycle. But he was cautious enough to condemn it only for its errors, because it included “‘aucunes narrations lesqueles Veglise recoit, non mie comme verites de la foy et necessaires a croire.’’** This is not so different from the spirit in which the stories are presented in the Vie. They are miracles that

the Child Jesus might have performed; they are uncanonical, ‘‘mais quelque personne devote contemplant la puissance de Dieu, lequel peut faire toutes choses, les mist en escript,

| en esperance qu’il seroit plus profitable a ung chrestien de prendre plaisir a lire cecy, d’estre

Introduction II | xxiii oyseux ne dire mal d’aultruy.” And, as the cycle ends, the author again expresses his reservations, saying, “Je lesseray a parler de ceste matiere et de cestes enffances, lesquelles ne sont esprouvees mais est ung passetemps.’”*” The Golden Legend with all its unlikely

stories of the saints was approved by Gerson, and even recommended by him as the Legendae sanctorum to the tutor of the Dauphin as suitable reading for a king’s son.*8 Another consideration here is that Gerson, having been responsible for the Vie, might later have looked askance at some of the content. On one matter we do know that with the years he changed his opinion. In his Christmas sermon, Gloria in Altissimus, delivered early in the fifteenth century, he describes St. Joseph in the conventional manner as ‘tun homme

: ancien,” which is how Joseph is described in the Vie.*® But later, in the Considerations, he protests against painters who show the Saint “‘comme moult vieillart homme, a la barbe fleurie,” and fixes his age at about thirty-six, Aristotle’s ideal age for marriage.°® This movement in his thought—from more conventional to less conventional—might just as easily have characterized his attitude to the Infancy cycle. Last but not least in considering Gerson’s link to the Vie, the author of the Meditationes is unnamed and it would be characteristic of Gerson’s humility and lack of personal ambi-

, tion that he decided to follow this example. Many of his writings circulated anonymously, and they can only be ascribed to him because he himself mentions them, or on the evidence of style and content.®*! We must admit that no Life of Christ appears in the three lists of Gerson’s works drawn up variously by his brother and his secretary. But none of the lists

is comprehensive, and all of them omit works known to be authentic. Moreover, as the Vie is a compilation drawn from various sources—principally the Meditationes— including it in a list of original works might have seemed inappropriate. While the authorship of the first part can be attributed with conviction to Gerson, the

authorship of the second part is more problematic. Almost certainly Gerson’s Passion sermon—the Ad Deum vadit—provided the impetus for completing the work. Jean de Berry, who was in Paris for the greater part of April 1403, may well have heard the sermon

and admired it.>* But whether he heard it himself or not, he was presumably open to a suggestion that the Ad Deum vadit be the basis for finishing the Vie and turning it into a true Life of Christ. The adaptation of the sermon and the addition of the conclusion, however, were apparently not carried out by the Chancellor. Gerson very likely acted only tn a supervisory role. The evidence is that the compiler of the second part was a Carmelite. Only a member of that Order, intent on substantiating the claim of the White Friars to primacy, could have included a flagrant piece of Carmelite propaganda in his account of Pentecost.°? The brotherhood, he tells us, was founded by Elijah on Mount Carmel, and the members, drawn from all Western European nations, were visiting Jerusalem when the Holy Spirit descended on

xxiv | Introduction II the Apostles. Thus they were the first beneficiaries of the gift of tongues, and, accepting Christianity, they became “‘les freres de Nostre Dame, qu’on appelle les Carmes.’’°* The Order claimed to have received the scapular direct from the hands of the Virgin, and consistent with Carmelite devotion to her cult the author added passages to Gerson’s already extensive descriptions of her sufferings and lamentations during and after the Passion.®® The Saincte vie de Nostre Dame that follows the Life of Christ in both copies of the complete version was, according to the rubric, “‘extraicte de latin en francois par ung frere religieux Carme.”°® The author refers to the Vie de Nostre Seigneur that precedes it, and there is reason to believe that he himself completed that work.” We know of a prominent Carmelite of Paris, Jean Golein, who translated at least eight works at the request of Charles V, Jean de Berry’s brother. The Duke owned copies of two of these, the Livre de l'information des princes and the Chronique de Burgos.°® In his dedicatory epistles to the King, Golein, a member of the University and Provincial for his Order, seems exaggeratedly self-deprecating. He describes himself as “‘son tres petit clerc’’ and “‘le plus petit et le moins

sachant des maistres en theologie de |’Universite de Paris.’®® The author of the Saincte vie de Nostre Dame, referring to the Feast of the Immaculate Conception, is equally modest: “‘Je, qui suys pou scavant, remet ceste matere aux grans clers, et qu’ilz me vueillent pardonner mon ignorance et amender ma defaillance, car je ne suis pas digne de parler de si hault secret de Dieu.’’® A possible instance of Golein’s personal presence in the second part of the Vie de Nostre Benoit Sauveur is the mention of Caux, in Normandy. Along with Bruges and Paris, he introduces Fecan “‘en Caux, en Normandie,” as having a relic of the

Fecan.®! |

Precious Blood. In the Ad Deum vadit, from which the passage is taken, Gerson speaks only of Bruges and Paris. Jean Golein was born at Blaqueville, in the Caux, quite near A question about Golein is whether he lived long enough to compile the second part of the Vie. He was still translating after the turn of the century when he made additions to the Golden Legend sometime between r4o1 and 1403.®? But the day of his death is uncertain.

According to the modern calendar, he died after Easter 1403 and before Easter 1404. If he lived only a few months after Gerson delivered the Ad Deum vadit, he could have completed the Vie and added the Life of Our Lady. If he died too soon for this, the work must have been done by a fellow Carmelite from the Paris friary. Princeton November 5, 1975

Introduction I] | XXV

NOTES tr. E. Male (L’art religieux du XIlle siécle en France, Paris, 1902, p. 256 n. 4) refers to “‘un incunable du XVe siecle” printed in Lyon, having 29 folios, that he saw in the Bibliotheque Nationale. This can only be the L’enfance de Nostre Seigneur—rés. A.3301. See p. 160f. 2. E. Roy, “‘Le mystere de la Passion en France du XIVe au XVe siécle,”’ Revue Bourguignonne, XIV, 1 904, p. 250. 3. See pp. 17, 44, 45f., 47.

4. D. Carnahan, The ‘‘Ad Deum Vadit” of Jean Gerson (University of Illinois Studies in Language and . Literature, 11, no. 1), Urbana, 1917. The author gives the date of the sermon as Good Friday, 1402, according to the system of calculating the year in fifteenth-century France from Easter to Easter. We have corrected dates throughout to accord with modern usage. We have also consulted the most recent edition of the sermon: J. Gerson, Oeuvres completes, ed. Mgr. Glorieux, Paris, vu bis [1968], pp. 449-519. 5. See p. xxiiif.

6. For descriptions and bibliographies of all copies of the Vie see pp. 156-161. 7. For a concordance of contents see pp. 30-36. 8. M. Lieberman subsequently noted the association of ms. fr. 992 with Carpentras, ms. 28 and Bibliotheque Nationale rés. 4.3301. See idem, “‘Autour de l’iconographie Gersonienne (Suite),” Romania, XCl,

1970, p. 478 n. 4; and idem, “Saint Joseph, Jean Gerson et Pierre d’Ailly dans un manuscrit de 1464,” Cahiers de Joséphologie, xx, 1972, p. 78 n. ITS. 9. A Passion composed for Queen Isabeau in 1390 is ascribed variously to Gerson or to Henri de Baume, confessor to St. Colette de Corbie. Gerson’s authorship is rejected by Roy, op. cit., p. 253. The Passion does not appear among the Chancellor’s works in his Oeuvres complétes, ed. Mgr. Glorieux. IO. See pp. 57, 64.

rr. Cf. pp. 8, 32, roo. 12. See p. 3.

13. Jean Colombe lived and worked in Bourges. He completed the Tvés Riches Heures of Jean de Berry,

, left unfinished owing to the death of the Limbourg brothers and of the Duke in 1416. Possibly a copy of the Vie dating from the lifetime of Jean de Berry was still available in the 1480s in Bourges. 14. For transcriptions of all these copies of the incipit see p. 3. 15. L. Delisle, Recherches sur la librairie de Charles V, Paris, 1907, 1, pp. 73, 76.

16. The note reads: “Cette vie de J.C. manuscrite, est une traduction Gauloise de la vie de J.C. écrite en Latin. Cette traduction a éte faite par ordre du Prince Jean, duc de Berry, duc d’Auvergne, comte de poytou etc., fils du Roi, Jean |, mort a Londres vers I’an 1364. Le Berry avoit été érige en Duché en 1360, par le Roi de France, en faveur de son 3eme fils. Apres la mort de Roi Jean I, le Comté de Poytou fut donné par Charles V a son frere Jean duc de Berry; qui fit traduite cette vie de N.S.J.C. a Paris l’an 1390 environ.”

, 17. C. Samaran and R. Marichal, Catalogue des manuscrits en écriture latine portant des indications de date, de lieu ou de copiste, Paris, v1, 1965, p. 512.

18. See P. Paris, Les manuscrits francois de la bibliotheque du roi, Paris, vil, 1848, pp. 337-339. For . Gerson’s connection with Guy de Roye see J. Connolly, John Gerson Reformer and Mystic, Louvain, 1928, p. 95.

19. P. Paris, op. cit., Vu, p. 338. For Caxton’s translation see The Doctrinal of Sapience (W. Caxton, Westminster, 1489). 20. Ms. fr. 25548. See Y. Lefevre, L’Elucidarium et les Lucidaires (Bibliotheque des Ecoles Francaises d’Athenes et de Rome, fasc. 180), Paris, 1954, p. 306. Since the Doctrinal is copied without a title, Lefevre

, does not connect it with Guy de Roye. It was copied together with Jean Galopes’s translation of the Meditationes in Bibliotheque Nationale, ms. fr. 923. See P. Paris, loc. cit., p. 248ff. (as ms. 7274). Among the many incunabula is an edition by Guillaume Le Roy, Lyon, 1485. [Only when this book was in the press did the

xxvi | Introduction II tenth and final volume of Mer. Glorieux’s edition of Jean Gerson’s collected works become available to me. It is of great interest that in a supplementary section he has now included the Doctrinal aux simples gens as an authentic early work of Gerson himself, dating it ca. 1387. Since to the best of my knowledge in none of the manuscript copies or incunabula is Gerson associated with this text, the new attribution tends to support the suggestion that at this stage of his career the young scholar would not necessarily have identified himself as author of the Vie. See Jean Gerson, Oeuvres completes, ed. Mgr. Glorieux, Paris, x [1974], pp. 287, 295-321. |

21. See W. Copinger, Supplement to Hain’s Repertorium bibliographicum, London, 1, pt. 2, 1898, p. 306 no. 3049. 22, For the text of Guillaume Le Roy’s edition see J. Nachbin, Ung tres singulier et profitable livre appelle Le Lucidaire, Paris, 1938. The Lucidaire is bound together with the Vie in Bibliotheque Nationale, rés. H.155. 23. Lefevre, op. cit., p. 305, and, for an association with Gerson’s works, p. 307.

24. For documents see R. Lacour, Le gouvernement de l’apanage de Jean, duc de Berry, 1360-1416, Paris, 1934, pp. 66 (piece 15) ; 60 (piece 12) ; 71f. (piece 16). The last document gives the year 1388 but Lacour

dates it incorrectly 1398. For Jean de Berry as comte de Boulogne and of Auvergne see p. 318. 25. F. Lehoux, Jean de France, duc de Berri. Sa vie. Son action politique. 1340-1416, Paris, 11, 1966, pp. 142, 429f.

26. See p. 64. On this quatrain see Carnahan, op. cit., p. 26. 27. See p. 89. 28. J. Gerson, Oeuvres completes, ed. Mgr. Glorieux, Paris, m1 [1961], pp. 108-116; see especially p. r10.

29. Ludolf of Saxony, Vita Jesu Christi redemptoris nostri ex medullis evangelicis, Lyon, 1519. See also M. Bodenstedt, The Vita Christi of Ludolphus the Carthusian, Washington, D.C., 1944, p. 5rf. 30. Cf. Le miroir de l’dme (op. cit., vu, p. 193) with the prologue of the Vie (p. 4). 31. For Courtecuisse’s dedication of the Traité des quatre vertus in 1403 see A. Coville, “Recherches sur Jean Courtecuisse et ses oeuvres oratoires,” Bibliothéque de l’Ecole des Chartes, Lxv, 1904, p. 48 off. 32. See p. 3.

33. For Jean de Berry’s exactions and unpopularity in the Languedoc see J. Froissart, Oeuvres, ed. K. de Lettenhove, Brussels, xIv, 1877, p. 42; in Paris at the time of his illness in 1404 see Religieux de Saint-Denis, Chronique contenant le regne de Charles V1, de 1380 4 1422, tr. L. Bellaguet, Paris, 1, 1891, p. 148. 34. Gerson, op. cit., 1, p. 107f. 35. Loc. cit. 36. Gerson applied to the Duke in 1413 to ask for his assistance in establishing a feast of St. Joseph. See M. Lieberman, ‘“‘Lettre de Gerson au duc de Berry,” Cahiers de Joséphologie, 1x, 1961, pp. 199-265. 37. Gerson, op. cit., VU, p. 24. 38. Idem, op. cit., Vl, p. XXi. 39. Connolly, op. cit., p. 82. 40. See Gerson’s sermon De la conception de Nostre Dame: “Et point ne me vueil chargier de allegances ou concordances, combien que en matiere quelconque plus grant habondance avoir je ne pourroye, car a

gens qui point n’entendent latin peu sont plaisans, proffitables ou edifians, et si en seroit mon fait trop long et obscur.” (L. Mourin, Six sermons francais inédits de Jean Gerson, Paris, 1946, p. 390.) 4t. Cf. p. 79 with Carnahan, op. cit., p. 66f. 42. See p. I5. 43. Meditations on the Life of Christ, ed. |. Ragusa and R. B. Green, Princeton, 1961, p. 38. 44. See p. 17.

45. Cf. op. cit., p. rf. with Gerson, op. cit., VU, p. 47. 46. Gerson, op. cit., VI, p. 76. 47. See pp. 26f., 36. 48. Gerson, op. cit., 1, p. 212. 49. In the sermon he speaks of Mary and Joseph as “‘une pucellette et un homme ancien” (Mourin, op. cit., p. 295). In the Vie (p. 26), ““Nostre Dame estoit jeune, et Joseph estoit vieil.”’

Introduction II | xxvii

50. Gerson, op. cit., VII, pp. 72, 75. | 51. Two lists of Gerson’s work were drawn up—one in, and the other immediately after, his lifetime—by his Cistercian brother, Jean, and a third by his secretary, Jacques de Cerisy. For these lists and the attendant problems see Mgr. Glorieux’s introduction to the Oeuvres completes, 1, p. 8ff. 52. Lehoux, op. cit., U1, p. 498. 53. See p. 133f. The question of the descent of the Order from Elijah was under attack in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, and it was only settled by the bull of Sixtus IV, in 1477. See R. Koch, ‘‘Elijah the Prophet, Founder of the Carmelite Order,” Speculum, xxxIv, 1959, Pp. 547-560. 54. See p. 134. 55. See pp. 105f., 108, 109. Jean Courtecuisse in his sermon O vos omnes incorporates from the Ad Deum

vadit passages of the Virgin’s lament at the foot of the Cross. See G. Di Stefano, ““L’opera oratoria de Jean Courtecuisse e la letteratura parenetica del secolo XV,” in Miscellanea di studi e ricerche sul quattrocento francese, ed. F. Simone, Turin, 1967, pp. 152-154. Di Stefano has not observed that passages quoted by him on pp. 152-154 are taken almost word for word from Gerson (cf. ‘Elle avoit tant gemi et plouré.. .”’ and Ad Deum vadit, |. 25 46ff.; ““Les paintres qui autrement...”? and A.D.V., 1. 25 50ff.; “Las biau doulz filz.. .” and A.D.V., |. 2587ff.). 56. Delisle, op. cit., 1, pp. 258 no. 213 bis, 309 no. 213 bis, mentions having seen an incunabulum of a

, “Vie abrégee de Notre Dame que le duc de Berry fit traduire en 1380, en méme temps que la Vie de Jesus Christ ou l’Enfance de Notre-Seigneur, citée un peu plus haut.’’ His notes, he adds, did not indicate where he had seen it. Possibly he meant the Carpentras manuscript which is on paper. Or is there an incunabulum containing both Lives, surviving like the Enfance in a single copy, hidden in some library and waiting to be discovered? 57. “Comme il est dit dessus en la vie de Nostre Seigneur Ihesucrist’’ (p. 148). 58. For Jean Golein’s translations see Delisle, op. cit., 1, pp. 94-104; for the Duke’s copies see p. rorf. 59. Idem, op. cit., pp. 97, 99. Go. See p. 142.

61. See M. A.-F. Gautier, “Notice historique et littéraire sur Jehan Golein,”’ Actes de l Academie Royale des Sciences, Belles-lettres et Arts de Bordeaux, 1847, pp. 393-424. 62. The translation of this appendix to the Golden Legend is ascribed to Golein in ms. fr. 57 of the Biblio-

theque Publique et Universitaire, Geneva (J. Senebier, Catalogue raisonné des manuscrits conserves dans la bibliothéque de la ville et république de Geneve, Geneva, 1779). The same text in Bibliotheque Nationale, ms. fr. 242, is dated 1402, and ascribed to “‘un maistre en theologie de l’ordre de Nostre Dame du Carme.”’ It was printed separately by Guillaume Le Roy for Barthelemy Buyer in 1477, as the Legende des saints nouveaulx, ascribed as in ms. fr. 242 but with the date r4o1. The Pierpont Morgan Library’s copies of Le Roy’s editions of the Legende and the Vie were previously combined in a fifteenth-century binding (see p. 160). Golein was born in 1320. J. Du Breul, Le théatre des antiquitez de Paris, Paris, 1639, p. 432£., gives the inscription from his tomb: “‘Cy gist frere Jean Goulain, maistre en theologie, nay en Caulx a Blacqueville, vestu a Rouen: iadis legat et chapelin du S. siege Apostolique: qui ayant souffert plusieurs labeurs pour le bien de la religion et de toute la saincte Eglise, trepassa l’an de grace 1403.’’ The dates given in the manuscripts and on Golein’s tomb are of course old style.

The Transcription

Vie de Nostre Benoit and the vietranscription de Nostre Dame, as found in I | \HISthe PUBLICATION aims Sauveur at providing anSaincte accurate of the text of

, the most complete and careful copy known to us, ms. fr. 992 in the Bibliotheque Nationale. The manuscript lacks the incipit that connects the work with Jean de Berry, and we have therefore supplied transcriptions of the incipit from the four sources where it does appear. We have not included the paraphrase of Psalm 51 with which ms. fr. 992 ends.” As it is not included in Carpentras, ms. 28 there is no confirmation that it formed part of the original version. We have compared all the copies of the text, but since this is not a critical edition only those differences are mentioned in the notes where our text seemed corrupt or in need of

corroboration. The table of chapter headings provides a concordance of all the known copies. The table also includes parallel references to the Ad Deum vadit for the Passion section, and here we have found it convenient to use D. Carnahan’s critical edition of the sermon with its numbered lines. We have preserved the spelling, which sometimes varies within the same page, but all abbreviated words have been completed. Likewise, we have added punctuation and have capitalized words where necessary. Accents have not been added, but words have often been divided to make for easier reading. * Psalm 51 is traditionally associated with the “Un livre d’Heures illustré par Jean Colombe a la story of David and Bathsheba. Bathsheba at the Bibliotheque Laurentienne a Florence,” Gazette Fountain was a favorite subject of Jean Colombe, des Beaux-Arts, LXXXII, 1973, pp. 287-296 (espe-

who painted the miniatures in ms. fr. 992, so he cially p. 293 and n. 23). may have suggested its inclusion. See C. Schaefer, XXVIN1

The Transcription | xxix The language of the Vie is such that a reader with a working knowledge of modern French should have little difficulty in understanding it. He needs only to become accustomed to certain peculiarities of orthography—for instance, ait written as o7t, the addition of an / in a word such as cieulx, or a terminal z to form a plural where an s is used today. We have provided a short glossary intended to be used in conjunction with a good modern French dictionary. In the notes to the transcription references to the various copies are abbreviated as follows: Bibliotheque Nationale, ms. fr. 992: 992; Carpentras, ms. 28: C.; Darmstadt, ms. 1699: D.; Lyon, Guillaume Le Roy: L.; Ad Deum vadit: A.D.V.

Fr.992* Carpentras Darmstadt Lyon Lyon, J. de Le Roy _ la Fontaine

Chapter La Vie de Nostre Benoit Sauveur page folio folio page folio

Cy commence une moult belle . . . devote matiere 3 I I I 2

Sur toutes les pencees espirituelles . . . 4 I I I 1. Comment les angels suplierent a Dieu le Pere 4 IV 2 2 pour la redempcion de |’umain lignaige

2. De Pincarnacion Nostre Seigneur Jhesucrist 7 2 3 4 3. Comment Nostre Dame alla visitez la mere II AV Sv 12 4V saint Jehan baptiste

4. Du doubte de Joseph quant Nostre Dame estoit 12 5V II 15 5V grosse

5. De la nativite Nostre Sauveur 15 6V 13" 18 6. De la circuncision Nostre Seigneur 18 8v 18v 25 8 7. De l’aparucion Nostre Seigneur 19 9 L9V 27 8. Comment Nostre Dame demoura quarente 21 IOV 24 33 OV jours en la creiche

9. De la purification Nostre Dame 22 II 24V 34 IO 10. Comment pour la paour de Herodes Nostre 26 13 30V 43 II Dame et Joseph s’en fouyrent en Egipte et le doulx enfant Jhesus

rz. Comment les dragons adourent Jhesus |’enfant 27 14 32V 45 IIV * Page numbers apply to our transcription. Folio num- t. Fol. r5 is missing and there is consequently a break in

bers appear in parentheses in the text. the text. XXX

Table of Chapters and Concordance | xxxi Fr.992 Carpentras Darmstadt Lyon — Lyon, J. de Le Roy la Fontaine

Chapter La Vie de Nostre Benoit Sauveur page folio folio page folio

12. Comment Nostre Seigneur fut acompaigne du 27 14 33 46 — lyon et de pluseurs autres bestes sauvaiges

| 13. Du miracle de la palme 29 I4V 33V 47 12 14. Comment Nostre Seigneur abregea le chemin, et 29 LAV 34 48 — des miracles qu’il fist en entrant en Egipte

15. Du poisson salle et comment fut logee 31 1§ 35 49 — Nostre Dame

16. Comment le doulx enfant Jhesus fist venir 31 15V 36 51 — ung tref de bois plus long qu’il n’estoit

17. Comment !’enfant Jhesus fist de petiz oyselletz 32 16 36V 52 29V

, 18. Comment Jhesus jouoit sur les raiz, et comment 32 16 37 — — il resuscita l’enfant qui s’estoit rompy le col

19. Comment Jhesus porta l’eaue en son chapperon 34 I6V 38 53 —

20. Comment Nostre Seigneur porta le feu 34 I6V 38 53 — en son giron

21. Comment Jhesus fist des potz de terre 34 I6V 38Vv 54 —-

22. Comment Nostre Seigneur fut tainturier 35 17 39 55 -—

: 23. Comment Nostre Seigneur gicta ung 36 I7V AI 57 _enfant d’un puiz

24. Comment Jhesus resuscita l’enfant de 36 18 AIV 58 — leur voisine

25. Comment Nostre Seigneur s’en retourne 37 18 42 59 12 d’Fgipte en la terre d’Israel

26. Comment Nostre Seigneur fut quis de ses parens 38 19 A5 63 13

27. Comment Nostre Seigneur vesquit en 40 20V 48 67 14 Nazareth jusques a l’aage de trente ans, Nostre Dame et Joseph le gouvernant

28. Comment Nostre Seigneur fut baptize AI 21 49 69 I4V 29. Comment Nostre Seigneur jeuna quarente jours 42 2IV SOV 71 15

30. Comment Nostre Seigneur eut premierement 44 22V 53 74 16 disciples

31. Comment Nostre Seigneur convertit l’eaue 45 23 54 76 16 en vin aux nopces Architriclin

32. Comment Nostre Seigneur enseigna ses 46 24 56 79 17 disciples

33. Comment Nostre Seigneur guerit le filz 46 24 56V 79 17 de centurion

34. Comment Nostre Seigneur guerit le paralitique 47 24V 57 80 I7V

xxxii | Table of Chapters and Concordance Fr.992 Carpentras Darmstadt Lyon — Lyon, J. de Le Roy — la Fontaine

page folio folio page folio

35. Comment Nostre Seigneur estoit avecques ses 48 25 58Vv 82 18 disciples sur la mer, la ou ilz s’en dormoient

36. Comment Nostre Seigneur resuscita 48 25V 59 83 18 enfant d’une pouvre femme vefve

37. Comment Nostre Seigneur guerit Marthe A9 25V 59V 83 18 38. Comment monseigneur saint Jehan baptiste A9 26 60 85 18v fut decolle

39. Comment Nostre Seigneur pardonna a la 51 26V 6IV 87 19 Magdalaine ses pechez en l’ostel de Simon le lepreux

| 40. Comment Nostre Seigneur parla a la 52 27 62V 89 19V Samaritaine

41. Comment Nostre Seigneur guerit la main 53 27V 63V 90 L9V d’un pouvre homme au jour du sabmedi, en la sinagogue des Juifs

42. Comment Nostre Seigneur saoula cing mille 53 27V 64 9I 20 hommes de cing pains et de deux petiz poissons

43. Comment Jhesus s’en fouyt car le peuple le 54 28 65 92 20 vouloit faire roy, et comment il alla par dessus Peaue

44. Du digner que Marthe donna a Nostre 55 29 66V 9347 20V Seigneur et a ses disciples

45. Comment saint Pierre demanda a Nostre 55 29 67V 94a 21 Seigneur quel guerdon il donneroit a luy et a ses disciples

46. De la transfiguracion Nostre Seigneur 56 29V 68V 95 2IV 47. Comment Nostre Seigneur gicta hors du temple 57 30 69V 96 2IV ceulx qui y vendoyent et achatoient

48. Comment Nostre Seigneur ressuscita le Ladre 57 30V 70 97 22

49. Du faulx conseil des Juifs 58 31 FIV 100 22V 50. De la femme qui fut prise en adultere 59 31V 72V IOI 2.3

51. Comment Nostre Seigneur entra en Jherusalem 60 32 73V 102 23 sur l’asne le jour de pasques fleuries

52. Comment Nostre Seigneur fut cite davant 61 33V 76 106 24 Pilate, le jour apres pasques fleuries

53. Comment la Magdaleine oignit les piez de 63 34V 78V IIo 25 Nostre Seigneur Jhesucrist d’un precieux oignement 2. Owing to an error in pagination pp. 93 and 94 are duplicated. The letter a denotes the second of each. |

Table of Chapters and Concordance | xxxiii Fr.992 Carpentras Darmstadt Lyon Lyon, ].de A.D.V. Le Roy la Fontaine

Chapter La Vie de Nostre Benoit Sauveur page folio folio page folio line

Ad Deum vadit 64 35 80 112 I , 54. Comment Nostre Dame et tous ses 65 35V SI 113 25V 40 amys requirent humblement a Thesucrist qu’il ne allast point en Jherusalem

55. De la cene que Nostre Seigneur 65 36 82 IT§ 26 123 fist le jeudi au soir et comment il lava les piez

56. Comment Nostre Seigneur ordonna 67 37 84V 118 27 —

: le saint sacrement de |’autel

Cy finit la vie et les miracles... —- — — 123 29V ~ Fr.992 Carpentras A.D.V.

page folio line

57. Comment Ihesucrist plaidoit ou jardin Dieu le Pere qu’il ne 70 38v? 186 moursist point

58. Comment Judas trahit Nostre Seigneur en le baisant 74 38Vv 512

59. Comment Nostre Seigneur fut presente a Anne 80 4iv? 950

60. Comment Nostre Seigneur fut mene a Pilate 82 — 1454 61. Comment Pylate envoya Ihesucrist a Herodes 83 — 1651 62. Comment Pilate fist batre Nostre Seigneur a la colonne et 85 — 1730 comment il le jugea en lavant ses mains

sentence donnee par Pylate

63. Comment Jhesus fut batu, flagelle, et coronne d’espines apres la 87 AIV 1945 Explicit sermo beate Marie virginis. Sequitur collacio post prandium 89 42V 2046 64. Comment vint mene Jhesus crucifier, et lui fait-on porter sa croix 89 42V 2046

65. Comment Nostre Seigneur fut crucifie 91 44V 2.307 66. Comment Nostre Seigneur pent entre deux larrons 94 46 2391

67. La complainte Nostre Dame 95 47 2587

68. Comment Nostre Seigneur commanda sa mere a saint Jehan 97 48 2669 69. Comment |’ame de Jhesucrist se plaignoit a Dieu le Pere 98 49 2749 70. Comment Nostre Seigneur fut abreuve de fiel et de vin aigre LOO A9V 2852

71. Comment le doulx Jhesus rendit l’esperit a Dieu le Pere IOI Sov 2880 3. Chapter heading only. An omission sign indicates that on fol. 85v where part of the text of chapter 59 has been the text of chapter 57 was added at the end. However, it is copied by the same scribe. The missing text continues on

now missing. fol. 86. 4. Chapter heading only. An omission sign is repeated

xxxiv | Table of Chapters and Concordance Fr.992 Carpentras A.D.V.

Chapter La Vie de Nostre Benoit Sauveur page folio line 72. Des merveilles qui furent au trespassement de Jhesucrist 102 51 2.922 73. Comment centurion et d’autres Juifz raisonnables confesserent 104 SIV 2949 , que Jhesucrist estoit vroy Dieu

74. Comment Nostre Seigneur fut feru d’une lance par le couste dextre 104 52 2984

Amour le fist du ciel venir 106 53V —

75. Comment Nostre Seigneur fut descendu de la croiz et mis ou 107 54 3043 sepulcre

76. Le piteux regart que Nostre Dame fist quant on luy osta le precieux 108 55 3082 corps de son chier enffant pour le mectre en sepulture, disant ainsi:

77. Les piteuses complaintes que Nostre Dame faisoit quant elle fut 109 55V 3125 retraicte apres la sepulture

Explicit Pistoire de la passion Nostre Seigneur IIO 54V 3177 78. Comment centurio fut eslue garde du sepulcre IIO 54V 79. Comment les mors qui estoient resuscitez au trespassement IIO 56 Jhesucrist donnerent tesmoignaige qu’il estoit descendu en enfer

80. Comment Ihesucrist descendit en enfer tantost qu’il fut trespasse 113 57

81. De la resurrection Nostre Seigneur Ihesucrist 116 58v 82. Comment les trois Maries vindrent au sepulcre le dimanche, 117 59V bien matin

83. Comment Nostre Seigneur s’apparut cing foiz le jour de pasques 118 60

84. Comment Nostre Seigneur retourna en paradis terrestre I21 62 85. Comment Nostre Seigneur entra avecques ses disciples, 121 62V les portes closes

86. Comment Nostre Seigneur se fist pelerin 124 63V 87. Comment centurion et les chevalliers estoient garde du sepulcre, 125 64 et vindrent dire aux Juifs que Jhesus estoit resuscite

88. Comment saint Thomas mist son doy dedans la playe 126 65 Nostre Seigneur [hesucrist

89. Comment les disciples de Jhesucrist allerent pescher en la mer 127 65V de Tiberiadis

90. Comment Nostre Seigneur montit es cieulx 128 66V 91. Comment les apostres furent rempliz du Saint Esperit 132 69V

Cy finist la vie de Nostre Seigneur Jhesucrist. 134

Table of Chapters and Concordance | xxxv

. | Fr.992 Carpentras

Chapter La Vie de Nostre Dame page folio Cy commence la saincte vie de Nostre Dame, en bonne 134 7IV devocion extraicte de latin en francois par ung frere religieux carme

t. Du lignaige et de la vie de Joachin 136 72 2. Le marriage de saincte Anne et de Joachin 137 72.V 3. Comment a la feste eufemorum, c’est a dire les estraines, 137 72V Joachin et saincte Anne sa femme s’en allerent au temple

4. Comment l’offrende de Joachin fut refusee, et furent 137 73 : mis hors du temple luy et saincte Anne sa femme

5. Comment Joachin s’en alla vers ses pastours, et 138 73 saincte Anne s’en alla en Nazareth

6. L’oraison saincte Anne 138 73V

7. Comment lange apparut a saincte Anne 139 73V 8. Comment saincte Anne appella sa servante, laquelle 139 74 se trufta d’elle

9. Comment I|’ange apparut a Joachin 139 74 to. Comment l’ange s’aparut secondement a saincte Anne 140 75

tz. De la concepcion Nostre Dame I4I 75 12. De la nativite Nostre Dame et comment elle fut 142 76V presentee au temple

13. Comment Nostre Dame vesquit, servant Dieu au temple 143 76v°

_ 14. Comment ilz la vouloient encliner de mariage 144 78V

15. La predicacion de l’evesque IA5 79

16. La commande de trouver qui soit sa garde 145 79V

17. Comment la verge ne florit point 146 79V 18. Comment la verge de Joseph fleurit entre ses mains 146 80

19. Le mariage de la vierge Marie et de Joseph 148 80 20. Comment Nostre Dame vesquit, et combien de temps 149 Si apres l’ascension de Nostre Seigneur Jhesucrist

21. Comment l’ange Gabriel uy denonca sa mort et son 149 8I assumpcion

22. Comment Nostre Dame parla a l’ange Gabriel 150 8I

23. Comment les apostres s’assemblerent 150 82 24. Comment [hesucrist vint querir l’ame de sa doulce mere 151 82V

5. Fol. 77 has a few extraneous lines in Latin and the verso is blank. However, there is no break in the text between fols. 76v and 78.

xxxvi | Table of Chapters and Concordance Fr.992 Carpentras Chapter La Vie de Nostre Dame page folio

25. Comment Ihesucrist monta l’ame de Nostre Dame en 152 83 paradis, ou elle fut receue joyeusement

26. Comment les apostres portent le corps de Nostre Dame 152 83V en la val de Josaphat

27. Comment Jhesucrist vint en la val de Josaphat et «154 84V emporta ou ciel Nostre Dame en corps et en ame _ ,

| La vie de Nostre Benoit Sauveur [hesuscrist La saincte vie de Nostre Dame

La vie de Nostre Benoit Sauveur Ihesuscrist

[Cy comme[n]ce une moult belle et moult notable, devote matiere, qui est moult proffitable a toute creature humayne. C’est la vie de N[ost]re Benoit Sauveur Thesuscrist, ordonnee en

| brief langayge ou parolles. Pourceque le peuple d’auiordui ayme et requiert avoir choses briefves, comme cellui qui est de courte duree et de petite devocion. Et fut translatee a Paris, de latin en francois, a la req{ue]ste de treshault et puissant prince Iehan, duc de Berry, duc d’Auvergne, conte de Poytou et de Tampes |’a[n] de grace mil ccc xxx. (Guillaume Le Roy, Lyon, and Jean de la Fontaine, Lyon)

| Cy commance moult belle et moult noble et moult devote matiere, qui est moult proffitable a toute nature humaine. C’est la vie de N[ost]re Benoyst Saulveur Jhesucrist, ordonnee en

briefves parrolles, pource que le peuple d’aujourduy ayme et requier a ouyr chouses briefves, comme est cil qui est de courte duree et de petite devocion. Et fut translatee a Paris, de latin en francoys, a la requeste de treshault et puyssant prince Jehan, duc de Berry, duc d’Auvergne, conte de Poytou et d’Estempes. L’an de grace mil iii ¥ xiiiix*. (Darmstadt, Hessische Landesbibliothek, ms. 1699, fol. 1)

Cy commense une moult noble, belle, notable et moult devote matiere, qui est moult p[ro]feitable a toute nature humaine. C’est la vie de N[ost]re Salveul JhfesJucrist, ordon[nJee en briefve p[ar]oelles, pource que le peuble d’au jourduy ayme et requiert a oyr chouse qui sont briefve et courtes, comen|[t] cellui qui est de courte duree et de petite devocion. Et fust translactee a Paris, de latin en romains, a la requeste du treshault, noble

| et puissant prince Jehan, duc de Berii et d’Auvergne, conte de Poitu et de Stampe. L’an de grace courant mil q[ua]tre cens et quarante et vins ans. (Carpentras, Bibliotheque Inguimbertine, ms. 28, fol. 1)] 3

4 | Lavie de Nostre Benoit Sauveur Ihesuscrist Sur toutes les pencees espirituelles la plus profitable qui soit est de pencer les faiz et la vie de N{ost]re Seigneur Ih[fes]uc[ri]st. Car ’'ame de celuy qui y pence en est plus enliee en l’amour de Ih[es]ucrist le Createur, et luy fait escheuer plaisirs mondains, et luy est aide encontre temptacion d’ennemy, (1v) et en sera plus reconforte en tribulacion. Com[mle est advenu de pluseurs simples gens layz, qui ne savoient point de lectre que pour pencer souve[n]t et

devotement a la devote vie N[ost]re S[eigneu]r Ih[es]ucrist, ont plus grandement sceu et co[n]gneu des faiz de Dieu et y ont trouve plus de doulceur et de joye q[ue] n’ont ceulx qui estoient grans clers tendans estudier pour la vanite mondaine. Pour ce, creature devote, si tu vieulx dilige[nte|ment pencer a la sai[nc|te vie de lh[es]ucrist il sera tousiours en ta co[m]paignie, et en luy souvent appercoit-on solas. Car saint Gregoire, pape de Rom[mle, donna moult gra[n]t pardon pour ch[asclun chappitre a celluy qui |’escoutera ou qui a par soy en lira. Et parleray premierement de l’incarnacion. Priant le Saint Esperit, tres bon aumosnier de grace, qu’il me doint grace d’en parler et a toy d’escouter chose qui soit a la louenge de N[ost]re Seigneur Ihfes]ucrist, et au profit et salut de noz ames.

COM[MIJE[N]T LES A[N]GELS SUPLIERE[N]T A DIEU LE PERE POUR LA REDEMPCION DE L’UMAIN LIGNAIGE (2) Nature humaine par l’espace de cing mille ans demoura en gra[n]t misere, tant que pour le peche d’Adam nul ne povoit monter en paradis. Les benoistz angels en eurent moult grant pitie, et furent tres desirans de veoir nature humaine empres eulx es sieges de paradis. Et lors a grant couraige et (2v) reverence, leurs faces enclinees, tous emsemble suppliere[n]t

Dieu le Pere, disans ainsi: ‘‘Sire Dieu, Pere tout puissant, il a pleu a viost]re benoiste Maieste et de v[ost]re seulle volente d’avoir fait hom[m]e a viost]re ymaige et semblance pour avoir joye et liesse ycy avecques vous, et pour remplir les lieux des esperitz qui en sont cheuz. Mes, Sire, vous voyez que tous vont a dampnacion et que les ennemis ont victoire sur voz creatures, et sont ja les fossez d’enfer plains d’ames. Helas, Sire, pourquoy furentelles crees ? Ne pourquoy baillez-vous aux bestes infernaulx les ames des creatures qui vous congnoissent? Toutesfoiz, Sire, vous usez de Justice, mais plaise-vous d’en avoir Misericorde, et vous souviegne de la promesse que vous feistes a Abraham et a Moyse et aux autres voz prophetes qui si bien vous ont servy. Obliez le deffault du premier hom[{m]e pour le bon service qu’ilz vous ont fait. Car, s’il plaisoit a v[ost]re saincte Deite, il est temps d’en avoir pitie. Regardez com[mlent ilz crient et lievent les yeulx vers (3) vous qui estes

leur Createur, que leur vueillez donner vjost]re benediction et guerir leur enfermete. V[ost]re debonnairete leur veuille aider.”’

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son poulain, et le premier pouvre qui en avoit mestier s’en aidoit. Pourquoy N[ost]re S[eigneu]r, ung dime[n]che, bien matin, envoya deux de ses disciples querir l’asnesse, et qu’ilz la pre[n]sissent seureme[n]t car ilz ne trouveroient personne qui la leur ostast. Et quant l’asnesse fut venue avecques so[n] poulai|n], les disciples despoillerent leurs robes

et en couvrirent premiereme[n]t le poulain; et qua[n]t N[ost]re S[eigneu]r fut monte dessus, il com[m]enca a ruer et a giguer. Lors N[ost]re Seign[eu]r descendit hastiveme[n]t, car il n’avoit mye acoustume de chevaucher poulains, et apres il monta sur |’asnesse. Ceste asnesse signifioit le vieil testame[n]t, nouvesu. Et c’estoit signifiance que ainsi com[m]e c’estoit signifiance que ainsi com[m]e l’asne et le poulain avoie[n]t soustenu Jh[es]ucrist et porte, qu’il porteroit et soustendroit (77v) la paine des pechez du vieil testame[n]t et du nouvel. Le Seigneur de tout le monde s’en alloit en Jh[e]r[usa]l[e]m sur une asnesse, couverte de pouvres robes et avoit bride de cordes. Ainsi avoit-il este prophetize pour abesser l’orgueil des seigneurs mondains, qui chevauchent les grans chevaulx parez de beaux harnois, mais le Roy des Roys chevauche asnes a brides de cordes. Gra[n]t peuple le suyvoit, et montoient sur les arbres et luy gettoient les fleurs et les rains de la verdure sur le chemin, et estandoient leurs robes par la ou il devoit passer. Mais N[ost]re S[eigneu]r n’estoit mye trop joyeulx pour les choses qu’il savoit qui devoient advenir, et dist: Bien s’aprouche la destruction de Jhfe]r[usa]l[e]m, car dava[n]t cent ans ne demourera pierre sur pierre, et sera telle famine en ceste ville que la mere me[n]gera son enfant. O filles de Jh[e]r[usa]l[e]m, bien d’eussez plourez!’’ Et lors N[ost]re S[eigneu]r ploura. Et nous trouvferJo[n]s qu’il

ploura trois foiz. La premiere fut de la mort du Ladre, pour la chestivete du monde. La s{e]c[on]de fut sur la cite de Jhfe]r[usa]l[e]m, pour la mesco[n]gnoissance qu’il veoit es creatures de la dicte ville. Et la tierce fut en la croiz, car il veoit que tous ne seront pas saulvez pour sa passion: com[m]e Herodes, ne Judas, ne le mauvais larron, (78) et pluseurs autres. Et quant il s’aproucha de la cite tous les enfans et tout le peuple lui vint au davant, en disant: ‘‘Joye et honneur soit donne a Jhfes]ucrist, n[ost]re Redempteur! Benoist soit Jhesus qui est du lignaige de David! Benoist soit Jh[es]us qui vient au monde, Dieu le tout

La vie de Nostre Benoit Sauveur Ihesuscrist | 61 puissant! Benoist soit Jh[es]ucrist qui vient pour no[u]s saulvez.”’ Sicom[m]e il est escript: “Osanna! filio David,” vieulst dire: “‘saulves-nous, toy qui es filz de david’’—c’est du lienaige de David. Adonc N[ost]re Seigneur, en chants et en louenges, entra en Jhfe]r[usa]l[e]m et fut du peuple moult honnore et a gra[n]t joye receu, dont les maistres de la loy furent plus irez et pl[u]s esmeuz contre lui. I] s’en alla tout droit au temple, et la respondit aux questions des Juifs et prescha au peuple jusques a vespres. Et suppose qu’ilz l’eussent receu a

gra[n|t honneur devers le matin, il ne trouva personne qui le co[n]vyast de boire, ne de menger. Si s’en tourna en Bethanie, dont il estoit party le matin. N[ost]re Dame et ses amys le receurent a grant joye. Personne devote, esioys-toy avecques eulx. Dit listoire que l|’an quarente et deux apres la passion fut la destruction de Jherusalem, ou fut la famine si horrible qfue] la mere roustit so[n] enffant (78v) et le mengea. La condampnacion des Juifs fut si gra[n]t que unze mille en furent octis. Et quatre-vingts-dix et sept mille personnes desquelz on donna tre[n]te pour ung denier, en remembrance de ce

qu’ilz avoient achate N[ost|re Seigneur trente deniers. Quant Vaspasian, empereur de Rom[mle, et Titus, son filz, tenoient le siege davant Jh[e|r[usa]lfe]m, les Juifs virent qu’ilz ne povoie[n]t plus resister contre eulx si me[n]gerent tous leurs tresors. Pour quoy advint que la verite”® des Juifs fut ordonnee, telleme[n]t que le premier [Ch]r[est]ien qui en achata en frappa ung ou deux parmy le ventre, dont yssit de leurs corps et ventres or et argent a

grant plante. Adoncques, qui en peut achater en achatoit, et ch[asclun les octisoit pour avoir le tresor qu’ilz avoie[n|t menge. L’empereur ne les voulut mye tous vendre. Il en garda neuf vings et en mist en trois galees, en ch[asc]une soixa[n]te. Puis les e[n]voya a l’ave[n]-

ture sur la mer. L’une de ses gallees arriva a Marsaille en Prove[n]ce, et de la vindre[n]t les Juifs qui sont par de ca. Et voyez que encores dure leur pugnicion, car ilz sont subgetz par tout le monde pour leurs pechez. Dieu les soufre vivre pour estre tesmoigns de sa

passion.

COM[MIE[N]T N[OSTIRE S[EIGNEUJR FUT CITE (79) DAVANT PILATE, LE JOUR APRES PASQUES FLEURIES Dit Pistoire que Cayphas et Annas, qui estoient maistres de la loy, avoient tousiours douze Juifs des plus saiges de leur conseil. Ceulx ordon[n]ere[n]t que Ih[es]ucrist fust cite dava[n]t Pylate, lequel estoit gouverneur et chief de la justice temporelle de l’e[m]pere[u]r (79v) de Rom{[mle. Jhfes]ucrist fut envoye querir par ung serge[n]t. Lors Pilate, avecques tous les Juifs, entra en la salle ou se tenoit le siege de la justice qui s’appelloit le pretoire. Et quant 29. C. fol. 33 and D. fol. 75v read “‘vente.” L. p. 106 has “‘ve[n]gence.”’

62 | Lavie de Nostre Benoit Sauveur Ihesuscrist il s’assist en la haulte chesze y avoit deux chevaliers de l’empereur qui tenoient deux ban[nlJieres, es quelles estoit paynt d’une part l’ymaige de l’empereur et de l’autre part ung

aigle. Qua[n]t le sergent alla querir Jhfes]ucrist, il vit que la face de N[ost]re Seigneur resplendissoit et gettoit clarte com[mle le soleil. Lors le dit sergent se agenoilla et le adoura com[mlJe Dieu. Puis luy dist: ‘“‘Pylate te ma[n]de que tu vie[n]gnes parler a luy.”’ “Volentiers,” dist N[ost]re S[eigneu]r Ih[es]ucrist. Lors le sergent avoit une touaille en sa teste

laquelle il estandoit dava[n]t les piez N[ost]re Seign[eu]r. Ainsi le sergent faisoit cest honneur a Jhfes]ucrist, et en grant revere[n]ce le mena jusques au pretoire. Ce voyant, les Juifz a pou qu’ilz ne enragerent, et vont crier : “‘Sire Pylate, regarde l’onneur que luy fait ton serviteur!’’ Inco[n]tinant Pylate appella le sergent: ‘““Pourquoy,”’ dist-il, “luy as-tu fait cest honneur 2”’ “‘Sire,’’ respondit le sergent, ‘“‘je vy hier qu’il n’y eut petit ne grant en ceste ville qui ne luy feist moult (80) d’onneur, et chantoient ‘Osanna! filio David. Sire, qui es de lignaige de David, ayes mercy de nous!’ Et, a present, quant vous le m’avez mande querre, j’ay veu yssir moult grant vertu de luy, car quant il parloit il yssoit de sa bouche et de toute sa face clarte comme du soleil. Pourquoy, sire, je co[n]gnois qu’il est vroy Filz de Dieu.”

Lors Pylate dist aux Juifs: ““Ne luy peuent faire honneur mes gens com[mle faisoient dimanche les vostres 2”

Dit listoire que quant N[ost]re S[eigneu]r entra dedans le pretoire, les ban[nJieres que les chevaliers portoient et tenoient se vont encliner vers Jhesucrist. Adoncques les Juifs s’escrierent: “Sire Pylate, tu faiz grant deshonneur a Cesar qua[n]t tu seuffres que ceulx qui tienne[n]t les banieres ou est l’ymaige et les armes du noble empereur facent hom[m]aige a ce faulx prophete. En verite, nous n’y prenons point de plaisir.”’ Lors Pylate regarda les chevaliers: “Par la foy que je doy a Cesar,” dist-il, “vous le comparrez.”’ “Sire,” respondirent les chevaliers, “ne te desplaise; car, par la foy que devons a Cesar et a toy, elles se so[n]t enclinees vers Jh[es]ucrist oultre n[ost]re volente, ne jamais n’y (8ov) avons consenty.’’ Les Juifs vont crier: “Sire Pylate, ces chevaliers se parjurent faulcement. Car nous avo[n]s bien congneu qu’ilz les ont baissees de leur bonne volente.”’ ‘Or prenez,”’ dist Pylate,®° “‘deux les plus fors Juifs qui soie[n]t en v[ost|re compaignie et leur baillez les

baniers, et nous ferons venir [h[es]ucrist dehors et s’elles s’enclinent vers luy vous serez messaigiers faulx, et s’elles ne s’enclinent point je feray justice de Jhesus.”? Respo[n]dit Cayphas: ‘‘Sire, je ne demande pas mieulx.”’ Inco[n]tinant furent esleuz les deux plus fors Juifs a tenir les banieres, et darriere ch[asc]un en mirent quatre des plus fors pour apuyer et aider a tenir plus fort, et firent yssir Jh[es]ucrist hors du pretoire. Puis Pylate commanda au sergent qu'il allast querir Jh[es]ucrist. Le sergent prist sa touaille et estandit dava[n]t 30. Ms. 992 omits “‘dist Pylate,’’ but it appears both in D. fol. 77v and L. p. ro9 and is necessary for the meaning.

La vie de Nostre Benoit Sauveur Ihesuscrist | 63

les piez N[ost]re Seigneur, com[m]e il avoit fait l’autre foiz, et le retourna dedans le pretoire. Et malgre les Juifs les banieres s’enclinerent plus fort que au com[m]enceme[n]t, et si estoient quatre a tenir ch[asc]une baniere. Lors les maistres de la loy crierent a haulte voiz: “Sire Pilate, cest hom[m]e est enchanteur. I] ouvre d’art de dyable.”’ Pylate regarda Jhfesjucrist, disant: ““Tu as, amy, oy ce q[wijlz (81) dient de toy. Que ne repons-tu ?”

“S’ilz n’eussent puissa[n|ce de parler ilz ne parlassent point,” dist N[ost|re Seigneur, “‘ch[asc]un a puissance de dire bien ou mal.’’ “Seigneurs,”’ dist Pylate au Juifs, “‘vous dictes que cest hom[m]e ouvre d’art de deable, mais vrayeme[n]t il est bien sur vous,*! il vous a bien aveuglez. Car vous vous deussiez mieulx encliner vers Jhesus que ces banieres ycy, qui n’ont vie ne senteme[n]t, sens ne raison, et si luy ont fait reverence en v[ost]re presence. Mais par viost]re faulce emue luy mectez sus qu’il est enchanteur et luy pourchassez sa mort a tort. Et aussi avez accuse mes chevaliers a tort, dont il vous viendra mal de tant de faulcetes com[m]e vous trouvez. Je vous deffens sur paines grans que a Jhesus ne faciez nul mal.’ Lors les Juifs murmurerent contre Jhesus et le menasserent plus fort, et tous courrossez se partirent de davant Pylate. Et Pylate dist a Jhesucrist qu7il se gardast des Juifs. De ces banieres davant dictes nous avons figure on livre de Josue en la bible.

COMMENT LA MAGDALEINE OIGNIT LES PIEZ DE N[OSTIRE SEIGNEUR JTHESUCRIST D’?UN PRECIEUX OIGNEMENT (8rv) Dit l’istoire que N[ost]re Seigneur disnoit ung jour en l’ostel de Simon le lepreux en Bethanie avecques le Ladre. Et y estoit N[ost]re Dame et les apostres. Et parloient de l’onneur que les Juifs avoient fait a Jh[es]ucrist le jour de pasques fleuries, et des menasses que les Juifs faisoient contre Ih[es]ucrist car il avoit resuscite le Ladre. Marthe servoit (82) a la

table. La Magdaleine prist une livre de precieux oignemens et les espandit sur la teste Jh[esJucrist, et puis luy oignit les piez. En ceste maison les luy avoit autreffoiz essuyez de ses cheveux par amere contriction, en demandant pardon de ses pechez. Mais maintenant les

oignoit de precieulx oigneme[n]s en pure devocion, et de parfaicte amour qu'elle avoit a son Seigneur; car elle l’aymoit sur toutes choses et ne se povoit tenir de le servir. Mais Judas, le traistre, en fut moult dolent quant la Magdaleine eut espa[n]du ces oigneme[n]s, et dist qu’il eust mieulx valu qu’on l’eust vendu trois cens deniers et donne l’argent aux pouvres. He dieux, quel aumosnier qui fait d’autruy cuir large cor[r]oye! Certes, pitie ne le faisoit pas, mais Dame Convoitise qui ainsi luy avoit le cueur embrase. Lors N[ost]re 31. L. p. r10 and D. fol. 78 add “‘le diable.” C. fol. 34v reads: “Ilz est bien seul, vous le dyable.”’

64 | La vie de Nostre Benoit Sauveur Ihesuscrist S[eigneu]r excusa la Magdaleine, disant: ‘““Helas! ma mye, cest oigneme[n]t sur mon chief est en signifiance que je seray ensevely. Pour ce soit garde, le demourant jusques au jour de ma sepulture. Vous aurez tousiours les pouvres avecques vous et vous leur pourrez souvent faire aumosne, mais moy n’aurez-vous pas longueme[n]t.”’ Et toy, Judas, ne l’as pas dit p[ar] devocion (82v) que tu ayes aux pouvres, mais pour approprier a toy l’argent.

L’acteur Dit listoire que Judas estoit despenseur et maistre d’ostel de Jh[es]ucrist, et luy retenoit et embloit tousiours de cent deniers, dix. Et pour ce fut-il moult courrosse que Poigneme[n]t n’avoit este vendu trois cens deniers, car il en eust robe trente deniers a sa part. Adoncques le diable luy entra ou corps. Si se pensa qu’il ne les perdroit point ainsi, et qu’il les recouvreroit en vendant son Maistre aux Juifs trente deniers. Personne devote, pence com[mJe[n]t les parolles de Jhfes]ucrist entrere[n]t aspreme[n]t au cueur de N[ost]re Dame. Quant il luy dist: ““Soit garde cest oigneme[n]t jusques au jour de ma sepulture!”’ il luy declaroit bien couverteme[n]t sa passion. Laquelle parolle si fut si tranchant que la doulce vierge Marie en fut atainte et ferue jusques au cueur, com[mle d’une glayve tra[n]chant, et aussi la Magdalene, le Ladre, Marthe et tous les amys de Jhesucrist. Et pour ce je com[mle[n]ceray le mistere de la benoiste passion de N[ost]re S[eigneu]|r Ih[es]ucrist en faisant souve[n|t me[n]|cion de dueil de sa benoiste mere, pour pl[u]s esmouvoir (83) noz durs cueurs en devocion. Et prendray ainsi mo[n] refrain en maniere d’ung terme: Ad Deum vadit A Dieu s’en va par mort amere®” Jhesus, voyant sa doulce mere. Si devons bien par penite[n]ce

De son dueil avoir reme[n]brance. ,

Exposicion Ainsi est vrayement. Nous devons bien avoir reme[n]brance souvent de vous, O benoist Jhesus, vroy et seul saulveur de tout le monde. Bien nous en doit souvenir quant, apres ce que vous nous avez fait a ung seul mot de v[ost]re vouloir et de nyant, vous nous avez voulu par grant labeur et par grant doleur—telle qu’oncq/ue]s ne fut sa pareille— rachater. Et tout ce a fait N/ost]re Seigne[u]r pour nous miserables creatures, qui pour lui n’avons rie[n]s fait ne aucun bien desservy. Et com[ml]enca des son e[n]fance en fain, en soif, en chault et en froit, en doleur et en paine qua[n]t il s’en fouyt en Egipte; en menasses et en reproches quant il resuscita le Ladre. Mais aujourduy est le commencement de sa tres a[n|goisseuse passion, et a confesse davant tous qu’il desiroit faire et aco[m]plir nfost]re 32. C. fol. 35 omits ““amere”’; D. fol. 80 gives a separate line to each phrase.

La vie de Nostre Benoit Sauveur Ihesuscrist | 65 saulvement qua[n|t il dist qu’on gardast le precieux oigneme[n]t. Lors co[n]gneut visiblement sa doulce mere qu’il vouloit aller a Ja mort amere.

COM[M]JENT NOSTRE DAME ET TOUS (83v) SES AMYS REQUIRE[N]T HUMBLEMENT A IH[ES|UCRIST QU’IL NE ALLAST POINT EN JHERUSALEM ‘Mon beau Filz,” dist la vierge Marie, “et mais mon Pere, mon Seigneur et mon Dieu glforjieux, toutes choses sont en v[ost|re puissance. Je, v[ost]re pouvre serva[n]te, v[ost|re mere desconfortee, laquelle vo[u]s avez (84) tant digneme[n]t amee et hon[nloree de v[ost|re seulle grace sans mes merites, je vous supply humblement que vueillez demourez en Bethanie, et faire ceans v[ost]re pasque avecques nous pour evicter la fureur des Juifs qui vous quierent livrer a mort.” Pareilleme[n]t la Magdalaine, le Ladre et tous ses amys lui firent requeste qu’il demourast. Nostre Seigneur respo[n|dit, ‘“Ma tres chiere mere et mes

beaux amys, saichez que le temps s’aprouche d’acomplir les prophecies, et la volente de mon Pere est que je face ma pasque en Jherusalem ainsi qu’il m’a ordonne.”’ He my! Las! en quel doleur estoit la mere de Dieu a ceste response, et mais tous ses parens. Car le doulx Jh[es|us toute sa vie leur avoit este si amyable, si doulx et si debonnaire, ql/u’}oncques nul jour en luy n’avoyent trouvee nulle rudesse. Lors il dist: ““Ma doulce mere, ne plourez plus. Vous savez bien qu’il le me co[n]vient acomplir. Ayez bonne esperance, car le tiers jour vous me reverrez sain et joyeux.” “Voire, mon Filz,” dist N[ost]re Dame, “‘mais vous povez bien faire autrement la redempcion de nature humaine. Toutesvoies, no[n] mye ainsi que je veuil mais tout a vostre (84v) plaisir et bonne ordonna[n|ce soit fait. Beau Filz, je vous recom[m]Je[n]de a Dieu, vjost|re Pere. A Dieu soyez. Ce m’est ung tres dolant adieu. Non pourtant, la ou vo[u]s yrez je yray et a tous voz perilz m’abandonneray.”’ O devotes gens, s'il y a ycy cueur piteux qui sceust oncques que c’est d’amour de mere a filz, si pence a ceste doleur: qua[n|t de Bethanie en Jh[e]r[usa]lfe]m, a Dieu va et a mort amere, Jhe[su]s, voyant sa doulce mere. (85)

DE LA CENE QUE N[OSTIJRE SEIGNEUR FIST LE JEUDI AU SOIR ET COM[MIE[N]T IL LAVA LES P[TIE]Z Nostre Seigneur desirant faire n[ost]re salut s’en alloit de Bethanie en Jh[e]r[usa]l[e]m pour payer n[ost|re rencon, no[n] pas d’or ne d’argent mais de son precieulx corps. Si s’en alloit tout premier com[m]e hardy chevallie]r pour batailler contre l’ennemy, et les apos-

66 | Lavie de Nostre Benoit Sauveur Ihesuscrist

tres aloie[n]|t apres, parlans et murmura([n]s les ungs aux autres de la malice des Juifs et de

la hardiesse de leur maistre, [h[es]ucrist. Quant vint au soir que l’aignel de la pasque se devoit menger, ainsi que deux de ses disciples et apostres l’avoient fait appareiller, N[ost]re Seigneur se assist a terre ou meillieu de la table ronde, qui estoit ordonnee selon le temps

jadis, et fist seoir tous ses disciples entour luy. Et le tres net et vray Aignel sans tache (c’estoit [h[es]ucrist) print l’aignel rousty, com[ml]e celuy qui estoit ou meilleu de sa famille, le tra{n]cha et par pieces le deppartit joyeuseme[n]t a tous ses disciples. Et les confortoit doulceme[n]t et mengeoit et souppoit avecques eulx, lesquelz estoient tristes et - avolent grant paour qu’il ne leur sourvint aucu[n]e chose de nouveau contre leur maistre, Ihesucrist. (85v) Lequel leur dist adoncques: “‘J’avoye longtemps desire de faire ce soupper et ceste pasque avecques vous. Non pourtant, |’un de vous me trayra.” Lors les disciples lesserent de mengier et tous esbahiz disoient l’un a l’autre: “Qui est celuy ? Sire, dy-le-nous!

Si le mectrons hors de n[ost]re compaignie.’’ Et Judas vint demander a Jhles]ucrist si Cestoit il qui le devoit trayr. N[ost]re Seigneur respo[n]dit: ““Tu le sces bien. Bon fust a celuy qu’il n’eust oncques este ne.”” Lors saint Jehan s’aproucha de N[ost]re Seigneur pour savoir qui estoit celuy; et il s’en dormyt ou giron de N[ost]re S[eigneu]r Ih[es]ucrist. Et lors il vit moult des secretz de paradis. Quant N[ost]re Seigneur vit que ses disciples ne mengeoient plus, il les fist tous asseoir davant luy. Puis il se leva et prist de l’eaue en ung

bassin, et soy agenoilla dava[n]t eulx et leur lava les piez, lun ap[re]s l’autre; puis les baisoit en la bouche. Devote p[er]sonne et amyable, note, je t’en prie, note souvent la saincte doctrine qu’il te bailla aujourduy, ton amoureulx Createur. Premiereme[n]t, il mengue en paiz et souppe doulceme[n]t avecques ses disciples (qui estoient de compaignie soixante-et-dix), en toy demonstrant q/ue] ainsi doiz-tu faire et menger amyableme[n]t et doulcement (86) et ton hostel avecques ta famille et avecques ta meignee. S[e]c[on]dement, il leur fist service corporel, et leur lava et essuya les piez. Lors fut exaulcee hu[mlJilite, quant le Sire de Maieste se hu[ml]ilia davant les pecheurs jusques aux piez. Et apres les baisa en la bouche en signe d’amour et de doulceur, et leur fist cestuy service davant que mort en feist la departie, afin qu’il leur sourvenist tousiours de luy. Le traistre, Judas, fut servy aussi doulcement que les autres, en nous demonstrant g/ue] nous devons faire le bien a ceulx qui

nous font mal. Je dy encores que N[ost]re S[eigneu]r dist qu’il avoit longtemps desire cestuy soupper avecques ses amys pour prendre la refection du corps, qui fut ung grant mistere, com[m]e avez oy. Pour quoy, personne devote, se tu y pences souvent et devotement, le doulx Jh[es]us, qui est courtois et debon[n]aire sur toute creature, ne souffrera mye que ton esperit soit jeun; ainsi le te repaistra et saoulera de grace. Je dy, oultreplus, que pencer souve[n]t le mistere de la benoiste passion est moult grant bien et grant proffit en

deux manieres. Premie[re|ment, quant tu auras aucune tribulacion ou que tu souffreras aucu[nJe doleur, dispose-toy et metz paine de pencer les afflictions (86v) que le doulx

La vie de Nostre Benoit Sauveur Ihesuscrist | 67 Jhesus souffrit pour toy. En verite tristesse et toute doleur te sera ostee. Secondement, tant de temps com[mlJe tu mectras a pencer la saincte passion N|ost]re Seigneur, te sera abatu et abreige des paines de purgatoire. Exemple Uneffoiz estoit ung religieux, qui au com[m]encement de sa jeunesse fut par tres longtemps si triste et s1 melencolieux qu’il ne povoit lire ne chanter, ne quelconque autre bien faire ne dire, tant com[m]e sa tristesse dura. Ung jour, ainsi que se tenoit oyseux, tout triste et tout courrosse, une voiz luy dist : ‘“Pourquoy te tiens-tu oyseux ? Lieve-toy et estudie en la passion N[ost|re Seigneur Ih[es]ucrist; car se tu pences fermeme[n]t en sa doleur la tienne te sera legiere.’’ Lors le religieux se leva et estudia la saincte passion N[ost]re Seieneur, en laquelle il trouva que le doulx Jhesus avoit souffert doleur si tres aspre q[ue] la sienne luy fut legiere et doulce a souffrir. Et tant com[m]e il continua de pencer l’istoire de la saincte passion, il ne sentit telle tristesse ne langueur qu’il sentoit par davant. Par cest

exemple appert comme sur toutes choses la plus profitable est de pencer souvent et de- | votement les doleurs et les afflictions que le (87) doulx Jhesus souffrit pour nous; ne il n’est paine qui ne fust legiere a souffrir a celluy qui y pence fermement et souvent.

COMMENT N[OST]JRE SEIGNEUR ORDONNA LE SAINT SACREMENT DE L’AUTEL Apres ces choses dessus dictes, N[ost]re Seigneur dist en la presence des apostres et disci-

ples qu’il estoit temps de donner fin a l’ancienne loy, (87v) car le temps s’aprouchoit d’acomplir ce qui estoit escript: “Et afin qu’il soit tout temps et a tousiours mais souvena[{n|ce de ce qu’est fait et sera du Filz de l’Om[m]Je—c’est du Filz de la Vierge—je com[m]Jenceray le nouvel testament, et vous ordonneray suppellatif sacrement de mon propre corps et de mon propre sang, ouquel je me donray et seray avecques vous jusques a la fin du monde.” Lors N[ost]re S[eigneu]r prist pain, vin et ung calice, leva les yeulx vers le ciel, parla[n]t a Dieu le Pere, et dist les sainctes parolles, auxq[uellles il donna telles vertuz que quant les prestres qui sont ordonnez par |’eglise les ont dictes sur le pain et sur le vin il co[n]vertist ou precieulx corps et ou precieux sang N[ost]re S[eigneu]r Ih[es]ucrist. Quant il eut fait sacrifice a Dieu le Pere de son precieux corps, il le donna a ses apostres et disciples, et les com[m]enia tous, l’ung apres l’autre, disant: ““C’est ycy mon corps, qui sera a mort livre pour vous.”’ Quant il buvoit au calice: “C’est ycy mon sang qui sera respendu pour vous. Mes amys, je vous donne la viande qui refait l’ame gracieuse dava[n]t N[ost]re Seieneur, qui la recevra digneme[n|t. Faictes souvent cecy en memoire de moy. Hoc (88) facite in meam com[m/emoracionem.” Puis N[ost]re S[eigneu]r leur com[m]enca a parler de sa

68 | La vie de Nostre Benoit Sauveur Ihesuscrist passion advenir, en la presence de Judas auquel il avoit donne a menger son precieux corps aussi doulceme[n]t com[m]e aux autres. Et luy dist: ““Fay ce que tu veulx faire, et le fay plustost.” Inco[n]tina[n]t Judas se deppartit d’illec et s’en alla aux princes des prestres, aus-

quelz il avoit vendu N{ost|re S[eigneu]r trente deniers le jour deva[n]t, et si le[ujr dema[n]da qu’ilz luy baillassent co[m]paignie pour le prendre. Entretant N[ost]re S[eigneu]r fist ung notable sermon a ses disciples en aco[m]plissant les prophecies, et les ensaignoit moult doulceme[n]t, disant: ““Le com[m]andeme[n]t que je vous foys est que vous aymez Pun autre, ainsi com[m]e je vous ay aymez. Si vous m’amez, gardez mes commandeme[n]s; car s’ainsi le faictes, vous aurez la benediction de mon Pere. Et puet estre vous aurez tribu-

lacion en ce monde, mais si vous avez pacience la tribulacion vous sera muee en joye. Ayez bonne fiance en moy, car j’ay vaincu le mo[n]de. Si mu/[n/dus vos odit, scitote quia me priorem odio habuit. Se le monde vous hayt, saichez qu’il m’a premierement hay.” En la fin du sermon (88v) N[ost|re Seigneur regarda vers le ciel, disant: “‘Pater, serva istos quos dedisti michi. Pere, garde ceulx que tu m’as donnez, et tous ceulx qui croyent en moy. Je les

ay gardez toute ma vie, maintena[n]t je voys a toy; je les te recom[m]Jande.”’ Lors N[ost]re , Seigneur et toute sa compaignie yssirent hors de l’ostel pour aller prier au jardrin. Exposicion Le souverain pastour paissoit doulceme[n]t ses brebiz, c’estoient ses disciples et apostres lesquelx il admonneste gracieuseme[n]t d’amour et de charite et qu’ilz vesquissent tousiours en paiz. C’estoit demonstrance aux [ch]restiens qu’ilz devoient tousiours amer l’un l’autre, en gardant les com[m]endemens de Dieu. Encores dy-je que le doulx Jhesus monstra a ses disciples comme ch/asc|un bon [ch]r[est]ien doit mectre paine d’avoir

, en soy trois vertuz principaulx: humilite contre orgueil, quant il s’agenoilla dava[n]t ses disciples pour leur faire service corporel; nous demonstra chastete contre luxure, quant il leur lava les piez en signe que nous devons tenir le corps net de tout peche et chaste, lequel est soustenu par les piez; charite nous demonstre visibleme[n]t, qua[n]t il ayma tant (89) ses disciples qu’il les baisa doulcement en la bouche comme vray amy. Mais plus clerement nous mo[n|stra njost]re souverain Maistre amour et charite quant nous donna viande pour paistre lame. Ce fut quant il ordonna le precieux, suppellatif et souverain sacrem[en]t de lautel, ouquel il se donne a nous jusques a la fin du traitie, en nous demonstrant que le devo[n]s amer sur toute rien. Et le devons souvent prendre et recevoir en pe[n]sant et considerant sa doulceur, jusques a la fin de noz jours. De la vertu de cestuy tres hault et saint sacrement parle plus a plain le doctrinal de la foy catholique a douze fueillez, et le dyalogue a sept fueilz. Quant N{ost]re S[eigneu]r dist a Judas: ““Ce que tu veulx faire, fay le plus tost,” saint Pierre et les autres entendoient que N[ost|re S[eigneu]r lui eust com[m]ande achater aucune chose, et qu’il luy deist qu’il le fist plus tost. Car il est bon a savoir que autreme[n|t les apostres eussent destruit Judas. Je dy encores derechief que, par dessus tout et

La vie de Nostre Benoit Sauveur Ihesuscrist | 69 superflueuseme[n]t, le doulx Jh[es]us, Dieu souverain, nous demonstra charite souveraine

en arda[n]t amour quant, pour la grant amour qu’il avoit a nature humaine, vouloit souffrir tres a[n]goueisseuse mort (89v)—telle qu’oncques ne fut ne jamais ne sera. Personne devote, a l’exemple de ton Createur metz paine d’avoir ces troys vertuz: humilite, chastete, et charite—dont la plus grant des trois est charite. Et vueil que tu saiches que se hu[mlilite habondoit en toy autant com[m|e elle fist en la vierge Marie, et q[ue] tu fusses aussi chaste com[mle saint Jehan l’euvangeliste, ou aussi vierge com[mlJe fut saincte Katherine, et si tu n’as charite, tout n’est riens. Et veulx-tu savoir qu’est charite? C’est amer Dieu, son Createur, par dessus tout autre amour. Donc, si tu l’aymes, tu garderas ses com[m]endemens. S[e]c{on]dement, charite est amer son frere [ch]r[est]ien. Donc si tu aymes, tu n’auras point d’e[n]vie, ne de mal veillance, ne de hayne contre luy. Ilz sont pluseurs gens qui ne sceuent que c’est q/ue] charite. Je te dy veritablement que charite est amer Dieu, et amer |’un l’autre com[m]e freres. “Unde habemus quid est caritas: dilectio Dei et proximi sui.” C’est amer Dieu et son prouchain. Et de ceste matiere parle grandement le mirouer de la foy catholiq[ue], com[m]e dessus.*° [Cy finist la vie et les miracles que nostre benoit Sauveur, n[ost]re Seygneur Ihesuscrist, en briefve substance de sa nativite iusques a sa benoite passion inclusive, en ce comprins au

| commencement la requeste des benois anges de paradis qu’ilz firent a Dieu le Pere pour nature humaine. |*4

Acteur Je laisseray a parler dont vint Judas, de Pylate, (90) de Herodes et du bon larron, ou furent trouvez les trente deniers, ne ou fut trouvee la croiz; car c’est chose de petit proffit a noz ames. Mais pour plus esmouvoir noz durs cueurs a devocion je diray le mistere de la benoiste passion N[ost]re Saulveur Ih[es]ucrist en faisant tousiours mencion du dueil de sa doulce mere, laquelle estoit en la ville de Jh[e]r{usa]l[e]m avecques la Magdaleine et avecques d’autres dames de sa co[n]gnoissance. Elle ne dormoit pas du soussy qu'elle avoit de la passion qu’elle savoit que son filz devoit souffrir, ains se tenoit en oraison et prioit pour son filz. Pareillement, nous ne devons pas dormir en grant parler de son dueil, mais en devons bien, par pe[n]ite[n]ce, souvent avoir reme[n]brance. Humilions-nous doncques davant Dieu le Pere, disant l’oraison de Saincte Eglise:

Oraison Sire Dieu, tout puissant, regardez sur v[ost|re peuple, pour lequel v[ost]re be33.L. p. 123 reads: “le doctrinal de la loy gracias. Amen.”’ catholique’; D. fol. 87v and C. fol. 38v: “‘le doc- 34. This colophon appears only in L. p. 123 and trinal de la foy catholique.” L. and D. add: ‘“‘Deo in A. 3301 fol. 29v.

70 | La vie de Nostre Benoit Sauveur Ihesuscrist noist Filz Jhf{esjucrist n’a point doubte a soustenir le tourment de la croiz. Faictes que nous en parlons devotement, pour esmouvoir noz durs cueurs a penitence et a piteuse reme[n]brance de ceste mort. Amen.

COM[MIE[N]T IH[ES]UCRIST P[RIJA OU JARDIN DIEU LE PERE QU’IL NE MOURUST POINT (gov) Le doulx Jhesus entra en ung jardin avecq[ue]s ses disciples. Et quand ilz y furent entrez, il prist Pierre, Jacques et Jehan apart, et leur dist: ““Mon ame est triste, jusques a la mort. Com|[m]e je vo[u]s ay dit l’un de vous me trahira, et trestous me delesserez.”’ “Sire,” dist saint Pierre, ‘‘si je devoye estre mis en pieces si ne te lesseray-je jamais.” “Amy, je te dy que avant (91) que le coq ait chante trois foiz tu m’auras regnye. Messeez-vous ycy, repousez et dormez ung pou, jusques a ce que je reviegne a vous.”’ I] estoit ja pres de dix heures de nuyt. N[ost]re Seigneur s’en alla loing d’eulx le get d’une pierre, et se mist a genoulx pour prier Dieu le Pere po[u]r luy-mesmes, ce que n’avoit oncques mais fait. Car ou temps passe il avoit tousiours prie pour nous, com[ml]e n[ost]re advocat. Lors, il enclina sa face vers terre et dist: “Pere, s’il est possible transporte cest calice de moy”’ (c’est ceste passion) “‘touteffoiz no[n] mye ce que je veulx mais ce qu’il te plaist soit fait.’’ Puis, il vint a ses disciples et leur dist : ‘“Veillez et adourez que vous n’entrez en temptation.”

Exposicion O piteux Jh[es]us, que povons-nous dire qua[n]t nous voyons que pour nous rachater et donner joye pardurable, si a no[u]s ne tient, vous prenez paine, tristesse et a({n]goeisse jusq{ue]s a la mort? O cueur mesco[n]gnoissant de creature humaine, tu ne tiens compte de celle passion ne n’e[n] fais remenbrance! Neantmoins, il m’est advis que ignorance d’aucuns argue ycy et dit que Ih[es]ucrist estoit Dieu, pource ne souffrit point de doleur qui le grevast. Si n’en fault ja, si leur semble, avoir pitie ne co[m]passion. Je acorde (91v) bien que selon Dieu la divinite estoit immortelle et impassible, mais avecques ce il estoit passible quant a l’umanite, et soufroit feibleme[n]t et sentoit plus grant doleur que ung autre hom[m]e—combien que c’estoit de sa volente, non pas de besoing ne de neccessite qu’il eust de nous avoir en paradis. Et de tant som[ml]es-nous plus obligez et tenuz a le reco[n]gnoistre et a luy dema[n]der pardon, et de souvent reme[n]brez sa passion. Exemple Le roy, ton seigneur, verra que tu seras mauvais traistre, tant que par ton meftfait tu auras desservy mort et que toute ta lignee en soit desheritee. I] sera si juste d’une part que pour rien ne lessera que ton malfait ne soit repare et amende. I] sera tant misericors d’autre

part qu'il livrera a mort son propre enffant innocent, et par son bon gre, pour acorder justice, misericorde et paix, et pour en faire l’admende. Respons-moy! Tu seras de dur

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72 | Lavie de Nostre Benoit Sauveur Ihesuscrist cueur si tu n’as pitie de cest enfant innocent, qui tant doloreuseme[n]t sera demene pour ton meffait amender et pour toy delivrer de mort et eslever a gloire. Tu ne diras pas, ce croy ge, que tu soyes si mescongnoissant que tu oblies jamais le bien q[ue] cest enffant ta fait.

(92) Or, me dy apres, qui est l’enfant de quelcoinque prince mortel qui soit si digne, si noble et si precieulx, co[mml]e estoit le benoist Jh[es]ucrist, Filz de Dieu le Pere, qui pour toy a souffert tout ce que j’ay dit et diray jusques a la mort ? “‘Mais,”’ tu me puez demander, ‘que vauldroit a Jhesus ta doleur? Ja pour ce n’aura-il plus grant liesse?”’ Ce me diras-tu. Et je te dema[n]de si tu ne pourroies riens profiter a |’enfant du roy, qui pour ton peche est ainsi malmene jusques a la mort. Seras-tu pour ce sans affliction de sa doleur et de la paine qu’il soufre pour toy ? Je croy que non. Car nous devons avoir naturelle pitie l’un de l’autre, par especial qua[n]t on voit ung hom[m]e mourir a tort ou griefvement tourmente. Or tu me diras que je argue tres bien se Jh[es]us fust mort pour toy saulver seulleme[n]t; si appert clerement que non, car il est mort pour tout ’umain lignaige. Chasse hors, je te prie, de ton cueur ceste grant mescongnoissance. Car je te prouveray clerement que tu es plus tenu au doulx Jhfes]us que s’il eust tout souffert pour te saulver seullement. I] est certain qu’il t’a rachate, se a toy ne tient aussi parfaictement co[mm]e s’il n’eust souffert pour autre quelco[n]ques q[ue] pour toy. (92v) Puis, doncques, qu’il t’a fait ce bien, vouldroyes-tu qu’1l

, n’eust fait le pareil bien a ton pere, a tes parens, a ton lignaige ou a tes amys? Tu ne seroies jamais si fol é[n]vieulx que tu ne voulsisses bien que tes amys ne fussent saulvez en gloire

pardurable aussi bien que toy! Doncques, avecques le bien qui vie[n]t a ta personne propre de la passion de Jhles]ucrist, tu es tenu a luy pour la redempcion de tes amys, plus

que s’il n’eust rachate que toy seullement. O devotes pler|son[njes, com[m]ent nous devons souve[n]t par penitence de son dueil avoit reme[n]brance appert clerement. Personne devote, quant tu vouldras faire oraison, quiers lieu secret hors de dava[n]t les gens, a l’exemple de Jhesus qui se partit ung pou loing de ses disciples pour nous monstrez que nous som[mles de legier empeschez. Se[con]deme[n]t, il s’agenoilla et enclina sa face vers terre en signe de toute reverence et hu[mlilite. Tierceme[n]t, en tes oraisons soubzmet ta propre volente a Dieu, car il scait mieulx que besoing nous est que nous ne faisons; aussi est-ce bien raison, com[mlJe disoit Niost]re S[eigneu]r Ih[es]ucrist, que sa volente soit faicte, no[n] pas la nostre. Si tu as aucune tribulacion met-toy en oraison. Se tu (93) es tempte d’aucun peche metz-toy en oraison. Pour le peche de luxure, pri[n]cipalleme[n]t dy: “Misere mei De[u/s.”’®

Prose Se[con]dement, Jhfes]us alla en oraison et pria pl[u]s longuement, disant: “Pere, si ceste passion se peult passer que je ne la porte, se face; si no[n] ta volente soit faicte.”’ Lors 35. Psalm 5x. See p. xxviii.

La vie de Nostre Benoit Sauveur Ihesuscrist | 73 le doulx Jh[es]us fut fort enbataille, tellement que pour l’etref de la mort il sua gouttes de sang. Ado[n]cq[ue]s lange du ciel le vint co[n]fortez, disant: ‘‘Dieu te salue, mon Dieu. J’ay presente a ton Pere ton oraison et la sueur de ton sang, en lui suppliant qu’il te gardast de ceste paine. Et il a respondu que le sauvement de nature humaine ne se peult faire si no[n] que le sang de son bien et ame Filz soit respandu. Pour ce il te prie que tu vueilles leur sauveme[n]t et que meures pour eulx.”’

Exposicion ©O devotes personnes, reco[n]gnoissez |’amour que le Createur avoit a ses creatures, qua[n]t il n’espargna point son propre filz mais le bailla pour vous es mains des pecheurs jusques a la mort. Dieu ne nous povoit monstrer plus grant signe d’amour. Mais suppose que le doulx Jhfes]us fust en gra[n]t t[ri]stesse qua[n]t pour paour de la mort il suoit sang, no[n] pourta[n]t si prist-il doulceme[n]t en gre le reconfort de |’ange, (93v) et ainsi que vous Orrez cy apres.

L’acteur O pouvres personnes et que sera ce de nous, quant Jh[es]us, qui estoit innocent, Seigneur de mort et de vie, tressua sang pour consideracion de la mort, tant la doubtoit selon l’umanite ? Que deviendrons-nous ? Las! quelle sera n[ost]re fin? O vray Sauveur de tout le monde, si la mort faisoit paour a vous qui estes certain d’aler en gloire, las, bien doit faire paour a moy, pouvre et miserable pecheur qui ne scay que je doy devenir apres ma mort, ne quel chemin je doy prendre: ou de salvacion, ou de dampnacion. Pour ce toutes les foiz que oy nom[mJer, ou qu’elle me vient en souvenance, j’en doy bien fremir et trembler. C’est grant merveille que je ne tressue sang, voire tout ce qu’est dedans mon corps. Mais, Sire, pardonnez-moy la durte de mon cueur qui ne veulst ne qui n’y peult pencer—aincoys s’enjoue et rit aucuneffois quant il en oyt parler. Helas! faulx cueur plain de durte, comme ne te fens-tu, que ne te deromps-tu, qua[n]t tu oyz parler de ceste miserable

mort? Au moins pourvoye-toy par devote oraison a l’exemple de to[n] Sauveur (94) Jh[es]ucrist, qui est en telle paine qu’il sue sang pour toy. Et se tu ne veulx avoit pitie de luy, pleure po[u]r toy-mesmes, pour la mort qui te doit advenir et ne scez quant ne com|mlent. Et pence quelle bataille il y aura entre ton corps et ton ame, entre ton ame et les deables qui te environneront de toutes pars. A grant paine meurt qui apre[n]s ne la. Aprens a vivre et a mourir si le scauras. Et tousiours par penitence de ce dueil ayes reme[n]bra[n|ce.

Prose Jh[esjus tourna la tierce foiz en oraison, disant a l’ange: ‘‘Puis qu’il plaist a mon Pere, je vueil et desir de tout mon cueur le sauvement des ames qu’il a crees a son ymaige, et pour les saulver vueil-je bien souffrir la mort. Et soit faicte la vole[n]te de mon Pere, et

no[n] pas la myen[n]e.”’ Apres il s’en alla a ses apostres, si les trouva dormans, car ilz avoient les yeulx si grevez qu’il[z] ne povoient plus veiller. Et leur dist: ““Levez sus mes amys, celuy s’aprouche qui me baillera.”’

74 | Lavie de Nostre Benoit Sauveur Ihesuscrist Exposicion Veez-cy piteuse allee! Car Dieu s’en va par mort amere. Jhfes]us ycy sa doulce mere douloit, lequel faisoit com[m]e bon pastour qui veille pour ses brebiz garder. Les apostres (94v) dormoient, et le bon Maistre veilloit. Vrayement il les amoit de tres ardent amour jusques a la fin, car combien qu’il fust en grant tristesse de cueur si vouloitil qu’ilz se dormissent et resposassent pour repaistre le pouvre cueur humain. Mais Judas, le traistre, ne dormoit pas. Com|[mJe[n]t c’est une da[m]pnable maniere de n[ost]re corru[m]pue fragilite que nous som[mlJes souvent plus esveillez a mal faire que a bien, a embler et a rober; et sera plus esveille ung larron que ung pecheur ne sera a soy tenir en oraison. He, ma doulce mere, et ou estes-vous? I] est bon a croire que Judas veilloit pour trayr v[ost]re Filz. Veillez encores plus soigneuseme[n|t, en p[riJant Dieu qu’il le gardast de celle trayson! Maintenant aurez bien besoing de consolacion. Et ne peult estre que vous n’eussiez aucun confort de v[ost]re bon ange, veu que vous estiez tres familier aux anges, tant a cause de viost]re tres pure virginite qui est seur des a[n]gelz com[mle par l’amour de Dieu, ausquelz ilz sont subgetz et vous en estes mere? Ainsi est leur propriete de conforter les desconfortez. O victorieux prince, Gabriel, qui luy apportastes les premieres nouvelles (95) de nfost]re redempcion et la saluastes, en disant: ‘Ave gr/aci/a plena, Dominus tecum, benedicta tu in mulierib[u]s et benedictus fructus ventris tui,’ vous peussiez-vous tenir a ceste heure de la vision et de lui raco[mp]ter le fruit de ceste passion, et la joye qu’elle avoit apres la resurrection? Non pourtant elle le savoit bien, mais c’est une consolacion quant amys parlent emssemble. Arrestons-nous ung pou et prions: Oraison Jhesus, vray Saulveur de tout le monde, vueillez telleme[n]t esmouvoir noz durs cueurs a doleur et compassion que nous vous puissons prier devotement sans le som[m|]eil de peche mortel. Et nous vueillez secourir a nfost]re darrenier besoing, en l’espoventable bataille de la mort, en ayant tousiours par vraye penitence v[ost]re dueil en grant reme[n]brance Amen.

COMMENT JUDAS TRAHIT N[OST]RE SEIGNEUR EN LE BAISANT (9s5v)

Dit l’istoire que Judas venoit avecques grant compaignie de gens, lesquelz estoie[n]t envoyer de par les princes des Juifz et maistres de la loy. Et pour ce qu’il estoit nuyt ilz portoient la[n]ternes, falotz, glayves et bastons, et si estoie[n]t armez. Et le dit Judas leur avoit donne tel signe: ‘“‘Celuy q[ui] je baiseray c’est il; prenez-le et le menez cautement.”’ (96) La coustume de Jh[es|us estoit que quant aucun de ses disciples venoit d’aucu[n]e part, il le baisoit.

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Martha, 55; on rewards for serving Christ, 55f.; Fescan-en-Caux (Fecamp), xxiv, 105

on Purging of Temple, 57; on patience under fch

: Flagellation, 85, 87, 88 nae , Flight into Egypt, 26ff., 39, 64 Virgin Mary pierced by a sword, 64; on Christ’s oli oli false accusations, 59; on woman taken in adul- 81> 439 345 TOT

tery, 59; on Judas’ love of money, 63, 76; on a

; . ox, see nightingale

sufferings for the redemption, 64f.; on Christ foy CABIONICTUE, SEE SAINCLE foy catholicque

foretelling death, 65; on Last Supper, 66; on free will Christ’s passion 66f.; on Washing of Feet, 68; on wee 77 Holy Sacrament, 68, 77f.; on humility, chastity

and charity, 69; on frequent meditation on Pas- Gabriel, sent by God, 8; annunciation to Virgin sion, 69; on humanity of Christ, 70; on Christ Mary, 9, 22, 74, 96, 148; return to Paradise, ro; suffering for all men, 72, 106; on Agony in the annunciation of Virgin Mary’s death, 149, 150 Garden, 72,3 on God’s love manifested in Christ’s Galilee, 82, 117, 126, 127, 130

passion, 73; on man’s last end, 73; on Judas be- Gallicantus, 81

traying Christ, 76ff.; on Peter denying and Gamaliel, 58, 115 Dismas confessing Christ, 80, 82; on Christ re- Geneva, Bibliotheque Publique et Universitaire, viled, 81; on Judas damned, 82; on miracles and ms. fr. 57 (Légende dorée), xxvii n. 62 faith, 85; on Pilate condemning Christ, 86; on Gestas, the impenitent thief, led to crucifixion, 91; flagellation, despoiling and mocking, 88; on crucified, 94; legs broken, 104; damned, 60, 111 Christ’s words to daughters of Jerusalem, 90; on Glaudius Negri, scribe, xviii Virgin Mary on Way to the Cross, 91; on First gluttony, 22, 42, 43, 92 Word from the Cross, 93; on Second Word from God the Father, 4, 7, 8, 10, 25, 37, 38, 39, 42, 43, 56, the Cross, 94; on Virgin Mary below the Cross, 65, 67, 73, 99, LOL, 106, 116, 117, 128, 130, 132,

96f.; on Third Word from the Cross, 97; on em- 149

180 | Index

godparents, 47 idols, falling, 29 Golden Legend, xx, xxiii, xxiv, xxvii n. 62, 149N. 63 illness, consequence of sin, 47

Golgotha, 92 Immaculate Conception, 141, 142, 154; ordained Good Friday, 98, 123; genuflections on, 88 from eternity, 140; institution of feast and form

gratitude, 55, 56, 120 of liturgy, xxiv, 142. See also Helsinus

Gregory the Great, Pope, 4, 115 Incarnation, 8, 9, 10, 11. See also Virgin Mary; Anguardian angel, 7 nunciation

Guillaume Le Roy, printer of Lyon, x. See also Infancy cycle, xxiif., 26-36

Doctrinal aux simples gens; L’Exposition Sainct Innocents, Slaughter of, 26, 37, 40

Pol Termite des peines d’enfer; Legende des Instruments of the Passion, 116 saints nouveaulx; Le lucidaire; Tresor de Sa- Column of the Flagellation, 85 pience; Vie de Nostre Benoit Sauveur Ihesus- Cross, x, 8, 16; height of, 92; wood of, 9of. See

crist also Christ; Simon of Cyrene; Virgin Mary

Guy de Roye, Archbishop of Sens (1385-1390), of Crown of Thorns, 85, 87, 88, 89, 116; of haw-

Rheims (1390-1409), xviii, xxv ns. 18 & 20. See thorne, 87

also Le doctrinal garments, white, 83, 85; purple, 87, 88; seamless, 88, 91, 92, 94 lance, 105, 116

Habakkuk, 16, 150 nails, x, xvi, 8, 92, 116

hawthorne, 87, 88; protection against lighting, 87. reed, 87

See also Crown of Thorns sop, xvi, 8, 100

Hell, 78, ror, 111, 113, 115, 117 International Style, xii

Helsinus, Abbot, 142 Isabeau de Bavieére, Queen of France, xxv n. 9

Henri de Baume, xxv n. 9 Isaiah, 9, 16, 22, 89, 111

Herod the Great, visited by Magi, 20, 21; visits Israel, twelve tribes of, 145 Rome, 26 ; Slaughter of the Innocents, 26, 37, 39; Israelites, death of the firstborn in Egypt, 24 death of, 37; damned, 60 Herod Antipas, 69; imprisons John the Baptist, 49;

Feast, 49; relations with Pilate, 83, 85; Christ Jacob, 138, 149

before, 83 Jacques de Cerisy, xxvii n. 51 Herodias, 49 James the Less, St., 119 Historia ecclesiastica, 149 James Major, St., 44, 56, 70

Historia trium regum, see Johannes of Hildesheim jealousy, 14 Holy Name of Jesus, see Jesus, Holy Name of Jean I, King of France, xxv n. 16

Holy Sacrament, xviii, 68, 105 Jean, duc de Berry, ix, xii, xii n. 3, xiv, xv, xvi,

Holy Sepulchre, 98 XVlll, xxl, xxv ns. 13 & 16, xxvins. 33 & 36, 91 Holy Spirit, 4, 10, 11, 14, 22, 23,25, 41, 42, 56, 99, nN. 45; inventories, xx; library, ixf., xx, xxiv; IOS, LIT, 121, 128, 131, 132, 133, 134, 140, 14I, titles, xvilif., xxvi n. 24, 3; translations for, xx

149 Jean Colombe, xvi, xvii, xx n. 13, xxvili*, 157

Holy Women, family of Virgin Mary, 38, 45,69, 79, Jean Courtecuisse, sermon O vos omnes, xxvii n.

89, 91, 107, 109; at tomb, 117, 119, 125; Christ 55; translation for Jean de Berry, Livre des appears to, 119, 121. See also Mary Cleophas; quatre vertus, see Paris, Bibl. Nat. ms. fr. 190

Mary Magdalen; Mary Salome Jean de la Fontaine, printer, see L’Enfance de

homosexuals, 18 Nostre Seigneur

humanity of Christ, ro, 16, 18f., 70 Jean Galopes, translator of Meditationes vitae humility, 9, 21, 68, ror, 104; of Christ, 9, 17, 39, 47, Christi, xxv n. 20 52, 60, 66, 86, 101, 104; of Virgin Mary, 9, 10, x1, Jean Gerson, xi, Xv, XVIll, XIX, XXI, XXil, XXIII, XXV

25,45, 144, 148 n. 9, 106; connections with Guy de Roye, xxv n.

Hypapante, see Ypepanti 18; cult of St. Joseph, xii, xxiii, xxvii n. 49

Index | 181

Works: Mary commended to, 45, 97; supports Virgin anonymous, xxiii, xxvf. n. 20; inventories of, Mary, 106; return to Jerusalem, 109; revelations XXxlll, xxvii n. 51; letters: to Jean de Berry, to, 109; at Sea of Tiberias, 127; death, 127; transxxvi n. 36; to the Bishop of Constance, xx, xxi; ported from Ephesus, 150; only virgin among to the Dauphin’s tutor, xxiii; sermons: for apostles, 69, 152; carried palm at Virgin’s funer-

Holy Thursday, xix; Ad deum vadit, xv, xix, al, 152 as intercessor, 97 XX, XX, XXIll, XXIV, XxvN. 4, xxviin. 55; Dela Jordan, river, 41, 42, 44, 57 conception de Nostre Dame, xxii, xxvi n. 40; Josaphat, Valley of, 152, 154 Gloria in altissimus, xxiii; vernacular treatises: Joseph, St., xii, 8; at trial of rods, 146; rod flowers

A.B.C. des simples gens, xii; Considerations and dove issues, 146; marriage to Virgin Mary, sur Saint Joseph, xxiif.; Doctrinal aux simples 148; return to Nazareth, 148; accompanies Virgens, xviii, xxv n. 20; Montaigne de contem- gin Mary to Visitation, 11; doubts Virgin Mary,

plation, xxi; Tresor de sapience, 159 12, 14; first dream, 14; journey to Bethlehem, r5 ; Jean Golein, xxiv, xxvii ns. 58 & 62. See also as carpenter, 15, 31ff., 41; at Nativity, 15ff.; Chronique de Burgos; Legende des saints nou- adores Christ Child, 16; fetching midwives, 17; veaulx ; Livre de ’information des princes stay at manger, 22; at Presentation, 23, 243 secJean sans Peur, duc de Bourgogne, 142. n. 60 ond dream, 26; at Flight into Egypt, 26ff.; at Rest

Jeanne d’Arc, St., 85 on the Flight, 29; at Entry into Egypt, 29; in

Jeanne de Boulogne, wife of Jean de Berry, xix childhood miracles in Egypt, 31, 32, 36; third Jeremiah, 27, 111; sanctified in the womb, raz dream, 37; 1n return from Egypt, 37, 38; seeking

Jerome, St., 49 n. 25, 115 Christ in Temple, 39, 40; life in Nazareth, 4of.;

Jerusalem, xxiii, 20, 22, 23, 26, 38, 39, 43, 60, 61, 65, farewell to Christ, 41; death, 97; in Purgatory, 69, 79, 83, 91, 98, 109, I19, 124, 133, 137, 140, 110; age of, xxiii, xxvii n. 49, 26, 146, 148; feast

141, 153; siege and destruction of, Gof. of, xxvi n. 36; praised in Gospels, 14

Jesus, Holy Name of, xviii, 18 Joseph of Arimathea, St., cast out of Council of the

Jews passim Jews, 59; requests Christ’s body, 107; at Descent Joachim, St., father of Virgin Mary, 136; division from the Cross, 107, 108; departure, 109; reof income, 136, 140; marriage to St. Anne, 137; proached by Jews, 115; imprisoned, 116, 125f.; journey to Jerusalem, 137; offering rejected, liberated by Christ, 119, 126 137f.; departs to his flocks, 138; angel appears to, Joshua, 63 139; sacrifices sheep, 140; returns to Jerusalem, Judah, 136; tribe of, 145 140; Meeting at Golden Gate, 141; at Presenta- Judas, 69, 74; at dinner with Simon the Leper, 63;

tion of Virgin Mary, 143 decides to betray Christ, 63, 64; took ten percent Johannes of Hildesheim, Historia trium regum, xi of offerings, 64; at Last Supper, 66-68; feet John the Baptist, St., conception of, 10, 11; recog- washed by Christ, 66, 77; receives Communion, nizes Christ in the womb, 11, 51; sanctified in the 68, 76, 77; leaves Last Supper, 68; returns thirty

womb, 11, 141; birth, 12; circumcised and pieces of silver, 69; at Betrayal, 74, 76, 77, 78; named, 12; meeting with Holy Family in desert, repents but hangs himself, 82; damned, 60, 78,

38; preaching and baptizing, 41; baptizing III; as instrument of redemption, 77, 78; wife Christ, 42, 51, 111; Ecce agnus det, 44, 51; 1m- and children of, 76 prisoned by Herod, 49; beheaded, 4of.; in Purga- Judea, 20, 26, 84, 136, 137, 140

tory, I10; as intercessor, 12; example of, 51; judges, duty of, 87

privileges, 12, 51; without sin, 51 Justice personified, 7 John the Evangelist, St., called by Christ, 44, 45;

marriage at Cana, 455 46; nephew of Virgin Korah, 148

Mary, 45; second calling, 46; at Transfiguration,

56; on Christ’s breast at Last Supper, 66; with Christ in Gethsemane, 70; bringing news to Vir- lamb, 22, 54, 56; paschal, 66; of God, 120 gin, 79; in courtyard of High Priest, 80; Virgin lance, see Instruments of the Passion

182 | Index

Lang Sale, 160 house of, 55; representing active life, 55; at

Last Judgement, 94 raising of Lazarus, 57, 58; at house of Simon the

of, 66 , Crucifixion, 108

Last Supper, 65ff.; house of, 132, 149; round table Leper, 63; at Christ foretelling death, 64; at Laurent de Premierfait, translation for Jean de Martial, St., boy with the loaves and fishes, 53f.; Berry, see Boccaccio, De casibus virorum il- disciple of Christ and Bishop of Limoges, 53, 54;

lustrium relics of, 54

Lazarus, death, 57; raising of, 58, 63, 64; at dinner Mary Cleophas, sister of Virgin Mary, 108 with Simon the Leper, 63; constraining Christ, Mary Magdalen, St., sister of Martha and Lazarus,

60, 65 49; conversion, 51, 52; Christ in house of, 55;

Legendae sanctorum, xxiii representing contemplative life, 55; at raising of Legende des saints nouveaulx, xxvii n. 62, 160 Lazarus, 57, 58; dissuading Christ, x, 60; anoint-

Le Puy, Cathedral of Notre-Dame: wine jar from ing Christ, xix, 62-64; at Christ foretelling Marriage of Cana, 46; twelve bells of Aaron, 146. death, 64; constraining Christ, 65; with Virgin

See also relics Mary, 69; lamenting Christ’s arrest, 79; support-

Licostratos, judgment seat, 86 ing fainting Virgin Mary, 105 ; at deposition, 107; light, at manger, 17; emanating from Christ, 22, 62, weeping at Christ’s feet, 108; loved by Christ, 76; Holy Spirit as, 56; emanating from Virgin 109; collecting Christ’s blood below cross, 116;

Mary, 143, 152 visiting sepulchre, 117; noli me tangere, 118;

Limbo, 57, 101, 109, III spreading news of the Resurrection, 119, 121;

Limbourg brothers, xxv n. 13 Christ appearing to, 118, 122, 125, 126; at AscenLivre de l’information des princes, xxiv sion, 129, 130

Longinus, 105, 116 Mary Salome, sister of Virgin Mary, mother of

Louis d’Evreux, conte d’Estampes, xix John the Evangelist, 45, 108

160 Matthew, St., 43, 44

Le lucidaire, xviii, xxv n. 20, xxvi ns. 21-233 159, masters, see servants

Ludolph of Saxony, Vita Christi, xx, xxvi n. 29 Meditationes vitae Christi, ix, x, xi, xii, xiv, Xvi, Lyon, see Barthelemy Buyer; Guillaume Le Roy; XX, XXIl, xxiii; French versions of, xvi, xxv n. 20

Jean de la Fontaine meditations, see exhortations merchants, 17 Messiah, 40

Magi, appearance of star to, 19, 20; journey and Michael, Archangel, 130 meeting, x1, 20; visit to Herod, 20, 26; adoration mirouer de la foy Catholique, 69. See also Le docof Christ Child, 21, 26, 40; dream of, 21; depar- trinal de la foy catholicque

ture, 21; humility and faith of, 21 Miserere mei Deus, xxviii, 72

Magnificat, 11, 117 Mocking of Christ, 87, 88, 89 Malchus, high priest’s servant, 78, 79, 81 modesty, 9; of Virgin Mary, 9, 21, 143 Male, E., xiv monk cured of depression by meditation on Pasman with the withered hand, 53 sion, 67 Mandeville, le livre appelle, Lyon, 1480, Guillaume montjoie, xi

Le Roy for Barthelemy Buyer, 91 n. 45 Moses, covenant with, 4, 134; at burning bush, 17; Marie de Berry, duchesse de Bourbon, xxi victory over Amalek, 19; offering of firstborn, marriage, of Christ to humanity, 10; of Virgin 24; at Transfiguration, 56, 67; on the mountain, Mary, 12, 148; of St. John the Evangelist at Cana, 109; commandments, 141; Law of, 138 45, 46; of St. Anne to Joachim, 137; honored by Mount Calvary, 91, 149

Christ at Cana, 46 Mount Carmel, xxiii, 133

Marseilles, Jewish colony at, 61 Mount of Olives, 129

Martha, St., sister of Mary Magdalen and Lazarus, Mount Sion, 132, 149 49; woman with issue of blood, 49; Christ in the Mount Tabor, 43, 46, 56

Index | 183 nails, see Instruments of the Passion and La saincte vie de Nostre Dame), xvi,

Naim, widow of, 48, 49 XVil, XXV n. 8, Xxvill, 157-59 Nathan, 136 ras. fr. 1917 (La Passion de Nostre Sauveur Nativity, 15ff.; miracles in Rome at, 18 Jhesu Christ), xxv n. 9

nature, interest in, xii ras. fr. 25548 (Le doctrinal aux simples gens Nazareth, 9, 12, 38, 40, 136, 140, 141, 148 and other works by Jean Gerson), xxv n. 20 New Testament, 67 ms. nouv. acq. fr. 6194 (Provencal version of New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, Clois- Meditationes vitae Christi), xiif. n. 3 ters, Belles Heures de Jean, duc de Berry, x, 49 Printed Books:

n. 25 rés. 4.3301 (L’Enfance de Nostre Seigneur,

New York, Pierpont Morgan Library, Vie de Lyon, Jean de la Fontaine), xiv, xxv ns. 1 & Nostre Benoit Sauveur Ihesuscrist, Lyon, Guil- 8; 160f. laume Le Roy, x, 160; Legende des saints nou- res. H.155 [Vie de Nostre Benoit Sauveur veaulx, Lyon, Guillaume Le Roy, x, xiii n. 5, Ihesuscrist (1); Tresor de Sapience (2); Le

XXVii N. 62 lucidaire, L’Exposicion Sainct Pol Vermite

Nicodemus, cast out of Council of Jews, 59; against des peines d’enfer (3)|, X, XXViN. 223159, 160 liberation of Barabbas, 86; brings spices, 107; at Paris, Sainte-Chapelle, Relic of the Precious Blood,

Descent from Cross, 108; departure, 109 see under relics Nicolas de Gonesse (completed translation of Va- Paris, University of, xxi, xxiv; College de Rheims,

lerius Maximus, Faits et dits memorables), xx XVII Nightingale and the Fox, see under exemplars Passion, composed for Queen Isabeau, see Paris,

Noah, 92 Bibliotheque Nationale, ms. fr. 1917

nobles, xii, xv, 17, 38, 45f., 47, 51, 60, 81 Passion, unspecified references to, xiv, Xv, XVI, X1x,

Normandy, 105 XXili, 56, 57, 61, 64, 66, 67, 69, 70, 90, 149

Nunc dimittis, 24 patience, 14, 40, 41, 48, 59

patriarchs, 7, 109, 115, 151 Paul, St., 109; at Virgin Mary’s funeral, 153

Old Law, 42 pax, kissed in state of sin, 77

Order of St. John of Jerusalem, 133 n. 57 penance, sacrament of, 47, 52, 56, 78, 90

Orléans, relief of, 85 Pentecost, descent of the Holy Spirit at, xv, xvi, ox, at Nativity, 15, 16; in desert, 27 XXiii, XxXiv, 121, 132ff., 137, 1493; in house of Last Supper, 133

people, ordinary (simple, humble), xii, xv, xviii,

pagans, conversion foretold, 90 XX, XX1, 4, 17, 39, 40, 44, 45, 47, 49, 51, 52 palm of Paradise, 150, 1§1, 152, 153 Peter, St., called, 44; at Feeding of Five Thousand, Paradise, 4-9, 10, 16, 43, 51, 94, 98, 130, 131, IST, 53; walking on water, 54; asking about reward,

1§2, 154; empty seats in, 4, 10; terrestrial, 57, 55; confessing Christ and given keys, 56; at

I1§, 116, 121, 128 Transfiguration, 56; at Last Supper, 68, 77; at

Paris Bibliotheque Nationale Gethsemane and denial foretold, 70; cuts off

Manuscripts: Malchus’ ear, 78f.; denies Christ, 80, 81; in ms. fr. 190 (Livre des quatre vertus), xx Galilee, 118; Christ appears to, 119; repentance

ms. fr. 242, (Légende dorée, Légende des saints of, 119; death foretold, 127; at Sea of Tiberius,

nouveaulx), XXvil N. 62 1273; sermon at Pentecost, 134; at Virgin Mary’s ms. fr. 923 (Meditations de la vie de Nostre funeral, 152, 153 Seigneur, translated by Jean Galopes; Le Peter of Luxembourg, St., 85 doctrinal aux simples gens), xxv N. 20 Philippe le Hardi, duc de Bourgogne, xxi, 91 n. 45 ms. fr. 926 (L’Aiguillon d’amour divin [Stimu- Pierre d’Ailly, xxi

lis amoris|, Vivat rex, and other texts), xxi Pilate, Christ cited before, 59, 61ff.; dismisses ms. fr. 992 (Vie de Nostre Seigneur Jhesucrist Christ, 63; warns Christ against Jews, 63; in

184 | Index | Pilate continued Rhodes, Knights of, 133 Passion: Christ led to, 83; Christ before, 83; Roman sergeant, lays head-covering before Christ, sends Christ to Herod, 83; relations with Herod, 62, 63; standards dip before Christ, 62, 63; 83f.; orders Flagellation, 85; his wife’s dream, standard-bearers accused by Jews, 62 86; washes hands, 86; tells Emperor Christ was Rome, Emperor of, see Emperor God, 87; death, 69, 87; places title on Cross, 94, Rome, fountain of oil, 18 95; grants Joseph of Arimathea’s request, 107; Roy, Emile, xiv

provides a guard for Christ’s tomb, 110 Ruben, priest in Temple, 137, 138 Pilate’s wife, dream of, 86; sent by devil, 87 pilgrim and the birds, see exemplars pilgrim(s), 136

poverty, 12, 17, 44, 45, 51; of Christ, 24, 38, 39; of Sabbath, 53, 58, 104, 107 Holy Family, 15, 22, 26, 31, 37, 38; of Virgin saincte foy Catholicque, 133, 134, 149

Mary, 12, 15, 22, 26, 31, 38 Saincte vie de Nostre Dame, xx, xxvii, 56; author prayers, 69, 70, 74, 80, 82, 83, 85, 87, 89, 91, 94, 95, of, xv, XXIV 98, 99, 100, IOT, 102, 104, 105, 107, LIO, 134, 136 saints, at Assumption, 154

Precious blood, 86, 105, 116. See also relics Salome, daughter of Herodias, 49 Presentation of the Virgin, 139, 143; of Christ, 23, Salome, midwife, miracle of the withered hand, 17

24; Feast of, 25. See also Candlemas Salve regina, 136

Prester John, 154 Samaria, 52 pretorium, 61 Samaritan woman, 52 pride, xi, 4, 17, 38, 45, 47, 52, 60 Sancta sanctorum, 146

prophesy (ies), 65, 93, 94, 99, 100, 105. See also Sarah, 140 Baalam; David; Habakkuk; Isaiah; Jeremiah Satan, devil(s), enemy, Leviathan, 4,7, 8, 12, 19, 42, prophets, 4, 7, 10, 115, 151. See also Daniel; David; 435 565 57, 63, 64, 79, 87, 98, TOT, III, 113, ITS,

Habakkuk; Isaiah; Jeremiah 124, 129, 132, 150. See also Virgin Mary, reason Pseudo-Bonaventura, see Meditationes vitae Christi for marriage

Pseudo-Matthew, Gospel of, xxii Seneca, Livre des quatre vertus, see Paris, Bibl. Nat.,

Purgatory, 67, Tor, 109 ms. fr. 190

of Christ sheep, see lamb

Purification of the Virgin, 22. See also Presentation servants and masters, xv, 40, 44, 76, 79, 81 Shepherd, Good, 54, 56

shepherds, annunciation to, xii, 16, 17; adore

Quarentena, Mount, 42 Christ at Nativity, xii, 17; at Adoration of the Queen of Heaven, Virgin Mary as, 11, 15 Magi, xii

Simeon, 22, 23, 24, 25

Rachel, 140 Simon, St., miracle of the infant born out of wed-

reed, see Instruments of the Passion lock, 24

Relics: John the Baptist’s head, Amiens, Cathedral, Simon of Cyrene, 89

49 n. 25; St. Martial, Limoges, 54; Precious Simon the Leper, 51 Blood, Bruges (Burges), Paris, Sainte-Chapelle, sin, as cause of sickness, 47; mortal, 77 Fécamp (Fescan-en-Caux), 105; twelve bells of Sixtus IV, Pope, xxvii n. 53 Aaron, Le Puy, Notre-Dame, 146; wine jar from sobriety, in eating, drinking and speech, 42, 93. See

marriage at Cana, Le Puy, Notre-Dame, 46; also abstinence Veronica’s veil, Rome, St. Peter’s, 92; Virgin Solomon, 41

Mary’s girdle, 154 Song of Songs, 151, 152, 154

Resurrection, of Christ, 56, 65, 110, 116, 117, 118, sparrows, 13 119, 120, 125, 126, 128; celebration of (Easter), sun, Virgin Mary shining like the, 143

119, 120; of the dead, 58, 151 Sunday, Christ born on, 15

Index | 185 Tabernacle of glory, Virgin Mary as, 154 climbs steps supported by angels, 143; life in

Techener, 160 Temple, 140, 143ff.; weaving and embroidering Temple of Jerusalem, 22, 23, 24, 25, 53, 57, 595 61, veil, 143; fed and ministered to by angels, 144; 86, 133, 136, £37, 138, 139, 140, 141, 143, 144, studying Holy Writ, 144; healing the sick, 144; 145, 146, 148; purged, 57; veil, rent, 102, 110, vow of chastity, refuses marriage, 144, 145; trial

143; veil woven by Virgin Mary, 143 of the rods, 145-48; marriage to Joseph, 12, 148;

Temple of Peace in Rome, 18 journey to Nazareth, 148; accompanied by virthief, penitent, sce Dismas; impenitent, see Gestas gins of temple, 148 Thomas, St., incredulity of, 77, 126, 154; receives Annunciation, 8-11, 22, 74, 96, 148; journey Virgin Mary’s girdle, 154; in India, 154. See also to house of Elizabeth, 11; Visitation, 11; at birth

Crestiens de la saincture of St. John the Baptist, 12, 51 ; doubted by Joseph,

Tiberias, Sea of, 12.7 12-15; journey to Bethlehem, 15; in Nativity,

Titus, son of Vespasian, 61 15ff.; adores Christ, washes him in milk and Transfiguration, 56, 57 wraps him in her veil, 16; rests on saddle, 16; at Tres riches heures de Jean, duc de Berry, x, xi, 25 Adoration of the Shepherds, 17; virginity doubt-

n. 13. See also Chantilly ed by Salome, 17; weeps at Circumcision, 18f.; Tresor de Sapience, 159. See also Jean Gerson, at Adoration of the Magi, 21; stay at manger,

vernacular treatises 21f.; Magi’s gifts given away, 22; Purification of,

tribulation, 14, 26, 40, 41, 48, 51, 59 22ff.; carrying doves, 23; at Presentation of

Trinity, 9, 16, 42, 131, 132 Christ Child, 23f.; at Flight into Egypt, 26ff.

at Rest on the Flight and Entry into Egypt, 29; life in Egypt and in Childhood miracles, 3rff.;

Uthen, servant to St. Anne, 139 lodging with widow, 31; cast out after miracle of the dried fish, 31; rents a house for six years, 31;

sewing and embroidering, 31; at raising of

vanity, 105 Synono, 32f.; at Christ carrying water in his Veronica, healing of, 92. See also under relics smock, 34; at miracle of the earthenware pots,

Vespasian, Emperor, 61 34f.; at miracle of the dyer, 35f.; at Return from Vexilla regis prodeunt, 125 Egypt after seven years, 37f.; at meeting with Vie de Nostre Benoit Sauveur Ihesuscrist, 149; au- John the Baptist in desert, 38; at visit to St. Eliza-

thorship, xv, xix, xx-xxiv, see also Jean Gerson, beth, 38; at arrival in Nazareth and visited by

Jean Golein; date, xii, xv, xvii-xx, 3; explicit, sisters, 38 XVii, 69; incipit, xv—-xvii, xix, xx, 3; incunabula at Christ Among the Doctors, 39f. ; life in Naz-

of, see Chantilly, Musee Condé; New York, areth, 4of.; sewing and embroidering, 40; weeps , Pierpont Morgan Library; Paris, Bibliotheque at Christ’s departure for Baptism, 41; cooks and Nationale, rés. H.155(x), (as L’Enfance de Nostre sends food to Christ, 43; at Marriage at Cana, Seigneur) rés. A.3301; manuscripts of, see Car- 45f.;taken home by Christ, 46; weeps at death of pentras, Bibliotheque Inguimbertine; Darm- St. John the Baptist, 51; dissuading Christ, 60; in stadt, Hessische Landes- und Hochschulbiblio- house of Simon the Leper, 63; pierced as by thek; Paris, Bibliotheque Nationale, ms. fr. 992; sword, 64; constraining Christ, 65 ; watching and patronage of Jean de Berry, ix, x, xv, Xvli, xx, praying before Passion, 69; comforted by angels,

Xxl, xxv ns. 13 & 16; xxvins. 24 & 33 & 36, 74 xxvii n. 56; relation to Meditationes vitae in Passion, 78ff.; hears news of Christ’s arrest, Christi, ix, x, xi, xii, xivf., xx, XXll, xxlli; two 79; at Christ led to Crucifixion, 89; offering to

versions, xiv, XV-XvVili carry Cross and exchanging glances with Christ,

Vincent Ferrier, St., 85 96; at Nailing to Cross, 92; wipes Christ’s face

vinegar, 8, 100 with Veronica’s veil, 92; below the Cross, 93ff. ; Virgin Mary, immaculately conceived, 140, r4rf., standing erect, 95, 97, 99; lamentation of, xxiv, 1§4; birth, r42f.; Presentation in Temple, 143; xxvii n. 55, 95f.; commended to St. John the

186 | Index

Virgin Mary continued I§I, 152, 154, 155. See also charity; humility ; Evangelist, 45, 97, 98, 150; at Christ given the modesty; poverty; wisdom Sop, 100; faints at Christ pierced with a Lance, family of, 39, 148; sisters, 38. See also Holy 105 ; supported by Mary Magdalen and St. John, Women; Sts. Anne; Elizabeth; Joachim; John 105f.; second lament, 106 ; at Lamentation, 107f.; the Baptist ; John the Evangelist; Mary Cleophas;

third lament, 108; with St. John last to leave the Mary Salome; Zebedee

tomb, 109 virgins, modesty of, in Temple, 144, 145; accomreturn to Jerusalem, ro9; fourth lament, 109; panying Virgin Mary to Nazareth, 148; attendcontemplates until Resurrection, ro9f.; collects ing body of Virgin Mary, 152 instruments of the Passion, 116; visited by resur- Visitation, rrf. rected Christ, 116f.; joy at Resurrection, 117,

149; at Christ appearing behind closed doors, . — 1213; at Ascension, 128, 129, 1303 returns to Jeru- wisdom, of Virgin Mary, 143, 144

salem, 130; at Pentecost, 132, 133, 149 woman taken in adultery, 59 lives on Mount Sion, where Holy Spirit de- woman with an issue of blood, see Martha scended, 149; age of, 149; annunciation of death, workers, see people, ordinary 149, 150; requests to Gabriel, 150; St. John the Evangelist transported to house of, 150; gives youth who fled naked, 80f. See also John the EvanJohn the palm of Paradise, 151; apostles assem- gelist, St.; youth who served at the Last Supper ble, 151; soul carried up by Christ, r5zf.; seated youth who served at the Last Supper, 8of. on right hand of Christ, 152; funeral procession, youth with the loaves and fishes, 54f. See also Mar-

152; hidden in cloud, 152; miracle of the chief tial, St. priest’s hands, blinded Jews healed, 153; placed ypepanti domini (Purification/Presentation in the in tomb in Valley of Josaphat, 154; Assumption, Temple), 25 154; leaves St. Thomas her girdle, 154 virginity of, 10, 17, 22, 23, 97, 136, 141, 144,

145, 152, 154 Zacharias, St., father of St. John the Baptist, 12 virtues of, 7, 9, LI, 22, 26, 31, 37, 40, 455 975 995 Zebedee, father of St. John the Evangelist, 45

129, 136, 140, I41, 142, 143, 144, 145, 148, 150, Zelomy, midwife, 17

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