Iusti Lipsi Epistolae. Pars IX: 1596 (English and Latin Edition) [Bilingual ed.] 9789042938380, 9789042938397, 9042938382

Citation preview

IUSTI LIPSI EPISTOLAE IX

IUSTI LIPSI EPISTOLAE IX

IUSTI LIPSI EPISTOLAE IX

KONINKLIJKE VLAAMSE ACADEMIE VAN BELGIË VOOR WETENSCHAPPEN EN KUNSTEN

IUSTI LIPSI EPISTOLAE PARS IX: 1596 quam curavit edendam Hugo PEETERS

PEETERS LEUVEN – PARIS – BRISTOL, CT 2019

The series Iusti Lipsi Epistolae is listed as project no. 70 of the Union Académique Internationale (section V: History of Ideas)

The letters were collected by A. Gerlo (†) and H.D.L. Vervliet. On behalf of the Section Humanities and Social Sciences the edition is supervised by the Commission for the Study of the Humanism in the Low Countries, including J. De Landtsheer, C. Heesakkers en D. Sacré.

CONTENTS

Preface ............................................................................................ Acknowledgements ......................................................................... Introduction ..................................................................................... Literature ......................................................................................... Concordance GVi-ILE IX .............................................................. List of published letters .................................................................. Letters ............................................................................................. Index nominum ...............................................................................

7 9 11 13 31 33 39 507

A catalogue record for this book is available from the Library of Congress. © 2019, Peeters Publishers, Bondgenotenlaan 153, B-3000 Leuven/Louvain (Belgium) ISBN 978-90-429-3838-0 eISBN 978-90-429-3839-7 D/2019/0602/42 No part of this book may be reproduced in any form by print, photoprint, microfilm or any other means without written permission from the publisher.

PREFACE

This ninth volume of the Iusti Lipsi Epistolae follows the editorial techniques outlined in volume I, p. 10-12. From volume VIII onwards, however, the summary of each letter’s content, the introduction to it and the commentary are given in English, to make the edition more readily accessible to an international readership. Letters included in previous parts of the IustiLipsi Epistolae are referred to with the sigla ILE I, ILE II, etc.; letters contained in this volume or in those yet to be published are referred to without a Roman numeral. A concordance comprising the Inventaire (GVi) and a list of letters published in this volume (nos 2041-2235) conclude the introduction.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I wish to express my gratitude to everyone who contributed to the genesis of Iusti Lipsi Epistolae pars 1X (1596). The support and advice in reading the manuscripts, understanding complex phrases and obscure allusions, identifying quotations or persons, and writing an appropriate commentary has been invaluable and most inspiring. Some of those who assisted deserve to be thanked explicitly. Hendrik Vervliet (Universiteit Antwerpen) directed my attention to Lipsius when I was preparing my Master’s degree and helped me find my way during the first years of my research. The Inventaire de la correspondance de Juste Lipse which he published together with Aloïs Gerlo (Vrije Universiteit Brussel) is still an indispensable tool at the beginning of each new volume of the Iusti Lipsi Epistolae. Gilbert Tournoy (Katholieke Universiteit Leuven) kindly accepted to become the promotor of my PhD, DebriefwisselingvanJustusLipsiusinhetjaar 1596 (Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, 2007), which has served as the basis of this edition. His careful reading of my text and pertinent remarks made him an inspiring guide. Last but not least, I am indebted to Jeanine De Landtsheer (Katholieke Universiteit Leuven), an authority on Lipsius’s correspondence, life and works. In innumerable conversations and discussions concerning the text and content she shared her erudition and expert knowledge acquired as editor of several volumes of IustiLipsiEpistolae. Finally, I am deeply indebted to Dirk Sacré (Katholieke University of Leuven) and Chris L. Heesakkers (University of Amsterdam and University of Leiden), who notwithstanding many other obligations patiently read through each one of the almost two hundred letters and their annotations with utmost care, pointing out imperfect readings, solving a number of cruces in the text, as well as in the commentary, and offering suggestions for further annotations.

INTRODUCTION

Abriefoutlineofthesignificanceoftheyear1596forLipsius,andofthemajor topicsinitsletters. In December 1595, Philip II had appointed Lipsius as Historiographus regius. This involved an annual pension of one thousand florins. Owing to this improvement in his financial situation, Lipsius felt sufficiently appreciated in his own country and was no longer interested in possible invitations from abroad. In the course of the year, however, it became clear that the paymasters were not at all concerned to send him either his remuneration as professor in Leuven or this annuity in due time. Hence the often recurring complaints in his letters in an attempt to rectify this situation. Despite promises from the treasure general, he had to endure this negligence until the summer of 1597. Nevertheless, he could count on a more regular income thanks to an increasing number of contubernales, sons of friends and acquaintances who, in preparation for a future career in state or church, came to study in Leuven and were given accommodation by him. At the same time, he subjected them to a demanding program of reading and study, and introduced them to the Stoic ideals about good behaviour. The correspondence shows that Lipsius took these pedagogical cares to heart: he kept in touch with a number of them, even long after they had left Leuven, giving them advice and encouraging them in their plans for a future career. In the case of Gerardus Buytewech, he even was asked to act as a go-between for his former student and a girl he was courting and who was the ward of the head of finances, Jan van Drenckwaert. In the autumn of 1596, after some rooms were added to his house, Antonius Hartius and Franciscus Oranus were joined by two students from Antwerp, Franciscus Hovius and Johannes Baptista Perezius, the latter grandson of one of Plantin’s most faithful friends. Furthermore, Minister President Jean Richardot reminded Lipsius of his promise and sent him his younger sons, Antoine and Guillaume. Managing a house full of healthy and energetic young men was, of course, not a simple task, especially since Lipsius’s health was troubling him again. It also kept him from accepting invitations to visit friends in Antwerp, Mechelen, Brussels, or Liège. Notwithstanding his lectures and the contubernium Lipsius still found time for his publications. In February the revised edition of his Politicorumsive

12 civilisdoctrinaelibriVI, approved by the Catholics, came from the press. It had been ready and approved since the end of 1593, but Lipsius had been apprehensive of its reception. More important was the appearance in early August of Poliorceticωn sive de machinis, tormentis, telis libri quinque, the sequel to De militia Romana (June 1595).The well-illustrated treatise focused on the engines and weaponry used to attack or defend besieged cities in antiquity. It was presented as a series of conversations between Lipsius and the closest of his Liège friends during a visit to the estate of Prince Bishop Ernest of Bavaria, to whom it was dedicated in gratitude for the welcome Lipsius had been given in the city a few years earlier. As his politically influential friends in the Spanish Netherlands had urged him to offer the work to the newly-appointed governor, Archduke Albert of Austria, Lipsius promised to do so with his next publication and immediately devoted himself to the first chapters of the Monitaetexemplapolitica, conceived as the practical sequel to the theories explained in the Politicorum libriVI. By the end of the year, he was convinced that it would only take him a few more months before it could be sent to the printer. Accordingly, he wrote a letter to Prince Albert explaining his intention and asking his support to be granted a general privilege for his new publications from King Philip II, after the privilege Emperor Rudolph II had granted him in 1592. Lipsius soon acquired the document, but why the Monita et exempla politica were suddenly shelved until 1605 and he chose to write something entirely new for the Archduke, the Admirandasive demagnitudineRomana, remains an intriguing question. Finally, reports and reflexions about the political and military situation in Europe remain a topic of interest throughout the letters of 1596. As in previous years, he often vented his frustration at the lack of safety within the country and the continuous wars threatening Europe. In his longing for peace he supported the attempts from the court in Brussels for reconciliation between North and South. The coming of the new governor – of the highest nobility, but not a Spaniard, according to the wishes from the South – increased his hope for peace. Nevertheless, he was well aware that the international political situation was far from rosy and that it would be almost impossible to achieve a balance in the power relations between Spain, France, and England. He was also increasingly worried about the outcome of the relentless campaigns in the Danube basin, where the imperial troops, supported by the pope and their Western allies, continued to fight the Sultan’s armies with varying results.

LITERATURE

A. Works of Lipsius* Admiranda: LIPSIUS, J., AdmirandasivedemagnitudineRomanalibriquattuor, Antwerp, 1585. Adv.Dial.: LIPSIUS, J., AdversusdialogistamLiberdeunareligione, Leiden, 1590. Ad Suet.: LIPSIUS, J., Ad C. Suetoni Tranquilli tres posteriores libros commentarii. Eiusdemepistolarumpraetermissarumdecadessex, Offenbach, 1610. Cent.Belg.: LIPSIUS, J., EpistolarumCenturiaeadBelgas, Antwerp, 1602. Cent.Germ.: LIPSIUS, J., EpistolarumCenturiaadGermanosetGallos, Antwerp, 1602. Cent.It.: LIPSIUS, J., EpistolarumCenturiaadItalosetHispanos, Antwerp, 1601. Cent. misc.: LIPSIUS, J., Epistolarum selectarum centuria miscellanea, pars I: Leiden, 1586; parsII: Leiden, 1590; parsIII: Antwerp, 1602.1 Critica: LIPSIUS, J., Opera omnia quae ad Criticam proprie spectant. Quibus accessit Electorumlibersecundus,novusnecanteeditus, Leiden, 1585. De amphitheatro: LIPSIUS, J., De amphitheatro liber. In quo forma ipsa loci expressa, etratiospectandiand DeamphitheatrisquaeextraRomamlibellus.Inquoformae eorumaliquotettypi,Leiden, 1584. Dec. XIIX: LIPSIUS, J., Epistolarum (quae in centuriis non extant) decades XIIX, Harderwijk, 1621. Deconstantia: LIPSIUS, J., Deconstantialibriduo.Quialloquiumpraecipuecontinentin publicismalis, Leiden, 1584 De cruce: LIPSIUS, J., De cruce libri III ad sacram profanamque historiam utiles. Una cumnotis, Antwerp, 1593. De militia: LIPSIUS, J., De militia Romana libri quinque. Commentarius ad Polybium. EparteprimaHistoriaefacis, Antwerp, 1595-1596.

*

Arranged according to the abbreviation used. Unless explicitly mentioned, the editioprinceps is referred to. For an exhaustive survey of all prints, see BBr. 3, 883-1081. 1 The CenturiaadItalosetHispanos appeared first as Centuriamiscellaneaparstertia in 1601, but with its own title page mentioning CenturiaadItalosetHispanos. From a separate edition in 1604 onwards, it was always considered a separate centuria and referred to as CenturiaadItalos etHispanos. When Lipsius’s letters were reprinted in 1605, the Epistolarumselectarumcenturia miscellanea, first published in 1602, became the pars tertia of the Centuriae miscellaneae. See J. De Landtsheer, JustusLipsius(1547-1606)andtheEditionofhisCenturiae Miscellaneae:Some ParticularitiesandPracticalProblems, in: Lias, 25 (1998), 69-82.

14 Electa: LIPSIUS, J., ElectorumLiberI.Inquopraetercensuras,variiprisciritus,Antwerp, 1580, and Electorum Liber secundus, in quo mixtim ritus et censurae, Leiden, 1585. Epist. Inst.: LIPSIUS, J., Epistolica institutio, excepta e dictantis eius ore, anno ∞. I). LXXXVII mense Iunio. Adiunctum est Demetrii Phalerei eiusdem argumenti scriptum,Leiden, 1591. Lovan.: LIPSIUS, J., Lovaniumsiveopidietacademiaeeiusdescriptiolibritres, Antwerp, 1605. Manud.: LIPSIUS, J., Manuductionisadstoicamphilosophiamlibritres, Antwerp, 1604. Monit.: LIPSIUS, J., Monitaetexemplapolitica.LibriduoquivirtutesetvitiaPrincipum spectant, Antwerp, 1605. MusaeErrantes: ClarissimiViriIustiLipsiMusaeerrantes.Exauctorisschedispartem descripsit,sparsascollegit,aciunctimposteritatiediditFranciscusSweertiusF., Antwerp, 1610. Poliorcetica: LIPSIUS, J., Poliorceticωn,siveDemachinis,tormentis,telislibriquinque. Adhistoriarumlucem,Antwerp, 1596. Politica: LIPSIUS, J., Politicorum sive civilis doctrinae libri sex. Qui ad principatum maximespectant, Leiden, 1589; Antwerp 1596. Saturnalia: LIPSIUS, J., Saturnaliumsermonumlibriduo,quideGladiatoribus, Antwerp, 1582. Seneca: LIPSIUS, J., L. Annaei Senecae philosophi opera quae exstant omnia a Iusto Lipsioemendataetscholiisillustrata, Antwerp, 1605. Var. Lect.: LIPSIUS, J., Variarum lectionum libri IIII. Ad illustrissimum Antonium PerrenotumS.R.E.Cardinalem, Antwerp, 1569.

B. Literature before 1800*2 ANDREAS, V., BibliothecaBelgica, Leuven, 16432. ANDREAS, V., FastiacademicistudiigeneralisLovaniensis, Leuven, 1650. ARGELATUS, PH., Bibliotheca scriptorum Mediolanensium, Milan, 1745 (= Ridgewood, 19662), 2 vols. BAUDIER DE LANGUEDOC, M., Inventaire de l’histoire generale des Turcs. Ou sont descripteslesguerresdesTurcs,leursconquestes,seditionsetchosesremarquables depuisl’an1300iusquesenl’année1640, Rouen, 1641. BAX, J. L., HistoriaUniversitasLovaniensis(18th cy ms.), Brussels, ARA, ms. 22 172.

* The year 1800 is not particularly relevant for the study of Lipsius or his correspondence. Yet studies by, for example, Lipsius’s contemporaries should not be set next to studies from circa 2000. The approach of scholarly publications has changed utterly since the nineteenth century, hence a distinction between before and after 1800 is preferred.

15 BOR, P. C., Oorsprongk, begin, en vervolgh der Nederlandsche oorlogen, Amsterdam, 1679-1684, 4 vols. BUCHLER, J., Laconicarumepistolarumthesaurusbipartitus,Cologne, 1606. BURMAN, P., Sylloges epistolarum a viris illustribus scriptarum tomi V, Leiden, 17251727, 5 vols. CASAUBONUS, I., Epistolae. Editio secunda LXXXII, epistolis auctior, et juxta seriem temporumdigesta,curanteJohanneGeorgioGraevio, Brunswick, 1656. FOPPENS, J. F., BibliothecaBelgica, Brussels, 1739, 2 vols. GUDII EPP.: P. BURMANNUS (ed.), MarquardiGudiietdoctorumvirorumadeumepistolae, Utrecht, 1697. ISTHVANFIUS, N., HistoriarumderebusUngaricislibriXXIV,nuncprimuminlucemediti, Cologne, 1622. JÖCHER, C. G., AllgemeinesGelehrten-Lexikon,worindieSchriftstellerallerStändenach ihrenVornehmstenLebensumständenundSchriftenbeschriebenwerden, Leipzig, 1750-1751 (= Hildesheim, 1960-19612), 11 vols. MercuriiGallobelgicisuccenturiatisiveReruminGalliaetBelgiopotissimum,Hispania quoque,Italia,Anglia,Germania,Ungaria,Transylvaniavicinisquelocisabanno 1596 ad medium usque Aprilis praesentis anni 1603 gestarum, historicae narrationiscontinuatae,t. 4, ed. G. Lorchanus, Cologne, 1603. Mercurii Gallobelgici sive rerum in Gallia et Belgio potissimum, Ungaria quoque, Germania, Polonia, Hispania, Italia, Anglia aliisque Christiani orbis Regnis etProvinciis, ab anno 1596 usque ad annum 1598 gestarum nuncii, t. 4, ed. P. A. Jansonius, Cologne, 1615. METEREN, E. VAN, Historie der Nederlandscher ende haerder Naburen oorlogen ende geschiedenissetotdenjareMVIC.XII, The Hague, 1614. PAQUOT, J. N., Mémoirespourserviràl’histoirelittérairedes17provincesdesPays-Bas, delaPrincipautédeLiège,etdequelquescontréesvoisines, Leuven, 1763-1770, 18 vols. REUSNERUS, N., RerummemorabiliuminPannoniasubTurcarumImperatoribus,acapta Constantinopoli usque ad hanc aetatem nostram, bello militiaque gestarum, Frankfurt, 1603. SCALIGER, J. J., Epistolae omnes quae reperiri potuerunt, nunc primum collectae ac editae, Leiden, 1627. [SCALIGER, J. J.], Scaligeranaoubonsmots,rencontresagréablesetremarquesjudicieuses etsçavantesdeJ.Scaliger,editioaltera, Cologne, 1667. STEPHANUS, R., Thesauruslinguaelatinae, Basel, 1740-1743 (= Brussels, 1964), 4 vols. THOU, J. A. DE, Historiarum sui temporis ab anno 1543 usque ad annum 1607 libri CXXXVIII, London, 1733, 7 vols.

16 C. Other Literature a. Abbreviatedworks* ADB: AllgemeinedeutscheBiographie, Leipzig, 1875-1912, 56 vols. Adelaarindewolken:HOFTIJZER, P. G. (ed.), Adelaarindewolken.DeLeidsejarenvan JosephusJustusScaliger1593-1609. Catalogus bij een tentoonstelling in de Leidse Universiteitsbibliotheek, 30 juni – 28 augustus 2005, Leiden, 2005 (= Kleine publicatiesvandeLeidseUniversiteitsbibliotheek,69). AGN: AlgemeneGeschiedenisderNederlanden, Haarlem, 1981-1982, 15 vols. Albert & Isabella: W. Thomas and L. Duerloo (eds), Albert & Isabella 1598-1621. Essays, [Turnhout], 1998. Alb. Lips.: Album Lipsianum, ed. R. Denayer and G. Vande Putte, Humbeek, 1980 (= BijdragentotdeGeschiedenisvanIJse-,Lane-enDijleland, 5). Alb. Stud.: Album Studiosorum Academiae Lugduno-Batavae, 1575-1875, The Hague, 1875. Allen: ALLEN, P. S. e.a., OpusepistolarumDes.ErasmiRoterodami, Oxford, 1906-1958, 12 vols. BBr: VANDER HAEGHEN, F. and LENGER, M.-Th., Bibliotheca Belgica: Bibliographie généraledesPays-Bas, Brussels,1964-1975, 7 vols. BN: BiographieNationale, Brussels, 1866-1986, 44 vols. BT: BelgicaTypographica1540-1600:cataloguslibrorumimpressorumabannoMDXLI adannumMDCinregionisquaenuncRegniBelgarumpartessunt, ed. E. CockxIndestege, G. Glorieux, B. Op de Beeck, Nieuwkoop, 1968-1994, 4 vols. CCP: ROOSES, M. and DENUCÉ, J. (eds), CorrespondancedeChr.Plantin, Antwerp, 18831918, 9 vols; vol. 10: M. VAN DURME (ed.),Supplémentàlacorrespondancede Chr.Plantin, Antwerp, 1955. CJJS: BOTLEY, P. and MIERT, D. VAN (eds), TheCorrespondenceofJosephJustusScaliger, Geneva, 2012, 8 vols. CenturiaeLatinae: NATIVEL, C. (ed.), CenturiaeLatinae,1: Centunefigureshumanistes de la Renaissance aux Lumières offertes à J. Chomarat, Geneva, 1997; 2: Centunefigures humanistes de la Renaissance aux Lumières à la mémoire de M.-M.delaGaranderie, Geneva, 2006 (= Travaux d’Humanisme et Renaissance, 314 et 414). DBF: Dictionnairedebiographiefrançaise, Paris, 1933-. DBI: DizionariobiograficodegliItaliani, Rome, 1960-. DBS: BACKER, A. DE and SOMMERVOGEL, C., Bibliothèque de la Compagnie de Jésus, Brussels, 1890-1932 (= Heverlee, 1960), 12 vols.

*

Names with ‘a’, ‘de’, ‘van’, ‘von’, etc. are classified on the root of name. Editions of classical authors or standard dictionaries of Antiquity or the Middle Ages are not included.

17 DH: DELCOURT, M. and HOYOUX, J., Laevinius Torrentius: correspondance, Liège, 1950-1954, 3 vols. DHGE: Dictionnaired’histoireetdegéographieecclésiastiques, Paris, 1912-. DNP: DerneuePauly:EnzyklopädiederAntike, ed. H. Cancik and H. Scheider, StuttgartWeimar, 1996-2003, 16 vols. DTC: DictionnairedeThéologiecatholique, Paris, 1903-1950, 15 vols. Enc.It.: Enciclopediaitalianadiscienze,lettereedarti, Rome, 1949-1979, 43 vols. ExOfficinaPlantinianaMoretorum:SCHEPPER, M. DE and NAVE, F. DE (eds), ExOfficina Plantiniana Moretorum. Studies over het drukkersgeslacht Moretus, Antwerp, 1996 (= DeGuldenPasser, 74). Fuchs: FUCHS, J. W., LexiconLatinitatisNederlandicaeMediiAevi, Leiden, 1970-. Gloss.iur.Brab.: EMSTEDE, E. J. TH. A. M. 1981, 4 vols.

VAN,

GlossariumiurisBrabantici, Deurne,

GV: GERLO, A., VERVLIET, H. D. L., and VERTESSEN, I., LacorrespondancedeJusteLipse conservéeauMuséePlantin-Moretus, Antwerp, 1967. GVd: Documenten, published in GV, 245-299. GVi: GERLO, A. and VERVLIET, H. D. L., InventairedelacorrespondancedeJusteLipse, 1564-1606, Antwerp, 1968. ‘Iam illustravit omnia’: LANDTSHEER, J. DE and DELSAERDT, P. (eds), Iam illustravit omnia.JustusLipsiusalslievelingsauteurvanhetPlantijnseHuis, Antwerp 2006 (= DeGuldenPasser 84 (2006). ILE I: Iusti Lipsi Epistolae, pars I: 1564-1583, ed. A. Gerlo, M. A. Nauwelaerts, and H. D. L. Vervliet, Brussels, 1978. ILE II: Iusti Lipsi Epistolae, pars II: 1584-1587, ed. M. A. Nauwelaerts and S. Sué, Brussels, 1983. ILE III: IustiLipsiEpistolae,parsIII:1588-1590, ed. S. Sué and H. Peeters, Brussels, 1987. ILE IV: IustiLipsiEpistolae,parsIV:1591, ed. S. Sué and J. De Landtsheer, Brussels, 2012. ILE V: Iusti Lipsi Epistolae, pars V: 1592, ed. J. De Landtsheer and J. Kluyskens, Brussels, 1991. ILE VI: IustiLipsiEpistolae,parsVI:1593, ed. J. De Landtsheer, Brussels, 1994. ILE VII: IustiLipsiEpistolae,parsVII:1594, ed. J. De Landtsheer, Brussels, 1997. ILE VIII: IustiLipsiEpistolae,parsVIII:1595, ed. J. De Landtsheer, Brussels, 2004. ILE XIII: IustiLipsiEpistolae,parsXIII:1600, ed. J. Papy, Brussels, 2000. ILE XIV: IustiLipsiEpistolae,parsXIV:1601, ed. J. De Landtsheer, Brussels, 2006. IustusLipsiusEuropaelumenetcolumen: TOURNOY, G. – DE LANDTSHEER, J. – PAPY, J. (eds), IustusLipsiusEuropaelumenetcolumen.ProceedingsoftheInternational Colloquium Leuven 17-19 September 1997, Leuven, 1999 (= Supplementa Humanistica Lovaniensia, 15).

18 Lipsius 1987: GERLO, A. (ed.), Juste Lipse (1547-1606). Colloque international tenu enmars1987, Leuven, 1988. Lipsius en het Plantijnse Huis: DUSOIR, R., LANDTSHEER, J. DE, and IMHOF, D., (eds), JustusLipsius(1547-1606)enhetPlantijnseHuis, Antwerp, 1997 (= Publicaties van het Museum Plantin-Moretus en het Stedelijk Prentenkabinet no. 37). Lipsius en Leuven: TOURNOY, G., PAPY, J., and LANDTSHEER, J. DE (eds), Lipsius en Leuven. Catalogus van de tentoonstelling in de Centrale Bibliotheek te Leuven, 18september – 17 oktober 1997, Leuven, 1997 (= Supplementa Humanistica Lovaniensia, 13). LipsiusenzijnEuropesenetwerk:LANDTSHEER, J. DE, SACRÉ, D., and COPPENS, C. (eds), Justus Lipsius (1547-1606). Een geleerde en zijn Europese netwerk. Catalogus vande tentoonstelling in de Centrale Bibliotheek te Leuven, 18 oktober – 20december2006, Leuven, 2006. Lipsius in Leiden: ENENKEL, K. and HEESAKKERS, C., (eds), Lipsius in Leiden. Studies intheLifeandWorksofagreatHumanist, Voorthuizen, 1997. LMA: LexicondesMittelalters, Munich – Zürich, 1980-. LThK: Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche, ed. M. Buchberger, W. Kasper, and K. Baumgartner, Freiburg im Breisgau, 1993-20013, 11 vols. Lieveling van de Latijnse taal: J. DE LANDTSHEER e.a., Lieveling van de Latijnse taal. Justus Lipsius te Leiden herdacht bij zijn vierhonderdste sterfdag, Leiden, 2006 (= Kleine publicaties van de Leidse Universiteitsbibliotheek, 72). Matricule: Matricule de l’Université de Louvain, ed. E. Reusens, J. Wils, and A. Schillings, Brussels, 1903-1974, 10 vols (= Collection de chroniques belges inédites, A 58). MGH: Monumenta Germaniae Historica inde ab a. C. 500 usque ad a. 1500, Berlin, 1822-. MEW: Moderne Encyclopedie van de Wereldliteratuur, ed. A. G. H. Bachracht e.a., Haarlem – Antwerp, 1980-19842, 11 vols. NBG: Nouvellebiographiegénérale, Paris, 1862-1870, 46 vols. NBW: Nationaalbiografischwoordenboek, Brussels, 1964-. NCMH: TheNewCambridgeModernHistory, vol. 3: R. B. Wernham (ed.), TheCounterReformationandPriceRevolution, Cambridge, 1968. NDB: NeuedeutscheBiographie, Berlin, 1953-. NNBW: NieuwNederlandschbiografischwoordenboek, ed. P. C. Molhuysen, P. J. Blok, K. H. Kossmann, Leiden, 1911-1937, 10 vols. OCBH: TheOxfordCompaniontoBritishHistory, ed. J. Cannon, Oxford – New York, 1997. OCD: The Oxford Classical Dictionary, ed. S. Hornblower – A. Spawforth, Oxford – New York, 19963. ODNB: OxfordDictionaryofNationalBiography, ed. H. C. G. Matthew – B. Harrison, Oxford – New York, 2004, 60 vols and index.

19 PIBA: Prosopographia Iesuitica Belgica Antiqua. A Biographical Dictionary of the JesuitsintheLowCountries1542-1773, ed. W. Audenaert – H. Morlion, Leuven – Heverlee, 2000, 4 vols. PL: PatrologiaLatina, ed. J. P. Migne, Paris, 1844-1864. PSB: PolskiSƚownikBiograficzny, Warsaw – Cracow, 1935-. PPr: VOET, L. and VOET-GRISOLLE, J., ThePlantinPress(1555-1589):aBibliographyof theWorksPrintedandPublishedbyChristopherPlantinatAntwerpandLeiden, Amsterdam, 1980-1983, 6 vols. RE: PaulysRealencyclopädiederclassischenAltertumswissenschaft, ed. G. Wissowa and K. Ziegler (neue Bearbeitung), Stuttgart, 1893-1980, 83 vols. TB: VALKEMA BLOUW, P., TypographiaBatava1541-1600, Repertoriumvandeboeken gedruktinNederlandtussen1541en1600, Nieuwkoop, 1998, 2 vols. TCE: GRUYS, J. A., TheodoriCanteriEpistolae.Brieven(1570-1614)vanDirckCanter over klassieke en middeleeuwse teksten in handschrift en druk. Uitgegeven met inleidingenaantekeningen, Amsterdam, 1997. TLL: Thesauruslinguaelatinae, Leipzig, 1900-. WNT: WoordenboekderNederlandscheTaal, The Hague, 1882-1998, 29 vols. WNTa: WoordenboekderNederlandscheTaal–Aanvullingen, The Hague, 2001, 3 vols. TheWorldofJustusLipsius: LAUREYS, M. together with C. Bräunl, S. Mertens, R. SeibertKemp (eds), TheworldofJustusLipsius:Acontributiontowardshisintellectual biography. Proceedings of a colloquium held under the auspices of the Belgian HistoricalInstituteinRome(Rome,22-24May1997), Bulletin van het Belgisch Historisch Instituut te Rome, 68 (Brussels - Rome, 1998).

b. Specificstudies. AERTS, E. etal. (eds), DecentraleoverheidsinstellingenvandeHabsburgseNederlanden (1482-1795), Brussels, 1994, 2 vols. ANDRIESSEN, J., DeJezuïetenenhetsamenhorigheidsbesefderNederlanden1585-1648, Antwerp, 1957. BABELON, J.-P., HenriIV, Paris, 1982. BAELDE, M., DecollateraleradenonderKarelVenFilipsII(1531-1578).Bijdragetot degeschiedenisvandecentraleinstellingenindezestiendeeeuw, Brussels, 1965 (= Verhandelingen van de Koninklijke Vlaamse Academie voor Wetenschappen, LetterenenSchonekunstenvanBelgië,KlassederLetteren, 27, nr 60). BALLESTEROS, J. R., Histoireetutopiedansles Admiranda deLipse, in: ‘Iamillustravit omnia’, 177-192. BARRIOS, F., ElconsejodeEstadodelaMonarquiaEspañola,1521-1812, Madrid, 1984. BARTL, P., “Marciare verso Constantinopoli” – Zur Türkenpolitik Klemens’ VIII, in: Saeculum, 20 (1969), 44-56.

20 BARTL, P., DerWestbalkanzwischenSpanischerMonarchieundOsmanischemReich.Zur TürkenkriegsproblematikanderWendevom16.zum17.Jahrhundert, Wiesbaden, 1974. BAUMGARTNER, F. J., RadicalReactionaries:thePoliticalThoughtoftheFrenchCatholic League, Geneva, 1976. BECDELIÈVRE-HAMAL, A. G. 1971), 2 vols.

DE,

Biographie Liégeoise, Liège, 1836-1837 (= Geneva,

BERGMANS, P., L’autobiographie de Juste Lipse, Ghent, 1889 (reprint from: Messager desscienceshistoriquesdeBelgique, 63, 1889). BIETENHOLZ, P. G. (ed.), Contemporaries of Erasmus. A Biographical Register of theRenaissanceandReformation, Toronto etc., 1985-1987, 3 vols. BLACK, J. B., TheReignofElizabeth1558-1603, Oxford, 1959. BORMAN, C. DE, LeséchevinsdelaSouveraineJusticedeLiège, Liège, 1892-1899, 2 vols. BOSCH, L. J. M., PetrusBertius1565-1629, (doct. thesis Nimegue) Meppel, 1979. BOTS, H. – MATTHEY, I. – MEYER, M., Noordbrabantse studenten 1550-1750, Tilburg, 1978. BOTS, H. – WAQUET, F. (eds), LaRépubliquedesLettres, Paris, 1997. BOUCHERY, H.. F., WaaromJustusLipsiusgevierd?, Brussels, 1949 (= Mededelingenvan deVlaamseAcademievoorwetenschappen,letterenenschonekunstenvanBelgië. Klassederletteren, 11, 8). BRANTS, V., La Faculté de Droit de l’Université de Louvain à travers cinq siècles, Paris – Brussels, 1917. BREULS, E., De Büchermessen van Frankfurt en de internationale verspreiding van Lipsius’werkendoordeMoretussen, in: ‘Iamillustravitomnia’, 281-294. BRUIN, R. E. DE (ed.), ‘Een paradijs vol weelde’. Geschiedenis van de stad Utrecht, Utrecht, 2000. BUCHELL, A. VAN, Diarium,1560-1599, ed. G. Brom – L. A. van Langeraad, Amsterdam, 1907 (= WerkenuitgegevendoorhetHistorischGezelschapgevestigdteUtrecht, 3, 12). BULGARELLI, T., GliavvisiastampainRomanelCinquecento, Rome, 1967. CANGE, C. DU FRESNE DU, Glossarium mediae et infimae latinitatis, Niort, 1883-1887 (= Graz, 1954), 10 vols. CAZAUX, Y., HenriIVoulagrandevictoire, Paris, 1978. CAZAUX, Y., De geboorte van een natie. De Nederlanden in de 16de en 17de eeuw, Antwerp, 1985. COSENZA, M. E., BiographicalandBibliographicalDictionaryoftheItalianHumanists andtheWorldofClassicalScholarshipinItaly,1300-1800, Boston, 1962-1967, 6 vols. CROMBRUGGEN, H. VAN, JanusLernutius,1545-1619:eenbiografischestudie, Brussels, 1955 (= Verhandelingen van de Koninklijke Academie voor Wetenschappen, LetterenenSchoneKunstenvanBelgië.KlassederLetteren, 23).

21 DAREMBERG, C., – SAGLIO, E., Dictionnairedesantiquitésgrecquesetromainesd’après lestextesetlesmonuments, Paris, 1873-1919, 5 vols. DARIS, J., HistoiredudiocèseetdelaprincipautédeLiègependantleXVIesiècle, Liège, 1884. DELATTRE, P.,LesétablissementsdesjésuitesenFrancedepuisquatresiècles, Edingen – Wetteren, 1949-1957, 5 vols. DELÉE, J., Listed’élèvesduCollègedespèresjésuitesàAnvers(GymnasiumSocietatis JesuAntverpiense).I.de1575à1640, in: DeSchakel, 22 (1967), 3-94. DELPRAT, G. H. M., Lettres inédites de Juste Lipse concernant ses relations avec les hommesd’ÉtatdesProvinces-UniesdesPays-Bas, Amsterdam, 1858. DELVILLE, J.-P., e.a. (eds), LeGrandSéminairedeLiège1592-1992, Liège, 1992. DENEIRE, T., Justus Lipsius’s Admiranda (1598) and the Officina Plantiniana. Mixing Otium withNegotium, in: Iamillustravitomnia, 159-176. DESSART, H. – HALKIN, L.-E. – HOYOUX, J., Inventaireanalytiquededocumentsrelatifsà l’histoiredudiocèsedeLiègesouslerégimedesnoncesdeCologne(1584-1606), Brussels, 1957 (= AnalectaVaticano-Belgica, 2e série B, 2). DEURSEN, A. TH. VAN, MauritsvanNassau1567-1625.Dewinnaardiefaalde, Amsterdam, 2000. DUERLOO, L., DynastyandPiety:ArchdukeAlbert(1598-1621)andHabsburgpolitical cultureinanAgeofReligiousWars, Farnham, 2012. DURME, M. VAN, Les Archives générales de Simancas et l’histoire de la Belgique (IXe-XIXesiècles), Brussels, 1964-1990, 5 vols. DUSSELDORPIUS, F., Annales, ed. R. Fruin, The Hague, 1893 (= Werkenuitgegevendoor hethistorischgenootschap, 3, 1). EncyclopediaofIslam, ed. H. A. R. Gibb, Leiden – London, 1960-2003, 11 vols. ESSEN, L. VAN DER, – LOUANT, A., (eds), Correspondanced’OttavioMirtoFrangipani, premier nonce de Flandre (1596-1606), Brussels – Paris, 1924-1942, 4 vols (= AnalectaVaticanoBelgica, 2e série, I-III). ESTOILE, P. DE L’, JournalpourlerègnedeHenriIV, ed. L. R. Lefèvre, 1, 1589-1600, Paris, 1948 (= Mémoiresdupassépourservirautempsprésent, 7). EVANS, R. J. W., Rudolf II and his World: a study in intellectual history 1576-1612, London, 1997. EVEN, E. VAN, Louvain dans le passé et dans le présent, Leuven, 1895 (repr. Leuven, 2001, with comm., index and bibliogr.). FABRI, J., UnamideJusteLipse:l’humanisteAndréSchott(1552-1629), in: LesÉtudes Classiques, 21 (1953), 188-208. FERNÁNDEZ ÁLVAREZ, M., FelipeIIysuTiempo, Madrid, 1999. FERRARA, O., PhilippeII, Paris, 1961. FERRO, R, Undialogotraintellettuali:lacreazionediunagrandebiblioteca, in: Federico Borromeo fondatore della Biblioteca Ambrosiana. Atti delle giornate di studio 25-27novembre2004, ed. F. Buzzi, R. Ferro, Rome, 2005 (= StudiaBorromaica, 19), 311-349.

22 FORCELLINI, A., Lexicontotiuslatinitatis, Bologna, 1965, 6 vols (= Padova, 1864-1926). FORSTER, L., Charles Utenhove and Germany, in: P. K. King – P. F. Vincent (eds), Europeancontext.StudiesinthehistoryandliteratureoftheNetherlandspresented toTheodoorWeevers, Cambridge, 1971, 60-80. FRUIN, R, Tienjarenuitdetachtigjarigeoorlog:1588-1598, The Hague, 1941. FU‡ÍKOVÁ, E. – BRADBURNE, J. M., RudolfIIandPrague.TheCourtandtheCity, London, 1997. GAILLIARD, J., BrugesetleFranc,ouleurmagistratureetleurnoblesse, Bruges, 18571864, 6 vols. GALESLOOT, L., Particularités sur la vie de Juste Lipse, in: Annales de la Société d’émulationdeBruges, 28 (1876-1877), 265-347. GAMS, P. B., Series episcoporum ecclesiae catholicae, Graz, 1957 (= Ratisbon, 18331886). GEERTS, W., DeTumulushonorariusvoorNicolasOudaert(1541-1608) (unp. MA thesis), Leuven, 2001. GRAAF, R. DE, Oorlog,mijnarmeschapen. EenanderekijkopdeTachtigjarigeOorlog 1565-1648, Franeker, 2004. GRAESSE, J. G. T., Orbis latinus. Lexikon lateinischer geographischer Namen des MittelaltersundderNeuzeit,ed. H. Plechl e. a., Brunswick, 1972, 3 vols. GRAFTON, A. T., Joseph Scaliger. A study in the History of Classical Scholarship.I: TextualCriticismandExegesis, Oxford, 1983; II:HistoricalChronology, Oxford, 1993. GRAFTON, A. T. – JONGE, H. J. 19932.

DE,

JosephScaliger.ABibliography1850-1993, Leiden,

GROTEFEND, H., ZeitrechnungdesdeutschenMittelaltersundderNeuzeit, Hanover, 1891 (= Aalen, 1970), 3 vols. GUÉRIN, P., LesJésuitesduCollègeWallondeLiègedurantl’ancienrégime, Liège, 1999, 2 vols. HandbuchderEuropäischenGeschichte, vol. 3: J. Engel (ed.), Stuttgart, 1971. HARSIN, P., Étudescritiquessurl’histoiredelaprincipautédeLiège1477-1795, vol. 3 : Politiqueextérieureetdéfensenationaleau XVIesiècle(1538-1610), Liège, 1959. HEESAKKERS, C. L., Justus Lipsius in Leiden, in: R. Dusoir, J. De Landtsheer and D. Imhof (ed.), Justus Lipsius (1547-1606) en het Plantijnse Huis, Antwerp, 1997. HEESAKKERS, C. L., JustusLipsiusandtheDousaFamily, in: TheworldofJustusLipsius, 255-272. HEESAKKERS, C. L., Twee Leidse boezemvrienden van Justus Lipsius: Janus Dousa en JanvanHout, in: Iamillustravitomnia, 1-26. HenriIV.RecueildesLettresmissives, ed. M. Berger de Xivrey, Paris, 1847-1858, 9 vols. HERCKENRODE, J. DE, NobiliairedesPays-BasetduComtédeBourgogne, Ghent, 18621868, 4 vols.

23 HERCKENRODE, L. DE, Collection de tombes, épitaphes et blasons, recueillis dans les églisesetcouventsdelaHesbaye, Ghent, 1845. HESSELS, J. H., Abraham Ortelii et virorum eruditorum ad eundem et ad Jacobum ColiumOrtelianumepistulae, Cambridge, 1887 (= Torhout, 1988), 2 vols. HEUSER, P. A., Jean Matal, Humanistischer Jurist und europäischer Friedensdenker (um1517-1597), Cologne-Weimar-Vienna, 2003 HIRSCH,A. (ed.), BiographischesLexikonhervorragenderÄrztevor1880, Munich-Berlin, 1962, 6 vols. HOFTIJZER, P. G., DehoudingvandeMoretussenendeVanRavelingenstegenoverhet Plantijnseerfgoed, in: ExOfficinaPlantinianaMoretorum, 41-58. HOLT, M. P, TheFrenchWarsofReligion,1562-1629, Cambridge, 20055. HOUDT, T. VAN,JustusLipsiusandtheArchdukesAlbertandIsabella, in: Theworldof JustusLipsius, 405-432. HOUDT, T. VAN – PAPY, J., – TOURNOY, G. – MATHEEUSSEN (eds), Self-Presentationand Social Identification: The Rhetoric and Pragmatic of Letter Writing in early ModernTimes, Leuven, 2002, 183 (= SupplementaHumanisticaLovaniensia, 18). HOVEN, R. – GRAILET, L., Lexique de la prose latine de la Renaissance. Dictionary of RenaissanceLatinfromprosesource, Leiden-Boston, 2006. IJSEWIJN, J., MarcantonioMureto, in: TheWorldofJustusLipsius, 71-80. IMHOF, D., The Illustration of Works by Justus Lipsius published by the Plantin Press, in: IustusLipsius,Europaelumenetcolumen, 67-81. IMHOF, D., JanMoretusandtheContinuationofthePlantinPress, Leiden, 2014, 2 vols. ISACKER, Ph. VAN, PedroEnriquezdeAzevedo,graafvanFuentes,endeNederlanden. (1592-1596), in: AnnalesdelaSociétéd’émulationdeBruges, 60 (1910), 205-236. ISRAEL, J. I., DeRepubliek1477-1806, Franeker, 1995, 2 vols. JAITNER, K., DieHauptinstruktionenClemens‘ VIII.fürdieNuntienundLegatenanden europäischenFürstenhöfen1592-1605, Tübingen, 1984, 2 vols. JAITNER, K. together with U. Jaitner and J. Ramminger, KasparSchoppe.Autobiografische Texte und Briefe, Bayerische Gelehrtenkorrespondenz II, Munich, 2004-2012, 6 vols in 2 tomes. JANSSENS, M., DeMonita et exempla politica (1605)enLipsius‘humanistischeprogramma, in: ‘Iamillustravitomnia’, 201-220. JANSSENS, P., (ed.), Belgiëinde17deeeuw.DeSpaanseNederlandenenhetprinsbisdom Luik, Ghent, 2006, 2 vols. JANSSENS, W., CharlesUtenhove.Savieetsonoeuvre(1536-1600), Maastricht, 1939. JAPIKSE, N., ResolutiënderStaten-Generaalvan1576tot1609.Negendedeel:1596-1597, The Hague, 1926 (= RijksGeschiedkundigePublicatiën, Grote Serie, 62). DieJesuiteninIngolstadt1549-1773.AusstellungdesStadtarchives,derWissenschaftlichenStadtbibliothekunddesStadtmuseumsIngolstadt, Ingolstadt, 1991. JONES, P. M., FedericoBorromeoandtheAmbrosiana:ArtandPatronageinSeventeenth CenturyMilan, Cambridge, 1993.

24 JORGA, N., Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches, Gotha, 1908-1913 (repr. Darmstadt, 1997), 5 vols. KAMEN, H., PhilipofSpain, New Haven – London, 1997. KHEVENHÜLLER, H., Diario de Hans Khevenhüller, embajador imperial en la corte de FelipeII, ed. S. Veronelli – F. Labrador Arroyo, Madrid, 2001. KHEVENHÜLLER-METSCH, G., HansKhevenhüller,kaiserlicherBotschafterbeiPhilippII. GeheimesTagebuch1548-1605, Graz, 1971. KURZ, M. – SCHEUTZ, M. – VOCELKA, K. – WINKELBAUER, T., Das osmanische Reich unddieHabsburgermonarchie, Munich, 2005. LANDTSHEER, J. DE, Petrus Pantinus (1555-1611) and His Contribution to Patrology, in: StudiaPatristica, 28 (1993), 174-179. LANDTSHEER, J. DE, Laevinus Torrentius, auctor et fautor litterarum, in: Handelingen vandeKoninklijkeZuidnederlandseMaatschappijvoorTaal-enLetterkundeen Geschiedenis, 49 (1995), 131-147. LANDTSHEER, J. DE, LeretourdeJusteLipsedeLeydenàLouvainselonsacorrespondance (1591-1594), in: Juste Lipse (1547-1606) en son temps. Actes du colloque de Strasbourg,1994, ed. C Mouchel, Paris, 1996, 347-368. LANDTSHEER, J. DE, Le ms. Lips. 3(4) de la Bibliothèque Universitaire de Leyden: uneanalyse codicologique, in: R. De Smet – H. Melaerts – C. Saerens (eds), InhonoremAloysiGerlo, Leuven, 1997, 49-63. LANDTSHEER, J. DE, AbrahamOrteliusenJustusLipsius, in: P. Cockshaw – F. de Nave (eds), Abraham Ortelius, 1527-1598, cartograaf en humanist, Turnhout, 1998, 141-152. LANDTSHEER, J. DE, JustusLipsius andCarolusClusius:aFlourishingFriendship, in: TheworldofJustusLipsius, 273-295. LANDTSHEER, J. DE, Justus Lipsius (1547-1606) and the Edition of his ‘Centuriae Miscellaneae’, 1585-1605; some Particularities and Practical Problems, in: Lias, 25 (1998), 69-82. LANDTSHEER, J. DE, Lipsius’s Letters of Comfort: a Tribute to Consolatio in Cicero andSeneca, in: IustusLipsius,EuropaeLumenetColumen, 17-33. LANDTSHEER, J. DE, From North to South: Some New documents on Lipsius’ Journey fromLeidentoLiège, in: D. Sacré – G. Tournoy (eds), Myricae.EssaysonNeoLatin Literature in Memory of Jozef IJsewijn, Leuven, 2000 (= Supplementa Humanistica Lovaniensia, 16), 303-331. LANDTSHEER, J. DE, Justus Lipsius’s De militia Romana: Polybius Revived or How an Ancient Historian was Turned into a Manual of Early Modern Warfare, in: K. Enenkel – J. L. de Jong – J. De Landtsheer (eds), RecreatingAncientHistory, Intersections1, Leiden – Boston – Keulen, 2001, 101-122. LANDTSHEER, J. DE, An Author and His Printer: Justus Lipsius and the Officina Plantiniana, in: Quaerendo, 37 (2007), 10-29. LANDTSHEER, J. DE, JosephusJustusScaligerenJustusLipsius, in: Adelaarindewolken, 59-92.

25 LANDTSHEER, J. DE, “Perpatronos,nonpermeritagradusestemergendi”:Lipsius’s Careful Choice of patroni as a Way of Career Planning, in: I. Bossuyt, N. Gabriëls, D. Sacré, and D. Verbeke (eds) “Cui dono lepidum novum libellum?” Dedicating Latin Works and Motets in the Sixteenth Century, Proceedings of the International Conference held at the Academia Belgica, Rome, 18-20 August 2005, Supplementa Humanistica Lovaniensia, 23 (Leuven Press, 2008), 251-268. LAUREYS, M., ‘The grandeur that was Rome’: Scholarly Analysis and Pious Awe in Lipsius’s Admiranda, in: K. Enenkel – J. L. de Jong – J. De Landtsheer (eds), Recreating Ancient History, Intersections 1, Leiden – Boston – Cologne, 2001, 123-145. LAUREYS, M. – PAPY, J., ‘ThegrandeurthatwasRome’:Lipsius’variatiesopeenoud thema, in: LipsiusenhetPlantijnseHuis, 129-136. LAVISSE, E., HistoiredeFranceillustréedepuislesoriginesjusqu’àlarévolution, Paris, 1911, 9 vols. LEFÈVRE, J., Correspondance de Philippe II sur les affaires des Pays-Bas. Deuxième partie: Recueil destiné à faire suite aux travaux de L. P. Gachard, Brussels, 1940-1960, 4 vols. LEHMANN, P., FranciscusModiusalsHandschriftenforscher, Munich, 1908. LOEBL, A., ZurGeschichtedesTürkenkriegsvon1593-1606, Prague, 1899-1904, 3 vols. MANTRAN, R. (ed.), Histoiredel’empireottoman, Paris, 1989. MARINUS, M. J., Laevinus Torrentius als tweede bisschop van Antwerp (1587-1595), Brussels, 1989 (= VerhandelingenvandeKoninklijkeAcademievoorWetenschappen,LetterenenSchonekunstenvanBelgië.KlassederLetteren, 131). MARINUS, M. J., De contrareformatie te Antwerp (1585-1676): kerkelijk leven in een grootstad, Brussels, 1995 (= Verhandelingen van de Koninklijke Academie voor Wetenschappen,LetterenenSchonekunstenvanBelgië.KlassederLetteren, 155). MARTÍNEZ MILLÁN, J. – CARLOS MORALES, J. DE, FelipeII(1527-1598).Laconfiguración delamonarquíahispana, Valladolid, 1998. MCCREA, A., Constant Minds: Political Virtue and the Lipsian Paradigm in England, 1584-1650, Toronto – London, 1997. MELCHIOR-BONNET, B., Lesguerresdereligion,1547-1610, Paris, 1987. MIQUEL, P., Lesguerresdereligion, Verviers, 1980, 2 vols. MOLHUYSEN, P. C., BronnentotdegeschiedenisderLeidscheUniversiteit,vol.1(1574 –7febr.1610), The Hague, 1913 (= RijksGeschiedkundigePublicatiën, 20). MORFORD, M., StoicsandNeostoics:RubensandthecircleofLipsius, Princeton, 1991. MORFORD, M, Lipsius’ LettersofRecommendation, in: T. Van Houdt etal. (eds), SelfPresentationandSocialIdentification, 183-198. MORFORD, M., Lipsius’s1605EditionofSeneca, in: ‘Iamillustravitomnia’, 239-255. MOUT, N., Justus Lipsius between War and Peace. His Public Letter on Spanish Foreign PolicyandtheRespectivemeritsofWar,PeaceorTruce(1595), in: J. Pollmann –

26 A. Spicer (ed.), Public Opinion and Changing Identities in the Early Modern Netherlands, Leiden – Boston, 2007, 141-162. NAUWELAERS, J., HistoiredesavocatsausouverainconseildeBrabant,Brussels, 1947, 2 vols. NAVE, F. DE, De Moretussen en de Antwerpse boekgeschiedenis van de 17de en 18de eeuw, in: ExOfficinaPlantinianaMoretorum, 249-305. NIEDERKORN, J. P., Die Europäischen Mächte und der ‚Lange Türkenkrieg’ Kaiser RudolfsII(1593-1606), Vienna, 1993. NIERMEYER, J. F., Mediaelatinitatislexiconminus, Leiden, 1954-. NISARD, C., LetriumviratlittéraireauXVIesiècle.JusteLipse,JosephScaligeretIsaac Casaubon. Paris, 1852. NOLHAC, P. DE, LabibliothèquedeFulvioOrsini;contributionsàl’histoiredescollections d’Italieetàl’étudedelaRenaissance, Paris, 1887 (repr. Geneva, 1976). OTTERSPEER, W., Groepsportret met Dame. Het bolwerk van de vrijheid. De Leidse universiteit,1575-1672, dl. 1, Amsterdam, 2000. OTTO, A., DieSprichwörterundsprichwörtlichenRedensartenderRömer, Leipzig, 1890 (= Hildesheim, 1962). PAPY, J., La poésie de Juste Lipse. Esquisse d’une évaluation critique de sa technique poétique, in: Juste Lipse (1547-1606) en son temps, Actes du colloque de Strasbourg,1994,ed. C. Mouchel, Paris, 1996, 163-214. PAPY, J., ‘Italiamvestramamosupraomnesterras!’Lipsius’AttitudetowardsItalyand ItalianHumanismofthelateSixteenthCentury, in: HumanisticaLovaniensia, 47 (1998), 245-277. PAPY, J., Manus manum lavat. Die Briefkontakte zwischen Kaspar Schoppe und Justus Lipsius als Quelle für die Kenntnis der sozialen Verhältnisse in der Respublica litteraria, in: Zeitsprünge.ForschungenzurFrühenNeuzeit, 2 (1998), 276-297. PAPY, J., VirtueandDoctrine:thehumanistProgrammeofJustusLipsius, in: Annales SocietatisLitterarumHumaniorumRegiaeUpsaliensis, Uppsala, 1998, 197-215. PAPY, J., An Antiquarian Scholar between Text and Image? Justus Lipsius, Humanist Education, and the Visualization of Ancient Rome, in: The Sixteenth Century Journal, 35 (2004), 97-131. PAPY, J., Lipsius as ‘Master of Order’. The True Face of Lipsius’s Stoicism in the Manuductio ad Stoicam philosophiam (1604) and Leiden, U.B., ms. Lips. 6, in: ‘Iamillustravitomnia’, 221-237. PARKER, G., TheArmyofFlandersandtheSpanishRoad1567-1659, Cambridge, 1972. PARKER, G., PhilipII, Boston, 1978. PARKER, G., SpainandtheNetherlands,1559-1659, Short Hills N.J., 1979. PARKER, G., TheDutchRevolt, London, 1977. PARKER, G., TheGrandStrategyofPhilipII, New Haven - London, 2000. PASTOR, L. VON, Histoire des papes depuis la fin du Moyen Age, Paris, 1907-1962, 22 vols.

27 PAYEN, J. F., RecherchessurMichelMontaigne, in: BulletinduBibliophile, 15 (1862), 1291-1311. PEETERS, H., Le contubernium deLipseàLouvainàtraverssacorrespondance, in: Iustus Lipsius,EuropaeLumenetColumen, 141-168. PEETERS, H., La correspondance de Juste Lipse avec Plauto/Francesco Benci: le récit d’uneamitié, in: TheWorldofJustusLipsius, 97-119. PEETERS, H., OntstaansgeschiedenisvanLipsius’ Poliorcetica, geschreveninaangename herinneringaanzijnverblijfteLuik, in: ‘Iamillustravitomnia’, 127-158. PERNOT, M., LesguerresdereligionenFrance1559-1598, Paris, 1987. PIERSON, P., PhilippII.VomScheiternderMacht, Graz – Vienna – Keulen, 1985. POEL, M.G.M. VAN DER, Dedeclamatiobijdehumanisten;bijdragetotdestudievande functie van de rhetorica in de Renaissance, Nieuwkoop, 1986 (= Bibliotheca humanisticaetreformatorica, 39). POELHEKKE, J. J., Nederlandse leden van de Inclyta Natio Germanica Artistarum te Padua, 1553- 1700, in: Mededelingen van het Nederlands Historisch Instituut teRome, 31 (1961), 265-373. POLAIN, E., Ernest de Bavière, Evêque et Prince de Liège, 1581-1612, in: Bulletin de l’Institutarchéologiqueliégeois, 53 (1929), 23-167. PONCELET, A., HistoiredelaCompagniedeJésusdanslesanciensPays-Bas, Brussels, 1927-1928, 2 vols. PONCELET, A., NécrologedesJésuitesdelaprovinceFlandro-Belge, Wetteren, 1931. PRANTL, K. VON,GeschichtederLudwig-Maximilians-UniversitätinIngolstadt,Landshut, München, Munich, 1872 (= Aalen, 1968), 2 vols. PRIMS, F., GeschiedenisvanAntwerp,Zesde deel: MetSpanje1555-1715, Brussels, 1982. RAMÍREZ, A., EpistolariodeJustoLipsioylosEspañoles(1577-1606), Madrid, 1966. REUSENS, E., Documents relatifs à l’histoire de l’Université de Louvain (1425-1797), Leuven, 1893-1903, 5 vols –vol. 6: Tabledesnoticesconsacréesauxmembres del’Université, ed. J. Buchet, Leuven, 1977. ROERSCH, A., ParticularitésconcernantFrançoisModius, in: Lemuséebelge, 12, 1908, 73-85. ROERSCH, A., Lipsiana, in: LeMuséeBelge, 16 (1912), 127-133. ROOSBROECK, R. van, FilipsII,koningvanSpanje,soevereinderNederlanden, The Hague, 1983. ROSCHER, W. H., Ausführliches Lexikon der Griechischen und Römischen Mythologie, Leipzig, 1884-1937 (= Hildesheim, 19652). ROUILLARD, C. D., The Turk in French History, Thought and Literature (1520-1660), Paris, 1940. RUYSSCHAERT, J., Le séjour de Juste Lipse à Rome (1568-1570) d’après ses “Antiquae lectiones” et sa correspondance, in: Bulletin de l’Institut historique belge de Rome, 24, 1947-1948, 139-192.

28 RUYSSCHAERT, J., JusteLipseetlesAnnalesdeTacite:uneméthodedecritiquetextuelle auXVIesiècle, Leuven, 1949. RYCKMAN DE BETZ, F. DE – JONGHE D’ARDOYE, F. DE, Armorial et biographies des chanceliers et conseillers de Brabant, Hombeek, s.a., 4 vols (= Recueil des Tablettes du Brabant). SACRÉ, D, Balthasar Moretus’ Conamina Poetica (1588-1592), in: Ex Officina PlantinianaMoretorum, 59-109. SACRÉ, D., Ignotum notissimae apographon epistulae (1591) quam ad Franciscum CosterumeS.I.deditIustusLipsius, in: Melissa, 108 (2002), 6-8. SACRÉ, D., Aubertus Miraeus’ brief over de dood van Justus Lipsius. twee onbekende edities, in: ‘Iamillustravitomnia’, 257-269. SANDYS, J. E., AHistoryofClassicalScholarship, Cambridge, 1906-1908, 3 vols. SAULNIER, V. L., LesdixannéesfrançaisesdeDominiqueBaudier(1591-1601).Étudesur laconditionhumanisteautempsdesguerresciviles, in: Bibliothèqued’Humanisme etRenaissance, 7 (1945), 139-204. SCHEPPER, H. DE, DekollateraleradenindekatholiekeNederlandenvan1579tot1609. Studie van leden, instellingen en algemene politiek (onuitgegeven doctorale dissertatie), Leuven, 1972, 3 vols. SCHUEREN, G. VAN DER, Jeremias de Drivere, een zeventiendeeeuwse hoogleraar in de MedicijnenaanhetStudiumGeneraleLovaniense, Brussels, 1954 (= Verhandelingen KoninklijkeVlaamseAcademievoorGeneeskundevanBelgië, 16). SCHMITZ, Y., LesdellaFaille, Brussels, 1965-1974, 5 vols. SCHULZE, W., Reich und Türkengefahr im späten 16. Jahrhundert. Studien zu den politischen und gesellschaftlichen Auswirkungen einer äusseren Bedrohung, Munich, 1978. SCHULZE, W., DeutscheGeschichteim16.Jahrhundert1500-1618, Darmstadt, 1997. SIMAR, T., NoticesurleslivresdeJusteLipseconservésàlaBibliothèquedel’Université deLeyde, in: Revuedesbibliothèques, 7 (1907), 261-283. SPINDLER, M., HandbuchderbayerischenGeschichte, Munich, 1967-1969, 4 vols. STOKVIS, A. M. H. J., Manueld’histoiredegénéalogieetdechronologiedetouslesétats duglobe,depuislestempslesplusreculésjusqu’ànosjours, Leiden, 1888-1893 (= s.l., 1966), 3 vols. STROOBANT, L., LesMagistratsduGrandConseildeMalines, in: Annalesdel’Académie royaled’archéologiedeBelgique, 5e reeks, 1902, 4, 423-615. STRUBBE, E. J. – VOET, L., ChronologievandeMiddeleeuwenendeModerneTijdenin deNederlanden, Antwerp etc., 1960. TEX, J. DEN, JohanvanOldenbarnevelt, The Hague, 1980. THEUX

DE MONTJARDIN, J. H. L. 1871-1872, 4 vols.

DE,

Le chapitre de Saint-Lambert à Liège, Brussels,

THOMAS, W., MartínAntonioDelríoandJustusLipsius, in: TheworldofJustusLipsius, 345-366.

29 THYS, A., Vangeuzenstadtotkatholiekbolwerk:maatschappelijkebetekenisvandekerk incontrareformatorischAntwerp, Turnhout, 1990. TOURNOY, G., Lipsius and Casaubon in the Changing World of Classical Scholarship, 191-208. TOURNOY, G. – DECEULAER, H., Justus Lipsius and his unfinished Monita et exempla politica. TheRoyalPrivilegeof1597, in: ‘Iamillustravitomnia’, 193-200. TOURNOY, G. – PEETERS, H., FiveRediscoveredLettersofOttavioFrangipanitoJustus Lipsius,andtheReworkingofaLetterbyLipsius, in: R. De Smet – H. Melaerts – C Saerens (eds), InhonoremAloysiGerlo, Leuven, 1997, 247-257. LAMBERTS, E. – ROEGIERS, J. (eds), DeUniversiteitteLeuven1425-1985, Leuven, 1986. VANDERMEERSCH, P. A., ThereconstructionoftheLiberQuintusIntitulatorumUniversitatis Lovaniensis(1569-1616), in: Lias, 12 (1985), 1-80; 13 (1986), 1-67. VANHAECKE, F., De briefwisseling van Justus Lipsius in het jaar 1603. Tekstkritische editiemetcommentaareninleiding (unpubl. doct. diss.), Brussels, 2003. VARGAS-HIDALGO, R., GuerrayDiplomaciaenelMediterráneo:Correspondenciainédita deFelipeIIconAndreaDoriayJuanAndreaDoria, Madrid, 2002. VAUGHAN, D. M., EuropeandtheTurk.APatternofAlliances, Liverpool, 1954. VAZQUEZ DE PRADA, V., Lettres marchandes d’Anvers, Paris, [1960], 4 vols (= Ecole pratiquedeshautesétudes-Sorbonne.Centrederechercheshistoriques.Affaires etgensd’affaires, 18]. VENARD, M. (ed.), Histoireduchristianismedesoriginesànosjours, vol. 8: Letemps desconfessions(1530-1620/30), s. l., 1992. VERVLIET, H. D. L., Lipsius’ jeugd, 1547-1578. Analecta voor een kritische biografie, Brussels, 1969 (= Mededelingen van de Koninklijke Vlaamse Academie voor Wetenschappen,LetterenenSchoneKunstenvanBelgië,KlassederLetteren, 31 (1969). VERWEIJ, M., Justus Lipsius and Willem van Breugel of Oirschot, in: Iustus Lipsius Europaelumenetcolumen, 221-232. VERWIJS, E. – VERDAM, J., Middelnederlandsch Woordenboek, The Hague, 1885-1929, 9 vols. VOCHT, H. DE, History of the Foundation and the Rise of the Collegium Trilingue Lovaniense1517-1550, Leuven, 1951-1955, 4 vols. VOET, L., TheGoldenCompasses:ahistoryandevaluationoftheprintingandpublishing activities of the Officina Plantiniana at Antwerp, Amsterdam etc., 1969-1972, 2 vols. VOET, L., HetgeslachtMoretusendePlantijnseDrukkerij, in: ExOfficinaPlantiniana Moretorum, 9-32. WACKERNAGEL, H. G. (ed.), DieMatrikelderUniversitätBasel, vol. 2: 1532/33-1600/01, Basel, 1956, 4 vols. WASZINK, J. H. (ed.), JustusLipsius:Politica.SixBooksofPoliticsorPoliticalInstruction, Assen, 2004.

30 WILD, J. – SCHWARZ, A. (ed), DieJesuiteninBayern,1549-1773, Munich, 1991. WILLIAMS, P., TheLaterTudors:England,1547-1603, Oxford, 1995 (= TheNewOxford HistoryofEngland). WILSON, CH., QueenElizabethandtheRevoltoftheNetherlands, The Hague, 1979. WINKELBAUER, T., StändefreiheitundFürstenmacht.LänderundUntertanendesHauses Habsburg im konfessionellen Zeitalter, Vienna, 2003 (= Österreichische Geschichte1522-1699, ed. H. Wolfram). WITKAM, H. J., DedagelijksezakenvandeLeidseUniversiteitvan1581tot1596, Leiden, 1969-1980, 15 vols. XHAYET, G. – HALLEUX, R. (eds), ErnestdeBavière(1554-1612)etsontemps.L’automne flambayantdelaRenaissanceentreMeuseetRhin, Turnhout, 2011. ZINKEISEN, J.W., Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches in Europa, Gotha, 1840-1863, 7 vols. ZÖLLER, E., GeschichteÖsterreichs, Vienna, 1974.

CONCORDANCE

GVi 94 94 95 95 95 95 96 96 96 96 96 96 96 96 96 96 96 96 96 96 96 96 96 96 96 96 96 96 96 96 96 96

12 12 00 04 12 12 00 00 00 00 00 00 01 01 --02 02 02 03 --03 03 03 03 --04 04 05 05 --05 08 08 08 08 08

ILE 01 23 00 16 16 31 00 00 00 00 00 00 11 22

H S

C CR D E H M

15 19 R 28 09 E 16 B1 16 B2 16 B3 18 00 16 02 G 02 NN 15 00 01 13 H 13 W 21 S

96 12 01 BUR 96 12 23 F (2nd version) [c. 96 09 00] 96 04 16 S 96 12 16 96 12 31 M [96 04/05 00] 96 07 20 C (2nd version) [96 02 00] 96 01 22 (2nd version) [early 96 08 00] 96 08 17 (2nd version) 96 01 10 L 96 01 22 (1st version) 96 02 12 96 02 15 (2nd version) X, 97 02 18 96 02 29 96 03 09 F [96 03 15 S] 96 03 16 BUY 96 03 16 BUR1 96 03 16 BUR2 96 03 18 G [96 03 18 S (?)] [96 04 00] 96 04 16 D VIII, 95/96 05 02 96 05 02 [H] [c. 96 05 15 (?)] H 96 05 15 N 96 08 01 H 96 08 01 M 96 08 13 HE 96 07 22 96 07 21 S

32 96 09 13 96 09 14 S 96 09 16 D 96 09 16 G 96 09 16 M 96 09 24 S 96 10 18 [96 11 00] 96 11 15 96 11 24 96 11 25 H 96 11 25 L 96 11 30 M1 (partim) 96 11 30 M1 (partim) 96 11 30 M2 96 12 01 AE 96 12 01 AL 96 12 01 B 96 12 01 BU 96 12 09 96 12 15 D 96 12 15 H 96 12 15 V 96 12 16 96 12 17 96 12 21 96 12 22 96 12 23 D 96 12 23 F 96 12 23 H 96 12 23 M 96 12 25 96 12 27 --96 12 29 96 12 30 97 01 00 F 97 03 10 05 11 22 HO OU

96 08 13 HO [96] 09 24 SC 96 09 15 D 96 09 16 96 09 15 M 96 09 24 SA [96] 10 18 96 02 15 (1st version) VIII, 95/96 11 15 96 11 24 R 96 11 25 96 11 24 L 96 11 30 M (1st version) [96 10 00(?)] 96 11 30 M (2nd version) 96 12 01 A 96 12 15 96 12 01 BUR 96 12 01 BUY X, 97 12 09 B X, 97 12 15 D X, 97 12 15 H X, 97 12 15 V 96 12 13-16 X, 97 12 17 X, 97 12 21 X, 97 12 22 R X, 97 12 22 D 96 12 23 F (1st version) X, 97 12 23 H X, 97 12 23 M X, 97 12 25 96 12 27 FU 96 12 27 FR X, 97 12 29 CO X, 97 12 29 CH 96 12 04 (2nd version) 96 03 10 O (2nd version) 96 11 22 [96 05 02] O

LIST OF PUBLISHED LETTERS

2041. 2042. 2043. 2044. 2045. 2046. 2047. 2048. 2049. 2050. 2051. 2052. 2053. 2054. 2055. 2056. 2057. 2058. 2059. 2060. 2061. 2062. 2063. 2064. 2065. 2066. 2067. 2068. 2069. 2070. 2071. 2072. 2073. 2074. 2075. 2076. 2077. 2078.

To Jan Bernaerts [Mechelen] ([96 00 00 ] B) To Jacques de Carondelet (Liège) (96 01 02 C) To Gaston Spinola [Brussels] (96 01 02 S) To Petrus Oranus [Liège] (96 01 05) To Willem Beeckeman (Liège) (96 01 06) From Federico Borromeo (Milan) (96 01 07) To Gerardus Buytewech [Leiden] (96 01 10 B) To Johannes Heurnius [Leiden] (96 01 10 H) To Petrus Louwius [‘s-Hertogenbosch] (96 01 10 L) To Gerardus Sandelinus (The Hague) (96 01 10 S) To Johannes Woverius Hamburgensis [Leiden] (96 01 10 W) To Jan van Drenckwaert [Brussels] (96 01 14 D) To José González de Cunedo [Brussels] (96 01 14 G) To Gaston Spinola (Brussels) (96 01 14 S) From Arnoldus Helius (Prague) (96 01 17) To Pedro Enríquez de Acevedo, Count Fuentes [Brussels] (96 01 22) To Martinus Antonius Delrio [Leuven] [96 02 00] To Balthasar de Robiano (Antwerp) (96 02 02) To Federico Borromeo [Milan] (96 02 06) To Martin Roeland (Mechelen) (96 02 12) To Ernest of Bavaria [Liège] (96 02 15) To Andreas Schott (Rome) (96 02 18) To Nicolaas vanden Brande [Brussels] (96 02 19 B) To Otho Hartius [Brussels] (96 02 19 H) To Hieronymus Mercurialis (Pisa) (96 02 19 M) From Gianbattista Sacco (Milan) (96 02 29) To Arnoldus Helius (Prague) (96 03 02 H) To Johannes Oslevius von Löwenheim (Prague) (96 03 02 O) From Gabriele Paleotti (Rome) (96 03 02 P) To Philip of Croÿ (96 03 09 CR) From Jacques de Cueilly (Rome) (96 03 09 CU) To Pedro Enríquez de Acevedo, Count Fuentes [Brussels] (96 03 09 F) To Juan Martínez de Verastegui [Brussels] (96 03 09 M) To Thomas de Sailly [Brussels] (96 03 09 S) To Nicolaas Oudaert (Mechelen) (96 03 10 O) To Petrus Pantinus (Brussels) (96 03 10 P) From Jacobus Marchantius (Alveringem) (96 03 14) To Adriaan vander Burch (Utrecht) (96 03 16 BUR1)

34 2079. 2080. 2081. 2082. 2083. 2084. 2085. 2086. 2087. 2088. 2089. 2090. 2091. 2092. 2093. 2094. 2095. 2096. 2097. 2098. 2099. 2100. 2101. 2102. 2103. 2104. 2105. 2106. 2107. 2108. 2109. 2110. 2111. 2112. 2113. 2114. 2115. 2116. 2117. 2118. 2119. 2120. 2121. 2122. 2123. 2124.

To Lambert vander Burch (Utrecht) (96 03 16 BUR2) To Gerardus Buytewech (Leiden) (96 03 16 BUY) To Gerardus Sandelinus (The Hague) (96 03 16 S1) To Gerardus Sandelinus (The Hague) (96 03 16 S2) To Jan de Greve (Brussels) (96 03 18 G) To [Gaston Spinola (Brussels)] ([96 03 18 S (?)] To Jan de Greve (Brussels) (96 03 27) To the Provincial of the Cistercian Order [Chaux-lès-Passavant?] (96 03 30) To [Archduke Albert] ([96 04 00]) From Hieronymus Mercurialis [Pisa] (96 04 10) To Hieronymus van Berchem (Ypres) (96 04 11) From Rollandus Riwallonus Richardus (Dinan) (96 04 13) To Fronto Ducaeus [Pont-à-Mousson] (96 04 16 D) From Gerardus Sandelinus (The Hague) (96 04 16 S) From Ulisse Aldrovandi (Bologna) (96 04 17) To Nicolaas vanden Brande [Brussels] (96 04 22) To Nicolaas vanden Brande [Brussels] (96 04 24) To Otho Hartius (Brussels) (96 04 25) To Petrus Oranus [Liège] (96 04 28) To Gerardus Buytewech (Brussels) (96 04 30) To Jacques de Carondelet [Liège] [96 04/05 00] To [Otho Hartius (Brussels)] (96 05 02 [H] To Nicolaas Oudaert [Mechelen] [96 05 02] O To Hendrik Uwens [Antwerp] (96 05 02 U) To Jan de Greve [Brussels] (96 05 04) From Balthasar Moretus [Antwerp] (96 05 06 M) From Hendrik Uwens (Antwerp) (96 05 06 U) To Jacobus Varicius [Mechelen] (96 05 06 V) To Guillaume d’Assonleville [Brussels] (96 05 07) To [Petrus Oranus] [Liège] ([c. 96 05 15 H (?)] From Pierre de Nyzart (Mechelen) (96 05 15 N) To Hieronymus Mercurialis [Florence or Pisa] (96 05 16 ME) To Paulus Monelia [Genova] (96 05 16 MO) To Jan de Greve (Brussels) (96 05 17) To Pierre de Nyzart [Mechelen] (96 05 19) To Jacobus Marchantius [Alveringem] (96 05 21 M) To Renier van Rijswijck [Brussels] (96 05 21 R) To Nicolaas de Weerdt [Brussels] (96 05 21 W) To Willem Beeckeman (Liège) (96 05 22 B) To Franciscus Sweertius (Antwerp) (96 05 22 S) To Jacques de Carondelet [Liège] (96 05 25) To Jan van Drenckwaert [Brussels] (96 05 28) To Abraham Ortelius [Antwerp] (96 06 03) To Jan de Greve (Brussels) (96 06 04) To Jan de Greve (Brussels) (96 06 14) To Josephus Justus Scaliger [Leiden] (96 06 15)

35 2125. 2126. 2127. 2128. 2129. 2130. 2131. 2132. 2133. 2134. 2135. 2136. 2137. 2138. 2139. 2140. 2141. 2142. 2143. 2144. 2145. 2146. 2147. 2148. 2149. 2150. 2151. 2152. 2153. 2154. 2155. 2156. 2157. 2158. 2159. 2160. 2161. 2162. 2163. 2164. 2165. 2166. 2167. 2168. 2169. 2170.

To Johannes Buytewech [Leiden] (96 06 19) To Gerardus Sandelinus [The Hague] (96 06 20) From Hieronymus Mercurialis (Florence) (96 06 30) To Christoffel Roels (Middelburg) (96 07 01) To Jan Bernaerts [Mechelen] (96 07 05) To Jacques de Carondelet (Liège) (96 07 12) To Otho Hartius [Brussels] (96 07 13 HA) To Franciscus Hovius (Antwerp) (96 07 13 HO) From Giulio Guastavini (Genova) (96 07 15) To Johannes Buytewech [Leiden] (96 07 16) To Philip of Croÿ (96 07 20 C) To Cornelis Pruynen [Antwerp] (96 07 20 P) To Gabriele Paleotti (Rome) (96 07 21 P) To Jean Richardot [Brussels] (96 07 21 R) To Andreas Schott [Rome] (96 07 21 S) To Johannes Woverius (Antwerp) (96 07 22) To NN (96 07 31) To Petrus Oranus [Liège] [early 96 08 00] From Otho Hartius (Brussels) (96 08 01 H) From Franciscus Modius (Aire) (96 08 01 M) To Jan de Greve (Brussels) (96 08 12) To Christianus de Bruyn [Utrecht] (96 08 13 BR) To Gerardus Buytewech [Leiden] (96 08 13 BU) To Johannes Oranus [Antwerp] (96 08 13 HE) To Franciscus Hovius [Antwerp] (96 08 13 HO) To Carolus Clusius (Leiden) (96 08 13 L) To Gerardus Corselius [Tournai?] (96 08 14) To Innocentius Malvasia [Rome?] (96 08 17) To Jan de Greve [Brussels] (96 08 19) To Carolus Billaeus (Liège) (96 08 21 B) To Jacques de Carondelet (Liège) (96 08 21 C) To Jan van Drenckwaert [Brussels] (96 08 21 D) To Otho Hartius [Brussels] (96 08 21 HA) To Petrus Oranus (Liège) (96 08 21 HE) To Franciscus Hovius [Antwerp] (96 08 21 HO) To Melchior Moretus [Antwerp] (96 08 21 M) To Balthasar Moretus (Antwerp) (96 08 27) To Franciscus Modius (Aire) (96 08 28) From Conradus Rittershusius (Altdorf) (96 08 31) To Franciscus Hovius [Antwerp] [c. 96 09 00] To Gerardus Buytewech [Leiden] (96 09 08) To Guillaume d’Assonleville [Brussels] (96 09 10 A) To Jan Bernaerts [Mechelen] (96 09 10 B) To Johannes Vivianus [Aix-la-Chapelle] (96 09 10 V) To Johannes Oranus [Antwerp] (96 09 14) To Johannes Dudetus (Verdun) (96 09 15 D)

36 2171. 2172. 2173. 2174. 2175. 2176. 2177. 2178. 2179. 2180. 2181. 2182. 2183. 2184. 2185. 2186. 2187. 2188. 2189. 2190. 2191. 2192. 2193. 2194. 2195. 2196. 2197. 2198. 2199. 2200. 2201. 2202. 2203. 2204. 2205. 2206. 2207. 2208. 2209. 2210. 2211. 2212. 2213. 2214. 2215. 2216.

To Giulio Guastavini [Genova] (96 09 15 G) To Johannes Haius (96 09 15 H) To Paulus Monelia [Genova] (96 09 15 M) To Jan de Greve (Brussels) (96 09 16) To Christoffel Roels (Middelburg) (96 09 18) To Henricus Cuyckius (Roermond) (96 09 20 C) To Otho Hartius [Brussels] (96 09 20 H) To Jean Richardot [Brussels] (96 09 20 R) To Johannes Saracenus [Arras] (96 09 20 S) To Petrus Pantinus (Brussels) (96 09 23) To Franciscus Hovius [Antwerp] (96 09 24 H1) To Johannes Hovius [Antwerp] (96 09 24 H2) From Josephus Justus Scaliger [Leiden] ([96] 09 24 SC) From Nicolaus Serarius (Würzburg) (96 09 24 SE) To Nicolaas Oudaert (Mechelen) (96 09 27) To Jan de Greve (Brussels) (96 09 30) To Franciscus Modius [Aire] [96 10 00 (?)] To Cornelis Aerssens [The Hague] (96 10 02 A) To Christianus de Bruyn [Utrecht (96 10 02 BR) To Gerardus Buytewech [Leiden] (96 10 02 BU) To Franciscus Raphelengius, Sr (Leiden) (96 10 02 R) From Nicolaas Oudaert (Mechelen) (96 10 13) To Franciscus Hovius (Antwerp) (96 10 16 H) To Jean Richardot [Brussels] (96 10 16 R) To Hendrik Uwens [Antwerp] (96 10 16 U) To Jean Richardot [Brussels] (96 10 17) From Theodorus Canterus (Utrecht) ([96] 10 18) From Christianus de Bruyn (Utrecht) (96 10 19) To Jacques de Carondelet (Liège) (96 10 22) From Gianbattista Sacco (Milan) (96 10 23) From Janus Lernutius (Bruges) (96 10 26) To Jan de Greve [Brussels] (96 10 27 G) To Conradus Rittershusius [Altdorf] (96 10 27 R) To Franciscus Oranus, Sr (Rome) (96 10 31) To Franciscus Hovius [Antwerp] (96 11 05 H) From Jacobus Varicius (Mechelen) (96 11 05 V) To Jacobus Varicius [Mechelen] (96 11 08) From Gerardus Buytewech [Leiden] (96 11 10 B) To Charles della Faille (96 11 10 L) To Johannes Woverius [Antwerp] (96 11 10 W) To Jan de Greve (Brussels) (96 11 11 G) From Ludwig Schwartzmaier von Schwartzenau (Prague) (96 11 11 S) From Franciscus Hovius (Antwerp) (96 11 22) To Herman van Lynden [Rekem] (96 11 24 L) To Juan Ramírez de Arellano [Brussels] (96 11 24 R) To Johannes Oranus [Antwerp] (96 11 25)

37 2217. 2218. 2219. 2220. 2221. 2222. 2223. 2224. 2225. 2226. 2227. 2228. 2229. 2230. 2231. 2232. 2233. 2234. 2235.

To Antonius Winghius (Liessies) (96 11 26) To Janus Lernutius (Bruges) (96 11 30 L) To Franciscus Modius (Aire) (96 11 30 M) To Cornelius Aerssens (The Hague) (96 12 01 A) To Lambert vander Burch [Utrecht] (96 12 01 BUR) To Gerardus Buytewech [Leiden] (96 12 01 BUY) To Theodorus Canterus (Utrecht) (96 12 01 C) To Gianbattista Sacco [Milan] (96 12 02) To [Juan Fernández de Velasco] [Milan] (96 12 04) From Carolus Utenhovius (Cologne) (96 12 13-16) To Archduke Albert [Brussels] (96 12 15) From Johannes Metellus (Cologne) (96 12 16) To Ottavio Mirto Frangipani (Brussels) (96 12 23 F) From Jean Richardot (Brussels) (96 12 23 R) From Ottavio Mirto Frangipani (Brussels) (96 12 27 FR) To Pedro Enríquez de Acevedo, Count Fuentes (96 12 27 FU) To Johannes Carolus Aenobarbus (Cologne) (96 12 31 A) To Johannes Metellus [Cologne] (96 12 31 M) To Carolus Utenhovius (Cologne) (96 12 31 U)

39

[1596]

2041

[96 00 00] B

Lipsius [Leuven] to Jan Bernaerts [Mechelen] [1596]

At Lipsius’s request, Sucquetus informed him about the arrival of a messenger. On Jan Bernaerts, lawyer with the Private Council in Mechelen, cf. ILE V, 92 01 17; NBW 17, 82-90; CenturiaeLatinae, 2, 79-80. Ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 44v-45r contain a few letters consisting only of Lipsius’s name, that of his correspondent, and the opening lines, which makes it impossible to know their main subjects. They must be assigned to the period between mid-1595 and February 1597, since ms. Lips 3(18) collects only letters from this period. Except for one fragment, to be dated as ILE 96 05 28, no second versions seem available. Three of them can be linked to others, because the opening lines closely resemble: GVi 96 00 00 CR and ILE 96 07 20 C, GVi 96 00 00 E and ILE 96 01 22, GVi 96 00 00 M and ILE 96 08 17. Hence, these letters occur twice in ms. Lips. 3(18), a complete version and a fragment. cl: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 44v.

I[ustus] Lipsius Ioh[anni] Bernartio, Ecce Sucquetius me admonet et inferne praestolatur siquid velim. Nam ita petieram, ut indicaret cum nuncius venisset. Ego autem hoc volo [cetera desiderantur]

1 Bernartio: e Bernatio correxi 2 Sucquetius] Antonius Sucquetus (Mechelen, 15 October 1574 – Paris, 15 February 1626), whose father Antonius was a member of the Private Council, studied law in Leuven and Douai. In 1597 he entered the Jesuit order. After a term of Rector of the noviciate in Tournai and teaching at the Jesuit College in Mechelen, Sucquet was appointed Provincial in 1619. One of his publications, Viavitaeaeternae (Antwerp: M. Nutius, 1620) dwells on ascetism. Cf. BN 24, 237-241; DBS 7, 1689-1692; PIBA 2, 346. Sucquetus had studied with Lipsius, cf. ILE 97 03 02 and Lipsius’s answer, 97 03 08. 3 nuncius] For a similar introduction, cf. ILE VIII, 95 01 03, also addressed to Bernaerts.

40

2042 - 96 01 02 C

2042

96 01 02 C

Lipsius (Leuven) to Jacques de Carondelet (Liège) 2 January 1596

Although letters without specific news seem meaningless, it is good to show one’s affection by sending greetings. Soon Lipsius will prove his friendship in a more explicit way in the Poliorcetica. Its publication is somewhat delayed since Lipsius’s presence is required for the illustrations. Lindenus has visited him with good news about the situation in Hungary. Henri IV is laying siege to La Fère. De Carondelet should share any certain information about the campaign of the Ottomans. Best wishes for the New Year. On Jacques de Carondelet, counsellor of Prince Bishop Ernest of Bavaria, cf. ILE VI, 93 05 01 C. Probably a reworked version of the fragmentary ILE VIII, 95 12 26 C. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 16-16v, no. 41; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 23, no. 58; d: Cent.Belg. II, 20.

Carond[eleto] Leod[icum]. R[everen]de et Nobilissime Domine, Excusas raritatem scriptionis et sum ego in eadem culpa, si tamen culpa. Sed tu caussam pro utroque agis et certe hoc mihi probas, litteras plane 5 vacuas rerum et inanes esse haud debere. Interdum tamen vel salutationis obsequium libandum tibi a me, hoc fateor, vel eo fine ut tibi probem veterem illum me esse, id est tui amantem et colentem. Fiet magis serio publice in libris Poliorceticωn, in quibus sermonis tibi partes cum 1 Carond[eleto] Leod[icum]: add. clb; Iacobo Carondeleto V[iro] R[everendo] et N[obili]. Leodicum d 5 vel: sed clb 3 Excusas] Carondelet’s letter is not preserved. 8 Poliorceticωn] Lipsius’s Poliorceticωnsivedemachinis,tormentis,telislibriquinque. Adhistoriarumlucemwas published by Widow Plantin (Jeanne Rivière) and J. Moretus in Antwerp in 1596. It is, in fact, the second part of a rather elaborate project, usually referred to as FaxHistorica in Lipsius’s correspondence. Cf. ILE VIII, [95 03 04 (?)] A, 118; Peeters, Ontstaansgeschiedenis van Lipsius’ Poliorcetica, 127-158. See Imhof, MoretusandtheContinuationofthePlantinPress, 385-387.

2 January 1596

41

Billeheo, Furio, Orano, Lampsonio; nec quicquam editionem moratur praeter meam praesentiam, qui imaginum caussa debeo adesse. Paro me 10 brevi ad non longinquum hoc iter. Transiit hac ante biduum vicarius Lindenus et salutem a te dixit, tum etiam laeta quaedam de Hungaricis 9 Billeheo] Carolus Billaeus (de Billehé), Lord of Vierset, also counsellor of the Prince Bishop of Liège, cf. ILE V, 92 08 19 [D?], 9; VIII, 95 06 13 H, 30. 9 Furio] Johannes Furius (or Dullardus), official and dean of St Lambert’s cathedral in Liège, and Lipsius’s host during his stay in Liège (1591-1592), cf. ILE IV, 91 11 11 R, 49. 9 Orano] Sc. Petrus Oranus, cf. ILE 96 01 05. 9 Lampsonio] Dominicus Lampsonius, secretary to Ernest of Bavaria, cf. ILE I, 83 10 08 L, LipsiusenzijnEuropesenetwerk, 226-236, with further bibliography. 9 moratur] The first copies of the Poliorcetica were sent on 21 August, cf. ILE 96 08 21 B, 3-4, the covering letter to Prince Bishop Ernest, to whom the work was dedicated. 10 praesentiam] In the middle of February 1596, Lipsius spent a few days in Antwerp, cf. ILE 96 02 19 B, 8; 96 03 16 BUY, 2. 10 imaginum] Apparently, it was not easy to find the right illustrations for the Poliorcetica. As early as September 1595 Lipsius informed Ortelius that he had completed his text, but still needed some illustrations, which his friend might have in his library (cf. ILE VIII, 95 09 21 O, 11-17). Although the cartographer had sent suitable material on other occasions, this time his answer (ILE VIII, 95 09 29) was disappointing. In ILE 96 05 06 M, 2-4, Balthasar Moretus announces that Peeter vander Borcht is engraving the illustrations (he used drawings by Otho Vaenius as his model, cf. Imhof, The Illustration of Works byJustusLipsius, 70), but that Lipsius still needs to send some examples. 12 Lindenus] Dirk van Lynden (1538-1603), who was archdean of the Ardennes, dean of the cathedrals of Liège and Maastricht, counsellor and vicar general of Liège (1587-1598). In 1598 he was appointed dean of St Lambert’s cathedral in Liège. He was also one of the prince bishop’s representatives to welcome the Archdukes Albert and Isabella in Ciney in 1599. Cf. Theux de Montjardin, 3, 137-139; Daris, 571, n. 1. 12-13 Hungaricis rebus] In 1595 the Ottoman campaign in the basin of the Danube was not very successful. The Emperor, supported by German princes and Pope Clement VIII, together with some Italian sovereigns, had raised a considerable army under the command of Charles of Mansfelt, whereas others were offering financial support. All efforts were focused on capturing Esztergóm (Gran), a stronghold decisive for successful action in the south. Cf. on this siege ILE VIII, 95 08 05 S, 26. Esztergóm surrendered on 2 September; followed a few days later by Visegrád. The Ottomans had also to give up a number of fortresses in Walachia. Constantinople was severely stricken by these misfortunes and put the blame mainly on Sinan Pasha. Upon his return he was immediately discharged, but when his successor died three days after being appointed, Sinan was restored to his functions. Cf. Baudier de Languedoc, 412-422; Zinkeisen, 3, 600-602; Jorga, 3, 311-318. On the papal diplomacy considering the Ottoman war, cf. P. Bartl, “Marciare verso Costantinopoli” – Zur Türkenpolitik Klemens’ VIII, in: Saeculum, 20 (1969), 44-56; L. F. Mathaus-Voltolini, DieBeteiligungdesPapstesClemensVIII.anderBekämpfung der Türken in den Jahren 1592-1595, in: Römische Quartalschrift für christliche AltertumskundeundfürKirchengeschichte, 15 (1901), 303-326, 410-423; NCMH 3, 363.

42

2043 - 96 01 02 S

rebus. Deus victorias aliquot illic dedit: utinam seriam unam et grandem, quae praemium opida aut regiones secum trahat! Sed fiet, spero, in tempore. 15 Gallus Feram obsidet; si nostri opitulantur, video certamen aut turpem illius abscessum. Si certamen, res totius Galliae hac aut illac inclinant, id est, ut resurgant aut ut planissime cadant. Tu si quid in Turcicis certi (ita soles) ne gravare ad nos mittere, nos, qui semper tui. Lovanii, post[ridie] Kal[endas] Ian[uarias] anni huius ∞.IƆ.XCVI, qui felix tibi esto. Tuus 20 sincerus amicus et servus I[ustus] Lipsius. 13 victoriolas clb 16 hac aut illud clb; huc aut illuc d 19-20 Tuus … servus: add.clainmarg., add. clb, om. d 20 I[ustus] Lipsius: add. clb 15 Feram] In November 1595 Henri IV laid siege to La Fère, a fortress in Picardy in Spanish hands, with the intent of interrupting their supply route from the Netherlands. La Fère was surrounded by swamps; by blocking off the Oise the French troops collected an enormous mass of water which they suddenly let loose in the hope of drowning the defenders and force them to surrender. To no avail, since only the lowest areas were afflicted. Hereupon the king of France patiently maintained his siege until the Spanish garrison, exhausted by starvation, submitted on 22 May 1596. Cf. Bor, 4, 194; Van Meteren, 365v; De Thou 5, 603-607; Japikse, 9, 62-67; MercuriusGallobelgicus (1615), 4, 21-23, 37-39. Cf. also ILE 96 01 14 S, 13-21; 96 05 22 B, 23-26. 15 opitulantur] Lipsius will soon realize that Henry IV was doing his utmost to prevent all possible succour, cf. ILE 96 01 14 S, 13-16. Albert of Austria tried to help: in the first days of April he marched to La Fère and succeeded in supplying the garrison with gunpowder and fuses. Consequently, the French king tightened his siege; Albert hesitated to burst through the enemy lines, for he was outnumbered by the French cavalry, which could move more quickly. Moreover, as the cities in the neighbourhood were all in French hands, the food supply of his troops risked being cut off. Hence, he decided to lay siege to Calais, a clever move allowing him not only to alleviate the pressure on La Fère, but also to disrupt possible actions from the English and the Dutch (see ILE 96 05 16 MO, 13-15 and 96 05 22 S, 21-23). Cf. De Thou, 5, 598-602; Bor, 4, 186; Van Meteren, 365v; Lefèvre, 4, p. 352-353, no 1053; p. 362, no. 1076.

2043 96 01 02 S

Lipsius (Leuven) to Gaston Spinola [Brussels] 2 January 1596

Thanks for his letter. Lipsius is honoured because of the annuity and the possible title historiographusregius; he has wanted to devote himself to history for a long time. He is

43

2 January 1596

convinced that bringing peace should be one of the first tasks of the new governor, but as long as the Northern Provinces are still allied with France and England negotiations cannot succeed, and Philip II is surely not inclined towards peace with these countries too; the situation in France in particular is not yet opportune for Philip II. The siege of La Fère, which is decisive for Henri IV, will not be to his advantage if the fortress is supported by the Spaniards. Lipsius relies strongly on the Spanish troops. New Year’s wishes to the Spinola family. Greetings to Malaspina. On Gaston Spinola, cf. ILE VIII, [95 07 16/17]; Aubertus Miraeus, Gentis Spinulae illustriumelogia, Cologne, 1615, 17-19. The cla version has corrections in Lipsius’s hand. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 16v-17, no. 42; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 34-34v, no. 84.

Gastoni Spinulae. Illustrissime Domine, Litteras quas ad me ante dies quinque dederas, eas hesterno denique accepi. Gratias ago et meritissimo debeo pro isto affectu tuo in me, qui mihi abunde innotuit, iamtunc a prima notitia et aspectu nostro. Meruisse me 5 non dicam, velle mereri hoc profiteor et animum hunc totum esse tuum. Gratularis de pensione annua quam Ill[ustrissi]mus Comes et Consilium Regium mihi decreverunt. Equidem gratum habeo et iudicium eorum et beneficium et scio Comiti in primis me obstrictum, cuius benignitatem in me coram equidem sensi. Quod si M[aies]tas sua dignabitur me titulo 10 historici sui, quam rem intellego agi, dabo operam ut haud vanus ille sit, 1 Gastoni Spinulae: add. claλ, clb

3 hesterno ⟦die⟧ cla

10 ⟦q⟧ equidem cla

3 Litteras] This letter, written on 28 December 1595, is not preserved. 5 prima notitia] They first met in Spa in July 1595, cf. ILE VIII, 95 07 12 F; [95 07 16/17]. 7 pensione] The title of historiographus regius, granted to Lipsius by Philip II on 14 December 1595, included an annuity of 1,000 florins, cf. ILE VIII, 95 12 14 GA; Galesloot, 342. In his autobiographical letter Lipsius wrote: Stipendiummihimodicum, sedrexPhilippus,facientePetroEnriquezcomiteFontano,auxitethistoriographietiam suititulodonavit. Cf. ILE XIII, 00 10 01, 153-155. 7 Comes] Fuentes had devoted himself to Lipsius’s cause by granting him 1,000 florins and promising that he would bring the king to turn this sum into an annuity, cf. ILE VIII, 95 11 29, 4-8. In ILE VIII, 95 11 30 D Lipsius expresses his gratitude. 11 historici] Neither the act confirming his appointment nor that of the annuity has been preserved. Lipsius received both in the first half of January, cf. ILE 96 01 14 D, 3-4 and thanked Fuentes in ILE 96 01 22. On 25 January 1596 Philip II wrote to Archduke Albert,

44

2043 - 96 01 02 S

et reipsa scribam aliquid quod haec et alia aetas forsan legat. Dare me sane ad historias iamdiu desidero et honestissime possum illo invitante. De pacis actione, quod me rogas, breviter hoc possum: credere me instituendam 15 et hanc futuram inter primas actiones Ser[erenissi]mi Gubernatoris. Sed cum effectu instituendam, hoc plures ob caussas inducere in animum nunc non possum. Una et praecipua est quod non disiungent se Batavi facile a Gallia aut Britannia, quibus innituntur. Atqui cum iis etiam, dixerit aliquis, pax esto. Non opinor Regem nostrum hoc statu Galliae id velle. 20 Dico amplius: non opinor expedire magnitudini quam Deus et fata ei

13 possu⟦nt⟧m clb urging him to treat Lipsius with respect, cf. Brussels, ARA, Audiëntie 196, f. 8; Lefèvre, 4, 334; Ramírez, 166, no. 37. See also ILE 96 04 25, 2-3. 13 ad historias] In the months following this appointment Lipsius time and again speaks of devoting himself to history, albeit not necessarily about (Roman) Antiquity. Nevertheless he is weary of touching on contemporary or even recent history (cf. ILE 96 01 10 S, 19-20). Apparently, he prefers a subject similar to the one treated by Lambert vander Burch (cf. ILE 96 03 16 BUR2, 12). 14 pacis actione] As mentioned in this letter, neither Spain nor the rebellious Provinces showed an interest in peace negotiations, although a considerable part of the State Council in Brussels (with the exception, however, of the Spanish faction including Fuentes) was inclined to make an attempt at conciliation with the North around mid-March 1595. Yet the Northern Provinces severed these attempts because the claims of the Spaniards were inacceptable to them. Cf. AGN 6, 289; Lefèvre, 2, 306, 308, 310, 317. 15 Gubernatoris] Archduke Albert of Austria. 18 Gallia] By the end of 1595 Elizabeth I was no longer inclined to offer military support to France and the Northern Low Countries because she did not want France to become another superpower and her attempts to reduce Spanish supremacy seemed successful. However, since Spain became more threatening again after the military successes of Albert in France in the spring of 1596, she strengthened the bonds between England, France and the Northern Provinces with the Treaty of Greenwich. Cf. Fruin, 331-333; MercuriusGallobelgicus (1603), 4, 8-15; ILE 96 05 22 S, 21-23. 18 Britannia] In fact, Elizabeth I was blackmailing the Northern Low Countries. According to the Treaty of Nonsuch (20 August 1585) she supported the Dutch revolt against Philip II, but the English garrisons in Den Briel and Flushing were larger than agreed upon, so that they were a threat rather than a support for the North. Moreover, contrary to the agreement, the English queen was already demanding payment for her military support before her allies had concluded an advantageous treaty with Spain. Cf. Fruin, 332; P. Hammer, Catholic Threat and Military Response, in: S. Doran – N. Jones (eds), The Elizabethan World, London-New York, 2011, 642-643. 19 hoc … Galliae] Thanks to successful military campaigns in France in the spring of 1596 Albert considerably improved the Spanish positions, cf. ILE 96 05 16 MO, 13-15.

2 January 1596

45

parant. Periti rerum cur ita sentiam intellegunt, nec meum est altius penetrare in consilia Regum. Quod ad Batavos, utinam inclinent se ad pacata consilia! Regem augeant, se servent et nos tranquillent. Sed hac de re distinctius et copiosius, cum actio ea instituetur, si tamen instituetur. Spes mihi perexigua, quod apud te non nego, et locorum hominumque ingenia in 25 parte illic novi. Petis amplius et sensum meum de obsidione Ferena. Vestra magis haec iudicatio est qui militiae et successuum eius longo usu gnari et prudentes estis. Tamen quia me vis dicere, ita puto futuram obsidionem, qualis duplex illa antea fuit Parisiensis et Rhotomagensis, id est non cum fructu et honore hostis, si nostri (uti debent) serio suppetias ferunt et 30 adnituntur. Ad pugnae aleam venturum vix opinor Gallum: si facit in discrimen se, adducit et totum regnum. Vide etiam quid de felicitate Regis mei sperem Comitis industria et robore militis nostri veterani: si ad pugnam venitur, venire ad nos triumphum et victoriam puto. Sed vos, ut dixi, militares viri, hoc melius certiusque dixeritis qui et rebus interestis et 35 quid nunc per aerarii vires possit fieri, non possit, auditis. 21 rerum ⟦coram⟧ cur clb 26 illic ⟦.⟧ novi clb 29 Parisienses et Rhotomagenses clb

27 successuum: correxie successum cl

26 Ferena] La Fère, cf. ILE 96 01 02 C, 15. 29 Parisiensis] After the assassination of Henry, Duke of Guise (Blois, 23 December 1588) Paris turned against King Henry III. A revolutionary government was appointed, protected by the League. Most of the important French cities also revolted and prepared to fight Henry III, who was murdered during the siege of Paris (1 August 1589). The successor whom he had appointed, Henry of Navarre, vainly tried to restore the unity of the country nor did he succeed in capturing Paris. In April 1590 his siege seemed to be successful; the suffering of the citizens was enormous and he allowed women and children to leave the city. But Farnese came to support the government in Paris and was able to break through the siege, which was abandoned on 7 May 1590. Cf. Melchior – Bonnet, 105-109; Lavisse, 6, 317-324. On this third siege of Paris, which involved starvation and cannibalism, see also Cazaux, HenriIVoulagrandevictoire, 225-244. 29 Rhotomagensis] After the failure of the Paris siege, Henri IV wanted to capture Rouen, another stronghold of the League, but instead of immediately advancing to Normandy, he preferred to first seize Chartres and Noyon, thus giving the defenders of Rouen the opportunity to prepare themselves. The siege only started in November 1591; two months later, Farnese again hastened to help. The French king tried to keep him away from the besieged city, but could not prevent that Rouen was provisioned and abandoned the siege on 20 April 1592. Cf. Melchior – Bonnet, 109; Lavisse, 6, 349-351, and also ILE V, 92 [04] 00 R, 40. 33 Comitis] Pedro Enríquez de Acevedo, count Fuentes, cf. ILE 96 01 22. 36 aerarii vires] The costs of Spain’s military campaigns had risen enormously, from about 3 million florins in 1583 to 14 million in 1596. As long as Philip II only focused

46

2043 - 96 01 02 S

Il[ustrissi]me Domine, felicia omnia et salutaria tibi, Dominae coniugi, filiolo, filiae in auspiciis huius anni precor. Lovanii, post[ridie] Kal[endas] anni novi ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 40 Ill[us]tri D[omino] Marchioni Malespinae officia mea cum salute rogo velis deferre.

on recapturing the Low Countries (1583-1585), the financial organisation could cope: the provinces in Spanish hands paid their contribution, the seized cities had to pay an indemnity, and fresh money was regularly supplied from Spain. Yet, the alliance between the States General and Elizabeth I, confirmed by the Treaty of Nonsuch, enforced the resistance in the North. The expansion of the Spanish Armada, meant as a countermove required much greater financial efforts and failed. When Philip II decided to offer military support to the League in France in September 1589, Farnese urged him to conclude peace with the revolting provinces in the North, to avoid having to fight on two fronts, but to no avail. In 1590 the Spanish troops in the Southern Netherlands rose up in mutiny because of overdue pay. In 1590 and 1591, Farnese received extra money for supporting the League, which he also used for other purposes, hence he was called back. Because the army budget of 1592 was insufficient, there were renewed mutinies among the troops in France and the Low Countries in 1593, a situation Maurice of Nassau used to his advantage. A lack of soldiers forced Philip II to an armistice of six months in July 1593, during which period Henry IV was able to reinforce his position against the League. Because the Spanish king refused to give up one of the fronts, he failed on both sides, but stubbornly maintained this double confrontation until the Peace of Vervins (2 May 1598). Cf. Parker, TheArmyofFlanders, 241-247. However, the financial troubles of Spain by the end of the sixteenth century were not caused by rising (military) expenses alone. Its economy was weakening (that of the allies France, England, and the Northern Provinces was superior to that of Spain), inflation increased, Philip’s policy of intervention repelled former markets, and his absolutist way of government interfered with the development of capitalism. Cf. Bartl, DerWestbalkanzwischenSpanischerMonarchieundOsmanischem Reich, 28-33. 37 coniugi] Spinola was married to Marie de Renty, cf. BN 23, 427; De Herckenrode, Nobiliaire, 3, 1219. 38 filiolo, filiae] They had several children, but only one son is known by name: BertinOudard, earl of Bruay and baron of André. He married Clara of Arenberg (1594-1670), daughter of Charles of Arenberg and Ann of Croÿ on 10 May 1609, and died in Italy in 1618. Cf. BN 23, 427; De Herckenrode, Nobiliaire, 3, 1228; J. Descheemaeker, Lamaison d’Arenbergd’aprèslesarchivesfrançaises,Neuilly, 1969, 96, n. 18. 40 Marchioni] On, cf. ILE VIII, 95 07 04, 10-11.

47

5 January 1596

2044

96 01 05

Lipsius (Leuven) to Petrus Oranus [Liège] 5 January 1596

Thanks for Oranus’s letter quoting the flattering words from his brother Franciscus: Lipsius is happy to have a patron in Rome who is not influenced by rumours and backbiting. He does not provoke nor does he want to react. Petrus’s son, Franciscus Jr, is doing well, although he needs to be admonished, as is the case with all young people. Lipsius urgently asks his friend’s advice about the dedication of his works. In the past, his choice has not earned him much advantage, although the court seems to be becoming more favourable. He will spend a few days in Antwerp. On Petrus Oranus (Pierre d’Heur, Liège, 1540 – ibid., 24 January 1618), cf. ILE III, 88 06 17, 17 (with a wrong day of birth; BN 29, 675-679). The cla version has corrections in Lipsius’s hand. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 17v-18, no. 44; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 23v-24, no. 60.

I[ustus] Lipsius Petro Orano I[uris]c[onsul]to S[alutem] D[icit]. Tuas accepi et in iis amplissimi auditoris, fratris tui, verba quibus de affectu in me et tuitione famae breviter, sed fideliter scribit. Equidem, etsi in his talibus Deo et animo isto maxime nitor, tamen gaudeo in dissitis illis locis talem mihi patronum obtigisse, ubi de me non nisi ex sermonibus aut 5 rumoribus iudicatur et utrique aut vani saepe, aut et improbi sunt. Recte et probe dicit proterviamsaepeinhistalibusiudiciisintervenire, ut maligni plerique natura sumus, et in eos praesertim quos aliqua virtus aut eius species obiicit et destinat famae. Ah, sagittas istas quoties sensimus! Quam etiam maria et terras pervadentes! Et quod stamus atque etiam stabimus 10 (ne superbum sit), Deo ascribimus et pectori huic, forti magis quam procaci 8 ⟦ex⟧ natura cla || eius ⟦spes⟧ cla cla; a⟦mbitio⟧nimoso clb

9 ⟦sagis⟧ sagittas clb

11-12 procaci ⟦aut animoso⟧

2 Tuas] Oranus’s letter is not preserved. 2 auditoris] On Franciscus Oranus, a member of the Roman Rota, cf. ILE VIII, 95 08 11 H1; 96 10 31.

48

2044 - 96 01 05

aut animoso. Non lacessimus, imo nec repercutimus lacessiti et, crede mihi, mi Orane, haec unica via et ratio est dissipandi rumores omnes, nec dissipare. Contemptus hic validissime pugnat et nec sensisse ictum videtur 15 qui non clamat. Et revera ita est: ut rupes fluctus reverberat nihil se movens sed nativo robore et firmitate, sic boni calumnias stando, silendo, pergendo. Nam et hoc addo, nec eiici de via bona debemus, si qui catelli incursant et nos latrant. Satis super isto. Tu si viro illi scribis, gratias a me ages (ego ipse postea) et significabis tutelam hanc securam et inculpatam 20 ei fore: ita (Deo duce) viam rectam regiamque inivimus et inimus. De Francisco tuo usque adhuc bene. Monendus tamen est, ut semper iuventus, et freno aliquo sermonum coercendus, non quia peccaverit, sed ne peccet. Quod de libellorum meorum dedicatione nuper scripseram, non sine caussa fuit (in litteris non omnia possunt), sed consilia tua et amicorum libenter 25 audiemus, cum praescriptione semper ne officium perdamus. Senescere incipimus et aliquid in re litteraria fecimus, quod etiam invidia fatebitur, usque adhuc haud cum magno privato fructu. (Possem fortasse de sacerdotiis commodius vestro inscribere, quam hoc bellicum de machinis,

17 ⟦oc⟧incursant clb 20 inivimus et: add. claλ quipostcorr.in⟦iv⟧imus; inivimus clb 25-27 Senescere … fructu: canc. cla 27-29 Possem … habeto: om. cla, add. clb in marg.dext.etinorainf. 19 postea] A letter, in which Lipsius expresses his thanks to Franciscus Oranus is not preserved. In ILE 96 10 31, however, he refers to Oranus’s support. 21 Francisco] On Franciscus Jr, Petrus’s son, cf. VIII, 95 08 11 H1. He had joined Lipsius’s household in 1595. Although he was accepted for only one year (ILE VIII, 95 08 11 H2, 4-6), he remained in Leuven until October 1600, when he obtained the degree of licentiatus utriusqueiuris, cf. ILE XIII, 00 10 11; Peeters, Lecontubernium deLipse, 144-145, 155156, 159. 23 dedicatione … scripseram] This letter to Oranus is not preserved. Already at the end of 1593 Lipsius had suggested to his friend that he might dedicate one of his works to Ernest of Bavaria, cf. ILE VI, 93 12 25 H, 32-33, information quickly passed on to the prince bishop, cf. ILE VII, 94 01 10, 17-18. One year later, Lipsius repeated his intention to another of Ernest’s close collaborators, Jacques de Carondelet, cf. ILE VII, 94 12 21 C, 9-10. The subject was mentioned again in letters from April and May 1596, when he again hesitated whether to dedicate his Poliorcetica to Prince Bishop Ernest or to Archduke Albert. Cf. ILE 96, index, s.v. Poliorcetica, dedic. 27-28 de sacerdotiis] This work is also mentioned as a (never published) section of the FaxHistorica in ILE VIII, 95 02 12 C, 11-12. This marginal addition, which only appears in one source, is probably an allusion to the not so exemplary way of life of Ernest of Bavaria, who loved hunting, drinking and feasting. He also liked women: he had two

49

6 January 1596

sed tibi hoc habeto.) Tamen Aula nostra benignior in nos esse incipit et scio certo hoc genus gratum ei fore et cum praesenti meo bono. Sed non 30 temere muto, etsi nihil adhuc definivi. Antverpiam brevi eo et pro re ac tempore videbo. Vale, mi amice. Lovanii, Nonis Ianu[ariis] ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

29 Tamen: canc. cla children with his mistress, Gertrud von Plettenberg, with whom he lived together in Schloß Arnsberg (Westphalia) from 1596 on. His son, William of Hollenfelz, born in 1587, became parish priest of Stavelot. Ernest made no effort to keep this relationship secret and even intended to marry. In Liège he appeared in public with Jeanne de Royer and married their daughter, Maximilienne, to François de Billehé, a kinsman of his most important counsellor, Carolus Billaeus (de Billehé). Cf. Polain, ErnestdeBavière,64-65; 81-83; NDB 4, 615. On 17 November 1593 Clement VIII had even instructed Coridano Garzadoro, papal nuncio in Cologne, on this matter: since there was no indication that Ernest of Bavaria intended to change his way of life, the pope threatened to oust him from his bishoprics. Cf. Jaitner, 1, 208-209. 30 ei] Albert of Austria, who was on his way to the Spanish Netherlands. 31 Antverpiam] Cf. ILE 96 01 02 C, 10-11.

2045

96 01 06

Lipsius (Leuven) to Willem Beeckeman (Liège) 6 January 1596

Lipsius had to postpone his answer to Beeckeman. He confirms his affection and his respect for his qualities, so different from the superficiality of his contemporaries. Lipsius hopes to have contributed in this sense, although the comparison with Alexander the Great and Aristotle Beeckeman makes, is surely exaggerated. Oranus will help Beeckeman as much as possible. Greetings to his brother and his family. On Willem Beeckeman, cf. ILE VIII, 95 08 05 B. Although the printed version is dated 1595, there can be no doubt that the letter belongs to 1596, for both ms. Lips. 3(17) and 3(18) collect the letters from July 1595 onwards.

50

2045 - 96 01 06

Moreover, ILE VIII, 95 12 02, 2-3 informs us that Beeckeman left Leuven for Liège, armed with a recommendation from Lipsius to Petrus Oranus (cf. also ILE 96 01 06). GVi erroneously dates cla on 2 January (96 01 02). cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 17-17v, no. 43; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 23v, no. 59; d: Cent.misc. III, 17.

I[ustus] Lipsius Guilielmo Beeckmanno S[alutem] D[icit]. Nuper admodum litteras tuas accepi et avebam iamtunc respondere, sed muliercula elapsa mihi celerius opinione fuit. In mora nihil intertrimenti: animus in te est qui fuit, imo addo qui erit, id est, iudicio et affectu tui 5 amans. Iudicium meum meruerunt cum alia in te, tum modestia quae numquam me fefellit radix esse et altrix virtutis et verae famae. Oculi et animus mihi saepe dolent cum aliam iuventutem istam video, protervam, lubricam, elatam, vanam et id in laudabilium omnium rerum inopia aut raritate. At firma et bona mens, ut ager post quietem fructus promittit 10 uberes et non fallaces. In ea re utinam contulerit aut conferat aliquid consuetudo vel auditio mea! Scio optare et non minus tibi faventem quam tuos esse. Tu autem non speras tantum, sed iactas et invidiosum exemplum adfers Alexandri et Ar[istote]lis, quod non agnosco et scio esse super sortem nostram. Affectum tamen tuum agnosco et amplector, nec nolo sic 15 errare leviter qui doctorem me habuerunt aut habent hoc fine, ut ardentius amplectantur aut perseverent quae praescripsi. Duxisse enim et praeivisse ad bona me spero et porro volo, mi Beeckmanne, ubi occasio aut facultas erit. De Orano iam olim meo spondere ausim quod te amabit, iuvabit 1 I[ustus] Lipsius: om. d || Beeckmanno: I[uris]c[onsul]to: add. d || D[icit]: Leodicum: add. d 2 iamnunc d 3 intetrimenti cla; intretrimenti clb 8 elatam: om. d 2 tuas] This letter, presumably an answer to ILE VIII, 95 08 05 B, is not preserved. 3 muliercula] No more details are known about the messenger. 12 exemplum] From 343/342 to the end of 335 B.C. Aristotle lived in Pella as teacher of Alexander the Great. By choosing an Hellenistic education with a general training he hoped to realize his political ideal of a unified Greece, governed by one dynamic sovereign. Alexander was not always open to Aristotle’s teaching: he did not like abstract subjects and the characters of both men were very different. Cf. RE 2, 1, 1015-1017. 15 qui … habuerunt] Beeckeman had followed Lipsius’s lectures, although he did not belong to the contubernium. He continued his studies in Orléans, where he obtained his degree of licentiatusiuris on 13 September 1597. 18 Orano … iuvabit] In ILE VIII, 95 08 05 H, 12-20 Lipsius recommended Beeckeman to Petrus Oranus. Early in December he had repeated this request to counsel Beeckeman

51

7 January 1596

pro copia sua et genio temporum, nec ultra te scio velle. Ego hoc unum a te, uti me ames et fratri tuo canonico affectum hunc a me nuncies 20 cum salute ipsi et familiaribus tuis. Lovanii, post[ridie] Non[as] anni novi ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

21 ipsi … tuis: canc. cla; om. d || ∞.IƆ.XCV d in his study of law, cf. ILE VIII, 95 12 02. In both letters Lipsius explicitly praised his former student. 20 fratri] On Gerard Beeckeman, cf. ILE VIII, 95 08 05 B, 13. In 1621 the clergy of Liège elected him provisor of the Seminary, cf. Delville, 62-63.

2046

96 01 07

Federico Borromeo (Milan) to Lipsius (Leuven) 7 January 1596

Borromeo asks Lipsius to recommend him a secretary to write the reports of the synods in his diocese. On Federico Borromeo, cf. ILE VII, 94 01 17; VIII, [95] 06 16, introd.; XIV, 01 12 05, 30; Jaitner, 1, XCIII; Vargas – Hidalgo, CXVI-CXVIII. See also P. Prodi, NelIV centenario della nascita di Federico Borromeo. Note biografiche e bibliografiche, in: Convivium, 33 (1965), 337-359; A. Barera, L’Operascientificaletterariadelcardinale Federico Borromeo, Milan, 1931, 27-28 (the years 1595-1597 and Borromeo’s stay in Milan); 76-85 (his relation with Lipsius); C. Castiglioni, IlcardinaleFedericoBorromeo, arcivescovo di Milano, Milan 1964 (= Turin, 1931); P. M. Jones, Federico Borromeo and the Ambrosiana: Art and Patronage in Seventeenth Century Milan, Cambridge, 1993; LipsiusenzijnEuropesenetwerk, 485-499. Answer in ILE 96 02 06. This letter was written by a secretary; Borromeo added the closing formula and his signature. Orbaan, 124 is limited to l. 1-4 (Opinio… videar) and erroneously attributes the undated copy in the chancellery in Milan to 14 April 1595. The date of the original leaves no doubt and also corresponds to that of Lipsius’s answer.

52

2046 - 96 01 07

o: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 4; c: Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana, ms. G 260 inf., f. 319; d1: J. A. F. Orbaan, MilaneeschegegevensII, in: Oud-Holland, 49 (1932), 124 (fragm.); d2: Ferro, Undialogotraintellettuali, 336-337.

Opinio singularis quam de eruditione atque eloquentia tua iam inde a quo libros quos in lucem magna cum hominum utilitate et fructu edidisti legere coepi, semper habui, facit ut in iis rebus quae ad litteras pertinent ac doctrinam iudicio tuo plurimum largiar et in eo acquiescere posse videar. 5 Itaque cum ego indigeam homine qui eas res quae in ecclesia mea publice geruntur (cuiusmodi sunt concilia provincialia et dioecesana atque alia ad hoc genera) eleganter et pro dignitate conscribat, velim te eius hominis quaerendi deligendique curam pro tua humanitate suscipere. Erit is apud me quam optima conditione curaboque ne paenitere ipsum unquam possit 10 consilii capti. Non agam pluribus, quod neque ego de prudentia tua possum neque tu de mea largitate debes ambigere. Vale. Mediolani, VII Ianuarii 1596. Uti frater Fred[ericus] Card[inalis] Borr[omaeus]. [Address:] All’ Ill[ust]re, come fr[at]ello, il s[ignor] Giusto Lipsio. Lovanio.

2 et ⟦voluptate⟧ fructu c 3 ⟦habui⟧ semper c || litteras ⟦doctri⟧ c 5-14 Itaque … Lovanio: om. d1 5 qui ⟦acta resque ecc[lesi]ae meae et ea quae ad eius administrationem⟧ c 6 eiusmodi d2 7 ad hoc genera: de hoc genere c 9 quam: add. c 10 ego de ⟦tua⟧ c 11-13 Mediolani … Borr[omaeus]: om. c

4 iudicio] This was also the reason why Borromeo wished to include Lipsius in his retinue, but Lipsius declined because of his appointment as royal historiographer, cf. ILE 96 03 09 M, 7-9. 5 ecclesia mea] Clement VIII had enthroned Borromeo Archbishop of Milan on 24 April 1595. He had made his entry on 27 August. Cf. DBI 13, 35-36; Jaitner, 93, n. 26. 6 concilia] The Tridentine Council had given specific directions about the organisation of provincial and diocesan synods, which were important for the divulgation of its decrees. Federico’s cousin and predecessor, Carlo Borromeo, had followed these directions in an exemplary way, hence the ActaEcclesiaeMediolanensis, published from 1582 onwards, were often consulted by other dioceses. Federico Borromeo took care of a general edition (Milan, 1599). Cf. Pastor, Histoiredespapes, 8, 156-158, 360-361; Venard, Histoiredu christianismedesoriginesànosjours, 8, 254-256.

53

10 January 1596

2047

96 01 10 B

Lipsius (Leuven) to Gerardus Buytewech [Leiden] 10 January 1596

Buytewech cannot be serious that Lipsius is striving for fame. The news about Petrus Bertius was a surprise: Lipsius was wrong about him. Buytewech’s previous letter had made him think that it was about Merula. He has always appreciated Bertius’s character, his eloquence, and his affection. The Spanish king is more favourable towards Lipsius. At home, his peace and tranquillity are disturbed, since he had to accept a few young men in his contubernium. Greetings to Scaliger: Lipsius is glad to hear that all is well with him and is looking forward to receiving a letter from him. His former secretary is behaving as usual; hopefully he acts for his own good. No news about the political state of affairs; even if there was any, he would not write about it. His correspondent would be informed anyway, since there are eyes and ears in the North who know everything, even concerning Lipsius’s private affairs. Did he hear the rumour about a new armada? Buytewech is right to postpone the prospect of marriage, but cannot avoid it forever. If only they could meet once more. Greetings to his parents. On Gerardus Buytewech, cf. ILE VI, 93 10 19 B, 13; VII, 94 04 01 B. Partly an answer to ILE VIII, 95 12 05. The opening line Ad primum tuum primo, de claritudine and the quotation on l. 9 also refer to a previous, lost letter from Buytewech. GVi made an error in the foliation of ms. Lips. 3(17): the letter is copied on f. 18v-19r, instead of f. 19v. A strip of paper of about 7 cm, containing the final part of this letter, is glued at the bottom of f. 18v. In fact, it is the upper part of f. 19 that was cut off. What is left of f. 19r begins with the postscript of this letter. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 18v-19, no. 46; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 34v, no. 85; d1: Burman I, p. 695-696, no. 654.

I[ustus] Lipsius Ger[ardo] Buytewechio S[alutem] D[icit]. Ad primum tuum primo, de claritudine. Serio hoc quaeris? Irascor paene, si aut tu talis es aut talem me censes. Tu, dico, qui plus iudicii habere 1 S[alutem] D[icit]: om. d1 2 declaritudine] Buytewech may have suggested to address Lipsius by a more sublime title, such as claritudotua, but Lipsius prefers the simple tu and tibi.

54

2047 - 96 01 10 B

debes et de me scis quam semper et olim talia adsperner. Omitte, omitte 5 et priscus ille mos vigeat, TuTibi; utinam vel apud ipsos reges! Sed publici mores ubi alii sunt, sequamur; privatim simplicitatem illam veterem amemus et mordicus teneamus. Sed ad alia. Heu, heu, quid prodigii mihi narras de Bertio? Vide qualem errorem meum crassum et ferula dignum. Suspicabar e prioribus tuis (vix audeo nominare) Merulam esse; nam 10 insigniebas illa nota, quodinlocummeumambisset. Iam denique intellexi quid velles, et castigavi stuporem. Sed vel sic res miras. Vosne Batavi aut Mattiaci tales? Et eo ventum, ut vel suspicio maculet! Tamen gaudeo adolescentem absolutum esse et de fama periclitatum magis quam vita. Ut ais, certe illam vix receperit, etiamsi recepit, et erunt semper qui ventilabunt 15 sopitum illum ignem. Amabam et amo adolescentem ob ingenium, eloquium, 5 priscis clb 8 qualem: autem clb soletum cla, clb

10 in: om. d1

13 Ut: Sit d1

15 sopitum:

7 mordicus teneamus] Cf. Cic. Acad. 2, 16, 51 and Fin. 4, 28, 78; Erasmus, Adagia, 1, 4, 22; Otto, Sprichwörter, 228, no. 1139. 8 Bertio] On Petrus Bertius (1565-1629), the assistant rector of the CollegiumTheologicum, cf. ILE VI, 93 06 13. In ILE VIII, 95 12 05, 10-20, Buytewech had informed Lipsius that the students’ revolt at the Collegium was still causing great trouble to Bertius, cf. n. 11. 9 Merulam] On Paulus Merula, cf. ILE II, 87 09 05; VIII, 95 04 21 M. Although Merula pointed out, in August 1592, that he had been teaching Lipsius’s lectures in Ancient History from January 1591 on, the University Board and the Burgomasters retorted that Lipsius’s chair was still vacant. On 15 November he became professor of history, but he had to accept that nominatim Scaliger became Lipsius’s successor. Cf. NNBW 2, 902; Molhuysen, Bronnen, 1, 68, 70, 77; Witkam, Dagelijksezaken, 9, 112. Since Buytewech’s letter, to which Lipsius alludes, is not preserved, we do not know what troubling news Buytewech had written. 11-12 Batavi … tales] The inhabitants of Holland and Zeeland. According to Tac. Germ. 29 the Mattiaci and the Batavi were related German tribes, but dissensions made the Batavi leave their native territory and settle in the delta of the Rhine. Cf. also RE 3, 1, 118 and 14, 2, 2320. 13 fama] After his harsh reaction to the protesting students from the States College in Leiden in 1594, Bertius had become the scapegoat. He was generally considered to be responsible for the troubles; some people thought him too hesitant, others too severe. Some pastors doubted his orthodoxy and he was even accused of homosexuality. Bertius vainly sought to defend himself against these accusations and even applied for a transfer. In a report he suggested possible measures to restore the States College, but the agitation continued. On 15 November 1595 the University tribunal acquitted him. Cf. Bosch, 50-59. 13-14 Ut ais] Cf. ILE VIII, 95 12 05, 16-18: Bertius rectoris et assessorum sententia famaerestitutus.Adhaesittamenipsietaetatemvereoradhaerebit. 15 sopitum] Both manuscripts have soletum; this simplex does not occur in any of the dictionaries. Burman reads sopitum; sopitus (‘quelled’) is also used about fire, cf. Verg.

55

10 January 1596

sed et in me amorem, quem antea quidem semper ostendit, nisi si cum pluribus nunc mutavit. Sed est tanti. Quod ad me, Aula nostra amico lumine aspicere me incipit, imo et bene facere, etsi domi non illa solita mihi quies et coactus sum recipere quosdam in contubernium et convictum. Vere dico coactus, nempe ab iis amicis quibus nulla impudentia neget. O 20 beatiorem meam te uno familiari sortem! O libertatem illaesam! Quae nunc minuitur, fortasse et valetudo. Sed videbo si qua me extricabo, et

18 me aspicere clb

22 ⟦si q⟧ siqua cla

Aen.5, 743: sopitossuscitatignes. Probably Lipsius’s secretaries could not read what he had written. 17 Aula nostra] Allusion on the appointment as royal historiographer and the annuity, cf. ILE 96 01 02 S, 6-7. 19 contubernium] Lipsius often repeats that both he (because of his health) and his wife (because of her age) preferred a life of tranquillity, without students liviung in their house, cf. ILE 96 05 16 MO, 26-27; ILE 96 09 20 C, 11-12; ILE 96 09 30, 9-11. However, they have to give in to some of their friends or to members of the higher social or political circles. Otho Hartius is the first to ensure his son Antonius a place in Lipsius’s contubernium (August 1595), cf. ILE VIII, 95 04 24 H, 5-22. The next month Franciscus Oranus, son of Petrus, follows (cf. ILE VIII, 95 08 11 H2, 2-4) and by the end of the year Franciscus Hovius arrives from Antwerp. In mid August 1596 three of them remain (cf. ILE 96 08 12, 10), but early in December 1596 four more students have come (cf. ILE 96 11 30 L, 16; 96 12 01 BUY, 19). The new commensales are two sons of Jean Richardot, Antoine and Guillaume (cf. ILE 96 09 20 R, 7-14; ILE 96 10 17, 3-5), Johannes Baptista Baronius Perezius, the grand-son of Luis Pérez, a close friend of Plantin, and Guilielmus Scarbergerus, the stepson of Herman van Linden (cf. ILE 96 11 24 L, 3-4). Meanwhile, Lipsius has refused the sons of Nicolaus Balianus (ILE 96 05 16 MO, 18-29) and Janus Lernutius (ILE 96 11 30 L, 13-17). See also Peeters, Lecontubernium deLipse, 144-148. 21 te uno] From February 1593 to the first days of April 1594, cf. ibid., 154. 22 valetudo] By the end of August 1584 Lipsius suffered from a liver infection, which lasted until the following spring and even forced him to interrupt his lectures, cf. ILE VIII, 95 02 15 M, 34. His liver would remain a weak spot for the rest of his days. Several of his acquaintances kept sending him all kinds of suggestions and remedies or pointed out the chronical character of his disease, among them Petrus Wittendellius (ILE V, 92 09 01 W, 22-26) and Petrus Vorspulius (ILE VII, 94 01 23, 26-31). In ILE 98 09 07 V he thanks Godfried Vereycken, a physician, for the treatment he recommended, albeit in a rather fatalistic way: Atqueanimussaneestexperirietuti,etsinescioquidlongiusivisse morbusmeusvidetur,etneapudtedissimulem,adtabemvelmarcoreminclinare.Cuius caussa tamen non a pulmonibus, fortasse nec hepate, sed ab inferiorum viscerum et mesenteriicaloribus,quosingentesetcrebrossensi.Itaquefrigerantibusassidueutimihi opus et scis cum qua stomachi noxa. Quid faciam? Quod Deus volet, et fatum meum libensexcipiam.

56

2047 - 96 01 10 B

rumpam laqueos si non solvam. Scaligero bene esse gaudeo; a me hoc nuncia, amare et favere ut semper, petere me ut paria faciat, non quia 25 ambigam, sed moris dicisque caussa. Exspectabo literas eius avide et ea quae dicis. Ille, qui olim in mea domo et mihi a manu, gerit se pro ingenio et more, ut audio. Loqui et iudicare facilis est. Utinam facere et in rem suam sapere, sed et salutem! Nam cupio iuveni, sed vereor, ut longius ierit quam ut a nobis revocetur. In republica nihil habeo nec si haberem, 30 scribam. Quid opus est? Vos ibi aures et oculos emissitios habetis et scitis non publica solum omnia, sed privata. Quid ego Bruxellae fecerim aut 23 Scaligerum d1 26-29 Ille … revocetur: non legitur in cla 28 sed id vereor d1; vereor ⟦ne⟧ cla

26 pro: suo add. clb

23 Scaligero] Cf. ILE VIII, 95 12 05, 20-30. On the relationship between Lipsius and Scaliger, cf. De Landtsheer, JosephusJustusScaligerenJustusLipsius, 59-92. 25 literas] Scaliger’s next (preserved) letter is ILE [96] 09 24 SC. 26 quae dicis] Perhaps Lipsius expected some suggestions from Scaliger for his Poliorcetica, as it was also suggested for the DemilitiaRomana in 1595, cf. ILE VIII, 95 12 05, 29-30. 26 Ille] Burman I, p. 696, n. 1, wonders whether Lipsius might be referring to Hubertus Audeiantius or Antonius Hartius. Both suggestions are impossible: the former only arrived in 1598 (cf. Peeters, Lecontubernium deLipse, 155; BN 1, 535), the latter will stay until June 1597 (cf. ILE 96 02 19 H, 3). The phrasing suggests that the amanuensis has already left (olim, l. 26), that it must be someone whom Buytewech is acquainted with, and that he is in (the neighbourhood of) Leiden. This might suggest Franciscus Raphelenghius, Jr, who had lived in Lipsius’s household when he was hardly an adolescent, from 1578 to 1584 (cf. LievelingvandeLatijnsetaal, 61-62). In 1592 he had finally decided to settle with his parents in Leiden and help is father in the Officina, but Lipsius was somewhat disappointed that the promising student did not become a true scholar. Because of the rather cautious phrasing, one could also consider Gerardus Sandelinus, who left Lipsius one year after Buytewech. 30 aures et oculos] A variant of Erasmus, Adagia, 1, 2, 8: Multaeregumauresetoculi. Lipsius had already warned Buytewech that people in the North were spying on him by intercepting and reading his correspondence, cf. ILE VIII, 95 01 29 B, 79-82. In 1596 he will remind former students in the North of this practice, e.g. in ILE 96 03 16 S1 and S2. He also suggests that there must be spies in Brussels also, who forward information on the political situation in general and the actions of individuals, cf. ILE 96 01 10 S, 13-14, a letter to Sandelinus. Japikse, Resolutiën der Staten-Generaal, 9, 57 and 59 mentions that in November 1596 the admirality of Zeeland was ordered to open the letters of passing couriers in Lillo. 30 emissitios] A rather rare adjective, meaning literally ‘who send out prying eyes’, cf. Plaut. Aul. 2. 31 Bruxellae] By the end of November 1595 Lipsius had been in Brussels to discuss his financial situation, cf. ILE VIII, 95 11 29, 1-2.

57

10 January 1596

dixerim, quid proceres mihi illinc ad me scribitur. O curas! O magnum inane! Sed nimirum otia hoc faciunt. Secure agitis, rumusculos captatis, an et illos de classe magna magni Regis? Ego nescio, sed fama hic susurrat. Tu caute (extra iocum), si paullum etiam moras nectis et liber incedis a 35 compede illa coniugali. Etsi faciendum semel est tamen, et ruere domus non debet te uno fulta. Sit ille dies quo te et ex te aliquid videamus et secure inter nos fruamur oculis simul et auribus, non solum istis. Parentem 33 ⟦haec⟧ hoc clb

34 ⟦et⟧ an et clb

37 non debet domus d1

38 osculis d1

34 classe magna] The confrontation between Spain and England took place at sea; Philip II was forced into a defensive position and tried to find out where the English fleet would attack by closely observing its manoeuvres. To ensure a prompt reaction he built a new armada which he gathered in the port of Lisbon. At first he expected an invasion in Spain, but when the campaign in France proved succesful, he presumed that Elizabeth I would rather come to support King Henry. Hence he ordered Albert to march against Calais. Cf. Mercurius Gallobelgicus (1615), 4, 14; Lefèvre, 4, 370; Black, The Reign ofElizabeth1558-1603, 417-418. Zie ook ILE VIII, 95 12 14 H, 8-13. 35 moras nectis] Cf. Tac. Ann. 12, 14. 36 coniugali] Already in ILE VIII, 95 09 13 BU, 6-14 Lipsius had sounded out Buytewech about marriage. In the first months of 1596, Buytewech found a likely candidate and even asked Lipsius to act as an intermediary with the girl’s family, although no name is given yet, cf. ILE 96 06 19, 6-9. Buytewech even visited Lipsius in her company in 1596 (cf. ILE 96 06 19, 10 and 97 08 20 D). From ILE 97 05 16 we learn that Buytewech’s sweetheart was a niece of Jan van Drenckwaert. Apparently, Lipsius was not really enthusiast (cf. ILE 97 01 26 B) and advised the young man not to act rashly (cf. 96 11 10 B, 18-20). The matter lingered on: Van Drenckwaert had left Brussels (cf. ILE 97 05 16), the girl’s family postponed its answer (cf. ILE 97 12 11 B; ILE 98 02 22 B; ILE 98 03 27 B), and the affair died a slow death. Finally Buytewech married by the end of 1601 or early in 1602 with Hester Ramp from Haarlem, cf. Lipsius’s playful reaction to the news in ILE XIV, 01 10 28, 2-5. In November 1602 a daughter was born, cf. Lipsius’s congratulations in ILE 02 12 02 B, Lipsius: Laetumauditudetuaprole,mihi qui amicus sim, quid tibi qui pater? Euge! Haec crescat, vivat et aliam ac melioris quidemsexusDeusillecommunisomniumparensdonet. Early 1604 Buytewech’s wife was gravely ill, cf. ILE 04 02 08 B, the final (preserved) letter from their correspondence. After her death he married Cornelia Cools from Utrecht, cf. Lamet, 423. 37 te … fulta] Gerardus was not an only son, but had an elder brother, Jan Jansz, cf. Lamet, 423. Yet Lipsius time and again refers to him as an unicusparentibusfilius (cf., e.g. ILE 96 07 21 R, 10-11), which suggests that his brother had already died, rather than that Lipsius did not know of his existence. 38 fruamur] Lipsius had also uttered his hope to meet Buytewech again, cf. ILE VIII, 95 08 09 BU, 31. 38-39 Parentem utrumque] Sc. Johannes Buytewech and Elizabeth Van Swieten, cf. ILE VIII, 95 01 29 B, 74-75.

58

2048 - 96 01 10 H

utrumque tuum amanter saluto et item mea. Vale, mi Buytewechi, Lovanii, 40 IIII Idus Ianuar[ias] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. Tu ad me semper aliquid de vestris, etsi a me par non fiet. Delectat audire et materies scribendi tibi crescit.

38 non tantum clb

41-42 Tu … crescit: om. d1

39 mea] Anna vanden Calstere, cf. ILE I, 73 09 00, 49; Vervliet, Lipsius’jeugd, 37-43.

2048

96 01 10 H

Lipsius (Leuven) to Johannes Heurnius [Leiden] 10 January 1596

Lipsius gives thanks for his letter after such a long time, but wonders that Heurnius did not receive the letter he sent him through the Raphelengii. Thanks for the remedy he sent him; his health has not made progress, but Lipsius has learned to cope with it. Thomas Fienus and a physician of Spanish origin recommended something similar. Best wishes to Heurnius and his family, his son Justus in particular. Greetings to Cornelius Grotius and Julius Beyma. On Johannes Heurnius, cf. ILE I, 80 09 22; ILE V, 92 03 30, 26. d1: Dec.XIIX, 232, no. 8.

Iano Heurnio S[alutem] D[icit]. Ex longo intervallo gratae mihi tuae literae, quas tamen meae (quid dissimulas?) elicuerunt. Ego profecto ante menses paucos ad te dederam 2 longo intervallo] The last preserved letter from their correspondence is ILE VIII, 95 04 21 H, a short note from Lipsius. When Heurnius arrived in Leiden (1581), he became Lipsius’s personal physician; the correspondence from 1591 suggests that they had become rather close friends. 2 tuae literae] Not preserved.

10 January 1596

59

et miror si non accepisti. Misi ad Raphelengios, quos scio familiares tibi esse. Mi Heurni, vetus ille amor in nobis viget, certo scito, atque utinam 5 loca aut tempora permittant saepius aut clarius ostendi! Tuum quoque affectum conspirare video et eius tesseram pharmacum valetudini meae focillandae mittis. Ea vero est non melior quam solet, sed melius a me fertur, qui longo usu inter nos novimus, et scio quid mitiget aut offendat. Hoc quoque tuum a Thoma Fieno doctore hic medico (tuo olim discipulo) 10 suggestum est et postea a doctore quodam Hispano. Sed tua authoritate et suasione carius erit et fidentius utar. Tibi tuisque bene esse in animo gaudeo; ut diu sit, voveo, et Iustulum meum tuosque alios crescere, arborem ipsam perennare, ex qua tibi hae stirpes. Amo te, amari cupio. Vale. Lovanii, IV. Idus Ianuar[ias] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 15 Grotium et Beimam saluto. 14 stirpes e stripes correxi 4 Raphelengios] As usual, the correspondence between Leuven and Leiden must have passed via the intermediary of the two branches of the OfficinaPlantiniana. 7 pharmacum] The remedy recommended by Heurnius could not be identified. 10 Fieno] On Thomas Fienus (Fyens), professor of medicine in Leuven, who had become Lipsius’s physician, cf. ILE VI, 93 11 21, 20. In ILE VII, 94 10 08 Lipsius asks Fienus’s advice about preparing one of his prescriptions (see its recipe there). 10 tuo … discipulo] Fienus matriculated at Leiden University on 10 January 1584, when Heurnius was Rector. This letter implies that Fienus followed some of Heurnius’s lectures. He probably left Leiden by the end of 1586. Cf. V. Vermeesch, ThomasFienus.Eenbiobibliografischestudie(1567-1631), unpubl. Licentiate thesis, Leuven, 1991, 4-7. 11 doctore] Either Alvarez Nuñez, a Spanish physician living in Antwerp (cf. ILE V, 92 07 12), or José González de Cunedo, who had visited Lipsius recently (cf. ILE 96 01 14 G). 13 Iustulum meum] On Justus Heurnius, cf. ILE IV, 91 06 02 HE, 12. GVi HEU3 was probably written at Justus’s birth on 17 November 1587 and Lipsius adds a present, munusculum,infantinostrofuturumludicrum. The child’s name and the fact that Lipsius calls him tuo-meo,idest,infantenostro indicate that he probably was his godfather. In previous letters too, he would almost always specificly refer to ‘Justulus’. 13 alios] NNBW 4, 746 mentions that Johannes Heurnius and his wife had seven sons and four daughters, but without adding their names or dates of birth. Lipsius must certainly also have known the eldest son, Otho, who obtained his doctorate in medicine on 7 July 1601 and succeeded his father as extraordinarius a few weeks after his death (†11 August 1601). 16 Grotium] Lipsius means Cornelius Grotius, rather than his brother Janus, the father of Hugo Grotius. Cornelius was Professoriuris in Leiden, together with Beyma, cf. ILE II, 87 08 13 GR, 4. Lipsius usually ends his letters to Heurnius by sending his greetings to both former colleagues. 16 Beimam] On Julius Beyma, cf. ILE V, 92 04 10 HE, 18.

60

2049 - 96 01 10 L

2049

96 01 10 L

Lipsius (Leuven) to Petrus Louwius [’s-Hertogenbosch] 10 January 1596

Illness or obligations prevented Lipsius from answering Louwius’s letter sooner. He surely supports his correspondent and wishes the best for him amidst the troubles of their time. If only the Northern Provinces become quiet again. Greetings to Bishop Masius and to Van Vechelen. Peter de Louw (de Lou, Louwius) († Roermond, January / February 1599?), a priest who had studied in Leuven: on 16 November 1593 he obtained his bachelor’s degree in theology, cf. Vandermeersch, 1986, 35, no. 284. Between 21 June 1592 and c. 1594 he lectured in philosophy at the college Porcus. From 1595 to 1597 he taught at the Latin School of ’s-Hertogenbosch. When his friend Henricus Cuyckius was enthroned as bishop of Roermond, he joined him there and became rector of the Latin School. Peter de Louw was involved in two posthumous publications of the Leuven professor Johannes Molanus. Cf. M. A. Nauwelaerts, Latijnseschoolenonderwijste’s-Hertogenboschtot1629, Tilburg, 1974, 184-185; Reusens, 4, 131, no. 84; NNBW, 6, 965-966, Bots e.a., Noordbrabantse studenten, 491, no. 3348. Cf. also M. A. Nauwelaerts, Brieven van en aan Bossche humanistenendocenten, III: PeterdeLouw, in: Bosschebijdragen, 24 (1958), 140-143. The cla version is dated 10 January, clb one day later. I prefer the first date, because Lipsius wrote a number of letters on that day; moreover, l. 11-13 is very similar with ILE 96 01 10 S, 8-9. Gerlo and Vervliet misread the name of the correspondent (Lovisius, cf. GVi, 211). The many errors and erasures indicate that the copyists struggled with the transcription of the Greek. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 18, no. 45; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 32, no. 80 (dat. 11 January).

I[ustus] Lipsius P[etro] Louwio S[alutem] D[icit]. Animus iamdiu mihi fuit, mi Louwi, respondere non amando tantum, sed scribendo, sed nescio quomodo in hoc genere quod volo, non possum, adeo 3 possunt clb 2 respondere] Louwius’s letter is not preserved.

10 January 1596

61

aut valetudo saepe aut occupatiunculae impediunt et distringunt. Velim te hoc semel scire, favere me ingenio tuo et progressibus, atque utinam sit in 5 quo re etiam adiutem! Meliusculo loco res tuas iam esse spero et opto, et bene si per haec tempora vel tolerabili. Quis enim pacis et togae artibus locus aut honos? Neque nunc Musae illae ἡδυεπεῖςκοῦραιΚρονίδεωΔιός, ἴστορες ᾠδῆς, sed Mars βροτολοιγὸς, ἐναρηφόρος, ἀνδρειφόντης regnum tenet nec video locum facile adversanti deae, quam votis t[ame]n omnes 10 invocamus. Vestri vicini ὠκεανίται nimis pro ingenio elementi sui sunt ἄγριοι καὶ πολύφλοισβοι. Sed tamen is qui Oceano et elementis imperat, temperare et mitigare potest cum vult, et utinam faciat vicinis nobis. Vale, mi Louwi, et si occasio erit, Rev[eren]dum Antistitem vestrum, tum et senatorem Vechelium a me saluta. Lovanii, IIII Idus Ianu[arias] anni novi 15 ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

4 ⟦semp⟧ saepe cla 9 βροτολιογις clb || ἐναρηφόρος corr.e ἐναρφόρος cla; ἐναγόρος clb 12 imperat, ⟦mitigare⟧ clb 13 vinis cla, vicinis ⟦nostris⟧ clb 14 Rev[eren]⟦tiam⟧dum cla 15 Vechelium e Verchelium correxi || III clb 4 occupatiunculae] Diminutive of occupatio, not attested in classical Latin, but often occurring in Lipsius’s letters. See also Hoven – Grailet, Lexiquedelaproselatinedela Renaissance, 367. 8-9 ἡδυεπεῖς …ᾠδῆς] Cf. Hymn.Hom. 32, 2. 9 βροτολοιγὸς] Epitheton of Ares, cf. Hom. Il. 5, 31. 9 ἐναρηφόρος] Epitheton for a victor in Anth.Plan. 72. 9 ἀνδρειφόντης] An epitheton of Ares, variant of βροτολοιγὸς, in Hom. Il. 2, 651. 10 deae] Sc. Pax, cf. ILE 96 01 10 S, 9. 11 ὠκεανίται] Apparently a neologism coined by Lipsius, a nickname for the citizens of the rebellious provinces in the North. In ILE 96 01 10 S, 8 to Sandelinus he wrote vos Oceanitas, adding similar, disapproving adjectives: ferocesetiametasperosetaboptima dearumalienos. 14 Antistitem] Gisbertus Masius (1546-1614) was enthroned bishop of ’s-Hertogenbosch in Brussels on 7 March 1594, cf. ILE VII, 94 03 06 M. He had studied theology in Leuven, where he obtained his degree of licentiate on 22 April 1577, cf. Vandermeersch, 1985, 49, no. 295. 15 Vechelium] The copyist interpreted the name as Verchelium. Lipsius probably refers to Dierck van Vechelen (Vechtelen; † 1611). He was born in ’s-Hertogenbosch (year unkown) and matriculated at the Arts faculty of Cologne on 13 June 1559, when Lipsius was also studying in that city. Between 1574 and 1598 he was elected eleven times alderman of his native town. Cf. Bots e.a., Noordbrabantse studenten, 705, no. 5297; ILE V, 92 09 28, 13; 92 11 03 V, 8.

62

2050 - 96 01 10 S

2050

96 01 10 S

Lipsius (Leuven) to Gerardus Sandelinus (The Hague) 10 January 1596

Sandelinus’s letter is a testimony of his affection, which Lipsius returns. They must accept to live not according to their wishes, but according to Fate. Despite Archduke Albert’s offers of peace to the North, he is arming. The expedition towards China is not yet very successful for the Northern Provinces. Who is the spy who reported about Lipsius? King Philip II has indeed appointed him as royal historiographer with an honourable annuity, but Lipsius refuses to write about contemporary events. How does the North react to what is happening in France? Don Antonio of Portugal – what a megalomaniac! – has died; that threat against the Spanish king has disappeared. Apparently, Varicius is with Sandelinus. On Gerardus Sandelinus, cf. ILE VII, [94 07 06/09]; VIII, 95 03 end / early 04. The cla version is omitted by GVi and neither did they realize that ms. Lips. 3(17) has a complete version of clb (instead of only a fragment): the first part, I[ustus]Lipsius… adiisse (l. 1-13) can be found on a strip of paper, originally f. 19v (cf. ILE 96 01 10 B, introduction), which was glued underneath f. 18. The first six lines are illegible because this is where the strip is glued on. The letter continues on what is left of f. 19v and f. 20. The cla version has corrections in Lipsius’s hand; on top he added EPIST, an indication that he considered adding this letter to a new Centuria. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(4), f. 64, no. [48]; clb: ibid., 3(17), f. 18v + 19v-20, no. [48]; clc: ibid., 3(18), f. 35v-36, no. 87; d1: Burman I, p. 747, no. 710.

I[ustus] Lipsius Ger[ardo] Sandelino suo. Hagam. Negare nolo: nescio quomodo afficior tuis litteris, uti ipso sermone tuo, imo et aspectu solebam. Est amor, fateor, nec premendo augebo inclusum 1 I[ustus] Lipsius: add et canc. claλ, add. cet. || Hagam: add. et canc. claλ, om. clc 2 tuo: canc. clal, om. d1 1 Hagam] Two copies of this letter mention The Hague as destination (cf. critical apparatus), although Sandelinus had informed Lipsius in ILE VIII, 95 12 13, 12 that he was living with an aunt in Amsterdam, where he would stay for a while. Perhaps Lipsius had sent his letter to The Hague, in the hope that an acquaintance there might have more accurate information about his former student’s whereabouts.

10 January 1596

63

affectum. Facis paria, bene est. Quid super est, nisi potiri, quod non licet? Aut pati igitur, quod licet? Patiamur, mi Sandeline, et vitam discamus non 5 ex voto agere, sed ex fato. Felicem qui ex pectore clamat: OIupiter,meducitoetNecessitas. Qui Iupiter nondum mitiore oculo vos Oceanitas aspicit, feroces etiam et asperos et ab optima Dearum alienos. Ille tamen Austriaci sanguinis qui venit hanc vobis ante omnia offeret et ita decretum terreno illi nostro Iovi. 10 Qui nihilominus arma, naves, tela parat: cavete ab ira senili et lenta. Navibus vestris in novum orbem non felix nunc transitus, ut audivimus: miror in rem incertam sumptus et discrimen adiisse. Sagaces tamen vestri adfatim: et proh Deum, quis tam cito de itu meo Bruxellam, de exceptione, muneratione nunciavit? Castores aliqui in equis fortasse, ut olim Romanis. 15 Ego quidem habebam haec vobis clausa, quae nec nostris omnibus Lovanii

4 Quid ⟦super est⟧ ⟦requiras⟧ super est claλ 8 ⟦ins⟧aspicit clc 9 alienas clb, clc 11 nihilominus ⟦arma⟧ clb 13 adiisse: subiissse suprascr. clc 15 renunciavit clb, clc 7 O…Necessitas] Not identified. 8 Oceanitas] This must be an accusativus with ‘vos’. Latinisation of ὠκεανίτας, inhabitants oftheOcean, cf. ILE 96 01 10 L, 11. 9 optima Dearum] The goddess Pax, whom the Romans worshiped from the end of the civil wars, or Concordia, who had a cult already during the Republic, cf. Roscher, 1,1, 914-922; 2, 2, 1719-1722. See also ILE 96 01 10 L, 10. 9 Ille] Archduke Albert. 10 terreno … Iovi] King Philip II. 12 transitus] From 1594 onwards sailors from the Northern Low Countries had ventured to sail the Arctic Ocean to find a passage towards China, which they preferred because the usual way via the South was hazardous because of Spaniards and pirates, and even because of England, although it was their political ally against Philip II. A first expedition failed, but Balthasar Moucheron and cartographer Petrus Plancius were convinced that they were right, cf. ILE VII, 94 10 14 B, 12 and Franciscus Raphelengius Jr’s extensive report in ILE VIII, 95 11 07. A second expedition in 1595 also failed because of the ice and stormy weather. Cf. Bor, 4, 23; Ch. de Lannoy – H. Vander Linden, Brussels, 1911, 32-33. 14 Bruxellam] Cf. ILE 96 01 10 B, 31-33. 15 Castores] The Dioscuri, Castor and Pollux. Around 500 B.C. the Latin towns revolted against Rome’s supremacy. During the battle at Lake Regillus (496 B.C.) the Roman dictator Aulus Postumius promised to erect a temple in the honour of Castor and Pollux, if Rome would be victorious. By that time, they were not yet worshiped in Rome, only in Tusculum, one of the rebellious towns. The Dioscures on their white horses led the Roman cavalry and thus decided the battle. Still that same day they appeared in Rome on the forum, refreshing themselves at the fountain of Juturna and announcing the victory of the Romans. Lipsius is alluding to the rapidity of their reporting. Cf. Daremberg – Saglio, 2, 261.

64

2050 - 96 01 10 S

aperta. Sed tu amplius audi. Nostri proceres me auctum eunt nomine historiographiregii et stipendio honesto. Quid videtur? Accipio? Vellem et debebo, sed de scriptione ambigo. Certe illa quae nostri et recentis aevi 20 sunt, quis me adiget ut suscipiam? Nemo, nemo, si mens mihi manet quae olim fuit, id est recta. Haec talia (nam et quaedam sileo) mallem sermoni, id est aeri committere quam chartae et stilo. Quid autem vestri de his quae in Gallia circa Regem gesta? Placet hac parte Pontifex, credo, etiam iis quibus non placet. Sed nostri, opinor, ibunt suum cursum. Nam et cum 25 Christianissimis regibus bella geri non est inauditum. Antonius ille,

17-21 Sed … recta: om.cla, canc. clbλ 17 auctum me eunt clc; me eunt auctum d1 22 stilo et chartae clb, clc 24 suum: sum clc 24-25 ⟦Sed nostri … inauditum⟧ claλ; ⟦inauditum⟧ ⟦.⟧ inauditum clbλ; ⟦inauditum⟧ narem clc

17-18 nomine … stipendio] Cf. ILE 96 01 02 S, 6-11. 21 sileo] Already in a previous letter Lipsius had warned Sandelinus to be cautious when he wrote, cf. ILE VIII, 95 12 21, 2-3. 23 in Gallia] On 17 September 1595 Pope Clement VIII solemnly acknowledged the conversion of Henry IV to the Catholic creed in Rome and granted him absolution. The French king had already abjured Protestantism in Paris on 25 July 1593, but the pope, assuming that he had acted out of opportunism, refused to accept its validity. Moreover, Philip II tried to influence him via diplomacy: a papal absolution would end civil war in France and undo the Spanish meddling with French internal policy through its support of the League. After several French embassies Clement VIII agreed to accept the French king within the Catholic fold. Henry himself had declared war to Spain on 17 January 1595 to end the Spanish agression. Cf. DHGE 12, 1253-1257; J. P. Babelon, HenriIV, Paris, 1982, 614-617; Cazaux, HenriIV, 301, 322-324, 337, 354-355. 23 Placet] The Northern Provinces and Queen Elizabeth I must have gloated over the fact that Pope Clement VIII withstood the Spanish pressure and that the position of their common enemy, Philip II, in France was weakened. 24 nostri] The Spaniards. The war between France and Spain continued until 2 May 1598 (Peace of Vervins). See also ILE VIII, 95 10 29 S, 19-20: Scis Regem illum nunc in gratiamsinumqueEcclesiaeacceptum,sedsedabithocbellaaninflammabit? 25 Antonius] Don Antonio (°Lisbon, 1531), Knight of the Order of St John, Prior of Crato, and Governor of Tangers, died in Paris on 26 August 1595. He was the illegitimate son of Don Luis of Beja, a brother of King João III († 1557), and Violante Gomes. When King Henrico died without a direct successor on 31 January 1580, Antonio claimed his grandfather’s throne and was supported by the majority of the people, the lower classes in particular, but not by the nobility or the ad-interim council governing the country. Other claimants to the throne were Catherine, Duchess of Braganza (but she was a woman) and Philip II of Spain, who was a grand-son of Manuel I the Great († 1521), but through his mother Isabella, and he was a foreigner to boot. According to Don Antonio

65

10 January 1596

competitor in regno Lusitaniae, diem suum obiit; filius in custodiam datus dicitur a Britanna, quia fugam parabat. Res ab ea parte securae sunt Regi

26 ⟦ad⟧ suum diem cla

27 ⟦se securae⟧ securae cla

the marriage had taken place secretely and Don Luis had informed King Henrico about it. Moreover, there was a precedent, since John, the illegitimate son of Pedro I, had been crowned king in 1385. Nevertheless Philip kept rejecting the rights of his rival because Antonio’s parents never married and he bribed the Portuguese nobility with gold from his colonies. Spanish troops, commanded by the Duke of Alba, invaded the country and defeated Don Antonio and his supporters in August 1580. Philip II was acclaimed King of Portugal by the Cortes; Don Antonio fled to Paris, where he was welcomed as a sovereign. In 1582 and 1583 the French helped him sail to the Azores, since these islands still acknowledged him as their king, but to no avail. Because Philip II kept threatening him in France, Don Antonio went to live in England. Elizabeth I was not favourable to his aspirations, but saw him as a means to frighten the Spanish king. Hence in 1589, she sent a fleet which landed near Lisbon, but this expedition too was an utter disaster: more than 6,000 English and Dutch soldiers were killed. Although Don Antonio became ill and poor, he kept scheming until his death. Cf. Bor 4, 50; Wilson, 107; Parker, PhilipII, 142-146; Parker, Strategy, 167, 170-171, 175; Ferrara, 349-370; P. Durand-Lapié, Unroi détronéréfugiéenFrance, in: Revued’histoirediplomatique, 18 (1904), 133-145, 275307, 612-640; 19 (1905), 113-128, 243-260; G. K. Mc Bride, ElizabethanForeignPolicy in Microcosm: the Portuguese Pretender 1580-89, in: Albion, 5 (1973), 193-210. See also ILE II, 84 10 08, 39-40. In 1585 Don Antonio published a booklet in Latin, French and Dutch expounding his legitimate claims. Its Latin title was: Explanatio veri aclegitimiiuris,quoSerenissimusLusitaniaerexAntonius,eiusnominisprimus,nititur, ad bellum Philippo regi Castellae, pro regni recuperatione, inferendum. Una cum historicaquadamnarrationererumeonominegestarumusqueadannumM.D.LXXXIII. It was published with Plantin in Leiden and contained a privilegium by Maurice of Nassau. Cf. P. Durand-Lapié, Unroidétroné,19, 115-116; PPr 1, p. 85, no. 64. During his stay in Leiden, Lipsius was convinced by Antonio’s claims to the Portuguese throne (cf. ILE I, 82 08 25, 11-13), but in the dedicatory letter of his De militia Romana to Crown Prince Philip of Spain, he adds the following praise of the Spanish royal house: […] atque ecce novam ad potentiam viam fortuna nuper aperuit, adiecta Lusitania, quaesolaadhuclaciniadeeratpulcherrimaeetsolidaeHispaniarumvesti, cf. ILE VIII, [95 04 21] P, 12-14. 26 filius] After a failed assault orchestrated by Philip II on Elizabeth I and Don Antonio, the latter decided in February 1594 to return to France. He was soon followed by his son, Christophoro, but the queen did not grant his second son Manuel, permission to leave also. In a letter dated 12 November 1594 she explained this decision as a favour towards the pretender to the Portuguese throne and his sons. Moreover, she did not want to leave them to fend for themselves, Marius in paricular, who seemed to be less fanatical and more inclined to come to an understanding with King Philip. Manuel only left England after his father’s death and retired to the Northern Low Countries, where he married

66

2051 - 96 01 10 W

et vides vanitatem an pravitatem consilii humani. Miser et exsul obiit qui potuit inter primos esse, nisi maluisset et sperasset solus esse primus. Ah 30 quam in privata quoque vita ambitio saepe imponit! Dum ad famam nos componimus, illam captamus et quaerimus et magni audire volumus, etiamsi non esse. Rem, mi Sandeline, perdimus, virtutem et ex ea quietem, quae aut ipsa beatitudo est aut certe eius fructus. Varicium apud vos esse audio; saluta. Lovanii, IIII Idus Ianuarii ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 28 et: suprascr. claλ, om. clb, clc 29 ⟦solus⟧ solus claλ 29-34 Ah … saluta: canc. cla, rest.claλ, clc, d1 31 componimus: cottidie obstrua⟦re⟧mus et add.etcanc. claλ inmarg. 32 ⟦quaerimus⟧ perdimus clbλ, quaerimus clc 33 est: erit d1 34 III cla || Ianuarii: anni novi add. clb, clc Emilia of Nassau, a daughter of William of Orange, in 1597. After Philip II died in 1598, he reconciled with his successor, Philip III, and settled in Brussels. Cf. P. Durand-Lapié, op.cit., 19, 249-250, 257. 29 solus] In 1580 Philip II vainly attempted to make Don Antonio accept an agreement about the Portuguese throne by offering to make him viceroy of Naples for the rest of his days. Cf. supra, n. 21, Durand-Lapié, Unroidétroné,18, 294. 33 Varicium] Jacobus Varicius, cf. ILE 96 11 05 V.

2051 96 01 10 W

Lipsius (Leuven) to Johannes Woverius Hamburgensis [Leiden] 10 January 1596

Lipsius gratefully remembers Woverius and his parents. Did he write before? Lipsius has actually received only one letter. He appreciates Woverius’s commentary to Petronius. Carrio is dead. GVi, 536 confuse the addressee of this letter with Johannes Woverius Antverpiensis, whereas Lipsius had written to his namesake from Hamburg cf. n. 3. On Johannes Woverius Hamburgensis (Hamburg, 10 March 1574 – Gottorp, 30 March 1612), cf. ILE IV, 91 06 14 W. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 19, no. 47; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 35-35v, no. 86; c: Utrecht, Univ. Bibl., ms. 987 (7 A 20), f. 9

10 January 1596

67

I[ustus] Lipsius Ioh[ann]i a Wouweren S[alutem] D[icit]. In mente mihi es et haeret tui parentumque memoria, imo et vultus, mi Wouweri, quos perbenignos in me Hamburgi olim sensi. Oblivisci me beneficentiae putas? Ne benevolentiae quidem, et introrsus qua licet grati sumus agnoscendo et reminiscendo. At enim tu scripsisse ad me saepius 5 etiam dicis, quod equidem nescio. In via cum essem (nisi fallor) Francofurti aliquid a te fuit; in ceterum bona fide fateor me nescire. Obrui me saepe his scriptionibus, id verum est et tamen te insuper habiturum non fuisse, id quoque verum est et ecce, re nunc ostendo. Grata mihi inspectio tuorum quae in Petronium commentatus es. Addo calcar et clamo feliciter!, si 10

1 Iohanni a Wouweren c 2 mihi es: mea est c || haeret ⟦mihi⟧ clb 3 Wouweri: Wouwerem clb 4 benefic⟦ii⟧entiae cla; beneficii tui ambig. clb; beneficii c 5 me ⟦super⟧ c 8 te: om. c 2 parentum] Johannes’ father was Nicolas Van de Wouwere. The family had moved from Antwerp to Hamburg for religious reasons, cf. BBr 5, 872. 3 Hamburgi olim] After leaving Leiden in mid-March 1591 Lipsius arrived in Hamburg on 29 March; he continued his journey towards Lüneburg on 1 April, cf. Itinerarium (Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 56(5)); De Landtsheer, From North to South, 305-307, ILE IV, 91 03 30. On this occasion he met the Woverius family, cf. ILE IV, 91 06 14 W. Lipsius also mentions this meeting in a letter to his correspondent’s namesake from Antwerp: Modestiam et probitatem in eo adolescente semper amavi et, ut vidi primum (Hamburgiidfuitanteannos IX),unalaudatumillamindolemivi (cf. ILE 99 10 25). 6 Francofurti] He arrived in Frankfurt on 10 April, where he visited the Book Fair, proceeding to Mainz on 13 April, cf. Itinerarium (Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 56(5)); De Landtsheer, FromNorthtoSouth, 315-316. No letter from Woverius from this period is preserved, only what was probably Lipsius’s answer, informing Woverius of his decision not to return to Leiden, cf. ILE IV, 91 06 14 W. 10 Petronium] Sc. Petronii Arbitri Satyricon; cum notis et observationibus variorum. Editio nova. Ed. J. Woverius Hamburgensis, Leiden: Franciscus Raphelengius, 1596 (TB 1, 451, no. 3988). The edition is based on a text copied by Josephus Justus Scaliger (Leiden, Univ. Bibl., Scaligeranus 61, chartaceus saeculi XVI). The French humanist helped Woverius with this edition. Cf. Sandys, 2, 306; Petronius, Satyricon, ed. A. Ernout, Paris, 1967, XVII-XIX; ADB 44, 220; TCE, 152, no. 32. The book is listed in Lipsius’s library catalogue: Leiden, Univ. Bib., ms. Lips. 59, f. 13v, book 25. Lipsius does not really discuss this edition, as he will do some months later. In that letter he agrees with his correspondent, Christianus de Bruyn, that the edition is immature and was published too rashly, cf. ILE 96 10 02 BR, 9-10. On Woverious’s dubious reputation as a philologist, cf. also Grafton, JosephScaliger, 2, 492-494. 10 Addo calcar] After Plin. Ep. 1, 8, 1 and Varro ap. Non. 70, 13. Cf. Erasmus, Adagia, 1, 2, 47; Otto, Sprichwörter, 103, no. 486.

68

2052 - 96 01 14 D

tamen stimuli nostri eges. De Mario Plotio quod iniicis atque eum apud Carrionem esse: fuisse poteris dicere. Nam scito illum ipsum Carrionem nunc non esse. Fuit non quo plures, sed quo omnes. Me te amare, favere ingenio et laudibus tuis subsigno. Lovanii, IIII Idus Ian[uarias] ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

11 Plotio: ePlatio correxi 11 Mario Plotio] A reference to a manuscript of Demetris, a treatise by Marius Plotius Sacerdos, a Roman grammarian from the third century A.D., cf. RE 21, 601-608; R. Herzog, Restauration und Erneuerung. Die lateinische Literatur von 284 bis 374 n.Chr., Munich, 1989, 112-116. The manuscript was owned by Carrio when he died and it is probably one of the three manuscripts with this work preserved in Leiden University Library as codexVossianus O 79, codex Scaligeranus 37 (copied by Jacobus Cuiacius), and codex Scaligeranus 53 (copied by Franciscus Nansius), cf. H. Keil, Grammatici latini, Hildesheim, 1961, 6, 418-419; Bibliotheca Universitatis Leidensis. Codices manuscriptiII,CodicesScaligerani(praeterOrientales), Leiden, 1910, 10 and 17; ibid., CodicesmanuscriptiXV,CodicesVossianiLatini, Leiden, 1977, 3, 136. 12 Carrionem] On Ludovicus Carrio, cf. ILE I, 70 09 17, 50. 13 non esse] Carrio lived in Leuven at St Ivo’s College and died between 18 and 23 June 1595. Cf. BN 3, 355; Bergmans, 38, n. 3; Bax, 5, f. 42v-43; ILE VIII, 95 04 22 L, 16-17. Carrio suffered from an oedema, cf. ILE VIII, 95 04 22 L, 16-17. Cf. Buchell, 412 noted: Circa hoc tempus apud Grudios vitam cum morte commutasse audio Ludovicum Carrionem, iurisconsultum, virum doctissimum, qui ibidem sacris fuerat initiatus et canonicorum(utvocant)collegioadscriptus.

2052

96 01 14 D

Lipsius (Leuven) to Jan van Drenckwaert [Brussels] 14 January 1596

The previous day, Lipsius received the official act of his appointment as royal historiographer and the annuity it involved. He is grateful to King Philip II, Fuentes and Van Drenckwaert and promises to prove himself worthy of this dignity. On Jan van Drenckwaert (Dordrecht, 1543 – 25 June 1606), treasurer general of the Netherlands since 1588, cf. ILE VII, 94 08 16 D.

69

14 January 1596

cla, with corrections in Lipsius’s hand, is dated 1595. Nevertheless, the reference to the newly acquired title of historiographusregius clearly situates this letter in 1596. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 20, no. [49] (dat. 1595); clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 25, no. 62; d1: Ramírez, p. 162-163, no. 35.

Drencwairdt. Amplissime et Nobilissime Domine, Accepi amplissimum diploma regium in quo titulum et munus historiographi sui mihi donat cum annua pensione mille florenorum. Equidem Regi, comiti, vobis obstringor sive pro iudicio, sive pro beneficio, et quid 5 superest, nisi ut totum me huic muneri impendam, Deum precatus, auctorem datoremque bonorum, ut respondere me faciat et iudiciis vestris et meritis? Ego privatim iamdiu me tuum scio et corde, ore, stilo testabor, Ampl[issime] et Nob[ilissime] Domine, quem Deus ille Regi, patriae, nobis servet. 10 Lovanii, post[ridie] Idus Ianua[rias] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 1 Drencwairdt: add. claλ; Drinquart clb, Iohannes de Drinquart thesaurario d1 4 ⟦mille florenorum⟧ honesta claλ 6 Deum: Donum d1 7 donorum d1 8 ⟦iam⟧ iamdiu cla || tuum: tum cla 10 ∞.IƆ.XCV cla 3-4 historiographi] Cf. ILE VIII, 95 11 30 D, in which Lipsius already thanks Van Drenckwaert for supporting this appointment. 5 comiti] On Pedro Enríquez de Acevedo, Count Fuentes, cf. ILE 96 01 221. See also ILE VIII, 95 11 30 F.

2053

96 01 14 G

Lipsius (Leuven) to José González de Cunedo [Brussels] 14 January 1596

González de Cunedo cannot stealthly obtain his doctor’s degree in Leuven and best the physicians in Brussels. According to the university statutes, promotion is always a solemn event. This will be asserted by Doctor Richarius and Professor Villerius, who is staying in Brussels at present.

70

2053 - 96 01 14 G

On José González de Cunedo, cf. ILE VIII, 95 09 02 G. Medio 1588 he had been captured by the Hollanders on one of the Armada’s ships and was freed after paying a considerable ransom. Cf. ILE III, 88 11 10. Around 1600 he became physician of the archdukes. He was the author of BelgicaequerimoniaadErnestumarchiducemAustriaegubernatorem suum.Adjectasuntepigrammata, Brussels: Rutger Velpius, 1595 (cf. BT 1, 336, no. 4084) and Iosephi Gonsalvis a Quunedo Patritii Ilicitani Sereniss. Archiducum Alberti et ElisabethaeinfantisHispaniaemedicicubiculariiPoematainduaspartesdivisa, Brussels, 1601 (cf. NBW 9, 671). cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 20, no. [50] (s.a.); clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 25, no. 63; d1: Ramírez, p. 96-98, no. 16 (95 01 14).

Iosepho Gonsalvi a Quunedo, Regio Medico. Clar[issi]me et Expert[issi]me Doctor, Statim a discessu tuo egi serio cum doctoribus facultatis medicae de re quam mihi commendaras. Cetera consentiunt cum iis quae a D[omino] 5 Cuijckio audieram, unum difficultatem et nodum habet, quod negant tali promotione clandestina posse effici ut in ista urbe locum dignitatemque inter doctores habeas. Alibi, inquiunt, testimonium hoc et gradus prodessent, hic minime, nisi solenni actu promotus esses. Negant per statuta aliter 1 Iosepho … Medico: om. cla || Regio ⟦..⟧ Medico clb promotio e d1 7 inter: ante d1

5 Cnijgio d1

6 promotione:

3 discessu] It is unknown when González de Cunedo visited Lipsius, but the urgency of his demand suggests that it must have been in December 1995 or early in January 1996. 5 Cuijchio] On Henricus Cuyckius, Vice-Chancellor of Leuven University, cf. Bax, 1, f. 89r; ILE VI, 93 05 13, 9. Between the death of Rogerius de Tassis (17 March 1593) and the appointment of Georgius ab Austria (3 June 1598) the position of chancellor, who had the power to grant academic degrees in all the faculties, was vacant, cf. Andreas, Fasti academici, 59-60; De Universiteit te Leuven, 1425-1985, Leuven, 1986, 35. See also Lipsius, Lovan., 97: EstetaliusinAcademiahonos,superillumConservatoris,quem Cancellarium dicunt. Is iurisdictione abstinet, dumtaxat titulos et honores, exactis studiorumspatiis,auctoritatePontificiaconfert:dicoMagisterii,Licentiae,Doctoratus, ut Academiarum mos nunc habet. Hoc munus vindicat Praepositus Divi Petri, et illo absenteDecanus,acproximumaRectoreinconventibuspublicislocumtenet. 6 ista urbe] Brussels. 8 statuta] The statutes of the faculty of medicine of Leuven University around 1600 clearly stipulate the procedures to be followed by a member of another university to have his diploma certified. Cf. Andreas, Fastiacademici, 237; A. Van Hove, Statutsinédits du collège de la faculté de médecine de l’université de Louvain, 1607, in: Bulletin de laCommissionroyaled’histoire, 84 (1920), 109-110.

71

14 January 1596

posse, atque ego plures in ea re conveni qui sunt sententiae eiusdem. Credo doctorem Petrum Richarium haec posse D[ominationi] Tuae explicare et 10 dicere, qui ritus istos novit, atque etiam est nunc Bruxellae apud vos Doctor Villerius, medicus hic professor, a quo D[ominatio] Tua (si ita visum fuerit) totam rem distincte poterit audire. (Diversatur in hospitio Porci apud currus Lovanienses aut illic dicent ubi sit.) Suaderem ut illum convenires et videres quis modus aut via capi posset, ut ad finem tuum quam minima 15 molestia pervenires. Equidem nihil omittam quod inservire huic rei posse censeam, sive rogando, sive suadendo et scito, Cl[arissi]me et Exper[tissi]me Doctor, me serio amicum probitati et doctrinae tuae esse. Lovanii, post[ridie] Idus Ianua[rias] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 10 Ricsarium d1 13-14 (Diversatur … sit.): add.omn.cl inmarg.; add. d1 15 carpi d1 16 subservire hinc d1 17 Cl[arissi]me atque cla 18 ac doctrinae d1 19 ∞.IƆ.XCVI: om. cla, ∞.IƆ.XCV d1 10 Richarium] On Petrus Rykaert (Mechelen, c. 1545 - Brussels, 6 May 1616), cf. ILE VIII, 95 08 14 R, in which letter Lipsius thanks him for his visit and his advice about his liver disease. 12 Villerius] On Gerardus Vilerius (c. 1566 – 12 May 1634), see ILE VI, 93 11 21, 20; NBW 9, 670; Bax, f. 47, 221, 237, 806, 930. He succeeded Rykaert as ordinarius in medicine at Leuven University in 1594. 13 hospitio Porci] I was not able to find the exact location of this inn in Brussels.

2054

96 01 14 S

Lipsius (Leuven) to Gaston Spinola (Brussels) 14 January 1596

Does Spinola really believe that Lipsius ought to agree that his letter is sent to Spain? It is not important and was written spontaneously. The official act of his appointment and the annuity has finally arrived. He is not unwilling to devote himself to historiography, but first he has to finish the works he already has begun. The siege of La Fère, although not without risks, is important for the outcome of the Spanish campaign in France. He heard about a huge Spanish navy: is it intended to defend America or to invade somewhere? An invasion in England would stimulate the peace with the Northern Low Countries.

72

2054 - 96 01 14 S

The cla and the clb versions have corrections in Lipsius’s hand. cla: Leiden, ms. Lips. 3(4), f. 65; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 20v, no. 51; clc: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 24v-25, no. 61.

5

10

15

20

Gastoni Spinulae. Bruxellam. Ill[ustrissi]me Domine, Gratam tibi esse scriptionem nostram gaudeo, sed magis animum, qui a primo conspectu et notitia nostra serio coepit esse tuus. De epistola mea quod consulis, an patiar in Hispaniam mitti, ut vere dicam, non puto esse tanti et haec talia obiter atque ex tempore scribimus, ut res nata est; tamen si ita censes, iudicium meum tuo cedit. Accepi denique hesterno die diploma Regium, honestum et amplum de titulo historiographi sui et salario adiuncto. Itaque video, omissis aliis studiis, huc mihi eundum. Quod equidem non invitus faciam, quia Prudentia et Sapientia occulte habitant et se inserunt in bona et apta historica scriptione. Quaedam tamen in manibus sunt iam inchoata quae necessum est perficere ad veterum historiarum lucem, quibus haec erant suscepta. Obsidio Ferana non sine periculo est, ut audimus, et tempus sane habet quo se muniat adversarius et auxilia excludat, quod quidam restagnatione aquarum in iis locis fieri posse hic dicunt et vos scire potestis, qui loca illa scitis. Ego vero opidum illud momentum habere censeo ad res reliquas Gallicanas tum ob famam et auctoritatem, tum ob situm. Opportunum enim est et in interiore Picardia et quasi limes atque aditus in viscera Galliarum. Sed nostri haud dubie haec cogitant et vigilant et quid pro temporibus conveniat aut etiam possit,

1 ⟦Domino⟧ D[omino] Gastoni Spinulae claλ, Gastoni add. clbλ || Bruxellam: add. claλ 3 nostram ⟦esse⟧ clbλ || a⟦mic⟧nimum clbλ 12 quae ⟦tamen⟧ clc || perficere ⟦est⟧ clc 3 scriptionem nostram] ILE 96 01 02 S. 4 primo conspectu] In Spa in 1595, cf. ILE 96 01 02 S, 5. 4 epistola] Sc. the previous letter to Spinola, ILE 96 01 02 S, in which Lipsius dwelled upon Spain’s attitude towards the Northern Provinces and Spain. 8 diploma] Cf. ILE 96 01 14 D, 3. 12 inchoata] Sc. the Faxhistorica, cf. ILE VI, 93 01 29 D, 11; 96 01 02 C, 8. 13 Ferana] The siege of La Fère by Henry IV, cf. ILE 96 01 02 C, 15. 15 restagnatione] Cf. ILE 96 05 22 B, 25-26.

73

17 January 1596

ipsi sciunt. De classe magna nostri Regis sermo est, sed an Indiis tuendis parata, an ad irrumpendum alibi aut invadendum? Sane si portus aliquis in maioribus insulis (intelligis me) capi possit, id ego, praeter alios fructus, utile censeam Batavicae paci. Quae mihi frustra institui videtur, nisi terror aliquis e propinquo admovetur. Ipsa etiam pax difficilius coibit quam 25 induciae et hae tamen, pro meo sensu, opportunae Regi essent et ianuam profecto aperirent ad illam. Sed haec talia Consilium videbit; ego te, Ill[ustrissi]me Domine, valere cupio cum domina et liberis tuis. Lovanii, postr[idie] Idus Ian[uarias] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. Pater ille Schottus de quo D[ominatio] T[ua] quaerit est nunc Leodii; si 30 redeat aut spes sit eius habendi, ad te scribam.

26 ⟦et hae⟧ hae cla, et add. claλ

30-31 Pater … scribam: om. cla, canc. clb

21 classe] That this armada was meant to launch an attack somewhere can be doubted. Nevertheless Lipsius favoured the idea and the hope that Philip II might break the maritime power of England. Thus, he would deprive the Northern Low Countries of a mighty ally and force them to terms of peace. Cf. ILE 96 07 20 C, 70-75. 21 Indiis] England had experienced that it was difficult to raid the Spanish ships upon their return from America around the Azores or in Spanish waters; it had to be done soon after their departure, in the Caribbean. For this reason Francis Drake had sailed from Plymouth in August 1595. Cf. Black, 416-417. 28 domina … tuis] Cf. 96 01 02 S, 37. 30 pater] Probably the unidentified Father Smith mentioned in ILE VIII, 95 07 04, 25 and 95 07 12 L, who was also one of the party that was surprised by the raid of Dutch cavalrymen in July 1595.

2055

96 01 17

Arnoldus Helius (Prague) to Lipsius (Leuven) 17 January 1596

Because he wished to be counted among Lipsius’s friends, Johannes Oslevius has written him a letter, which he asked Helius to deliver to Lipsius with an extra recommendation. However, since Helius is delayed in Prague, he wants to put in a word for Oslevius via this letter.

74

2055 - 96 01 17

Answer in ILE 96 03 02 H. Arnoldus Helius, born in Middelburg, studied in Heidelberg (although he is not mentioned in the matriculation lists) and wrote Latin verses. His Poemata came from the press in Nürnberg; part of them are contained in J. Gruterus, Delitiae Poetarum Belgicorum, Frankfurt, 1614, 2, 1132. Cf. Aa 8, 474. P. H. Peerlkamp, Liber de vita, doctrina et facultateNederlandorumquicarminalatinacomposuerunt, Haarlem, 18382, 200 adds: Floruit1603. According to this letter (l. 25-26) he lived at the court of Rudolph II. He was a member of the retinue of Charles of Mansfelt (cf. n. 25). After the latter’s death (August 1595), he apparently intended to return to his native country (cf. l. 2), but entered the Emperor’s service. Reusnerus, 281 calls him aconsiliisetsecretis of Mansfelt and Caesareae Maiestatis Commissarium bellicum ac lustrationum magistrum (1597). See also ILE VIII, 95 11 30 O, 15. On l. 42 the first letters of Academia have disappeared, probably when the seal was broken. o: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 4.

Iusto Lipsio S[alutem] P[lurimam]. Cogitanti mihi in patriam, Vir Clarissime, obtulit se Ioannes Oslevius Sac[rae] Caesar[eae] Ma[iesta]ti in Senatu Camerae, quam Aulicam vocant, ab expeditionibus, vir doctrina, morum comitate et quovis virtutum genere 5 spectatissimus, summe mihi familiaris tuique observantissimus. Rogavit quonam modo possit in tuorum numerum ascisci; ulterius tam egregium amicitiae tuae desiderium ferre non posse, ad hanc me ductore pervenire velle neque hic mihi ullum excusationi locum superesse. Ego contra me quidem esse tui et fuisse semper studiosissimum, sed tam privatam tecum 10 atque familiarem necessitudinem, ut id vel posse vel audere debeam, habuisse nunquam, alterius ductu atque auspiciis hic opus esse. Ipse nihilo minus persistere, imo etiam ardentius idem a me flagitare, obsecrare, obtestari et iure quodam pertinacius urgere, scribere velle se, quamvis ignotum, literas meae fidei committere, ea conditione, ut ipsemet in 15 proprias manus eas tradam et de tam prompto atque effuso suo in te animo nonnihil addam, ita se decrevisse amicitiam tuam sibi conciliare. Quid

2 Cogitanti … patriam] Cf. the introduction to this letter. 2 Oslevius] On Johannes Oslevius von Löwenhaim, cf. ILE VIII, 95 11 30 O. 7 me ductore] Oslevius himself wrote to Lipsius: nitenshumerisHeliimei. Cf. ILE VIII, 95 11 30 O, 15.

17 January 1596

75

facerem, doctiss[ime] Lipsi? Amicis interdum, etiam invite, mos gerendus est. Promisi studium et operam, eoque libentius et liberalius, quod praeclarus ille tuus in viros bonos et literatos animus iamdudum mihi satis superque perspectus sit. Itaque non abs re visum fuit una, quod aiunt, 20 fidelia duos dealbare parietes meque simul cum amico coetui tuorum inserere, a quo solus ego inter Brugenses meos videor hactenus exulasse, quo meo fato aut qua temporum iniuria nescio. Acceptis igitur Oslevi mei literis, itineri iam accinctus, inopinato nuncio iubeor per Ill[ustrissi]mam Principissam Mansfeldiam hic detineri et apud Caesar[eam] Ma[iesta]tem 25 expediendis quibusdam negotiis operam dare. Haesi, uti moris est in principum aulis, opinione diutius et adhuc haereo suspensus atque omnino de reditu ignarus, fidem tamen, qua possum via, libero. Ecce Oslevi literas, ecce meas et, quod amplius, addo etiam hos versus, quos quam infelici

21 fidelia … parietes] De eadem fidelia duos parietes dealbare is a Latin proverb matching the English ‘to kill two birds with one stone’. Cf. Curius apud Cic. Fam. 7, 29; Erasmus, Adagia, 3, 6, 23; Otto, Sprichwörter, 265-266, no. 1343. 22 Brugenses meos] The phrasing is too vague to allow an identification. 25 Mansfeldiam] Maria-Christina of Egmont, the widow of Charles of Mansfelt. She was the daughter of Count Lamoral of Egmont and died in 1622. When Albert and Isabella were married she was chosen to be a member of the governess’s retinue. She had the reputation of being an arrogant and restless woman. Previously, Mansfelt had been married to Diane de Cossé; according to some of his biographers he killed her when he caught her with a lover. Cf. BN 13, 367-368; NDB 16, 79. 28 literas] Sc. ILE VIII, 95 11 30 O. 29 versus] Helius wrote these verses at the death of Charles of Mansfelt (1543 – 14/15 August 1595), Peter Ernest’s son, cf. ILE VIII, 95 08 05 S, 26; 96 03 02 H, 3-5. Vivianus informed Lipsius on Charles’s death in September 1595, cf. ILE VIII, 95 09 07. At first, Charles of Mansfelt put his arms to the service of King Philip II in the Netherlands and France. However, when Fuentes, a political rival of his father, succeeded Ernest of Austria († 20 February 1595) as governor general ad interim of the Netherlands, Charles preferred to preferred to accept the invitation of Emperor Rudolph II to become the commander-in-chief of the imperial army alliance against the Ottomans. During the siege of Esztergom (Gran) in August, he was seized by an attack of fever. Transferred to Komárom, he succumbed on 14 August 1595. Cf. ILE VIII, 95 08 05 S, 26 with further bibliography. Helius also praised Mansfelt’s feats in the imperial army in his Strigoniensis obsidionis et in ea de Turcis partae victoriae per fortiss[imum] Principem Carolum Mansfeldiae Comitem etc. succincta ac diaria Synopsis, anno M.D.XCV, an account inserted by Nicolaus Reusnerus in his Rerummemorabiliumin Pannonia[…]acaptaConstantinopoliusqueadhancaetatemnostram[…], Frankfurt, 1603, 255-268.

76

2056 - 96 01 22

partu atque invita penitus Minerva nuper enixus sim, si quenquam, me certe minime latet. Probe enim mihi conscius sum neque rei subiectae meritis neque lectoris iudicio vel in partem hic a me satisfactum. Id enim (ut ingenue fatear) non est virium nostrarum. Non videbor tamen a scopo toto caelo aberrasse, si quid in his Lipsi palato sapiat et cum Oslevio meo 35 in desideratissimam illam familiaritatem admittar; quod ut fiat – fiet autem, nisi praeclara illa de Lipsio me fallat opinio – vehementer oro atque obsecro. Reliqua in adventum differo et me tibi, Vir Clariss[ime], meaque omnia defero devoveoque. Deus Opt[imus] Max[imus] servet te nobis et Reipub[licae] literariae quam diutissime laetum et incolumem. Praga XVI. 40 Cal[endas] febr[uarias] anni 1596. Tuus ille quantus quantus. A[rnoldus] Helius. 30

[Address:] Clariss[i]mo viro Iusto Lipsio, in demia Lovaniensi Professori Regio, D[omi]no meo observandiss[i]mo.

30 invita … Minerva] Cicero explains this proverb as adversanteetrepugnantenatura in Off. 1, 31, 110. It also occurs in Cic. Fam. 3, 1, 1 and 12, 25, 1; Hor. A.P. 385. Cf. Erasmus, Adagia, 1, 1, 42; Otto, Sprichwörter, 225, no. 1121. 35 adventum] It is not known whether or when Helius returned to the Netherlands, but his reports about the war against the Ottomans (cf. introd.) suggest that he surely spent a few more years at the Emperor’s court in Prague.

2056

96 01 22

Lipsius (Leuven) to Pedro Enríquez de Acevedo, Count Fuentes [Brussels] 22 January 1596

Although Lipsius is determined to thank Fuentes orally for his efforts, he also does so in a letter. He has always longed to become royal historiographer (could anything more honourable and convenient be granted to him?). Henceforth, he will no longer have any anxieties about money and he is free to write for the benefit of future generations. The generosity of King Philip and of Fuentes will be productive.

22 January 1596

77

Pedro Enríquez de Acevedo, Count of Fuentes, (Zamora, 1525 – Milan, 22 July 1610) was commander of the cavalry in Milan from 1586 until 1588. In February 1589 he was appointed Capitain General of the Spanish army in Portugal. From 1592 onwards he held this post with the Spanish army in the Netherlands. He was the confidant of King Philip II, who had granted him power of attorney. Before and after Ernest of Bavaria came to Brussels he was governor general ad interim of the Netherlands. As such he was commander in chief of the campaigns in France in 1595. Early 1596, when he was succeeded by Albert of Austria, he returned to Spain (cf. ILE 96 03 09 F), where he was appointed Capitain General on 11 December 1596 (cf. Khevenhüller, GeheimesTagebuch, 234). In 1598 he became a member of the State Council. From 1600 until his death he was Governor of Milan. Cf. Barrios, 338, no. 83; Enc.It. 16, 151; Parker, TheDutch Revolt, 230; Van Isacker, 205-236. According to ILE XIII, 00 12 31 M, 7-11 Lipsius adapted the letter as it was sent for publication in the EpistolarumcenturiaadItalosetHispanos, for in that letter Balthasar Moretus wrote to the Leuven humanist: In epistola Comitis Fontani omnia ex D[ominationis]T[uae]praescriptoimmutavimus;necidincommodepotestinhisepistolis quaesuistitulissingulaedistinguuntur,inquibusspatiumuniuslineaefacileperdimus velinvenimus,proutD[ominationi]T[uae]augerevelminuerehasipsasplacet. In ms. Lips. 3(18) exsists another, undated and fragmentary version, its content and phrasing matching both ILE VIII, 95 11 30 F (thanks for the sum he has received) and ILE 96 01 22, 1st version (gratefulness for the appointment).

1stversion cl: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 25v, no. 64; d: Cent. It. 41; d1: Buchler, p. 252, no. 72; d2: Ramírez, p. 164-165, no. 36.

Exc[ellentissi]me et Ill[ustrissi]me Princeps, Etsi coram me brevi sistere et sermone gratias agere Exc[ellen]tiae tuae constitui, tamen profecto animus me adegit stilo et scriptione quoque id facere et testari devinctionem quam in magnitudine novi huius beneficii haberem. Quid enim honestius aut aptius dari mihi potuit? Atque ego 5

1 Exc[ellentissi]me … Princeps: Petro Enriquez Comiti Fontano, Gubernatori Belgicae d, d2 2 Exc[ellen]tiae tuae: tibi d, d1, d2 4 novi … beneficii] The appointment as historiographusregius and the annuity of 1000 florins it involved. Cf. ILE 96 01 02 S, 7.

78

2056 - 96 01 22

fateor, etsi numquam id egi aut ambivi, t[ame]n in animo et voto habuisse semper id munus, cuius nunc compotem benignitate tua video et gaudeo me factum. Quod studia mea deinceps quieta et libera a curis erunt, quod res gestas tradere et scribere potero in usum posteritatis, id totum 10 Exc[ellen]tiae tuae ego acceptum refero, fortasse et illa ipsa posteritas, si Deus vitam et famam scriptis meis dabit. A magno isto fonte ingenii mei rivulus manabit et fructus quos assidua haec irrigatio gignet, iure merito sibi vindicabit Regis liberalitas et tua. Id testari breviter nunc (ita mos meus est) sed fideliter volui, Exc[ellentissi]me et Ill[ustrissi]me Princeps, 15 quem Deus servet et dirigat in suam Regisque gloriam et in publicum bonum. Lovanii, XI Kalendas Februar[ias] ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

9-10 tradere … tuae: om. d2 10 Exc[ellen]tiae tuae: tibi d, d1 11 meis scriptis d, d1, d2 13 vindicavit d2 14 sed fideliter: feliciter d2 16 II d1 11 fonte] Obvious pun with the count’s name.

2ndversion Since Lipsius had this letter selected for publication in the CenturiaadItalos, the question arises whether this second version was indeed a letter, rather than a draft. In its margin, the copyist added fragmentum. It was listed as GVi 96 00 00 E. cl: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 44v (fragm.).

Fontano Comiti, Excell[entissi]me et Illus[trissi]me Princeps, Magnitudo beneficii duplicis et huius posterioris maxime, quo me affecisti, scriptionem istam exprimit, etsi brevi ego me sistam. Quid enim sileam in 5 tanta hac benignitate qua me cumulas et plane tutorem, patronum ac paene dixerim patrem studiorum meorum ostendis? Enimvero largus et salutaris 3 duplicis] In anticipation of his appointment as historiographus regius, Fuentes had already granted Lipsius one thousand florins in the course of November, cf. Lipsius’s letter of thanks, ILE VIII, 95 11 30 F.

79

[early February 1596]

fons, quo ingenium hoc irrigetur cuius deinceps fructus iure merito Excell[en]tiae tuae adscribam, foventi sic et elicienti. Herculem cum Musis consortium habere in fabulis olim legeram: iam in te video qui [cetera desiderantur] 10

8 Herculem cum Musis] On the CampusMartiusin Rome, near the CircusFlaminius, was a temple devoted to HerculesMusarum. It was allegedly erected by Marcus Fulvius after the capture of Ambracia, a city in Southern Epirus (189 B.C.). Fulvius was encouraged to do so by his literary interest and his friendship with Ennius, but he had also learnt during his campaign in Greece that Hercules was a devotee of the arts. He is, e.g., portraited while playing the cithara surrounded by the Muses. Cf. RE 8, 1, 574-578; Roscher, 1, 2, 21892190, 2970-2976; 2, 2, 3234. See also Ov. Fast. 6, 799-801; Plin. H.N. 35, 66.

2057

[96 02 00]

Lipsius [Leuven] to Martinus Antonius Delrio [Leuven] [early February 1596]

Illness prevented Lipsius from visiting Delrio. Critical remarks about some passages in Suetonius’ Vespasianus. Archduke Albert is already in the country. On Martinus Antonius Delrio, cf. ILE I, 78 03 04; W. Thomas, MartínAntonioDelrío andJustusLipsius, in: TheWorldofJustusLipsius, 345-366; LipsiusenzijnEuropese netwerk, 51-61. The main key to narrow down the date of this undated letter is the coming of Archduke Albert to the Low Countries (cf. n. 31). In the 1580s Lipsius shelved a project of an annotated edition of Suetonius because Laevinus Torrentius had already published his commentary (Antwerp: C. Plantin, 1578) and planned a revised edition, which he realised with the help of his nephew Jan Lievens (Antwerp: J. Moretus, 1592, now also including the text). Cf. CCP 7, 158-159; ILE II, 84 11 06 T, 8; V, 92 03 01 T, 14-19; 92 03 02 T, 11-19; De Landtsheer, Laevinus Torrentius,auctoretfautorlitterarum, 135-137; 144. This letter mentions that Lipsius lectured on Suetonius, in particular the biography of Vespasianus in 1596 (l. 4); in April

80

2057 - [96 02 00]

1583 he had read Octavianus, cf. Buchell, 83. A number of the passages discussed here also occur in the posthumous edition by Melchior Goldast: AdC.SuetoniiTranquillitres posteriores libros commentarii, Offenbach, 1610, cf. BBr 3, 1076-1077, 1105. Goldast mentions that the annotations are based on Lipsius’s lectures before 1583. The readings suggested in this letter are compared with the 1610 edition. Leiden University Library ownes two annotated copies of Theodorus Pulmannus’s C. Suetonii Tranquilli Vitae duodecimCaesarum, Antwerp: C. Plantin, 1574 (shelf number 761 F 1 and F 2) that once belonged to Lipsius, cf. Burman’s catalogue of the Lipsiani he acquired (ms. Lips. 60, libriannotati nos 39 and 43). In one of the copies the text part contains variant readings from Codex Suessionensis 19 (13th century), which had been sent to Lipsius by Jérome Groslot in 1587. Cf. Simar, NoticesurleslivresdeJusteLipse, 261-283. In ILE II, 87 10 20, 7-8 and 87 10 29, 7-8 Groslot asked Lipsius whether he had already received his annotations to Suetonius; in ILE III, 88 01 31 G, 31-32 he let him know that he had the excerpts from Suetonius copied once again. Suetonius’ Vespasianus is not mentioned in Lipsius’s Critica. d: Cent.Belg. II, 53.

Martino Delrio S[alutem] D[icit]. Erat animus ad te venire et garrire, ut solebam; domi tenuit valetudo. Garritum tamen non potuit et vel in charta ad te mitto. Docui hodie in Suetonio et illud in Vespasiano eius, cap[ite] IV: IddeimperatoreRomano 5 praedictum, Iudaei ad se trahentes rebellarunt caesoque praeposito, legatum insuper Syriae consularem suppetias ferentem, rapta aquila, fugarunt. Dixi corruptum videri, imo emendavi. An recte? Subito incidit atque excidit. Sed tu vel post iudicium meum iudicato. Corruptum, inquam; hoc de caeso praeposito aiebam. Nam quis ille fuit? Per haec 10 quidem tempora Felix, Albinus, Florus, sed nemo eorum caesus, quod in 2 ad te] Delrio lived at the Jesuit College of Leuven from July 1594 to July 1597, cf. BN 5, 480; ILE VI, 93 06 28, 47; W. Thomas, MartínAntonioDelrío, 358. 2 valetudo] Cf. infra, l. 38. 4-7 Id…fugarunt] Suet. Vesp. 4, 5. Lipsius, AdSuet., 17 reads: Caesium vel Cestium praepositum. The editions of Theodorus Pulmannus (Antwerp, 1574) and Laevinus Torrentius (ibid., 1592) read caesoquepraeposito, as do the modern editions (H. Ailloud, J. C. Rolfe, G. W. Mooney). 10 Felix] Antonius Felix, the procurator of Samaria, clashed with his colleague from Galilea and with the Jews in A.D. 52. He also arrested Saint Paul. In 60 or 61 he was called back to Rome and charged by the Jews from Caesarea, but he avoided punishment with the help of his brother. He was married to Drusilla, the grand-daughter of Marcus Antonius and Cleopatra. Cf. RE 1, 2, 2616-2618. 10 Albinus] Lucceius Albinus was procurator of Judea from A.D. 62. He was supposed to resolve the troubles in the region, but did not succeed because of his inhuman and

[early February 1596]

81

Iosepho quidem aut Hegesippo eius interprete legas, qui haec curiose et partite exsecuti. An ante alius? De Sabino iniciunt interpretes aut Metilio, quorum ille sub Augusto turbas dedit, nihil ad hoc aevi et tamen eas ipsas effugit. Alter nec praepositus provinciae fuit neque item caesus. Ad scriptores illos appello. Itaque vana ista: vide an mea emendatio Gesiumque 15 praepositum. Certe ex historia est et Gesium sive Gessium Florum rebellantes Iudaei fugarunt et mox Cestium Gallum Syriae legatum. Nomen gentile hoc rarius aut ignotius fuerit loco et sententiae vitiandae. Sed hoc te post factum consulo, illud ante. In eodem Vespasiano, cap[ite] XVIII: Ingeniaetartesvelmaximefovit.Praestantespoetasetartificescoemit; 20 item colossi refectorem insigni congiario magnaque mercede donavit.

unreasonable behaviour. He was replaced by Gessius Florus. In 69 he became procurator of Mauretania Caesariensis. Cf. RE 13, 2, 1559-1561. 10 Florus] Gessius Florus succeeded Albinus as procurator of Judea in A.D. 64. According to Flavius Josephus he exploited and suppressed the Jews in such way that Cestius Gallus denounced him to the Emperor Nero as being the cause of the Jewish Revolt. Cf. RE 7, 1, 1325-1327. 11 Iosepho] On Flavius Josephus, Roman-Jewish historiographer (37/38 - c. 100), cf. RE 9, 2, 1934-1942. His accounts of Antonius Felix, Lucceius Albinus, and Gessius are in his BellumIudaicum 2, 270-421. 11 Hegesippo] Hegesippus (Egesippus) refers to a Latin adaptation in five books of Josephus’ Bellum Iudaicum from the fourth century, which is attributed by several manuscripts to Ambrosius, cf. RE 9, 2, 1997. Lipsius’s library catalogue mentions an edition by Cornelius Gualtherius: Hegesippi scriptoris gravissimi de bello Iudaico et urbisHierosolymitanaeexcidiolibriquinque, Cologne: M. Cholinus, 1575 (cf. Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 59, f. 10v, book 18). 12 Sabino] Sabinus was procurator of Syria in 4 B.C. After the death of Herodes the Great he seized his possessions despite the opposition of many, the Roman governor among them. When the Jews revolted and threatened him, many were killed on both the Roman and the Jewish side. Sabinus was rescued and left Jerusalem. Cf. RE 1A, 2, 1595. 12 Metilio] Marcus Metilius was in charge of the Roman garrison in Jerusalem in A.D. 66. Besieged by the Jews, he had to submit because he was outnumbered and only saved his life by converting to Judaism. Cf. RE 15, 2, 1398. 17 Cestium Gallum] Cestius Gallus was procurator of Syria. When the Jews rebelled against Gessius Florus, he marched with his troops to Jerusalem. When the defenders were on the verge of surrendering, he suddenly withdrew, probably because he miscalculated and believed that his forces were insuficient. He returned to his province, where he died in A.D. 67, according to Tac. H. 5, 10, fatoauttaedio. Cf. RE 3, 2, 2006-2007. 20-21 Ingenia…donavit] Cf. Suet. Vesp. 18, 1. Lipsius, AdSuet., 41-42 reads artifices comicos; Pulmannus (1574) and Torrentius (1592) necnonetartificescoemit.Item[…] Modern editors as G.W. Mooney and H. Ailloud prefer poetas,necnonetartifices,Coae Veneris, item […] It does not refer to the Aphrodite painted by Apelles in Cos and

82

2057 - [96 02 00]

Coemendi hic verbum suspectum vel improbum, quidquid conentur. Assero scriptum fuisse etartificesscaenae,itemcolossi. Quisquis insolens aut hospes non es in critica, quid crebrius quam confundi sic et repeti 25 syllabas? Quod factum in coemititem palam: sic ut litterula a fronte ab anteriore voce sit retrahenda. Frequens tibi notum et ipsi item artifices scaenae, qui sunt Graecis τεχνῖταιΔιονύσου, id est scaenici actores. Seneca de Beneficiis, Ammianus, alii sic appellant; ipse Suetonius in Iulio, cap[ite] LXXXIV. Sequitur autem mox apposite de Terpno et Diodoro 30 scaenicis ab eo donatis. Cap[ite] etiam II: Infensussenatui,Caiumnequo nongenereofficiidemereretur. Non ipse hercle, sed Caius senatui infensus atque igitur lego infensum. Cap[ite] V: Singulosrepenteramosafrutice dedit. Inepte. A frutice non creverunt hi rami, sed ab ipsa arbore ideoque scribam ramosanfrutices. Ambigit, quia ex ima parte haec enata ramos

34 ex >ex< d transferred by Augustus to Rome, but to the statue of Venus, which Vespasianus had erected in his temple to honour Pax. Cf. Suet. Vesp. (ed. H. Ailloud, Paris, 1964), 62, n. 1. Both works of art are mentioned in Plin. H.N. 35, 91 and 36, 27. 23 colossi] The gigantic statue with his features that Nero had placed at the entrance hall of the domusaurea. Emperor Hadrian had it moved next to the amphitheater of the Flavii, hence its name Colosseum. Cf. RE 4, 1, 589. 26-27 artificesscenae] Sc. players and, more generally all artistic performers. They are also called artificesGraeci (Cic. Mur. 13; Liv. 41, 20) or artifices (Plaut. Amph. 70; Liv. 39, 22). Cf. RE 2, 2, 1454. 27 Seneca] Cf. Sen. Ben. 7, 20, 3. 28 Ammianus] Cf. Amm. 28, 4, 32: artificesscaenarii. 28 alii] Cic. Arch. 10 has scaenicisartificibus; Quinct. 78 artifex. 28 Suetonius] Cf. Suet. Caes. 84, 4: scaenificiartifices. 29 Sequitur] Cf. Suet. Vesp. 19, 1: TerpnoDiodoroquecitharoedis. 29 Terpno] Terpnus was a famous cithara-player whom Nero summoned to his court as his teacher in A.D. 54. After Vespasianus had the scaena of the theater of Marcellus restored, he invited Terpnus and honoured him with 200,000 HS. 29 Diodoro] Emperor Nero allegedly bested this cithara player during his artistic sojourn in Greece (A.D. 66-68), cf. RE 5, 1, 660. 30-31 Infensus…demereretur] Cf. Suet. Vesp. 2, 3. Lipsius, AdSuet., 11 reads: Infensum SenatuiCaium, abiecto commate post Senatui. Modern editions (H. Ailloud, J.C. Rolfe) prefer PraetorinfensumsenatuiGaiumnequonongeneredemereretur. 32-33 Singulos … dedit] Cf. Suet. Vesp. 5, 2; Lipsius, Ad. Suet., 18-19 has the same. Modern editions also read afrutice.

83

2 February 1596

an verius frutices appellet. Habes garritum. Quid videtur? Destinata tetigi an aberravi? Dic libere, id est ut soles. De publicis nihil, nisi gubernatorem novum in finibus iam esse. O si innovandis his rebus et emendandis! Vale. Ego pessime, cui et destillatio praeter solita mala accessit. In Musaeo nostro, ab ipso prandiculo; nam tale fuit. 36 Dic libere] A written answer from Delrio is not preserved. 36-37 gubernatorem … esse] After leaving Turin on 27 November 1595, Albert arrived in Luxemburg on 29 January 1596. On 11 February he was solemnly welcomed in Brussels as the new governor, cf. Bor, 4, 167, 173; Van Meteren, 364v; De Thou, 5, 585; MercuriusGallobelgicus (1615), 4, 2-10; AGN 6, 282).

2058

96 02 02

Lipsius (Leuven) to Balthasar de Robiano (Antwerp) 2 February 1596

Lipsius thanks him for his letter. Is there any reason not to answer letters from his Antwerp friends? Hopefully, Albert’s coming will bring happier times, yet peace is only possible when the Northern Provinces desist from their stubbornness. Greetings to Hendrik Schotti and Jan Damant. Balthasar de Robiano (Antwerp (?), 1553 – Brussels, 16 December 1619) was eight times alderman from Antwerp between 1588 and 1604; in 1603 he was burgomaster of the city. On 17 March 1606 he succeeded Jan van Drenckwaer as treasurer general of the Council of Finances, a function he occupied until his death. His family was of Lombard origin; his father immigrated to the Netherlands. Cf. BN 19, 533; NBW 13, 689-691; Prims, 6, 185; De Schepper, 2, 433-434. In ms. Lips. 3(17) the upper part (c. 20 cm, from Biantis, l. 9 onwards) of f. 22 was cut off, containing letter no. 52 and on its verso side the second part of this letter. The missing letter may be ILE IX, 96 01 22, 1st version, which was removed from the file for publication in CenturiaadItalosetHispanos. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 22, no. [53] (fragm.); clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 36-36v, no. 88; d: Cent.Belg. III, 25.

35

84

2058 - 96 02 02

I[ustus] Lipsius Balthasari de Robiano S[alutem] D[icit]. Antverpiam. Amica epistola tua me affecit, ut sermones et conversatio solet. Fateor enim candide, exhilaresco et vegetor cum apud vos sum, viros benivolos, prudentes, doctrinae et mei amantes. Affectum illum verum in vultu atque 5 oculis video; quomodo non eundem rependam et devinciar mutuo quodam nexu? Enimvero facio et, si quosdam mortalium, vos aliquot Antverpiae calide et fideliter amo. O probitas, o candor! Si tales apud plures sint, aurea saecula redeant et vivamus in terris caelestem aliquam vitam. Sed non haec felicitas huius saeculi, quo maxime Biantis illud verum est, οἱ 10 πλεῖστοικακοί. Speramus emendationem aut levamentum aliquod a novo nostro prorege, quem laudari varie audio, etiam ab iis qui interius noverunt. Faxit Deus ut firma rectaque mente sit nec abripiant eum aut flectant prava nostra et detorta. Eligat et discernat quibus credat et quos audiat: caput, nisi fallor, imo et pedem in bona gubernatione. Diuturnum hoc bellum 15 civile labes multas aut corruptelas invexit et pro virtutibus paene quaedam habentur: magnitudine animi opus est ad corrigendum, sed et prudentia, ut sensim et sine motu. Batavi vicini nostri si sapiant, pax et boni mores ad nos redeant: bellum et vitia extra fines istos eant. Sed illi pervicaces et de plena medela vix sperandum, quamdiu pater iste malorum Mars erit.

1 I[ustus] Lipsius: om. d || de: om. d || Robiano: Senatori add. d || Antverpiam: add. d 2 solent d 5 quosdam: ullos d 9 felicit⟦as⟧er cla, feliciter clb || Bitantis clb 9-24 Biantis … ∞.IƆ.XCVI: om. cla 11 nostro: om. d 14 pedes d 16 animi: om. clb 19 istos ⟦.⟧ eant clb

2 epistola tua] Not preserved. 3 apud vos] Lipsius always took great pleasure in spending some days with his Antwerp friends, usually combining business (discussing one of his upcoming works or financial matters with Johannes Moretus) with leisure and feasting. In 1602 he expressed his affection towards Antwerp and his friends in a poem, joined to another letter to Balthasar de Robiano, ILE 02 05 31 R (cf. also MusaeErrantes, 95-96, cf. Papy, Poésie, 199, no. 103 and Sacré in: LipsiusenzijnEuropesenetwerk, 339-341). 9 Biantis … verum] Bias of Priene (6th century B.C.), a politician, was counted among the Seven Sages of Greece together with Solon of Athens, Pittacus of Lesbos, and Thales of Miletus, cf. RE 3, 1, 383-389. The adage quoted here by Lipsius is mentioned in Diogenes Laërtius (D. L. 1, 5, 88). Lipsius also used it in ILE VII, 94 10 12 W, 14-15 to Marcus Welser. 11 prorege] Archduke Albert. 17 sapiant] Cf. ILE 96 01 02 S, 13-23.

85

6 February 1596

Duremus, maiora tulimus et aliqua t[ame]n serenitas per nostrum hunc 20 serenissimum nobis illucebit. Te valere cupio, mi Robiane, mei amantem et memorem esse. Amico nostro, pensionario Schottio, salutem dicito et D[omino] Ammanno vestro gratias pro cura quam in re illa mea ostendit. Lovanii, post[ridie] Kal[endas] Feb[ruarias] ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

20 maiora: peiora d

21 nobis: spero d || me⟦a⟧i clb

22-23 esse … ostendit: om. d

22 Schottio] Hendrik Schott or Schotti, pensionary of Antwerp from 1595 to 1611, cf. Prims, 6, 188; XIV, 01 04 01 U, 20. Lipsius added greetings to him in letters to his Antwerp friends, e.g. in ILE VI, 93 11 05 S, 15-16, where he is erroneously identified as Jacobus Schott, the brother of Lipsius’s Jesuit friend Andreas. 23 Ammanno] Jan Damant was thirteen years elected bailiff of Antwerp between 1589 and 1610, the year of his death. Cf. ILE VII, 94 03 08, 15. 23 re illa mea] Perhaps an allusion to the financial bonus Lipsius received in 1595.

2059

96 02 06

Lipsius (Antwerp) to Federico Borromeo [Milan] 6 February 1596

Lipsius has received Borromeo’s letter and will do his utmost to fulfill his request. Yet who in the Netherlands still has the skills such a task requires? Congratulations on his appointment as archbishop. In April 1595 Pope Clement VIII had appointed Borromeo archbishop of Milan. Soon after his entry into the city on 27 August, Borromeo became involved in a struggle about his jurisdiction with the Spanish government of the city, which had a paralyzing effect on his pastoral activities and ended with Borromeo temporarily returning to Rome. See on this matter ILE XIV, 01 12 05, 30; DBI 13, 35-36; P. Prodi, NelIVcentenariodella nascita di Federico Borromeo. Note biografiche e bibliografiche, in: Convivium, 33 (1965), 344-347. Answer to ILE 96 01 07. Only the closing formula (l. 16) is written in Lipsius’s hand.

86

2059 - 96 02 06

o: Milan, Bibl. Ambrosiana, ms. G. 173 inf., f. 96; d1: J. A. F. Orbaan, Milaneesche gegevensII, in: Oud-Holland, 49 (1932), 124-125; d2: Ferro, Undialogotraintellettuali, 338.

Illustrissime et Reverendissime Domine, Litteras tuas accepi quibus curam mihi imponis quaerendi eruditi et idonei viri qui a stilo et scriptione esse possit ad res sacras actionesque Archiepiscopatus tui colligendas et disponendas. Equidem (sine fuco 5 loquor) beneficio et honore affici me censeo, cum mandata tua accipio, sed in ista re quid fieri a me potest in magna paucitate talium virorum tota Belgica nostra? Non idoneum autem ut commendem, absit a candore meo, tum etiam reverentia et cultu quem tibi debemus. Ego vero circumspiciam et, si quem eruero te dignum, prompte et sedulo perscribam. Interea sedem 10 et munus amplissimum ex animo tibi gratulor; sedem dico insessam olim a maximo optimoque viro (ita loquendum est) patruo tuo, per cuius vestigia ire te ad immortalitatem videmus omnes et gaudemus. Ego certe inter primos, qui me testor, Illustrissime et Reverendissime Domine, cultorem tuum et miratorem. Antverpiae, ubi negotii caussa nunc eram. Postrid[ie] 15 Nonas Febr[uarias] CI).I).XCVI. Ill[ustrissi]mae et Rev[erendissi]mae D[ominationi] T[uae] devotus cliens.

9 uruero d1

16 dominationis d1

2 Litteras tuas] Sc. ILE 96 01 07. 11 patruo tuo] Carlo Borromeo was archbishop of Milan from January 1560 until his death in November 1584. He was a nephew of Pope Pius IV and played an important part in the Tridentine Council, helping his uncle with the preparations of the sessions of 1561-1562. He acted as a pioneer in enforcing the council’s decrees in his diocese. Cf. ILE VII, 94 03 14, 8-9. Lipsius is confused about the relationship between the two Borromei: Federico was the son of Count Giulio Cesare, a younger brother of Carlo’s father Giberto, hence they were cousins. Cf. DBI 13, 33; F. Buzzi – D. Zardin, Carlo Borromeo e l’opera della Grande Riforma: cultura, religone e arti del governo nella Milanodelpienocinquecento, Milan, 1997. 14 negotii] Lipsius probably went to Antwerp to bring the manuscript of the Poliorcetica and to discuss the final details of its publication with Johannes Moretus. He already links this work to his recently acquired title of historiographus regius, cf. ILE 96 02 19 B, 9-10.

87

12 February 1596

2060

96 02 12

Lipsius (Leuven) to Martin Roeland (Mechelen) 12 February 1596

Lipsius sends his correspondent a copy of the reissued Politica. Recommendation of Jan Bernaerts. On Martin Roeland, who was alderman in Mechelen in 1595-1596, cf. ILE V, 92 03 12. This letter was overlooked in GVi. o: Brussel, ARA, Grote Raad der Nederlanden, no. 241/44; d1: M. Oosterbosch – G. Tournoy, TwoUnknownAutographLettersbyJustusLipsius, in: Lias, 23 (1996), 61-66.

I[ustus] Lipsius Martino Roelandio S[alutem] D[icit]. Pro amicitia ante annos aliquot instituta mitto ad te POLITICORUM meorum munus, quae recenter edidi aucta et innovata. Rogo te ut grata habeas et 2 amicitia … instituta] ILE V, 92 03 12 is Lipsius’s answer to a lost letter in which Roeland invited him to become friends. In that same letter (l. 9-13) Lipsius also referred to a fellow citizen of Roeland who encouraged him to be in touch: Nicolaas Oudaert. 2 POLITICORUM] The long expected reissue of Lipsius’s Politica finally came from Johannes Moretus’s press in 1596. The Notae in particular were extended, with Adversus dialogistam (Leiden: F. Raphelengius, 1590) added instead of annotations to book IV, and are preceded by a dedicatory letter to Johannes Saracenus (ILE VIII, 95 12 26 S). Cf. BBr 3, 1044-1045. Around January 1593 friends in Rome had warned him that the work risked being placed on the index of forbidden books (cf. ILE VI, 93 02 10 B, 3), hence Lipsius immediately began a revision with the help of the theologian Henricus Cuyckius, vice-chancellor and book censor of Leuven University. The corrected version was sent to a few confidants in Rome and mostly approved, cf. ILE VI, 93 07 21 BA, 9-10; 93 07 31 BEN. Although Cuyckius’s approbatio is dated 20 September 1593 Lipsius nevertheless deferred its publication for two more years. Between 9 September and 27 October 1595 François vanden Bosch was paid for composing quires A-S of the Politica (cf. MPM, Arch. 786 (= Livre des compagnons de l’imprimerie tenu par feu mon père), f. 63, right); between 2 and 23 September, Agen Jacobs van Amsterdam and Joris Berger were paid for printing quires A-H (cf. ibid., f. 66 left). Then, Berger continued on his own; the last payment is recorded on 20 January (cf. ibid., f. 68 right). In fact, the changes occur mainly in book IV of the Politica: only chapter four, about possible actions against and punishments of individuals, who do not abide by the official state religion underwent considerable

88

2061 - 96 02 15

hunc item latorem commendatum Ioh[annem] Bernartium, qui cognatam 5 meam Breugelii filiam duxit uxorem. Is rei aliquid aut ratiunculae cum urbe vestra habet, ut audio, et potest a te iuvari. Rogo, inquam, ut mea caussa id velis et, ut soles, nos ames. Lovanii, prid[ie] Idus Febr[uarias] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. [Address:] D[omino] Martino Roelandio Senatori. Mechliniae. changes. Hence Waszink preferred to publish both the ‘Leiden’ version (1589) and the expurgated one. In the new version he put less emphasis on his preference for inward faith rather than submitting to external rituals, and his plea for freedom of conscience was substituted by the advice to persecute dissenters only when possible to do so without causing confusion and troubles. About the changes to the 1589 edition, cf. the introduction to J. Waszink’s recent edition, Politica. Six books of politics or political instruction, Assen, 2004, 120-122; 173-190, and the text with translation (p. 394-401). 5 uxorem] In January 1594 Jan Bernaerts had married Catharina Breugel, the daughter of Willem Breugel, whom Lipsius usually refers to as neve (literary ‘nephew’; the exact connection between both men is not clear). Cf. on him ILE I, 75 09 29; VI, 93 07 29, 27; VII, 94 01 16; De Ryckman de Betz – De Jonghe d’Ardoye, 3, 624-626; M. Verweij, JustusLipsiusandWillemvanBreugelofOirschot, in: JustusLipsius,EuropaeLumen etColumen, 221-232. 5 rei] The reason for this recommendation is too vague to be explained. It had probably something to do with his post as lawyer with the Private Council in Mechelen, cf. ILE VII, 94 10 16 BR, 5-6.

2061 96 02 15

Lipsius (Leuven) to Ernest of Bavaria [Liège] 15 February 1596

Dedicatory letter of the Poliorcetica. On Ernest of Bavaria (Munich, 17 December 1554 – Arnsberg, 17 February 1612), prince bishop of Liège and elector of Cologne, cf. ILE VI, 93 12 25 B; E. Polain, Ernest de Bavière,EvêqueetPrincedeLiège, in: Bulletindel’InstitutarchéologiqueLiégeois, 53 (1929), 23-167; G. von Lojewski, BayernsWegnachKöln.Geschichtederbayerischen BistumspolitikinderzweitenHälftedes16.Jahrhunderts, Bonn, 1962. As to the dedication of Lipsius’s Poliorcetica to Ernest of Bavaria, cf. ILE 96 01 05, 23.

89

15 February 1596

1stversion: GVi, 236 situates this text in November 1596 (the index, p. 518, erroneously gives 96 00 00). It is obviously an autograph draft of the dedicatory letter, hence it is published here as its first version with the same date. Lipsius’s hand is unsteady; words and larger parts of sentences are erased and repeated in an altered phrasing; new elements are added in the margin. Hence the text is very hard to read the erased words in particular. Because the left hand corner at the bottom of the two folios is damaged, the words at the end of the bottom lines of the verso side have partly disappeared. Lipsius wrote his text on a folio leaf folded in half, using first the outside space and then the inside. Hence he started with what is now f. 227r (until sednec, l. 25) and f. 228v (until nominaquae, l. 59), and continued with f. 227v (until mihipar, l. 90) and 228r. The draft is a still incomplete text and consists of three parts. The first part (l. 1-43) already gives the main ideas also present in the printed version. Lipsius dedicates his Poliorcetica to Ernest of Bavaria to thank him for the prince bishop’s benevolence and support towards him. Its subject corresponds to Ernest’s position and interest, an interest already proven by the dukes of Bavaria in the past. This is illustrated in the next, largest part (l. 44-107): Lipsius praises the military skills of the House of Bavaria from the tribe of the Boii to Pepin the Short and Charles Martel (Charles Hammer) and from Louis the Severe to Albert V. In this survey the sovereigns’ devotion to the Catholic faith is often stressed. In the last part (l. 107-117) Lipsius explains the usefulness of his work for Ernest, underlining his patron’s efficacy in restoring religious harmony in his territory, whereas the neighbouring lands were torn with strife. To do so, he made use of war engines, hence the reason why Lipsius decided to dedicate his work to Ernest. The final sentence of this part recurs almost unchanged at the end of the printed version. In the draft’s third part Lipsius reworks his discussion of the usefulness of the treatise in a way that strongly recalls the introduction to DemilitiaRomana: the main intention of Poliorcetica is that one should read and understand the historiographers of Antiquity. Yet some aspects are still useful in contemporary warfare, in which Ernest is involved out of necessity. A comparison of both versions shows the similarity between them:  1. Why Poliorceticais dedicated to Ernest of Bavaria: – beneficia towards Lipsius – dignitasetamplitudo 2. Ernest’s qualities showed already in his ancestors: – from the Boii to Pepin and Charles Martel – from Louis the Severe to Albert V 3. The double usefulness of the Poliorcetica

definitiveversion

draft

l. 1-25 l. 25-31

l. 1-18 l. 18-43

l. 32-53 l. 53-91 l. 91-109

l. 44-59 l. 59-107 l. 107-117

Because the difference in phrasing both versions are edited separately. m: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(23), f. 227-228v (s.n., s.d.).

90

2061 - 96 02 15

Serenissime, Libros hos quos vides, ingenii mei recentem foetum, mittere ad Cels[itudinem] T[uam] libuit, iustissimis (nec affectus me fallit) caussis. Primum scio quid privatim tibi debeam, benigne et comiter apud tuos, sed 5 et a te exceptus, cum valetudinis recurandae caussa biennium paene in Eburonibus et aerem, sermones et fontes vestros hausi, illa mihi iucunda et hos in parte salutares expertus, cum morbum illum meum diuturnum si non vincerent, certe pellerent, certe sisterent, imo et inducias mihi aliquas cum eo, si non pacem, darent. Tenuerunt itaque illi amici, et tua magis 10 liberalitas, qui honestissimum vinclum iniciebas ad perpetuam mansionem, firmiter retinendum, nisi Rex, patria et dicta iam fides mea alio avocassent. 2 ingenii ⟦nostri et⟧ m 3 libuit ⟦et visum est iustissimis de⟧ m || fallit) ⟦de⟧ m 4 debeam, ⟦in terr⟧ m 5 paene ⟦illic⟧ m 6 ⟦et sermonem⟧‚ sermones m || ⟦illa⟧ illa m 7 ⟦impotentiam⟧ ⟦vim⟧ ⟦labem⟧ ⟦vim diuturnam illam morbi si non frangerent ac illum meum morbum⟧ morbum illum m 7-8 si non ⟦frangerent⟧ ⟦pellerent⟧ ⟦frangerent⟧ vincerent m 8 vincerent, certe ⟦mitigarent et indutias frangerent⟧ ⟦frangerent⟧ m 9 ⟦igitur⟧ itaque m 10 liberalitas ⟦et oblatio: si licuisset uti⟧ ⟦T[ame]n⟧ Nam quod ⟦et quod non volebam, nisi⟧ m || ad ⟦retinen†dum†⟧ … perpetuam mansionem: add. m in marg. 11 nisi ⟦patria⟧ m || mea ⟦alio⟧ ⟦istuc⟧ m 5 biennium] After his departure from Leiden in March 1591 Lipsius travelled via the German Empire to the principality of Liège. He arrived in Spa on 19 May, where he took the waters until the end of June, when he settled in Liège. On 9 August 1592 he moved to Leuven. Cf. ILE IV, 91 05 16 H; V, 92 08 13 G, 3-5; De Landtsheer,FromNorthto South, 320-325. 10 liberalitas … mansionem] In ILE IV, 91 06 04 L1 Lampsonius mentions that Lipsius is recommended to the prince bishop by Richard Stanihurst: dignissimumdixisse,quem in familia admitteret. About a month later, Lipsius declares to Lampsonius: Si tamen induci (sed honeste et sine magno molimine) posset ad honorarium aliquod annuum suppeditandum,acceperimutraquemanuetissumquipossimagnoscereetrependere, nonsolummereri (cf. ILE IV, 91 07 05 L). In Poliorcetica 1, 1 the conversation between the protagonists of the dialogue opens with a discussion about Lipsius’s sojourn in Liège. He asserts that he is feeling quite at home, but immediately adds: Sed patriae quid debeam,nonignorasethospitiummihihancurbemesse,nondomum.Johannes Furius reacts: Osialiter!Etsiherumillumatqueheroemnostrumaudias,quiinvitat-sedis nuncabestetGermaniasuaeumhabet-,doliturumcumaudieritmigrasse. This idea is repeated in the Reiectiuncula sannionis cuiusdam Batavi, added at the end of the Diva Aspricollis: Humanitastamenetcomitasinvisentiumatqueetiaminvitantiumnondefuit, agnosco;etamicoshabuiatquehabeoetoblataiamtuncaSer[enissi]moilloPrincipe, adquaenecpopulariummeorumbenignitasaccessit.Sedpatriamantehabui. 11 alio] Sc. to Leuven. 11 avocassent] This is definitely a retorical exaggeration. In the middle of 1592 Lipsius was still living in Liège, although he had received invitations from German and Italian

15 February 1596

91

Horum memini et inclusam adhuc gratitudinem animo clausam habui, quam voce et stilo nunc promo. Quid, quod librorum scriptio et ipsa inscriptio ad te ducebant? Scriptio est per sermones constituta, quos aut habui aut habuisse me facio (notus est mos Dialogorum) in tuis hortis, inter 15 intimos et primos clientium tuorum aut ministrorum. Ergo nisi ad patronum ipsum deferam, haec ab iis aut per eos nata, cara tibi futura vel ob ipsos sic caros? Iam inscriptio DE MACHINIS erat: res ingenii et subtilioris meditatiunculae, cuiusmodi te capere et intellegere eximie scimus, non solum iis capi. Altitudo enim et acritas tui ingenii ad sublimia te et subtilia 20 trahit: res astrorum, res mathemathium et has quoque mechanicas, haud longe ab iis sitas, imo a fontibus istis ortas. Videre est, quid omnis aetas 12 animo ⟦press†am†⟧ m 13 librorum ⟦argumentum et⟧ m 14 sermones ⟦et dialogismos⟧ m 15 me ⟦volui⟧ m 16 primos ⟦clientium⟧ ⟦officialium⟧ ⟦adiutorum⟧ ⟦consiliariorum⟧ ⟦adiutorum⟧ clientium m || ⟦Quid⟧ ⟦Itaque⟧ Ergo m || nisi ⟦me⟧ m 17 deferam, ⟦iam non mei solum, sed illorum adspectu quos tu caros habes et⟧ ⟦quae⟧ ⟦in quae clientes⟧ m || nata ⟦et⟧ m || tibi ⟦vel hoc aspectu⟧ m || ipsos ⟦seu⟧ m 18 inscriptio ⟦POLIORCETI⟧ m 18-19 subtilioris ⟦curae⟧ ⟦mentis⟧ meditatiunculae m 19 ⟦quibus te⟧ cuiusmodi m || scimus ⟦non re⟧ m 20 ⟦Decet⟧ Altitudo m || ingenii †ad† ⟦a vulgatis studiis curisque⟧ m || ad ⟦alta et⟧ m 21-22 ⟦haud longe⟧ haud longe m 22 fontibus ⟦illis⟧ m || ⟦vetus⟧ omnis m scholars and sovereigns. He was still hoping for a chair in Leuven, but the decisions of the States of Brabant were slowly, cf. J. De Landtsheer, LeretourdeJusteLipse, 356-358. 14 sermones] Lipsius’s Poliorcetica is fashioned in the form of a (fictitious) dialogue between the humanist and a number of his friends in Liège: his host, Johannes Furius; the bishop’s secretary, Dominicus Lampsonius; and three of Ernest’s lawyers and counsellors: Jacques de Carondelet, Petrus Oranus, and Carolus Billaeus. Adam Leemput, the student who had accompanied Lipsius throughout his journey and acted as his amanuensis until he left for Würzburg after Lipsius’s wife had arrived in Liège, was also included. The conversation takes place on the country estate of Ernest of Bavaria in Seraing. Cf. LipsiusenLeuven, 105, no. 25; ILE VII, 94 12 21 C; 96 01 02 C, 8. 21 res … mathemathium] Ernest of Bavaria was a patron of all the arts and sciences, but his foremost interests were physics and mathematics. He had contacts with scholars from abroad and invited them to his court. He owned a considerable collection of physical instruments, some of them built after plans from Adrianus Romanus. He was also interested in alchemy (hence his contacts with Richard Stanihurst) and astronomy. Contrary to some sources, he did not limit himself to mere astrology (in which he may have believed), for he had two astronomers working at his court in Liège, Gerard Stempels and Adriaen Zelst, who published a treatise about building astronomical instruments (1602) at the prince bishop’s expenses. Moreover, he also acquired two lenses from Galileo Galilei (before he was condemned by Rome), one of which he later gave to Johannes Kepler with the demand to make them more accurate. Cf. Polain, Ernest de Bavière,86-90; Xhayet - Halleux (eds), 45-93.

92

25

30

35

40

45

2061 - 96 02 15

per tot ab orbe primo saecula usurparit aut invenerit ad repugnandum aut expugnandum, et alibi mirari, alibi ridere ingeniosas sed futiles (ut nunc inventa sunt) fabricas aut curas. Nam desiisse plerumque hodie, sed nec utiliter revocari posse, fateri equidem debeo, omnia quassat aut violat fulmineum istud telum, sed parata t[ame]n utilitate duplici, sive ad legendas intellegendasque scriptiones veteres, qui princeps est finis, sive ad aliquid imitandum et derivandum in nostros praesentes usus, factum validissimis ducibus, fortasse et faciendum. Quod si etiam sine ullo usu, tamen ut arma quaedam in atriis aedium ponimus, ad speciem modo aut splendorem, quis non item det haec publice praeponi posse, imo debere ad voluptatem et aspectum? Sed et alia parte inscriptio et argumentum tibi conveniens, quia tu, SERENISSIME, non sacri solum ordinis Archiepiscoporum, sed idem Augusti Imperii Princeps et Elector es, id est togae sacroque mederis, et tempora incidunt – Incidunt? Imo iam inciderunt – quibus tenere aut repetere tua debuisti armorum et machinarum isto iure. Nam cruenta haec et infausta bella quae alibi coepisse et desisse dixerim apud nos sedere: ea dico bella, ad vicinos etiam incendii sui scintillas inferunt, quae Ubios tuos comprehenderunt valida, herculea quidam et exitiabili flamma, nisi tu Pallade et Marte auxiliantibus ducibus exstinxisses. Videlicet vetus et proprium est Bavaricae inclytae tuae stirpis mederi afflictis et res turbatas reponere in veterem suum statum. Atque hae propriae quaedam omissae sunt, quae ad te trahunt, sed caduca et illa [.], stirps tua considerata, quae inter illustrissimas et antiquissimas fulget in Europa. Quid si Asiam an Africam addam? Profecto non mentiar, veri limites non excedam, et tua aut nulla gens est, quae continua serie ortum sibi vindicat a Christi paene ortu, imo et ante Christi aevum, si 23 ⟦nato⟧ primo m || ⟦usurparit⟧ usurparit m || ⟦se⟧ ⟦ad se tuen⟧ ad m 24 nunc ⟦.⟧ ⟦.⟧ m 25 ⟦artes⟧ fabricas m 27 ⟦fulmineum istud⟧ ⟦..⟧ fulmineum m || utilitate ⟦aut voluptate⟧ m 29 ⟦vestros⟧ nostros m || ⟦optimis⟧ validissimis m 30 ⟦et⟧ fortasse m 31 ⟦haud alio⟧ modo m || quis ⟦…….⟧ m 33 ⟦Atqui hae caussae a te⟧ Sed m 34 ⟦Elector non sacri . et .. ⟧ non sacri m 35 togae ⟦bellique et⟧ m 36 quibus ⟦….⟧ m || aut ⟦.⟧ m 37 haec ⟦funesta⟧ m 40 valida ⟦.⟧ ⟦flamma⟧ ⟦.⟧ m 41 ⟦Prudentiae et Fortitudinis⟧ Pallade m || Marte ⟦…..⟧ m || exstinxisses m 41-43 ⟦Videlicet vetus et proprium est Bavaricae inclytae tuae stirpis, ⟦mederi rebus afflictis, solutum adferre ⟦.⟧, sed pro pietate ⟦..⟧ ⟦ ⟦.⟧ periculis mederi afflictis et res turbatas luxatasque reponere in veterem ⟦et ⟦……⟧ et ………..⟧ suum statum. ⟦LUDOVICUM⟧ m 47 veri … excedam: suprascr. m 39-40 Ubios tuos] I.e. OppidumUbiorum or ColoniaAgrippina, Cologne, cf. Graesse, 3, 536.

15 February 1596

93

traditiones et famam sequar: id est ea quae fidem tempori debent. Sed ut eo non veniam et certis signatisque tabulis agam, consentiens Annalium 50 fides est Boiariae, quae nunc Bavaria est, dynastas aut reges iam ab Attilae temporibus vario, sed non interrupto stemmatum flexu in vos propagari. Certe ADALAGERIO sub ea temp[est]ate Boiorum rex legitur, quem excepit THEODO et alter mox THEODO, cui non ab adulatione, sed a merito cognomen MAGNI fuit. Ille Romanas vires in Alarici et Vindelicorum tractu afflixit 55 aut eiecit; ille fines imperii ad Alpium iuga propagavit. Cui THEOVALDA 49 ⟦..⟧ id m 50 ⟦tabulis Annalium⟧ tabulis m 51 ⟦Bavaricae⟧‚ Boiariae m 52 temporibus ⟦in vos⟧ m || interrupto: add. m in marg. 53 ⟦et⟧ quem m 54 cui ⟦a rebus⟧ m 50 Annalium] Cf. the 2nd version, l. 37. 51 Boiariae … Bavaria] Boii is the general name of the people; the tribes that settled in the former Roman provinces Noricum and Raetia in the first half of the sixth century are called Bohemi, Boiemi, or Baiuvarii (which could mean ‘coming from Boia, Bohemia’). Their origins are a mystery. Cf. Spindler, Handbuch der bayerischen Geschichte, 1, 75-83; LMA 1, 1698; RE 3, 630-633. 51 Attilae] Attila, king of the Huns from 434 to 453. 53 ADALAGERIO] According to the sagas the Baiuvarii, after being expelled from their native country, were able to return there in 508. This happened under the command of Duke Theodo or Adal[a]ger, according to other sources. Cf. Spindler, Handbuch der bayerischenGeschichte, 1, 75. 54 THEODO] The aforementioned Duke Theodo. 54 alter … THEODO] Theodoric the Great (456-526), founder of the Ostrogoth realm: under his rule the territory was expanded enormously, e.g. through the annexation of the Roman regions Noricum and Raetia, which were occupied by tribes coming from Bohemia (Baiuvarii) who mixed with the native people. Cf. LMA 1, 1698; RE 5A, 2, 1745-1771. 55-56 Romanas … eiecit] Alaric II, king of the Visigoths (485-507), who was supported by his father in law, Theodoric the Great, ruled over the south of France and the major part of Spain, but without conquering the ultimate Roman areas in Gaul. When Syagrius, the last Roman governor of Gaul, was defeated by Chlodovech in 486, he fled to Alaric II, who handed him over to Chlodovech. Lipsius perhaps confuses Theodoric the Great with Theodoric II, king of the Visigoths (453-466), who came into conflict with Aegius, Syagrius’s father, and expanded his reign over the Loire. Cf. LMA 1, 271. The Alamanns invaded the Roman Empire in the third century, hence the provincia Raetia Secunda was reorganized: Augsburg became the capital of the military and the civil government. In the fifth century the Alamanns occupied the province definitively; the Bavarians settled east of the Lech. Because of this expansion the Alamanns clashed with the Franks in the second half of the century and were defeated by Chlodovech in 496. Part of the tribe was protected by the Ostrogoths. It should be pointed out that a great deal of this history is unclear and that the known facts are interpreted differently. Cf. LMA 1, 264 en 1211-1212. 56 THEOVALDA] The Frankish king Theodobald I ruled from 547 to 555 but was not able to continue the policy of expansion that allowed his father Theodebert I (king from 533

94

2061 - 96 02 15

successor, pulcherrimo titulo, Christo Eiusque silimum initiatum esse. Inde TASSILONES ab †…† plures et imo per intervalla PIPINI ac MARTELLI, nomina quae quoque illustrant aetheris et terrae oras. Ampla 60 et per reges Galliae Germaniaeque diffusa cognatio, sed reducam in vestram lineam et LUDOVICUM illum II cognomento SEVERUM producam, propiorem ramum e quo fruticatis. Ille Elector imperii, turbatis, ut numquam, Germaniae rebus, unius sui paene suffragio (tanta auctoritas erat) RUDOLPHUM ex Habspurgensi Comite fecit Imperatorem. O felicem 65 tunc et postea electionem, cum ille et res feliciter composuit et stirpem 56 si⟦mil⟧limum ⟦e urbe⟧ m 57 Inde ⟦.⟧ m || ⟦plures: inde⟧ et ⟦.⟧ per m || ⟦inde⟧ imo 59 ⟦Tum⟧ Ampla m 60 sed ⟦coercita⟧ m || ⟦intra⟧ in m 62 ⟦propinquum⟧ ⟦propiorem⟧ propiorem m 63 ⟦temporibus⟧ Germaniae 64 RUDOLPHUM ⟦HAB⟧ m || ⟦.⟧ tunc m 65 ⟦et stirpem istam genuit, quae⟧ et stirpem m to 546) to extend his realm towards the east and the south, cf. Spindler, Handbuchder bayerischenGeschichte, 1, 104; LMA 8, 689. The Frankish supremacy in northern Italy remains obscure. Undoubtedly, Gregory of Tours, one of the most important sources, was wrongly informed about this period, cf. E. James, TheFranks, Oxford, 1988, 98. 58 TASSILONES] Cf. ILE 96 02 15, 2nd version, n. 49. 58-59 PIPINI ac MARTELLI] The Carolingians, named after the greatest sovereign of the dynasty, Charlemagne, succeeded in restoring central authority in the kingdom of the Franks. They started with the office of mayor of the palace but gradually increased their power: Pepin (or Pippin) I of Landen (c. 580 – 27 February 640) became mayor of the palace in 623 and made it a hereditary dignity. Charles Martel (23 August 686 – 22 October 741), was a brilliant general, who completely reorganised the Frankish army and government, and earned his nickname Hammer in the Battle of Poitiers (October 732). He already acted as a king but without crowning himself; his son Pepin the Short († 24 September 768), who succeeded him as mayor of the palace in 741, deposed the last of the Merovingian kings and assumed the throne in 752. Cf. LMA 6, 1008-1009. 61 LUDOVICUM … SEVERUM] Louis II the Severe (1229-c.1294), Duke of Bavaria. Cf. NDB 15, 357-363; ADB 19, 497-502; LMA 5, 2193. 63 unius … suffragio] Louis II was one of the seven members of the imperial electoral college. Rudolph I was put forward as a compromise by his brother-in-law Frederic of Hohenzollern. Louis was already acquainted with Rudolph, but for some unknown reason they had drifted apart. Louis agreed to bury the hatchet. Cf. J. Franzl, RudolfI.Dererste HabsburgeraufdemdeutschenThron, Graz-Vienna-Cologne, 1986, 92. 64 RUDOLPHUM] Rudolph I of Habsburg (Breisgau, 1 May 1218 – Speyer, 15 July 1291) was king of Germany from 1273 to 1291. Contrary to what Lipsius writes, he was never crowned, although he aspired to the imperial crown for as long as he lived. There was always something that intervened: first it was impossible for him to be present, next the pope had died, and afterwards his successor refused to increase the power of the Habsburg king. Cf. NDB, 22, 167-169; LMA 7, 1072-1075; ILE XIV, 01 09 19 R, 9.

15 February 1596

95

genuit, quae velut fato habenas tenet et tenuit (tenebit et etiam subiicit) orbis Christiani! Atque ille tunc LUDOVICUS, velut sagax et providus futurorum, fortunam stirpemque ratione cum domo ea miscuit et MECHTILDEM uxorem accepit, Rudolphi illius prolem. E qua LUDOVICUS alter genitus sine alia iam distinctione caput vestrae stirpis, sed et orbis 70 item caput, cum electus Imperator fuit et sollemni ritu Romae confirmatus. Vir animi corporisque dotibus summus, nisi a summo t[ame]n illo dissensisset, quem divinis rebus praefectum revereri fortasse magis par fuisset, si non vereri. Sed secuti deinde cum in aliis omnibus, tum in religione magni, ut ille LUDOVICUS cognomine DIVES, tanta sapientiae 75 fama, sed et probitatis, ut non lites solum, sed et bella pl[urim]a auctoritate passim componeret, a principibus dynastisque Germaniae velut imperii quidam Pacificator (fas sit dicere) habitus et cultus. Quid GEORGIUS, item nominatus DIVES? Qui, insigni vitae tranquillitate et puritate sacrorum et 66 genuit ⟦exceperit compedem usque adhuc habentem aut sperante fastigium istud⟧ m || tenuit ⟦orb⟧ m || tenebit, ⟦…⟧ m 67 velut: ⟦felix et prudens⟧ add. m in marg. 68 futurorum, ⟦ECH⟧ m 69 ⟦Rudolpho⟧ Rudolphi ⟦natam⟧ ⟦ex⟧ m 71 sollemni ⟦….⟧ m 72 dotibus ⟦magis si . sive⟧ m 73 fortasse magis: add. minmarg. || magis ⟦….⟧ m 74 ⟦Sed⟧ Sed m 75 ⟦hac⟧ religione m || tanta ⟦vetere tranquillitate mentis tuae⟧ m 76 probitatis, ⟦ut velut PACIFICATOR quidem.⟧ m || bella ⟦passim ac Germania⟧ ⟦passim⟧ m 77 dynastisque: populisque suprascr. m 79 ⟦dictus⟧ nominatus m 69 MECHTILDEM] Mathilda or Melchilde (1253 – Munich, 23 December 1304), daughter of Rudolph I of Habsburg, was his third wife, cf. LMA 5, 2193. 69-70 LUDOVICUS alter] Louis IV of Bavaria (1 April 1282 – Munich, 11 October 1347), youngest son of Louis II the Severe and Matilda of Habsburg, succeeded his elder brother Rudolph I as Duke of Bavaria in 1301 and was crowned Emperor of the Roman Empire in Rome on 17 January 1328, cf. NDB 15, 334-347; LMA 5, 2178. 72-73 nisi … dissensisset] He was crowned by four representatives of Rome instead of by Pope John XXII, because the latter opposed the expansion of Louis’ territory. Cf. LMA 5, 2179-2180; Spindler, HandbuchderbayerischenGeschichte, 2, 155-157. Cf. infra, 2nd version, n. 45-47. 75 LUDOVICUS … DIVES] Louis IX the Rich (1417-1479), duke of Bavaria. Cf. NDB 15, 365-366. 78 Pacificator] The stable political situation in southern Germany offered Louis the Rich the opportunity of striving for peace. On 22 January 1465 Bavaria, Ulm, Aalen, Giengen, Augsburg, Memmingen, and Würtemberg concluded a peace treaty. Cf. Spindler, HandbuchderbayerischenGeschichte, 2, 284. 78-79 GEORGIUS … DIVES] Georges the Rich, duke of Bavaria-Landshut (Landshut, 15 August 1455 - Ingolstadt, 1 December 1503), son of Louis the Rich. Cf. NDB 6, 199200; LMA 4, 1279; Spindler, HandbuchderbayerischenGeschichte, 2, 287-292.

96

2061 - 96 02 15

studiorum totus fuit atque istic celebre domicilium hoc et Musaeum Ingolstadii prius constituit, quod etiamnunc viget et floret. Quid ALBERTUM deinde III loquar, qui a religio[ni]s eximio cultu cognomen PII invenit? Eundem et virtutum aliarum fama sic celebrem ut Bohaemi rege destituti ad hunc, etsi exterum principem, venerint, in earum honorem, regnum et 85 sceptrum ultro deferentes. Deferentes nec impetrantes (quis fidem mihi habeat?), cum ille, certus sui propositi, legatos benigne habitos dimitteret et †.iere† a se, sed non se duce. Rem miram, rem novam! Mereri regnum, non accipere; offerri et spernere quod ambitiosi isti per fraudes, scelera, caedes partitum eunt aut receptum. Gaudete, imo superbite, Danaei, hoc 90 titulo: qui mihi par videtur, quam si deni ex ordine inscribantur reges. Hoc unus ALBERTUS. Quid ille QUARTUS, tuus proavus? Cui proprium item 80

82 ⟦caelitium⟧ religio[ni]s m 83 ⟦virum sed⟧ Eundem m || ⟦ea fama⟧ ⟦laude et⟧ fama m || sic celebrem: suprascr. m 85-86 quis … habeat: add. minmarg. 86 ille ⟦benigne comiterque legatos habitus; ⟦.⟧ certus quietis et status veteris; cuiusque regno⟧ m || […] ⟦…..⟧ legatos m 87 Rem ⟦…⟧ m 88 per ⟦…⟧ fraudes, ⟦flagitia⟧ scelera m 90 ⟦..⟧ inscribantur m 91-95 Cui … mederi: add. minmarg. 80 Musaeum] The university of Ingolstadt founded by Louis the Rich in 1472, cf. Spindler, Handbuch der bayerischen Geschichte, 2, 821; K. von Prantl, Geschichte der LudwigMaximilians-UniversitätinIngolstadt,Landshut,München, Munich, 1872 (= Aalen, 1968), 1, 20-24. 81 etiamnunc … floret] From 1549 until 1773 the Jesuits strongly influenced the university of Ingolstadt. Duke William IV, who was concerned about a possible decline of the faculty of theology, had called upon them Cf. A. Seifert, Die“Seminarpolitik” der bayerischen Herzöge im 16. Jahrhundert und die Begründung des jesuitischen Schulwesens, in: H. Glaser (ed.), Um Glauben und Reich. Kurfürst MaximilianI. BeiträgezurBayerischenGeschichteundKunst1573-1657, Munich-Zürich, 1980, 127-128; DieJesuiteninIngolstadt1549-1773.AusstellungdesStadtarchivs,derWissenschaftlichen Stadtbibliothek und des Stadtmuseums Ingolstadt, Ingolstadt, 1991, 32-42; Spindler, Handbuch der bayerischen Geschichte, 2, 777-778. Ernest of Bavaria had studied in Ingolstadt, before setting out for Rome in 1574 to complete his education, cf. Polain, ErnestdeBavière,41; NDB 4, 614. 81-82 Albertum … III] Albert III the Pious (Munich, 27 March 1401 – 29 February 1460), duke of Bavaria-Munich from 1438 onwards, implemented reformation of the monasteries. In 1440 he was offered the crown of Bohemia, but he refused. Cf. Spindler, HandbuchderbayerischenGeschichte, 2, 266-268; NDB 1, 156-157; LMA 1, 315. 91 QUARTUS] Albert IV the Wise (Munich, 15 December 1447 – 18 March 1508), duke from 1465, extended his territory, but the Peace of Augsburg (1492) obliged him to give up a considerable part of the conquered area. Cf. Spindler, Handbuch der bayerischen Geschichte, 2, 268-294; NDB 1, 157-158; LMA 1, 315.

15 February 1596

97

religionis studium tribuitur nec sic ut ipse verus cultor eius solum, sed in aliis exactor. Ea quidem interventione, cura aut ardore, ut invidiam et turbas hoc nomine non effugerit, †vere sc. homini .† cum doleret vel ab emendatissimo emendari et laedi interpretaretur quod eunt mederi. 95 Iam tuus ille parens ALBERTUS QUINTUS qui vir fuit? Alti et aetherei animi heros, obnixus pro pietate facere omnia aut pati. Cui uni propemodum Germania debet, quod bona pars eius in sacris et religione etiamnunc adaequat. Ille turbis et novitatibus obiicem se opposuit; ille errores compressit aut sustulit; frena licentiae iniecit, advocatis etiam undique piis 100 doctisque viris in subsidium: eos in quibus patres eminuerint qui Societatis Ihesu dicuntur, quibus ille primus perpetuas sedes adtribuit et velut praesidiaria quaedam castra esse designavit velut Ingolstadii, Monachii, Landispergae. Qui vocatur ad varia Pontificia aut Principatus: necessum habuisse luctari 105 cum temporibus et alibi vim atque arma exserere, cum linguam et monita maluisses. Sed videlicet vicinus miserrimae n[ost]rae Belgicae, in qua bella

92 tribuitur ⟦..⟧ m 93 aliis ⟦ex . ⟧ m || ⟦.⟧ Ea m || ardore, ut ⟦nec invidiam aut turbas aliquas ei vovit, sed laudabiles et ⟦.⟧ ⟦..⟧ .. in gloria . ⟧ m 94 effugerit: ⟦……⟧ m 95 laedi ⟦aut legi⟧ ⟦capi⟧ m || mederi: sanare suprascr. m; mederi ⟦Quid Quintus Imp[erator]⟧ m 96 vir ⟦fuit bonus vel . pater⟧ ⟦vel . pater⟧ m || ⟦Vix nostri⟧ Alti m 99 novitatibus ⟦.⟧ obiicem ⟦…⟧ m || ⟦obiiecit⟧ opposuit m || errores ⟦et⟧ ⟦.⟧ m 100 frena … iniecit: add. minmarg. || etiam ⟦strenuis⟧ m 101 subsidium ⟦inter quos⟧ eos ⟦patres qui Societatis Ihesu dicuntur, quam velut praetoriam cohortem quibus⟧ m 102 sedes ⟦esse et⟧ adtribuit ⟦velut⟧, ⟦.⟧ m 103 ⟦esse⟧ castra esse m || esse: suprascr. m 105 vario⟦s Principatus⟧ m 106 atque arma: suprascr. m 96 ALBERTUS QUINTUS] Albert V (Munich, 29 February 1528 – 24 October 1579) continued his father’s policy to change the circumstances in his duchy: financial troubles, the moral decline of the clergy and the people, and a majority of the nobility that preferred Protestantism. With the help of the Jesuits he succeeded in stemming the tide of Protestantism, partly by reorganizing the educational system. Cf. Spindler, Handbuchder bayerischenGeschichte, 2, 336-350; NDB 1, 158-160. 100 frena … iniecit] Cf. Hor. C. 4, 15, 10. 103-104 Ingolstadii … Landispergae] Ingolstadt, Munich, and Landsberg am Lech, cf. L. Buzás – F. Junginger, BavariaLatina.LexiconderlateinischengeographischenNamen inBayern, Wiesbaden, 1971, 150, 162 and 284. In Munich the convent of the Augustinians became a Jesuit College in 1559 and a novitiate was opened in Landsberg am Lech in 1578, cf. Seifert, 127-128; Duhr, 1, 53-56, 183-184 en 530-532; J. Wild – A. Schwarz (ed.), DieJesuiteninBayern,1549-1773, Munich, 1991, 20, 36, 54. 105 varia … Principatus] Cf. the 2nd version, l. 28-34.

98

2061 - 96 02 15

civilia non incipiunt aut desinunt, sed sedent: illi, inquam, vicinus, favillas incendii etiam huius sensisti, sed mox restinxisti et Pallade ac Marte 110 ducibus arma e factiosorum aut seditiosorum omnium manibus excussisti. In eo motu erepta tibi etiam opida recepisti his aut si[mi]libus MACHINIS usus, quas imus tibi offertum. Vel hoc ipso no[min]e haud indecore tibi damus materiem, quae utinam numquam tibi sit usui, sed tamen fuit; et cum duplices infulae te velant pontificem ac principem, duplicia etiam 115 arma iure habeas et utare, togae militiaeque. Ergo tibi, SER[ENISSI]ME, his caussis hoc opus dono, me una dono: felix illud, si in manum; me, si in animum vel aliqua parte admittis. 111 recepisti ⟦. homines, subiecisti⟧ m 112 ⟦.⟧ indecore m 113 ⟦scientiam etiam⟧ materiem m 114 cum ⟦.⟧ ⟦….⟧ m || dupl⟦ex⟧lices m || principem, ⟦……⟧ m 115 ⟦sacrorum et togata⟧ togae m 116 dono ⟦quem⟧ m 109 incendii … huius] In Ernest’s territory the religious differences also led to armed conflicts, but he was successful in besting the Protestants. In the Cologne War (1583-1588), which also involved the control of Bonn, he called upon Bavarian and Spanish troops to fight Gebhard Truchsess von Waldburg. Cf. The New Cambridge Modern History, 3, 341-343; NDB 4, 614-615. See also ILE II, 84 03 12, 25-27.

2ndversion: da: Lipsius, Poliorcetica, Antwerp, 1596, f. *2-**3; db: Id., Antwerp, 1599, p. 3-10; dc: Id., Antwerp, 1605, p. 3-10.

Serenissimo Principi Ernesto Archiepiscopo et Electori Coloniensi, Episcopo et Principi Leodicensi, Monasteriensi, Hildesheimensi, Frisingensi; 1 Archiepiscopo … Coloniensi] After his marriage and conversion to Protestantism Gebhardt Truchsess von Waldburg, elector and archbishop of Cologne, was excommunicated on 1 April 1583. On 23 May the chapter of Cologne elected Ernest of Bavaria as his successor, cf. NDB 4, 614. See also ILE II, 84 03 12, 25. Ernest had already made a first attempt to occupy the archiepiscopal see when Salentin von Isenburg abdicated to marry in 1578, cf. Polain, ErnestdeBavière,39-40; NDB 4, 614. 1-2 Episcopo … Leodicensi] As a friend of Alexander Farnese, then governor of the Netherlands, Ernest of Bavaria was unanimously elected Prince Bishop of Liège on 29 January 1581. The viewpoint of the Jesuits was equally important: they considered

15 February 1596

99

Comiti Palatino utriusque Rheni, Duci utriusque Bavariae, Westfaliae, Angariae, Bullonii; Marchioni Francimontano; Comiti Lossensi, Longiensi, Hornensi, sed et alibi Principi aut Dynastae Iustus Lipsius libens 5 merito dedicat consecratque. Libens, inquam, merito hoc quidquid est operis, tibi, Serenissime Princeps, consecro et frontem eius splendore nominis tui illustro. Multa me impellunt: beneficia tua, dignitas et amplitudo, ipsum operis argumentum. Sane beneficia tua, imo et tuorum, expertus sum, ex quo pedem primum 10 intuli et posui in Eburonum vestro solo. Quidquid benigne dici fierique potest, a plerisque mihi dictum aut factum est, a te inprimis, tali Principe, qui ultro vocare, noscere, sed et adsciscere et proprium habere tibi honestissimo congiario voluisti. Neque ego nolui, fateor, sed patriae meae amor aut miseratio, tum et nova cum ea adstrictio velut tribunicia quadam 15 vi intercesserunt et abesse me a vobis adegerunt, etsi corpore, vix animo seiunctum. Quoties illo ad vos redeo? Quoties sermones et adfectus him a leader in the restoration of Catholicism in Germany. He could also count on the support of Philip II, who feared that the diocese may come under French influence, which would cut off communications with the Catholic part of Germany and facilitate the contacts between France, the Northern Low Countries and the German Protestants, cf. Polain, ErnestdeBavière,40-41; NDB 4, 614. 2 Monasteriensi] In 1585 he was enthroned bishop of Münster, cf. NDB 4, 615. 2 Hildesheimensi] On 17 March 1573 he became bishop of Hildesheim, cf. NDB 4, 614. 2 Frisingensi] Ernest was enthroned Bishop of Freisingen (Beieren) on 18 October 1566, when he was eleven years old, cf. NDB 4, 614. 3 Comiti … Rheni] Paltsgrave of the Rhine and prince elector, a dignity the dukes of Bavaria had acquired in 1214. 3 Duci … Hornensi] Ernest was Duke of both Upper and Lower Bavaria, Westphalia, Engeren, and Bouillon, and also Count of Looz, Horne, and Loigne. 4 Marchioni Francimontano] The marquisate of Franchimont included Spa, Sart, Jalhay, Theux, and Verviers. Ernest received and accommodated his visitors in the castle of Franchimont, now a ruin, near Theux. When Lipsius and the Papal Nuntio Innocentius Malvasia wanted to escape a raid of Dutch cavalrymen in July 1595, they fled to this castle, but it was closed, cf. P. den Dooven, Notice historique sur le château de Franchimont, Verviers, 1945, 22-27. 9 argumentum] On l. 94-96 Lipsius defines the contents of his Poliorcetica: Mechanica suntetPoliorceticaquaedamus,idestingeniaautinventaveterumadoppugnandumaut repugnandum. 10 expertus sum] Cf. ILE 96 02 15, 1st version, 10. 11-12 Quidquid … factum est] After Cat. 76, 7-8. 15 nova … adstrictio] Lipsius’s chair in Leuven. 17 redeo] Sc. to Spa.

100

20

25

30

35

2061 - 96 02 15

vestros ruminor? Tuam autem maxime incredibilem in illa altitudine comitatem, quam nuper etiam regustavi, cum a fontibus vestris (ad quos parum fausto pede ieram) reduci Bona Fortuna mihi copiam fecit vultus sermonisque tui videndi obiter et fruendi. Ista sunt, Serenissime, quae duros barbarosque animos ad se trahant et devinciant. Quid meum, quem cultura aliqua litterarum mitiorem fecit, et subegit? Ego vero addixi me et aeterno vinclo nexui; quod testari inscriptione ista placuit, non solvere aut laxare. Quod si haec privata non essent, dignitas tamen tua et gentis splendor hunc talem cultum cur non sibi vindicent, cum et tu inter sacri ordinis primos emineas atque adeo a summo illo capite, si potentiam et latitudinem imperandi spectem, proximum te dixerim aut secundum? Tua est Archiepiscopalis Ubiorum dignitas, tua Episcopalis Leodicensis, Hildesheimensis, Frisingensis, Monasteriensis et annexi istis tituli, Septemviralis imperii, Principatus, Ducatus, Comitatus aut Dynastiae. Atque haec pro virtute aut meritis in te congesta, tum etiam pro splendore inclytae et vetustissimae tuae gentis. Quae est in orbe Christiano, imo et extero, quae vobis vetustate et continuatis imperiis se praeferat? Nam illa, si assensum famae et traditionibus praebemus, ante Christi ortum orta est aut, si antiqua nimis et quae fidem tempori debent, seponimus, certis iam Annalium monumentis, ante Attilae tempora opibus et potentia

21-25 Ista … laxare: om. db, dc

19 nuper] In July 1595, during his sojourn in Spa. 20 parum fausto] Cf. on this subject ILE VIII, 95 07 04; ILE 96 08 01 M, 84-85. 25-26 dignitas … splendor] Lipsius had already written in a similar way to Petrus Oranus, cf. ILE VI, 93 12 25 H, 6-17. 31 Septemviralis] The college that had to elect the German king or the emperor consisted of seven German princes (electores): the archbishops of Mainz, Cologne and Trèves, and four secular members, the king of Bohemia, the paltsgrave of the Rhine (from 1623 onwards de duke of Bavaria), the duke of Saxony, and the margrave of Brandenburg, cf. LMA 5, 1581. 35 ante … orta] Liv. 5, 35 mentions that the Boii crossed the Alps and invaded the lands of the Etruscans and the Umbrians shortly after 400 B.C.; Bononia (Bologna) became their capital. In the third century B.C. they fought the Romans and were definitively defeated in the Battle of Modena (193 B.C.), cf. Liv. 31, 2 and 10; 32, 29-31. See also RE 3, 1, 630. 37 Annalium] I could not identify Lipsius’s source. 37 Attilae] Cf. ILE 96 02 15, 1st version, 51.

15 February 1596

101

floruisse comperiemus. Adalgerio Boiorum rex tunc legitur, qui cum Alemannis suis in Francos profectus praelio insigni ad Tolbiacum vicum interfuit atque adeo interiit. Ab hoc Theodo, qui magno Clodoveo belli 40 in Burgondiones itemque in Alaricum auxiliator et consors, iterumque Theodo alter, cui a rebus gestis cognomen Magni fuit, qui vindex propagatorque imperii, aquilis et gente Romanorum pulsis, fines suos Alpium iugis terminavit. Mox Theodovalda, vel hoc nomine memorandus, quod

38 Adalgerio] Cf. ILE 96 02 15, 1st version, 53, with the variant Adalagerio. Until they were subjected by the Franks (cf. infra, n. 39), part of the Alamanns were protected by the Ostrogoths. Cf. LMA 1, 264. 38 Boiorum] Cf. ILE 96 02 15, 1st version, n. 51. 39 Tolbiacum] By defeating the Alamanns in the Battle of Tolbiacum (now Zülpich) near Cologne in 496, Chlodovech ended their expansion towards the west and brought them under Frankish influence. Cf. LMA 1, 264. 40 Theodo] Duke Theodo, cf. ILE 96 02 15, 1st version, 54. The Baiuvarii, after being subjects of the Romans for some time, gained independency by the battle of Brixen in 512, cf. Spindler, Handbuch der bayerischen Geschichte, 1, 75. Their possible help to Chlodovech could not be traced. 40 Clodoveo] Chlodovech I (c. 466/467-511), king of the Franks, cf. ILE 96 02 15, 1st version, 54. 40-41 belli in Burgundiones] C. 500 Chlodovech clashed with the Burgundians, with whom Alaric II had formed an alliance. The Frankish king used the dissensions between the two Burgundian kings to extend his power in the Saône region, but had to give up his attempts as soon as the unity among the Burgundians was restored and made an agreement with this tribe. Cf. LMA 1, 271; 2, 1865-1866. 41 in Alaricum] Alaric II, king of the Visigoths (485-507), was no match for Chlodovech. In 486 he already had to yield to the Frankish king and deliver him Syagrius, the last Roman proconsul in Gaul, who fled to Alaric’s protection after the Battle of Soissons. In 511 Alaric himself was crushed near Poitiers and his territory passed under Chlodovech’s dominion, cf. LMA 1, 271. 42 Theodo alter] Theodoric the Great, cf. ILE 96 02 15, 1st version, 54. 42 vindex] He maintained good contacts with the Byzantine Emperor Zeno, who let him conquer Italy for him. In 489 he invaded Italy and repeatedly defeated Odoacer, who withdraw to Ravenna until famine finally forced him to surrender. Theodoric the Great acknowledged the emperor as his sovereign, but was granted the title King of Italy. His realm ultimately included Italy and Sicily, Dalmatia, part of Pannonia, Inner Noricum, and Raetia. Theodoric organized his reign after the model of the Roman Empire. He respected the Roman way of life, both in public and in private, and he even wore a toga. Cf. RE 175, 1895; LMA 8, 621-623. 43 aquilis … pulsis] The German Odoacer had caused the fall of the western Roman empire in 476, cf. LMA 6, 1361. 44 Theodovalda] Cf. ILE 96 02 15, 1st version, 56.

102

2061 - 96 02 15

primus salutari aqua et fide nostra tinctus religionem in fines vestros intulit atque arma deinde movens in impios, Hunnos dico atque Abares, primum victus eos vicit; tum et a Narsete vocatus in Italiam partem eius subegit atque adeo rex etiam audiit Italorum. Quid alios commemorare opus Tassilones, Utilones, Garibaldos et tot illustria nomina? A re mea et 50 decoro etiam abeam, si stemma tuum totum replicem, cui vel hoc ad gloriam satis sit originis rivos communes habere cum fonte Carolino, id 45

45 primus] It was not Theodobald I who introduced Christianity in Bavaria: there are traces of Christian influence via merchants, public servants, and soldiers already in Roman times. After being officially tolerated in the fourth century the divulgation of Christendom was connected with the development of its ecclesiastical organisation. This administration collapsed with the fall of the western Empire, but the German rulers did not persecute the Christians; some of them were even converted. Cf. Spindler, Handbuch derbayerischenGeschichte, 1, 140-142. 46 Hunnos] The role of the Huns in the history of Western Europe ended with the death of Attila’s son, Dengitzik, in 469. Gradually the western Huns mixed with other tribes, cf. LMA 5, 223. 46 Abares] While the Bavarians expanded their dominion towards the south near the end of the sixth century, they were involved in fierce battles with the Avars and the Slavs in the east, cf. LMA 1, 1283-1284; Spindler, HandbuchderbayerischenGeschichte, 1, 11. 47 Narsete] Emperor Justinian I caused the rift of the alliance between the Franks and the Longobards and ordered his general, Narses, to march into Italy in 552. The Franks blockaded the route towards Verona, but avoided combat. Theodobald I, Frankish king from 548 to 555, allied with a duke from the Alamanns who were marshing towards Italy but their army was defeated by Narses in 554. Cf. LMA 6, 1029; 8, 689; RE Suppl. 12, 870-889. In the winter of 554-555 Narses met Theodobald I, who had offered his offices to the emperor, in Ariminum (Italy), cf. RE Suppl. 12, 882. 49 Tassilones … Garibaldos] These dukes descended from the Agilolfinges, the oldest ruling family of Bavaria (sixth-eighth century): Tassilo I, II and III, Otilo, and Garibald I and II. They had settled with their tribe in Bavaria in the sixth century. Their origin is obscure: natives, Frankish, Burgundian or coming from Thüringen. Charlemagne ended their independency and annexed their territory in 794, cf. LMA 1, 94-95. 51 rivos communes] Until the eighteenth century some dukes of Bavaria, scions of the House of Wittelsbach (tenth-eleventh century), were believed to have descended from the Carolingians. This claim was proved with a false genealogy, composed by a monk from the monastery of Scheyern, to give added lustre to the Wittelsbachs. Duke Maximilian I, who succeeded his father William as Duke of Bavaria on 4 February 1598, even required Marcus Welser to give a detailed description of his lineage in his RerumBoicarumLibri, Augsburg, 1602. Cf. P. Fried, Die Herkunft der Wittelsbacher, in: H. Glaser (ed.), Die ZeitderfrühenHerzöge.VonOttoI.zuLudwigdemBayern.BeiträgezurBayerischen GeschichteundKunst1180-1350, Munich-Zürich, 1980, 29; CenturiaeLatinae 2, 832.

15 February 1596

103

est cum Pipinis et Martellis, atque illis heroibus qui leges, reges et imperatores dederunt in plerumque Christianum orbem. Ipsis adeo vobis imperatorem proprie et in scaturigine vestra video Ludovicum Bavarum, virum undique summum, fatente invidia, si tamen principem illum sacrorum 55 in animum induxisset paullo magis aut vereri aut certe revereri. Sed cum sola ea exceptione laudetur, et iam sine ulla eius pater Ludovicus Severus, septemvir imperii, cui duo peculiaria et rara ad laudem sunt: prius, quod in ea dignitate probitas et sapientia eius pariter sic enituit ut in caligine summa temporum et desperatione Germaniae solus a collegis, solus 60 inquam, ius acceperit legendi imperatoris et per eum res labentes aut lapsas restituendi. Fecit, prudentius nescio an felicius: cum eius voce ac renunciatione Rudolphus primus ex Habspurgensi comite sceptra imperii suscepit et fataliter deinde ad posteros transmisit. Alterum, quod eadem providentia rebus suis et genti privatim decus intulit, ducta in uxorem 65

52 Pipinis … Martellis] Cf. ILE 96 02 15, 1st version, 58-59. 54 Ludovicum Bavarum] Cf. ibid., 69-70. 55-56 principem … revereri] After the death of Emperor Henry VII (24 August 1313) part of the nobility supported Louis the Bavarian as King of the Romans, whereas others supported his Habsburg cousin, Frederick I the Fair. After a contest that lasted many years, Louis IV of Bavaria finally acquired the throne in 1325. Pope John XXII, however, had used the conflict to turn the political relations in Italy into his advantage. Louis’s royal claims were not approved by the pope; conversely, the Bavarian supported one of the pope’s opponents, Galeazzo I Visconti of Milan. Siding with him was a sufficient argument for the pope to excommunicate Louis in 1324, all the more since he occupied the royal throne without the papal fiat, ergo unlawful, at least in the pope’s eyes. Hereupon Louis questioned the good faith of the pope and, in consequence, his position. Apprehensive of the consequences of this accusation, John XXII preferred not to react. During the following years, Louis IV strengthened his position; he travelled to Italy and had himself crowned by representatives of the city of Rome on 17 January 1328. A few months later he deposed the pope and had the citizens of Rome elect Pietro Rainalducci as Antipope Nicholas V. For several reasons, among them a hasty retreat because of an outbreak of the plague, his military power in Italia weakened and he returned to Bavaria, where in the meantime opposition against him was rising. Louis vainly tried to be reconciled with Pope John XXII, but after the latter’s death († 1334) he came to terms with his successor, Benedict XII: in exchange for the abolition of his ban he accepted the approval of the pope as an essential condition to the throne. Cf. NDB 15, 334-340; A. Schütz, DerKampf Ludwigs des Bayern gegen Papst Johannes XXII. und die Rolle der Gelehrten am MünchnerHof, in: H. Glaser (ed.), DieZeitderfrühenHerzöge, 388-397. 57 Ludovicus Severus] Cf. ILE 96 02 15, 1st version, 61. 61 legendi imperatoris] Cf. ibid., 63. 63 Rudolphus] Cf. ibid., 64.

104

70

75

80

85

90

2061 - 96 02 15

Machthilde eiusdem Rudolphi filia, e qua mixtione et velut insitione vos istae stirpes fruticatis. Ecce antiquitatem, ecce potentiam: quid prudentiam et virtutes? Utraque eximia. Ut in paucis exemplis doceam, Ludovicum cognomine Divitem quam vere divitem atque uberem earum esse oportuit, cuius aula velut ara fuit, ad quam e Germania undique confluerent et lites, imo bella, voce ab oraculo illo edita, sedarent? Res ita est: solo interventu suo (mira nec nisi a magnis meritis auctoritas) principum ac dynastarum iurgia composuit et strictos iam gladios inhibuit ac repressit. Georgium item Divitem studiis ac sacris operatum addo, qui utrorumque amore et honore Musaeum illud publicum exstruxit quod hodieque Ingolstadii floret, et vectigali ac pecunia annua instruxit. Albertum Tertium non commemorem? Res iubet et vetat quae sic rara, sic magna ut fidem invenire vix possit, etsi narranda ex fide. Ille virtutibus domi et foris ita claruit ut Bohaemi rege destituti ad eum miserint ipsumque vocaverint: vocaverint, sed non impetraverint (quis mihi credet?), cum regno et sceptro omni praeponeret modestiam et quietem. O titulum novum pulchrumque in vestra imagine! Et mihi certe super omnes regum aut imperatorum. Adeste, ambitiosi, videte. En hic qui regnum oblatum alta sapientia spernit et reicit, quod vos per preces, fraudes, enses impetratum itis aut ereptum. Nec vero Albertum Quintum patrem tuum sileam: heroem, qui nisi in turbida haec tempora divinitus datus fuisset, religio aut imperium in Germania vix esset. Ille furentibus se opposuit, frena licentiae dedit: lingua, mente, gladio, cum opus fuit, pugnavit. Et vocavit in subsidium aut excitavit praestantissimos undique viros; in his patres Societatis Ihesu, quos ille velut praetorias quasdam cohortes contra haereses in finibus suis disposuit et collocavit. Dignus patre, et aemulus superest, dux Guilielmus tuus frater; ipse tu. Qui primum hoc semper in imperiis habuisti, fulcrum imperiorum servare religionem et pietatem. Ista sunt in dignitate tua et gentis splendore quae

65 Machthilde] Cf. ibid., 69. 68-69 Ludovicum … Divitem] Cf. ibid., 75. 73-74 Georgium Divitem] Cf. ibid., 78-79. 75 Ingolstadii] Cf. ibid., 80-81; 103-104. 76 Albertum Tertium] Cf. ibid., 81-82. 85 Albertum Quintum] Cf. ibid., 96. 87 frena … dedit] Vgl. frenalicentiaeiniecit (Hor. C. 4, 15, 10), quoted in ibid., 100. 89 Societatis Ihesu] Cf. ibid., 103-104. 91 Guilielmus] William V the Pious, duke of Bavaria (1579-1597), cf. Spindler, Handbuch derbayerischenGeschichte, 3, 1395; ILE XIV, 01 07 31, 63.

105

18 February 1596

me incitarunt, sed et operis, ut dixi, argumentum. Quale id est? Mechanica sunt et Poliorcetica quae damus, id est ingenia aut inventa veterum ad oppugnandum aut repugnandum. Dupliciter tibi conveniunt: sive quia delectaris, ductu aetherii tui ingenii, acrioribus istis et subtilioribus, sive quia tali principi et tam late imperanti opus scire haec quoque arma aut tela vel ad tuendum vel ad vindicandum. Utrumque enim in duplici hac purpura usu tibi venit, fortasse et veniet, ut conditio temporum et situs regionum tuarum est, quae iunctae aut adsitae ad nostram Belgicam ex grandi et diuturno eius incendio alibi ignescunt aut scintillant. Et quanquam fateor pleraque ex istis abolita iam aut desita unico invento fulmineae nostrae bombardae (lombardam Annales superiores dicunt), tamen et quaedam usum etiam nunc habent aut habere certe possunt, si quis rimabitur, et illum sine controversia fructum donant, intellegere res antiquas. Qui mihi maxime in oculis, professione, instituto, sed et recenti a regia benignitate titulo, facto ad Historias veteres novasque illustrandas aut scribendas. Caussas, Serenissime, habes consecrati operis. Quod ipsum et me una nunc dono: felix illud, si in manum, et me, si in animum parte aliqua admittis. Lovanii, XVI. Kal[endas] Mart[ias] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 103 bombardae] In DemilitiaRomana, V, 20 Lipsius compares the bombarda (one of the earliest types of cannons, firing stone cannon-balls) with the sling, which is its match in power and efficacy. 107-108 titulo] Lipsius’s appointment as royal historiographer, cf. ILE 96 01 02 S, 11.

2062

96 02 18

Lipsius (Leuven) to Andreas Schott (Rome) 18 February 1596

A busy time kept Lipsius from writing sooner. Schott’s brother gave him the annotations to Seneca Rhetor, a testimony to his friend’s ingenuity and thoroughness. Yet Schott should take into account that part of his remarks can be found already in the edition of Nicolaus Faber and should make changes to his manuscript to avoid criticism. Lipsius’s

95

100

105

110

106

2062 - 96 02 18

De militia has come from the press, although not without mistakes. Presently, he has completed the Poliorcetica and is preparing other publications, although his appointment as historiographus regius may impose new obligations. Clavius’s Castigatio is a very erudite work: if only Scaliger had steered clear of this field! It may have been better if he had not come to the Northern Provinces; yet, he is granted 2,000 florins a year for being at leisure and keeping his mouth shut. When will Schott return home? On Andreas Schott, cf. ILE I, 78 09 03; LipsiusenzijnEuropesenetwerk, 35-44. In July 1594, Claudio Acquaviva, general of the Jesuit order, had granted Schott permission to leave Spain and return to his native country. However, upon his arrival in Italy, he was asked to succeed Francesco Benci at the Collegium Romanum, where he lectured from October 1594 to January 1597. Cf. ILE VII, 94 08 31, 3-5; Fabri, UnamideJusteLipse, 190-199. The Corrigendaetaddenda to GVi propose to change ILE 96 02 18 into ILE 97 02 18, although there is no reason to doubt the date of clb. The occurence of this letter in ms. Lips. 3(17) and 3(18) already point to 1596. Moreover, all the issues discussed by Lipsius confirm that it was indeed written in 1596. Firstly the fact that he has finally received Schott’s annotations to Seneca (l. 4): he had inquired about them in ILE VIII, 95 10 24 S, 18-21 and according to ILE 96 07 21 S, 2 he had read the whole manuscript. Secondly, the reference to De militia (l. 12), which appeared in the summer of 1595 and the completion of the Poliorcetica (l. 14), the first copies of which were sent in August 1596. Finally there are the references to Lipsius’s recently acquired title of royal historiographer (l. 15-16) and to Clavius’s Castigatio(l. 17). Slips of c. 9 cm in ms. Lips. 3(17) f. 22bis and f. 21 each contain a part of this letter. The fragment on f. 21, neglected by GVi, is the continuation of f. 22bis v, hence the modern foliation of ms. Lips. 3(17) should be adjusted. On f. 21 the closing formula has disappeared, together with the opening lines of ILE 96 03 02 H on its verso side. This may have been caused when the secretarial copy of ILE 96 02 19 M was removed for publication in the CenturiaadItalosetHispanos. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 22bis,v + f. 21, no. 56 (fragm.); clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 27-27v, no. 68.

I[ustus] Lipsius And[reae] Schotto suo S[alutem] D[icit]. Iam diu destino ad te scribere et nescio quid aliud ex alio impedit, maxime quod absentes fuerimus et cum Bruxella, tum etiam Antverpia tua me vidit.

1 Romae: man.alt.add.in clb 3 Bruxella] Cf. ILE 96 01 10 B, 31-33. 3 Antverpia] Cf. ILE 96 01 02 C, 10-11; 96 02 06, 14. The latter was sent from Antwerp.

18 February 1596

107

In hac fratrem tuum conveni et ab eo denique tua in Senecam patrem accepi, quae apud me nunc habeo et lustro. Bona, fateor, industriae et ingenii 5 plenissima, sed multa tamen iam praetexta a Nic[olao] Fabro, qui ante annos aliquot sua in Senecam istum dedit. Tua tamen perire omnino 4 fratrem] Sc. Jacobus Schott, cf. ILE VI, 93 11 05 S, 4. According to ILE VIII, 95 08 19, 13-21 Jacobus had informed his brother that his missing manuscript of Seneca was on its way to Antwerp. 4 Senecam patrem] According to ILE VIII, 95 10 24 S, 18-21, Lipsius’s answer to the aforementioned letter, Schott’s annotations to Seneca Rhetor had arrived in Antwerp, but Lipsius preferred to fetch them himself, rather than having them forwarded. L. Håkanson, one of the modern editors of this author, praises Schott’s edition (Leipzig, 1989, XVI): ClauditveterumeditionumagmenAndreaeSchottieditio,quaeprimumEdelbergaeanno 1604impressadeindeinannis1604-1831nonminusquam34iesinvariisurbibusedita est. See also ILE 96 07 21 S, 2-5; 96 09 23, 20-27. In fact, the first edition (Heidelberg: Commelinus) is dated 1603. 6 Fabro] Sc. Nicolas le Fèvre de la Boderie (1544-1612), cf. NBG 30, 342. The editio princeps of his annotations appeared in Paris in January 1587 as an appendix of his reissue of the edition of both Senecas by Marcus Antonius Muretus. Most copies mention Plantin’s son-in-law, Gilles Beys, as its printer, others have Jacques Dupuys. Still that same year another edition came from Sebastianus Nivellius’s press, also in Paris. Both were reprinted about seven times. Faber’s commentary was also added to the many reprints of Andreas Schott’s edition of Seneca. According to Håkanson, ibid., Faber’s principal merit is to have made the distinction between the oeuvre of father and son, cf. Van der Poel, Dedeclamatio bijdehumanisten,276-277; H. Vervliet, DegedrukteoverleveringvanSenecaRetor, in: DeGuldenPasser, 35 (1957), 187; 202. Lipsius had received a copy published by Beys, in which he scribbled some annotations of his own, cf. ILE III, 87 12 31 and his library catalogue, Leiden, ms. Lips. 59, f. 2v, book 17. He had already informed Schott about Faber’s commentary, which he had praised in ILE VIII, 95 10 24 S. Cf. also ILE 96 03 10 P, 26-29, 97 08 05 C. 7 Tua] Schott had finished his edition of the elder Seneca before Faber, but submitted his manuscript for approval to Jacobus Dalechampius in Lyons. Unfortunately, the French scholar died before he had seen it and it was sent to his heir, together with a codex belonging to Antonio de Covarrubias (referred to by Schott as Toletanus, the present ms. Bruxellensis2025). It took great efforts before both manuscripts were finally rediscovered with the heir in Rouen in 1595. Cf. ILE V, 92 08 27 S, 33-47; VI, 93 03 03, 53-54; VIII, 95 05 01 S, 22-24; J. Fabri, L’odysséedumanuscrit“Bruxellensis2025”desœuvresde Sénèque le Rhéteur, in: Belgisch Tijdschrift voor Filologie en Geschiedenis, 44 (1966), 901; 910-911. Schott’s sojourn in Rome offered him the opportunity to collate other manuscripts, in particular Vaticanuslatinus3872. Schott had suggested that Lipsius put the final touches on the edition, because he himself could not spare the time to revise the manuscript all over again, cf. ILE VIII, 95 08 19, 22-27. Schott finally had his Seneca Rethor published with Commelinus in Heidelberg (1603) and dedicated the work to Lipsius (cf. ILE 03 00 00 A, written before 29 August). On this edition, cf. G. Tournoy, in: LipsiusenzijnEuropesenetwerk, 39-41.

108

2062 - 96 02 18

dissuadeam nec e re sit litteraria. Refingenda tamen mihi viderentur, nisi forte satis excuset absentia tua et peregrinationes et candor etiam notus 10 liberet a calumnia et suspicione. Nam aevi nostri τὸκακόηθες nosti et quam pronae omnium linguae, sed et stili sint in similes criminationes. Atqui duremus, quod virorum fortium est, et spernamus. Militia mea prodiit, sed alibi corrigenda. In absentia mea haec edita sunt, sed et inter occupatiunculas, quae supra tuam fidem intercurrunt. Nunc Πολιορτικῶν totidem 15 atteximus et alia parabamus, sed vereor ut advocet munus a Rege nuper

11 ⟦at⟧ in similes cla

12 dur⟦a⟧emus cla

9 absentia] Schott had left the Spanish Netherlands in 1576 and stayed in France (Douai, Paris), Spain (Toledo, Salamanca, Saragossa, Tarragona, Valencia, Gandia) and Italy (Rome) before finally returning in 1597, cf. BN 22, 2-9; Fabri, UnamideJusteLipse, 198-199. 9 notus] Meanwhile, he had earned a reputation thanks to editions of Cornelius Nepos (1577), Sextus Aurelius Victor (1579), and Pomponius Mela (1582). Cf. BN 22, 2-4; Fabri, UnamideJusteLipse, 190-191. 10 aevi … κακόηθες] Perhaps a veiled allusion to the accusations that Lipsius had published emendations from Muretus and Chiffletius as his own in his annotated editions of Tacitus, cf. ILE I, 76 04 01 and VIII, 95 01 17 C. Yet, cf. also Ruysschaert, Leséjour de Juste Lipse à Rome, 156-162; Id., Juste Lipse et les Annales de Tacite, 144-147; IJsewijn, Marcantonio Mureto, 75-77, where this matter is put in perspective. In his Agonisticon (Lyons, 1592) Petrus Faber had blamed Lipsius in a similar way of borrowing too freely from the second book of his Semestriumlibriwhen writing the Saturnalia, cf. ILE V, 92 00 00 D4, 7-10. 12 Militia] Sc. Lipsius’s DemilitiaRomana, Antwerp, 1595, cf. BBr 3, 1002; Lipsiusen Leuven, 98-103, no. 24; LipsiusenhetPlantijnseHuis, 176-178, nos 40-41. 13 corrigenda] As usual, his publications had hardly appeared when the perfectionist Lipsius discovered all kinds of shortcomings (surely an exaggeration) and immediately reached for his quill to prepare a revised edition, to be published as soon as Moretus’s stocks were depleted. In this case the blame was put on his many obligations, which prevented him from following the printing proces from nearby. In the reissue of 1598 Lipsius indeed made several changes in Demilitia, cf. BBr 3, 1004. 13 edita] The final details of the work had been discussed with Moretus in the second half of May 1594 and in July 1594 it was ready for the press. It was available from midJune 1595 onwards, cf. ILE VII, 94 03 15 O, 7-8; 94 06 21 OU, 17; VIII, 95 06 20 A1, 3-4; LipsiusenLeuven, 101, no. 24. 13 occupatiunculas] Diminutive of occupatio, not attested in classical Latin, but often occurring in Lipsius’s letters. See also Hoven – Grailet, Lexique de la prose latine de laRenaissance, 367. 15 alia] Probably a reference to Detriumphis, about the triumphal processions rewarding successful campaigns, announced in the preface of Demilitiaas its third part, after the

109

18 February 1596

impositum historiae scribendae. Titulum enim hunc cum pensione annua mihi dedit. P[atris] Clavii Castigationem vidimus, modestam, doctam et illo dignam! Bos lassus fortius figit pedem. Sane vellem et mecum ipsae Musae, Scaliger in aliis illis mansisset, huc se non dedisset. Sed et ad Batavos ne pedem tulisset, item vellem, ubi nunc ille est in otio et silentio atque 20 utriusque pretium fert annua duo millia florenorum. Vide magnitudinem animi in plebecula. Sed tu ecquando ad nos? Nostri hic putabant et utinam vellent ii quibus pares! Sed fiat quod Deo et illis visum; nos tamen absentem amabimus et per litterarum hanc communionem fruemur interdum. Lovanii 25 XIII Kal[endas] Mart[ias] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 16-25 hunc … ∞.IƆ.XCVI: desuntin cla

19 aliis ⟦istis⟧ illis clb

Poliorcetica. The project was never realised, but a draft of a few chapters is preserved in Leiden, Univ. Lib., ms. Lips. 10, f. 53-56. Cf. De Landtsheer, JustusLipsius’sDemilitia Romana, 105-106. 16 Titulum] Lipsius’s appointment as Philip II’s historiographer, cf. ILE 96 01 02 S, 11. 17 Clavii] Christophorus Clavius, S.J. (Christoph Klau; Bamberg, 1538 – Rome, 6 February 1612) held the chair of Mathematics at the CollegiumRomanum for fourteen years. Gregory XIII asked him to collaborate on the reform of the Julian calendar and to defend the results against the attacks of the Protestants. Hence Clavius was drawn into a polemic with Josephus Justus Scaliger, who published his objections, Elenchus et castigatiocalendariiGregoriani, with Raphelengius in Leiden (1595). Clavius retorted instantly and had his Iosephi Scaligeri elenchus et castigatio calendarii Gregoriani a Christophoro Clavio castigata, (Rome, 1595) available at the autumn book fair of that year. Cf. DBS 2, 1212-1224; 11, 1653-1654; R. Smitskamp, The Scaliger Collection, Leiden, 1993, 117 and 126. Their quarrel is discussed in ILE VIII, 95 02 08, R and Grafton, JosephScaliger, 2, 399-400; CJJS 2, 1595 12 13 (a), 8-14 and 1596 03 24, 9-13. In ILE VIII, 95 08 19, 4-6 Schott assured Lipsius that he would soon have a copy and indeed, it was given to him upon Johannes Moretus Jr’s return from the autumn book fair in Frankfurt (cf. GVd, 33, p. 281, dated on 25 October). 18 Bos … pedem] Cf. Hier. Ep. 6, 2; Erasmus, Adagia, 1, 1, 47; Otto, Sprichwörter, 58, no. 265. 21 pretium] On 11 October 1593 the Leiden University Board granted Scaliger an annual income of 1,200 florins from August 1593 on (he had arrived on 26 August 1593). It made him the best paid professor of Leiden. According to the diary of secretary Jan van Hout, Scaliger was finally given 1,350 florins. Moreover, the States of Holland added an extra 800 florins. Cf. Witkam, Dagelijksezaken, 5, 55, nr. 1426d. On his request, he was granted an extra 200 florins to meet his rent on 14 September 1595, cf. Molhuysen, Bronnen, 1, 77. 22 ad nos] Schott left Italy in January 1597 and arrived in Antwerp in June 1597, whereupon Lipsius urged him to visit him in Leuven, cf. ILE 97 06 28 S.

110

2063 - 96 02 19 B

2063 96 02 19 B

Lipsius (Leuven) to Nicolas vanden Brande [Brussels] 19 February 1596

Lipsius is delighted by his friendship with Vanden Brande. He did not meet him in Brussels since he was only passing trough, on his way to Antwerp. As historiographus regius Lipsius will be expected to focus on other subjects than he had planned. Nonetheless he is apprehensive to write about contemporary events. Will it be possible to breach the siege of La Fère? King Henry IV is usually frustrated in such military matters. Greetings to Philip Praet. Lipsius adds a copy of the reissued Politica; the part with the Notae is extended and dedicated to Johannes Saracenus. On Nicolas vanden Brande, cf. ILE VI, 93 09 01 B, where the reference must be corrected in De Ryckman de Betz – de Jonghe d’Ardoye, 3, 673-674. In fact, ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 22bis is an unfoliated slip of paper. The preserved fragments indicate that the upper part of this folio, with letter no. 54, was removed. Hence the second part of ILE 96 02 19 B on its verso side has disappeared as well. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 22bis, no. 55 (fragm.); clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 37-37v, no. 90.

Nic[olao] Brandio Consil[iario]. V[ir] Cl[arissime], Vide affectum meum mirum: querela tua grata fuit et ipsum illud dolere iucundum. Hoc pro amico? inquies. Pro amicissimo, quia enim valde cupio 5 a te amari; pergratum mihi fuit te quoque velle undique sic et solide a me amari. Non enim faceres, nisi amares. Sed ad querelam. Noli interpretari affectus imminutionem, si obiter te non vidi, cum neminem ex amicis alium. Et transitus mihi tunc Bruxella vestra fuit, non statio; transitus dico ad res et amicos Antverpienses, id est signaculo officii ac muneris, quod 1 Nic[olao] … Consil[iario]: add. claλ; clb desuntin cla

4 cupio valde clb

8-26 tunc … excessu:

3 querela tua] In an unpreserved letter, Vanden Brande must have complained that Lipsius had been in Brussels without visiting him. 9 res] On the edition of his Poliorcetica, cf. ILE 96 01 02 C, 8. 9 ad … Antverpienses] ILE 96 02 06 was written from Antwerp (cf. also ibid., 14-15). The journey is also referred to in ILE 96 03 16 S2, 11-12.

19 February 1596

111

Rex benigne mihi dedit. Quo vocer, vides. Itaque omittendae vereor scriptiones aliae quas in manibus aut mente iam habebam. Tamen recentia ista et cruda, ut sic dicam, vulnera tractare scis anceps opus esse et periculosae, ut ille ait, plenumaleae, nisi quod prudentia admoderari licet, atque etiam incipere a paullo ulterioribus, ut mihi nunc videbatur. Sed deliberabimus et vos quoque amicos libenter audiemus. Fera obsidione quid fiat velim scire. Liberatum nostri eunt? An non egeat etiam auxilio? Ille Rex, ut mihi adhuc videtur, parum felix in eiusmodi conatibus est et temere illigat se ac frangit. Etiam capta Fera vix esset tanti. Etsi hoc nolim, vel auctoritatis nostrae caussa, vel quia limes et aditus ille est ad regni interiora. Brevi audiemus et spero solita, ut illi vapulent, nos vincamus. Vale, V[ir] Cl[arissime], et vicinum tuum D[ominum] Praetyium Secretarium a me saluta. Lovanii XII Kal[endas] Mart[ias] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. Exemplar Politicorum recusorum mitto. Notae sunt auctae et inscriptae Abbati Vedastino. In cuius laudes fortasse uberior sum (alias non soleo), sed impulit me benificentia, qua ille unus inter proceres Belgas in me est usus. Benigne gratum me fateor et peccare hic non abnuam vel in excessu.

13 plenum: e plenam correxi 13 admoderari ⟦solet⟧ clb 23 Politicorum ⟦meorum⟧ ⟦recr⟧ clb

17 eius⟦ce⟧modi clb

13 periculosae…aleae] Cf. Hor. C. 2, 1, 6. Horace addresses here Gaius Asinius Pollio (76 B.C. – A.D. 5), author of a (lost) history of the civil wars in Rome from 60 B.C. onwards. Treating such a subject is called periculosaeplenumopusaleae. 18 Fera] The siege of La Fère, cf. ILE 96 01 02 C, 15. 21 Praetyium] Philip Prats (Praet; † Brussels, 1635), secretary to the Private Council from 1585 onwards, cf. BN 18, 202-203; De Schepper, 342-346. On 22 June 1577 he obtained his doctor’s degree in both laws at Bologna University, cf. M. T. Guerrini, ‘Quivoluerit iniurepromoveri…’.IdottoriindirittonelloStudiodiBologna(1501-1796), Bologna, 2005, 283. 23 Politicorum recusorum] Cf. ILE 96 02 12, 2. 24 Abati Vedastino] On Johannes Saracenus (Jean Sarazin), abbot of St Vaast, cf. ILE VI, 93 04 30, 3. See also D’Angest, NoticegénéalogiqueethistoriquesurlafamilleSarrazin, Ghent, 1891, 10-17. The dedicatory letter of the Notae is edited as ILE VIII, 95 12 26 S. 25 benificentia] In this letter Lipsius mentions beneficiaaquadriennioiaminmesumma, qui advenientem in amicitiam tuam admisisti aut potius advocasti, fontem benignitatis tuaeultroreserasti (l. 8-10). In April 1593 Johannes Walterus Viringus had pointed out Saracenus’s fascination with Lipsius’s Politica, cf. ILE VI, 93 04 30, 1-9. Hence, Lipsius sent him a copy of his DeCruce (cf. its covering letter, ILE VII, 94 02 02 S); Saracenus expressed his appreciation by sending twenty crowns (ILE VII, 94 02 21, 14-17); a few months later he sent a generous contribution for the refurbishing of Lipsius’s house (ILE VII, 94 07 20 SA, 12-27).

10

15

20

25

112

2064 - 96 02 19 H

2064

96 02 19 H

Lipsius (Leuven) to Otho Hartius [Brussels] 19 February 1596

Thanks for the board and lodgings for his son. Yet, such a prompt payment was not needed and the sum was too high: Lipsius is aware of how much he is indebted to Hartius. He does not expect that King Philip will raise his annuity; it suffices that the payment is made regularly. Once he has finished his present project, he wants to perform his task; the history of France and England offer enough material. If only he could limit himself here, without having to expound on the strife within the Netherlands! In that case he will listen to the advice of his friends and of Richardot. Lipsius adds a bound copy of his Politica for the latter. It contains a clear statement that he does not aspire to a public function: he wants to live in tranquillity and write his books for the good of youth and posterity. On Otho Hartius, cf. ILE II, 84 02 11. cl: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 36v-37, no. 89.

Hartio. V[ir] Cl[arissime], A filio tuo reduce accepi novendecim aureos Philippeos in partem annui sumptus. Qua tamen celeri missione opus non erat, sed nec praefari te de

3 filio] In August 1595 Antonius Hartius had become one of Lipsius’s contubernales and occasionally acted as his secretary, cf. ILE VIII, 95 04 24 H, 16-18; 95 08 11 H2, 11-13. See also ILE 96 08 01 H, 14-15; 96 08 21 HA, 20-22. In June 1597 he returned home, pondering whether to continue his studies or to set out on a peregrinatioacademica. He finally returned to Leuven, without staying at Lipsius’s, cf. ILE 97 06 03 H and ILE XIII, 00 01 02 H. See also Peeters, Lecontubernium deJusteLipse, 144, 155, 163. 3 accepi] Sc. part of the annual cost for board and lodgings; in August, Lipsius was paid again and received 50 florins, cf. ILE 96 08 21 HA, 21. 3 Philippeos] The golden Philip guilder with a effigy of King Philip II and equalling 20 stuyvers, was no longer minted by the end of the sixteenth century, but was still used as a unit of account, cf. C. Du Fresne du Cange, 6, 304; Gloss.iur.Brab., 3, 1910; J. de Vries – A. van der Woude, Nederland 1500-1815. De eerste ronde van moderne economische groei, Amsterdam, 1995, 107. For a survey of the coins during Philip’s reign, see H. E. Van Gelder – M. Hoc, Les monnaies des Pays-Bas bourguignons et espagnols, 1434-1713. Répertoiregénéral, Amsterdam, 1960, 97-145.

113

19 February 1596

summa solutione quam prorsus a te, mi Harti, nolo et merito nolo. Scio 5 quid tibi debeam, et affectus atque officia tua iamdiu me fecere tuum. Itaque nihilo plus te volo dependere quam quantum in co[mmun]i domo datur; imo minus etiam, cum res meae erunt et lautiores paullo et stabiliores. Ex Hispania spem vidimus, sed infirmam, et puto nihil fore praeter id quod est factum. Nec (bona fide) ultra peto nisi uti solutio fida 10 mihi sit et certa. Absolutis his quae nunc in manibus, ad ea ibimus quo nos vocant. Gallia fortassis et Anglia materiam affatim dabunt. Atque utinam externa ista tractare liceat t[antu]m et non incedere per civiles istos ignes suppositoscineridoloso, ut canit poeta. Videbo et consiliis vestris utar et D[omini] Praesidis Richardoti, quem amicum mihi habeo, cui 15 exemplar dabis hoc Politicorum quod iussimus ligari. Vel in eo nota animi mei interioris et signaculum quam non ambiamus ad aulam, cui profecto

14 ⟦s⟧cineri clb man.alt.

16 Vel in eo: pagina 76 et 77 add.cl

5 nolo] In ILE VIII, 95 08 11 H2, 13-15, Lipsius mentions that Hartius pays board for his son Antonius, although he does not consider him an ordinary contubernalis because of the close relation with his father. 6 debeam] Hartius, who was a lawyer and a friend of years, looked after Lipsius’s practical interests, as the latter explained in a letter to Petrus Oranus, cf. ILE VIII, 95 08 11 H2, 14-15. See also ILE VIII, 95 04 24 H, 6-8. He defended Lipsius’s financial interests with the States of Brabant, cf. ILE VII, 94 12 06. 9 spem] Lipsius may allude to Philip II’s letter to Archduke Albert of 25 January 1596. Because of the dedication of Demilitia to the crown prince, the future Philip III, the king showed extra courtesy towards Lipsius: …mesmesqueplusieuressienslivresimprimez endonnentampletesmoignage,signamentledernierparluycomposédeMilitiaRomana quiladédiéetenvoyéamontrescherettresaimébonfilzlePrince:m’adonnébonne occasiondevousrecommanderleditLipsiusetdirequetiendraypouragreablequede sapersonnesoitfaictlecomptequeméritentlesbonnespartsdesadoctrine. Cf. Brussels, ARA, Aud. 196, f. 8; Ramírez, p. 166, n. 37. See also ILE 96 03 10 P, 23-26. 14 suppositos…doloso] Cf. Hor. C. 4, 1, 7-8. 15 Richardoti] Sc. Jean Richardot, member of the State Council. Already in August 1595 he was nominated als President of the Private Council, but the king only appointed him on 15 May 1597. Cf. De Schepper, 101; NBW 1, 766. 16 Politicorum … ligari] The reissued version of his Politica, cf. ILE 96 02 12, 2. Johannes Moretus’s account on Lipsius’s name lists the purchase of 30 copies of the Politica on 22 January 1596: 6Politicaligati[.]soyeblancq,12Idemenblancqpap[ier], 12Idempapie[r], cf. GVd 33, 69-72. 17 eo … ambiamus] In Politica3, 11 Lipsius wrote: Istaeveniunt:numquammihi. In the Notae to this passage (from 1596 onwards), he elucidates: Quid ergo? Aulam et

114

2065 - 96 02 19 M

natura et toto genere vitae non sumus apti. Amici qui me amant et factum volunt, hoc agant vel in otio isto litterario conquiescam et scriptis ac voce, 20 uti coepi, prosim posteris aut iuventuti. Ultra nolo et sceptrum si quis mihi offerat, prae hac animi tranquillitate recusem. Vale, mi Harti. Lovanii, XII Kal[endas] Mart[ias] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. I[ustus] Lipsius.

totum hoc genus damnamus aut despicimus? Absit. Sed Sicyonia ista aut cothurnos pedibusmeisconvenire,hocnego. Lipsius preferred tranquillity and isolation rather than a public career full of worries and troubles. This is not cowardice: Seneca, his favourite author, states that whoever engages in educating youth makes himself useful for the state (Tranq. 3, 2).

2065

96 02 19 M

Lipsius (Leuven) to Hieronymus Mercurialis (Pisa) 19 February 1596

Monelia was right in his testimony about Lipsius’s affection: since he met Mercurialis in Rome as a young man, nothing could sever what linked them. Lipsius had to revoke his plan of going to Italy because of his health and his new dignity of royal historiographer. Prudence and modesty have guided him in taking this decision. He will enjoy and occupy himself with studying ancient authors, a subject also fascinating to Mercurialis, as his questions about some readings indicate. On Hieronymus Mercurialis (Forli, 30 September 1530 – 9 November 1606), cf. ILE II, 86 05 23; DBI 73, 620-625; Hirsch, Biographisches Lexikon, 4, 171-172. In 1596 Mercurialis was still teaching in Pisa during the winter, but spent the summers in Florence, cf. ILE V, 92 09 01 W, 11-13. Answer in ILE 96 04 10. cl: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 25v-26, no. 65; d: Cent.It. 42.

19 February 1596

115

Iustus Lipsius Hieronymo Mercuriali S[alutem] D[icit]. Pisas. Non fefellit te noster Monelia, qui de affectu meo in te et honestis ubique sermonibus est testatus. Nihil nimium potuit dicere sive ad amorem sive ad iudicium, et in utroque sumus inter primos qui te vel diligunt, vel colunt. Tu vero, Mercurialis, ille es qui Romae mihi in adolescentia prima innotuisti, paulo me maior, sed virtus tua et doctrina etiam disparem me cepit et arcano lentoque vinculo tibi iunxit. Varie postea peregrinatus sum, varie etiam in his patriae meae turbis iactatus, sed vetus ille amor firmiter haesit nec Mercurialem meum ulla tempestas mihi excussit. Ego vero iam ante menses aliquot in eo eram ut Italiam vestram et te viderem reperiendum mihi et complectendum ubicumque in ea fuisses. Nec enim tu lates, illustre in ea sidus, et exteris quoque cura et notitia est tui. Sed id consilium cum valetudo remorata est, tum Rex meus abrupit, qui hic esse voluit et ut honestissime possem, effecit. Praeter enim munus lectionis publicae historiographi me sui titulo donavit, addito in hanc rem salario annuo, in quo vel cupidior aliquis acquiescat, quid nos Philosophiae et modestiae amantes? Enimvero res laxas nimis aut splendidas numquam appetii nec id vilitate et abiectione animi, sed iudicio et decreto, quod sapientia mihi dictavit. Quid ista omnia externa, nisi in usum meum habeam? Et scio virtutis et bonae mentis saepe naufragium factum, cum superfluunt ea et redundant. Adduco vela nec totis sinibus ea pando et fortunae adspiranti permitto. Delectatio autem nobis, sed et occupatio

1 Iustus Lipsius: om. d || Pisas: add. d 6 doctria cl 17 modestiae et continentiae d || nimis: om. d 18 vilitate aut d 19 externa omnia d 20 f⟦ρ⟧actum cl 21 ea et: ea om. d 21 finibus cl 21-22 aut fortunae d 2 Monelia] Paulus Monelia, a lawyer who had his roots in Genoa, was still living in Antwerp and acted as intermediary for Lipsius’s correspondence with Mercurialis, cf. ILE VI, 93 11 05 M; VII, 94 01 30 M; 94 03 11; 96 05 16 MO, 32-38. 5 Romae] Lipsius became acquainted with Mercurialis during his stay in Rome (15681570); the Italian was then physician of Cardinal Alessandro Farnese. They kept in touch via their correspondence until Lipsius’s death, cf. Sacré, AubertusMiraeus’briefoverde dood van Justus Lipsius, 261-262. Lipsius also mentions Mercurialis’s name in his autobiographical letter among the scholars he met in Rome, cf. ILE XIII, 00 10 01, 93. 6 maior] Mercurialis was born in 1530. 10 ante menses] In 1595 Lipsius was invited to accept a chair at Bologna University, cf. the introduction to ILE VIII, and several letters (index, s.v. invit. Bologna). 14-15 munus … salario] Cf. ILE 96 01 02 S, 7. 21 sinibus] After Juv. 1, 150: uterevelis,totospandesinus.

5

10

15

20

116

25

30

2066 - 96 02 29

quae solet in honestissimis studiis, quae et tu quam ames etiam inter tua seria non dissimulas, cum de locis quibusdam consulis me et quaeris. Ac sane in Marcellino emendatio tua εὔδοκος mihi visa. In Plutarchi λυκοφόνω vel, ut alii scribunt, λυκοφάνω haerere me fateor et ex ipso eius loco in Lycurgo dixeris proprium et gentilitium id verbum fuisse. An de villis an de pellibus quae substernerentur in hieme, aliud non occurrit. Et te, vir Cl[arissi]me, valere cupio et in amore mei fideliter respondere. Lovanii, XII Kal[endas] Mart[ias] ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

25-29 Ac sane … respondere: De quibus seorsim, quid sentiam, hic habes. Ut me quoque porro ames, inter fastigia est votorum meorum d 27 in ⟦Lycurgo⟧ Lycurgo cl 25 in Marcellino] Marcellinus, a physician from the 2nd century A.D., author of De pulsibus, a treatise on the pulse (ed. H. Schöne in Festschrift zur 49. Versammlung deutscherPhilologenundSchulmänner, Basle, 1907, 448-472). Cf. RE 14, 2, 1488-1489. Besides lecturing on medicine in Padova, Bologna, Rome, and Pisa, Mercurialis also devoted himself to critical editions, in particular of medicinal texts. His Variarum lectionumlibriquatuor.InquibuscompluriummaximequemedicinaeScriptoruminfinita paenelocavelcorruptarestituunturvelobscuradeclarantur appeared in Venice in 1570. A reissue extended with a fifth book was published by P. Perna in Basle (1576); the edition pressed by P. Nivellius in Paris (1585) even included a sixth book. Cf. Cosenza, 3, 2292-2293. The passage discussed to by Lipsius could not be identified. 26 λυκοφόνω…λυκοφάνω] Λυκόφωv is the name of a prickly plant mentioned in Plut. Lyc. 16. The reading is uncertain: modern editions prefer λυκόφονας, λυκόφρονας, λυκοφάνας, or λυκοφάνoυς, cf. R. Flacelière e.a., Paris, 1964, 145; Cl. Lindskog and K. Ziegler, Leipzig, 1973, 27.

2066

96 02 29

Gianbattista Sacco (Milan) to Lipsius [Leuven] 29 February 1596

Sacco was in Parma and did not want to answer Lipsius’s letter before he had browsed through De militia. Meanwhile three copies arrived in Milan, which were instantly claimed by Velasco, Borromeo and Quinzio. Sacco has discussed Lipsius’s work with

29 February 1596

117

Besozzi, a military expert. Borromeo is very enthusiast and despite Lipsius’s earlier refusals to come to Italy the cardinal hopes that he will accept a position in his household, involving a generous remuneration. Sacco is willing to act as an intermediary; he considers himself happy that Lipsius enjoys his correspondence with him. Future letters can be sent through Verastegui in Antwerp. On Gianbattista Sacco, cf. ILE VI, 93 10 02. GVi dated this letter 28 February, forgetting that 1596 was a leap year. See also n. 62. Answer to ILE VIII, 95 08 06 S. Lipsius’s answer will not arrive, cf. ILE 96 12 02, 3-7. c: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 4II, f. 14-15.

Io[hannes] Baptista Saccus S[alutem] D[icit] Iusto Lipsio. Et abfui, proficiscens Parmam, ubi diu commoratus sum senatus iussu, et alioqui constitueram ad tuas humanissimas litteras postr[idie] Non[as] Sext[iles] datas non respondere, priusquam vidissem quae DE MILITIA ROMANA ad Polybium nuper te edidisse scribebas, futurum sperans ut ea 5 propediem ad bibliopolas nostros mitterentur. Allata tandem fuere feriis Natalitiis tria t[antu]m illius operis exempla, quorum unum statim sibi destinavit provinciae praefectus, comestabilis Castellae, alterum Federicus Borromaeus, cardinalis et archiepiscopus noster, tertium Federicus Quinctius, fisci regii patronus, contra quos viros ne hiscere quidem nobis, 10 nedum liceri non licuit. Verum post aliquot dies facta est mihi eius quod cardinali obvenerat legendi copia, et quidem per ho[min]em cardinalis familiarissimum atque inprimis in eo studiorum genere ita versatum ut de hodierna militia ad priscam disciplinam instituenda seu restituenda non modo cogitaverit et scripserit ipse iampridem, verum et[iam] cum summis 15

2 senatus iussu] Sacco was secretary to the City Council of Milan. 3 litteras] ILE VIII, 95 08 06 S. 4-5 MilitiaRomana] Cf. ILE 96 02 18, 12-14. 7 tria … exempla] Demilitia appeared in the middle of June 1595, cf. GVd 279-280 and several covering letters (ILE VIII, 95 06 14 P, 95 06 20 A1, 95 06 20 B, 95 06 20 D). In ILE VIII, 95 08 06 S, Lipsius informed his correspondent that Demilitiawas available and asked him for the name of a trustworthy intermediary in Antwerp. 8 comestabilis] Juan Fernández de Velasco, cf. ILE 96 12 04. 10 Quinctius] Federico Quinzio was a scion of a prominent Milanese family and treasurer of Milan, cf. ILE 97 01 27 SA. See Argelatus, 2, 1805-1808.

118

20

25

30

35

40

2066 - 96 02 29

pontificibus aliquot et dynastis egerit ac statuerit, licet alia ex alia re interpellante consulta et decreta experimento caruerint. Is, quia tui nominis studiosissimus est et tibi cupit innotescere, libenter a me nominabitur: illi igitur nomen est Petro Georgio Besutio. Qui percontanti mihi quid de opere illo cum ipse, tum cardinalis sentiret, praeclare et optime utrumque respondit. Deinde in tuas laudes effusus egregiam mihi significationem dedit non tam sui, quod parum tua interesse putaret, quam cardinalis ipsius de te iudicii ac propensae admodum in te vol[unta]tis, adeo ut affirmaret illum nulli impensae parsurum quo te in suam cohortem alliceret, modo tu conditionem accipere velles. Me vero urgente ut elicerem ecqua tandem merces tibi statueretur si annueres, ‘bis mille’, inquit, ‘aureorum nummor[um] in singulos annos’, neque visus est mihi parum cupidus, ut hoc ipse tibi significarem animumque obiter explorarem. Ego nihil homini recepi, quin potius spem omnem praecidi tui istinc abducendi, quandoquidem et summo pontifici et Venetis et Mediolanensibus et demum Bononiensibus honestissime invitantibus pernegaris; verum tamen si e re tua esse putas ut de hoc agatur, facile mihi erit salva existimatione tua idipsum pertentare. Redeo nunc ad tuas humanissimas litteras, in quibus tam multae, tam insignes extant amoris erga me tui notae, ut nihil unquam legerim libentius. Non permitto, inquis, sed cupio ut me litteris appelles, et, si vicinior essem, os tuum usurparem et meum ingererem vel ignoranti. Verba mehercule mellea atque aurea, quae ego ex intimo recessu candidissimi istius pectoris deprompta esse non dubito ideoque a me saepius repetita et deosculata; unde facile intelligas quid facturus sim, si tui praesentis copia detur. Crede mihi: non oculis tantum et sermone, sed amplexibus et suaviis te usurparem. Sed quando hoc sperare magis quam

19 Besutio] Sc. Pietro Giorgio Besozzi. Several members of this well-known Milanese house had good contacts with Federico Borromeo, cf. Argelatus, 1, 150, 153. Pietro Giorgio was an army captain, also active in Flanders cf. C. Argegni, Condottieri,capitani, tribuni, 1 (Milan, 1936), 90. 24 alliceret] Lipsius confirms this invitation and his refusal in ILE 96 03 09 M, 9-12. 30 summo … Mediolanensibus] In 1593-1594 several cities invited Lipsius to accept a chair in Italy. Sacco and Lipsius probably already discussed the invitations from pope Clement VIII for Rome, the Venetians for the University of Padua and Sacco for Milan in ILE VI, 93 10 02 (this letter is incomplete) and ILE VII, 94 01 31, 49-54. See also ILE VI, 93 04 17, 93 06 18. 31 Bononiensibus] In 1595 Lipsius declined an invitation from Bologna University, offering him the chair of Thomas Corraeus, cf. ILE VIII, passim (index s.v. invit. Bologna).

29 February 1596

119

assequi possum, satius duco ne sperare quidem velle. Ceterum quaecunque studia et officia absenti amico praestari possunt ad mutuam amicitiam conservandam vel augendam, ea ego nisi tibi praestitero, tu me omnium bipedum nequissimum dicito atque ingratissimum. Unum a te vicissim postulo quod amoris in me tui certissimum argumentum putabo, ut, si quid tibi ex hac urbe, quam omnium mechanicarum artium altricem esse non ignoras, petere opus est vel libet, a me petas. Mitterem ipse ultro non rogatus, sed haud scio an ad votum et usum tuum. Praeterea nollem praeripere tibi occasionem hanc benevolentiae erga me tuae hoc signo maxime declarandae. Scriptorum tuorum non est quod te pigeat, quasi minus aetatem istam doceant, nec quisquam, opinor, adhuc fuit mortalium qui tibi istuc vitio verterit. Quinimo gravitatem, prudentiam et iudicium ubique tuum praeter excellentem in omni scientia eruditionem uno ore omnes ad caelum laudibus efferunt. Ego, qui scripta tua paene omnia legendo contrivi quique inde aetatem tuam saepius collegi tribus ad summum annis meam excedentem ex eis nihil unquam vidi, quod pro operis argu[men]to grave, maturum ac senile mihi non videretur. Itaque dicere soleo te a puero illico natum fuisse senem, atque utinam animo tantum, non et[iam] corpore, adeo tibi valetudo semper dubia, quam Deum Opt[imum] Max[imum] obsecro, ut cito firmet ac diutissime tueatur. Vale. Mediolani, prid[ie] Kal[endas] intercalareis ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

47 mechanicarum artium] Sacco’s proposal to help Lipsius gather information for his Poliorcetica was most welcome. In his answer Lipsius explicitly asked for details about catapults and other missiles, cf. ILE 96 12 02, 8-10, but since his letter never reached Sacco, much time was lost. Sacco finally found information with Charles Emmanuel I (1562-1630), Duke of Savoy from 1580 onwards. His father, Emanuel Philibert (15281580), who had been governor general of the Netherlands from 1555 until 1559, (cf. Stokvis, 3, 2, 738) had been given a book about war engines from the Duke of Urbino. Its author, Francesco di Giorgio di Martino (Siena, 1439 – near ibid., c. 1501; sculptor, architect, painter, engineer) had lived in that town (1475-1477) and assisted with the (re) building of the ducal palace, the cathedral, and some monasteries. London, BL owns a manuscript about war engines from Antiquity and the Renaissance, illustrated by Francesco di Giorgio (ms. 187 b 21:Opusculumdearchitectura), cf. DBI 49, 753-765, esp. p. 754). Although the information was rather recent, Lipsius considered it very useful, especially because of the illustrations (cf. ILE 97 01 27 SA, 97 05 15 S, 97 06 03 S) and gratefully inserted the drawings sent to him from Milan in the reissue of his Poliorcetica (Antwerp: J. Moretus, 1599). Cf. Peeters, OntstaansgeschiedenisvanLipsius’ Poliorcetica, 142-144. 62 intercalareis] Intercalares indicates 29 February in a leap year, cf. Forcellini, 2, 893.

45

50

55

60

120

2067 - 96 03 02 H

Est Antverpiae amplissimus vir Io[hannes] Martinus Verastigius Hispanus, fisci rationum in istis provinciis censor supremus et Mediolanensis 65 senator. Per eum litterae inter nos tuto commeabunt. 63 Verastigius] Perhaps a kinsman of Juan Martínez de Verastegui, who was soon to return to Milan, cf. ILE 96 03 09 M, 96 10 23, 3-4.

2067 96 03 02 H

Lipsius (Leuven) to Arnoldus Helius (Prague) 2 March 1596

Thanks for his letter and the poem written to commemorate Count Charles of Mansfelt. This prudent man of arms has died prematurely, but the Lord has decided. Lipsius asserts his friendship with Helius and asks him to forward an enclosed letter to Johannes Oslevius. Answer to ILE 96 01 17, which makes it clear that the letter belongs to 1596, despite clb giving the year 1595. Moreover, this is confirmed by the reference to Mansfelt’s death and the letter to Oslevius (ILE 96 03 02 O). The copy in ms. Lips. 3(17) is written on the upper part of f. 23r, following two strips of paper, f. 21-22, but without being joined to it, cf. the introduction of ILE 96 02 18. o: Modena, Bibl. Estense, Autogr. Campori; cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 23, no. [58] (fragm., inc. honesta, l. 13); clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 26v-27, no. 67.

I[ustus] Lipsius Arn[oldo] Helio S[alutem] D[icit]. Epistolam tuam accepi optimi affectus in me plenam, sed et insignitam notis ingenii et doctrinae melioris. Quae utraque in carmine etiam magis eluxerunt, quod in funus martialis illius viri et Ducis, Mansfeldii Comitis,

1-13 I[ustus] … bona et: om. cla 2 Epistolam] ILE 96 01 17. 3 carmine] Cf. ibid., 29-32. 4 Mansfeldii] Charles of Mansfelt, cf. ibid., 29.

121

2 March 1596

scripsisti, quem incommodissimo tempore nostro defunctum esse omnes 5 boni et prudentes fatentur. Erat ille vir acri igneoque ingenio, facto ad bella, sed cum prudentiae tamen temperie, quam peritia sed et lectio ei dabat. Sed tamen fuit et desiderium sui reliquit et famam maiorem hanc habiturus, si vitam diuturniorem. Ista in divina manu et arcana providentia, qua filum hoc vitae inciditur aut protrahitur, ut ei praeter 10 sensum opinionemque nostram saepe visum. Sed ad te, mi Heli, redeo, cuius animum amplector et amicitiam adamo. Quam semper mihi gratum coire cum talibus viris quibus omnia bona et honesta placent, et eorum amore ad mei amorem incitantur. Non quia ea in me sint, aut certe non eximia, sed quia amor tamen, fortasse et specimen apparet, quod conamur 15 exprimere vita, sermone, scriptis. Ad Oslevium, uti volebas, scripsi, et tuae curae erit inclusas has curare. Vale, mi Heli, et salvus ad nos redi. Lovanii, postrid[ie] Kal[endas] Mart[ias] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. [Address:] Ornatiss[im]o et doctiss[im]o viro Arnoldo Helio, nunc in aula Caesarea Pragae. 12 adimo clb

18 ∞.IƆ.XCV clb

16 scripsi] Sc. ILE 96 03 02 O. Oslevius had sent his letter through Helius, cf. ILE VIII, 95 11 30 O, 15. The latter intended to return to the Netherlands, but postponed his departure and had Oslevius’s letter, covered by one of his own, despatched by a courier, cf. 96 01 17, 11-16 and 23-28.

2068 96 03 02 O

Lipsius (Leuven) to Johannes Oslevius von Löwenheim (Prague) 2 March 1596

That Oslevius longs for Lipsius’s friendship is due to his amiable character rather than to Lipsius’s merits. Lipsius is well aware of the slow progress he made on the path of knowledge and virtue, despite his aspirations. His main excuse is his poor health, which philosophy helps to endure.

122

2068 - 96 03 02 O

On Johannes Oslevius de Leuvenhaim, cf. ILE VIII, 95 11 30 O. Further details could not be found. The Silesian Carolus Oslevius (end sixteenth century), personal physician of Emepror Rudolph II, mentioned by Jöcher, 3, 1125, presumably was a kinsman of Lipsius’s correspondent. Answer to ILE VIII, 95 11 30 O. GVi does not mention cla. Ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 21 is a mere slip of paper with a few lines of a letter on both sides (cf. ILE 96 02 18, introduction); The fragment on its verso side, beginning with Patiendum belongs to this letter (l. 8). cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 21v, no. [57] (fragm.); clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 26-26v, no. 66; d: Cent.Germ. 23; d1: Buchler, p. 224, no. 30.

I[ustus] Lipsius Ioh[anni] Oslevio Leuvenhaim S[alutem] D[icit]. Pragam. Quod coniunctionem meam appetis, mi Oslevi, bonitate naturae tuae magis fieri existimo quam merito meo. Quid enim in nobis (ex animo loquor) eximium? Voluntas fortasse aliqua et cupiditas ad scientiam et virtutem. 5 Sed quam lento pede orbitam hanc presserim, ipse sentio et quam parum etiam promoverim in tot annorum conatu et motione. Cum aliis de caussis id fit, tum maxime valetudinis meae vitio, quae pondus affigit et velut plumbum alae huic honestae cupidinis me extollenti. Patiendum est. Et hoc saltem litterae et philosophia me docuerunt: nosse humana, ferre, imo et 10 aspernari. O ludum, o theatrum, quidquid hoc vivere vocamus! Et fateor taedere me spectaculi nec invitum auditurum signum, quo coetus hic abeat et dissolvatur. Interea tibi, mi Oslevi, pro affectu tuo in me gratia esto, sed et pro iudicio quod honestissimum de me facis. Esse me talem non fateor, velle esse profiteor et toto animo ac viribus hoc ago. Lovanii, postrid[ie] 15 Kal[endas] Mart[ias] ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

1 I[ustus] Lipsius: om. d || de Leuvenhaim d || Pragam: add. d extollenti: desuntin cla 2 appetis] Cf. ILE VIII, 95 11 30 O.

1-8 I[ustus] …

123

2 March 1596

2069 96 03 02 P

Gabriele Paleotti (Rome) to Lipsius [Leuven] 2 March 1596

Paleotti asked Minuccio Minucci to forward his De bono senectutis to Lipsius, but is worried that it might not have arrived because of the distance between them or for some other reason. Hence he sends a second copy through Franciscus Oranus. On Cardinal Gabriele Paleotti, cf. ILE VIII, 95 05 08. o: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 4.

Molto Ecc[ellen]te S[igno]re come fr[atel]lo, Havendo io dato ultimam[en]te in luce un’ opusculo Debonosenectutis, ne inviai già un volume a V[ostra] S[ignoria] per mezzo di Mons[igno]re Minucci, acciocché a lei servisse se non in altro, per segno almeno della mia benevolenza verso la persona, et molta virtù di V[ostra] S[ignoria]; 5 et perché ho dubitato che per la lunghezza del viaggio o altro accidente, forse quello non le sia giunto, non ne havendo havuto altro avviso, però hora ne le mando un altro per mano di Mons[igno]re Orano, Aud[ito]re di Ruota, desiderando che se il primo fosse andato a male, questo almeno le capiti sicuro, et ricevendoli amendue, ne possa dar uno a qualche amico 10 suo. Con che a V[ostra] S[ignoria] m’ offero et racc[oman]do di cuore al solito, aug[urando]le vero contento. Di Roma a 2. di Marzo 1596. Di V[ostra] S[ignoria] Affet[tuosissi]mo, il Card[inale] Paleotti. [Address:] Al m[ol]to Ecc[ellen]te S[igno]re come fr[at]ello, Il Sig[no]re Giusto Lipsio. 2 opusculo] On this work, cf. ILE VIII, 95 12 01, 2. The first copy finally arrived, together with its covering letter, in July 1596 and sent a few lines of praise that same month, cf. ILE 96 07 21 P. The correspondence has no trace of when this letter (and probably also the second copy) arrived. Debonosenectutis is not mentioned in Lipsius’s library catalogue (Leiden, Univ. Bib., ms. Lips. 59). 4 Minucci] Minuccio Minucci (Serravalle, 17 January 1551 – Munich, 7 March 1604) lived several years in the German Empire. In 1591 he was appointed papal secretary for the German Empire and Poland, but health problems made him retire in August 1595, cf. Jaitner, LIII-LIV. 8 Orano] Franciscus Oranus, Sr, brother of Lipsius’s friends Petrus and Johannes Oranus, was a member of the Rota in Rome, Cf. ILE 96 10 31.

124

2070 - 96 03 09 CR

2070

96 03 09 CR

Lipsius (Leuven) to Philip of Croÿ 9 March 1596

Lipsius sends a copy of the reissue of his Politica. He would have expanded the Notae even more if his health and his busy live had allowed it. He enjoyed their brief meeting the day before, which clearly showed his correspondent’s benevolence and virtues. If only the king had more such collaborators, the situation in the Netherlands would be less troubled. Yet, there can be no doubt that all will end well, as is guaranteed by God and the cause itself, the king’s stable power, the weakness of his enemies, and Archduke Albert’s prudence. His is willing to elaborate on this subject in more detail at Croÿ’s request. On Philip of Croÿ, cf. ILE XIV, 01 06 20. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 23-23v, no. 59; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 27v-28, no. 69.

Solrano. Excelle[ntissi]me Comes, Librum Politicorum mitto quem promiseram, in Notis auctiorem, et plenae eae fuissent, si valetudo et occupatiunculae non impedissent. Sed varie 5 distrahimur nec viribus, etsi animo, pares ad omnia sumus. Suave mihi fuit hesterno die et videre te hic et alloqui, etsi sermo noster brevis fuit, sed satis apertus index tum benivolentiae tuae in me (quam magni aestimo), tum prudentiae et probitatis. Ex animo hoc opto et voveo, aliquot Regi tales administros esse: fieret cum bono eius et publico ac minus implexae 1 Solrano: add. claλ, Soulre clb

9 ministros clb

1 Solrano] When Philip of Croÿ became gouvernor of Hainaut in 1590, he was granted the title of Count Solre. 3 Politicorum] The reissue of Lipsius’s Politica, cf. ILE 96 02 12, 2. 4 occupatiunculae] Cf. ILE 96 01 10 L, 4. 6 videre] He was probably part of the company that visited Lipsius in March, cf. ILE 96 03 10 O, 12-14. 9 tales] This might imply a veiled allusion to one of the demands of an important political meeting held at Archduke Ernest of Austria’s request at his residence in Brussels on

125

9 March 1596

ac turbidae essent res nostrae. De quibus tamen in exitu nihil dubitare me 10 heri in sermone dixeram et nunc meditate et constanter repeto in hac scriptione. Multa me inducunt in spem hanc meliorem: Deus et caussae bonitas, Regis magnitudo et stabilis potentia, hostium (si singulos spectes) imbecillitas aut infelicitas. Nam et hanc addo ac video divinum numen non obscuris indiciis (siquis rimabitur) res Regis nostri auctum iri velle, 15 illorum diminutum. Spes etiam in animo et prudentia Ser[enissi]mi nostri novi Gubernatoris, qui dignum et stirpe sua se geret et usu ac peritia rerum quam in annorum aliquot gubernatione iam collegit. Etsi res ibi minus grandes aut implicitae, fateor, sed magni isti animi in magnis et arduis rebus crescunt. Ista nunc communiter et breviter, distinctius alias et uberius, 20 15 iri: correxieire cla, clb

20 Ista ⟦me⟧ cla

2 January 1595, to which he invited the governors of the Southern Provinces, some bishops and abbots, and the leaders of the nobility, cf. ILE VIII, 95 01 02 S. Its conclusion was that for the well-being of the country the influence of the Spanish political advisors should be curtailed and that the country’s nobility would play a more prominent role, cf. AGN 6, 282; De Schepper, 1005-1011. Solre was nominated to report on this meeting at the king’s court, but Fuentes opposed this choice. In theory Philip of Croÿ was inclined to make peace with the North, but he was aware that reconciliation was hampered by the dissensions and the weak military position of the South. According to him, the unrest in the South could be ended by the levy of a national army that was paid regularly and sufficiently. 15 obscuris indiciis] The military successes of 1595 and early 1596 in the border regions with France seemed to incline the balance to Spain. 16-17 prudentia … Gubernatoris] Archduke Albert made an effort to remove possible suspicion against him and promote a national policy. The fact that several prominent Spanish politicians left Brussels worked in his favour, cf. De Schepper, 1054-1055. Moreover, after having informed himself about the rift between the Northern and the Southern Provinces, he soon realised that peace would not be an easy matter. In a letter of 28 March 1596 he pointed out to Philip II that all his subjects were longing for peace, but would only be accepted by the rebels, when forced by a war. The people were dominated by a few leaders whose power and influence was only guaranteed as long as the fighting lasted. Hence Albert intended to move the battlefield from France to the North. As the rebels had also to be fought on sea, the harbour of Dunkerque was strategically important. Their trade with Spain could be checked more strictly, cf. Lefèvre, 4, 347-348, no. 1041; De Schepper, 1055. 18 gubernatione] Albert had been Viceroy of Portugal from 1581 to 1595, cf. BN 1, 184. 20 alias] In his next (preserved) letter to Philip of Croÿ, ILE 96 07 20 C, Lipsius expounds on the question of peace and truce. In the meantime, Croÿ wrote twice to him, none of which letters is preserved, although at least one must have reached its destination, cf. ILE 96 07 20 C, 3-4.

126

2071 - 96 03 09 CU

siquid tale a me petes. Semel enim et serio dictum esto. Ex[cellentissi]me Comes, sum tuus et uti ac frui me iure tuo potes. Lovanii, VII Idus Mart[ias] ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

2071 96 03 09 CU

Jacques de Cueilly (Rome) to Lipsius [Leuven] 9 March 1596

Lipsius complained that De Cueilly left for Spa without mentioning his planned journey to Rome. He has consciously kept mum because his journey to Rome did not meet with the approval of the authorities. In Rome he is a constant witness of the enormous esteem for Lipsius, from Federico Borromeo, among others. De Cueilly’s greatest wish is to contribute to Lipsius’s fame. Greetings to Thomas Stapleton. Jacques de Cueilly (1544(?)-1596) obtained his doctor’s degree in theology at the Sorbonne in 1576 and was appointed professor and rector. He was part of the embassy King Henry III sent to Henry of Navarre in July 1585 in an attempt to convert him to Catholicism. In 1587 he was ordained priest of Saint-Germain l’Auxerrois in Paris, the church of the kings of France. An ardent follower of the League, he played an important part in the politics of his time. After Henry III was murdered, he publicly sided with the opponents of Henry of Navarre and his followers. He was one of the clergy’s representatives on the States General, which the League organized in 1593. When Henry of Navarre, by then already King Henry IV, entered Paris on 22 March 1594, he refused him entrance into his church; later he was arrested for three days and exiled on 2 April, whereupon he withdrew to the neighbourhood of Soissons, cf. DBF 9, 1345-1346; B. Plongeron, LediocèsedeParis, 1 (Paris, 1987), 222-223; P. Feret, LafacultédeThéologiedeParisetsesdocteurslesplus célèbres.Époquemoderne, 2 (Paris, 1901), 82; Cazaux, 1987, 68-69; 252. o: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 4; d1: Burman I, p. 755, no. 717.

Iacobus Cueillyacus Sorbonicus Doctiss[imo] Lipsio, P[rofessori] R[egio] L[ovaniensi], S[alutem]. 1 Doctiss[imo]: I[usto] add. d1 1 Sorbonicus] De Cueilly had studied theology at the Sorbonne, where he held a chair, cf. introd.

9 March 1596

127

Conquestus es, humanissime Lipsi, eo die quo ad aquas Spadanas iter instituebam quod, cum mane ad patres colloquuti essemus, de mea profectione nullum verbum. At quid tibi veniet in mentem, cum me ad Urbem 5 progressum intelliges? Sed quia hoc meum consilium licet prudentibus, potentioribus minus probabatur, anceps et dubius currum ascendi et, epotatis aquis haustu plus quam Germanico, Gallico more veteri inter bibendum definivi, quasi alter torrens, illae me per medios Francones, Vindelicos et Brenni Alpes abriperent ad Tiberim, forte ad Iordanem 10 usque, fugitantem Gallici fumum incendii. Nec omnino sine te. Cum enim in Urbe ea quae in Belgio digna commendatione videram, nostri Lipsii humanitatem, modestiam, pietatem, zelum (nam literas quid necesse?) non sine admiratione commemorarem, viri theologi qui Indici praesunt sibi

6 hoc ⟦illud⟧ o 4 patres] The Jesuits of Liège. Lipsius had gone to Spa by the end of June 1595, but had been forced to flee because of a sudden raid of a group of Dutch cavalry. He barely escaped and spent a few days in Liège before returning to Spa. Cf. ILE VIII, 95 07 04; 96 08 01 M, 101-104. He met his correspondent during this brief stay. 8 Germanico] Tacitus emphasized the dipsomania of the Germans in Germ. 22-23, despite his exaggeration his opinion became more and more prevalent, cf. RE Suppl. 3, 563-564. In his essay letter on drunkards and gluttons, Lipsius awards first prize of dipsomania to a German. 9 Francones] The region around Frankfurt (Francofurtum), where the Franks lived before settling in what is now France. 10 Vindelicos] This German tribe was concentrated around the modern Augsburg (AugustaVindelicorum, cf. Graesse, 1, 177). 10 Brenni Alpes] The Alps around the Brenner pass, named after the Brenni or Breuni, a tribe living south of the Vindelici, cf. RE 3, 1, 832. See also Graesse, 1, 327. 10 Iordanem] De Cueilly had already visited the Holy Land before. On 23 April 1584 Paul de Foix, the ambassador in Rome, informed Henry III that Cueilly, who was by then in Rome, had juist returned from Jerusalem, where he had witnessed the conditions of the Catholics living there, cf. P. Blet, Girolamo Ragazzoni, évêque de Bergame, nonce de France.Correspondancedesanonciature,1583-1586, Rome-Paris, 1962, 223-224, n. 3 (= ActaNuntiaturaeGallicae, 2). By the end of his life he made another pilgrimage to the Holy Places, cf. Feret, LafacultédeThéologie, 2, 82. 11 Gallici … incendii] The religious wars in France, which forced him to leave France. 14 Indici] In the Spring of 1596 Paulus Picus, secretary to the Congregation of the Index, had published a new list of forbidden books, without consulting the other members. Hence Cardinal Pietro Aldobrandini, a nephew of Pope Clement VIII, admonished the Papal Nuncio Coriolano Garzadoro in Cologne on 27 April to postpone its divulgation and not use it. Cf. Dessart-Halkin-Hoyoux, 109, no. 228. In 1595 the Congregation of the Index included the Cardinals Marcantonio and Ascanio Colonna, Federico Borromeo,

128

2072 - 96 03 09 F

ipsis, audito illo testimonio, quod locupletissimum dicebant, gratulabantur quod benigne tuas vigilias interpretati essent et auctores fuissent ut earum censuram Illustrissimus Borromaeus, patruo nepos dignissimus, tibi uni committeret. Qui fuit laboriosissimi mei itineris fructus amplissimus velimque existimes nihil mihi gratius contingere posse quam quae ad 20 famam nominis tui conservandam, quando ei nihil addi potest, pertinere existimabo. Vale et, ut coepisti, me ama. Ex Urbe, 7 Idus Martias 1596. Doctissimo et pientissimo Stapletonio meo nomine velim salutem dicas. 15

[Address:] A Mons[ieu]r Lipsius. A Louvain.

15 aiebant d1

21 Vale ⟦.⟧ o

22 Doctissimo … dicas: om. d1

Augusto Valerio, Simeon de Talliavia, Girolamo Bernerio and Franz Toleto. Robert Bellarmine was consultor. Cf. H. Reusch, DerIndexderVerbotenenBücher, Bonn, 18831885, 1, 503; J. Hilgers, DerIndexderverbotenenBücher, Freiburg, 1904, 537. See also ILE VI, 93 02 10 B, 3; 93 07 31 BA, 9-10. 16 vigilias] The first version of Lipsius’s Politica risked being put on the Index, cf. ILE VI, 93 02 10 B, 3. 17 Borromaeus] Federico Borromeo. 17 patruo] Carlo Borromeo, cf. ILE VII, 94 03 14, 8-9; 96 02 06, 11. 22 Stapletonio] Thomas Stapleton held the chair of exegesis at Leuven University from 1590 until his death on 12 October 1598, cf. ILE VII, 94 02 21, 20.

2072

96 03 09 F

Lipsius (Leuven) to Pedro Enríquez de Acevedo, Count Fuentes [Brussels] 9 March 1596

Now that Fuentes is leaving the Low Countries, Lipsius wishes him a safe journey and all possible success in his future life and career. He will always be indebted to the count.

129

9 March 1596 Above the letter, a second hand added visa,scripta in the margin of cla.

cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 24, no. 61; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 28, no. 70; d1: Ramírez, p. 168, no. 38.

Comiti Fontano. Excell[entissi]me Comes, Cum audivi de discessu tuo qui imminet, ego vero omittere non potui quin adeundi et salutandi isto officio per litteras saltem fungerer et bona ac felicia omnia in itinere et reliquo vitae et actionum cursu apprecarer. Te 5 auctorem fortunae meae et quietis fuisse libens semper meminero, nec id tantum, sed voce et scriptis significabo ac testabor. Non effluet enim nec abibit cum abitu tuo ex animo meo gratitudo, sed constanter inhaerebit et, ut arbor quae radices egit, non evelletur aut eiicietur ulla tempestate aut vento. Rogo te ita censeas et me in clientium tuorum numero absentem 10 absens fideliter et tuto ponas. Deus et Rex tibi faveant uti virtutes tuae merentur. Lovanii, VII Idus Mart[ias] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. I[ustus] Lipsius.

1 Comiti Fontano: om. cla 3 ac bona et clb, d1 et om. d1 12 I[ustus] Lipsius: om. d1

7 et testabor d1

11 fideliter et:

3 discessu] Fuentes’s position in the Spanish Netherlands had become untenable. From 1592 onwards, when Alexander Farnese was still alive, Philip II tried to increase the Spanish influence on the court in Brussels. This plan met with reasonable succes under Governor Ernest of Austria, but the dwindling part of the country’s nobility in the government raised frustration and anger, also among the people. Upon Ernest’s death (February 1595) Fuentes was appointed gouvernor general ad interim. Fear that a Spaniard might become their next governor increased the discontent. Fuentes adopted a more moderate attitude, even allowing the first steps towards peace negotiations with the North (cf. ILE VIII, 95 04 24, 24) thus heading towards a conflict within the Spanish faction at the Brussels court. Philip changed his policy: Albert of Austria (who had been raised at the Spanish court under Philip’s supervision) became the new governor and some of the Spanish leading men were called back, Fuentes, Estebán de Ibarra, and Juan Martínez de Verastegui among them. Cf. AGN 6, 280-282, 289. 6 auctorem] Fuentes had indeed interceded with Philip II to grant Lipsius the title of historiographusregius and an annuity of 1,000 guilders, cf. ILE 96 01 02 S, 7-9; 96 01 22 (both versions). 9 ut … egit] An obvious reminiscence to the passage in which Vergil compares Aeneas to an oak tree groaning in a storm, cf. Verg. Aen. 4, 441-449. 10-11 absentem absens] This polyptoton is reminiscent of Verg. Aen. 4, 83: absentem absensauditquevidetque.

130

2073 - 96 03 09 M

2073

96 03 09 M

Lipsius (Leuven) to Juan Martínez de Verastegui [Brussels] 9 March 1596

The news of Martínez de Verastegui’s appointment has filled Lipsius with both delight and sadness: joy because of the promotion, disappointment because of the separation. But finally joy gained the upperhand because Borromeo and Sacco are also in Milan. Lipsius is willing to write his speech, if his correspondent informs him of its main ideas. The bearer of the letter, a kinsman of Lipsius, wants to speak to Fuentes. Lipsius hopes that his correspondent may help him. On Juan Martínez de Verastegui, cf. ILE VIII, 95 02 15 M. A second hand added Mediolanum as place of destination in ms. Lips. 3(18). This is definitely a mistake, for the whole letter points out that Martínez de Verastegui was still in Brussels when the letter was written, although he would soon set out for Milan. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 23v, no. 60; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 37v-38, no. 91; d: Cent.It. 43; d1: Ramírez, p. 170-172, no. 39.

Doct[ori] Verastegui. Nobilis et Cl[arissi]me Doctor, Laetum simul et triste mihi fuit audire de munere quod magnus Rex noster benigne tibi donavit. Laetum sane tua caussa quia dignitate augeri

1 Doct[ori] Verastegui: add. claλ || Ioh[anni] Mart[ino] de Verastegui Mediolanum: alt. manusadd.in clb; Ioanni Verastegui, Praesidi Censorii Tribunalis d, d1 3 munere] In the spring of 1594 Martínez de Verastegui had arrived in the Low Countries as one of the four members of the Tribunal de la Visitá, to examine corruption in military expenses, cf. ILE VIII, [95] 02 13, 9-14; Ramírez, 105, n. 168; Lefèvre, Correspondance dePhilippeII, 4, 208, 683 and 693. The printed version adds the title praesesCensorii Tribunalis; Sacco refers to him as fisci rationum in istis provinciis [the Netherlands] censor supremus et Mediolanensis senator (cf. ILE 96 02 29, 64-65). This task, which apparently was now ended, was an answer to the criticism Juan de Idiáquez, Philip II’s secretary of state, had formulated against the administration of Alexander Farnese. Idiáquez wanted to repress the revolt in the Netherlands once and for all by replacing

9 March 1596

131

te videbam, triste mea quia avelli a nobis et ad loca ire quo non nisi litterae nostrae pervenirent. Sed in pugna tamen ista affectuum prior longe vicit quia vera amicitia inducor tuum commodum supra meum habere, tum etiam quia ad honestissimum locum et functionem vocaris quo et ego nuper et nunc iterum liberalissime invitor. Est enim ibi Cardinalis Borromaeus, decus ordinis sui, imo Italiae, qui in cohortem familiamque suam adscriptum me cupiat largo et insolito sane honorario, sed addictum iam et alligatum Regi, quod te non fugit. Est ibidem etiam Ioh[annes] Baptista Saccus, vir serio doctus et mihi amicus, quem puto collegam tibi fore in munere isto senatorio et adsessorem. Sed et alios insignes viros urbs ea et senatus habent; gratulor igitur, gratulor quod e nostris turbis ad quietem et lucem illam ibis. Quod autem petis a me de oratiuncula, libens fecero, si capita breviter ad me miseris dicendorum. Nam in talibus parum usu doctum me esse non nego. Qui has tradet, cognatus meus est cui aliquid negotii apud Comitem Fontanum. Si id tale est ut a te decore possit iuvari aut saltem admissionem impetrare, rogo facias; si aliter est, non rogo. Deum oro felix et tutum iter vobis tribuat et in optata illa meta sistat. Ego memoriam absentis servabo et per litteras etiam renovabo merito hominis tam candide mihi amici. Lovanii, VII. Idus Mart[ias] ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

5 tristem d 5 divelli d, d1 10 imo Italiae: om. d, d1 12 illigatum clb 12-14 Est … adsessorem: om. d, d1 18 esse me d, d1 20 admissionem ⟦possit⟧ clb 21 oro: rogo clb; autem ut d, d1 || vobis: tibi d, d1 23 VII: III d1 Italian soldiers with Spaniards and by a careful audit of the financial administration and elimination of possible squander, cf. L. van der Essen, Unecritiquedel’administration d’Alexandre Farnèse aux Pays-Bas par Don Juan de Idiaquez, Secrétaire d’État de Philippe II, in: Bulletin de la Commission Royale d’Histoire, 100 (1936), 179. I could not find which task awaited him in Milan. 9 ego] A direct invitation from Borromeo is not preserved, but Sacco informs Lipsius about the archbishop’s wish and offers to act an intermediary, cf. ILE 96 02 29, 21-33. 11 insolito] Lipsius was promised 2,000 gold coins a year, cf. ILE 96 02 29, 25-27. 12 alligatum] By his appointment as historiographusregius, cf. ILE 96 01 02 S, 7. 13 Saccus] Gianbattista Sacco. Lipsius mentions Martínez de Verastegui in a letter to Sacco dated December 1596, cf. ILE 96 12 02, 16-18. 19 cognatus] The letter is too vague to identify Lipsius’s kinsman. 19 Fontanum] Pedro Enríquez de Acevedo, Count Fuentes, who was also leaving Brussels. 22 litteras] This is the last (preserved) letter from their correspondence.

5

10

15

20

132

2074 - 96 03 09 S

2074

96 03 09 S

Lipsius (Leuven) to Thomas de Sailly [Brussels] 9 March 1596

Lipsius asks De Sailly to deliver his letter to Fuentes. He was the only one to make an effort to improve Lipsius’s situation, for which Lipsius will be eternally grateful. Thomas de Sailly (Brussels, 23 April 1553 – Brussels, 8 March 1623) studied theology in Leuven and entered the Jesuit order in Rome on 1 May 1580. From 1586 onwards, he accompanied Farnese as his confessor in all his campaigns. After the latter’s death in December 1592 he remained with the Spanish troops in the Low Countries. In 1587 he founded the missio castrensis, the pastoral work in the Spanish army. He was an eye-witness of the sieges of Cambrai (1595) and Amiens (1597); on the latter he published an account, NarratioexpeditionisBelgicaeSerenissimiArchiducisAlbertiad Ambianum (Brussels, 1597). In 1596-1597 he participated in the embassy of Francesco de Mendoza to Rudolph II (cf. ILE 96 03 10 O, 5), on which he also wrote a report; in 1598 he witnessed the signing of the treaty with Henry IV by Mendoza in Paris. By the end of 1596 he became superior of the Jesuits in Brussels, with whom the missio castrensis was affiliated and he was one of the initiators of the founding of the College in 1604, of which he was rector several times. Besides his historical accounts, he also wrote a number of works on ascetism and translated works of Robert Bellarmine and Leonardus Lessius into Dutch. Cf. BN 21, 46-51; DBS 7, 403-408 (with 1558 as year of birth); PIBA 2, 280; J. Schoonjans, CastraDei.L’organisationreligieusedes armées d’Alexandre Farnèse, in: Miscellanea historica in honorem Leonis van der Essen, Brussels-Paris, 1947, 537-540; E. Put, Missioneringswerk in het leger, in: DejezuïetenindeNederlandenenhetprinsbisdomLuik(1542-1773), Brussels, 1991, 84-85. De Sailly was at this moment in Brussels; l. 3-4 suggest that he might have acted as a go-between previously. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 24, no. 62; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 28-28v, no. 71.

Thomae Saillio. Reverende in Christo Pater,

1 Thomae Saillio: add. claλ; Thomae Saillio Rectori clb claλ

2 Reverende … Pater: canc.

133

10 March 1596

Benignitatem tuam semel iterumque expertus, ecce ad eandem recurro et epistolam inclusam tibi offero Comiti Fontano per te tradendam. Nihil habet, nisi significationem animi mei et devinctionis et felicium in itinere 5 isto apprecationem. Revera amo Principem qui solus auctor est (post Deum) melioris meae fortunae. Nec sum, ut vulgus, qui praesentes et potentes colunt, absentium et qui iuvare non possunt, obliviscuntur aut fastidiunt; ego aliter et beneficii ac benefactoris memoria apud me erit aeterna. Sed et testabor, si Deus mihi vitam prorogat ad perficienda quae 10 molimur. Te, Re[veren]de in Chr[is]to Pater, valere opto et mei in precibus memorem esse. Lovanii, VII Idus Mart[ias] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. Interpretari te epistolam meam rogo et s[imu]l salutare R[everendos] P[atres] Oliverium, Costerum, Bonardum. 9 et benefactoris clb 10 prorogat: protrahat suprascr. clb, prolongat subscr. clb 13-14 Interpretari … Bonardum: canc. claλ 14 Costerium cla 4 epistolam] ILE 96 03 09 F. 7 fortunae] Another reference to the appointment as historiographus regius and the annuity involved, cf. ILE 96 01 02 S, 7 en 96 03 09 F, 5-7. 14 Oliverium] Bernardus Oliverius, S.J. (Péruwelz, 1544 – Paris, 25 November 1605) was among the best Jesuit preachers. He was one of the initiators of the settlement of the Order in Valenciennes, where he was rector for nine years. For seven years he was Provincial of the provinciaFlandro-Belgica, cf. Poncelet, Nécrologe, 19; PIBA 2, 175. 14 Costerum] Frans de Coster, cf. ILE VI, 93 07 18 D, 23; PIBA 1, 242. 14 Bonardum] Nicolaas Bonaert (Brussels, 16 March 1564 – Valladolid, 9 March 1610). After teaching philosophy at the Douai College and theology at the Leuven College, he went to Antwerp. He died during a sojourn in Spain as a representative of his province. Cf. DBS 1, 1688-1689; Poncelet, Nécrologe, 22; PIBA 1, 128.

2075 96 03 10 O

Lipsius (Leuven) to Nicolaas Oudaert (Mechelen) 10 March 1596

He is happy to hear about Pantinus’s safe return and adds an answer to his letter. Pantinus is an intelligent man who is also familiar with the Spanish way of life. If only some

134

2075 - 96 03 10 O

Spaniards at the court followed his example! Yet that seems to be the case with the Admiral of Aragon. He hopes that the billeting of inexperienced troops in Mechelen will not last too long. Helping La Fère is necessary to avoid further threats of the French on their country. The Brussels court is favourably disposed towards Lipsius. On Nicolaas Oudaert, cf. ILE II, 86 10 27 P, 7. As to his part in solving Lipsius’s practical problems, see also ILE VIII, 95 01 03, 4. A copy of this letter, although different in phrasing, was listed in GVi as 97 03 10. Because of the differences, it is here edited separately.

Firstversion: cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 24v, no. 63; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 28v, no. 72.

I[ustus] Lipsius Nico[lao] Oudarto S[alutem] D[icit]. Mechliniae. Habes ad Pantini nostri responsum, quem virum salvum redisse et adesse gaudeo, publice et privatim fortasse usui futurum. Dona ingenii et artium habet, sed et peritiam morum ac hominum qui nos regunt. Utinam ex ipsa 5 gente tales aliqui sint in aula! Et audio Admiralium Aragoniae meliora

1 Mechliniae: add. claλ 5 audio: iam a secretis Cardinali Alberto add.claλ inmarg. || Admiralium e admirantem correxi 2 responsum] Sc. ILE 96 03 10 P. 2 redisse] On Petrus Pantinus’s return to the Low Countries, cf. ILE 96 03 10 P, 2. 3 publice] Already on 3 January 1592 Philip II had appointed him dean of St Gudule’s in Brussels, cf. ILE VII, 93 01 31, 11. 4 morum ac hominum] Pantinus had lived in Spain for more than 16 years, cf. ILE VII, 93 01 31, 9. 5 Admiralium] Both versions read admirantem, the secretaries apparently being unfamiliar with the word admiralius (admiraldus, amiraldus, ammiralius, cf. Hoven – Grailet, LexiquedelaproselatinedelaRenaissance, 13). In ILE 97 06 25 M Lipsius proposes an etymological explanation: admiralius: Graeci Amir-halium vocarunt, composita exArabicoetGraecovoce. 5 Aragoniae] Philip II had Francesco de Mendoza (1547 – Siguenza, 1623), admiral of the fleet of Aragon, accompany Archduke Albert to strengthen the pro-Spanish faction in the government of the Low Countries. In July 1596 the governor sent him on an embassy to Rudolph II and the princes of Germany to discuss peace negotiations between the Low

135

10 March 1596

studia non abhorrere. In tempore videbimus et discemus. Mechliniensibus tuis συμπάσχω graviter ita pressis, etsi et Mantua nostra in periculo fuit, sed eripuit eam nomen hoc et praetextus litterarum. Spero autem non diuturnum hoc onus fore nec otiosam ibi habendam manum hanc militarem. Tirones sunt quidem, sed et tirones utiliter in arcibus aut praesidiis locari possunt, 10 peritiore milite educto. Gallia certe nos vocat et Feram illam indagine cinctam nisi eripimus, allatrabunt nos et fines nostros catuli Gallicani. Aulae bona pars hic nuper nobis adfuit et vidimus (si fronti et verbis ulla fides) in nos benignos. Vale, mi Oudarte. Lovanii, VI Idus Mart[ias] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 7 συμπάσχω: nonlegit cla, corr. claλ

10 uliter clb

Countries and to solve the dissensions concerning Cambrai and Besançon. The mission was later extended tot Poland, for Albert wanted King Sigismundus III Wasa to forbid all trade between Danzig and the Northern Provincies. Moreover he hoped to reach an agreement about a common action against England. Mendoza returned to Brussels about one year later; henceforth he accompanied the archduke on his military campaigns and even became commander-in-chief of the army. In the course of the years he became increasingly unpopular. He was rigid towards France (he strongly opposed the Peace of Vervins in 1598) and the Northern Low Countries. During the Battle of Newport (1600) he was captured by the Dutch and spent almost two years as a prisoner of war, during which time he parleyed with them on Albert’s request. The Spaniards at the court in Brussels were vexed because it happened without their knowing. Since he had also fallen out of favour with Philip III, he was recalled to Spain in 1602 and even arrested upon his arrival. After his release he became a priest and died bishop of Siguenza in 1623. Cf. De Schepper, 1, 193-200; Van der Essen-Louant, 1, 87-88, n. 1; Lefèvre, 4, 363 en 391; Van Durme, 1, 518, no. 86; ILE 96 12 16, 61-67. 6 Mechliniensibus] By the end of February 1596 Archduke Albert billeted new garrisons in Mechelen, Lier, Diest, Herentals, and other towns, because he did not want to leave them unprotected when he left with the standing army to relieve La Fère. If the Dutch would capture one of these towns (as had almost happened with Lier on 14 October 1595), they could easily attack the greater part of Brabant. Cf. Bor, 4, 140-141, 179-180; R. Foncke (ed.), MechelendeHeerlijke, Mechelen, 1947, 263-264. 7 Mantua nostra] The combination praetextus litterarum and Mantua (or rather Andes, 5 km’s distant, the birthplace of Vergil) implies a learned reference to Leuven. 7 periculo] In 1588 and the 1590s Leuven and its university succeeded in avoiding the billeting of garrisons, which does not mean that the city was not bothered by passing troops or mutineers demanding ransoms, cf. L. Van Buyten, LeuvenAnno1600, Leuven, 1979, 31; G. Wymans, Lesmutineriesmilitairesde1596à1606, in: StandenenLanden, 39 (1966), 117-119. In January 1604 Lipsius even asked Juan Fernández de Velasco, Philip III’s ambassador in Brussels, that Leuven be exempted from billeting troops, cf. ILE 04 01 24 F. 11 Feram] On the siege of La Fère, cf. ILE 96 01 02 C, 15. 13 adfuit] This visit occurred on 8 March, cf. ILE 96 03 09 CR, 5-8.

136

2075 - 96 03 10 O

Secondversion: c: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 4II, f. 9v, no. 24.

5

10

15

20

I[ustus] Lipsius Nicolao Oudarto S[alutem] D[icit]. Ecce ad Pantinum nostrum litteras quas tu scilicet illi dabis, communis amicus communi. Gaudeo virum rediisse, nobis adesse, peritum utriusque gentis et morum, atque adeo publice et privatim utilem fortasse, si res feret. Audio et Admiralium Arragoniae in aula Gubernatoris nostri gratiosum aut validum esse, atque eum ipsum a litteris et melioribus studiis non alienum. Faxit Deus ut tales adsint, tales audiantur quibus peritia aliqua supra vulgus sit, nec tantum saeculi nostri malum, fastus et contemptus. Mechliniensibus tuis συμπάσχω ita graviter pressis, sed spero diuturnum onus non fore, maxime cum res Gallicanae alio vocent. Feram sane illam indagine cinctam, nisi eripimus, allatrabunt nos Gallici canes et animos valde tollent. Plus tamen momenti in Massilia nobis dedita, si ex fide id narratur. Aditus et irruptio in Galliam ea est, et olim Romanis fuit ostium ac limen victoriae. Quid, quod mari dominatur et habet id in potestate? Mihi crede, magna res, praesertim ob Turcas aut Italos, illos palam hostes, et hos suspectos. Utrisque repagulum posuimus, si opidum et portum hunc habemus. Nimis tamen haec attolli aut ostentare apud alios non est ex usu aut more nostri Regis, qui mavult occulta et certa potentia crescere et vitare qua potest, aut minuere aemulationes. Video hoc illi inter arcana dominationis esse. Primores patriae nostrae iamnuper hic habuimus, valde in me (si verbis et fronti fides) benignos. Vale, mi Oudarte, et serio tuum serio ama. Lovanii, VI Idus Mart[ias] ∞.IƆ.XCVII.

5 Admiralium e Admiralem correxi

13 Romanis e Romanus correxi

137

10 March 1596

2076 96 03 10 P

Lipsius (Leuven) to Petrus Pantinus (Brussels) 10 March 1596

Pantinus has really returned! Yet their mutual affection suggests that he should have written or even visited sooner! Thanks for his letter and the books he offered. Praise of Oudaert. Lipsius was pleased with the annotations to Catullus and the inscriptions from Antiquity. Fortunately, Antonio de Cobarrubias has recovered, without becoming blind, as Estebán de Ibarra had indicated. Lipsius’s De militia has been presented to Crown Prince Philip and favourably received. But Lipsius has not yet heard more about what Pantinus supposed, except that the king commissioned Loaysa with sending an answer. As to Andreas Schott, Lipsius has received his letter from Rome and his annotations to Seneca Sr, an excellent work, but Faber’s edition has preceded him. On Petrus Pantinus, cf. ILE III, 89 07 22; J. De Landtsheer, Petrus Pantinus and his ContributiontoPatrology in:StudiaPatristica,28 (Leuven, 1993), 174-179. The manuscript versions have Mechliniae as destination, the printed version Bruxellam. This confirms the information in ILE 96 03 10 O, that Nicolaas Oudaert was asked to deliver the letter to Pantinus. The printed version just mentions the present address of Pantinus. In ms. Lips. 3(17) a folio disappeared between f. 24 and f. 25, containing the second part of this letter. It can be found at what is now the verso side of ms. Lips. 3(4), f. 67. The intervention happened when ILE 96 03 16 BUY was being prepared for printing. The date is hard to read because the seam of the folio is damaged. See also the introduction to ILE 96 03 16 BUY. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 24v, no. 64 (fragm., l. 1-12) + ibid., ms. Lips. 3(4), f. 67v inf. (fragm., l. 12-29); clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 29, no. 73; d: Cent.Belg. I, 22.

I[ustus] Lipsius Petro Pantino, Decano Bruxellensi, S[alutem] D[icit]. Mechliniae. Iam denique scio et sentio Pantinum meum rediisse, antea opinabar. Si enim certo, an non ille ad me scriberet? Imo an non (ut meum quidem 1 I[ustus] Lipsius: om. d || Decano Bruxellensi: om. cla, clb Bruxellam d

2 Mechliniae: om. cla;

3 rediisse] Pantinus had already been appointed as dean of St Gudule’s in Brussels on 3 January 1592, but he postponed his departure from Spain because of the adverse situation in his native country. He arrived in Brussels in Archduke Albert’s retinue in the first days of February, cf. ILE VI, 93 01 31, 11 (where 30 May 1595 should be corrected).

138

2076 - 96 03 10 P

desiderium erat) veniret? Nec enim celamus te nostrum affectum: habemus et habuimus te iam ante plures annos in primis amicis idque absentem. Sperare mutuum potui, imo debui, ut probitas tua est et cum prisca doctrina prisci mores. Sed largiter satisfecisti una hac scriptione, cui et munera adiunxisti: munera, qualia nos decebant, libros. Amo te, amo, amabo et 10 certe debeo, ut est raritas talium virorum in nostro axe. Oudartum tamen, communem nostrum, novisti: ille est ad Genium meliorem et nostrum, vir quo probiorem nec optes quidem. Adest amor et studium istarum artium, sed et peritia ac rerum usus adest et, cum poeta: Περὶοἶδεδίκαςἠδὲφρόνινἄλλων. 15 Uno verbo, si me amas, virum ama. De Catullianis notis et inscriptionibus antiquis, gratum est: videbo et quidquid fructus, a te erit. Gratius intellexisse de valetudine instaurata Antonii Covarruviae, quam afflictam aut depositam esse Stephanus Yvarra, secretarius regius, mihi indicarat. Addiderat Homeri fato affectum et caecum esse. Gaudeo aliter esse, quia 5

5 affectum: nec tu me celas, ut Pythagoras solebat alienos suprascr. clb 6 hab⟦eb⟧uimus cla; habebimus clb 9 te amo: amo om. d 10 axe: in polo caeli n[ost]ro add. clb inmarg. 14 Περὶ…ἄλλων: novit mores mentesque aliorumque: add. d 18 regi a Secretis d 19 aliter habere d 5 veniret] Lipsius and Pantinus would not meet in the next months either, cf. ILE 96 09 23, 2-3. 8 scriptione] Pantinus’s letter, which Lipsius is answering, is not preserved, cf. ILE 96 03 10 O, 2. 10 Oudartum] In ILE 96 03 10 O, 3-4 Lipsius asks Oudaert to act as an intermediary. Oudaert often had to go to Brussels as a representative or a secretary of the archbishop of Mechelen in the States of Brabant. 11 ad Genium … nostrum] After Plaut. Stich. 622: hic quidem genium meliorem tuum nonfacies. 14 Περὶ…ἄλλων]: Cf. Hom. Od. 3, 244. 17 Covarruviae] On Antonio de Cobarrubias y Leyva (Toledo, 1524 – ibid., 1602), cf. ILE I, 81 11 03; Ramírez, 32-33. When Petrus Pantinus arrived in Spain in 1579 he became Cobarrubias’s secretary, cf. De Landtsheer, Petrus Pantinus, 174-175. Both men shared a profound interest in Greek authors. 18 Yvarra] On Estebán de Ibarra, secretary of State and War in the Low Countries, cf. ILE VIII, 95 01 17 I; Martínez Millán – de Carlos Morales, 406. 19 caecum] Lipsius mentions and denies the news in a later letter to Pantinus: Sedqui nosterCovarruvia,illesenexsenisHomericiaevodignus?SednonetiamHomerifato, quotamenaudioetdoleoeumaffectum, cf. ILE 99 08 03.

10 March 1596

139

ignotum de facie virum tamen acriter amo et censeo lumen ac sidus esse 20 illius tractus. Plura alias: haec salutatio modo et gratulatio apud te sit, quod salvus ad nos veneris, per maria, per montes, atque ut diu in patrio isto solo sis, Deum veneror ac posco. Libri mei Demilitia traditi Principi sunt: ut ad me scribunt, grati. Sed de re quam tu exspectas, ego adhuc nihil, nisi hoc tuum, exspectare. Addunt Regem in mandatis Loaysiae dedisse, ut is 25 responderet. Siquid erit, scies; etiam, si nihil erit. Schottum nostrum Romae esse scis, a quo nuper litterae et una ad Senecam patrem notae. Sunt bonae et eruditae, sed in plerisque praevenit eum Nic[olaus] Faber, quem puto te vidisse. Vale, mi Pantine. VI. Idus Mart[ias] ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

20 ⟦talem⟧ tamen claλ || iam censeo d || ⟦an⟧ ac clb; atque d 23 posco: oro d || sunt: et add. clb 25-26 Addunt … responderet: canc. claλ; om. d 29 Pantine: diu vale. Lovanii add. clb 23 traditi] Jan vander Burch, president of the Private Council, had promised to take care of Crown Prince Philip’s copy of Demilitiaand its covering letter, but his sudden death († 5 July 1595) prevented him from keeping this promise. In the first days of August Lipsius was in a frenzy that some of the courtiers in Spain might already have received their copy, whereas that of the Crown Prince was still in the Netherlands. Hence he asked Christophe d’Assonleville to take the matter in hand and had a copy of the dedicatory letter sent to Spain instantly through Juan Martínez de Verastegui, cf. ILE VIII, 95 08 06 A, 95 08 13, and 95 09 02 M. 24 grati] In ILE VIII, 95 08 30 S, 7-11 and 95 09 13 BU, 19-20 Lipsius already mentioned that his work and its dedication had found favour with the Spanish leaders in Brussels. King Philip II had expressed his appreciation in a letter to Archduke Albert, dated 25 January 1596 (cf. ILE 96 02 19 H, 9), but this is the first direct echo in Lipsius’s correspondence. 24 re] Lipsius might be referring here to a possible remuneration from the Spanish king, cf. also ILE 96 02 19 H, 9-10. 25 Loaysiae] On Garcia de Loaysa y Giron, court chaplain and teacher of the Spanish Crown Prince, cf. ILE VI, 93 01 31, 24; Martínez Millán - de Carlos Morales, 418-419. Lipsius had asked him to give prince Philip a copy of the dedicatory letter of Demilitia in anticipation of the work’s arrival, cf. ILE VIII, 95 08 30 L. 26 Schottum] Only Lipsius’s answer to this letter is preserved (ILE 96 02 18). Schott had been Pantinus’s teacher in Leuven (1572-1573) and invited him on his journey to Spain, where they arrived by the end of 1579, after a sojourn in Paris. 27 ad … notae] Cf. ILE 96 02 18, 4; 96 09 23, 20-27. 28 Faber] On the Seneca edition of Faber (Nicolas le Fèvre de la Boderie) cf. ILE 96 02 18, 6. In ILE VI, 93 01 31, 19-20, Pantinus had complained that he had not yet seen this work.

140

2077 - 96 03 14

2077

96 03 14

Jacobus Marchantius (Alveringem) to Lipsius (Leuven) 14 March 1596

Marchantius sends Lipsius a poem in elegiac distichs on the pleasures of life on his estate in Alveringem. He hopes that this will be the key to Lipsius’s friendship. Jacobus Marchantius (Newport, 1537 – Brussels, 1609) studied at the faculty of arts before teaching in Italy and Spain. Upon his return he sided with the States to push Spanish dominance in the government. In 1580 he was president of the admiralty, later bailiff of Newport and commissary of the military equipment of West-Flanders. When in 1596 the Spanish predominance was still unchanged, he quit politics. He wrote verses, e.g. Elegiarum liber, Leuven, 1557 and a history of Flanders, De rebus Flandriae memorabilibus, published by Plantin in Antwerp in 1567. An enlarged reissue (Antwerp, wid. Plantin and Moretus, 1596) was dedicated to Archduke Albert. Through Ortelius he urged Moretus to have the publication ready at Albert’s arrival in the Low Countries (cf. Hessels 1, p. 672-673, no. 281, dated 2 December 1595). Cf. BN 13, 446-447. Marchantius and his wife (Hervina) had ten children (cf. l. 9-10), one of them Franciscus, cf. ILE VII, 94 03 15 H, 45; ILE 96 05 21 M, 15. In a letter dated 22 January 1597 Philip II confirms that Marchantius is of noble birth (cf. a copy: Brussels, ARA, Aud. reg. 196, f. 104v). Seven of Marchantius’s carmina of various length and in different metres were published in Gruterus (ed.), DelitiaeC.poetarumBelgicorum[…], Frankfurt, 1614, 3, 396-399. The poem recalls to some extent Vergil’s Eclogues, the first in particular. Both poems have a similar subject, at least in the passages in which Vergil is extolling life in the countryside. Moreover, Marchantius’s vocabulary and mythological references were also influenced by his model, e.g., Alvrigemi nos rus tenui cantamus avena (l. 7) from silvestremtenuimusammeditarisavena (Verg. Ecl. 1, 2) or SicDeus(istamihiquirura ac ocia fecit (l. 65) from O Meliboee, deus nobis haec otia fecit (Verg. Ecl. 1, 6). Meliboeus and Menalcas in the accompanying letter (l. 75 and 77) figure as shepherds in Vergil. Compare also Quaeque memor veteris vitat sublimia casus, / In nostris perdix saepibus ova locat (l. 27-28) with Propter humum volitat ponitque in saepibus ova / Antiquiquememormetuitsublimiacasus (Ov. Met. 8, 258-259). The compounds used by Marchantius have an archaizing effect and go back through Lucretius to Ennius and Naevius. o: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 4; d1: Burman I, p. 755-757, no. 718.

14 March 1596

141

Iac[obus] Marchantius Iusto Lipsio. DE COMMODIS RURIS SUI Aoniis dum tu, Lipsi, dominaris in hortis, Pegaseis ubi se Dilia miscet aquis, Dum qua quisque sibi norma, qua res sibi constet Publica Palladiis suggeris articulis, Alvrigemi nos rus tenui cantamus avena, Furnensis Morini qua viret ora soli. Hic Hervina mihi nuper dulcissima coniux, Quae mihi lactavit pignora sana decem, (Deliciae nostri et flos optatissimus agri, Quem frustra campis invideo Aelisiis) Omnia curabat, dum curis praefero Musas Et varia historici specto theatra chori. Hic quae lata meos circumfluit unda Penates, Nec pisce, amphibiis nec caret alitibus. Hortus adhaerenti nutrit pulmenta culinae, Et cum diversis poma leguminibus Picturis oculos, nares delectat odore, Altera pars horti florida tota mei. 1 Lipsio: S[alutem] D[icit]: add. d1 3 Aoniis] From Aonia, i.e. Boeotia, with mount Helicon, one of the residences of the Muses; metonymia for ‘from the Muses’ cf. RE 1, 2, 2657. 4 Pegaseis … aquis] A poetical reference to the Hippocrene, the spring that welled up on mount Helicon when Pegasus struck its peak with one of its hoofs. 4 Dilia] The river Dijle in Leuven. 6 Palladiis] Of Pallas Athena (Minerva), the goddess of wisdom. 5-6 qua … Publica] Probably an allusion to De constantia and Politica, two popular works of Lipsius. 7 Alvrigemi] In 1596 Marchantius had withdrawn from public life to his estate ‘Hoogepoorte’ near Alveringem, a hamlet some ten kilometers from Veurne, cf. BN 13, 446-447. 8 Morini] Alveringem is situated in the region where the Morini, a tribe from Gallia Belgica, lived, cf. RE 16, 1, 305. 9 Hervina] The second name of Marchantius’s wife is unknown. 12 frustra] The date of her death is unknown. 12 campis … Aelisiis] The Elysian Fields, i.e. the mythological place where the blessed souls settled after their death. 13-14 Musas … historici] Allusion to Marchantius’s poetical and historical work, cf. the introduction.

5

10

15

20

142

25

30

35

40

45

2077 - 96 03 14

Hic quoque regicolae tempestatumque peritae Inclusum cerae mel generatis apes. Saepe hominum nobis referunt exempla columbae, Sordida quum fugiunt tecta, sed alba colunt. Oviparas crista regit incessuque decorus Gallus et excubias nocte silente canit. Quaeque memor veteris vitat sublimia casus, In n[ost]ris perdix saepibus ova locat. Flava Ceres frumentiferas inclinat in hastas Et levis esse illi gaudet avena comes. Lac vaccae et carnes (animal sine fraude) ministrant Et butyrum variae caseolosque notae. Iucundis vituli mensis optabilis esca Et pingues capiunt hinc alimenta sues. Lanigeris soliti colludere matribus agni (Sex olim una mihi quos genitura dedit) Insidias nunc formidant raptusque luporum, Mars solito plures quos diuturnus alit. Quique vehit dominum, qui terram scindit aratro, Qui currum trahit, hinc gramina carpit equus. Umbrosis aptisque foco tectoque struendo Arboribus vacuus non reperitur ager. Velifer atque meos fluvius qui praeterit agros, Quo lubet, oblata me rate ferre potest. Hactenus ad corpus quae spectavere, locutus, Nunc quae sint animi pabula rure, canam.

21 regicolae] Poetical neologism, ‘worshippers of the king’, not in Hoven – Grailet, LexiquedelaproselatinedelaRenaissance. 25 Oviparas] Cf., e.g., App. Apol. 38; Aus. Idyll. 10, 132. 27 casus] Daedalus’ nephew Perdix acted as his servant in Athens and was equally gifted, thus provoking the envy of his master. Daedalus threw him into the sea and fled to Crete. Minerva changed Perdix into a partridge, cf. Ov. Met. 8, 250-259. 29 frumentiferas] Neologism, not in Hoven – Grailet, LexiquedelaProseLatine. 34 pingues … sues] Cf. also Mart. 11, 41, 7. 35 lanigeris] Cf. Enn. Sat. 66 etal. 39 terram … aratro] After Lucr. 5, 209; Ov.Am. 3, 8, 4. 40 gramina … equus] After Ov. Trist. 4, 8, 20.

14 March 1596

143

Sive ego progeniem vernis animalibus ortam, Naturae instinctu continuare genus, Seu putribus vivas granis exurgere spicas, (Quod nostri exemplar corporis a tumulo) Sive salutiferas cum plantis conspicor herbas, Et quicquid nobis terra benigna parit, Immensam cogor terra caeloque fateri Esse potestatem cum pietate Dei. Ut specto, obstupeo, sinceri vescor et aura Aetheris et caelo liberiore fruor. Hic Aganippaei secessus et otia coetus Saepe animi turbas me posuisse iubent. Tunc neque tincta mihi fallaci gloria fuco Gaudia securi surripit ingenii Nec maestis avidisque referta pecunia curis Tranquilla mentem cogit abire via; Urbis et avertens irritamenta protervae, Me Curios Pallas non simulare docet. Sic Deus (ista mihi qui rura ac otia fecit) Ruris inoffensi commoda perpetuet Et tua fortunae instabilis Constantia victrix Sit tam saepe meis obvia luminibus, Dicere uti liceat tuto mihi rure fruenti: Inveni portum spesque metusque. Vale. Finis. Videri possim tecum, huius saeculi ornamento, Lipsi, indecore agere, qui haec rustica tuae urbanitati, insulsa tuis salibus, polluta tuae politiae obtrudam, nisi civilissima benignitas tua, humanissimi Musaei tui filia, me

71 finis: om. d1 51 salutiferas … herbas] Cf. Stat. Ach. 1, 117. 56 caelo … fruar] Cf. Ov. Met. 15, 301. 57 Aganippaei] Aganippe, another spring in Boeotia, also sacred to the Muses, cf. RE 1, 1, 731. 61 maestis … curis] Cf. Val. Fl. 8, 233. 64 Curios] M. Curius Dentatus (third century B.C.), a famous general who defeated King Pyrrhus, was considered a model of the severity of ancient heroes, cf. Cic. Amic. 18; Parad. 50; RE 4, 2, 1841-1845; Otto, Sprichwörter, 102.

50

55

60

65

70

144 75

2078 - 96 03 16 BUR1

invitasset et persuasisset te nullos quamlibet Meliboeos aspernaturum, qui ad auram amicitiae tuae impetrandae aspirant vere et sincere. Quo in numero ut hunc Menalcam habeas, te obtestor. Vive et vale pancratice quam diutissime. Ex rusculo n[ost]ro curifugo prid[ie] Id[us] Mar[tias] 1596. Tui studiosissimus Iacobus Marchantius. [Address:] A Mons[ieu]r Iustus Lipsius, Professeur A Louvain. Cito. L[ov]anii.

75 Meliboeos] A shepherd, conversation partner of Tityrus in Verg. Ecl. 1. 77 Menalcam] Menalcas is one of the shepherds in Verg. Ecl.5 and 9. The Roman poet borrows his character from Theocr. Id. 8, where he challenges Daphne to a singing competition, which he loses. This element elucidates Marchantius’s comparison. 77 vale pancratice] In the sense of ‘being in good health’. Pancraticeis an hapax in Plaut. Bacch248, ‘after the manner of the pancratiasts, heartily’. Cf. also Erasmus, Adagia, 2, 8, 86. 78 curifugo] Curifugus is a neologism, but curifugius is attested, cf. Du Cange, 2, 671.

2078

96 03 16 BUR1

Lipsius (Leuven) to Adriaan vander Burch (Utrecht) 16 March 1596

Thanks for the congratulations; Lipsius will do his utmost to perform his task as royal historiographer in a satisfactory way. He is pleased to hear that all is well with his friends. Congratulations to Wiltius on his new office; Lipsius hopes that he will keep his irascibility in check. A wise man takes nothing for granted. If only the Northern Provinces were willing to accept peace! Greetings to Canterus. On Adriaan vander Burch, cf. ILE II, 85 12 16; NNBW 6, 231-232. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 25v, no. 67; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 30v, no. 76; clc: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(21), f. 19.

16 March 1596

145

I[ustus] Lipsius Hadriano Vanderburchio S[alutem] D[icit]. Ultraiecti. Vir Nob[ilis] et Cl[arissi]me, Animum tuum qui pridem in me novi et coram ex ipso vultu tuo didici, facile inducor ut credam commodis meis serio laetari et ex fide et pectore nunc gratulari. Fateor beneficio et honore pariter affectum me a meo Rege. 5 Unus mihi labor et cura est, videre ut par sim et adniti. Adnitar, Hercules, et aliquid cum Deo enitar in hoc muneris mei argumento, si paucos annos aetherea hac etiam aura vescor. Vos valere illic suave auditu est et honoribus augescere eos qui mei sunt et fuerunt. Wiltzio quidem locum hunc gratulor et faveo; voveo tantum faciat quo natura inclinat et teneat se intra modestiae 10 metas. O magnam sapientiam his temporibus, non insurgere aut incalescere et alia etiam tempora, post haec, cogitare! Si sic hodie, cras aliter fortasse, nec firma etiam quae firma videntur, fas sibi polliceri. ResDeusnostrascelericitatas  turbineversat. 15 Utinam cogitaret gens, quam amo! Etiam de pacatis consiliis cogitaret nec permitteret omnia et fideret indomito huic Marti! Satis. Salve et nos ama olim, nunc et semper tuos. Lovanii, post[ridie] Idus Mart[ias] ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

1 I[ustus] Lipsius: om. clc || ⟦Had[riano]⟧ ⟦Lamb[erto]⟧ Hadriano cla || Ultraiecti: om. cla, Ultraiectum clcλ 2 Vir … Cl[arissi]me: om. clc 3 didici: ideoque add. clcλ inmarg. 4 laetari et: ideo add. clb, clcsed canc. clcλ 4-5 et ex … gratulari: om. cla 6 adniti: qui magna diligentia aliquid conatur facere, d[icitu]r adniti add. clb 7 et: ut clb; ⟦ut⟧ et clcλ || enitar: idem quod pario hic interdum, idem quod allaborare et conari add. clbinmarg. 8 hac ⟦etiam⟧ clcλ 9 Withio clb, Wi⟦th⟧ltzio corr. clcλ 10 ⟦et⟧ id est teneat cla 12 Si ⟦sit hodie⟧‚ sic hodie clc 13 nec firma: quasi ventus add. clb inmarg. 17 et ⟦fidere⟧ fideret clc 17-18 et nos … tuos: om. clb, clc

5 beneficio et honore] The appointment as royal historiographer, cf. ILE 96 01 02 S, 7. 8 aetherea … vescor] After Verg. Aen. 1, 546-547: sivesciturauraaetheria. 9 eos] Besides Wiltius Lipsius is surely thinking of another former student, Everardus Pollio, cf. ILE VII, 94 09 26. 9 Wiltzio] In January 1596 Wiltius was appointed as counsellor in the States of Utrecht; apparently, Lipsius is concerned because of Wiltius’s violent temper. Cf. on him ILE I, 81 08 08 W; VII, 94 11 08 W, 5-6. See also ILE 96 10 19, 33-36. 14-15 Res…versat] Cf. Sen. Thyest. 621-622. 16 pacatis consiliis] Cf. ILE 96 01 02 S, 14-26; 96 02 02, 17-19; 96 03 09 CR, 16-19.

146

2079 - 96 03 16 BUR2

D[ominum] Canterum saluto, a quo aut filio (ambigo enim) dicuntur hic 20 ad me esse litterae. Non accepi. Moneo, non quia exigam, sed ne exigar, si ita est.

19-21 D[ominum] … est: desid.in cla, canc. clcλ

20 ⟦ad me⟧ ad te clc

19 Canterum] Theodorus Canterus (1545-1616), cf. ILE I, 77 09 02 and TCE, 3-13 (in particular about the year of his death). 19 filio] Lambertus Canterus, cf. ILE III, 88 09 02 C, 29; XIV, 01 08 12 C, 55; TCE, 8. 20 litterae] No letter from Theodorus Canterus or his son from this period is preserved.

2079

96 03 16 BUR2

Lipsius (Leuven) to Lambert vander Burch (Utrecht) 16 March 1596

Lipsius would have liked to receive Vander Burch’s congratulations personally, but the North seems not inclined to peace. Yet it is the only solution: the Low Countries are one body. Lipsius intends to devote himself now to historiography with Vander Burch’s works as his model. After his nasty experience Lipsius’s correspondent should control his greediness at dinner. On Lambert vander Burch, cf. ILE I, 81 03 15, 22. The version now in ms. Lips. 3(4) was originally the upper part of a folio in ms. Lips. 3(17), between what became f. 25 and f. 26 in the modern foliation. A strip of some 9 cm is all that is left of this damaged folio. The present letter was moved to ms. Lips. 3(4) in view of possible publication, as is also indicated by EPIST[OLA], added in Lipsius’s hand on top of the letter. Its verso side contains the end of ILE 96 03 30 and the beginning of ILE 96 04 24. Cf. also De Landtsheer, Lems.Lips.3(4), 55-56. In the margin another hand wrote Haecvisabenescripta. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(4), f. 66; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 30, no. 75.

16 March 1596

147

I[ustus] Lipsius Lamb[erto] Vanderburchio Decano S[alutem] D[icit]. Ultraiecti. Vir R[everen]de et Nobilis, Gratulationem tuam ex animo (hoc scio) profectam amplexus sum ipso meo animo, teipsum utinam brachiis sic fas etiam esset! Sed quae nos audimus, 5 spem non faciunt et nostri quanquam ad pacis consilia proni, vestri videntur abhorrere. Atqui non ante finis aut solatium his malis quam cum iungemur, et sic abruptis semper pati erit et queri. Membra unius corporis sumus et ipso situ innexi: pereant, pereant qui divellunt. Sed ad me et tuam gratulationem: ita est, benigne habiti ab Aula nostra sumus et titulo illo 10 et pensione honeste donati. Vides quo convertere stilum debeam, sed tractim et cogitate, et tua etiam quae meditaris usui nobis erunt. Ut pergas, hortor, iam non publica, sed privata etiam caussa. De casu tristiore qui subito intervenit tibi convivanti, tristis audivi. Sed quid est? Mille talibus exponimur, quod non ignoras, et bene est, quod admonitiuncula ea modo 15 fuit, non laesio aut status morbus. Caussam etiam symptomatis cum nosti, prudentiae tuae erit cavere in posterum et frenare appetitiunculas istas. Ut nobis quidem diu valeas opto et ad meliora tempora (si Deo visum) pariter servemur. Vale, Lovanii, postr[idie] Idus Mart[ias] ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

1 ⟦I[ustus] Lipsius⟧ claλ 2 Ultraiecti: Ultraiectum claλ, clb 3 Vir … Nobilis: canc. claλ 5 utinam: canc. claλ || si⟦c⟧ claλ 8 erit ⟦et⟧ ac clb 9 divellunt: abstrahunt suprascr. clb 10 ⟦ita est⟧ ita est clb 11 Vide⟦s⟧ clb 14 tibi: suprascr. cla, om. clb 16 ⟦non … morbus⟧ claλ || aut: status a[nim]i firmus add. clbinmarg. 1 Decano] Lambertus vander Burch was dean of St Mary’s in Utrecht from 1578 to 1582, but kept the title until his death in 1617, cf. ILE VI, 93 05 05, 10. 6-7 vestri … abhorrere] Cf. ILE 96 03 16 BUR1, 16-17. 10-11 titulo … pensione] Cf. ILE 96 01 02 S, 7. 11 quo] Cf. e.g., ILE 96 02 19 H, 11-15. 12 tua] After his political role was ended for religious reasons, Lambert vander Burch devoted himself to history. Lipsius is referring to the Sabaudorumducumprincipumque historiaegentilitiaelibriduo, Leiden, 1599. His correspondent had sent him the manuscript in 1595 and had asked for his opinion, cf. ILE VIII, 95 06 11 BUR; 95 08 04 B, 18-23. See also ILE III, [90 09 15], 11-13 and ILE 96 01 02 S, 13. 13 casu] Since Vander Burch’s letter is lost, we do not know what happened exactly, but Lipsius’s answer suggests that his friend had either almost suffocated during a meal or had suffered a serious indigestion.

148

2080 - 96 03 16 BUY

2080 96 03 16 BUY

Lipsius (Leuven) to Gerardus Buytewech (Leiden) 16 March 1596

Lipsius was in Antwerp. When will they be able to meet? Apparently the political leaders of the North are still averse to peace. Buytewech must indeed consider marriage, but without being troubled. Apparently, Bertius has tied the knot. Is there any news about Sandelinus and Scaliger? The Poliorcetica has gone to the printer. Greetings to Buytewech’s parents. Lipsius is appointed royal historiographer. The version now in ms. Lips. 3(4), f. 67 was originally part of a folio between what is now f. 24 and f. 25 of ms. Lips. 3(17), cf. ILE 96 03 10 P, introduction. The letter began at the bottom of the recto side and continued on the verso side. The folio was cut in half and both parts glued in such a way that the letter is now entirely on the recto side of ms. Lips. 3(4), f. 67; this cut and paste happened in view of a possible publication, as is also indicated by EPIST[OLA], added in Lipsius’s hand on top of the letter. The verso side contains fragments of ILE 96 03 16 S1 and ILE 96 03 10 P. Cf. also De Landtsheer, Lems.Lips.3(4), 56. In the margin another hand wrote Haecvisabenescripta. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(4), f. 67; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 31-31v, no. 78; d1: Burman I, p. 696-697, no. 655.

I[ustus] Lipsius Ger[ardo] Buytewechio S[alutem] D[icit]. Leidam. Antverpiae fui, id est tanto vicinior Bataviae vestrae, et litora et oras lustravi unde ad vos saepe solvi. In mente mihi amici crebro et mentiar, nisi etiam noctibus memoria vestri. Unquamne licebit? Nec hoc quidem 5 novo Austriaco Praeside, vestri mitiores aut ad pacem inclinantes?

1 ⟦Leidam⟧ claλ; Leidae: add.clbman.alt. inclinantes claλ, fractiores clb

3 mentior clb

5 novo et clb || ⟦fractiores⟧

2 Antverpiae] Lipsius had brought his manuscript of Poliorcetica and wanted to discuss some final details, cf. ILE 96 01 02 C, 10; 96 03 16 S2, 11-12. 5 Praeside] Governor Albert of Austria hoped to find a way out of the strife and reconciliate the Northern Low Countries with the Spanish king.

16 March 1596

149

Non apparet et contra audimus et fiduciam a triplici illo foedere et pertinaciam in eo manendi. Deus ergo faciet et res ducet quo ei visum, sed et nos ducet paratos obsequi et parere. Omitto nec in posterum libens tangam, cum circumspicere iam vestros audiam et in scriptiones inquirere aut sermones. Privata igitur, sed quae illa? Pauca sunt. Tu nihil mutas nec 10 das gratulandi aut apprecandi nobis caussas. Scis quid velim, et sapienter fortasse facis, si tamen brevi nubes istae transiturae sunt et Neptuno huic committere te possis in sereno. Paene diffido. Interea cum Musis nostris versare et age, sed et cum severiore sapientia apud Stoicos nostros educata. Ab illis voluptas interior aut utilitas et post animi hanc curam felicius et 15 fortius transibis ad illam corporis et externam. Vota parentum tuorum irrita esse nolim: da iis nepotes et sustine ac fulci domum in te unum inclinatam. Audio Bertium nostrum hoc nunc agere. Bene et feliciter et hoc malo ut

17 inclina⟦ntem⟧tam clb 6 foedere] Because of Albert’s spring campaigns (La Fère, Calais), Henry IV wished to strengthen the alliance with England and the Northern Provinces. He hoped to diminish the pressure on the northern part of his country by attacking Spain itself with the support of his allies. Negotiations between the French king and Queen Elizabeth I were concluded by the Treaty of Greenwich on 26 May 1596. On their insistance the Northern Provinces were included on 31 October 1596. Cf. De Thou, 5, 607-619; Bor, 4, 250-255, 260-267; Japikse, 9, 106-120; Fruin, 168-169, 178-179. 7 pertinaciam] In a letter to Philip II, dated 28 March 1596, Albert also underlined the stubbornness of a few leaders: they were dominating a people longing for peace and had to be forced to make fair negotiations by an offensive war. Cf. Lefèvre, 4, 347. On the negotiations between North and South of 1595, cf. ILE V, 95 04 24 H, 24; AGN 6, 289. 8-9 Omitto … tangam] Cf. a similar complaint to Sandelinus, written on the same day. Lipsius even suppressed a first letter to him and sent a new one, fearing that his opinion on the political situation in the Netherlands might be misinterpreted. Cf. ILE 96 03 16 S2, 3-6 and the introduction to ILE 96 03 16 S1. 12 nubes] Buytewech only marries around New Year 1602, cf. ILE 96 01 10 B, 36. 12 Neptuno huic] The god of the sea is used as a metonymy of life with the troubles it involves. 17 unum] By this time, Buytewech was an only son, cf. ILE 97 08 20 D. 18 Bertium] On 7 February 1596 Petrus Bertius had married Marytgen, the second daughter of Johannes Cuchlinus, rector of the Collegiumtheologicum or States College in Leiden. Cf. NNBW 1, 321; Bosch, 62.

150

2080 - 96 03 16 BUY

sub Venere ardeat quam sub eius marito. Sandelinum tuum et meum nonne 20 vides aliquando? Velim et inter vos mea quoque caussa amate. De Scaligero, amari ab eo triumphus est. Sed quid agit? Nec tu quidem scribis et an etiam nunc in subtilibus illis intricetur. Dic tribus verbis. Poliorcetica mea dedi nuper typographo ac vereor ut auxilium ab eo serum sit, etsi nec nunc serum, et alibi inseram aut adtexam. Tu saluta et quidquid a te addes, 25 nimium non addes. Fac idem utrique parenti tuo a me et mea. Lovanii, postr[idie] Idus Mart[ias] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. Donatum me titulo Historiographi Regii puto audisti; parum est, sed res et pensio accessit.

22 ⟦Poliorectica⟧ Poliorcetica claλ, d1; Poliorectica clb Lovanii 1596 add. d1

25 ⟦me⟧ te clb

28 accessit:

19 marito] According to most Greek authors Aphrodite and Ares were a couple (cf. e.g., Hes. Th. 933-934), although according to Hom. Od. 8, 256-369 she was married to Hephaestus. In Rome, Venus and Mars are only matched from the end of the third century B.C. Cf. Roscher, 1, 1, 405, 481; 1, 2, 2065. Lipsius makes a learned allusion on Bertius’s hot-tempered character, which had caused an uproar, not only in the college, but in the whole city, cf. ILE VIII, 95 01 29 B, 8; 95 12 05. 19 Sandelinum] That same day Lipsius also writes to Sandelinus, hoping that Buytewech will take care of the letter, cf. ILE 96 02 16 S1 and S2. 21 Scaligero … agit] Lipsius had also informed about Scaliger in ILE 96 01 10 B, 23-26. His esteem for Lipsius is mentioned in other letters from the North, although later on he will become more critical, cf. also the note to ILE VI, 93 12 28, 15-16. In ILE VIII, 95 11 07 Franciscus Raphelengius Jr complains about Scaliger’s arrogance and the volatility of his opinions: Laudatorautcontemptorvehemensacsaepeeiusdemviriaut rei. Qui hodie marans, asnes, bestes, ignorants et cetera, alias iidem erunt gallantshommes,doctes,sçavantsetcetera.Atqueutrumque,laudesetvituperia,noncelat,adeo utpluresoffenderet,nisiiaminciperetludibriopotiusessequamodio. 22 tribus verbis] An idiom often used by Lipsius. Cf. Pind. N. 7, 48; Ter. Phorm. 638639; Plaut. Trin. 963; Mil. 1020; Erasmus, Adagia, 4, 4, 84. 22-23 Poliorcetica … typographo] Lipsius made a short trip to Antwerp in February, cf. ILE 96 02 06, 14. 23 auxilium] In September 1595 he had asked Scaliger’s advice about his forthcoming publication. He was puzzled about a passage on missiles and catapults in Vitruvius and also assured his colleague that he would welcome any remarks or illustrations concerning Demilitia. Cf. ILE VIII, 95 09 12 S, 13-17. 27 titulo] Cf. 96 01 02 S, 7.

151

16 March 1596

2081

96 03 16 S1

Lipsius (Leuven) to Gerardus Sandelinus (The Hague) 16 March 1596

Lipsius is doing fine, although he is aware that he cannot expect his health to improve, because of his age. On what subject can he possibly write, if politics are taboo? Archduke Albert is aspiring after peace, but the North still inclines to war, trusting in its allies. The news about Marseille, if true, would be a boon for the Spanish king. But it is better to curb one’s curiosity and prudently focus one’s own situation. Ms. Lips. 3(4) only has the opening lines of this letter; its second part is on ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 25 (neglected by GVi). Since two strips of paper were glued together, a few lines in ms. Lips. 3(4) cannot be read (l. 9-10: asperum…vicit). The opening line with the address has disappeared too. Cf. also ILE 96 03 16 BUY, introduction; De Landtsheer, Lems.Lips.3(4), 56. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(4), f. 67v (fragm., 2-9) + ibid., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 25, no. [65] (fragm., inc. De Massilia, l. 10-11); clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 29v, no. 74.

I[ustus] Lipsius Ger[ardo] Sandelino S[alutem] D[icit]. Hagae. Affectus non deest aut deerit unquam scribere; vereor ut mox materia, praesertim si publica non miscemus. Nam in privatis, quid esse potest nisi illud Sivales,valeo? Parva aut nulla mutatio in istis, nisi quod cum annis in deterius imus et currum hunc vitae, ut sic dicam, flectimus ad metam. 5 At publica tamen tangere vel tua caussa nolim, cum apud vos, titulo sic liberos, imminuta sit haec libertas et cogitationum aut suspicionum fluctus 1 I[ustus] … Hagae: add. clb alt.man. 4 Si…valeo] Often used opening formula of letters. Cf., e.g., Sen. Ep. 15, 1. 6 nolim] Cf. ILE 96 01 10 S, 19-22. 7 cogitationum … suspicionum] Cf. Bor, 4, 132 (Sept.-Oct. 1595): […] alledagemeerder tijdingesoouytBrabandalsvanandereplaetsenvandesekerekomstevandenCardinael AlbertusvanOostenrijk[…]metvollelastencommissieompaysenvredetemakenof deoorlogetecontinueren,dathijvierofvijfmilioenenaengereedgeldmedebrachtom alleverlopensakenteredresserenen,somengeenvredemaekte,d’oorlogemetsulken ernstaentegrijpendatmennochnoytinsulkervoegenhaddegedaen;maermensoude eerstdenwegvanvredenocheenmaelbesoeken.

152

2081 - 96 03 16 S1

moveat noster hic Auster. Qui mitis est et pacatam spirat, ut consensu audimus. Sed vestrum mare, sua natura asperum, sic manet. Confidunt 10 in triplici foedere, sed et Geryonem et Cerberum Hercules olim vicit. De Massilia si verum est et firmiter tenemus, magna accessio ad rerum summam. Sed quid ago? Eo quo nolo, et redeo ad te et me atque ingero semel et serio Haecnoncurare. Proh dii immortales, curiositatem nostram! Aliena inspicimus, nostra neglegimus; externa tractamus, interna haec 15 squalent et sordescunt. Tibi otium serio philosophandi et animum componendi ad notitiam sed et despectum rerum humanarum. Aliae voluptates non desunt, opinor: Sednilsuaviusestbenequammunitatenere Editadoctrinasapientumtemplaserena.

9 sic manet: aestuat et tumescet suprascr. claλ 9-26 sic manet … saluto: deestin cla 10 Geryonem: Hispaniae regem tricorporem bello superavit eiusque ⟦ab⟧ arm[ent]a abduxit add. clb in marg. || Cerberum: Hercules ad inferos descendit, Cerberum iter prohibentem triplici catena vinctum ad superos traxit add. clb in marg. 12 ingero: infero, iniicio, immitto suprascr. clb 8 Auster] The south wind; learned pun on Archduke Albert of Austria, who had lived in Spain at King Philip II’s court from 1570 onwards. 10 foedere] Cf. ILE 96 03 16 BUY, 6. 10 Geryonem] Geryon, the mythological king of the isle Erytheia was a giant whose body had three upper parts from his waist onwards. He owned a splendid herd. Heracles chased off Eurytion, the shepherd, and stole the animals. Geryon followed him, but was killed in the ensuing battle, cf. RE 11, 1, 271-284; suppl. 3, 1061-1067. 10 Cerberum] Cerberus, the three-headed dog, guardian of the underworld, cf. RE 7, 1, 1286-1288; suppl. 3, 1077-1079. 11 Massilia] Marseille, the main French harbour in the Mediterranean, was governed ruthlessly by Charles Cassault, an ardent follower of the League. Fearful of acts of revenge, he sought support with Spain and negotiated secretly with Albert in Genova, with the intention of putting the city in Spanish hands on certain conditions. His opponents, however, revealed the plot and captured Marseille for Henry IV on 17 February 1596, cf. Bor 4, 177-178; Van Meteren, 363v-364; De Thou, 5, 592-596; Mercurius Gallobelgicus (1615), 4, 10-14; R. Duchêne, LaProvencedevientfrançaise(536-1789), Paris, 1986, 190-191; W. Kaiser, MarseilleimBürgerkrieg.Sozialgefüge,Religionskonflikt und Faktionskämpfe von 1559-1596, Göttingen, 1991, 335-343. Lipsius underlines the strategical position of the city in ILE 96 07 12, 30-32. 13 Haec…curare] This philosophical attitude is described in ILE 96 03 16 S2, 13-21. See also Sen. Ep. 87, 5. 18-19 Sed…serena] Cf. Lucr. 2, 8-9. Modern editions read dulcius instead of suavius, cf. M. F. Smith (ed.), Cambridge (Mass.), 1982, 94; J. Martin (ed.), Leipzig, 1969, and

153

16 March 1596

Fac, fac et perire tempus, perire te cense, nisi facis. Annaeum nostrum 20 doctorem habes, cui Arriani dissertationes si adiungis ex Epicteto rem factam habes. Dici alii philosophi possunt, isti sunt: tu eos adi et audi, spreto vulgo, sed et quibusdam qui videntur extra vulgum. Videntur, non sunt; faciunt quod ii qui larvas aut personas circumponunt, introrsum manent qui fuere. Tu tamen in amore mane qui fuisti, ego fideliter et 25 semper. Lovanii, post[ridie] Idus Mar[tias] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. Varicium saluto.

24 ⟦imp⟧circumponunt clb 27 Varium clb

25-26 Tu … semper: canc. claλ || tamen: autem clb

A. Ernout (ed.), Paris, 1968. Lipsius is probably quoting from memory and writes suavius, because suave occurs twice in the previous verses. The second verse is also quoted in Deconstantia, 1, 1. 20 Annaeum] Lucius Annaeus Seneca. 21 Arriani] Flavius Arrianus (second century B.C.) had a military and political career before focusing on writing. His Anabasis is considered one of the best sources on the campaigns of Alexander the Great. He was a pupil of Epictetus and recorded his Διατριβαί in eight books, cf. OCD, 101; RE 2,1, 1230-1247. In 1582 Lipsius recommended reading Seneca and Arrian to Alexander Ratlo, cf. ILE I, 82 01 23 R, 14-17. 27 Varicium] Lipsius had heard that Jacobus Varicius was also in The Hague, cf. ILE 96 01 10 S, 33-34.

2082

96 03 16 S2

Lipsius (Leuven) to Gerardus Sandelinus (The Hague) 16 March 1596

Caution keeps Lipsius from sending the first version of this letter: his statement about the political situation in the North might be misinterpreted. What times! His new appointment will lead him towards other subjects. The Poliorcetica is at the printer’s. Sandelinus must follow Seneca’s guidance and look for tranquillity in the midst of a very busy life. Greetings to Varicius. Albert has adopted a policy of peace, but Maurice of Nassau keeps stirring up trouble.

154

2082 - 96 03 16 S2

The opening lines clearly indicate that Lipsius did not send ILE 96 03 16 S1, the letter he originally wrote, for fear that it would be intercepted and a statement about politics would kick up a storm in the provinces of the North. Nevertheless he can not refrain from briefly confronting once again Albert’s pacifism and Maurice of Nassau’s militarism at the end of his letter. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 25, no. [66]; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 30v-31r, no. 77.

I[ustus] Lipsius Ger[ardo] Sandelino S[alutem] D[icit]. Hagae. Vide miram diligentiam meam qui scripseram iam unas et retinui, alteras has succidaneas dedi, quia erat in illis aliquid publicum, quod fortasse aliquis alio traxisset. Supersedemus et semel dictum esto, fiat in posterum, 5 ne quid, non dicam culpae, sed suspiciunculae contrahatur. Malum, malum aevum! Bonos et mites audire dedignaris, fortasse et providos, etsi praesens facies aliter blanditur et spondet. Sed vos, Currite ducentes subtegmina, currite, fusi. Nobis firmus titulus sive honor est, de quo nuper scripsi; itaque ad alia brevi studiorum imus. Dispeream, nisi te aut tui similem 10 velim quoque huic rei adesse, quia iuvat et utile est conferre, sermocinari, et, cum aliena iudicia audierim, meo etiam uti! Poliorcetica Antverpiae eduntur et huic fini illic fuimus: brevi tu atque alii videbunt. In otio alto et pingui te esse arbitror, sed mens quid agit? Non ad templa illa Sapientiae abscedit interdum et se atque illa lustrat? Debes, debes, mi Sandeline, aut 15 scito tempus tibi perire, imo te perire, nisi facis. Vanitates te circumstrepunt,

1 Hagae: add. clb 2 et retinui: om. cla 4 Supersedemus: rem institutam omittimus add. clbinmarg. 6 providos: qui non modo praesentia et quae ante pedes sunt, sed etiam futura prospicit, solers add. clbinmarg. 9 studiorum brevi clb || ⟦aut⟧ aut clb 10 huic quoque clb 11 etiam: liceat cla || Poliorcetica ePoliorectica correxi 13 esse te clb 14 ⟦ascendit⟧ abscedit clb 2 unas] Sc. ILE 96 03 16 S1. 5 ne contrahatur] Reference to the vexed reactions provoked by the French translation of ILE VIII, 95 01 02 S in the North. In this letter, Lipsius pondered the question whether war, peace or truce would be most profitable for the king of Spain, cf. ILE VIII, 95 08 29, 21-29; 95 09 06, 3-12; 95 09 11, 14-24. 7-8 Currite…fusi] Cf. Cat. 64, 327. 8 titulus] Cf. ILE 96 01 10 S, 17-18. 11 Antverpiae] Cf. ILE 96 01 02 C, 10. 13-15 Non … facis] When Sandelinus had arrived in the North in May 1595, Lipsius also suggested philosophy as a way to avoid a mental fatigue, cf. ILE VIII, 95 06 11 S, 10-13.

155

18 March 1596

domi, foris, in auribus, in oculis, sermonibus: ubi te vindicas, nisi in illa arce? Seneca noster dux ad eam erit fidus, probus et fallor ego, aut soli inter priscos philosophi Stoici isti fuerunt, alii videntur. Adiunge te maribus et adsume firmitatem quae sit in omnes externos ictus. Pelle aut mitiga affectus: excipio hunc in me, quem solum ferre imo et amare possum 20 intemperantem. Varicium saluto, qui si ad alia loca cogitat, videat ut instructus veniat copia omnium ibi rerum. Noster hic mitior Auster pacata cogitat et spirat, sed vester adamas non mollitur et mare illud flabellis solitis intumescit. Lovanii post[ridie] Idus Mar[tias] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 16 dom⟦um⟧i clb 21 Varicium] Cf. ILE 96 03 16 S1, 27 21 ad alia loca] A few weeks later, Varicius was back in the South, only to return to the North in the first days of May. Cf. ILE 96 05 06 V, 2-3. 22 Auster] Archduke Albert, cf. ILE 96 03 16 S1, 7-8. 23 adamas] Adamas, ‘hard iron’ or ‘steel’, is used as a metonymy for someone who is inflexible, cf. Prop. 4, 11, 4; Ov. Arsam. 1, 65; Id. Met. 9, 61; Sen. Const.sap. 2, 3, 5. Lipsius’s commentary to this last passage in his edition of Seneca (Antwerp: J. Moretus, 1605, 173) is: Quippe duritia enarrabilis est, igniumque etiam victrix natura. Unde et nomenindomitavisGraecainterpretationeaccepit. Irenaeus of Lyon, A.H. 1, 29, 3 even used the word as a proper name: […]hominemperfectumetverum,quemetAdamantem vocant, quoniam neque ipse domatus est, neque ii, ex quibus erat. Lipsius refers to Maurice of Nassau, commander-in-chief of all troops of the revolting provinces of the North. Together with his cousin and brother-in-law, William Louis, stadholder of Frisia, the Dutch armies became one of the best disciplined of Europe. Maurice also promoted the study of tactics, fortifications, and war against fortified cities. His retinue and his court were also above all focusing on anything military. Cf. NNBW 1, 1315-1318; J. I. Israel, 1, 295-300; De Landtsheer, Lipsius’De militia Romana, 116-119.

2083

96 03 18 G

Lipsius (Leuven) to Jan de Greve (Brussels) 18 March 1596

Lipsius asks his nephew to give accommodation to Gooris Deins for a while. He should not forget to send artichokes! He joins a letter to Gaston Spinola. Greetings to his family.

156

2083 - 96 03 18 G

On Jan de Greve, cf. ILE V, 92 05 (?) 18; Alb.Lips., 26-28. o: Brussels, ARA, ms. div. 200 A, f. 26-26v.

Bemiende neve, Ick hebbe oirsaecke aen u l[ieden] te schrijven om uwen brief lest gesonden nopende Gooris, den neve van mijn huijsvrow. Soo eest dat sij nu raetsaem hebben gevonden hem te laeten komen woonen voor eenen tijdt tot Bruessel 5 en[de] aengesien hij inden kost niet besteedt en kan worden, soo wildensij (ick segge die ouders en[de] oick mijn vrow) u l[ieden] gebeden hebben dat ghy hem eenige kleijn plaetse in u huijs verleende; hij soude sijn bedde, laeckenen en[de] anders medebrengen en[de] alsoo op sijn selven leven. Ick en legge u dit niet geern op, maer ick weete dat ghij mijn 10 huijsvrow daer in vrientschap doen sult, dieoickalmoetgehoudenworden. Schrijft wat ghij doen kondt. Voirts soo geloove ick dat tijdt begint te worden om te peijsen op artichocken: wilt mij niet vergeeten, al soudent weesen van die uwe. Hier gaet eenen brief mede aen Don Gaston, die 3 Gooris] Gooris Deins, Sr who had married Dorothea vanden Calstere, the daughter of Jan vanden Calstere, the elder brother of Lipsius’s wife (not to be confused with her aunt and namesake), cf. Alb. Lips., 63-64. This letter shows that Vervliet, Lipsius jeugd, 18 (and 18, n. 1) is mistaken in his opinion that the name Deins only occurs in Lipsius’s life from 1599 onwards. His name also occurs a few times in the correspondence with Johannes Moretus, where Lipsius refers to him as a ‘nepveudemafemme’ and a merchant who occasionally travels from Leuven to Antwerp. He has often acted as a messenger and was entrusted with money or acquittances. Cf. ILE 99 04 11; XIV, 01 07 14, 2; 02 10 08; GVd passim. Deins’s wife is not mentioned here; perhaps she had died already. However, neve may also refer to a great-nephew; the eldest son of Gooris and Dorothea had the same name as his father (cf. Alb.Lips., ibid. – his year of birth is unknown), yet I presume that he was too young in 1596 to live on his own (opsijnselvenleven, l. 8-9). 6 ouders] Probably Jan vanden Calstere and Maria Herthals, the parents-in-law of Gooris Deins, Sr, cf. Alb.Lips., 64. 6 mijn vrow] Anna vanden Calstere. 10 gehouden] Cf. ILE 96 03 27, 6-9. 12 artichocken] Artichokes (and similar vegetables) are regularly mentioned in the correspondence (cf. ILE VI, 93 07 08, 21). Lipsius probably needed them for dietary reasons, as they were recommended as wholesome for persons with a bad liver. De Greve must have sent a supply upon receiving the letter, for in ILE 96 03 27, 2 Lipsius thanks his nephew. 13 brief … Gaston] Presumably ILE [96 03 18 S (?)]. In ILE VII, 95 10 28, 15-16 Spinola is referred to in the same way: […] den anderen aen Don Gaston, die een huys ende consergieheeftoickomtrentdenSavel.

157

[18 March 1596 (?)]

woont opden Savel oft omtrent. U l[ieden] sal dien bestellen. Ende hier mede bidde den Almogenden heere u l[ieden] met mijn nichte, u lieve 15 huijsvrow, en[de] u soonken te gespaeren. Mijn nichte sal oick vriendelijck gegroet sijn. Tot Loven, deesen 18en Martii 1596. Uwen goetwilligen oom I[ustus] Lipsius. Doet mijn recommondatie aen neve en[de] nichte Breugel, aen Weerdt en[de] sijn huijsvrow en[de] wilt vermaenen van die scheuten van berge- 20 motten om te griffien, alst tijdt is. [Address:] Eersaeme, vorsiechtige en[de] bemiende neve h[ee]r Jan de Greve, tot Bruessel. Francque.

16 huijsvrow] Françoise Back, the daughter of Lipsius’s only sister, Maria, cf. ILE VI, 93 07 18 D, 24; Alb.Lips., 24-27. 16 soonken] Willem de Greve, cf. ILE VI, 93 11 10, introd.; Alb.Lips.,24-27. 19 Breugel] Willem Breugel and Maria Coppens (or Coppins), cf. ILE I, 75 09 29; VI, 93 07 29, 27; Verweij, 223. 19-20 Weerdt … huijsvrow] Nicolaas de Weerdt had married Anna, the younger daughter of Breugel, on 9 May 1595, cf. ILE VII, 94 12 18, 4. 20-21 bergemotten] Bergamot, a variety of pear. These shoots were sent immediately, cf. ILE 96 03 27, 2. 23 Francque] Franca means ‘free of taxes’, hence for letters ‘exempt from postage’, cf. ILE VI, 93 02 10 B, 31.

2084

[96 03 18 S (?)]

Lipsius (Leuven) to [Gaston Spinola (Brussels)] [18 March 1596 (?)]

Apologies for his silence, caused by frail health and numerous occupations both in private and public life, but definitely not by lack of affection for Spinola. Fuentes’ departure implies that Lipsius looses a dear friend and an influential support: he was the first person of prominence to show some concern about his situation. He will show him his gratitude as long as possible. He is pleased by Spinola’s information about the Admiral of Aragon.

158

2084 - [96 03 18 S (?)]

Undated and anonymous fragment, preserved in the draft of De re nummaria and overlooked in GVi. The allusion to Fuentes’s return to Spain (l. 7) situates it in 1596. On 9 March 1596 Lipsius wrote him a letter of farewell (ILE 96 03 09 F). Both the address Illustrissime Domine and Illustrissima Dominatio and the contents of the letter, with special attention for the Spaniards in Brussels, suggest Gaston Spinola as its addressee. Since Lipsius asked his nephew to deliver the letter (cf. ILE 96 03 18 G), it must have been written around the same day. Autograph draft of Lipsius. A leaflet folded in half with the fragments on one of its sides. The other pages contain an almost illegible draft of a chapter from De re nummaria breviarium. m: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 58(1), f. [9]v.

Ill[ustrissi]me Domine, Ab excusatione ordiri debeo, quod aliquamdiu siluerim, sed caussa fuit non oblivio tui aut frigus aliquod in amore, sed partim valetudo et imbecillitas mea quae minus alacrem faciunt, partim occupatiunculae 5 quae publice et privatim nos tenent. Te quidem, ut semel novi, bona fide colere et amare occoepi, et faciam quamdiu in terrenis his locis ero. Comitem Fontanum discessisse iam sciebam et amisisse me Principem mei amantem et quem libens mentorem agnosco (post Deum et Regem) interioris mei status. Non libet queri, sed diu certe in his loci fuimus, 10 publica miseria temporum pressi, nec sublevati a manu potentiore. Ille primus oculos ad me adiecit (sive sponte, sive monitus, non inquiro) et gratus in eum esse volo, etiam absentem, ut facultas et vires meae ferent. Gaudeo et volens audio quod Ill[ustrissi]ma D[ominatio] Tua mihi scribit de Admirante Aragoniae, Oeconomo maiore Cels[itudinis] Suae, cum 15 quoque virum [ceteradesiderantur] 3 oblivio ⟦tui aut⟧ m 4 occupatiunculae ⟦aut⟧ m 6 locis ⟦laboro⟧ m 10 potentiore. ⟦Sed in gratia habeo quod factum est, et plus fieri (ut vitae meae institutum ⟦et scopus⟧ est) nec velim quidem. Modicis contenti sumus, et⟧ m 2 siluerim] Lipsius’s last (preserved) letter to Spinola is ILE 96 01 14 S. 3-4 valetudo … occupatiunculae] Cf. a similar apology in ILE 96 03 09 CR, 4-5. On occupatiunculae, cf. ILE 96 01 10 L, 4. 7 discessisse] On Fuentes’s departure, cf. ILE 96 03 09 F, 3. 8 mentorem] Allusion to Fuentes’s efforts to improve Lipsius’s financial sitution by appointing him historiographusregius. Cf. ILE 96 01 02 S, 7-10. 14 Aragoniae] Francesco de Mendoza, admiral of Aragon, cf. ILE 96 03 10 O, 5.

159

27 March 1596

2085

96 03 27

Lipsius (Leuven) to Jan de Greve (Brussels) 27 March 1596

Thanks for the artichokes and the shoots, which have been already planted. Gooris Deins will probably arrive soon to check the room. The fact that De Greve is willing to accomodate him will please Lipsius’s wife. He hopes that his little son will soon recover; his mother must take care not to gorge him; porridge of bread and ale or barley gruel will also help to abate the fever. Jan de Greve must buy the pond in his own name; Lipsius will give him the money secretly, meanwhile the revenues of the rent can be used. The real estate must be allotted to Lipsius, without mentioning his wife. Waverius has agreed to sell him the property in Honnelinge, but Lipsius is suspicious. Jan de Greve should put out his feelers. If only the lawsuit were ended: if Lipsius is given money, he wants to buy more estate. Greetings to his wife and the Breugel family, whom he thanks for the shoots. o: Brussels, ARA, ms. div. 200 A, f. 27-27v.

Eersaeme en[de] bemiende neve, Ick hebbe door Hovium ontfangen die gesonden artichocken en[de] oick het plantsoen oft griffien, die ick alles geset hebbe. Ick hope ghij sulter noch af proeven en[de] ick bedanck u van het senden. Aengaende van Gooris, mij dunckt hij sal komen korteling sien oft hem aenstaen sal, en[de] 5 blijft hij achter, daer en is geen groot verlanck aen. Het geene dat ick doen oft begeere dat ghij doet, is alleentenrespectevanmijnvrowen[de]om datsijuliedensoudetemeertoegeneijchtsijn.Wantanderssijisoubollich genoech. Tis mij leet van u soonken, maar ick hope dat alleneen sal beteren, en[de] wilt toch mijn nichte, die moeder, vriendelijck seggen en[de] 10 vermaenen van mijnent wegen, dat sij hem voortaen met schick teten geeve en[de] niet die ionge maege en overlaede, want ick houde dat diergelijcken

2 2 3 5 9

Hovium] Presumably Franciscus Hovius, cf. ILE 96 07 13 HO. artichocken] Cf. ILE 96 03 18 G, 11-12. griffien] Cf. ILE 96 03 18 G, 20-21. Gooris] Cf. ILE 96 03 18 G, 3-9. soonken] Willem de Greve, cf. ILE VI, 93 11 10, introd.

160

15

20

25

30

2085 - 96 03 27

oirsaecken sijn van sieckte. Item dunne bierenbrootens van kleijn bier met weynich suijcker oft gersten pappekens souden goet weesen om het bloedt te verkoelen, oirspronck vande cortsen. Watnubelangtdenkoopvanden vijver,ickvindegoetdatmensulckenstuckwuijtonsehandennietenlaete gaen en[de] dat u l[ieden] tkoopt; ick sal die penningen secretelijck furneeren. Ghy muechtse nu bij provisie nemen van tgelt vande rente en[de] ick salt wederomme vol maecken. Ghij moget koopen op uwen naeme,maerdiegoedingelaetdieopmijsettensondermijnevrowdaer intementioneeren. IckdenckedatmendatgedaensonderWaverdatsoo duijtelijcktekennentegeven;ingevalniet,soolaetetopuwennaemedoen enuhuijsvrow. Maer ick sorge, vernemen sij dat ghijer naer staet, datsij udenselvenwelsoutensullen. Ghij sult sien en[de] mogelijck soude het vernaederen t’sekerste weesen. Waver heeft mij geschreven (houdt dit bij u) dat sij alle het goet te Honnelinge wel wilden mij oversetten, maer ick en hebbe noch niet geantwoirdt en[de] ick vreese datter anders onder schuijldt. Verneempt ghij iet, laetet weeten sonder nochtans eenich sins u te gelaeten van mij iet sulckx te hebben. Het proces wilde ick wel dat teneijndewareen[de]komptergeltvan,ghysultdatontfangen en[de] ick begeert aldaer t’emploijeeren. Gruet mij zeer u huijsvrow. Tot Loven, deesen 27 Martii 1596. Uwen goetwilligen oom, I[ustus] Lipsius.

13 bierbrootens] A kind of porridge made from ale and bread translated as sorbitiuncula cerevisiaria by Cornelis Kilianus, EtymologicumTeutonicaeLinguae, Antwerp: J. Moretus, 1599, 52. Cf. WNT 2, 2548. 20 goedinge] Sc. the allotment of real estate, cf. Gloss.iur.Brab. 2, 1144. 21 Waver] Justus Waverius, son of Petrus, an older kinsman of Lipsius, cf. ILE I, 69 05 16, introd. and l. 139-144. The two transactions of real estate mentioned in this letter are an attempt to solve the joint ownership. A part of the estate of Lipsius’s ancestors was still joint property held by all the heirs. This is mentioned, for example, with regard to a property in Gooik, cf. ILE VII, 94 07 07, 3-8. 25 vernaederen] A juridical claim based on blood relationship, cf. Gloss. iur. Brab. 4, 2694. 26 Honnelinge] This toponym is not identified. 28 schuijldt] By his concession, Waverius probably hoped to propitiate Lipsius concerning their lawsuit (l. 29-30). 31 aldaer t’emploijeeren] Lipsius’s ancestors, originating from Brussels, had acquired some property in the neighbourhood. His father, Gilles Lips, had been rather prodigial with the patrimony, cf. ILE XIII, 00 10 01, 20-21; ILE 02 02 24 M and apparently Lipsius intended to redeem as much as possible, cf. Alb.Lips. 46; 63, n. 88.

161

30 March 1596

Bedanckt neve en[de] nichte Breugels van die griffien en[de] wiltse mij altsaemen hertelijck grueten, namentlijck nichte de Weerdt met haeren 35 man. [Address:] Eersaemen en[de] voorsienige h[ee]r Jan de Greve, mijn bemiende neve, tot Bruessel. Francque. Int Verwershoeck.

38 Francque] Cf. ILE 96 03 18 G, 23. 38 Verwershoeck] The house of Lipsius’s ancestors in Brussels might have been situated in the Verversstraat, a street crossing the Zenne river. Cf. Denayer, 25, n. 9; ILE XIV, 01 04 09, 15-16.

2086 96 03 30

Lipsius (Leuven) to the Provincial of the Cistercian Order [Chaux-lès-Passavant?] 30 March 1596

As Father Claudius is leaving, Lipsius writes this letter including a testimonium of his diligence in Leuven and also as a reminiscence of the warm welcome his correspondent gave him in the past. Lipsius was already an admirer of the Cistercians because of Bernard of Clairvaux and Bernard de Montgaillard, but he was still more attracted by the words and the presence of the Provincial. The political situation hardly offers any hope to meet again, although France seems to be recovering from its dissensions. May God grant peace to all Christians. The fragment in ms. Lips. 3(4), f.66v was originally part of ms. Lips. 3(17) and links up with f. 25bis. Cf. ILE 96 03 16 BUR2, introduction. The name of Lipsius’s correspondent is not given. OrdinisBenedictini (l. 1) must refer to the Cistercian Order, for the letter refers to fathers of that order. Their provincial could not be identified. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 25bis, no. 69 (fragm., l. 1-9) + ibid., 3(4), f. 66v (fragm., inc. admirabilis l. 9 -16); clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 31v-32, no. 79.

162

2086 - 96 03 30

Provinciali ordinis Bened[ictini]. Rever[endissi]me in Christo Pater et Domine, Abeunte a nobis Claudio, religioso viro et consorte ordinis vestri, animus me impulit pauca haec ad te scribere, tum ut ei testimonium meritum 5 industriae et diligentiae hic navatae redderem, tum ut meam benivolentiam consignarem conciliandam ab humanitate tua, quam coram sum expertus. Equidem fautor et cultor eram ordinis vestri, vel iam ante ob eximium illum Bernardum, clarum Eccl[es]iae sidus aut potius solem, tum etiam recenter ob novum hunc Bernardum (Montgaillardum dico), admirabilis 10 eloquii virum et mella pariter cum antiquo illo Bernardo fundentem. Sed magis magisque me illigavit et adstrinxit tuus sermo et conspectus, qui

1 Provinciali … Bened[ictini]: add. clb 3 consorte ⟦religionis ve⟧ cla 9 admirabilis: hicinc.parsalt. cla 10 ⟦bella⟧ mella claalt.man. 11 ⟦alligavit⟧ illigavit clb 3 Claudio] Lipsius must be referring to Claude Froissard (Froissart), son of Jean Froissard, the president of the Parliament of Dôle (cf. ILE VII, 94 01 26 F). Claude (Dôle, 20 October 1574 – 30 November 1649), studied in Leuven from 1587. Lipsius’s testimonium was probably written in view of a journey to Rome, that began on 4 February 1597. Claude was already prior of Fay (Bresse) when he was ordained priest in January 1600. In February 1600 he also became prior of Laval, and in 1639 of Vaux-sur-Poligny. In 1609 he was appointed ecclesiastical counselor in the Parliament of Dôle. On 27 September 1622 he became canon and treasurer of the chapter of Besançon. Cf. Livrederaisonde lafamilledeFroissard-Broissiade1532à1701, in: MémoiresdelaSociétéd’Émulation duJura, 4e série, 2 (1886), 41-100. 6 coram] Lipsius passed in the neighbourhood of Chaux-lès-Passavant (cf. infra, n. 21) around New Year 1572: in ILE XIII, 00 03 30, 184-197 he gives an account (situated by mistake in the autumn of 1570) of how he almost drowned in the Doubs near Clairvaux (20 km north of Chaux-lès-Passavant); he continued his journey to Dôle, where he was present when his friend Victor Giselinus obtained his doctor’s degree. Cf. ILE I, 72 06 00, introd.; VII, 94 01 26 F, 12-13; Vervliet, Lipsius’jeugd, 31. 9 Montgaillardum] On Bernard de Percin de Montgaillard, cf. ILE VI, 93 05 10. At first, he was a member of the Feuillants, a very ascetic movement within the Cistercian order, founded in 1572. They played an important role in Paris, when the League held the city in its confrontation with Henry IV. Cf. BN 15, 169-171; Monasticonbelge, 5: Province deLuxembourg, Liège, 1975, 234-242. 10 eloquii] Bernard de Montgaillard was a skilled preacher. Henry III and Catarina de’ Medici eagerly listened to him, and his eloquence also appealed to the people of Paris.

30 March 1596

163

unam molestiam nobis reliquit quod gustavimus et non gustamus. An etiam regustandi aliqua spes? Vix, ut hae sunt turbae et bella, quae Galliam a Gallia dirimunt, etsi interior vestra paullatim iungi videtur et coire. Ego vero benignum Deum rogo, det orbi Christiano pacem, arma in suos et 15 nostros hostes vertat cum gloria et co[mmun]i fructu usurpanda. Te quoque, Rev[erendissi]me in Chr[ist]o Pater et Domine, rogo habeas me, etsi disiunctum et absentem, animo et affectu tuum et praesentem. Ita enim sum et ero. Lovanii, III Kal[endas] Ap[riles] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. I[ustus] Lipsius. 20 R[everendum] D[ominum] Abbatem Gratiaedei cum affectu saluto.

Montgaillard, who supported the League in fierce sermons, left Paris before Henri IV’s reconciliation with Catholicism (1593). He went to Rome, where Pope Clement VIII asked him to follow the more moderate Cistercians and go to the Spanish Low Countries. Hereupon, De Montgaillard spent six years in Antwerp before moving to the court of Albert and Isabella in Brussels. Here too, he was a successful preacher: Thomas Stapleton expressly travelled from Leuven to Brussels to hear him, cf. BN 15, 170-171. Lipsius expresses his enthusiasm about Montgaillard’s eloquence in ILE XIII, 00 12 30 M. 13-14 turbae … coire] Cf. ILE 96 01 02 C, 16-17; 96 01 02 S, 31-32. 13-14 Galliam a Gallia] A reference to the geographical distinction between Gallia Celtica and Belgica in Antiquity. 21 Abbatem Gratiaedei] In Lipsius’s time there were two Cistercian abbeys with the name Gratia Dei (Grâce-Dieu) in France. One was situated in Benon (Vendée), about 27 km east of La Rochelle; it was destroyed by the de Huguenots in 1599. As Lipsius never visited this region, he must be referring to the abbey of Chaux-lèsPassavant (Franche-Comté), 30 km east of Besançon, cf. L. H. Cottineau, Répertoire topo-bibliographique des Abbayes et Prieurés, Mâcon, 1939-1970, 1, 1314-1315; A. Bondéelle-Souchier, Bibliothèques cisterciennes dans la France médiévale. Répertoire des abbayes d’hommes, Paris, 1991, 124. Etienne Pierrard († 5 February 1608), originating from Passavant, was Abbot of Chaux-lès-Passavant between 1575 and 1602 (or 1604). After studying law he obtained a chair at the university of Dôle. He entered the Cistercian order and devoted himself to suppress the Reformation in the region. In 1602 or 1604 he became abbot of Saint-Vincent in Besançon. Cf. J. Richard, Histoiredel’abbayedelaGrâce-DieuaudiocèsedeBesançon, Besançon, 1857, 93-98; R. Locatelli, F. Lassus, e.a., L’abbayecistercienneNotre-DamedelaGrâce-Dieu,11391989, Paris, 1989, 43-44; 160-161.

164

2087 - [96 04 00]

2087

[96 04 00]

Lipsius to [Archduke Albert of Austria] [April 1596]

Lipsius asks Archduke Albert to intervene in favour of James Irving, a knight of St John and a Scottish exile involved in a lawsuit about money. An arrest from the Private Council can put an end to his plight. On Albert, Archduke of Austria (1559-1621), cf. ILE VIII, 95 06 01 K, 8; Lipsius en zijn Europese netwerk, 317-325; L. Duerloo, Dynasty and Piety: Archduke Albert (1598-1621)andHabsburgpoliticalcultureinanAgeofReligiousWars, Farnham, 2012. Although the Archduke’s name is not mentioned, the address (l.1) leaves no doubt that the letter was written to him. Lipsius’s name does not occur either. As the letter is rather impersonal, one can suppose that Lipsius wrote it in Irving’s name. GVi, 225 situates this undated letter early in April, presumably because of its place in ms. Lips. 3(18), among letters from the end of March and April 1596. cl: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 32v-33, no. 81.

Ad Ser[enissi]mum Principem Cardinalem, Lusitaniae et Belgicae Proregem. Serenissime, Supplex ad Ser[enita]tem tuam venit Iacobus Irvingus, Eques Ordinis D[ivi] Ioannis Hierosolomijtani, Scotus gente et patria, qui per aliquot annos hic

1 Lusitaniae] Albert was viceroy of Portugal from 1583 to 1593. On this period, cf. A. Jordan Gschwend, In the Shadow of Philip II, El Rey Lusitano: Archduke Albert of AustriaasViceroyofPortugal(1583-1593), in: Albert&Isabella, 39-46. 3-4 Irvingus … Hierosolomijtani] No further information on James Irving was found. Since he was a knight of St John, he must have been a (Scottish, cf. l. 4) nobleman, cf. infra. The order of the Knights of St John (Knights Hospitallers) was founded by merchants from Amalfi in Jerusalem in the eleventh century. Its first assignment was taking care of poor and ill pilgrims there. Gradually it became more independent and was acknowledged by the pope in 1154. When Jerusalem was lost to the Saracens in 1187, fighting the heathens became its most important task. Yielding to the advance of the Sultan’s armies, its headquarters were moved to Cyprus (1291), Rhodes (1309), and Malta. The latter was granted to them by Charles V in 1530, hence the still common

[April 1596]

165

in Belgica conflictatur cum lite molesta et quam longum sit particulatim apud Ser[enita]tem tuam nunc promere et referre. Sed caput est et summa, eiectum illum patria sua caussa priscae et purae religionis Romanae Catholicae et per multos annos in exsilio vixisse cum iis miseriis et calamitatibus, quas comitari exsules solere vix alii quam exsules ipsi sciunt. Interea oblata occasio pecuniae alicuius quae ad Ordinem ipsum D[ivi] Ioannis et ad ipsum supplicem tanquam membrum pertinebat, omni more et iure, sed adversariorum calumnia et iudicum tarditate factum est ut ea pecunia aut non data, aut aliter etiam data sit, imo ad palam haereticos et religioni ac caussae nostrae adversos translata. Quo no[min]e querelas et supplices preces ad Ser[enita]tem tuam defert. Primum, ut ea caussam eiusque plenam instructionem non quidem ipsa cognoscere (magis ardua et heroica negotia eius hoc vetant), sed delegare et committere alii aliisve velit, qui ex ipso supplice cognoscant; tum ut pro summa et eminenti sua potestate negotium hoc ad se et supremum suum tribunal traducere dignetur, ut finis imponatur afflictionibus miseri et diuturni exsulis, maxime cum etiam summus Pontifex censuerit et monitorio indicarit pecunias eas ad

5 molesta et ⟦(fas sit eius dicere) voce iniusta⟧ cl 9 quam ⟦.⟧ cl supplicem cl 16 eius: suprascr. cl 18 pro ⟦sua⟧ summa cl

11 ad ⟦eum⟧ ipsum

name, Knights of Malta. Cf. LMA 5, 613-615; LThK 5, 982-984. There was a class distinction within the order, with top rank reserved for the knights. According to feudal principles of the Middle Ages, the knights had to be aristocrats. The other classes were the sergeant (gentry), the cleric, and the brothers (rank and file, not of noble birth). Cf. Y. Karmon, Die Johanniter und Malteser, Munich, 1987, 31-32; 186-187; J. M. van Winter, Sources concerning the Hospitallers of StJohn in the Netherlands 14th-18th centuries,Leiden-Boston-Cologne, 1998, 9-10, 17. 5 lite] Lipsius does not specify the origin of the lawsuit, only its financial consequences for Irving (l. 11-15). 13 pecunia] In several letters of the year 1596 Philip II urges Albert that the privileges and the immunity of the Order as decreed by Charles V be respected, because lesbons devoirs quilz font pour la defence et maintiennement de nostre sainte foy contre les infideles. Cf. Lefèvre, CorrespondancedePhilippeII, 4, 320, 334, 360, 366. Apparently, Irving’s case was no exception. 19 tribunal] The Private Council handled causes in appeal, but could by evocation also deal with lawsuits normally decided by other tribunals. Cf. M. Baelde, 44-46; AGN 5, 399; E. Aerts e.a. (eds), DecentraleoverheidsinstellingenvandeHabsburgseNederlanden (1482-1795), 1, Brussels, 1994, 304-308. 21 Pontifex] Clement VIII.

5

10

15

20

166

2088 - 96 04 10

ordinem, non ad alios pertinere. Hoc factum dignum Ser[enita]te tua erit eiusque suprema Regis no[min]e potestate dignum et clementia, quam a stirpe Austriaca innatam esse omnes scimus et fatemur et laudibus in 25 caelum tollimus, magis magisque facturi post victorias quas magnus Deus Ser[enita]ti tuae spondet. 22 ⟦Id decretum⟧ Hoc factum cl

24 ⟦iunctam⟧ innatam cl

2088

96 04 10

Hieronymus Mercurialis [Pisa] to Lipsius (Leuven) 10 April 1596

Mercurialis was pleased with Lipsius’s letter because it reminded him of their friendship and informed him of Lipsius’s good fortune. If only Lipsius could enjoy good health and the tranquillity of Italy! But God is a better guide of the actions of men. Their correspondence allows them to keep in touch as friends. There have been rumours of Lipsius’s death in Italy. Filippo Pigafetta wants to write to Lipsius about the battle-array of the Romans. When the Poliorcetica has appeared the promisedcopies must be sent as soon as possible through Monelia. Answer to ILE 96 02 19 M; Lipsius answers in ILE 96 05 16 ME. o: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 4; d1: Burman I, p. 262, no. 259.

Hier[onymu]s Mercur[ia]lis Iusto Lipsio S[alutem] D[icit]. Litterae tuae Lovanii XII K[alend]as Mart[ias] datae, etsi sero sint mihi redditae, magnopere tamen animum meum recrearunt non solum iucundissima veteris nostrae amicitiae in Urbe iam dudum contractae 2 Litterae] ILE 96 02 19 M. 4 amicitiae] Mercurialis and Lipsius had met in Rome, when the latter was secretary to Cardinal Granvelle from May 1569 to April 1570, cf. ILE II, 86 05 23, 2-3; III, 88 01 14 LE, 29-30; Vervliet, Lipsius’jeugd, 25-28.

167

10 April 1596

recordatione, verum etiam praesentis tui status enarratione, quem sicuti et 5 felicem et gratum esse tibi gratulor, sic vellem in hac nostra Italia, hoc est in aeterno disciplinarum omnium domicilio tranquilla mente ac valido corpore esse potuisses. At Deus nostros actus nobis ipsis melius dirigit. Eapropter cuncta haec magna providentia eum disposuisse non dubito. Illud tamen in hac non exigua animi aegritudine solatii capio, te nullo 10 tempore defuturum quin ubique locorum amorem, quem erga me hactenus servasti, haud imminui patiaris. Ipse quoque enitar ne observantiam in te meam ulla vetustas aut temporum fortunaeve iniquitas deleat. Atque ad hoc nullum efficacius instrumentum invenio quam crebras, prout locorum distantia fert, mutuas scriptiones; quibus ne desis, magnopere expeto. Inter 15 hos sereniss[im]os Principes creberrima atque honorifica de te habetur mentio et, nisi tuas litteras ostendissem, falsus plane rumor percrebuisset, qui te ad Deum concessisse inter nonnullos erat. Philippus Pigafettus 6 vellem potuisses o sed potuisses cancellavi

8 potuisse d1

6 Italia] Cf. ILE 96 02 19 M, 9-16. 14-15 crebras … scriptiones] GVi 528 mentions four letters from Lipsius to Mercurialis and five from the Italian physician to Lipsius are extant. Recently, a fifth letter from Lipsius was discovered in Florence and will be duly published as ILE 04 01 26 M. 17 falsus … rumor] Rumours that Lipsius died were not unusal. Already by the end of 1584, when Lipsius was recovering from a serious illness, the news of his death circulated in Bruges, Lièges and Paris, cf. ILE II, 84 12 17 L,14-15; 84 12 17 R, 5-9; 85 01 00, 3-5. Other examples can be found in letters to Adrianus Romanus (ILE VI, 93 11 21, 2-4) and Nicolaus Serarius (cf. ILE VII, 94 04 17, 3-4; 94 07 29 S, 2-4) in Würzburg. Valens Acidalius must also have heard the news, for he informs Petrus Wittendellius: Herimors eius[sc.Lipsii]PragaexImperatorisaulanuntiabatur,sedvane,spero.Saepeiamtristes huiusmodideillonuntiinosfallunt,quifallisicabiisperpetuooptamus.Deushoccaput nobisservet. See Valens Acidalius, EpistolarumcenturiaI, Hanau, 1606 (dated 27 March 1594). Franciscus Modius had been worried by a similar rumour in Speyer (cf. ILE 96 08 01 M, 99-104). 18 Pigafettus] On Filippo Pigafetta (Vicenza, 1533 – ibid., 26 October 1604), see ILE XIII, 00 04 25 P. As an army officer, Pigafetta had fought the Ottomans; he was an expert in artillery and was involved in building the fortifications of a number of cities in northern Italy. In 1600 he published an Italian translation of Lipsius’s Admiranda, entitled Della grandezzadiRomaedelsuoimperio (Rome: Stefano Paolini), cf. BBr 3, 894-895; Lipsius enLeuven, 114, no. 28. In 1612 an Italian translation of Ortelius’s Theatrumorbisterrarum was published in Antwerp. As a geographer he was interested in the sources of the Nile. Cf. W. Bal, DescriptionduRoyaumedeCongoetdescontréesenvironnantes,parFilippo PigafettaetDuarteLopes(1591), Leuven-Paris, 1965, VII-XI; Th. Simar, LeCongoau XVIesiècled’aprèslarelationdeLopez-Pigafetta, Brussels, 1919, 1-5; 19-21.

168

2089 - 96 04 11

Vicentinus, cosmographiae rerumque antiquarum peritissimus quique tuos 20 De militia Romana libros mirum in modum commendat, sese nonnulla dubia circa ordines et aciei instructionem habere fatetur teque de iis cum interpellare percupiat, non modo me mediatorem esse recepi, verum etiam te sibi benigne esse responsurum spopondi. Interim ubi quos promisisti libros de tormentis bellicis nec non Historiae facem in lucem prodire 25 feceris, exemplaria quam primum per Paullum Moneliam ad me perferenda cures precor. Adeo enim acri quodam tuorum scriptorum pruritu et tuae amicitiae ambitione laboro ut moras pati nesciam; si quid autem apud me erit quod tibi ulla ratione placiturum intelligam, eventus forsan feliciores, sed non meam promptitudinem desiderabis. Bene vale. IIII Idus Apr[iles] 30 ∞.IƆ.XCVI. [Address:] Viro Clar[issi]mo Iusto Lipsio, D[omi]no meo amantiss[im]o. Lovanii. 29 Aprilis d1 21 ordines … instructionem] Lipsius expounded upon this subject in Demil.Rom., 4, 1. 22 interpellare] Lipsius’s answer proves that he appreciated the fact that Pigafetta wanted to discuss his theories, cf. ILE 96 05 16 ME, 13-15. In ILE 96 06 30, 3-7 Mercurialis wrote that Pigafetta would contact Lipsius, when he had recovered from a stomach ailment, but there is no trace that he kept his promise. 23 promisisti] Mercurialis probably refers to what Lipsius promised in the Praefatioad lectorem of DemilitiaRomana. On the Faxhistorica, cf. 96 01 02 C, 8. 25 exemplaria … perferenda] In ILE 96 05 16 ME, 23-26 Lipsius assured his friend that he would do so and kept his promise in September, cf. ILE 96 09 15 M, 8-9.

2089 96 04 11

Lipsius (Leuven) to Hieronymus van Berchem (Ypres) 11 April 1596

Lipsius could not write to Petrus Simonius without also sending a letter to Van Berchem. He often recalls their previous way of life and feels lonely in Leuven, where the faculties

11 April 1596

169

leading to a lucrative career are very popular; the students of the Arts faculty seem less talented. Lipsius requires Van Berchem’s advice about a passage in Cicero’s Oratiode haruspicumresponsis. Copy in Lipsius’s hand. EPIST. added on top of the letter suggests that he considered inserting it in one of his Centuriae. GVi, 225 lists a second version, referring to Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(12), f. 27v, dated 22 September [1593]. Yet despite the almost identical opening line, it is an entirely different letter, which indeed belongs to 1593. Cf. the introduction to ILE VI, [93] 09 22 B. On Hieronymus van Berchem, cf. ILE I, 76 10 13; BN 14, 924-925. cl: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(8), f. 18; d1: Burman I, p. 630-631, no. 601.

Hieronymo Berchemio I[uris]c[onsul]to. Non potui ad Antistitem vestrum scribere, quin una ad te, veterem et fidum meum amicum. Et ah, quoties te hic desidero? Solebas insidere hunc locum et (memini) te delectabat: cur nunc aut non vis aut non licet? Certe viveremus inter nos ambulando, convivando, fabulando. Nam ego hic 5 solus, si nostrarum artium homines inspicis, qui et in Belgica tota rari et 1 I[ustus] Lipsius Hieronymo Berchemio I[uris]c[onsul]to S[alutem] D[icit] d1 2 Antistitem] Petrus Simonius, cf. ILE V, 92 09 01 S. Lipsius’s letter to him is not preserved. 2-3 veterem … amicum] Lipsius remembers mostly Van Berchem’s sojourn in Leuven (cf. l. 3-4). His first stay in Leuven dates from October 1555 (cf. Matricule, 4, 522), almost ten years before Lipsius matriculated (14 August 1564, cf. ibid., 4, 677). Hence Van Berchem probably returned to continue his studies during the time that Lipsius was also in the city. Between October 1577 and July 1578 he lived in Antwerp, before setting out for Cologne, where he became a member of Count Karel van Egmont’s household. On 6 November 1584 he became a canon in Ypres, where he died on 1 April 1597. The correspondence suggests that they did not meet before Lipsius’s definitive return to Leuven, cf. GVi, 518; ILE VI, [93] 09 22 B, 1-2. Van Berchem plays a part in Lipsius’s Saturnalia: he delivers some home-grown and exotic fruit to Lipsius and the friends who are visiting him: Victor Giselinus, Janus Lernutius, Stephanus Pighius, and Janus Dousa, Sr. Although being invited to join the company the next day, he does not show up. Together with l. 3-5 this suggests that he must have been one of Lipsius’s intimate friends in Leuven between September 1570 (after Lipsius returned from Rome) and October 1571 (when he left for Vienna). Cf. Vervliet, Lipsius’jeugd, 29-31; ILE I, 70 09 17, introd. 6 solus] In 1593 Lipsius also complains about the level of his colleagues in a letter to Laevinus Torrentius, cf. ILE VI, 93 02 11 T, 22-24. A careful analysis of the whole

170

2089 - 96 04 11

nescio quo loci genio Lovanii olim et nunc non increbescunt. Etsi ad artes quae quaestum inscribunt magnus concursus est: nostra Schola habet auditores quidem, sed vereor ut tantum et pauci inter eos sint ἐπιστάμενοι, 10 imo et προκόπτοντες pauci. Sed quid ad me? Qui duco et doceo qua possum. Ipsi paenitebunt fortasse non obsequentes. Sed heus! Ciceronis locus est quem explorari a te velim, iste, Oratione de Aruspicum responsis: P[ublio]Valeriopromaximisinremp[ublicam]beneficiisdatadomusest in villa publica, at mihi in Palatio restituta; illi locus, at mihi etiam 15 parietesatquetectum. Itane invillapublica haec Valeriana domus? Atqui in ima Velia fuit, regione Palatii, ut scriptores consensu volunt, non sane in campo Martio, ubi publica haec villa. Quomodo etiam in villa, id est domus in domo? Nec enim aliud villa ea fuit quam aedificium grandius excipiendis legatis et aliis usibus talibus destinatum. Vidit Octavius

7 Lovanii ⟦no⟧ cl om. d1

9 ἐπιστάμενοι ⟦etsi προκόπτοντες fortasse⟧ cl

15 haec … domus:

correspondence from the moment he obtained his chair in Leuven shows a striking difference with that of his Leiden years and indicates that, despite being highly regarded as a scholar, his contacts with his colleagues were rather poor. 10 pauci] This reflection is much more negative than what he wrote three years before to Jan Lievens: Lovaniiquidem(liceathocioco)animalreliquummusicumiamnullumest. Quid si Mars et iam non abscedat? Tum ne spes quidem superest, quae nunc aliqua allucebat? Crescit enim iuventus et quidam cupidi meliorum. Cf. ILE VI, 93 04 02 L, 11-14. Leuven university had indeed suffered from the first decades of the Dutch Revolt. The causes for its decline were possible sieges, threats of raids by either mutinous soldiers from the Spanish army or plundering groups of Dutchmen, and an outbreak of the plague in 1578-1579. Moreover, the continuous political and religious troubles had merged the country in a lingering economical crisis. From 1585 Leuven could dream of better times, a hope that was gradually fulfilled under the Archdukes, who restored some peace. Cf. J. Roegiers, in: LipsiusenLeuven, 30-31; D. Lanoye – P. Vandermeersch, TheUniversity of Louvain at the End of the Sixteenth Century: Coping with Crisis?, in: History of Universities, 20, 1 (2005), 81-107. 11 Ciceronis] Cic. Har. resp. 16. The text quoted by Lipsius corresponds for the most part with the modern editions of T. Maslowski (Leipzig, 1981) and P. Wuilleumier (Paris, 1952) with the emendation inVeliapubliceinstead ofinvillapublica, as suggested by Lipsius on l. 21-23. 15 villapublica] The villapublica was the official residence of the censors, the location where the census took place, cf. RE 14, 2, 2028. 15 Valeriana] Publius Valerius Poplicola, consul in 509-507 and 504, had defeated Tarquinius Superbus, who was supported by his tribesmen from Veii in his attempt to regain his throne in Rome, cf. RE 8A 1, 180-188.

11 April 1596

171

Pantagathus (laudabilis memoriae senex) legebatque in vico publico. At 20 Antonius Augustinus inviasacra. Neuter meo animo recte et scripserim in Velia publica, sive placet publice: domus, inquit, publice data est Valerio in Velia. Nonne historiae ita dicunt? Livius: Confestim materia omnis delata infra Veliam et ubi nunc Vicae Potae est, domus in infimo clivo aedificata. Sic enim locum Livii iam olim constituimus, cum male 25 vicus publicus legeretur idque ex Plutarcho tunc affirmabamus. At nunc etiam Varronis locus accedat qui et Livianam, sed et Tullianam correctionem nobis probet. Is apud Asconium ita citatur: VarrotraditP[ublio]Valerio, Volesi f[ilio], Poplicolae aedes publicas sub Velia, ubi nunc Victoriae aedes est, populum ex lege quam ipsi dixerat concessisse. Et viden’ hic 30 primum pro Tullio sub Velia domum eam fuisse? Erat enim antea in summa Velia, nunc delata materies in imam et ibi publico sumptu exstructa. Locus igitur publice datus primum, sed et impensae ad opus. Ideo Varro dixit aedespublicas datas et Cicero domumpublicam eo sensu quem ipse 23 Velia ⟦et.⟧ cl 23 Livius: II, 7 add. d1 24 Vicepotae d1 25 restituimus d1 26 nunc ⟦(et iuvante)⟧ cl 30 ex: puto ‘ea’ add.clλ in marg. 30 concessisse: (puto etiam ea lege) add. d1 20 Pantagathus] On Ottavio Pantagato (1494-1567), a scholar from Brescia, cf. ILE II, 84 07 07, 30; Sandys, 2, 145. I could not locate his reading invicopublico. 21 Antonius Augustinus] On the Spanish lawyer Antonio Agustín (Saragossa, 15171586), cf. ILE VI, 93 07 22 D, 21. I could not locate the reading inviasacra either. 21 scripserim] Burman adds (footn. 1) that Philip Rubens follows Lipsius’s lecture in his ElectorumlibriII, Antwerp: J. Moretus, 1608, 1, 7, and even accuses him of plagiarism. 23 Livius] Cf. Liv. 2, 7, 12. 25 constituimus] Cf. Epist.quaest., 2, 11. 26 Plutarcho] Cf. Plut. Publ. 10, where he asserts that Publius Valerius Poplicola was living in an all too opulent and showy dwelling on the Velia hill, whereupon the consul ordered to have it pulled down. Yet, the plebs granted him a small plot, lower on the hill, where he built a more modest house. 28 Asconium] Quintus Asconius Pedianus (c. 3-88) is mostly known as the author of historical annotations to Cicero’s orations, cf. ILE V, 92 02 22 M, 42; RE 2, 2, 15241527. Lipsius is quoting Commentarii, 52, 14-19 (ed. C. Giarratano, Amsterdam, 1967, 15). 31 Tullio] Marcus Tullius Cicero had bought this house in 62 B.C. It was situated near the temple of Victoria in the vicus Victoriae, the most beautiful part of Rome, on an extension of the Palatine. When he went into exile in 58, the house was plundered and came into the hands of his sworn enemy, Publius Clodius Pulcher. Cicero was recalled the next year and received restitution of his possessions and a compensation. Cf. RE 7A 1, 929-930; S. B. Platner, ATopographicalDictionaryofAncientRome, Rome, 1965, 175 and 569; Cicero, Discours, 13 (ed. P. Wuilleumier, Paris, 1952), 15-16; 21-22.

172

2090 - 96 04 13

ostendit. Sed quod in Varrone amplius est ubinuncaedesVictoriae, plane est aedes illa Liviana Vicae Potae. Nam sic antiquitus dicta haec diva, a vincendo et potis, quoniam illud prius vico efferebant sine N ut Pago. Sic in Isidoro scriptum Viciamantiquisdictam,quaenuncVictoria. Vellem scribi Vicam, quasi Vincam, ut est in Livio et Plutarcho. An autem et 40 Varronis ille locus recte habet? Si ipsis Varronis verbis relatus, non recte. Scripsit enim certe: ubi nunc Vicae Potae aedes. Sin autem Asconius immutavit, esto. Nihil ego muto, sed constat igitur VicamPotam Victoriam esse. Haec, mi Berchemi, hodie mihi meditata atque adeo iudicii caussa ad te missa. Vale. Lovanii III. Idus April[es] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 35

37 vincendo ⟦potiund⟧ ⟦po⟧ ⟦et potiundo⟧ cl 43 mihi ⟦observan⟧ cl

41 certe: om. d1 || nunc: est add. d1

37 a vincendo et potis] This etymological explanation of the name VicaPotabased on vincere and potis or potiri is still generally accepted, cf. RE 8A, 2, 2014-2015; Roscher 2, 1, 230-231. 37 Pago] Pagus is related to pangere with n-infix, cf. ThLL, 10, 92; A. Ernout – A. Meillet, Dictionnaireétymologiquedelalanguelatine, Paris, 1959, 479. 38 Isidoro] Isidore of Seville, Etymologiae, 10, 210 (ed. W. M. Lindsay, Oxford, 1911): Antiquienimvicamdicebantquamnosvictoriam. 38 Victoria] On this goddess of victory, cf. Roscher 6, 294-302. 41 Asconius] Asconius’ substitution of Vica Pota by Victoria can be explained by the fact that the goddess Vica Pota was supplanted by Victoria later on. Cf. RE 8A 2, 2015. See also B. A. Marshall, AHistoricalCommentaryonAsconius, Columbia, 1985, 105.

2090

96 04 13

Rollandus Riwallonus Richardus (Dinan) to Lipsius (Leuven) 13 April 1596

Riwallonus was most happy with Lipsius’s letter since he confirmed his idea about a long sentence in Gregory of Tours that he thought was corrupted. Lipsius’s agreement ends the discussion once and for all. Might he, perhaps, mention this passage in one of his publications?

13 April 1596

173

No further biographical data of Riwallonus are known, cf. ILE VIII, 95 06 14 R. Answer to ILE VIII, 95 06 14 R o: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 4.

Maximo Lipsio. Nihil tuis literis mihi gratius nec optatius esse potuit. Non solum enim a me de Gregorio Turonensi non dissentis, verum etiam quod periodum illius improbaverim mirifice probasti. Nunquam antea ipse mihi placueram, maxime Lipsi, tanto tamen iudicio tuo mihi placere iam incipio. Tua 5 quippe sententia in hoc, ut in quarunque rerum apicibus, solutio futura cunctis, imo et praescriptio a qua qui aberraverit, nescio quid rectum habeat quod sequatur. Laetentur franco-histores, exultent quantumlibet, triumphent etiam, faba tamen e manibus nec reges illi, si nos sine regibus, conclamari. Iam vero te rogatum et flagitatum quoque velim, ut illa 10 depravatio tuis aliquando scriptis annotetur et illustretur. Quod si feceris,

4 Nunquam e Nonquamcorrexi 2 literis] ILE VIII, 95 06 14 R. 3 periodum] In ILE VIII, 95 06 14 R Lipsius agrees with a suggestion made by his correspondent, Riwallonus Richardus: in a passage in Gregory of Tours some words were interpolated. Unfortunately, the letter eliciting Lipsius’s answer is not preserved. Riwallonus’ reaction to Lipsius’s answer suggests that the discussion was focusing on whether Brittany (Armorica) was a kingdom at the time of Gregory of Tours or not. In his Historiae 4, 4 the latter asserts: NamsemperBrittanisubFrancorumpotestatempost obitumChlodovechifuerunt,etcomites,nonregesappellatisunt. The apparatus criticus points out that in one of the manuscripts (codexMonacensis) nonreges was changed into ac reges, cf. Gregorius van Tours, Historiarum libri X (ed. B. Krusch, Monumenta Germania Historica, Scriptores rerum Merovingiacarum, 1, 1, Hannover, 1937, 137). According to this sentence, it was obvious that by that time Brittany was already dominated by the Frankish kings. Riwallonus’s Breton nationalism made him disagree with this opinion (LaetenturFranco-histores, l. 8, and omnestuosArmoricos, l. 12) and decide that this sentence in Gregory of Tours was corrupt. Historians of our days do not accept Frankish rule over Brittany at that time either. Cf. ILE VIII, 95 06 14 R, 2; P. Galliou – M. Jones, TheBretons, Oxford, 1996, 139-140. 9 faba … manibus] Faba, bean; metaphorically used for something worthless. Cf. Plaut. Aul. 818-819; Otto, Sprichwörter, 127-128; 223; Erasmus, Adagia, 3, 5, 20. 11 scriptis] Apparently, Lipsius did not follow his correspondent’s suggestion. But in the early 1580s he had made clear that he was no longer interested in publishing collections

174

2090 - 96 04 13

nos omnes tuos Armoricos summo beneficio devincies. Vale. Dinanni Armoricorum. Idib[us] April[ibus] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. Rollandus Riwallonus Richardus, Pontglasius animo iureque tuus. Hoc adiunxero quod notat tuus sacra profanaque doctus Caesar Baronius 15 in Martyrologio: Ipsum N. non tantum in remotis, sed in his etiam quae suorumsunttemporumaliquandoessehalucinatumetc. [Address:] A Monsieur Monsieur Lipsius A Louvain.

12 devincies e devinces correxi

16 ⟦N⟧ Ipsum o

of philological emendations. Already with the Electorum liber I (Antwerp, 1580), it became clear that his attention was moving towards ancient history and in 1585, his earlier ‘philological’ collections, together with the new ElectorumliberII, were gathered under the common title Operaomniaquaeadcriticampropriespectant, a clear indictaion that Lipsius was finished with these philological collections. 12 Dinanni] Dinan is a city in Brittany situated in what is now the departement Côtesdu-Nord. 15 Caesar Baronius] Cesare Baronio, cardinal and church historian, also one of Lipsius’s correspondents. Cf. ILE VI, 93 05 30 BA, introd.; Lipsius en zijn Europese netwerk, 478-484. 16-17 Ipsum…etc.] Cf. Cesare Baronio, MartyrologiumRomanum, Antwerp: C. Plantin, 1589, 448: QuodautempraedictisomnibusdeDionysioexGregorioTuronensiopponitur, quod dicat in hist. de gest. Franc. libro I cap.30 S[anctum] Dionysium missum esse ParisiostemporibusDecii:idquidemtamverumestquamquodibidemasserit,Trophinum Arelate, Paulum Narbonam et Martialem iisdem Decii temporibus missos in Gallias; quosomnesliquidoconstatabApostolisillucessedirectos,prouteorumactaacantiqua Martyrologiaattestantur.PaceGregoriidixerim,ipsumnontantumintamremotis,sed inhisetiamquaesuorumsunttemporum,aliquandoessehallucinatum,saepesuperius ostensumest. Gregory of Tours is writing about Dionysius of Paris, 2nd half of the 3rd century (saint’s day 9 October), sometimes confused with Dionysius the Areopagite and a pseudo-Dionysius from Syria. C. Messius Quintus Traianus Decius was Emperor of Rome from 249 unto 251 and is mostly known for his persecutions of the Christians, cf. OCD, 938. Baronius also states in his MartyrologiumRomanum (p. 166): Miroradmodum hominem in his quae suis temporibus facta sunt, errasse atque res gestas eiusdem Hermenigildi adeo parum calluisse. Hermenigild, son of the Wisigoth king Leovigild, was a contemporary of Gregory of Tours; he incited the Catholics to rebel against his father. The latter had his son beheaded in Tarragona in 585. Cf. LMA 5, 1903. Historians of our times have their doubts about Gregory’s reliability as a source for Merovingian times, cf. J. Verdon, Grégoire de Tours le ‘père de l’Histoire de France’, Le Coteau,

175

16 April 1596

1989, 143; F. L. Ganshof, Een historicus uit de VIe eeuw. Gregorius van Tours, in: MededelingenvandeKoninklijkeVlaamseAcademievoorWetenschappen,Letterenen SchoneKunstenvanBelgië.KlassederLetteren, 28 (1966), 5, 9-13.

2091 96 04 16 D

Lipsius (Leuven) to Fronto Ducaeus [Pont-à-Mousson] 16 April 1596

Lipsius dicusses a number of variant readings in Giovanni Battista Pio’s edition of Sidonius Apollinaris. On Fronto Ducaeus, cf. ILE VI, 93 03 10 D. In the margin, a second hand added: Epist[ola]IustiLipsi,eiusmanunotata. The letter opens abruptly with AdSidoniumnotavi, without an address or an introduction, although it has an ordinary clausing formula with a date. Obviously, only this page was preserved because of the philological remarks, whereas a first page with the usual address and the exchange of some news disappeared. GVi, 225 hesitantly designate Jacobus Sirmondus as the addressee of this letter, apparently following the suggestion of a second hand substituting his name for Fronte (in l. 81). Another indication that Fronto Ducaeus is indeed the correspondent is the place of the letter in the manuscript, just before ILE 05 12 30 D, on f. 104, also addressed to Ducaeus. The ‘corrector’ of the addressee’s name might have been tempted to do so, because Sirmondus published two editions of Sidonius Apollinaris (Paris: S. Cramoisy, 1614 and 1652, cf. DBS 7, 1237; 1240). The latter edition is praised by one of the modern editors, A. Loyen, as the first reliable edition as to both text and commentary; hence it was often reprinted with only slight alterations. It was also included in Migne, PL 58, 435-751 (Paris, 1862). In 1887 a new edition by C. Lütjahann and B. Krusch appeared in the Monumenta Germaniae historica, auct. antiquiss., 8, Berlin, 1887. Cf. Sidonius Apollinaris, ed. A. Loyen (Paris, 1960), 1, XLI-XLII. Lipsius’s emendations are taken for granted in the later editions: in the annotations, I have compared them with Sirmondus’s second edition and two modern ones: A. Loyen (Paris, 1960) and W. B. Anderson (London-Cambridge, 1963). With regard to the passages discussed in this letter, the three editions agree with only few variant readings in the critical apparatus. o: Paris, Bibl. nat., ms. N.A.L. 1554, f. 102-103.

176

2091 - 96 04 16 D

Ad Sidonium notavi. Paginae respondent editioni Basilaeensi, a Baptista Pio. Pag[ina] 20, in fine: totius civitatis occupatissimam vocationem. L[ego] vacationem. 5 [Pagina] 32, lin[ea] 21: etplebeiaenonutadditus. L[ego] plebei. Sententia, non nunc denique additum translatumque in plebem, sed redditum et relatum. Plebi autem in publico carcere condi solitu, non melior ordo. [Pagina] 53, lin[ea] 13: obiecta,sinonimprobalitercessaverimus. L[ego] cassaverimus. 10 [Pagina] 54, lin[ea] 7: concionatoris mei coeperunt ora pallere. L[ego] concinnatoris. Is est qui crimina concinnat et accusat. Vide Sidon[ium] 119 et Glossarium vetus itemque Plautum sic eo verbo utentem. 12 Plautu⟦s⟧m o 1 Sidonium] Caius Sollius Apollinaris Sidonius (Lyon, c. 430 – Clermont-Ferrand, August 489), diplomat and bishop of Clermont; author of panegyrics in verse and letters, cf. RE 1A, 2, 2230-2238. 1 notavi … editioni] C.SolliiSidoniiApollinarisAvernorumepiscopi,viriobelegantiarum literarum studium et humanarum divinarumque rerum scientiam, primo inter summos autores loco a doctissimis merito iudicati, lucubrationes, liberalium literarum studiosis cognoscendae et iterum atque iterum repetendae, linguam enim, mentem et ingenium locupletabunt,ornabunt,etacuent.ItemIoannisBaptistaePiicommentariaquaeimpedita expediunt, et obscura reconditaque in lucem proferunt, Basle: Henricus Petrus, 1542, a reprint from an edition in Milan, U. Scinzenzeler, 1498. Lipsius’s annotated copy (1542), mentioning most of the emendations in this letter and a number of others in the margin, is preserved in Leiden University Library (shelf no. 765 C 1). It also contains a piece of paper of c. 10x30 cm, folded in half, on which he noted the pages of the emendations copied in this letter, although he sometimes made a mistake in the line numbers. The book is also mentioned in his library catalogue, Leiden, Univ. Bib., ms. Lips. 59, f. 5v, book 10. 2 Pio] Giovanni Battista Pio (Bologna c. 1460 – c. 1540), poet and philologist, also edited Lucretius, Valerius Flaccus, Plautus, Horace, and Ovid’s Metamorphoses. Cf. Cosenza, 4, 2827-2829. 3 vocationem] Sid. Ep. 1, 5, 11 (Loyen, Anderson: vacationem). 5 plebeiae] Sid. Ep. 1, 7, 11 (Loyen, Anderson: et,plebeiaefamiliaenonutadditus). 8 improbaliter] Lipsius maintained Pio’s reading, which should have been corrected into improbabiliter. 8 cessaverimus] Sid. Ep. 1, 11, 13 (Loyen, Anderson: cassaverimus). 10 concionatoris … pallere] Sid. Ep. 1, 11, 15 (Loyen, Anderson: contionatoris … pallere); Pio reads pallare. 11 Sidon[ium] 119] Sid. Ep. 3, 13. 12 Glossarium] Probably Henricus Stephanus’s Lexicon Latinograecum. Concinnare is listed in Glossaria duo, e situ vetustatis eruta sive Lexica duo antiqua: unum, Latino-

16 April 1596

177

Ibid[em]: dignitatumquecalumnia. L[ego] columina. [Pagina] 66, lin[ea] 14: vestigioinspectorisimadibilisest. L[ego] inadibilis. Ib[idem], in fin[e]: quemforsfluat.L[ego] fuat. [Pagina] 97, lin[ea] 20: Certe ego vel tua soror, inter spem metumque suspensi edidimus eius taedium augendum, si voluptati iacentia obstitissemus. L[ego] credidimuseiustaed[ium]aug[endum],sivoluntatiiacentis obst[itissemus]. Et paullo ante, cedatipsavegetatio. [Pagina] 101, lin[ea] 26: plurifaria frugum mansionumque dote. L[ego] messiumque. [Pagina] 105, lin[ea] 14: civicafamultate. L[ego] simultate. [Pagina] 107, lin[ea] 21: quaecumpriusapplicataesset,oppugnatiointe nonvisoetc. L[ego]: applicataessetoppugnatui,inteunoviso. [Pagina] 115, lin[ea] 26: idcirco ceteros vim noctis, quod vos filii transierunt.Igiturdonaveniam. etc. L[ego] ceterosvincitote,quodv[os]f[ilii] transierunt.Igiturdonaveram. Paullo ante: institutionesuperaveris. L[ego] sic paraveris. Sed et totum initium epistolae rescribo: Etsi desiderium vestrums[inisteritatis]t[anta]c[omitatur],utetiamnuncn[ostris]i[nvideatis] obtutibus,nonidcircoisesv[irorum]o[ptime],d[e]c[uius]n[os]moribus

22 105 e 103 correxi graecum,alterum,Graecolatinum, [Paris:] H. Stephanus, 1572, 45. Stephanus had based his publication on both the Pseudophiloxeniglossarium and the Pseudocyrilliglossarium, and also used excerpts from other ancient Greco-Latin lexica and glossaria, cf. G. Goetz, De glossariorum Latinorum origine et fatis, Leipzig-Berlin, 1923, 245; Id., Corpus GlossariorumLatinorum, Leipzig, 1888-1923, 2, 336; 343. 13 calumnia] Sid. Ep. 1, 11, 17 (Loyen, Anderson: culmina). 14 imadibilis] Sid. Ep. 2, 2, 16 (Loyen, Anderson: inadibilis). 15 fluat] Sid. Ep. 2, 2, 17 (Loyen, Anderson: fuat with variants). 17-18 edidimus … obstitissemus] Sid. Ep. 2, 12, 2. (Loyen, Anderson: credidimus … iacentis). 20 mansionumque] Sid. Ep. 2, 14, 1 (Loyen, Anderson: mansionumque). 22 famultate] Sid. Ep. 3, 2, 2 (Loyen, Anderson: simultate). Lipsius gives the wrong page number, 103 instead of 105. 23-24 applicata…viso] Sid. Ep. 3, 3, 4 (Loyen, Anderson: oppugnationi,tevisonon). 25-26 ceteros…veniam] Sid. Ep. 3, 11, 2 (Loyen, Anderson: ceterosvincitis…venia). 27 superaveris] Sid. Ep. 3, 11, 2 (Loyen, Anderson: superaveris). 28-32 Etsi … familias] Sid. Ep. 3, 11, 2 (Loyen, Anderson: nostrum … sinisteritas … invidearis … lateant … optimarum te exactissimarumque partium praestantissimum patremfamilias). Lipsius did not note this variant in his copy preserved in Leiden Univ. Bibl. 30 non] Pio’s edition reads nunc.

15

20

25

30

178

2091 - 96 04 16 D

latrent celsa memoratu. Ita cuncti n[ostrates] iidemque s[ummates] viri optimumexactissimumquepatremfamilias. Pag[ina] 121, lin[ea] 9: lateracaptiva. L[ego] caprina. [Pagina] 122, lin[ea] 5: machinisapertesimultatibusimpetere,evinculis 35 clandestinae. L[ego] apertaesimultatisimpetere,cuniculisclandest[inae] etc. Ibid[em], in f[in]e: improbusdictis,temporibus,moribus. L[ego] temperatus moribus. [Pagina] 124, lin[ea] 20: ferinaeappetitupari. L[ego] ferme. 40 [Pagina] 130, lin[ea] 10: Quiquesiforisexigittenerenonabnuto. L[ego] Quaeque,sisorsexigat,tenerenonabnuat. [Pagina] 169, lin[ea] 3: IlludsanevelutAtticasleges,itainaerecredite incisum. L[ego] antiquasleges. Nam Atticae sane in ligno. [Pagina] 181, lin[ea] 10: Graecidisciplina. L[ego] Graecini. Iulium Grae45 cinum intellegit, de quo in Taciti Agricola. [Pagina] 233, lin[ea] 15: Virestnamquetotiuspluritatisalienus. L[ego] popularitatis. [Pagina] 252, lin[ea] 13: interepistulasabstemium. L[ego] interepulas.

41 abnuat ⟦vel: quique si tibi⟧ o

42 ⟦133 lin. 10⟧ [pagina] 169 o

32 optimumexactissimumque] Pio reads optimarumexactissimarumque. 33 captiva] Sid. Ep. 3, 13, 8. (Loyen, Anderson: captiva). 34-35 aperte … clandestinae] Sid. Ep. 3, 13, 10 (Loyen, Anderson: apertae simultatis impetere,cuniculis). 37 temporibus…moribus] Sid. Ep. 3, 13, 11 (Loyen, Anderson: etprobusmoribus). 39 ferinae] Sid. Apoll. Ep. 3, 14, 2 (Loyen, Anderson: ferme). 40 Quique…abnuto] Sid. Ep. 4, 3, 5 (Loyen, Anderson: quaeque,sifors…abnuit). 42 Atticasleges] Sid. Ep. 5, 3, 4 (ed. Loyen, Anderson: Atticas (variant: antiquas)). 44 Graecidisciplina] Sid. Ep. 5, 10, 3 (ed. Loyen, Anderson: Agroecidisciplina). 44-45 Graecinum] Julius Graecinus, the father of Tacitus’ father-in-law, Cn. Agricola, had become a senator of Rome in 40 A.D. and was held in esteem because of his eloquence and his interest in philosophy. His refusal to prosecute Marcus Junius Silanus Torquatus, Caligula’s cousin, provoked the wrath of the emperor, who had him executed around New Year’s day 39. Cf. RE 10, 1, 613. 45 Taciti] Cf. Tac. Agr. 4. 46 pluritatis] Sid. Ep. 7, 9, 22 (Loyen, Anderson: popularitatis). Lipsius omits nifallor after namque. 48 interepistulas] Sid. Ep. 8, 3, 5 (Loyen, Anderson: epulas).

16 April 1596

179

[Pagina] 271, lin[ea] 1: incomparabiliprincipicomparabilempanegyricum. L[ego] incomparabilem. [Pagina] 274, lin[ea] 13: incautissimusquecrudelis. L[ego] incautissimus, quiacredulus. [Pagina] 296: cuiquesicutvestrisegerimussecundis. L[ego] erigimur. [Pagina] 320, lin[ea] ult[ima]: nulladeniquemutuiotiivicissitudo. L[ego] mutuiofficii. Mox, pag[ina] seq[uenti], lin[ea] 3: periclitantem quem diligas; l[ego] periclitante. Et mox: Mecertetaliterconsultoretsollic[itudini] etc.; l[ego] Mecertetaliterconsoloretsollicitudinipropeparco,quiaquaestiunc[ulis] litt[erarum],i[am]q[uasi]e[x]a[sse]v[egetus]e[xerces],a[udire]p[lus] ambiens,etsiadhucaeger. [Pagina] 333, vers[u] 5: Ne tempestates neve pirata timeret. L[ego] neu piratasvetimeret. Et mox: rerumqueibiprincipemisso. L[ego] iusso. [Pagina] 337, vers[u] 6: cumponderecompti. L[ego] conti. [Pagina] 341, vers[u] 5: gens altera fertur, Haec habet et teretes arcus. L[ego]: Haec habitat. Teretes. Alii, inquit, vehuntur equis, Hunni in iis habitant. Ib[idem], vers[u] 13: Contrahis,aggrederis. L[ego] Contrais. [Pagina] 347, vers[u] 3: rident ad classica portae. L[ego] strident; non clauduntur prae metu.

61 333 e 335 correxi 49 incomparabili] Sid. Ep. 8, 10, 3 (Loyen, Anderson: comparabilem). 51 incautissimusque crudelis] Sid. Ep. 8, 11, 4 (Loyen, Anderson: incautissimus, quia credulus). 53 egerimus] Sid. Ep. 9, 4, 1 (Loyen, Anderson: erigimur). 54 mutuiotii] Sid. Ep. 9, 14, 1(Loyen, Anderson: mutuioratus). This emendation does not occur in Lipsius’s copy now in Leiden. 56 periclitantem] Sid. Ep. 9, 14, 1 (Loyen, Anderson: periclitante). 57 consultor…sollic[itudini]] Sid. Ep. 9, 14, 2 (Loyen, Anderson: consulisetsollicitudine propepraecoquaquaestiunculis…iamquasi). 61 Ne…timeret] Sid. Carm.2, 17 (Loyen, Anderson: ne,te,pirata). The page number should be 333 instead of 335, but it is a mistake in the 1542 edition. 62 misso] Sid. Carm. 2, 31 (Loyen, Anderson: mihiprincipemisso). 63 compti] Sid. Carm. 2, 142 (Loyen, Anderson: conti). 64 Haechabet] Sid. Carm. 2, 265-266 (Loyen, Anderson: habitat). 67 Contrahis] Sid. Carm. 2, 273 (Loyen, Anderson: contrais). 68 rident] Sid. Carm. 2, 449 (Loyen, Anderson: rident (variant: strident).

50

55

60

65

180

2092 - 96 04 16 S

[Pagina] 360, vers[u] 18: quotemporeSirim. L[ego] Sirmi. [Pagina] 365, vers[u] 6: morsobruitillos.Cumtimorinvicti. L[ego] illos. Nontimor.Invictiperstant. [Pagina] 387: MeRutilusveniens. L[ego] MeRutilus,Veiens. Ibid[em]: quisubmeaiureredegitSamnitemetGurgesVolsciquiterga 75 ceciditMartiusetSenonesfundens etc. Lego et distinguo: Samnitem?Est Gurges.Volsciquitergacecidit?Martius.EtSenonesfundens?Dictator etexsul. Camillus. Historia haec pinxit. [Pagina] 412: Sectumnuminaquaeritadbidental. L[ego] Tectum. [Pagina] 423: Huc et pepliadas. Egnat[ius] [.] peplitrahas, sed velim 80 pimpleadas. Habes haec levia, Fronte, et plura erant, sed puduit, non taeduit adscribere. Atqui ambigam te per te vidisse? Da veniam, non gratiam, quod vel haec monuerim, et salve. Lovanii, XVI Kal[endas] Maias ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 70

81 ⟦Fronte⟧ Sirmonde oalt.man. 70 Sirim] Sid. Carm. 5, 109 (Loyen, Anderson: Sirmi). 71 illos…invicti] Sid. Carm. 5, 251-252 (Loyen, Anderson: non). 73 Me…veniens] Sid. Carm. 7, 60 (Loyen, Anderson: meRutulus,Veiens). 75-76 Samnitem…fundens] Sid. Carm. 7, 66-68 (Loyen, Anderson: SamnitemGurges? Volsci). 78 Sectum] Sid. Carm. 9, 193 (Loyen, Anderson: saeptumnumina). 79 pepliadas] Sid. Carm. 10, 17 (Loyen, Anderson: Pipliadas (variants: pepliadas, Pimpliadas). 79 Egnat[ius]] Battista Egnazio (Giovanni Battista Cipelli, Venice, 1478 - 1553) published annotated editions of Valerius Maximus, Vergil, Cicero, Juvenal, Lactantius, Tertullian, Aulus Gellius, and others. Cf. DBI 25, 698-702; ILE V, [92] 04 02, 11.

2092 96 04 16 S

Gerardus Sandelinus (The Hague) to Lipsius [Leuven] 16 April 1596

As always, Sandelinus is happy with a letter of Lipsius. He is making time for reading philosophical or historical works, as Lipsius encouraged him to do, first in his writings,

16 April 1596

181

then in their personal contacts. Archduke Albert has left Marseille, now that the whole of France has sided with Henry IV. The North is in a frenzy about the siege of Calais: ships are being fitted out to join the English navy, together with reinforcements from Denmark and Scotland, the whole operation under tight cover. Drake has achieved nothing noteworthy. Recently, Queen Elizabeth on asking for the repayment of a loan was quite astonished when the Northern Provinces repaid it promptly. Prince Maurice is in Zeeland; Count Hohenlo came to Holland a while ago, after concluding a treaty with the prince of Brunswick. Nevertheless, the incessant wars are of no benefit to Europe. Is Lipsius aware that he has recently escaped from a great danger? It seems that there was a plot to kidnap him! Answer to ILE 96 03 16 S². GVi, 199 listed this letter in 1595 (95 04 17 S), although there can be no doubt about the year: the final I in the dating formula has faded, but is still visible. Moreover, Sandelinus only returned to the North by the end of April 1595, taking letters for Lipsius’s Leiden friends with him (ILE VIII, 95 04 21 B, H, M, R1, and R2). The siege of Calais (l. 20) occurred in April 1596, cf. ILE 96 04 24, 2. The day also needs correcting: XVICal[endas] Maii is 16 instead of 17 April. o: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 4; d1: Burman I, p. 748-749, no. 711.

Iusto Lipsio I[uris] C[onsul]to S[alutem] D[icit] P[lurimam]. Quomodo me scriptio tua adficiat, Vir clarissime, saepe testatus sum. In moribus, in stylo, in omni sermone mihi ex ea emendatio paratur. Propria tibi virtus est comitas, qua etiam calamo imperas ad meas scedulas responsum. Amoris et voti pars magna est duntaxat scire valetudinis tuae 5 ordinem, quae fastidioso te morbo, nec inter aegros, nec inter sanos, ut ille ait, detinet. Verum occupationibus non volo intervenire; inde aliquando cur non libere omittes? Apud illum, qui ita adfixus, ut nullo ab isto vinculo silentio solvi possit. Ego semper aliquid: vaco philosophiae, ut plurimum, quam tamen rerum ab omni aevo gestarum lectione tempero, 10 ut otiosam alioquin et umbraticam vitam ad actus, qui eam probent, exempla pulcherrima instigent, ut etiam a philosophia ambitio minuatur, quae multorum ingenia fecunda non tam virtutum quam vitiorum reddidit.

1 Gerardus Sandelinus I[usto] etc. d1 2 scriptio] ILE 96 03 16 S2. 6-7 nec…detinet] Not identified.

182

2092 - 96 04 16 S

Scripta tua me primum ad has occupationes compulerunt; postea ipse 15 sermone, exemplo et hortatione ad illud (ne a legibus nostris discedam) altum beatae vitae. Cereum me et non obnitentem deduxisti ostendens: quidsitpulchrum,quidturpe,quidutile,quidnon, pleniusacmeliusChrysippoetCrantore. Haec felicitas mihi multo maxima est; hic, quem privatim et publice 20 egregia memoria celebro, meus triumphus. At ille vester (ut aliquid addam ex fama nugarum) de Massilia abiit, nam Ducis Guisii opera firmati sunt civium animi in fide Regis Franciae, etsi castellis adhuc diffidant. Tenentur ab illo, qui caput huic actioni erat. Caletensis obsidio magnae exspectationis est; parantur Amsterodami, Roterodami et in Zelandia ex nostris naves 26, 25 quae egregie instructae classi Britannorum vires adiiciant, cui etiam Daniae et Scotiae auxilia accedunt. Dubii, immo plane ignorantes sumus quo fine, ita omnia silenter. Draeckus nihil egit memoratu dignum, plagulas aliquas

15 sermone] Sandelinus studied in Leuven in 1594-1595, cf. ILE VII, [94 07 06/16]. 17-18 quid…Crantore] Hor. Epist. 1, 2, 3-4. Most editions read planius (S. Borzsak, 1984; F. Klingner, 1970; D. R. Shackleton Bailey, 1985). F. Villeneuve, 1967, prefers plenius. 20 ille vester] Archduke Albert. 21 Massilia] Cf. ILE 96 03 16 S1, 11. 21 Ducis Guisii] Charles de Guise (1571-1640), son of Henry (cf. ILE III, 88 12 30, 4), showed himself a loyal servant of Henri IV, who entrusted him with the government of Provence in 1595. In 1596 he reconquered Marseille for the king. Cf. DBF 17, 325-326; ILE 96 07 12, 30. 23 Caletensis obsidio] Cf. ILE 96 04 24, 2. According to Fruin, 310; 319, 17 large and 150 smaller English ships gathered in Plymouth in March 1596, together with 18 warships and 6 transports from the Northern Low Countries, involving the recall of 2,200 English soldiers from the Netherlands. Cf. also Bor, 4, 191; Buchell, 414; MercuriusGallobelgicus (1615), 4, 45-48. 26 fine] The real purpose of this navy, an invasion of Spain, was a closely guarded secret. Officially Elizabeth I wished to protect the return of Drake and Hawkins from America. The news of the fatal outcome of their campaign had not yet reached Europe. Cf. Black, 418. 27 Draeckus] On Francis Drake (1540? - 1596), English privateer, cf. ILE XIV, 01 11 06, 18; ODNB 16, 858-870. De Thou, 5, 629, refers to him as famosissimus,utHispanivocant, pirata. As commander of a small fleet Drake was commissioned to harm King Philip II’s interests on sea and in America as much as possible, cf. ILE II, 86 06 23, 15-18. In 1586 he made a vain attempt to wipe Havana, the gathering place of the armada, off the map. One year later he set fire to part of the Spanish navy in Cádiz. In 1595 his target was Panama; in that way Drake hoped to break the strength of the Spaniards in the Caribbean and paralyse Spanish trade and supplies from America. Yet, Drake received the order to first attack a Spanish galleon carrying more than 2,000,000 ducats, which had made anchorage in San Juan, the port of Puerto Rico, after being severely damaged in a storm.

16 April 1596

183

intulit in India Cubae littoribus, ipse maiori navium et militum iactura adfectus. Mille quingenti e nostris mox discesserant, si fallere possent hostem et clam intrare Caletum. Britanniae Regina nuper postulavit ex 30 summa debita 100000 florenos; soluti sunt a nostris, cum admiratione ipsius Reginae, ignorantis opes huius patriae. Comes Mauritius in Zelandia est; comes ab Hohenlo ignoto habitu per hostilem regionem et propugnacula 33 Hobenlo d1 The assault was beaten off with heavy losses on both sides, whereupon Drake headed for Panama. However, the English crew fell victim to dysentery and Drake himself succumbed on 28 January 1596. In fact, Drake’s second attack against the assets of Philip II in America was as great a failure as the first one. Cf. J. Hampden (ed.), Francis Drake Privateer, London, 1972, 255-257; J. S. Corbett, DrakeandtheTudorNavy, Aldershot, 1988, 2, 26; 388-391; H. Kelsey, SirFrancisDrake.TheQueen’sPirate, New Haven, 1998, 367-391; Peter Whitfield, SirFrancisDrake, New York, 2004, 140-153; Williams, 349-350; Black, 417. See also Bor, 4, 177; 96 01 14 S, 21. When De Thou (5, 631) compares Drake’s expedition of 1595 with that of Walter Raleigh in the next year, he states that the latter non hostiliutDracusanimo,sedGuianae[…]lustrandaecausanavigationemsuscepit. 27 memoratu] Although Drake had acquired a reputation as an archipirata (cf. ILE 96 05 22 S, 13-15), this fame was based on a single successful raid along the Spanish harbours in the Pacific, a feat he could never repeat, despite numerous attempts. Elizabeth never gave him a assignment of foremost importance, because she was aware of his shortcomings as a leader. Drake owed his international reputation mainly to the stories of Spanish colonists in America: to gloss over the failing defence of their soldiers they exaggerated the military qualities and feats of Drake in order to get more troops from Spain. In his home country Drake’s fame was fading at the moment of his death, but his place in the pantheon of English heroes was restored thanks to the writings of many later authors, e.g. of the Victorian age. Cf. Kelsey, SirFrancisDrake, 393-394. 31 summa debita] Elizabeth I had hoped to use the difficult situation of Henry IV to gain control over a few towns on the French coast, Calais among them, under the veil of friendly support. In fact, that implied a return to the former English position of power in France. The king, being aware of the hidden dangers, refused, also because meanwhile the Northern Low Countries had sent some military support. Elizabeth took offence at their prompt reaction and demanded the immediate repayment of the English financial support to the rebellious provinces, to teach them a lesson, cf. Fruin, 180-181. The weak position of Henry IV shows clearly in a letter to Elizabeth, dated 7 April: she has withdrawn her troops from France to deploy them elsewhere. He assures her diplomatically that he is convinced of her benevolence, while at the same time emphasizing that he needs her help. Cf. HenriIV.RecueildesLettresmissives, 4, 556-557. 32 Zelandia] As soon as the news of the perilous situation of Calais got out, Maurice of Nassau hurried to Zeeland and sent ships with soldiers and munition to relieve Calais, but his fleet was blockaded on 17 April. 33 Hohenlo] Philip, count of Hohenlohe-Langenburg, cf. ILE VI, 93 06 19, 41.

184

2092 - 96 04 16 S

ipsa venit ex Germania ad nos nuper, pacto cum principe Brunswicense 35 inito, quo Woerdena civitas, quae in hereditate est Brunswicensis, cum Liesveldiae castro comiti cessit. Pax hic est alioquin; propter comitem Buranum metus nobis aliquis fuit, sed ut videmus, derivata est in Franciam calamitas, exercendis continua mutatione seditionibus famosam. Suave,marimagnoturbantibusaequoraventis 40 Eterramagnumalteriusspectarelaborem. Sed si pietatem veram spectamus, urunt lenta haec bella, quae paulatim Europam nostram, cui non est datum semel cadere, interimunt. Solebat olim una acies aut regem facere aut servum; nunc continuis subditorum miseriis etiam victor quod fleat habet! Rector ille supremus et omnium 45 arbiter pugnarum ac exercituum quando volet, emendabit. Cui et te, Vir clarissime, commendo ut diu nobis superstes sis. Hagae, XVI Cal[endas] Maii ∞.IƆ.XCVI. Gerardus Sandelinus addictissimus. Quale periculum evaseris nuper, vir clarissime, fortasse ipse ignoras. Trelongii, praefecti maris, filius spurius, qui Bergis ad Zomam eques 47 XCV d1 || Gerardus … addictissimus: om. d1 35 hereditate] In his capacity of Count of Holland, Philip II had granted the seigniory and the town of Woerden to Duke Eric of Brunswick (1528-1584) in 1557. In 1564 he purchased the barony of Liesveld. When the Spanish troops completely vacated Holland in 1572, Eric of Brunswick remained in the service of the Spanish army. The States of Holland looked with envy upon that large area in the middle of the country still owned by a hostile regime. Upon the duke’s death in 1584, they immediately made claim to it, despite the protests of his successors, Julius († 1589) and Henry Julius of Brunswick. In 1589 the States of Holland decided to have the estate seized; Duke Eric’s heirs appealed to a court of justice. The lawsuit lingered until 1650, when the heirs ceded their rights. Cf. NNBW 8, 228-229; Japikse, 9, 21-22. 37 Buranum] Philip William, count of Buren, prince of Orange, the eldest son of William of Orange. In 1566 he was kidnapped by Alba and sent to Spain as a hostage. In September 1595 he was finally released and he returned to the Netherlands in Albert’s retinue. Part of his estates in the Southern Netherlands and in France were given back, the principality of Orange among them, which he entered in 1599, after the Peace of Vervins, Cf. Mercurius Gallobelgicus (1615), 4, 8-10; NNBW 1, 1412-1414; ILE VIII, 95 11 05, 25-26. 39-40 Suave…laborem] Cf. Lucr. 2, 1-2. 49 Trelongii] William of Bloys (Den Briel, c. 1529 – near Leiden, 1594), lord of Treslong, had been officer of the general staff of the Sea Beggars’ fleet and admiral of Holland and Zeeland. He had three sons from two marriages: Casper, William Charles, and Aeneas, cf. NNBW 6, 122-123. It is not clear who is meant by Sandelinus with filius spurius; spurius indicates that it must be a natural son, cf. Forcellini, 6, 644; Du Cange, 7, 565. There are no further testimonies, hence it cannot be decided whether Sandelinus’s rumour

185

17 April 1596

militat, specie studiosi ad te venit et praeceptoris meritum discipulique 50 pietatem obtendens, rogavit te ad ambulationem ut ostenderes illa, quae apud vos alicuius famae. In porta constitutus rettulisti pedem bono fato: Diitetuentur:Diispietastua etMusacordiest. Erant enim milites in insidiis parati ad tuum egressum et apprehensionem! 55 Gratulor, non sine horrore. O pietas! Haec audita sunt ab ipso spurio, qui iactat et pro gloria habet. Verone an falso? Tu scis, et si videtur, ad nos scribe. Iterum vale. [Address:] Clarissimo Viro Iusto Lipsio I[uris] C[onsul]to. Lovanium. 50 specie ⟦ad⟧ o is true or not, but the Northern Provinces kept a watchful eye on Lipsius, and they might well have liked to get their hands on him. 53-54 Dii…est] After Hor. C. 1, 17, 13-14: Dimetuentur,dispietasmea/EtMusa cordiest. 55 apprehensionem] On Lipsius’s fear to be abducted by soldiers to the North, cf. ILE VI, [93] 06 14 H, 7-9. There are no further traces of the trap mentioned here.

2093

96 04 17

Ulisse Aldrovandi (Bologna) to Lipsius [Leuven] 17 April 1596

Although Lipsius’s friends are disappointed that he will not come to Bologna, they want to strengthen the spiritual bonds via correspondence, as Vorstius will confirm. Lipsius’s DemilitiaRomanamakes them looking forward to the next part of the Faxhistorica and to other works. Morus has returned to Mantua. Greetings from Vander Wilms. On Ulisse Aldrovandi, cf. ILE VII, 94 07 29 A, introd.; Centuriae Latinae, 1, 57-63; LipsiusenzijnEuropesenetwerk, 505-514. o: Erlangen, Univ. Bibl., ms. Trew, Aldrovandi 25.

186

2093 - 96 04 17

Iusto Lipsio, v[iro] Clariss[im]o, Ulysses Aldrovandus ex animo S[alutem] Dico. TuvelutOebaliishabitestaciturnusAmyclis auttuaSigalionclauseritora,taces. 5 Nos autem sperabamus etiam adventum tuum. Qua spe nos excidisse dolet quicumque apud nos habet scintillam aliquam verae eruditionis, et prope est ut invideamus Belgis vestris meliori sidere adflatis. Sed vero quamquam de adventu tuo actum est, mi Lipsi, tueamur tamen atque etiam augeamus illam animorum coniunctionem a virtute bonisque litteris conciliatam. 10 Quod me facere non hae tantum litterae, sed multo magis doctiss[im]us pro aetate, si quis alius, D[ominus] Everardus Vorstius, per quem hasce litteras mittimus, significabit tibi. Legi, pellegi, repetii cum aviditate libros 3-4 Tu … taces] After Aus. Ep. 25, 26: Tu velut Oebaliis habites taciturnus Amyclis / AuttuaSigalionAegyptiusosculasignet. 3 Oebaliis] Oebalus was a king from Sparta, hence Oebalius means ‘Spartan, Laconic’, cf. RE 17, 2, 2092-2093. 3 Amyclis] Amyclae was a town in Laconia. Because its citizens did not announce the approach of the enemy, the town fell into the hands of the Lacedaemonians. Their silence became proverbial, cf. Verg. Aen. 10, 564; RE 1, 2,1999-2000; Otto, Sprichwörter, 24; Erasmus, Adagia, 1, 9, 1. 4 Sigalion] The name Sigalion is attested nowhere else. Derived from the Greek σιγαλός, it must refer to Harpocrates, the Greek name for Horus as a child. This Egyptian god was portrayed with his finger on his lips, a gesture interpreted as a warning to keep quiet. Cf. Erasmus, Adagia, 4, 1, 52. 5 adventum] In May 1595 Lipsius informed Aldrovandi and some of his colleagues that he would decline Bologna’s invitation, cf. ILE VIII, 95 05 21 A. On the invitation to accept a chair at Bologna University, cf. the introduction to ILE VIII and a number of letters (index, s.v. invit. Bologna). See also ILE 96 08 17, 6-15. 11 Vorstius] Everardus Vorstius (Roermond, 26 September 1565 – Leiden, 22 October 1624) studied at the arts faculty in Leiden with Lipsius (matriculation on 28 April 1580, cf. Alb. stud. 7) and from 1596 onwards medicine in Heidelberg (matriculation on 18 January 1586, cf. Die Matrikel der Universität Heidelberg, 2, 123), Cologne, Padova (matriculation on 18 May 1587), Bologna (where he arrived in April 1589 and studied with Hieronymus Mercurialis, among others), and Ferrara. Cf. J. J. Poelhekke, Nederlandse ledenvandeInclytaNatioGermanicaArtistarumtePadua1553-1800, in: Mededelingen vanhetNederlandsHistorischInstituutteRome, 31 (1961), 301; 342. In 1598 he became ordinariusof philosophy in Leiden on the recommendation of Scaliger; one year later he was appointed ordinarius of medicine. He was also rector for several years, cf. NNBW 4, 1411-1412. 12 significabit] Vorstius was on the verge of returning to his native country. 12 libros] DemilitiaRomana came from the press medio 1595; in June a number of copies were sent, cf., e.g., the covering letters from 20 June 1595 addressed to acquaintances, men of influence, in the Southern Netherlands: ILE VIII, 95 06 20 A1 and A² (Guillaume

187

22 April 1596

vestros De Militia Romana refertos omnis antiquitatis doctrina optoque videre diem illum, cum altera fax atque etiam tertia nobis allucebit. Nobis autem? Immo orbi Christiano, qui eisdem finibus clauditur (absit invidia 15 verbo) quibus nomen Iusti Lipsi. Itaque te a nobis rogari sines, ut quam minime possis Machinas ac Triumphos vestros differas. Et si quid aliud sub doctissima vestra lima est aut in arculis adservatum in publicum exire potest, eius rei ut me certiorem facias obnixe peto atque omni gratia contendo. De studiis ac statu nostro, si id vobis curae est, omnia intelliges 20 ex nostro Vorstio. Flaminius Morus, vestri amantiss[im]us, Mantuam reversus est exercendae medicinae. Vander Wielius, qui se (ut verbo eius utar) tuissimum vocat, hic est et plurimam tibi salutem annunciat. Vale et salve, mi Lipsi, et pristinam erga me voluntatem conserva. Bonon[iae] ad d[iem] XVII April[is] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. Tuus ex usu et fructu Ulisses Aldrovandus. 25

15 orbi ⟦to⟧ o d’Assonleville), B (Jan vander Burch), D (Jan van Drenckwaert), H (Otho Hartius), RI (Jean Richardot), RO (Remaclo Roberti), V (Franciscus Verdugius). 14 altera … tertia] On l. 17 Aldrovandi gives the rough titles, MachinasacTriumphos, of the two works to form Lipsius’s Faxhistorica, together withDemilitiaRomana. On this project, cf. ILE VI, 93 01 29 D, 11; 96 01 02 C, 8; De Landtsheer, Lipsius’De militia Romana, 105-106. 21 Morus] Flaminius Morus, one of the scholars who had invited Lipsius to Bologna, was born in Mantova and had obtained his doctor’s degree in medicine in Bologna in 1593, cf. ILE VII, 94 06 03. 22 Vander Wielius] Aelius Franciscus van der Wiele, cf. ILE V, 92 02 08 W, introduction. 23 tuissimum] Neologism, superlative of tuus, cf. Hoven – Grailet, Lexiquedelaprose latinedelaRenaissance, 578.

2094

96 04 22

Lipsius (Leuven) to Nicolaas vanden Brande [Brussels] 22 April 1596

God has withdrawn his hands from France, which is exhausted by the persistent civil wars. The House of Habsburg will become the new head of Europe; meanwhile King

188

2094 - 96 04 22

Philip proceeds slowly but firmly towards the end of his career. This is Lipsius’s opinion, although he will not vent it publicly. Lipsius’s garden offers him delight, leisure and tranquillity. He would like to see Boisotus’s garden, which is indeed nearby, but he has his matters to attend to in Leuven, and when he is in Brussels, he is bound by obligations towards prominent persons. When will the public roads finally be open again? When will he be able to visit Overijse and embrace his friends? That day will surely come, if Archduke Albert continues on the chosen path. Lipsius considers himself fortunate that he can write about such matters as the king’s historiographer, but first he has to put the final touch on previous projects. May his correspondent and Boisotus enjoy good health. Two letters of Lipsius to Vanden Brande within two days of each other have been preserved: ILE 96 04 22 (a fragment) and ILE 96 04 24. Their contents are similar: the military situation in France, archduke Albert, the impact of the increasing Spanish supremacy on a possible peace in the Netherlands, Boisotus’s garden, his projects as historiographusregius. I consider ILE 96 04 24 to be a copy of the letter as it was sent: it occurs earlier in ms. Lips. 3(18) and its style is more direct and less elaborate. Lipsius might have reworked part of his letter rather quickly in view of possible publication that never occurred, partly because he was proven wrong in his risky prediction that Spain would soon control the political and military situation in Europe (l. 15-19). Above this copy, the secretary noted FragmentumI[usti]Lipsiiep[isto]laeadNic[olaum] vandenBrandeConsiliario (the latter to be corrected into Consiliarium). cl: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 38v-39v, no. 93.

Diuturno bello, intestino bello, dissidiis apertis aut occultis attrita est valida olim regio et (caput rei) Deus manum et scutum, ut sic dicam, ab ea amovit. Qui acriore paullum sensu atque oculo res atque eventa horum annorum inspicit, videbit auram favoris divini ad alios ire, a Galliis abire. Et sic sunt 5 vices rerum necsecognoscuntterraeulterioribusannis. Europae novum caput parari, fortasse et Africae atque Asiae vates ego tibi auguror et Austriaca domus ad culmen rerum ibit. Quae vulgus obstare putat, non obstant; et noster sapiens, non prudens solum, Rex tacito et 10 lento pede pergit, sed firmo, nec lapsuro et qui in fine magis quam in principio stadii curret. Ut qui aggerem rumpit, laborat initio, sed via facta irrumpunt aquae et inundant, sic Regi labor et molestia initio, sed terminis

1 Diuturno … occultis] The politico-religious strife between the League, supported by Spain, and Henry IV; and also the war between Henry IV and Philip II, cf., e.g., ILE 96 01 02 S, 17-21; 96 01 10 S, 23. 6 Nec…annis] Manil. Astron. 1, 515.

189

22 April 1596

semel motis ad interiora imus. Neque nescio occultos, non solum apertos hostes, progressibus istis esse, et eos h[omi]nes Pietatis caussa minime oporteat. Sed 15 fataviaminvenient aut facient et (apud te semel sensus hic meus promatur) Hispania caput rerum erit. Tu iudicio meo usquam si quid tribuis, hac in parte tribue, etsi popularem sermonem non esse hoc scio et ego non in populo haec dico. Novus ille Orbis magnas et occultas vires adfert in d[icio]nes augendas et 20 ipsa gens Hispanica ambitione, spe, robore et patientia facta ad imperandum. Sed ista hactenus: ad meas aut nostras potius delicias venio, id est hortos. Regna et omnia sceptra isti mihi sunt, delicium animae, occupationum requies aut otium, sed et otii ac requietis occupatio. O nobis privatis beatae curae! O ambulatio, o cogitatio, o vegetatio! Et ego in hoc morbo meo 25 atro et aggravante saepe sentio et apud me atque alios testor. Boisoti nostri paradisum vidisse nunc vellem aut magis videre, et exiguum intervallum

14 minime e minimae corr. cl

18 tribu⟦ae⟧e cl

16 fata…invenient] Cf. Verg. Aen. 3, 395; 10, 113. 17-18 Hispania … erit] Lipsius shows much confidence, but it is only based on the richess imported from America. The financial aspect was indeed very important in this war, but this was also the case for the many alliances that might or might not be concluded. Lipsius expounds on this subject in the reworked version of this letter, ILE 96 04 24, 10-15: if Spain conquers England or can assure a more benevolent government, the Dutch revolt will come to an end and there will be peace again. Lipsius was obviously too optimistic, now that he felt supported by the king and Archduke Albert’s court after his appointment as historiographusregius. In fact, there was no longer a supremacy of one superpower in Europe and the sixteenth-century Spanish realm was targeted on all sides by French diplomacy. 19 popularem … scio] Lipsius has vented his disapproval of the views of the common people on other occasions too, cf., e.g., ILE I, 76 11 26, 7-8. Yet the anti-Spanish feelings of the population were shared by some members of the government who wished to reduce the influence of the Spanish faction, cf. AGN 6, 280-282. Vanden Brande was proSpanish, cf. the introduction to ILE VI, 93 09 01 B. 26 Boisoti nostri] On Johannes Boisotus, cf. ILE VI, 93 08 23. Boisotus and Vanden Brande were close friends and lived near each other. Both men had a love for flowers and plants, and had a garden, a passion they shared with Lipsius. On several occasions they provided him with bulbs or sprigs. Boisotus also maintained a correspondence with Carolus Clusius, another of Lipsius’s botanist friends. On Lipsius’s love for gardens, cf. M. Morford, The Stoic Garden, in: Journal of Garden History, 7 (1987), 151-175; De Landtsheer, JustusLipsiusandCarolusClusius, 273-295.

190

2094 - 96 04 22

est, ut scribis, sed hoc tantum facere nobis non licet et hic ligamur atque etiam illic. Apud vos cum sumus, publica servitus nos tenet et visendi ac 30 salutandi potentiores, quibus, ut non adulor, sic nec praetereo aut sperno. Haec una res me tenet alioqui saepius vestrum et in sermonibus et conviviolis etiam suaviter una oblectandum et oblectaturum. Magne Deus, pacem et securitatem curis ac viarum ecquando das? Quando licebit Iscanum etiam meum tuto visere et te ac tui similes (etsi pauci tui similes) 35 illic amplecti? Pectus hoc quod nunc angustum, strictum, tunc diffluat; tunc stilus et verba a calamo vel ab ore meo manent. Da, Deus, illum diem ante ultimum meum diem, ac spero ac praevideo futurum, si sic pergit et tam magnis incrementis noster ALBERTUS, cui felicitatem Alberti alterius e maioribus eius precor, qui Sigismundi Imp[eratoris] gener ad regna 40 Hungariae et Bohemiae et mox Imperium promotus est intra sex mensium spatium. Sed annos et diuturnitatem et[iam] apprecor, quia illius fatum breve et post biennium fastigii sui obiit. Historiolas, ut vides, misceo et munus meum a Rege impositum eo iam vocat haud abnuentem litteraria ista relinquere grata et suavia, sed minus aetate hac et maturitate fortasse

29 visendi ⟦atque⟧ cl 28 ut scribis] Vanden Brande’s letter is not preserved. 32 conviviolis] Diminutive of convivium,cf. Ps. Aug. Serm. 141, 5; 173, 3. 33 curis] An unusual ablative or dativus with securitatem; one would rather expect a genitive. Perhaps the scribe made a mistake. 34 Iscanum] Lipsius’s parental house and other estate in Overijse and its neighbourhood, cf. Alb.Lips., 43-46. He often refers to it as a serendipity where he can find peace and would like to host his friends. The next day, on 23 April 1596, Lipsius will visit there, cf. ILE 96 04 25, 7. It is strange that he does not mention this intended visit in his letter; perhaps he is thinking of a permanent peace allowing him to live there more permanently, instead of rushing to and fro on one-day visits. 38 ALBERTI] Albert II of Habsburg (1397-1439) succeeded his father-in-law, Emperor Sigismundus, as King of Bohemia and Hungary in the first weeks of 1438. On 18 March of that year he was also elected Emperor. His reign, however, was of short duration, for soon afterwards he succumbed to the plague. He showed himself a fierce opponent of the Hussites, an attitude undermining his authority in Bohemia. As an emperor he launched a military campaign against the Ottomans, but to no avail. Cf. LMA 1, 313-314; NDB 1, 154-155. 39 Sigismundi] Sigismundus (1361-1437) was king of Bohemia and, from 1411 onwards, Roman emperor. His daughter Elizabeth of Luxemburg married with Albert II of Habsburg. Cf. ADB 34, 282-284. 43 munus] His appointment as historiographusregius, cf. ILE 96 01 02 S, 7.

191

24 April 1596

nostra iam digna. Eo me dabo, pauculis modo praemissis quae in manibus 45 sunt et limam exspectant. Gratulor autem ego quoque mihi, quod eiusmodi materia scribendi incidat laeta et felix et quam stilus noster non libentius solum, sed splendidius tractet et una cum illa crescat ac surgat. Sed plura erunt, ut hoc principium se dat, et intra paucos annos mutatio status in Europa. Te autem in valetudine perennare et stare hoc opto unaque 50 Boisotum nostrum, cui utinam iunior aliquis de annis suis addat! Meretur ille senex esse trisaeclisenex, ut poetae Nestorem olim finxerunt et dixerunt. Salutabis a me et tu salvebis, V[ir] Cl[arissime]. Lovanii, X Kal[endas] Maii ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

52 trisaeclisenex] ‘An old man of three generations’, an epithet of Nestor, the eldest king of the Greeks before Troy. Cf. Laev. apudGell., 19, 7, 13.

2095

96 04 24

Lipsius (Leuven) to Nicolaas vanden Brande [Brussels] 24 April 1596

Lipsius is delighted that Vanden Brande confirmed the news of Archduke Albert’s victory in Calais; it also raises hope for the future. He is willing to write about this campaign. Is Spain preparing an assault against England? If this meets with success, peace will return to the Low Countries and it will be possible again to travel freely and undisturbed. Why is Henry IV prolonging the siege of La Fère? It is strategically situated, but meanwhile he is losing other strongholds. How is the situation in Calais and the other sea ports? The perspectives for Spain might even been better if they had also captured Marseille. Maybe that will still happen. Greetings to Boisotus. On this letter, cf. the introduction of ILE 96 04 22. The fragment from ms. Lips. 3(17) fits with the one from ms. Lips. 3(4). Initially both fragments belonged to ms. Lips. 3(17), cf. ILE 96 03 16 BUY, introd. GVi listed them as separate versions, situating the fragment still in ms. Lips. 3(17) on f. 25v-26. In fact the first part of is fragment is on an unnumbered slip of paper of c. 9 cm between f. 25 and f. 26, hence I refer to it as f. 25bis.

192

2095 - 96 04 24

cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(4), f. 66v (fragm., l. 1-3, innovata) + ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 25bisv-26, no. [70] (fragm., inc. l. 4, velaucta…); clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 33-33v, no. 82.

I[ustus] Lipsius Nic[olao] vanden Brande, V[iro] O[rnato], S[alutem] D[icit]. Etsi iam ante fama et aliorum litteris audieramus quae in Caletibus feliciter sunt gesta, tamen ea quoque te nunciante noscere gratum fuit et innovata vel aucta etiam in tua laetitia laetitia nostra fuit. Sane res magna gesta 5 est et quae maiores secum trahet. Fallor, an consilium atque oculus Regis Britanniam oppositam spectat? In quam ex hoc loco facilis et fatalis iam olim transcensus. Macte, Alberte, hoc initio, quod maiora etiam tibi spondet! Tu vero et mihi gratularis, cui materies ita paratur ad scribendum. Accipio et revera quis non haec alta et generosa audire et tradere posteris 10 malit quam minuta haec nostra et infausta civilia bella? Sed iis ipsis quoque (opinor) finis et exitus ab ea parte erit, et Britannia nostra facta aut meliorum facta, quae spes ultra Batavis aut Zelandis? Mare si nostrum erit, maritima omnia loca erunt et, nisi id fit, infinitum est et inexplicabile

1 van den Brande: Brande clb 4 laetitia nostra: nostra cla clb || etiam ⟦sibi⟧ tibi cla 13 loca omnia clb

7 Marte cla || tibi etiam

2 Caletibus] Because Albert realised that he could not relieve the stronghold of La Fère, he ordered to lay siege to Calais, where a new and still inexperienced governor had been appointed. The siege lasted from 1 to 22 April, when Calais surrendered. Around 17 April an agreement was reached that the French garrison withdraw into the fortress, but without guns and without receiving reinforcements. When some days later a few shots were fired from the castle, it was attacked by Albert’s troops and captured on 22 April. Cf. Bor 4, 187-188; Khevenhüller, Geheimes Tagebuch, 230; Mercurius Gallobelgicus (1615), 4, 30-35; De Thou, 5, 598; Lefèvre, 4, 352-353, no. 1053; Japikse, 9, 64-72. About 5000 men, both citizens and soldiers, were massacred. Buchell, 414, adds an explanation: Causamfuissenonnulliarbitrantur,quodFranco-Gallietincolae,veterumdiscidiorum memores, Anglicum praesidium admittere noluerint. Elizabeth I had indeed offered support on 21 April, on condition that the city became hers! She envied Henry IV’s success and was concerned about his increasing power, cf. ILE 96 05 22 S, 16-17. 3 te nunciante] Vanden Brande’s letter is not preserved. 7 olim] Allusion to the Armada fitted out against England in 1588, but without really imposing a threat. Cf. ILE III, 88 08 12, 6; VIII, 95 12 14 H, 10. 12 quae spes] In ILE 96 07 20 C, 64-83, Lipsius points to the queen of England as being the source of the continuous wars: she keeps supporting the other opponents with advice and money. By defeating her Philip II will also acquire supremacy on the seas. Only then can he suppress the revolting provinces. Cf. also LipsiusenLeuven, 223-225, no. 67.

193

25 April 1596

bellum. Scio Regem hoc scire et nostrum negotium agere, cum aliud agere videtur. O beatum diem qui Belgicam iunget semel et componet! Tunc me 15 invita ad delicias nostras hortorum et Boisoti flores spectandos, tunc, cum libera et tuta itinera, cum ire et redire erit in nostra manu. Nunc quis sine cura pedem extra moenia ponit? Quis citra necessitatem debet? Alioqui inclinat animus et opprimam vos vel non vocatus. Gallum Feranae obsidioni inhaerere tecum miror. Movebit ea res querelas aut voces suorum, quod, 20 dum illic sedet, arces et propugnacula regni amittit, etsi in Fera quoque est momentum, sed quid ad Caletes aut portus illos maritimos? Quod si Massilia quoque iam, uti coeperat, firmiter fuisset nostra: proh Deum immortalem, magna incrementa! Et quis non de novo imperio mecum Regi et Austriacis ominatus esset? Sed quae non facta, fortasse et fient: 25 fataviaminvenient et in culmine rerum nostros sistent. Boisotum et te salvere ex animo cupio. Lovanii VIII Kal[endas] Maias ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 15 Belgiam cla 19 ⟦Navarrenum⟧ ⟦Gallum⟧ Gallum cla; Navarrenum clb suorum cla; Gallorum clb 25 fa⟦c⟧ta cla, clb 27 ⟦sistent⟧ sistent clb

20 ⟦Gallorum⟧

16 Boisoti flores] Cf. ILE 96 04 22, 26-27. 19 Gallum] Sc. Henry of Navarra, who had succeeded Henri III as king of France. 19 Feranae] The siege of La Fère, cf. ILE 96 01 02 C, 15. 23 Massilia] Cf. ILE 96 03 16 S1, 11. 25 Austriacis] Cf. ILE 96 04 22, 38-42. 26 fata…invenient] Cf. ILE 96 04 22, 16.

2096

96 04 25

Lipsius (Leuven) to Otho Hartius (Brussels) 25 April 1596

Lipsius sends Hartius a copy of Philip II’s letter to Albert with its appraisal of Lipsius. He is flattered, but without having high hopes: his dream is to live safely and peacefully in Overijse. Important military operations, such as the capture of Calais can help, for they also have an influence on the situation in the Netherlands. The king can only end the war

194

2096 - 96 04 25

quickly by mastery of the seas. Who should be the dedicatee of the Poliorcetica? Archduke Albert is a likely candidate, because of his military prowess. Yet, he has already promised the dedication to Prince Bishop Ernest of Bavaria; moreover, the interlocutors are Liège citizens. Lipsius might now rather prefer Albert. Oudaert’s advice is also welcome. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 26-26v, no. 71; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 33v, no. 83; d: Cent.Belg. III, 30.

I[ustus] L[ipsius] Othoni Hartio S[alutem] D[icit]. Bruxellam. Litterarum exemplar quas Rex mea gratia ad Proregem scripsit ad te mitto, uti videas; breve et serium de me testimonium, sed praeter iudicium, ut opinor, nihil ad me accedet. Quod factum est, pro rato erit et revera ultra 5 nihil specto nec vota mea longius mitto. Quisquisdeaccipiendocogitat, ait Seneca, oblitus est accepti. Non sic ego et scio alioqui quantum naturae satis sit, et hoc me rura mea Iscana ante biduum docuerunt, quae inspexi.

1 I[ustus] Lipsius: om. d || Hartio: I[uris]c[onsul]to add. d || Bruxellam: add. d 6 N⟦ec⟧on cla 2 Litterarum] Probably a reiteration of the letter Philip II had written to Archduke Albert on 25 January 1596, urging the new governor to treat Lipsius with due respect, cf. ILE 96 01 02 S, 11. It may also be a reference to the copy Uwens alludes to in ILE 96 05 06 U, 2-3. 4 nihil … accedet] According to this letter, Lipsius merely expects an appreciation of his writings at the Brussels court after Philip II’s letter to Archduke Albert. Nevertheless, the theme of a possible extra bonus keeps appearing during the next months, cf. Hendrik Uwens in ILE 96 05 06 U, 6-7: utfructumvoluntatisetbenevolentiaeregiae,sicutiam scripto,itareipsapropediemsentiasopto. The correspondence with Hartius mentions a gift of at least 1,000 florins, cf. ILE 96 07 13 HA, 9-10; 96 08 01 H, 4-5. Pantinus even suggests that he may become a member of the State Council, cf. ILE 96 09 23, 6-10 (see also ILE 96 02 19 H, 16-20). Lipsius would indeed be granted that (honorary) title in February 1605, cf. ILE 05 02 04 and 05 04 04 [R] to Jean Richardot; 05 02 06 to Petrus Pantinus; 05 04 29 M from Balthasar Moretus; LipsiusenLeuven, 130, no. 34. The bonus mentioned in Hartius’s letter was granted with some delay in 1597: on 2 April 1597 the Spanish king gave him 1,000 florins, raised to 3,000 florins on 29 May, a sum Archduke Albert had paid instantly, cf. ILE 97 04 23; 97 06 00 G; 97 06 03 H; Tournoy – Deceulaer, JustusLipsiusandhisunfinishedMonita et exempla politica, 196, n. 20. ILE 97 06 03 H shows that this was a bonus, not a substitute of his annuity as historiographus regius, which was still paid irregularly (cf. ILE 96 09 30, 2). 5-6 Quisquis…accepti] Cf. Sen. Ep. 73, 2. 7 Iscana] Lipsius’s paternal home and other estates in Overijse.

25 April 1596

195

O si vivere illic in securitate et tranquillo otio liceat! Apud te non nego, adspiro. Et profecto, ut res publicae grandibus passibus nunc eunt, brevi mutatio aliqua insignis erit in Regis et nostrum bonum. In Caletibus res 10 magna gesta est. Quid in progressu ab eo speres qui sic incipit! Quae opera erunt, cum haec rudimenta! Fatui Batavi, qui aures ad omnem pacis mentionem clauserunt et claudunt et sperant, in iis quorum ruina cadent! Equidem quin Rex de mari et classe cogitet, non dubito atque unica ea via est mittendi in compendium belli. Sed ad me. DE MACHINIS libri quinque 15 finem mox spectant. Cui dedicabimus? Alberto opportune in nova hac victoria et expugnatione per machinas, sed sistit hoc unum, quod Principi Electori Coloniensi ante annum hoc fere addixi aut certe spem feci. Ipse liber ita compositus quasi ad illum velit ire; certe Leodienses amicos interlocutores feci. Sed hoc non urget et credo inclinabis ad priorem 20 sententiam quo me quoque vides propendere. Si quid velim, si quid debeam, si quid expedit, ponderamus: praeponderat Albertus. Tamen tu et Oudartus noster cogitate. Lovanii, VII. Kal[endas] Maias ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 10 erit: speranda d 12-13 Fatui … cadent: om. d 19 certe: et d || Leodicenses clb, d 20-23 Sed … cogitate: canc. claλ quiscr. Itaque vix muto et nostro aliud ⟦erit⟧, fortasse gravius, erit; Itaque non muto et nostro aliud alias erit d 10 Caletibus] On the siege and the capture of Calais, cf. ILE 96 04 24, 2. 12 pacis] On the inflexibilty of the Northern Provinces towards peace negotiations, cf. ILE 96 03 16 BUR2, 5-8. 14 mari et classe] Cf. ILE 96 01 10 B, 34. 16 dedicabimus] Finally, Lipsius kept to his original plan and dedicated the Poliorcetica to Prince Bishop Ernest of Bavaria of Liège, cf. ILE 96 02 15. Here, he is still hesitant, for his appointment as historiographusregius indicates that the Brussels court, prodded by King Philip II, is showing its benevolence towards him, to prevent him from accepting a chair abroad. A dedication to Albert might even raise his annuity, cf. Peeters, OntstaansgeschiedenisvanLipsius’ Poliorcetica, 134-137; LipsiusenLeuven, 103-104, no. 25; ILE 96 01 05, 23-31. After he decided in favour of Ernest of Bavaria, l. 20-23 were altered, cf. the critical apparatus. 18 addixi] When and where Lipsius exactly promised this dedication is unknown. In December 1593 he had written to Petrus Oranus to dedicate a future work to Ernest of Bavaria, cf. ILE VI, 93 12 25 H, 32-33. ILE VII, 94 01 10, 17-18 indicates that the prince bishop was aware of this intention. 19 Leodienses] Cf. ILE 96 01 02 C, 7-8. 22 Oudartus] Cf. ILE [96 05 02] O.

196

2097 - 96 04 28

2097

96 04 28

Lipsius (Leuven) to Petrus Oranus [Liège] 28 April 1596

Oranus will surely give a warm welcome to Corselius, who took care of Lipsius’s letter. To whom should he dedicate his Poliorcetica: to Ernest of Bavaria or to Archduke Albert? Oranus’s son is in good health and a diligent student; he is in need of some juridical works. The cla-version is dated 29 April; we keep to the inventary number of GVi. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 26, no. 72; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 38-38v, no. 92.

I[ustus] Lipsius P[etro] Orano I[uris]c[onsul]to S[alutem] D[icit]. Corselium abire sine meis litteris passus non fuissem, nisi subitum et inopinatum fuisset eius iter. Vir nobis amicus est, bene doctus et filii tui privatim etiam doctor. Non dubito quin comiter excipias sua et nostra 5 caussa. POLIORCETICA nostra finem mox habebunt et, hercules, ambigo, vel potius aestuo utri dedicemus. Tuone, cui (non nego) animo et destinatione voveram, an nostro huic, quem in recenti beneficio et in victoria vix debeo

4 excipias e excipies correxi 2 Corselium] On Gerardus Corselius, cf. ILE V, 92 02 23 C; G. Tournoy, Àlarecherche de la bibliothèque du juriste liégeois Gerardus Corselius (1568-1636), professeur à l’Université de Louvain, in: D. Vanysacker e. a. (eds), The Quintessence of Lives: IntellectualBiographiesintheLowCountriespresentedtoJanRoegiers, Turnhout, 2010, 127-149. 3 filii tui] On Franciscus Oranus Jr, who studied law at Leuven university, cf. ILE 96 01 05, 21. 4 doctor] After his promotion to doctor in both laws (1594), Corselius taught a general introduction for law students in Leuven, cf. Andreas, Fasti, 202. 6 dedicemus] On this issue, cf. ILE 96 01 05, 23-31; 96 04 25, 15-20 7 beneficio] Lipsius’s appointment to historiographus regius and its annuity, cf. ILE 96 01 02 S, 7. 7 victoria] On the surrender of Calais on 22 April after a siege by Albert’s troops, cf. 96 04 24, 2.

197

30 April 1596

vel audeo praeterire? Pone te meo loco, scio, et ipse calculos duceres, reduceres nec satis in r[ati]one constares. Si absque offensa possem, vester haberet. Videbo, iterumque atque iterum cogitabo. Et si quid angor? In hoc 10 aere vestro si non solvo, in meliore et magis probo reponam. Filius valet, bonus et diligens esse (votiva tibi auditio) perseverat. Tu incita porro et iuva etiam ac libros aliquot iuris subministra. Vellet Corpus habere cum Glossis ob disputationes et publica exercitia. Sed et siquid praeterea addis, gratum et utile erit. In hac militia opus istis armis, quod te veteranum et 15 honeste iam missum non fugit. Vale, mi Orane. Lovanii, IIII Kal[endas] Maiias ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 8 vel ⟦debeo⟧ clb

10 iterumque: iterum clb

16 III cla

11 meliore … probo] Lipsius was not entirely satisfied with his Poliorcetica, cf. ILE 96 07 12, 5-7; 96 08 13 L, 11-13; 96 08 21 B, 7-10; Peeters, Ontstaansgeschiedenisvan Lipsius’s Poliorcetica, 141. 13-14 Corpus cum Glossis] After being neglected for some centuries, Emperor Justinian’s Corpusiuriscivilis had again become the basis of jurisprudence in Western Europe from the eleventh century onwards. The reintroduction came about via lawyers in Bologna, the so-called glossatores. They added their annotations, the result of their linguistic and juridical studies, between the lines or in the margins of the texts. These glosses became an integral part of the codex: they were first transcribed and later printed together with the texts. The study of law gradually became focused on commentary rather than on the (more difficult) law texts themselves. Cf. RE 4, 1, 167-170; H. E. Troje, Graecaleguntur: dieAneignungdesbyzantinischenRechtsunddieEntstehungeineshumanistischenCorpus iuriscivilisinderJurisprudenzdes16.Jahrhunderts, Cologne, 1971, 281-289; R. Dekker, HethumanismeenderechtswetenschapindeNederlanden, Antwerp, 1938, 11-12.

2098 96 04 30

Lipsius (Leuven) to Gerardus Buytewech (Brussels) 30 April 1596

Why does Buytewech, who is staying in Brussels, not visit Lipsius? Illness is the only acceptable excuse. Greetings to Jacobus Varicius. Buytewech is always welcome at Lipsius’s house. o: Brussels, ARA, ms. div. 200 A, f. 132-133; d1: Galesloot, 345.

198

2098 - 96 04 30

I[ustus] Lipsius Ger[ardo] Buytewechio suo S[alutem] D[icit]. Gaudium nobis adventus tuus attulit, sed non merum. Quid enim Bruxellae haeres et e propinquo magis nos torques? Quin veni, veni ad exspectantes, nisi valetudo impedit; quae una quia iusta caussa morae esse potest, 5 veremur eam esse. Nosti ingenia amantium: metuunt quae maxime nolunt. Ad summam, veni et, ut solidum hoc gaudium nostrum sit, ore, brachiis, corpore te amplectamur. Lovanii, prid[ie] Kal[endas] Mayas ∞.IƆ.XCVI. Varicium reducem saluta. Scis autem (supervacuum est monere) hospitium tibi et si quis etiam comes tibi est apud me esse. 10

[Address:] D[omino] Gerardo Buytewechio I[uris]c[onsul]to, nunc Bruxellae.

5 volunt d1

9 hospitium: correxi e hospitus o, d1

2 adventus] After obtaining his degree of licentiate in law at Leuven University, Buytewech returned home (to Leiden) in April 1594, cf. ILE VII, 94 04 01 B; [94 04 09] BU. Two years later he had returned for a visit to the South. 3 veni] Already in 1595 Lipsius had expressed his hope that Buytewech might visit him in Leuven, cf. ILE VIII, 95 01 10 B, 31. In the course of May and June he would indeed come and see his former tutor, cf. ILE 96 06 14, 18-19; 96 08 13 BU, 3-4. 4 iusta caussa] As early as the Law of the Twelve Tables (middle of the 5th c. B.C.) illness was considered a valuable argument for postponing a case (sonticusmorbus), cf. Leges XII Tab. 2, 2; Erasmus, Adagia, 4, 10, 37; C. G. Bruns, Fontes Iuris Romani Antiqui, Tübingen, 1911, 1, 20. 5 metuunt … nolunt] Probably a reminiscence of what Pliny wrote to his young wife when she was absent (Plin. Ep. 6, 4, 4): Vereoromnia,imaginoromnia,quaequenatura metuentiumest,eamaximemihiquaemaximeabominor,fingo. 8 Varicum reducem] Jacobus Varicius. According to ILE 96 01 10 S, 33; 96 03 16 S1, 27, and 96 03 16 S2, 21, he stayed in The Hague. After a short sojourn to the South, he returned to the North in May, cf. ILE 96 05 06 V, 2-3. 9 hospitium] ILE 96 07 16, 2 and 96 08 13 BU, 4 prove that Buytewech did indeed visit Lipsius in Leuven in the coming months.

199

[mid-April / mid-May 1596]

2099

[96 04/05 00]

Lipsius [Leuven] de Jacques de Carondelet [Liège] [mid-April / mid-May 1596]

The holidays have delayed Lipsius’s answer. De Carondelet’s letter exudes benevolence. He advises against going abroad and even raises rosier expectations. The dating remains problematic. GVi situate this fragment in 1596. The mention of a possible departure abroad and the promise of a more promising situation may suggest 1595 rather than 1596, but see also the annotations to this letter. A point against 1595 is that De Carondelet was away from Liège, on an mission for the prince bishop in Paris from 3 March until 13 April 1595, cf. ILE VIII, 95 05 01 C, 2. The main reason for keeping it here is its presence in the first, more or less chronologically ordered part of ms. Lips. 3(18), right after ILE 96 05 16 ME, 96 05 16 MO and 96 05 28, 2nd version. cl: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 45 (fragm., s.d.).

Iaco[bo] Carondoleto. Nobilissime et Clarissime Domine, Ut vidi litteras tuas sic benigne scriptas, respondere libuit atque etiam decuit. Sed sacri isti dies intervenerunt, qui velut institium quoddam nobis faciunt et avocationem a rebus externis. Nunc, ut sacris libatum est, ad humana homines 5 redimus et ego ad te statim gratias acturus pro hac benivolentia quam epistola tota praefers, atque etiam habiturus pro copia mea. Dissuades discedere

3 litteras] De Carondelet’s letter to Lipsius is not preserved. 4 sacri … dies] A commonly used formula when referring to the most important Catholic feasts, in this case the period before Easter. According to the Gregorian calendar, Easter 1596 fell on 14 April (cf. Strubbe-Voet, 130). 7 discedere] In 1596 Lipsius’s refusal of a chair at Bologna University is still mentioned occasionally, but only in letters to or from correspondents in Italy, cf. ILE 96 04 17, 5-9; 96 06 30, 9-12; 96 08 17, 6-15. Perhaps Lipsius alluded in a previous, lost letter to De Carondelet to a possible acceptance of an invitation from abroad to put some pressure on the authorities in Brussels. Despite being granted the title of historiographusregius and the annuity it implied by the end of 1595, Lipsius still expected to be shown more concrete appreciation. De Carondelet had already pointed out Lipsius’s obligations towards his native country a few years before, cf. ILE VI, 93 06 19, 14-36.

200

2100 - 96 05 02 [H]

et spem meliorem facis non sine re etiam intermixta. Et de ista [cetera desiderantur]

8 spem … intermixta] The fact that other letters written from the end of April or early in May also express Lipsius’s scepticism that Philip II’s letter to Albert (January 1596) would really alter his situation is an argument to situate this letter in the correspondence of early May 1596. More precise promises only appear from July 1596 onwards. Cf. ILE 96 04 25, 3-5; 96 05 06 U, 5-7.

2100

96 05 02 [H]

Lipsius (Leuven) to [Otho Hartius] [Brussels] 2 May 1596

Lipsius would indeed like Hartius to come to Leuven to discuss some matters, in particular, the dedication of his Poliorcetica. In a letter to Oudaert he suggested dedicating an edition of Caesar to Albert of Austria. Should Lipsius hand King Philip II’s letter personally to the archduke rather than send it? The former would be better, but his military campaign might last until the end of the summer. Moreover, the letter only confirms what was already promised. Lipsius does not believe at all that the Northern Provinces are inclined to peace. Only fear can bring them to it: the people do not realize the implications of Albert’s victory and the political leaders are shortsighted opportunists. Although the name of Lipsius’s correspondent is not mentioned, there can be no doubt that it is Otho Hartius. The dedication of the Poliorcetica and Philip II’s letter already occur in ILE 96 04 25, 2-3 and 15-23 (with the request Tamen tu et Oudartus noster cogitate). The intended visit to Lipsius, announced in a previous letter, also suggests Hartius as the addressee, cf. ILE 96 05 21 R, 2. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 28-28v; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 40r, no. 45.

2 May 1596

201

V[ir] Cl[arissime], Ipsum te huc venire, ut scribis, vellem et coram loqui de rebus quae nos tangunt, praesertim de inscriptione quae urget et mox apparanda erit. Scripsi ad Oudartum nostrum et inieci aliquid de Caesare, de quo cogitare vos velim, uno tamen scrupulo quod opus hoc Poliorceticum prius exibit 5 et praepositus videri poterit ille alter. Sed pluribus coram. Litteras regias apud me habeo nec nisi consilio tuo daturus sum an missurus. Nam quid videtur? Si teneo in reditum eius et una cum libris Poliorceticorum offero, opportunum esset, sed veteres et serotinae valde tunc litterae erunt, quia aestas haec fortasse peragetur ei in expeditione. Itaque vide an mittere 10 melius et quomodo. Etsi ego in litteris istis commodi nihil video, nisi ut firmentur nobis iam addicta. De pace Batavica aliquid ad me Oudartus tetigit et ego me fateor esse in veteri ἀπιστία. Nihil fiet, nisi metus propius admoveatur genti feroci nunc et semper pervicaci. Victoria quidem ista magna est et longius spectat, sed plebs ea non videt et qui imperant, 15 praesens et privatum bonum in oculis modo h[abe]nt. Sunt ho[min]es quorum fortunae et auctoritas concidunt, cum adsurgit melior aliquis status. Sed haec quoque coram et salve. Lovanii, post[ridie] Kal[endas] Maii ∞.IƆ.XCVI. I[ustus] Lipsius.

2 scribis] Not preserved. 3 inscriptione] Cf. ILE 96 04 25, 15-23. It is an urgent matter, since the Poliorcetica was already on the press. Lipsius usually wrote the dedicatory letter of his works only when the printing was almost finished. The dedication of DemilitiaRomana is dated 21 April (cf. ILE VIII, [95 04 21] P); the work was available on 20 June, cf. ILE VIII, 95 06 20 A1, 3-4. 4 Scripsi] Sc. ILE [96 05 02] O. But this issue does not occur in the fragment. 4 Caesare] In 1585 Lipsius had published an edition of Caesar’s Commentarii, cf. ILE II, 85 00 00 P. In ILE II, 88 06 03, 16-17 he mentions his intention of editing Velleius Paterculus, Florus and Livy. He started his lectures in Leuven, in November 1592, by reading Florus and Caesar, probably also as a first step towards an annotated edition, cf. ILE V, 92 11 24 H, 5-6. In ILE 96 05 06 U, 27-28 Uwens also refers to a possible edition of Caesar by Lipsius, an indication that he had indeed discussed the project with his friends. But as happened before, Lipsius once more shelved his plans. 6 ille alter] Ernest of Bavaria, the prince bishop of Liège. 6 Litteras regias] Cf. ILE 96 04 25, 2. 10 expeditione] Cf. ILE 96 04 24, 2-3. 12 pace Batavica] Cf. also ILE 96 04 25, 12; 96 05 02 U, 11-12. 14 Victoria] The capture of Calais, cf. ILE 96 04 24, 2-3.

202

2101 - [96 05 02] O

2101 [96 05 02] O

Lipsius [Leuven] to Nicolaas Oudaert [Mechelen] [2 May 1596]

Lipsius has read Oudaert’s and Hartius’s advice about the dedication of the Poliorcetica. He expected their preference for Albert, but the treatise is fashioned as a dialogue between citizens from Liège. It is too late now to change, since some ten quires are already printed. Friends agree that there is no other solution.. Opening lines of an unfinished letter in Lipsius’s hand, listed in GVi, 416 as OU. Its content allows a more precise dating. In ILE 96 04 25 Lipsius put the issue of the dedication of the Poliorcetica before Hartius (and Oudaert). The main arguments given in that letter, that the work is fashioned as a discussion with his Liège friends in the prince bishop’s garden, and that the dedication is already promised to Ernest of Bavaria, occur here as well.During the following days Lipsius continued consulting his acquaintances and started doubting again, at the same time mentioning a suggestion to Oudaert that he may soon dedicate an edition of Caesar to the second candidate, which can readily be accepted as a reference to this letter (cf. iniecialiquiddeCaesarel. 4). Hence we date this letter on the same day as Hartius’s letter, 2 May 1596, for he treated both friends in the same way, sometimes even addressing both of them with the same letter. m: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(23), f. 198 (fragm., s.d.).

I[ustus] Lipsius Nic[olao] Oudarto S[alutem] D[icit]. Consilium tuum et Hartii vidi et idipsum iam ante praevidi, nec ambigebam quin eam in partem sententias flexuri essetis. Nihil obstat quin paream et audiam praeter id, quod dialogismi Leodicensium sunt et res parata videtur 5 in eam dedicationem. Nam de mutando quod vos suggeritis, serum plane est et iam ad dena folia circiter impressa. Omitto laborem et taedium refingendi ac rescribendi, ac si id tanti est ut praeiudicare consilio vestro possit, alio est eundum. Negant hic amici cum quibus contuli [ceteradesiderantur] 2 Consilium] In ILE 96 04 25, 22-23 Lipsius asked Hartius and Oudaert to consider once again to whom he would dedicate the Poliorcetica. Both did so (cf. l. 2-3) and answered, but these letters are lost, cf. ILE 96 05 02 [H], 2 and 11-12. 4 Leodicensium] Cf. ILE 96 01 02 C, 7-9. 6 impressa] On 6 May 1596 Balthasar Moretus sent two quires with the final part of the second book and the first pages of the third, cf. ILE 96 05 06 M, 2. 7 alio] If Lipsius’s arguments prevailed over the advice given by Oudaert and Hartius, the work had to be dedicated to the candidate he had suggested, Ernest of Bavaria.

203

2 May 1596

2102 96 05 02 U

Lipsius (Leuven) to Hendrik Uwens [Antwerp] 2 May 1596

Lipsius is always pleased with a letter from Uwens, who is one of his dear friends in Antwerp. Philip II’s letter is merely a recommendation to Albert; Lipsius is still in doubt whether he will give it personally to the archduke, perhaps together with the Poliorcetica. He might dedicate this work to Albert because of his military successes, which can be disastrous for the enemy in France, England, and the Northern Provinces. An embassy of Emperor Rudolph II to support peace negotiations has arrived in Brussels. Although the chances of success are small, it nevertheless enhances Archduke Albert’s prestige. On Hendrik Uwens, cf. ILE V, 92 06 23 O, 13; XIII, 00 02 07 U. Answer to a lost letter. A possible reaction from Uwens is not preserved; ILE 96 05 06 U indicates that it was sent before the arrival of ILE 96 05 02 U. GVi overlooked the fact that the copy in ms. Lips. 3(17) is only a fragment; the text on f. 29 is not the second part of this letter, but of ILE 96 05 16 ME, cf. its introduction. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 28v (fragm., s.a.); clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 40-40v, no. 95.

I[ustus] Lipsius Henrico Uweno S[alutem] D[icit]. Tuae vero litterae nunquam superfluae aut ingratae. Communiter Antverpiam et in ea cives cum amo, te quoque privatim et proprie, mi Uwene, idque ob ea quae apud te non promo. Sed litterae illae Hispanienses quae tuas elicuerunt, nihil h[abe]nt praeter commendationem Regis, gratam a tali 5 et quem scio sermonis aut laudis non esse diffusum. Videbo an ipse tradam, fortasse cum Poliorceticis meis, quae inclino ut ei inscribam. Sed quia adhuc ambigo ob caussas, nolim hoc vulgari. Ipse sane Prorex noster in magna nunc laude et fama et[iam] apud posteros ob insigne hoc factum, quod supra spem et vota fuit. Siccine incipit? Cave Gallia, Britannia, 10

2 Antverpiam] Cf. ILE 96 02 02, 2-4. 4 litterae] The letter Philip II had written on 25 January 1596 to Albert, cf. ILE 96 04 25, 2. 6-7 Videbo … tradam] Cf. ILE 96 05 02 [H], 8-12. 7 inscribam] Cf. ILE 96 04 25, 16-17.

204

2102 - 96 05 02 U

Batavia: si vivit, fatalis hic vobis est hostis. Bruxellam venisse legati super pace dicuntur ab imperio. Quid tu censes? Fortasse quod ego, frustra venisse, nisi ille tamen fructus, quod Rex clementiae suae famam auget, hostibus pertinaciae et ferociae circumdat. O, utinam sapiant in suam, in 15 nostram rem! Nobis felicitas, regi victoria crescat et brevi imperium, quod mihi quidem videtur fata ei aut stirpi eius spondere. Vale, vir amicissime. Lovanii, post[ridie] Kal[endas] Maii ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

11-17 super … ∞.IƆ.XCVI: desid.in cla

14 in suam ⟦rem⟧ clb

17 I) e IC correxi

11 legati] Already in 1591 Emperor Rudolph II had taken the initiative to mediate between the Southern and the Northern Low Countries, but the government of the North in its euphoria about their successful offensive refused to receive the imperial embassy. Nevertheless, Charles of Croÿ, marquis of Havré, governor of Hainaut, kept urging them to negotiate with the North. In 1594 he was present at the Diet of Ratisbon, together with Guillén de San Clemente, the ambassador of the Spanish king in Vienna. Following their proposal, the German princes decided to send a delegation to the Netherlands to promote the peace process, consisting of Wolfgang von Dalberg, elector of Mainz, Duke William of Saksen-Altenberg, Theoderic von Raitenau, Archbishop of Salzburg, Paltsgrave Frederic IV, and representatives of Cologne and Nürnberg. Although Ernest of Austria, the governor of the Spanish Netherlands, encouraged this initiative, the positions of both sides were completely different. Philip II expected the rebellious provinces to end their revolt: they had to accept him as their sovereign and could only discuss the conditions of their submission. Conversely, the Northern Provinces aimed for the reunification of the Netherlands in a state independent of Spain. In 1595 Charles Philip of Croÿ tried to establish peace negotiations with the North, but to no avail when it became clear that the ties between the Southern Provinces and the Spaniards were still too close, cf. ILE VIII, 95 04 24 H, 24. On 12 January 1596 the German representatives asked Albert to indicate where they would meet. On 23 March Emperor Rudolph II repeated this question in a letter to the governor, but new negotiations were not yet begun, since the Northern Provinces continued in their belief that peace was impossible with the perfidious Spaniards. The situation only changed in 1598 with the Act of Cession (6 May 1598), when Philip II renounced his domination of the Netherlands and the Franche-Comté, and granted these parts of his realm as dowry to his daughter Isabella and her future husband, Archduke Albert. Already in August of that year the Northern Provinces were once more invited for discussions, but the States General delayed their answer until 1600: negotiations were no option as long as the South remained under the influence of Spain. Cf. Bor, 4, 289; AGN, 6, 288-290; Lefèvre, 4, 261, no. 757; 265, no. 769; 269, no. 786; 306, no. 893; 332, no. 990; 343, no. 1032; 364, no. 1081; 370, no. 1105; 468, no. 1405; Japikse, 9, 126-129. Medio 1596 Francesco de Mendoza had left the South on an embassy to Rudolph II and the German princes to discuss posssible negotiations of peace, cf. ILE 96 03 10 O, 5.

205

4 May 1596

2103

96 05 04

Lipsius (Leuven) to Jan de Greve [Brussels] 4 May 1596

Lipsius has received his nephew’s letter about the division of real estate with the Waverius family; he hopes they will agree. He is not informed about donating or selling a sack of corn; as to the confiscation of an interest of 36 florins, he wonders how they heard about it. Congratulations on the purchase of a pond, but at what price? Lipsius hopes to meet his nephew soon; De Greve can come to Leuven, Lipsius is not able to travel. De Greve should contact Van Nesse and the steward to check whether they adhere to what was agreed. Greetings to the Breugel family; Lipsius’s home is being renovated. o: Brussel, ARA, ms. div. 200 A, f. 28.

Eersaeme en[de] bemiende neve, Ick hebbe noch eenen brief ontfangen daer in u l[ieden] mij schreef van die deijlinge tusschen ons en[de] die Wavers, d’welck ick oick geraeden vinden soude, ingeval dat sij die wilden aengaen. Want, gelijck ghij weet, daer toe te porren oft te dwingen is noch te vroech en[de] ongelegen. Ghy 5 muecht sien oft sij daer toe verstaen en[de] het waer goedt dat gedaen waer in mijnen leven. Maer aengaende het afleggen oft vercoopen van een mudde koren, daer en weet ick niet van en[de] en hebben alsulcken brief niet ontfangen. Aengaende die confiscatie vande rente van XXXVI gulden, geeft mij wonder hoe sij daer achter komen sijn en[de] wijt mach geseijt 10 hebben. Hoe wijt maecken, daer sal swaericheijt en[de] moijte op loopen. Godt geve u l[ieden] geluck metten vijver, maer ghij en schrijft niet hoe dier dat hij gecocht is. Voirts soo hope ick dat wij malkanderen kortelinck sien en[de] spreecken sullen en[de] u l[ieden] mach een spronckreijse tot hier doen, ghij en verlet niet. Aengaende mij, ick en can niet wel wuijt 15

3 deijlinge] Sc. ‘division’, cf. Verwijs – Verdam, 2, 117. That way the family would solve the undivided estate. In a letter Petrus Waverius’s family had agreed to donate an estate in Honnelinge, cf. ILE 96 03 27, 26. 9 rente] Cf. ILE VIII, 95 10 12 G, 8. 12 vijver] Cf. ILE 96 03 27, 15-23.

206

2103 - 96 05 04

en[de] oick en hebbe geen occasie. Den greffier van Overijssche heeft mij geeijscht den brieff van die drij guldens op Schaetbroeck, want hij den grondt verlaedt en[de] laet liggen, alsoo dat wij daer moeten op daegen. Ick hebbe hem aen u l[ieden] gesonden, want ick meijne dat ick u dien 20 hebbe gegeven. Voirts, bemiende neve, moest ghij sien die van Nessche te spreecken en[de] te maenen met gelegentheijt, oick den rentmeester, en[de] schrijft mij oft hij sijn woirdt houdt, en[de] hoe dat daer met is. Ick hebbe groote quijtscheldinge gedaen en[de] het waere tijdt wat te genieten. Vaert wel met mijn bemiende nichte, u l[ieden] huijsvrow, die ick gruete, en[de] 25 met u soonken. Tot Loven, deesen 4 Maij 1596. Uwen goetwilligen oom, I[ustus] Lipsius. Gruet mij zeer met gelegenthijt mijn heer den raetsheer en[de] onse neve Breugel met sijn huijsvrow en neve de Weerdt met die sijne, die ick hope met haer kindt in goeden doene te weesen. Mijn vrow doet u alle beyde grueten en[de] sal quaelijck konnen gekomen, 30 mits dien dat wij sijn int timmeren ende meytsen.

20 Nessche e Essche corr.o 16 greffier] Jacob van de Nesse (cf. l. 20), clerk of Overijse, cf. ILE V, 92 09 22, 17. See also the genealogical tree in Alb.Lips., 128-131. 17 Schaetbroeck] An estate in the hamlet Terlanen (Overijse), cf. Alb.Lips., 98, n. 51. 21 rentmeester] Probably Christophe Godin, who was tax collector general from 1578 to his death (1614/1615) cf. De Schepper, 2, 470-472. 28 Breugel] Willem Breugel, husband of Maria Coppens, was counsellor to the States of Brabant, cf. ILE I, 75 09 29 and VI, 93 07 29, 27. 28 de Weerdt] Nicolaas de Weerdt, who had married Anna Breugel, cf. ILE VII, 94 10 16, BR, 27. 29 kindt] Their daughter, Reine, was baptized in Brussels on 23 May 1596, cf. De Ryckman de Betz, 3, 695. See also ILE 96 05 21 W. 30 vrow] Anna vanden Calstere. 31 meytsen] Lipsius and his wife had bought their house in the ‘Legestraete’ (now Parijsstraat) from Master Jan opden Berch in March 1594. It was renovated at that time and would be altered several times afterwards, cf. LipsiusenLeuven, 48-50, no. 7; ILE VII, 94 05 06, introd.

207

6 May 1596

2104

96 05 06 M

Balthasar Moretus [Antwerp] to Lipsius (Leuven) 6 May 1596

Balthasar Moretus sends a few folia from the Poliorcetica; they can only proceed with the printing when Lipsius sends his illustrations. Vander Borcht is working on the engravings; two specimens are added to the letter. Johannes Moretus Jr has safely returned from Frankfurt. Sylburgius’s death is a great loss for Greek scholarship. Balthasar will soon send an edition of Polybius’ DemilitiaRomana together with a few other interesting novelties. Uwens found that one of Antonio de Herrera’s treatises gives an account of the Portuguese War; according to a Spanish military paymaster in Antwerp, someone else has written three volumes on this subject without publishing them, but the author’s name is still unknown. On Balthasar Moretus, cf. ILE VI, 93 05 30 M2; Lipsius en zijn Europese netwerk, 598-609. o: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 4.

Clar[issi]me ac Doct[issi]me Iuste Lipsi, S[alutem] P[lurimam]. Mitto duo folia et vides hic finem libri secundi atque initium tertii. Nec licebit nobis ultra pergere, priusquam figuras abs te habemus, ut iusta iis dentur interstitia. Pergit Burchius in caedendis figuris et duarum 2 duo folia … libri] Sc. of the Poliorcetica.The third book begins on p. 126 (the treatise has 267 pages). The editioprinceps was printed in-quarto: hence already 16 folios were printed. As to the progress of the printing process, cf. ILE [96 05 02] O, 5-6. 3 figuras] Cf. ILE 96 01 02 C, 10. Lipsius was still looking for representations of catapults and other missiles, discussed in Poliorcetica, 3, 2-3. Finally, he had to be satisfied with what he had, but the help of Giambattista Sacco and, in particular, Fernández de Velasco, enabled him to add drawings of these devices in the reissue of the work in 1599, cf. ILE 96 12 02, 13. 3-4 iusta … insterstitia] Sc. the space to be foreseen for illustrations; for technical reasons, text and illustrations had to be printed separately. 4 Burchius] Peeter vander Borcht (1535/40-1608), who cut or engraved illustrations for the OfficinaPlantiniana for many years, cf. ILE VIII, 95 03 20 HE2, 12; 95 09 21 O, 14. He provided all engravings of the Poliorcetica; the letters and captions were taken care of by Ferdinandus Arsenius, cf. MPM, Arch. 1079 (Carnetdedépenses), 14-15; Imhof, 70-71.

208 5

2104 - 96 05 06 M

specimina his mitto. Fratrem meum salvum Francfurto heri rediisse plurimum gaudeo. Inter cetera mihi refert Sylburgium diem suum obisse, cuius mortem, credo, mecum dolebis Graecae litteraturae caussa. Multum in eo amiserit Comelinus. Libros Francofurtenses exspecto intra quinque aut sex dies et tum ad te Fragmentum Polybii mittam et siquid aliud erit 5 Fratrem] Johannes Moretus, Jr. (1576-1618), cf. Voet, Het geslacht Moretus, 17; De Nave, 268-270; De Landtsheer, in: LipsiusenhetPlantijnsehuis, 82-108. 5 Francfurto] Sc. the spring book fair of Frankfurt, two weeks before Easter, cf. Breuls, De Büchermessen vanFrankfurt, and the bibliography on p. 285, n. 21. Easter 1596 fell on 14 April (stilonovo), cf. Strubbe-Voet, 130. 6 Sylburgium] Fredericus Sylburgius (cf. ILE II, 86 09 07, 126; V, 92 03 26 M, 37) had died in Heidelberg on 17 February 1596. The abundance of Greek manuscripts of the BibliothecaPalatina in particular persuaded him to enter the service of the editor and printer Hieronymus Commelinus in 1591. Their smooth collaboration makes it difficult to distinguish the editorial merits of both in the publications of the Officina Commeliana. Sylburgius is best known as an editor of Greek texts: after collaborating with Henricus Stephanus on his Thesaurus linguae Graecae (Geneva, 1572), he published the works of Aristotle in 11 volumes (Frankfurt, 1584-1587), an Etymologicum magnumGraecum (Heidelberg, 1594), and a catalogue of the Greek manuscripts of the BibliothecaPalatina. His translation of the Heidelberg catechism into classical Greek appeared posthumously in 1597. Cf. ADB 37, 283; Wilhelm Port, Hieronymus Commelinus, 1550-1597: Leben und Werk eines Heidelberger Drucker-Verlegers, Leipzig, 1938, 21-23, 109. 9 Fragmentum Polybii] Moretus refers to Polybiiexlibrosextofragmentum,Demilitia Romana (Geneva: J. Chouet, 1596), an edition of a fragment from Polybius’s sixth book on the organisation of the Roman army, with the Latin translation of Janus Lascaris. Cf. E. Legrand, Bibliographie hellénique des XVe et XVIesiècles ou description raisonnée des ouvrages publiés en grec [ou] par des Grecs aux XVe et XVIesiècles, accompagnée de notices biographiques, tables chronologiques, notes, documents et index, Paris, 1962, 4, 343, no. 849; J.-D. Candaux - B. Lescaze (eds), Cinqsiècles d’imprimerieGenevoise, Geneva, 1980, 1, 231; J. M. Moore, TheManuscriptTradition ofPolybius, Cambridge, 1965, 123-124. It occurs in Lipsius’s library catalogue, Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 59, f. 17v, book 2. The account on Lipsius’s name in Antwerp, MPM, Arch. 21, f. 258 (cf. GVd 33, p. 281) mentions this booklet together with the other ones referred to on l. 12-13, on the date of 17 May. Janus Lascaris’s editio princeps of fragments of Polybius’ book VI on the Roman army (19, 1-42, 6) appeared together with his Latin translation with Johannes Antonius de Sabio in Venice (1529) and was reprinted in Basle: Balthasar Lasius and Thomas Platterus, 1537. The translation

6 May 1596

209

quod ad studia tua facere cogitabo. Quod ad libellos de bello Lusitano, 10 diligenter de iis quaesivit D[ominus] Uwens Advocatus inter Hispanos et Lusitanos, atque aliquis ipsorum dixit quendam esse Ant[onium] Hereram qui de eo scripserit, itemque hic Antverpiae esse quempiam satis notum summo quaestori militum (qui hic nunc est) qui unquam tria volumina de eo conscripserit, sed numquam commissa typis; de ipso 15 autem nomine scriptoris nihil hactenus rescivit. Nihil occurrit nunc aliud. Vale, Clar[issi]me D[omi]ne. Subito. VI Maii M.D.XCVI. Clar[issi]mae D[ominationi] T[uae] merito addict[issi]mus Balthasar Moretus. [Address:] Clar[issi]mo ac Doct[issi]mo Viro D[omi]no Iusto Lipsio 20 Professori et Historiographo Regio. Lovanium. Cito. Cito.

of the part on pitching a Roman camp (castrametatio) is also quoted by Godeschalcus Stewechius in his annotated edition of Vegetius (Leiden: C. Plantin, 1585), with a reprint in Antwerp, 1592, cf. E. Legrand, o.c., 1, 204-205, no. 82; 3, 367-368, no. 362; 4, 278, no. 793; 4, 319-320, no. 838; PPr 5, 2340-2344, no. 2419 A-B. Lipsius owned a copy of the 1585 edition, cf. his library catalogue, Leiden, Univ. Bib., ms. Lips. 59, f. 6v, book 10. Lipsius mostly approved of Lascaris’s translation, but as it was not always accurate, he preferred to give his own version, cf. DeMilitiaRomana, 1, 2; 2, 1 and 10; 3, 6 and 7; 5, 9. 9 siquid … erit] Probably the other books mentioned in Arch. Antwerp, MPM, Arch. 21, f. 258; GVd, p. 281, 74-84. 10 libellos] Cf. Hendrik Uwens’s letter of the same date, ILE 96 05 06 U, 7-22. 12 aliquis] Cf. ILE 96 05 06 U, 19. 13 Hereram] Antonio de Herrera y Tordesillas (1559-1625). As the official historiographer of Castilia and the West Indies during the reign of Philip II, III and IV he had access to sources that were closed to others. His description of the New World was most useful and was published in a Latin translation by Caspar Barlaeus in his Novus Orbis sive descriptioIndiaeoccidentalis, Amsterdam, 1622. In other writings Herrera flattered the Spanish monarchs, as was the case in the work Uwens is referring to, Cincolibrosdela HistoriadePortugalyconquistadelasislasdelosAzores,enlosañosde1582y1583, Madrid: P. Madrigal, 1591. Cf. NBG 24, 466-468; Jöcher, 4, 1252. 13 quempiam] A Portuguese, according to ILE 96 05 06 U, 15-16, but he could not be identified. 14 summo … militum] Uwens refers to him as being pagadorem seu thesaurarium generalem, but without mentioning his name, cf. ILE 96 05 06 U, 19-20.

210

2105 - 96 05 06 U

2105

96 05 06 U

Hendrik Uwens (Antwerp) to Lipsius (Leuven) 6 May 1596

Some letters from Spain for Lipsius and also a copy, made by Marchantius, of Philip II’s letter to Albert, a proof of the king’s benevolence towards Lipsius, which will hopefully also turn into fact. Moretus is looking for Spanish authors about the war in Portugal, but only encountered Antonio de Herrera. Readers of this work agree that it is no match for Girolamo di Franchi’s account. The Spanish treatise is not available in Antwerp; apparently a Portuguese man living in Antwerp has also treated the subject, but his work was not published. Uwens consulted Nuñez and Luis Pérez for more details about him. A member of the Ximenez family has given a first hint. Uwens will inform Lipsius when he has news. As to the dedication of the Poliorcetica, can he not find a way to satisfy both Albert and Ernest? He must ensure that DeTriumphis and the edition of Caesar will appear at the same time; Moretus is willing to help, especially if the price per part is slightly raised. This is not an answer to ILE 96 05 02 U. Lipsius’s correspondent refers mainly to bits of news he heard indirectly from Balthasar Moretus (cf. l. 7-8) and others. The right hand side of the folio in ms. Lips. 4 is somewhat damaged, making the final letters on some lines difficult to read. o: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 4.

S[alutem] P[lurimam], Vir Clarissime. Ecce novas ad te do ex Hispania et iam quidem quas antea me dedisse suspicabar, Regis nostri ad Cardinalem tuo nomine. Ut tenorem videas, addo duplicata quae Marchantius noster ad me misit et pronam ac 2 novas] No letters written to Lipsius from Spain in March or early April 1596 have been preserved. Possibly Uwens was forwarding the letter from Franciscus Marchantius mentioned in ILE 96 05 21 M, 15-16. 3 Regis] Philip II’s letter to Archduke Albert, dated Madrid, 25 January 1596, cf. ILE 96 04 25, 2, of which, apparently, Uwens had already sent a copy to Lipsius previously, hence quasanteamededissesuspicabar. 4 duplicata … Marchantius] Franciscus Marchantius had also written to Lipsius, who received his letter around 13 May, as can be deduced from ILE 96 05 21 M, 15-16, a letter from Lipsius to his father, Johannes Marchantius. Franciscus had been recommended to

6 May 1596

211

benevolam magni Regis in te voluntatem ostendunt. Congratulor tibi eo 5 nomine et ut fructum voluntatis et benevolentiae regiae, sicut iam scripto, ita reipsa propediem sentias opto. D[ominus] Moretus te de Hispanicis aliquot scriptoribus expeditionis Lusitanicae sollicitum esse retulit et si quid eius argumenti vel ipse haberem vel aliunde conquiri posset, gratum tibi fore. Egi hoc negotium cum praecipuis omnium nationum serio, sed 10 post longam inquisitionem unum tantum esse intelligo, Anthonio Herrero, qui hoc argumentum Hispanice tractarit. Qui legerunt in Hispania, longe Georgio de Franchi, qui idem argumentum Italice tractavit, inferiorem esse dicunt. Nec quisquam hic est qui eum habeat, ut proinde, si omnino desideres, ex Hispania petendus sit. Intelligo praeterea aliquem ex Lusitanis 15 hic esse qui tres tomos eiusdem argumenti manuscriptos habeat, sed quis is sit, hactenus cognoscere non potui. Inquiro sedulo et D[ominum] Nonium

Lipsius by Otho Hartius, cf. ILE VII, 94 03 15 H, 45-48. In 1596 he was a member of Floris of Berlaymont’s retinue on his mission to King Philip, cf. ILE 96 05 21 M, 14-15. In April 1597 he returned, together with the other members of the mission to the Netherlands, cf. a letter of Philip II to Albert, dated Madrid, 20 February 1597, assessing Marchantius’s skills and juridical experience (copy: Brussels, ARA, Aud. 196, f. 114114v). In June 1597 Marchantius was back in Brussels, cf. ILE 97 06 23. Later he became counsellor of the States of Brabant and judge advocate of the Council of Finances. He died in May 1620. Cf. BN 13, 446; De Ryckman de Betz-de Jonghe d’Ardoye, 3, 704-705. 7 reipsa] Cf. ILE 96 04 25, 3. 7 Moretus] Balthasar, cf. ILE 96 05 06 M, 9-14. 8 Lusitanicae] On Philip II’s conflict with Don Antonio, in particular to acquire the throne of Portugal, cf. ILE 96 01 10 S, 23. 11 Anthonio Herrero] Cf. ILE 96 05 06 M, 11. 13 Georgio de Franchi] Ieronimo de Franchi Conestaggio, Dell’ unione del regno di Portogallo alla corona di Castiglia, Genoa: G. Bartoli, 1585 and 1589, cf. ILE VI, 93 11 05 M, 8-9, a copy of which was in the library of Laevinus Torrentius, cf. Brussels, Kon. Bibl., ms. 3974-3975, no. 1509. Lipsius owned a copy published in Venice, 1581, an edition apparently unknown to the bibliographers (cf. Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 59, f. 9r, book 30). It was sent to him by Johannes Moretus, together with ILE III, 88 12 30, 12. In 1603 Andreas Schott included it in the second part of Hispaniae illustratae seu rerum urbiumque Hispaniae, Lusitaniae, Aethiopiae et Indiae, scriptores varii, partim editi nunc primum, partim aucti atque emendati opera et studio doctorum hominum, Frankfurt, 1603-1608, 4 vols. Schott took care of vols 1 and 2, vol. 3 was published by Johannes Pistorius, vol. 4 by Schotts’s nephew, Franciscus. 17 Nonium] Either Ludovicus Nonnius (Nuñez), physician and author, or his father Alvarez († 1603), cf. ILE V, 92 07 12, introd.; BN 15, 822; H. Pohl, DiePortugiesenin Antwerpen(1567-1648), Wiesbaden, 1977, 108-109, 365.

212

20

25

30

35

2105 - 96 05 06 U

et Ludovicum Peresium adhibeo ut resciscant quis sit qui eos habeat. Qui primum indicium fecit, unus ex Ximeniis est, qui per pagadorem seu thesaurarium generalem eo perveniri posse intellexisse se affirmabat. Satagam ut sciam quis sit et quae via obtinendi iniri possit, et, si quid cognovero, de omnibus te certiorem faciam. Audio te haerere cui opus De Machinis dicaturus sis, Archiduci Cardinali an Leodiensi Principi, quod huic ex promisso, illi ex merito deberi videatur. Si mea consilia valerent, fortassis non abs re foret si quam viam ineas qua utrique simul satisfacias, ne cuiquam minus praestitum videatur quam pro merito. Non dubito te habere paratum Commentarium Detriumpho et audio idem de Caesaris commentariis cum tuis in eum annotationibus. Quin igitur agis cum D[omino] Moreto ut alterutrum horum praelo subiciat et in altero tantisper subsistat aut tanto lentius progrediatur ut utrumque opus simul edatur? Credo id forte minus ex re eius fore, sed duorum aut trium assium adiectio ad pretium iam designatum in singula volumina medii temporis interusurium facile explebunt. Vide quam ego liber apud amicum consultor in re ad cuius consilium non vocatus! Sed hanc mihi libertatem et meus in te affectus et tua in me benevolentia provocat. Quod si aliud a me praestari posset, crede me tam agendo quam in hoc animi mei 18 sit e scit correxi 36 quam ⟦qui⟧ o

31 ex re eius: suprascr. o

33 interusurium e interusurius correxi

18 Peresium] Luis Pérez († 13 December 1601), rich Antwerp merchant of Spanish origins, friend and patron of Plantin and his successor Moretus. Cf. ILE VI, 93 12 25 A, 11; XIV, 01 12 14; D. Imhof, De Spaanse koopman Luys Perez als financier van Jan Moretus’ werkenvanBenedictusAriasMontanus, in: DeGuldenPasser, 83 (2005), 151-152. 19 Ximeniis] Uwens is vague, but he certainly refers to a member of a Portuguese family of merchants, presumably Andres or Emanuel Ximenes, the directors of the company from 1594 onwards. In 1599 Lipsius wrote to Emanuel Ximenius (Antwerp), advising him on the education of his son (ILE 99 08 30). Cf. Vazquez de Prada, 1, 204-205; Prims, 317-318. On the Ximenes family in Antwerp, see also H. Pohl, Die Portugiesen in Antwerpen, passim. 19 pagadorem] Latinisation of the Spanish pagador, the public servant responsible for the payment of the Spanish army, cf. J. Lefèvre, Le ministère espagnol de l’archiduc Albert 1598-1626, in: Bulletin de l’Académie Royale d’Archéologie de Belgique, 1924, 12, 19-20. Balthasar Moretus uses a more correct Latin term, summoquaestorimilitum, cf. ILE 96 05 06 M, 14. 22 haerere] On Lipsius’s doubts about the dedicatee of his Poliorcetica, cf. ILE 96 04 25, 16-21. 27 Commentarium Detriumpho] Cf. ILE 96 02 18, 15. 28 Caesaris] Cf. ILE 96 05 02 [H], 4.

213

6 May 1596

motum effundendo fore paratum. Vale et me, cum opus fuerit, imo cum voles, utere, fruere. Raptim, Antwerpiae, 6 Maii anno 1596. Tui observantissimus et amantissimus Henricus Uwens. [Address:] Clarissimo viro D[omino] Iusto Lipsio, Regiae Maiestatis 40 historico. Lovanii.

2106

96 05 06 V

Lipsius (Leuven) to Jacobus Varicius (Mechelen) 6 May 1596

Lipsius wishes Varicius a safe journey to the Northern Provinces. If only they abandoned their stubbornness and embraced peace. Lipsius heard rumours of a possible embassy of German sovereigns to reconcile the Netherlands. Greetings to Gerardus Sandelinus. The version in ms. Lips. 3(17) is written in a different hand compared to the other letters. In ms. Lips. 3(4) the copyist obviously could not read involvet (l. 12): he left a blank after inv, which Lipsius completed with -olvet. The fact that Lipsius added here EPIST[OLA]on top of the letter indicates that he considered its being inserted in a possible new Centuria of letters. o: Brussels, ARA, ms. div. 200 A, f. 130-131; cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(4), f. 68; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 27; clc: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 39v, no. 94; d1: Burman I, p. 713-714, no. 675.

I[ustus] Lipsius Iac[obo] Varicio S[alutem] D[icit]. Machliniam. Abire te iterum cum intellexissem, mi Varici, votis prosequi iter tuum volui et simul patriam, in quam tendis. Illud quidem ut felix sit, ista ut 1 I[ustus] Lipsius: add. claλ || D[icit]: Machliniam add. claλ, d1 claλ; ad tuos d1

2 ⟦iterum⟧ ad tuos

2 iterum] Jacobus Varicius had only just returned from The Hague, cf. ILE 96 04 30, 8. 3 patriam] He was born in Delft.

214

2106 - 96 05 06 V

animos ponat et ad mitiora inclinet, quo toties Rex et noster hic Prorex 5 nunc invitant. Ah, quam animum mihi angit pervicacia haec aut superbia! Cuius exitus quis esse possit, nisi exitium, non video et vereor ut dies hoc firmet, si tamen pertendunt. An ne nunc quidem, cum metum admoveri propius vident, cum in eo res esse, ut mare eripiatur, vanitatem aut fiduciam minuent et ad saniora ac certiora se dabunt? Toto pectore voveo atque 10 utinam quibusdam apud quos fides vel gratia aliqua mihi esse solet, sermone haec liceat communicare! Subduci navim in tranquillitatis portum etiam nunc tempus est; si abit, aestus involvet ac tempestas qua marina ea Venus non explicabit. Sed quid apud te haec dissero? Scio iuxta mecum haec intellegere et velle, si modo saperent qui clavum in manu habent. Sed 15 eo tamen moneo et suggero, quia iamnunc audimus certe parari legationem aliquam Germanicam ad vos fine illo otii et pacis. Deus pacis perdat qui resistent, et faciet (praesagium meum nota) ante saeculi huius finem, qui mox adest. Vale, abi, redi et Sandelinum meum unice saluta. Lovanii, prid[ie] Nonas Maias ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 7 tamen ⟦perd⟧ cla 10 vel: aut cla, d1 12 involvet: -olvet suppl. claλ || ac: et cla, d1 13 non: esse add. clbλ || Scio: Quem scio claλ, clbλ, clc, d1 14 haec: canc. cla; om. d1 || si: sic clb, clc 16-17 Deus … finem: canc. claλ, rest.d1 16 perdat: donet vel suprascr.etcanc. claλ 17 resistunt d1 17-18 qui … adest: canc. clb, clc; om. cla, d1 18 et Sandelinum … saluta: canc. claλ, rest. d1 19 Maii cla, clb, d1 4 inclinet] In a letter to Fuentes, dated 9 June 1595, Philip II expounded on the peace negotiations as proposed by the Northern Provinces. He appreciated the effort, but experiences made him suspicious of their honesty. Moreover, the rebels refused to speak with the other side, the king or his representatives, but only had contacts with the representatives of the Provincial States. Hence his condition that they address themselves to the appropriate discussion partners. This might also be Archduke Albert or, according to the Diet of Ratisbon, the representatives of the emperor. Cf. Lefèvre, 4, 306, no. 893. 4 Prorex] Archduke Albert. 5 pervicacia] An idea often occurring in Lipsius’s letters from the first months of 1596. Cf., e.g., ILE 96 01 02 S, 13-26; 96 02 02, 18-21; 96 05 02 [H], 13-14. 12-13 marina ea Venus] The cult of Venus Marina, who appeases the sea and thus ensures a safe journey to the sailors, corresponds to the worship of ἈφροδίτηΠελαγία: according to the myth the goddess was born from the sea (Ἀφροδίτηἀναδυομένη), cf. Roscher, 1, 1, 401-402. VenusMarina is often invoked by the poets of the AnthologiaPalatina (e.g., 5, 17; 9, 143-144; 10, 21, etc.). Cf. also Hor. C. 3, 26, 5; 4, 11, 15. 15 audimus] One of Lipsius’s sources was Nicolaas Oudaert, cf. ILE 96 05 02 [H], 12-13. On the embassy, cf. ILE 96 05 02 U, 9-11. 18 Sandelinum] Sandelinus, one of Lipsius’s former students, had returned to the North, perhaps to The Hague, where he met Varicius, cf., e.g., ILE 96 01 10 S, 1 and 33-34; 96 03 16 S1, 1 and 26.

215

7 May 1596

2107

96 05 07

Lipsius (Leuven) to Guillaume d’Assonleville [Brussels] 7 May 1596

Congratulations on his marriage. His father too will be happy, since he can look forward now to the continuation of the family tree. A man lives on through his progeny. Next, Lipsius expounds on the merits of monogamous marriage: its unique relationship is delightful and salutary for both partners. It even has a positive influence on politics. Guillaume d’Assonleville (Arras, 1565 – 13 June 1597) studied law in Leuven, where he obtained his doctor’s degree on 16 December 1588. The next year, Plantin published his thesis, Declamatio habita Lovanii … de tribus quodlibeticis quaestionibus and, still in the same year, the panegyric Guillaume d’Assonleville held in Leuven in praise of the Holy Virgin on 25 March 1589, OratiopanegyricadeannunciationebeatissimaeVirginis Mariae (cf. PP 1, nos 601 and 602, respectively). Posthumously, in 1598, Johannes Moretus published his Atheomastixsiveadversusreligionishostesuniversosdissertatio. From his youth on, Guillaume suffered from a disorder of the eyes obliging him to use a lector for his readings. Cf. ILE V, 92 11 12, introd.; BN 1, 513; J. Britz, Christophe d’Assonleville(1528-1607), in: MessagerdesscienceshistoriquesouArchivesdesArts etdelaBibliographiedeBelgique, 77, 1865, 116-118. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 27-28; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 48v-50, no. 113; d: Cent.Belg. II, 22.

Guil[ielmo] d’Assonvillio, D[omino] de Boechout. Vir Nobilissime, Cum e cognato tuo, praeposito Ariensi, intellexissem de vitae consorte quam capis, affectus meus in te, in parentem cultus iussit utrique vestrum

1 Guil[ielmo] … Boechout: add. claλ, clb; Guilielmo Assonvillio, Bouchautii Domino, S[alutem] D[icit] d 2 Vir Nobilissime: om. d 3 praeposito] Hieronymus a Francia, Jr (Jérôme-Gaspar de France), cf. ILE VII, 94 12 26 F. He was the grandson of Hieronymus, Sr and Noëlle d’Assonleville, the daughter of Christophe. Their son, Renom (Rainuce) de France, was the father of Hieronymus a Francia, Jr., Lord of Noyelle-Wion, who married Margareta d’Assonleville, daughter of Guillaume, in 1612. In 1613 he was appointed bailiff of Douai and in 1628 burgomaster of Leuven. Later he became a member of the Private Council in Mechelen and, from 1646

216 5

10

15

20

25

2107 - 96 05 07

gratulari et apprecari felix hoc consilium et salutare. Utrique, inquam, vestrum gratulari: tibi, qui genus vitae suscipis coercendis vagis cupiditatibus divinitus institutum; parenti, qui posteros et nepotes ex te (ut spero) videbit, quod unicum felicitati eius deest. In summis honoribus vir ille tot annos in omnium laude et gratia vixit, opes non nimias, sed tamen honestas et dignitati suffecturas peperit. Quid deerat, nisi quo vota occulta et a natura insita trahunt, videre natorum natos et ex optima arbore frutices et stirpes propagatas? Mortales sumus, imo nec diuturni sumus: una r[ati]one diu supersumus, si proseminamus qui supersint. Vivimus in posteris et non quidem anima (absit hoc dicere), sed tamen indoles et igniculi in eos transeunt et amamus eos et amamur. Vagum aut barbarum genus hominum vagos et indefinitos amores etiam h[abe]nt, copiam et incertitudinem uxorum; nos, pii et compositi Christiani, divina lege adstringimur, unus unius esse. Hoc est quod Plato philosophatus aliq[uan]do subabsurde videtur, sed mente et fine bona: ho[min]es olim e mare et femina constitisse, divisionem et velut sectionem corporum esse factam, sed manere desiderium veteris iunctionis et ideo appetitum hunc copulae in nobis esse. Fabella est, sed haec veritas: a Deo insitam illam cupidinem quam pauci vicerunt, nisi quos idem Deus supra co[mmun]em sortem extulit et ad se traxit. Ii casti, puri agunt, felici sorte et quam miramur plures quam imitamur. Sed nec nos, qui secundarii, ut sic dicam, sumus, contemnendi aut improbi. Imo id quoque

11 fructices cla, clb cla, clb

14 sed ⟦taantu]m⟧ tamen cla

18 aliq[uan]do:om. clb

22 istam

onwards, master of requests. He died on 31 March 1654. Cf. C. Noppen, Deherenvan BoechoutenhunWaterburchtteMeise, Brussels, 1991, 136-138; De Herckenrode, 1, 71. 3 consorte] Guillaume d’Assonleville married in May 1596 with Livina Sandelin van Herenthout, but died in June 1597, just after the birth of their child, Margaretha, cf. Noppen, De heren van Boechout, 131; De Herckenrode, 3, 1734. Lipsius comforts Christophe d’Assonleville by referring to his grandchild: Habes filiam, habes neptem: habesubicogitatio,ubietvultustuusconquiescat, cf. ILE 97 06 25 A. 4 parentem] On Christophe d’Assonleville, cf. ILE VI, 93 11 05 A. 18 Plato] Pl. Symp. 189d-193e. Alcibiades explains here that the human shape originally was spherical with four hands and four feet, two faces with one skull and two sets of genitals. Because men attempted to march to Olympus and attack the gods, Zeus and his companions decided to cut them into two parts. This was the origin of human beings with two hands and two feet, one face and half of their previous intellect. Zeus also gave them the genitalia we still have (previously, the spheres reproduced via the earth), so that both halves could have intercourse. Eros is the craving of one half to be reunited with the other.

217

7 May 1596

laudabile et pium est: qui plane non abstinet, una contentum, ab aliis abstinere. Et h[abe]t haec vita suas Veneres honestissimasque voluptates. Ecce primum aspectus ille familiaris et mutuus quem non delectet? Aut quidest (ut Varro ait) quodhomomasculuslibentiusvideredebeatquam bellam uxorem? Adde colloquia, ambulationes, convivia et haec omnia 30 cum sincera et tuta delectatione, cui cautio aut metus non miscentur. Illa est in cuius sinum laeta, in cuius sinum tristia liceat deponere; illa cui tuto fidere domum, pecuniam, liberos (excipio arcana, siquis remp[ublicam] tractat). Etsi et in rep[ublica] video fuisse honestarum coniugum et[iam] partes. Livia, ut noto exemplo utar, Augustum suum saepe temperavit et 35 modeste atque opportune instruxit. Angebatur ille et insomnes noctes agebat, deprehensa coniuratione in se L[ucii] Cinnae. Sensit et blande exquisivit Livia: Et potes, inquit, feminam audire? Omitte consilia de puniendo, cogita de ignoscendo. Vindicta et severitas quod hactenus non dederunt,videanbenignitasetclementiadabunt. Paruit Augustus, ignovit 40 et in posterum (is fructus muliebris consilii) liber ab insidiis vixit. Possem et nostri aevi magnos reges dare quos nihil puduit publicas et[iam] curas cum hac sui parte miscere, sed parce et caute t[ame]n faciendum et praestat omnino in privatis nos manere. Iam voluptas alia, quanta et quam penetrans?

30 ⟦commercia⟧ convivia claλ; convivia clb, d

35 ⟦finium⟧ suum cla, finium clb

29 Varro] Varro in Non., Devariasignificationesermonum, 248, 17: Quidenimestquod homomasculuslubentiusvideredebeatbellauxore(ed. W. M. Lindsay, Leipzig, 1903, 374). 37 Cinnae] Cn. Cornelius Cinna Magnus, who fought against Octavianus in the civil war (32-30 B.C.), hatched a plot against the emperor in 16-13 B.C. When the conspiration was revealed, Augustus granted mercy. Cinna became consul in A.D. 5 and died in 14, bequeathing everything he owned to Augustus. Cf. RE 4, 1, 1288-1289. Lipsius gives him Lucius as praenomen instead of Cnaeus, probably following the example of Sen. Clem. 1, 9, where an account of Cinna’s plot is given. His father and his grandfather, both opponents of Sulla, had Lucius as their first name, cf. RE 4, 1, 1286-1287. 38-40 Etpotes…dabunt] Probably not a literal quotation, but after Sen. Clem. 1, 9, 6 (ed. F. Préchac, Paris, 1967, 25): Admittismuliebreconsilium?Fac,quodmedicisolent, qui, ubi usitata remedia non procedunt, temptant contraria. Severitate nihil adhuc profecisti[…].Nunctempta,quomodotibicedatclementia;ignosceL.Cinnae.Deprensus est;iamnoceretibinonpotest,prodessefamaetuaepotest. Cf. also D. C. 55, 16, 1 and 5: Καί σοι γνώμην δοῦναι ἔχω, ἄν γε καὶ προσδέξασθαι αὐτὴν ἐθελήσῃς καὶ μὴ διαμέμψῃ ὅτιγυνὴοὖσατολμῶσοισυμβουλεῦσαι[…]Καὶγάρμοιδοκεῖπολλῷπλείωφιλανθρωπίᾳ ἤ τινι ὠμότητι κατορθοῦσθαι. Cinna’s name does not occur in the list of conspirators against Augustus in Suet. Aug. 19.

218 45

50

55

60

65

2107 - 96 05 07

Videre natos liberos, lusitantes, balbutientes, mox garrientes; fovere sinu, iungere ori, apprimere pectori et habere in egressu, in regressu, tristibus et[iam] rebus, laetificantem hunc occursum. Quid ipsa uxor et honestus ille amor; quam inardescit, praesertim in aliqua absentia! Qui stimuli ad redeundum! Quae gaudia in reditu et complexus! Omnisamormagnus,sedapertoinconiugemaior:  HancVenusutvivat,ventilatipsafacem. Iucunda adhuc narro; utilia etiam volo. Uxor est, quae curas tuas dividit et partem ad se trahit. Illa familiam et rem familiarem tractat; illa parcere et reponere suadet, natura ita facta. Pulchre hoc Xenophon: Quoniamhunc sexum, inquit, custodiae et diligentiae assignaverat, idcirco timidiorem reddidit quam virilem. Nam metus plurimum confert ad diligentiam custodiendi. Iam in aegritudine aliqua tua quis fidelius aut sollicitius assidet, curat? In senectute aut imbecillitate mollius fovet? Quae omnia vera sunt, si amor, si concordia adsunt: assidue comites, nisi vitio aliquo partium pulsae. Homerus Ulyssem Nausicaae ita facit loqui et ad coniugium hortari: Οὐμὲνγὰρτοῦκρεῖσσονκαὶἄρειον ἢὅθ’ὁμοφρονέοντενοήμασιοἶκονἔχητον ἀνὴρἠδὲγυνή. Quod ego tibi, Vir Nobilissime, et tuae opto, et simul liberos, reip[ublicae] etiam caussa. Sint Assonlevillii aliqui et parvi Christophori qui ad curas avitas succrescant et educentur, qui Regi, qui Patriae fidam operam navent

45 balbu⟦si⟧tientes: corr. cla, clb 46 ⟦ex⟧apprimere cla; exprimere clb 51 ut: om. cla 54 ⟦illa⟧ ita cla 55 diligentiae: Deus add. d 56 reddit cla, clb 57 qui⟦d⟧s cla 59 assiduae d 60 pulsae: pellantur d || Nausicaae: Nausicae clb 62-64 Οὐμὲν… γυνή: Nec enim est praestantius isto, // quam [⟦si⟧ cla] cum vir mulierque suam concorditer una // aetatem degunt add. in marg. cla, clb; Nam nihil pulchrius est meliusque quam cum vir mulierque suam concorditer una aetatem degunt add. in marg. d 64 γυνή: πολλ’ἄλγεαδυσμενέεσσι//χάρματαδ’εὐμενέτῃσι: In quo dolor hostibus horum, sed fit gaudium amicis add. d 67 fidem clb 50-51 Omnis…facem] Cf. Prop. 4, 3, 49-50. 54-57 Quoniam…custodiendi] A translation of Xen. Oec. 7, 25: Ἐπεὶδὲκαὶτὸφυλάττειν τὰεἰσενεχθέντατῇγυναικὶπροσέταξε,γιγνώσκωνὁθεὸςὅτιπρὸςτὸφυλάττεινοὐκάκιόν ἐστιφοβερὰνεἶναιτὴνψυχὴνπλεῖονμέροςκαὶτοῦφόβουἐδάσατοτῇγυναικὶἢτῷἀνδρὶ. 62-64 Οὐμὲν… γυνή] Cf. Hom. Od. 6, 182-184.

219

[c. 15 May 1596]

et salutarem. Diutius equidem te teneo, fortasse alio intentum. Sed haec aut nunc aut postea leges et animi mei testimonium accipies, Parenti 70 Amplis[simo] et tibi addicti. Nonis Maii, Lovanii, ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

68-70 Diutius … Lovanii: Sed quo labor? Teneo te, aliis iam intentum. Mitto, abi, valide vale. Lovanii, Nonis Maii d 70 Lovanii: om. clb

2108 [c. 96 05 15 H (?)] Lipsius [Leuven] to [Petrus Oranus (?)] [Liège] [c. 15 May 1596] Lipsius will dedicate one of his future works to Archduke Albert: he knows only too well the advantages this would bring. But now, the advice of his Liège friends prevails. Oranus must inform De Carondelet; there is no need that Lipsius’s hesitation be known. It is not unusual that a work intended for someone is dedicated to another person because of a new subject matter. This undated fragment, without the addressee’s name, is not mentioned in GVi. Yet, it is easy to reconstruct both date and name: Lipsius intended to dedicate his Poliorcetica to Ernest of Bavaria, the prince bishop of Liège, but the arrival of Archduke Albert made him hesitate, cf. ILE 96 01 05, 23; 96 04 25, 16. Until the beginning of May the correspondence shows traces of Lipsius’s hesitancy. In ILE 96 05 25 he informs De Carondelet of his decision. Hence we date this letter around the middle of May. It is definitely addressed to someone from the Liège milieu. Since Lipsius broached this subject already in two letters to Petrus Oranus (ILE 96 01 05 and 96 04 28) and his other confidant, De Carondelet, is explicitly mentioned on l. 6, it can readily be accepted that the correspondent is Petrus Oranus. Draft in Lipsius’s hand. Leaflet, folded in half; the upper right hand corner is torn off, so that the second half of l. 2-5 is missing. In the margin, at right angles with the text of the letter, and also in the side margins Lipsius jotted down some details about the biography and the descendancy of Archduke Albert. m: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 58 (4), recto of the first, unnumbered folio (fragm., s.n., s.d.).

220

2109 - 96 05 15 N

I[ustus] Lipsius. Agite, fiat quando ita †hicdesid.c.8cm† ad Principem, uti initio de †hicdesid.ca7,5cm† probe scio quid commoditas †hicdesid.ca7cm† 5 vellet. Sed cum bono Deo fi†hicdesid.ca5cm† obtineat vestra sententia, quod etiam Iac Carondeleto nostro indicabis, ne dubitatio nostra (quod minime opus) dispaletur. Destinari alicui opus non novum est, et idem alteri negotio novo [ceteradesiderantur] 3 initio] End 1595 Lipsius asserted that he intended to dedicate the Poliorcetica to the prince bishop of Liège, but that some acquaintances had made him hesitate, cf. ILE VIII, 95 12 26 C, 5-6. 4 commoditas] In ILE VIII, 95 12 26 C, 6-7 Lipsius pointed out that men of influence at the court in Brussels had suggested to change the dedicatee of the work cumpraesenti spe fructus. Without doubt, this advice was inspired by Lipsius’s appointment as historiographusregius, as it becomes clear from ILE VIII, 95 12 26 O, 2-9. 6 vestra sententia] Vestra refers to the intimi of the prince bishop. According to the correspondence he had asked the advice of Jacques de Carondelet, Carolus Billaeus, and Petrus Oranus. Cf. ILE VIII, 95 12 26 C, 9-14; 96 01 05, 23-27. 6 Carondeleto] Lipsius personally informed De Carondelet about his decision in ILE 96 05 25.

2109

96 05 15 N

Pierre de Nyzart (Mechelen) to Lipsius (Leuven) 15 May 1596

De Nyzart asks Lipsius whether it is appropriate to have a booklet about Saracenus circulating among his friends. He should send his answer to Vasseur. Pierre de Nyzart, iuris utriusque licentiatus, was secretary to Johannes Saracenus, cf. ILE 96 05 19, 1; BBr 4, 517. Answer in ILE 96 05 19.

15 May 1596

221

The first four letters of historiographe (l. 10) and Roy (l. 12) have disappeared, probably when the seal was broken. o: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 4.

Consultissime D[omine] Lipsi, Ridicula haec (meo quidem iudicio) de rebus Do[min]i mei historiola quam nuper e no[str]is quidam in lucem edidit, num videri aut et[iam] amicis debeat et po[ss]it absque ludibrio communicari, te consulo. Petoque ut animi sententiam libere (ut te agnovi et sincerum e[ius] amicum) mihi 5 exponas. Verbulum si hac de re nobis scribere non graveris, l[itte]ras poteris Bruxell[am] ad aedes Do[min]i de Moriansart transmittere. Quod gratissimum fore polliceor R[everendissi]mo D[omi]no meo, cui quamprimum l[itte]ris operam tuam hac in re promptissimam referam. Vale et nobis citissime scribe. Mecliniae, 15 Maii 1596. 10 D[ominationi] T[uae] addictiss[imus] P[etrus] de Nyzart, secret[arius]. [Address:] Monsieur Lipsius toriographe d, à Louvain.

2 Do[min]i] Johannes Saracenus, cf. ILE VI, 93 04 30, 3. A few months later he succeeded Louis of Berlaymont as archbishop of Cambrai (cf. Lipsius’s congratulatory letter, ILE 96 09 20 S). 2 historiola] An anonymous biography of Saracenus (cf. quidam on l. 3), Historiavitae, studiorum et gestorum ill[ustrissi]mi et r[everendissi]mi domini, d[omini] Ioannis Saraceni, Abbatis Vedastini, nuper electi in archiepiscopum Cameracensem, Arras: G. de la Rivière, 1596. Cf. A. d’Hericourt et Z. F. C. Caron, Recherches sur les livres imprimés à Arras, Arras, 1851, 1, 40. Lipsius’s library catalogue mentions a copy, cf. Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 59, f. 7r, book 32: VitaIoannisSarraceni,Atrebati,1596. 3 edidit] De Nyzart must have sent Lipsius (a copy of) the manuscript to ask his advice, rather than an already printed text. Cf. ILE 96 05 19, 3. 7 Moriansart] François le Vasseur (Arras, 1530/40 – Ghent, 1603), Lord of Moriensart, was secretary to the Privy Council from 1574 until his death; from 1581 onwards he was also secretary to the State Council, cf. De Schepper, 2, 339-342; BN suppl. 3, 697-699; NBW 5, 910-914; Van Durme, 4, 2, 600-601. According to a report on the members of the collateral councils (dated 9 May 1596 and probably written by Estebán de Ibarra) Moriensart was the most competent authority concerning political and military matters; his energy was amazing, but he was manipulated by Jean Richardot and Saracenus. Cf. Lefèvre, 4, 357, no. 1066.

222

2110 - 96 05 16 ME

2110

96 05 16 ME

Lipsius (Leuven) to Hieronymus Mercurialis [Pisa] 16 May 1596

Lipsius is grateful that Mercurialis has written to him; his own letters too will be a continuous testimony of his friendship towards Mercurialis and his esteem for his writings. Unfortunately, the distance between their homes makes a meeting impossible. As mentioned in the preface of De militia, Lipsius is willing to discuss the battle-array of the Roman army with Filippo Pigafetta, but they must do so without delay with regard to the reissue of the work. In a few months’ time Lipsius will send his Poliorcetica through Monelia; he is looking forward to Pigafetta’s opinion and perhaps also that of Mercurialis. Answer to ILE 96 04 10. Mercurialis’s answer is ILE 96 06 30. GVi omits the version in ms. Lips. 3(17), although the second half of the letter is preserved on f. 29. Before a foliation was added, at least one page was torn off, containing the final part of ILE 96 05 02 U and the beginning of ILE 96 05 16 ME (see the introduction to these letters), and probably also a copy of ILE 96 05 16 MO, for the letters in ms. Lips. 3(17) are chronologically ordered and this is the only letter of mid-May 1596 lacking in ms. Lips. 3(17). Although cla dates prid[ie]IdusMaias (14 May), the reference in ILE 96 05 16 MO, 29 to this letter confirms its dating on 16 May. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 29r (fragm. s.n., inc. huicdedit, l. 6-7; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 43-43v, no. 100.

Hieronimo Mercuriali. Peramicam epistolam tuam accepi et veteris fidique animi plane testem. Ego vero obligare porro et firmare mihi non desinam iis rebus quas ex voto tibi esse suspicer, et maxime litterarum hac allocutione, quam a libente me 5 sane deposcis. Quo in numero te habeam, Mercurialis, apud te testari non sit decorum: inter primos t[ame]n habeo et eos quos Deus saeculo huic dedit decora et ornamenta. Alii mecum sciunt et scriptorum tuorum gloria

2 epistolam] ILE 96 04 10.

223

16 May 1596

iam Europam pervagata est et eas omnes oras in quibus litteratura aliqua aut eruditio vivit. Utinam loca non sic disiungant, quin frui ipso te et suavissimo aspectu ac sermonibus tuis possemus. Voluptatem ea res nobis daret, sed et fructum, cum scilicet consulere aut disserere super hoc genere studiorum possemus, quod utrique amamus. Sed irrita mittamus; in sorte quae divinitus data est, acquiescamus. De Philippo Pigafetto quod significas, eximius ille vir beneficio me afficiet, siquid de ordinibus aciei aut rogat aut docet. Publice in praefatione ad lectorem hoc posui et quidem ex animo nihil mihi gratius quam a peritis harum rerum moneri. Abeant ii qui non nisi carpere gaudent et si quid in parte aliqua melius aut certius viderunt, gloriam operi toti detrahunt aut et in se derivent. Non est prisci aut ingenui animi. Illi vero suggerant, moneant, me praesertim qui paratus sum docere et doceri. Hoc Pigafetto cum benigna a me salute dices, imo et ut faciat impelles idque brevi, quia in refingendo leviter opere eo sumus et correctius auctiusque iterum edituri. Nos quoque per nos quaedam vidimus et, quod te non fugit, dies aut iterata intentio aliquid addit. Libros De Machinis intra mensem aut alterum, nisi fallit typographus, habebis. Dimidiate enim iam absoluti erant et ad Moneliam nostrum statim mittam cum lege ut etiam de iis censeat et arbitretur libere Pigafettus. Quid si et tu? Quem omnium artium esse et πολυίστορα quemdam non ignoro. Fac si me amas, quod a me tibi fieri certo scito. Lovanii, post[ridie] Idus Maiias ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

15 et ⟦et⟧ quidem cla

18 derivant e derivent correxi

28 prid[ie] cla

13 Pigafetto] Cf. ILE 96 04 10, 18. 15 praefatione] Lipsius repeats the invitation phrased in DemilitiaRomana’s Praefatio ad lectorem: Typographia ista nos statim protrahit et irrevocabiliter protrahit nec fas, etiamcumresipueris,resipuisse.Aliatameneditiorelinquituretmederipotest:subeam vos aequi et iniqui advoco, iuvate. Sive laudi nostrae facietis, suggerite, sive carpere gaudetis,corrigite.Egoutroqueaffectuutarinunumfinem,emendandietdiscendi. 20 salute] Cf. ILE 96 06 30, 2-5. 22 edituri] In the reissue of DemilitiaRomana (Antwerp, 1598) Lipsius makes additions, while at the same time leaving out other details; there is one new chapter, DialogusVIII of the third book, entitled NumidaeequitesdescriptietTarentini. 25 dimidiate] Cf. ILE [96 05 02] O, 6. 25 mittam] Mercurialis had asked Lipsius to do so, cf. ILE 96 04 10, 25-26. The copies to Mercurialis and Monelia were indeed sent on 15 September, cf. ILE 96 09 15 M, 8-9.

10

15

20

25

224

2111 - 96 05 16 MO

2111 96 05 16 MO

Lipsius (Leuven) to Paulus Monelia [Genoa] 16 May 1596

Lipsius has received two letters from Monelia. The first contained details about shrubs, which he did not receive, hence he asked Moretus to inquire after them. Yesterday, a second letter arrived, in which Monelia expressed his wish to visit him. It is also Lipsius’s wish, but the roads in the Netherlands are not at all safe, although Archduke Albert’s campaign has raised new hope. Calais was captured by surprise, a strategical position for Philip II to threaten England and the Northern Provinces. He approves Balianus’s plan to have his son continue his studies in Leuven, but taking into account the troubled times and the military insecurity, he may better wait one more year. Lipsius cannot accept any more students in his house, because of his wife and his frail health, although Balianus is the first for whom he would make an exception. He includes a letter for Mercurialis, from whom he expects an answer; he would also like more information about Pigafetta. The Poliorcetica will appear soon; Monelia can expect a copy for himself and for Mercurialis. What would be the most convenient way to send it? Probably the version of this letter in ms. Lips. 3(17) has disappeared, cf. ILE 96 05 16 ME, introd. cl: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 43v-44, no. 101.

I[ustus] Lipsius Paulo Moneliae S[alutem] D[icit]. Binas tuas accepi, priores de arbusculis et muneribus quae ad me mittis, sed non etiam ipsas arbusculas quas avide exspecto ut horti mei ornamenta 2 Binas] Neither is preserved. 3 ipsas arbusculas] Apparently, Monelia had sent these shrubs via Holland and Antwerp, cf. a letter to Abraham Ortelius, dated 12 March 1596: MiOrteli,noviquamofficiosus ethumanussemperfueris.Quapropterteunumisthicinterceteroselegi,cuicuramhanc demandarem, scilicet quod velis mittere Lovanium ad clarissimum nostrum Lipsium arbores sex, duas citreas, unam massilicam, unam rosaram [sic] et duas gialsemini Neapolitani,quasomnesexHollandiaiussiadtedeferri.Sicremgratissimammihifacies. Quodsiprodeferendisaliquidexposueris,estisthicD[ominus]IohannesBaptistaPonata Genuensis,quipecuniamillamreponet (Hessels, 2, 676, no. 284). Perhaps rosaram[sc. arborem] in Monelia’s letter should be corrected into rosariam. Rosarusis not attested in classical Latin; as to rosarius,cf. Forcellini 4, 158. Roseaarborcan be a latinisation of rhododendron and may also refer to the oleander,cf. Rembert Dodoens, Stirpium…, Antwerp, 1583, 839. On 15 September Lipsius informed Monelia that the shrubs had arrived, but they were withered and had lost their leaves, cf. ILE 96 09 15 M, 2-6. 3 horti] On Lipsius’s love for gardens, cf. ILE 96 04 22, 22-25.

16 May 1596

225

futura, sed et occasionem Moneliae mei inter amicos aut invisores crebro nominandi. Scripsi igitur Antverpiam ad Moretum, ut de iis inquireret et videret necubi in aliena manu per fraudem aut negligentiam haererent. Iam heri accepi tuas etiam alteras, in quibus desiderium tuum vel ardor potius erat videndi nos et fruendi; qui gratus mihi est, gratus fateor, etsi irritam spem video nec caussa est, ut te a tranquillitate et malacia illa Italiae vocemus in has turbas nostras et fluctus. Quis status patriae fuerit, non ignoras. Nec nunc melior, nisi quod spes accessit per Seren[issi]mum hunc Albertum, vere magni animi, sed et consilii Principem et quem Camillum aliquem aut Sabinum rebus afflictis futurum auguramur. Caletes nuper et opportunissimum portum subita aggressione occupavit cum magno miraculo hostium, sed et terrore. Regia classis inibi dicitur exspectari, quae Britanniae et Bataviae immineat, fortasse et intret. Sed haec publica et praesertim sic insignia vos quoque auditis; ad nostra et privata accedo. In quibus primum est de filio viri nobilis et clarissimi, Nicolai Baliani, quem mea et studiorum caussa Lovanium destinat mittendum. Non possum quin tali viro gratias agam pro iudicio quod de me facit. Consilium etiam valde probem de filio a primis annis instituendo, sed et libere et ingenue dicam: nescio an t[empor]a etiam et turbae apud nos suadent tam procul ad incerta haec rerum liberos mitti. Quin potius semestre aut annus interponatur, et dispiciamus an melior et firmior aliqua serenitas Belgis nobis illucebit, et tum tutius certiusque de tota re agamus. Equidem, quod non rogas, adolescentes in domum non admitto, quod et uxor recusat et 5 Moretum] Not preserved. 8 videndi] Monelia had lived some time in Antwerp, where he had met Lipsius, cf. VI, 93 11 05 M, introd.; VII, 94 01 30 M; 94 03 11. 12 Camillum] Marcus Furius Camillus was one of the heroes from the early Roman Republic, who was later often referred to as an example. He was at least twice appointed dictator. In 396 B.C. he captured Veii and he also played a leading role when the Gauls invaded and plundered Rome, cf. RE 7,1, 324-348; Hor. C. 1, 12, 42; Mart. 1, 24, 3; Liv. 22, 14, 9; Otto, 68. 13 Sabinum] In 36 B.C. Octavianus ordered Sabinus to purge Italy from robbers, cf. RE 1A 2, 1595; App. BC 5, 547. 13 Caletes] Albert had captured Calais on 24 April, cf. ILE 96 04 24, 2. 18 filio] Lipsius may be referring to Giovanni Battista Baliani (Genoa, 1582 – ibid., 1666), lawyer, mathematician, philosopher, physicist and member of the city council of Genoa (his father, Nicolaus, was a member too). Giovanni Battista Baliani studied the laws of gravity and natural accelerated motion (mechanics); in 1613-1614 he was in touch with Galileo Galilei. Cf. DBI 5, 553-557; NBG 4, 286. 26 recusat] In August 1595 Lipsius had already warned Petrus Oranus that the contubernium was becoming a burden for his wife: Veniat [Franciscus, filius tuus] cumbonoDeo,

5

10

15

20

25

226

2112 - 96 05 17

valetudo mea abnuit. Et t[ame]n, si cuiusquam caussa ab instituto abirem, tu et Balianus inter eos essetis, maxime quod exteris et longinquis favere et consulere mos meus sit et votum. Sed bona fide mihi credite et paullum 30 adhuc hoc consilium seponite in alteram aestatem. Tum videbimus quid t[empor]a, quid res et valetudo mea ferant, et videbitis amicum serio amicis me esse. Alterum de Mercuriali quod petebas, ecce habes ad eum litteras, quas mitte et ut responsum habeam, adnitere et cura. Nominat mihi Philippum Pigafettum insignem virum et nobis amicum. Velim scire quis 35 et qua conditione ac statu sit, idque ob certas caussas. Libri mei De machinis brevi lucem videbunt. Mittam ad te et Mercurialem exemplaria (ita enim petit), sed quia grandiusculum volumen est, vereor sumptui aut molestiae esse. Scribe quid velis et cui tradam et nos ama. Lovanii, post[ridie] Idus Maiias ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

31 ferant: e ferent correxi sedinannumunum.Neclongiuspotuiabuxoremeaextorquere.Ipsaaetateiamsenescit, quietemexpostulat. Cf. ILE VIII, 95 08 11 H2, 3-4. See also ILE 96 03 18 G, 9. 32 litteras] ILE 96 05 16 ME. 34 Pigafettum] Cf. ILE 96 04 10, 18-23. 35 Libri] Cf. ILE 96 05 16 ME, 23-24. 37 sumptui] In his answer, Mercurialis promised to take care of the shipping costs.

2112 96 05 17

Lipsius (Leuven) to Jan de Greve (Brussels) 17 May 1596

Lipsius is satisfied with his part in the heritage of his great-aunt. He will decide what to do, if someone will offer his part at a reasonable price. De Greve can send cabbages, if they are easily available. o: Brussel, ARA, ms. div. 200 A, f. 30-30v.

227

19 May 1596

Eersaeme en[de] bemiende neve, Ick hebbe gesien en[de] oversien die geworpe lothinge van die goeden saeliger onse moije en[de] ben wel te vreden dat die saecke soo verre gebrocht is en[de] oick accordeere in alles in deese lotinge, alsoo ghij naer u goetduncken en[de] ten besten dat doen sult. Laet daer in voirts vaeren 5 en[de] dat wij van den anderen komen en[de] elck een met het sijn profijt mach doen. Isser iemandt naemaels die het sijn redelijcken prijs wilt vercoopen, wij mogen sien wat wij doen sullen. Maer mij dunckt dat al hoog gesedt is en[de] soude quaede consequentie maecken inden koop. Niet te min alsdan sijn berneden. Die koolen mach u l[ieden] senden met 10 d’eerste gelegentheijt, sijn sij crijchbaer sonder groote moijte, anders oick niet. Gruet mij zeer u l[ieden] huijsvrow, mijn bemiende nichte. Tot Loven, deesen 17 Maij 1596. Uwen goetwilligen oom I[ustus] Lipsius. [Address:] Eersaemen en[de] voorsienigen h[ee]r Jan de Greve, mijn bemiende neve, ter Bruessel. Int Verwershoeck. Francque. 15 2 lothinge] Allotment of a part in the partition of the estate, cf. Gloss.iur.Brab., 2, 1513; Verwijs – Verdam, 4, 833. 3 moije] Aunt, cf. Verwijs – Verdam, 4, 1786. Lipsius means his great-aunt Vanden Tronck cf. ILE V, 92 05 (?) 18, 17. 10 berneden] ‘Burning’, cf. Verwijs – Verdam, 1, 949-950. 10 koolen] Lipsius often asks his nephew to buy and send vegetables (cabbage, artichokes) or (citrus)fruit, cf., e.g., ILE 96 03 18 G, 11-13. 12 huijsvrow] Cf. ILE 96 03 18 G, 16. 15 Verwershoeck] Cf. ILE 96 03 27, 38. 15 Francque] Cf. ILE 96 03 18 G, 23.

2113 96 05 19

Lipsius (Leuven) to Pierre de Nyzart [Mechelen] 19 May 1596

Lipsius read the booklet immediately with great interest. Although he likes its subject, structure, and style, it is better to keep its distribution limited: writing about a person who

228

2113 - 96 05 19

is still alive is exceptional and might suggest flattery. It is more suitable to do so posthumously and more completely. Nevertheless, such a publication might be a useful gift for friends, to aid their memory. That is the reason why men such as Sulla and Augustus wrote an autobiography in Antiquity. Henricus Ranzovius did a similar thing a few years ago and asked Lipsius to keep the manuscript until after his death. Greetings to Gazaeus. Answer to ILE 96 05 15 N. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 29-29v; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 40v-41, no. 96.

Monsieur Nyzart, secretaire de Monseigneur Eleu de Cambray. Ornatissime Domine, Acceptis litteris tuis una cum libello quem addideras, nihil mihi prius fuit quam ipsum legere, quo me non petitio tua magis quam titulus et inscriptio 5 trahebat. Faveo, si quisquam, laudibus et gloriae nostri illustrissimi et ideo, si quid eo facit, avidis oculis atque animo perlustro. Scriptum igitur istud totum vidi et quod de eo censeo candide hic habes. Res, contextus, stilus bona sunt et digna quae etiam posteris sciantur in imitationem et exemplum. Sed t[ame]n vulgari passim librum non est mea sententia, 10 idque ob has caussas. Rari exempli est de vivo scribi atque edi et magis receptum post mortem ea asservari decentius atque etiam plenius dicenda. Vivum meritissimo etiam si laudas, non abest placendi suspicio et nec in ipsis regibus id vites. Hoc t[ame]n censeo, hos tales libellos utilissime inter amicos dividi atque ab iis legi qui norunt et ideo favent. Sunt etiam 15 velut memoriales libri aut commentarii, ex quibus in loco et t[em]p[or]e desumantur quae ad publica aut historiam spectant. Quo fine et caussa 1 Monsieur … Cambray: add. clb 3 ⟦nihil mihi⟧ mihi nihil clb clb || inscriptio ⟦tua⟧ clb 12 Vivum ⟦si⟧ cla, clb

4 titulus: stilus

1 Eleu] Johannes Saracenus, who was then still archbishop elect, cf. ILE 96 05 15 N, introd. 3 litteris] ILE 96 05 15 N. 3 libello] Cf. ILE 96 05 15 N, 2. 5 illustrissimi] Johannes Saracenus.

19 May 1596

229

Devitasua ipsi aliquot illustres veterum scripsere, ut Sulla, ut Augustus atque alii, non ambitione, sed quia aliorum intererat vera a scientibus sciri. Ego memini Henricum Ranzovium, proregem Daniae aut finitimorum locorum, vitam suam scriptam collectamque ad me ante annos plusculos 20 misisse adservandam, donec vita ei non esset. Personam non confero, scio in animo plura nostrum mereri, sed tamen factum non displicet et velim viros magnos usurpare. Habes iudicium meum nec de animo opus est testari quem scis ill[ustrissi]mo nostro eius merito addictum. Cui ut officia mea deferas, Ornatissime Domine, te rogo et salutem D[omino] Gazaeo. 25 Lovanii, XIV Kal[endas] Iunii ∞.IƆ.XCVI. I[ustus] Lipsius.

26 I[ustus] Lipsius: om. clb 17 Sulla] Dictator Lucius Cornelius Sulla (138-78 B.C.) wrote his Commentarii rerum gestarum mainly after ending his political career. Death surprised him when he was writing the 22nd book. His freedman Cornelius Epicadus added a description of Sulla’s death, cf. M. Schanz - C. Hosius, GeschichtederRömischenLiteraturbissumGesetzgebungswerk des Kaisers Justinian, 1 (Munich, 1966), 328. Fragments, mostly preserved by Plutarch, are edited by, among others, H. Peter, Historicorum Romanorum reliquiae, Stuttgart, 1967, 1, 195-204. 17 Augustus] Emperor Augustus’s memoirs, Devitasua, in 13 books, describe his life until the Cantabrian war in 25 B.C. Fragments of this autobiography, also edited in Peter’s Historicorum Romanorum reliquiae, 2, 54-64, mainly occur in Plutarch, Appianus and Suetonius. 19 Ranzovium] On Henricus Ranzovius (1526-1598), who was stadholder of the Duchies Schleswig and Holstein for the Danish king from 1556 until his death, cf. W. Steinmetz, HeinrichRantzau(1526-1598), Frankfurt am Main, 1991, 2 vols; P. Zeeberg, Heinzich Rantzau.ABibliography, Copenhague, 2004. On his library, cf. W. Ludwig, DerHumanist Heinrich Rantzau und die Deutschen Humanisten, in: Th. Haye (ed.), Humanismus im Norden: frühneuzeitliche Rezeption antiker Kultur und Literatur an Nord- und Ostsee, Amsterdam, 2000, 1-41. By the end of 1588 Von Rantzau had indeed sent his Elogium vitae to Lipsius, with the intention that he should publish the manuscript posthumously, cf. ILE III, 88 11 15, 14-16; 89 04 23, 10-12. Apparently, that was never done and it is probably lost now. During his life Ranzovius used every opportunity to draw attention to himself as a writer and a maecenas, by making use of the publications of well-known scholars and authors. In 1571, e.g., he asked the astronomist Cyprianus Leovitius to insert a short autobiography as a horoscope in his publication on astrology. Cf. Zeeberg, HeinrichRantzau, 17-24. 25 Gazaeo] Sc. Angelinus Gazaeus (Gazet), cf. ILE VIII, 95 10 29 G.

230

2114 - 96 05 21 M

2114

96 05 21 M

Lipsius (Leuven) to Jacobus Marchantius [Alveringem] 21 May 1596

Thanks for the poem. Its subject, the tranquillity of the countryside, pleases Lipsius. Unfortunately, the warlike situation makes it impossible to enjoy his estate in Overijse. Marchantius’s son is doing fine in Spain; he has written to Lipsius, who praises his talents. Answer to ILE 96 03 14 and a lost letter, cf. ILE 96 05 21 R, 5-6. There too Lipsius apologizes for his slow reaction because of his age and his frail health. The version in ms. Lips. 3(17) is a fragment with only the first half (until Iterum te, l. 13-14; its sequel (from l. 14, felicem,sed on) was cut off and inserted in ms. Lips. 3(4), f. 69, together with ILE 96 05 22 B, cf. the introduction to that letter. Besides, ms. Lips 3(4) also contains the whole letter, in a different hand (f. 70); the addition EPIST[OLA] on top of the letter indicates that Lipsius considered its being inserted in a possible new Centuria of letters. At the end of clb a scribe added Haecvisabenescripta. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(4), f. 70; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 30v (fragm.) + ibid., ms. Lips. 3(4), f. 69 (fragm.); clc: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 41r-v, no. 97; d1: Burman I, p. 757-758, no. 719.

I[ustus] Lipsius Iacobo Marchantio S[alutem] D[icit]. Carmen tuum affectus et elegantiae plenum accepi: gratum mihi utroque illo nomine, tum et argumento. Nam rus dilaudas et facilem quietamque in eo vitam, id est intimum meum sensum tangis et vetera mea desideria aut 5 vota. O Martem hunc civilem, varie molestum nobis, sed eo maxime, quod arcet non solum ab habitatione aut certe frequentatione illa ruris, sed etiam aspectu. Nam nobis latus quidam carcer haec urbs est nec temere pedem

1 ⟦I[ustus] Lipsius⟧ claλ, om. clc 5 sed eo: sed ideo clb, ⟦sed⟧ ideo clc clb, laetus clc || quidem d1 || urb⟦e⟧s cla

7 la⟦e⟧tus

2 Carmen] Cf. ILE 96 03 14. 4 meum sensum] In ILE I, 75 09 29 Lipsius had sung the praises of the delightful life in the countryside, which he concluded with a poem on the same theme.

21 May 1596

231

extra eam liceat proferre. Alioqui heredium mihi vetus et paternum est in Iscano, quo si frui per vices liceat, vita, valetudo, spiritus diuturniora mihi sint, meliora, alacriora. Te praedico in mediis miseriis publicis privatim 10 hoc quoque nomine felicem, si tamen miles abest nec ille gaudia tua turbat. Omnia dicamus, sed vitam ex natura si quis vivere volet sine ambitione, sine mala arte, sedes ei rus quaeratur, quod tradit haec aut servat. Iterum te felicem, sed non sine invidia aliqua mea aut livore. Desino igitur hunc sermonem. De filio, qui in Hispaniis est, litteras ab eo ante octiduum 15 accepi: valet et commode agit ac scribit se cum Berlaimontio Comite pleraque insigniora Hispaniae loca vidisse. Ego de illo tibi auguror quod virum videbis ad publica aptum et aliquando admovendum; ita vigor, sed et Venus quaedam in eo est: ille ad agendum, haec ad animos illiciendos et trahendos. Deus hoc quoque gaudium tibi donet ut rectis passibus ire ad 20 Virtutem et Honorem liberos tuos cernas. Vale et affectum mihi tuum serva pariter affecto. Lovanii, XII. Kal[endas] Iun[ias] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 9 Iscano: non nisi trium milliarium intervallo add. clc || quo: quod cla, d1 || mihi diuturniora clb, clc 10 sunt clb, s⟦i⟧unt clc 11 quoque: om. clb, clc 13 male cla, 14-22 felicem … ∞.IƆ.XCVI: om. clb 18 aliquando: add. claλ et clbλ in clb, d1 marg., om. clc || admovendum corr. claλ eadmodum, admovendum d1; admotum clb, clc 19 ⟦eliciendos⟧ illiciendos cla 20 ⟦e⟧ut claλ, et clb, clc || certis d1 20-21 ⟦Deus … cernas⟧ cla 21 Virtutem et: Virtutem ⟦e⟧aut claλ; Virtutem aut clc, d1 22 ⟦XCI⟧ XII cla 15 filio] On Franciscus Marchantius, cf. ILE VI, 94 03 15 H, 45. 15 litteras] Not preserved. Lipsius did not deem it necessary to answer Franciscus Marchantius’s letter, cf. ILE 96 05 21 R, 8-9. 15 octiduum] Not in classical Latin, but see J. W. Fuchs, LexiconLatinitatisNederlandicae Medii Aevi, 5 (Leiden, 1994), 3281. In ILE V, 92 04 00 L, 20 Adam Leemput used a similar compound, octuennis. 16 Berlaimontio] Floris of Berlaymont († 1626), count Lalaing, played a rather important part in the government of the Southern Netherlands. From 1590 he was present at the meetings of the State Council without being a member; he was only appointed in 1603. After Governor Ernest of Austria had convened the governors of the Southern Provinces, some bishops or abbots, and the leaders of the nobility in January 1595 to discuss the political situation, Berlaymont was asked by Fuentes to present their conclusions to Philip II. His mission was to set out for Spain in the middle of 1595 and he left Madrid on 16 April 1596, cf. Khevenhüller, GeheimesTagebuch, 230. Cf. De Schepper, 227-232; Lefèvre, 4, 311-312, no. 913; 333, no. 994. Berlaymont also accompanied Archduke Albert on his sojourn to Spain from September 1598 until November 1599 to marry Isabella, cf. Bor, 4, 470; 578; BN 2, 256. 18 aptum] Lipsius’s prediction proved right: Franciscus Marchantius became a member of the States of Brabant and judge advocate of the Council of Finances, cf. BN 13, 446.

232

2115 - 96 05 21 R

2115

96 05 21 R

Lipsius (Leuven) to Reinerus Rijswijckius [Brussels] 21 May 1596

Why did Hartius not come, as a student announced? Lipsius has answered the letter of Jacobus Marchantius, but will not write to his son Franciscus. It is taking more and more energy to keep up his correspondence. On Reinerus Rijswijckius, cf. ILE VIII, 95 09 28. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 31; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 48-48v, no. 111.

I[ustus] Lipsius Reinero Rijswijckio S[alutem] D[icit]. Hartium exspectamus ex ipsius significatione per nescio quem studiosum, sed dies abiit: an et mens aut propositum abiit? Fortasse autem alieni arbitrii hoc iter est et, ut suspicor, a thesaurario pendet. Quandocumque 5 veniet, gratus erit et tu quoque, si una. Ad patrem Marchantium litteras mitto, qui bis me lacessivit. Sed fio paullatim impromptior in scribendo, sive quia nimis distrahor, sive quia vigor et alacritas ipsa vel aetate vel morbo decrescit. Itaque ad filium in Hispaniam non scribo nec opus nunc videtur. Vale, mi Rijswijcki, et affectui meo parem redde. Lovanii, XII Kal[endas] Iuni[ias] ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

3 mens ⟦et⟧ aut cla 2 significatione] Hartius had already announced his coming in ILE 96 05 02 [H], 2. 4 thesaurario] Jan van Drenckwaert. 5 litteras] ILE 96 05 21 M. 6 bis] Only one of Jacobus Marchantius’s letters is preserved, ILE 96 03 14. 8 ad filium] Franciscus Marchantius, whose letter is not preserved, but according to ILE 96 05 21 M, 13-14, it arrived around 13 May.

233

21 May 1596

2116

96 05 21 W

Lipsius (Leuven) to Nicolaas de Weerdt [Brussels] 21 May 1596

Congratulations for De Weerdt on the birth of his daughter Reine. On Nicolaas de Weerdt, cf. ILE VII, 94 12 18, 4. First (preserved) letter from their correspondence. The version in ms. Lips. 3(4) belonged originally in ms. Lips. 3(17), but was transferred together with ILE 96 05 22 B, cf. the introduction to this letter. Part of the right bottom corner was ripped off, causing the final letters of some lines and Iunii in the dating formula to disappear. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(4), f. 69v; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 48v, no. 112.

I[ustus] Lipsius Nicolao de Weert cognato suo S[alutem] D[icit]. Valde pro affectu meo et desiderio fecisti, quod statim partum uxoris tuae mihi significasti, qui et solicitudinis particeps vobiscum fui et nunc gaudii, quod meritissimo concepisti. En, mi cognate, non spem sed specimen fecunditatis; en posteritatem et fructus coniugii et liberos in quibus vivas, 5 et[iam] cum non vives. Si haec filia est, filius sequetur et numerosam prolem (favor hic numinis est) tibi sponde. Quod superest, tibi gratulor stirpem, uxori salutem, cui robur deinceps et vires precor. Socero autem tuo et socrui diuturna haec gaudia, quae in liberis et nepotibus vident. Salutabis officiose et amanter utrumque. Lovanii, XII Kal[endas] Iunii ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 10

1 D[icit]: om. clb etiam: def.incla

2 ⟦aut⟧ et cla, et clb 3 solicitudinis: e solitudinis correxi 5 vivas, 8 vir†es† cla 9 h†aec† cla || Salut†abis† cla 10 †Iunii† cla

2 uxoris] Anna Breugel, cf. ILE 96 03 18 G, 19-20. 6 filia] Reine de Weerdt, cf. ILE 96 05 04, 29. 6 numerosam] The marriage was blessed with two daughters and three sons, cf. De Ryckman de Betz - de Jonghe d’Ardoye, 695-696. 8-9 Socero … socrui] Willem Breugel and Maria Coppens, cf. ILE 96 03 18 G, 28.

234

2117 - 96 05 22 B

2117

96 05 22 B

Lipsius (Leuven) to Willem Beeckeman (Liège) 22 May 1596

Beeckeman’s letter has delighted him. He should write more often! Lipsius appreciates his former students whose studies brought them wisdom and virtue. Beeckeman is right to extoll Archduke Albert’s exceptional succes in Calais, which might lead to peace. If only the Northern Provinces were inclined to it! The new edict expresses their stubbornness based on fear of changes. The siege of La Fère will be hard to break. The folio containing this letter in ms. Lips. 3(4) is taken from ms. Lips. 3(17), as is proven by the size of the page, the ink and the handwriting. The fragments before and after this letter must be linked with the fragments of ILE 96 05 21 M and ILE 96 05 21 W, respectively in ms. Lips. 3(17), cf. the introduction to those letters. These fragments in ms. Lips 3(4) were crossed out, since the secretary only wanted to insert ILE 96 05 22 B, in view of a possible publication. This is confirmed by the addition EPIST[OLA] on top of the letter in Lipsius’s hand. A marginal annotation asserts Haec visa bene scripta. Cf. also De Landtsheer, Lems.Lips.3(4), 56. In ms. Lips. 3(4) the left bottom corner of f. 69 is ripped off, making a few letters at the beginning of the lines disappear. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(4), f. 69-69v; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 41v, no. 98.

I[ustus] Lipsius Guil[elmo] Beeckmanno S[alutem] D[icit]. Leodicum. Ex intervallo me videre litteras tuas iuvat. Iuvaret saepius, si animus aut otium tibi esset, etsi credo utrumque esse. Mihi alterum deest istud, quod te non fugit, et ideo vel solo animo respondentem debebas interpellare. 5 Appellare volui dicere nec illud in te cadit. Credas me purissimo pectore hoc sentire et dicere: amo eos qui in disciplina nostra fuerunt et praeter ceteros aliquid ex ea traxerunt ad sapientiam aut virtutem. Ego te in hoc 1 Leodicum: add. claλ, om. clb cla || ⟦ac⟧ aut clb

3 etsi: et clb

7 cetero⟦a⟧s cla || ⟦ad … virtutem⟧

6 disciplina nostra] Beeckeman had followed Lipsius’s lectures in Leuven, cf. ILE 96 01 06, 13-15. In 1595 the latter had recommended him with Petrus Oranus, cf. ILE VIII, 95 08 05 H, 12-20. 8 factum] The capture of Calais by Albert on 24 April, cf. ILE 96 04 24, 2.

22 May 1596

235

numero habeo et coram specimen utriusque vidi. Semel hoc scripserim. De publicis, haud iniuria magnificas aut attollis factum Proregis nostri, cui ab aliquot annis, aut saeculis potius, simile nihil patratum. Nam istud Guisii 10 in eadem arce et opido minus mirabile, quod et custodia minor (trecentorum circiter Anglorum) et quod miles magis illi numerosus. Noster quam exigua manu, quantas vires, quam celeriter fregit! Sunt sane miranda et caput est, quod nulla urbium hoc tempore Regi et rebus nostris magis oportuna. Gaudeamus boni, lugeant aut liveant mali; quos utrosque apud vos esse 15 opinor, et tu notas affectus utriusque in vultibus, opinor, notasti. Cetera sic eant et aut pax brevi aut victoria ad nos venit. Atque utinam Batavi illam mallent! Sed obdurant et nescio quae Nemesis impellit eos in sua et aliena damna. Vidisse vos censeo edictum nuper ab iis publicatum super studiosis

9 ⟦aut⟧ et clb || nostri Proregis clb 11 et ⟦.⟧ quod custodia cla 12 miles ⟦ille⟧ cla || magis ⟦ei⟧ illi claλ, ei magis clb 15 ⟦lugeant⟧ lugeant aut liveant claλ; lugeant aut: om. clb 16 ⟦notas⟧ signa claλ; notas clb || ⟦notasti⟧ notas claλ; notasti clb 10 Guisii] François I of Lorraine (1519-1563), second Duke of Guise. Calais had been in English hands for more than two centuries from 1347 onwards. On 6 January 1558 the duke had captured the fortress after a brief siege of six days, thus robbing Queen Elizabeth of her last operational base on French territory. Cf. DBF 17, 327. 11 custodia] De Thou, 1, 678 also underlines that Calais was seized easily, without too much resistance, because the English commander wanted to save the small number of defendants from a certain death. 17 Batavi] Cf. ILE 96 05 06 V, 5. 18 Nemesis] The goddess of avenging justice. 19 edictum] On 4 April, the States General in The Hague had issued an edict against giving passports to travellers to or from enemy countries, to Jesuits, to students at Jesuit colleges and universities under Spanish influence, and to all students who had been promoted or would be promoted at these institutions, cf. Japikse, 8, 408; 9, 7. They also wanted to curb the activities of the Jesuits de welke by alle onbehoorlijke middelen arbeydenomdenstaetdergeheleChristenheidteturberen,engeinstrueertwordentot ongehoordeenexecrablemoorderyen,besondertegensPotentatenenPersonagienvan hogen staet (Bor, 4, 188). Adolescents from the North who studied at a Jesuit College had to leave within three months; students at universities such as Leuven, Douai, and Dôle had to return within six months. Whoever fell under the edict had to abjure the Spanish king. Contacts with the enemy might prove harmful to the Northern Provinces and their inhabitants, hence they were generally limited. For the complete text, cf. Bor, 4, 188-190. Franciscus Dusseldorpius, who had studied in Douai, bases his discussion of the edict on the experience of four persons, including himself and Gerardus Sandelinus (cf. ILE 96 08 13 BU, 13). According to him the Northern Provinces were alarmed by the military successes of Archduke Albert and they wanted to give vent to their worries

236

2118 - 96 05 22 S

atque iis qui veterem religionem profitentur. Acerbum est et saevitiam pariter et metum praefert. Nam cur ad haec nova, si novum nihil timent? Sed ita est. Caletes capti excitant et ad nova ista atque inhumana remedia cogunt. Exspectamus avide quid Fera fiat et obsidione tam diuturna. Difficilis sane liberatio proponitur ob praesidia et munimenta valida, quae 25 cingunt etiam aquae. Nam hoc ingeniose ab iis inventum, stagnare et sistere flumen et lacu manufacto excludere hostem. Videbimus, templum me vocat quo ibam. Vale memor mei, Beeckmanne, sum atque ero tui et fratris canonici, quem saluto. Lovanii, XI Kal[endas] Iun[ias] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 20

21-22 ⟦Nam … Sed⟧ claλ om. clb

23 fiat e fiet correxi

26 manufacto: add.claλin marg.,

about the Catholics within their territory. Cf. Dusseldorpius, 248-255. The members of the State Council of the South believed that they might provoke opposition against the decree in the North by pointing out its intolerance, cf. Lefèvre, 4, 361, no. 1073; Mercurius Gallobelgicus (1615), 4, 24-30. 23 Fera] On 22 May, the day that the letter was written, La Fère surrendered to King Henry IV after a siege of seven months, cf. ILE 96 01 02 C, 15. 25 aquae] Lipsius had already used this argument in ILE 96 01 14 S, 13-16. 28 fratris] Gerard Beeckeman, cf. ILE 96 01 06, 20.

2118

96 05 22 S

Lipsius (Leuven) to Franciscus Sweertius (Antwerp) 22 May 1596

Lipsius sympathizes with Sweertius’s injury, but he was lucky that his eyes were not affected. The death of Drake is good news: the queen of England loses a trump card in her conflict with Philip II. The capture of Calais is much more important than loosing La Fère: England and the Northern Provinces are also aware of the imminent danger, hence the new edict. Hopefully, more moderate elements in the North will see through this reaction. Emperor Rudolph II has made progress in the war against the Ottomans: Clissa and a few other fortresses in the neighbourhood have been conquered. Veteran troops have arrived in Genoa: will they be deployed in Hungary or in France? Greetings to

22 May 1596

237

Vaenius: because his home is being renovated, he was not yet able to give more specific information on the theme and the dimensions of the painting. On Franciscus Sweertius, cf. ILE V, 92 01 14. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(4), f. 71-71v; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 30-30v; clc: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 42-43, no. 99; d1: Burman I, p. 617-618, no. 592.

I[ustus] Lipsius Francisco Sweertio S[alutem] D[icit]. Dolui profecto lectis tuis litteris et imagine ibi exposita inopinatae tuae calamitatis. Vide quid homini non immineat, cum intra ipsos parietes, in penetralibus Penatium et religione foci velut militariter invaditur et bellum est sine hoste. Sed tu gratulare magis tibi quam dole, quod nos quoque 5 facimus et in tanto discrimine nihil praeter terrorem tibi illatum fuisse gaudemus. Nam de cute leviter afflata aut perstricta parum est; video reliqua salva et ipsos oculos, tenerrimam partem, quod scriptio tua me docet. Litterae enim elegantes et bellae, ut solent. Ergo gaudemus et obiter monemus mortalem assidue cogitare mortalia: verum veteris et nostrae 10 philosophiae praeceptum nec aliud efficacius ad vana, stolida, exsultantia animorum coercenda. Quod ad publica attinet, nuncias de iis satis laeta. Archipiratam illum nobilem obiisse, sed fato satis ignobili bene est; et vides quam non succedant et nescio qua vi occulta reprimantur consilia in magnum et felicem nostrum Regem. Nemo negaverit unicam rationem 15 turbandi eum esse turbatas Indias: vidit callida illa mulier Britanna, toties tentavit astu et viribus, vix aliud quam opprobrium et damnum redundavit.

1 I[ustus] Lipsius: Lipsius clb || D[icit]: Antverpiae: add. et canc. claλ 2 profecto ⟦litt⟧ cla 3 ⟦cladis⟧ calamitatis cla 4 religione: Nam pulvere tormentario, subito accenso, dum desiccatur, faciem et os laesus ⟦graviter⟧ erat: add. claλinmarg.; add. d1 5 ⟦honesto⟧ hoste claλ 16 ⟦eam⟧ eius claλ; eum clb, clc || Britanna: canc. claλ, om. d1 17 ⟦nihil nisi⟧ vix aliud quam claλ; nihil nisi clb, clc 2 litteris] Sweertius’s letter is not preserved. 3 calamitatis] In cla Lipsius added more details about Sweertius’s accident (cf. critical apparatus): gunpowder (pulvistormentarius) had suddenly ignited when drying and had injured his face and his mouth. 13 Archipiratam] Francis Drake had died on 28 January near Portobelo and Nombre de Dios (now Panama), cf. ILE 96 04 16 S, 27. 14 consilia] On Drake’s mission and intentions, cf. ILE 96 04 16 S, 26-27. 16 mulier Britanna] Queen Elizabeth I.

238

2118 - 96 05 22 S

Quid in Gallia? Quamdiu ad unum opidum cum viribus omnibus Rex ille assidet, cum noster interea Prorex, sanguinis, animi et fati Austriaci, 20 opidum et arcem eripuit quae provinciam aliquam aequent? Aequent dico, si utilitatem et oportunitatem spectes. Quid enim magis Regi in votis quam portum hunc habere ad res Britanniae et Bataviae? Ipsi sciunt et animi eorum hac plaga, quidquid dissimulent, valde sunt percussi. Etsi nec dissimulant et edictum illud atrox in Batavia (ante dies aliquot vidimus) 25 non nisi originem habet a consternatione illa et metu. Sed mala ratio muniendi plures hostes facere et excitare eos qui in finibus tuis pacati degunt. Sed fervor est fortasse et re inspecta remittent, quod equidem velim ob plures bonos notosque viros qui inter illos agunt. De Turcicis rebus multum erat, si repugnaremus et sisteremus violentum illum hostem. 30 At nos etiam progredimur potius et invadimus et iamnunc certe audimus Clissam, validum et notum Illyrici opidum, venisse in potestatem, sed et arces aliquot vicinas. Multi pro magno habent in eo quoque tractu, ubi militaris populus, res moveri. Audio et veteranos ex Africa Genoam 18 Gallia ⟦Quamdiu⟧ clb || opidulum clb, clc d1 30 certo clb, clc

21 et: si clb

25 ista clb, clc || male

18 unum opidum] La Fère, cf. ILE 96 05 22 B, 23. 20 arcem] Archduke Albert conquered Calais op 24 April, cf. ILE 96 04 24, 2. 22 portum] Both Elizabeth I and the Northern Provinces understood that the capture of Calais was a threat to them. Although the English queen looked with envy upon Henry IV’s increasing power and had consequently reduced her support of him, she now sought to strengthen the alliance with France and the North (the latter in particular for financial reasons) by the Treaty of Greenwich, May 1596). Cf. ILE 96 01 02 S, 15; M. Pernot, Lesguerres de religion en France 1559-1598, Paris, 1987, 170-171; Mercurius Gallobelgicus (1603), 4, 8-15; Fruin, 312-313; J. den Tex, Johan van Oldenbarnevelt, ’s-Gravenhage, 1980, 90-95. 24 edictum] Cf. ILE 96 05 22 B, 19. 28 Turcicis] Already in 1595 the imperial troops and their allies succeeded in conquering some fortresses on the Ottomans in Hungary and Walachia, cf. ILE VIII, 95 08 05 S, 26; 96 01 02 C, 11. In more southern regions they had also made some progress. In the first months of 1596 the war with the Sultan’s troops was still rather successful. Clissa, a stronghold on the border between Dalmatia and Croatia, was conquered on 5 April, but unfortunately, the Ottomans immediately returned and after a siege of six weeks recaptured it on 30 May, cf. ILE 96 07 12, 29; De Thou, 5, 637; Zinkeisen, 3, 601; Bartl, Der Westbalkan zwischen Spanischer Monarchie und Osmanischem Reich, 52; 100-101; Jorga, 3, 320; Niederkorn, 12-13; Vargas-Hidalgo, CCII-CCIII. 33 veteranos] Ottoman conquests had reduced the Spanish territory in North Africa to a few strongholds only, although Philip II still owned a few islands formerly belonging to

239

25 May 1596

venisse, sed quo mittendos, huc an potius in vicinum Galliae limitem, ignoramus. Mihi de Massilia suspicio est nec Regem omissurum hoc 35 inceptum. Consilia et astus si non valuit, vis et arma valeant; nec forte tam difficile id erit quam quidam opinantur. Sed ecce epistolam in occupationibus meis satis longam, quam affectus provexit. Tu eundem a me Othoni Vaenio nunciabis et missurum me materiem ac mensurationem pro tabella, sed fabros iterum habere et aliquid in ipso loco ubi ponenda 40 mutare. Vale. Lovanii, XI. Kal[endas] Iunii ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 37-38 in occupationibus meis: om. clc

40 fatros clc || monenda clc

41 Iun[ias] clc

the Portuguese crown. He was convinced that it was impossible for him to conquer more territory. Cf. Jorga, 3, 160-161; 251-252. These Spanish veteran troops were probably sent to the Netherlands, since Archduke Albert wanted to employ all soldiers available against France, whereas the support given to Rudolph II was mostly financial. Cf. Lefèvre, 4, 349; Van Durme, 1, 516-517. 35 Massilia] Cf. ILE 96 03 16 S1, 9. 39 Vaenio] Otho Vaenius, cf. ILE I, 83 10 08 L, 23; V, 92 08 28 V; XIV, 01 05 22; LipsiusenzijnEuropesenetwerk, 236-247. 40 tabella] More information about this painting was not found. In 1601 Lipsius asked Vaenius for another painting, now for the hall of his house, cf. J. De Landtsheer, Juste Lipse(1547-1606),PlineleJeuneetMontaigneàproposd’ArriaPaeta, in: P. Laurence – F. Guillaumont (eds), Epistulae Antiquae IV. Actes du IVe colloque international “L’épistolaireantiqueetsesprolongementseuropéens”(UniversitéF.Rabelais,Tours, 1-3décembre2004), Leuven, 2006, 341-353.

2119 96 05 25

Lipsius (Leuven) to Jacques de Carondelet [Liège] 25 May 1596

Lipsius keeps to his original idea and follows De Carondelet’s advice: the Poliorcetica will be dedicated to Ernest of Bavaria. He will dedicate a future work to Albert. A new aramada has been fitted out in Spain, allowing Philip II to conquer larger islands. This summer seems to be decisive for the war. The surrender of Ardres shows that France has lost courage; the Spanish army is invincible. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 31; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 48, no. 110.

240

2119 - 96 05 25

I[acobo] Carondeleto. Vir Rev[eren]de et Nobilissime, Decrevi tandem nil mutare in dedicatione nostra, maxime quia video rem ad aures usque Principis pervenisse, cui illudere aut fucum facere non me 5 decet. Amo illum et colo, nec omittere volueram, sed differre. Tamen sequar consilia vestra et Nostrum hunc in aliud t[em]pus seponam. Victoriae ab eo plures partae, sed illa Caletentis expugnatio magni in posterum usus et ad summam rei, id est maris imperium, adferet momentum. Classis in Hispaniis maxima parata est et quae priorem illam aequet aut vincat. 1 I[acobo] Carondeleto: om. cla

9 illum cla

3 dedicatione] The dedication of the Poliorcetica, cf. ILE 96 04 25, 16. 4 Principis] Ernest of Bavaria. 6 consilia] Lipsius had also consulted De Carondelet about the dedication (cf. ILE VIII, 95 12 26 C, 5-14), but his answer is not preserved. 6 nostrum] Archduke Albert. 6 seponam] In ILE 96 09 27, 7 and 96 12 15, 6-8, Lipsius suggests that his Monita et Exempla Politica, which he claimed to be ready for the press, be dedicated to the Archduke, but its publication was postponed until the first months of 1605 (cf. also ILE 97 01 10). Albert had to wait until Lipsius’s next treatise, the Admiranda sive de magnitudineRomana, which came from the press in the first months of 1598. 7 Caletensis] Cf. ILE 96 04 24, 2. 8 Classis] The capture of Calais by Albert on 17 April 1596 ( cf. ILE 96 04 24, 2) was a threat to England, which wanted to strike back Moreover, both England and Spain were well aware that the mastery of the seas was essential to turn the balance in favour of one of their countries. Elizabeth I’s purpose was to block Spain’s gold supply from America, whereas Philip II tried to strike England in its islands. A major part of the Spanish navy was situated in Cádiz, Spain’s main harbour for the connection between America and Northern Europe. In the spring of 1596, the English queen gathered a huge number of warcrafts and merchant ships from England and the Northern Provinces in Plymouth with the purpose of attacking the Spanish fleet in her home base. On 13 June this enormous and well-equipped navy secretly set course for Cádiz; the preparations of this action had started already by the end of 1595, cf. ILE VIII, 95 12 14 H, 9. The allies reached Cádiz in two weeks’ time, completely surprising the enemy. On 1 July they attacked; the ships were taken or destroyed, the city occupied for two weeks. On its return the English fleet ransacked two other cities, Faro and Loulé. It was a great blow to the prestige of the Spaniards. Cf. ILE VIII, 95 09 01, 29; 95 12 14 H, 9; Van Meteren, 367v-368v; Khevenhüller, Geheimes Tagebuch, 231; Mercurius Gallobelgicus (1615), 4, 53-55; De Thou, 5, 620-621; Fruin, 319-321; Bor, 4, 191, 193-194; Kamen, PhilipofSpain, 306-307; Parker, Strategy, 256, 278-279. On the capture and plundering of Cádiz, cf. Pedro de Abreu, Historiadelsaqueo deCádizporlosInglesesen1596, ed. M. Bustos Rodríguez, Cádiz, 1996. 9 priorem] The famous Armada of 1588, cf. ILE III, 88 08 12, 6.

241

28 May 1596

Si portum tuto aut stationem capit, disserit aut dissicat qui volet, ego e 10 maioribus insulis aliquas puto fore nostras. Et minores sequentur. Ista aestas est, quae decretura videtur de bello diu pendente! Galli cum moribus priscis et[iam] animos amisisse videntur; certe non ostendunt et ultima ista Ardriensis deditio foeda est et in paucis diebus oppressa. Quid? Flos ibi ducum et militum? Ita aiebant, sed nae noster invictus miles, qui tales tam 15 cito vincit. Rem tibi dicam, fata sua Gallias premunt, at alios in altum tollunt. Vale. Lovanii, VIII Kal[endas] Iun[ias] ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

10 disserit e disserat correxi || diffidat clb 11 ⟦maioribus⟧ moribus cla 14 ⟦ex⟧oppressa cla 16 cito: subito clb, certe suprascr. clb || at: et cla 17 Vale: om. cla 11 maioribus insulis] Especially Ireland. After the debacle in Cádiz the Spanish king still had embarked 14,000 men aboard ship, but the campaign turned into a failure because of a storm near the Irish coast in October 1596. Cf. Bor, 4, 247-249; Lavisse, 6, 413; ILE 96 11 25, 8-12. From 1594 onwards Philip II more and more intended to use Catholic Ireland as an operational base against England, cf. ILE VIII, 95 09 01, 29. In 1601 his successor, Philip III, would also support the Irish revolt against England, cf. ILE XIV, 01 10 13 V, 36-37. See also HenriIV.RecueildesLettresmissives, 4, 654. 14 Ardriensis] After Albert captured Calais by surprise, Henry IV expected an attempt to conquer Ardres, southeast of Calais, because of its strategic role, but he could not prevent it from falling into Spanish hands on 23 May. One of the reasons was that he needed part of his troops at La Fère, which had not yet surrendered. Cf. Mercurius Gallobelgicus (1615), 4, 36; De Thou, 5, 603-606; Duerloo, DynastyandPiety, 44; ILE 96 08 21 C, 12-15. On 17 June he called upon the States General in The Hague to support him, cf. HenriIV.RecueildesLettresmissives, 4, 598-599.

2120

96 05 28

Lipsius (Leuven) to Jan van Drenckwaert [Brussels] 28 May 1596

Havenus informed Lipsius that Van Drenckwaert wants to send one or two of his nephews to continue their studies in Leuven. As an introduction in philosophy, Lipsius prefers either The Falcon or The Porc. Moreover, he is willing to counsel the young men. He asks Van Drenckwaert to sign the official act of Lipsius’s appointment. The political

242

2120 - 96 05 28

situation seems more rosy, but the Northern Provinces remain opposed to peace, despite its being advantageous for both sides. He hopes that a reaction from the people in the North can force an ending to the war, unless it is prevented by the new and valid Armada, of which he heard.

1stversion In ms. Lips. 3(17) only 5 cm of f. 32 are preserved, hence the final lines of this letter are missing. Consequently, the first part of ILE 96 06 19, as well as another, undefined letter have disappeared. Apparently, the versions of clb and clc are the oldest; Lipsius first made some corrections in clb; this revised text was copied in cla and underwent some more corrections by Lipsius in anticipation of a possible new Centuria of letters. The fact that Lipsius also added EPIST[OLA] on top of the cla version is another indication that he considered its publication in a next volume of letters. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(4), f. 72; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 31v-32 (fragm., s.d.); clc: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 51, no. 115.

Iohanni de Drencwarto, Thesaurario supremo. Amplissime et Nobilissime Domine, In tam bona occasione mittendi scripto consignare salutem volui et simul respondere ad id de quo consulebar. Rogavit me quaestor Havenus de nepote 5 tuo uno, fortasse et altero, quos Lovanium mittere ad animi ingeniique cultum decrevisti, et de loco ac doctore deliberabat. Equidem cum intelligam philosophiae admovendos esse, nihil magis e re et profectu eorum putem

1 Iohanni de Drencwairdt: Thes[aurario] supremo ⟦Regio⟧ add. claλ; Thes[aurario]: add. clbλ, clc 2 Ampl[issime] … Domine: canc. claλ 4 ⟦N. Canonicus⟧ quaestor Havenus claλ; ⟦D[ominus]⟧ N. Canonicus clbλ, D[ominus] Canonicus clc 5 uno: om. cla 3 occasione] A formula usually implying that an acquaintance is leaving Leuven who can be entrusted with delivering a letter to a correspondent. 4 quaestor] Frederik Havens, manager in Leuven, successor to Antonius Vanney, cf. GV, p. 200, no. 172. He was involved in the payment of Lipsius’s stipendium as historiographus regius and responsible for its delay, cf. ILE 97 03 19; 97 05 13 RI. 4 nepote] Probably one of this nephews was Balduinus Junius (1583-1634), later on contubernalis of Lipsius. He obtained his bacchelor’s degree at the facultas artium of Leuven in 1598. Cf. Peeters, LecontuberniumdeLipse, 156; 159; ILE XIII, [00 00 00], 9; Brussels, ARA 811/1, f. 34.

28 May 1596

243

quam in Collegio aliquo haberi. Sunt duo quae nunc disciplina et iuventute florent, Falco et Porcus, utrumque tibi notum, alterum etiam olim (nisi fallor) inhabitatum. Ad alterutrum igitur horum si tuos mittis, non errabis et difficilis electio est in pari bonitate. Ego, cum aderunt, siquid directione aut consilio conferre in studia eorum possum, certus esto prompte et sedulo me id facturum. Mitto in eadem ista occasione diploma quod nuper accepi ab Aerario Regio, sed nomine et manu tua non signatum. Hanc si admovere dignaberis et subscribere, facies quod iam olim, id est commoda et rationes meas auctum ibit et adiutum. In publicis rebus video prosperum sane cursum, nisi quod Batavi nostri manent et perdurant in perversa sua mente. O quae occasio labitur bonae et optatae pacis, dum Rex magnas cogitationes et apparatus alio destinat, et nihil mallet quam ab hac parte aut iuvari aut certe non distrahi et impediri. Vellem, vellem caussa gentis, quam amo et amavi, et testari audeo non aliam esse Regi commodiorem, religioni et pietati aptiorem, si faces et turbines illi amoti essent qui inquietant. Spero fore, et mea sententia est aut praesagium (utinam vera), motu aliquo plebeio finem bello huic futurum, uti initium fuit, nisi tamen classis regia praevenit, quam magnam et validam parari aut potius paratam iam esse audimus. Deus

8 ⟦habitari⟧ haberi clbλ, habitari clc 9 ⟦Am[plitudini] tuae⟧ tibi clbλ, A[mplitudini] tuae clc || tibi ⟦nat⟧ 10 igitur: om. clc 12 ⟦certum D[ominationi] Tuae esto⟧ certus esto clbλ, certum D[ominationi] tuae clc 14 manu ⟦D[ominationis] Tuae⟧ tua clbλ, manu D[ominationis] Tuae clc 15 dignab⟦itur⟧eris clbλ, dignabitur clc || facie⟦t⟧s clbλ, faciet clc 16 meas ⟦auctus⟧ cla || ibi⟦t⟧s clbλ, ibit clc 17 ⟦perversa⟧ veteri claλ 18 ⟦magnas⟧ cogitationes cla 22 turbines ⟦illi⟧ claλ 23 et: om. clb, clc 25 Deu⟦m⟧s cla 9 Falco et Porcus] The Falcon and The Porc were two of Leuven’s pedagogical colleges, where arts students were taught and accommodated. From 1578 to 1585 both colleges were dilapidated and deserted because of the war and the plague. The Falcon was situated in the Penninkstreet (now Savoyestreet),The Porc in the Meyerstreet (on the corner of the present Meiersstreet and Hogeschoolsquare, but demolished). Cf. Reusens, 4, 93-94; 371; T. Vandeborght, HetpaedagogiumFalconisLovaniense(1426?-1578), unpublished licentiate paper, Leuven, 1957, 78-79. 13 diploma] Sc. of his appointment as royal historiographer, cf. 96 01 14 D, 3-4. 17 mente] On the Northern Provinces’ dogged refusal of peace, cf. ILE 96 05 06 V, 4-5 e.a. 19 alio] Sc. England, cf. ILE 96 05 22 S, 18-22; 96 05 25, 10-12. 24 initium] The Iconoclastic Fury (August 1566), considered as the beginning of the Dutch Revolt, was in fact the work of a very small group of people, most of them returned exiles. They were recruited and paid by the Calvinist consistories of Antwerp and other great cities in the South. Cf. Parker, TheDutchRevolt, 74-78; AGN 6, 199. 25 paratam] cf. ILE 96 05 25, 8-9.

10

15

20

25

244

2121 - 96 06 03

Regi mentem, illi cursum dirigat, quo utilitas et boni successus vocant. Ille idem, Ampl[issime] et Nob[ilissime] Domine, te Regi et rebus servet. Lovanii, V Kal[endas] Iun[ias] ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

26-28 utilitas … ∞.IƆ.XCVI: om. clb

28 V: VI cla

Secondversion A fragment, preserved in ms. Lips. 3(18), different from the previous version; hence it is edited separately. See also the introduction to ILE 96 00 00 B. cl: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 44v (fragm.).

Ioh[anni] Drinquart. Amplissime et Nobilissime Domine, In tam bona occasione mittendi omittere nolui quin scripto testarer veterem et perpetuum meum cultum atque affectum. Simul etiam respondeam 5 breviter, quid mihi [ceteradesiderantur]

2121

96 06 03

Lipsius (Leuven) to Abraham Ortelius [Antwerp] 3 June 1596

Lipsius was delighted with the greetings from his German friends. Thanks to a long lasting peace there are many exceptional men there. Lipsius counts Von Werdenstein also among his friends. On Abraham Ortelius, cf. Lipsius en zijn Europese netwerk; 342-351, with further bibliography. cl: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 51v, no. 116.

245

3 June 1596

I[ustus] Lipsius Ab[rahamo] Ortelio S[alutem] D[icit]. Salutes amicorum per te missas e Germania libens accepi, mi Orteli. Iuvat memores et amantes nostri esse et me in illos pariter affici velim sciant. Quod ad Werdesteijmium, omnino mea ca[uss]a hoc facies, ut de propenso studio et vol[unta]te mea significes et non falli eum, si amicum Lipsium 5 censet. Pax diuturna et alta in Germania multos insignes viros dedit quos bellum e Gallia nobisque sustulit aut tollet. Nam quietem voto desideramus, in spe vix videmus. Valere te opto, mi Orteli. Lovanii, III Nonas Iunii, ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

2 libens ⟦vidi⟧ cl

3 illos e illas correxi

2 amicorum] Ortelius’s letter is not preserved, but we can assume that Lipsius is referring to Johannes Georgius von Werdenstein (explicitly mentioned on l. 4) and hence also Marcus Welser, another of Ortelius’s Augsburg correspondents. 4 Werdesteijmium] Johannes Georgius von Werdenstein (Augsburg, 1542 – Eichstätt, November 1608) spent a few years in Italy from 1562 onwards, where he studied in Padua and Siena. In 1567 he returned to Eichstätt, where he was a canon. He became cantor in 1580 and acquired an interesting collection of early printed music. He was also one of the councillors of the duke of Bavaria. His rich library came into the hands of the duke in 1592 and was incorporated in the university library of Würzburg from 1621 onwards. Ortelius dedicated his map of Dacia and Moesia to Von Werdenstein in 1595. Cf. H. Gläser (ed.), Wittelsbach und Bayern. Um Glauben und Reich. Kurfürst Maximilian I. BeiträgezurBayerischenGeschichteundKunst1573-1657, Munich-Zürich, 1980, 180, 353 en 360, 1a; M. Fink-Lang, UntersuchungenzumEichstätterGeisteslebenimZeitalter des Humanismus, Regensburg, 1985, 35; 44, n. 25; H. A. Braun, Das Domkapitel zu Eichstätt.VonderReformationszeitbiszurSäkularisation(1535-1806).Verfassungund Personalgeschichte, Stuttgart, 1991, 562; R. Charteris, JohannGeorgvonWerdenstein (1542-1608).AMajorCollectorofEarlyMusicPrints, Sterling Heights (Mich), 2006. 5-6 amicum … censet] Von Werdenstein had asked Ortelius to send his greetings to Lipsius. The latter does not answer directly, but forwarded the letter he received from Lipsius to Von Werdenstein. In his reaction Von Werdenstein.wanted to know whether Lipsius would be pleased with a present, cf. Von Werdenstein to Ortelius, dated 10 August 1596 (Hessels, 1, 689-692, no. 291): Litteraetuae,Kal[endis]Augustiapudvos scriptae,rectemihiunacumcl[arissimi]d[omini]Lipsiiepistolio,Vivianinostriopera, VII Idus Augusti sunt redditae, amicissime d[omine] Orteli. Quae me magna voluptate affecerunt,cumplaneintelligamsalutemmeamquamtibicommiseram,d[omino]Lipsio nonfuisseingratam,cuiusegoeruditionemsempermagnifeci,ingeniumlaudavi,scripta cumvoluptatelegi[…].Eumsiverbismeisperamicesalutarisstudiaquemeaparatissima declaraveris,remadmodumgratamesfacturus;cuietiamlubensdonumaliquodinmei memoriammitterem,siremgratammefacturumscirem,sedexspectabopriustuaslitteras acconsiliumtuumsequar. There is no trace of a possible correspondence between Lipsius and Von Werdenstein.

246

2122 - 96 06 04

2122

96 06 04

Lipsius (Leuven) to Jan de Greve (Brussels) 4 June 1596

In Lipsius’s eyes the price of the pond is high, but he leaves the decision to Jan de Greve. He will use the money coming from Jacop van de Nesse or from his lawsuit with Waverius; but he cannot spend more at the moment. o: Brussels, ARA, ms. div. 200 A, f. 31-31v.

Eersaeme en[de] bemiende neve, Ick hebbe gesien uwen brieff en[de] u deliberatie op het koopen vanden vijver. Om die waerheijt te seggen, mij dunckt dat het dier genoech is tegen vijf hondert gulden, nadvenant die huere oft profijten die daer van 5 mogen komen. Niet te min ghij meucht sien en[de] doet daer in naar u goetduncken. Het gelt dat komen sal van M[onsieu]r Jacop oft oick van ons processe, dat sal ick in dat quartier, wilt Godt, besteden. Anders nu ter tijt kan ick geen assistentie van gelt gedoen en[de] ick dencke dat ghij noch versien sijdt. Met deesen sal u l[ieden] met u huijsvrow, mijn 10 bemiende nichte, seer grueten. Tot Loven, deesen 4en Junij 1596. Uwen goetwilligen oom I[ustus] Lipsius. [Address:] Eersaemen en[de] voorsienigen h[ee]r Jan de Greve, mijn bemiende neve, tot Bruessel. Int Verwershoeck. Francque.

2 brieff] Jan de Greve’s letter is not preserved. 3 vijver] On the purchase of the pond and its funding, cf. ILE 96 03 27, 15-23. 6 Jacop] Jacop van de Nesse, clerk of Overijse and distant relative of Lipsius, still owed him money, cf. ILE 96 05 04, 16. 7 processe] Lipsius was involved in a lawsuit with Justus Waverius. Already in ILE 96 03 27, 29-31 he had stated that he would spend the money that he hoped to receive on purchasing a pond. 9 huijsvrow] Cf. ILE 96 03 18 G, 16. 13 Verwershoeck] Cf. ILE 96 03 27, 38. 13 Francque] Cf. ILE 96 03 18 G, 23.

247

14 June 1596

2123

96 06 14

Lipsius (Leuven) to Jan de Greve (Brussels) 14 June 1596

Waverius believes that De Greve should pay more for the pond; Bailiff Van Moerbeke’s bid is higher and Waverius seems inclined to accept the latter’s price if Lipsius agreed to sell his part of the common inheritance. Lipsius answers him that he leaves the decision to De Greve. Yet he advises his nephew to sell at that price; he can use the proceeds to purchase whatever he wants. De Greve knows Buytewech, the bearer of the letter, and should give him a warm welcome. o: Brussel, ARA, ms. div. 200 A, f. 29-29v.

Eersaeme en[de] bemiende neve, Als ghisteren soo heeft mij neve de Wavre geschreven en[de] geadverteert vanden vijver, hoe dat u l[ieden] daer voor presenteert drij hondert gulden boven den last en dat sulckx te weijnich is, alsoo dat baillieu van Moerbeke daer hondert gulden meer voer bidet. Ine meijnt wel voirder te komen, 5 alsmen den selven gelijcker handt soude verkoopen. Daeromme soo bidt hij mij daer in, voor soo veel als mijn deel is, te consenteren tot profijt en[de] behoef vanden weesen. Ick antwoirde hem met desen ingeslotenen, dat ick die saecke tot u l[ieden] remitteere en[de] ben te vreden dat ghij daer in doet naer u goetduncken. Alsoo ick oick ben en[de] soude wel van 10 advijs sijn te verkoopen, ingeval hij soo dier soude wech mogen gaen. Want voor u l[ieden] en dunckt mij niet, oick soo hij plocht in goeden tijden te gellen, dat profijt soude weesen. Het gelt datter van komen sal, mach u l[ieden] elders emploijeeren, ick sal daer in accordeeren. Met deesen blijft den Heere bevolen en[de] gruet mij zeer u l[ieden] huijsvrow, 15

6 verkoopen ⟦ck⟧ o 2 de Wavre] About the undivided estate and the subsequent dissension with Waverius, cf. ILE 96 05 04, 3. Waverius’s letter is not preserved nor is Lipsius’s answer (l. 8). 3 vijver] Cf. ILE 96 06 04, 2-3. 4 baillieu van Moerbeke] Not identified.

248

2124 - 96 06 15

mijn nichte. Tot Loven, den 14 Iunii 1596. Uwen goetwilligen oom I[ustus] Lipsius. Den brenger is Buijtewech, u l[ieden] bekendt. Wilt hem feest loonen en[de] goet aensicht om mijnentwille. 20

[Address:] Eersaemen en[de] voorsienigen h[ee]r Jan de Greve, mijn bemiende neve, tot Bruessel. Par amy que Dieu garde.

18 Buijtewech] Gerardus Buytewech was on the verge of returning to Leiden. Lipsius entrusted him with several letters, referring to his former contubernalis, as is the case here. The other letters are addressed to Buytewech’s father (ILE 96 06 19), Josephus Justus Scaliger (ILE 96 06 15), and Gerardus Sandelinus (ILE 96 06 20). Since they are written a few days later, it is possible that Buytewech took care of De Greve’s letter during an extra trip to Brussels, whereupon he returned to Leuven. Nonetheless, Buytewech had to postpone his return for administrative reasons and stayed with Lipsius until the end of July, cf. ILE 96 07 16; 96 08 13 BU, 2-3. 21 amy] Gerardus Buytewech.

2124

96 06 15

Lipsius (Leuven) to Josephus Justus Scaliger [Leiden] 15 June 1596

His former contubernalis, Gerardus Buytewech, is delivering a letter to Scaliger, since meeting each other is impossible. Unremitting warfare, as well as Lipsius’s age and health reduce possible opportunities and weigh also upon his mind and style. Scaliger may soon expect his Poliorcetica; he has to give his opinion candidly. Casaubon’s edition of Suetonius is full of erudition, its author showing great promise. On Josephus Justus Scaliger, cf. ILE I, 76 11 26; CenturiaeLatinae, 1, 739-747; Lipsius en zijn Europese netwerk, 195-210. On his relation with Lipsius, see De Landtsheer, JosephusJustusScaligerenJustusLipsius, 59-92. cl: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 50, no. 114 (dat. 96 07 17); d: Cent.Germ. 24; d1: Buchler, 225, no. 31; d2: CJJS 2, 632-633 [= 96 06 15].

249

15 June 1596

I[ustus] Lipsius Io[sepho] Scaligero S[alutem] D[icit]. Meum istum videre te (nobis, heu, negatum) sine litteris meis nolui, ut per has interpretes te alloquerer, quoniam ore ad os non licet. An et licebit? Turbae e turbis, catenata bella, aetas et valetudo magis magisque inclinans spem minuunt aut tollunt. Haec eadem ardorem in studiis et frigus aut 5 ignavia mentem et stilum habet. Poliorcetica brevi ad te mittam non legenda t[antu]m, sed censenda. Quaeso, facito: te iudice placebit paene ipsum damnari. Casauboni ad Suetonium vidi: eruditum opus. Adolescentem magni ingenii et, si vivit ac temperat, omnibus numeris perfectum. Lovanii, XVII Kal[endas] Iul[ias] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 10 1 Iosepho Scaligero Iulii F[ilio] S[alutem] D[ico] d, d1

10 Kal[endas]: om. cl

2 Meum] Gerardus Buytewech, who was planning to return home after visiting Lipsius in Leuven, cf. ILE 96 06 14, 15. 3 ore ad os] A variant of osados[loqui], cf. Vulg.2Joan.12 and 3 Joan. 14. 6 Poliorcetica] Lipsius will surely send a copy of his work to Leiden via the Officina Plantiniana, expecting Buytewech to deliver them to the addressees, cf. ILE 96 09 08. Scaliger reacted within one week, cf. ILE [96] 09 14 S. 8 Casauboni] On Isaac Casaubon (Geneva, 8 February 1559 - London, 1 July 1614), cf. ILE II, 87 08 12, 10; Tournoy, LipsiusandCasaubon, 191-208; Lipsius enzijnEuropese netwerk, 454-459. Lipsius refers to Suetonius, DeXIICaesaribus, Geneva, 1595, an edition also mentioned in his library catalogue, Leiden, Univ. Bib., ms. Lips. 59, f. 5v, book 16. Casaubon had sent a copy to Scaliger on 29 August, cf. I. Casaubon, Epistolae, Brunswick, 1656, 47; CJJS 2, 539-541 [= ILE VIII, 95 08 29], 1-11 and 617-618 [= 96 03 19], 2-6. On that same day he wrote to Lambertus Canterus (ibid., 52): DeLipsio,quamfuitiucundum quodscribis!…Siessettibifacultasappellandihominemnostronomine,ageremtecum obnixeutipsummeisverbissalutaresetexploraresecquidillipenitusἀπὸθυμοῦἐμπέσομεν, quodsiest, testorτὸνφίλιονΔίαetnullaculpameaetpraeterexspectationemomnemid mihievenisse.Verumdesinoquerelarum,namquicquiddenobissentiatclarissimusillevir, numquamtamenefficietquominusameameturcolaturque.Vellemhocpossesipsialiqua ratione significare. Facem eius sic exspectamus et tam avide, ut nihil supra. Lipsius probably acquired his copy via Moretus and the book fair in Frankfurt. 8 eruditum] Scaliger relayed Lipsius’s appraisal to Casaubon in a letter dated 25 August 1596, cf. Tournoy, Lipsius and Casaubon, 197. Notwithstanding Lipsius’s praise, Casaubon was able to add a number of important corrections to its reissue (Paris, 1610) because he was the first who could use the Memmianus, the oldest and most trustworthy of Suetonius manuscripts, from the ninth century. Cf. Suetonius, ed. H. Ailloud, Paris, 1967, 1, XLIV-XLVII. 8 Adolescentem] Obviously, Lipsius had no idea of Casaubon’s age (he was 37 by then). 9 temperat] Cf. a similar remark about Casaubon in ILE 96 07 12, 20-21. Lipsius thought his commentary was too extensive sometimes; he believed that quoting the most convincing passages from a limited number of authors to prove one’s point should be sufficient. The information he added was often superfluous, despite its links with the subject. Cf. Nisard, Letriumvirat, 353-357.

250

2125 - 96 06 19

2125 96 06 19

Lipsius (Leuven) to Johannes Buytewech [Leiden] 19 June 1596

Gerardus Buytewech returns to Leiden sooner than expected. Lipsius had hoped to have him with him somewhat longer, but the political situation and his correspondent’s wish do not allow any delay. His son has confided to Lipsius his hope to marry: it is important that the girl is a match to Gerardus’s gentle character. Lipsius has met her once, but does not really know her. In ms. Lips. 3(17) the first part of the letter (until inquirendum, l. 11) is missing because only 5 cm of f. 32 is preserved, cf. ILE 96 05 28, intro. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 32v (fragm., dat. 06 15): clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 51v, no. 117.

I[ustus] Lipsius Ioh[anni] Buytewechio S[alutem] D[icit]. Filius tuus ad vos redit citius opinione et voto meo. Certe voluissem haerere apud nos diutius, quod et morum eius suavitas et affectus meus evinciebat. Sed parendum est cum t[em]p[or]i, tum mandato etiam tuo et addam 5 affectui quem erga talem filium merito habetis. Credo nec vos aequo animo diu absentiam eius ferre. Egit mecum de negotio quod non ignoras, et profecto in re ipsa consentio: persona quaerenda idonea et cum qua vitam suaviter et cum vestra quoque voluntate agat. Mores et indoles mitia sunt et ideo mitis aliqua et pari ingenio ei adiungenda. Nominavit unam 10 quam vidisse me opinor, sed non hoc fine observitasse. Cogitandum et 1-11 I[ustus] … inquirendum: deestin cla 2 redit] Gerardus Buytewech postponed his visit until the end of July, cf. ILE 96 07 16, 2; 96 08 13 BU, 8. 4 t[em]p[or]i] An allusion to the edict recently issued by the States General in The Hague, cf. ILE 96 05 22 B, 19. 6 negotio] On Gerardus Buytewech’s plans to marry, cf. ILE 96 01 10 B, 36. 9 unam] A niece of Jan van Drenckwaert, probably the (elder) sister of Balduinus Junius, who became Lipsius’s contubernalis in 1599 (cf. ILE 99 01 25 D). Van Drenckwaert had a sister and a half sister, cf. NNBW 7, 385. The girl’s father had died. Gerardus Buytewech will ask Lipsius to put in a good word for him with the treasurer and hence to the girl and her mother, cf. ILE 97 05 16, 97 08 20 D, 97 10 14. See also ILE 96 03 16 BUY, 12. 10 vidisse] During his stay in the South, Gerardus Buytewech visited Lipsius in her company, cf. ILE 97 08 20 D: initinereBruxellensianteannumcumillahucvenitvisendi

251

20 June 1596

inquirendum est atque ego velut pro communi filio (serio loquor) quidquid potero consilio, commendatione, opera sum facturus. Deus utinam nobis publica tranquillet et frui tutius, sed et diutius inter nos possimus. Vale, Vir Clarissime, et uxorem optimam a me et mea saluta. Lovanii, XIII Kal[endas] Iul[ias], ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 15 15 XVII cla meicaussa. Buytewech was in Brussels from April to July, cf. ILE 96 04 30, 2-3; 96 08 13 BU, 2-4. 14 uxorem] Elisabeth van Swieten, cf. ILE VIII, 95 01 29 B, 74-75.

2126 96 06 20

Lipsius (Leuven) to Gerardus Sandelinus [The Hague] 20 June 1596

Gerardus Buytewech has visited Lipsius; if only Sandelinus had accompanied him! But he has not even written. For what reason? Lipsius has not yet answered his last letter because of the political situation, but his affection has not changed. cl: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 51v-52, no. 118.

I[ustus] Lipsius Gerardo Sandelino S[alutem] D[icit]. Vide quid iste fecerit, tu non feceris, qvui me ultro invisit et veterem amorem nova et subdita praesentia est testatus. O si te comite! Per Deum voluissem. Sed tu nec litteras misisti. An quia ego nondum ad tuas? An quia hic te non vidit? Paullatim inciditur nobis scriptio ob pessimas turbas, 5 2 iste] Gerardus Buytewech, who took care of delivering this letter, cf. ILE 96 06 14, 18. 2-3 veterem amorem] When Sandelinus returned to his native country in April 1595, Lipsius assured him of his affection, cf. ILE VIII, 95 04 24 S, 3-7. See also ILE VIII, 95 06 11 S, 2-5; 95 09 01, 5-10. 4 nec litteras] A rebuke to Sandelinus, since he could easily have sent a few words through Buytewech. 4 tuas] Sc. ILE 96 04 16 S. 5 hic] Gerardus Buytewech.

252

2127 - 96 06 30

non amor quem testari liceat tribus verbis. Sane sincerum eum gero in illos quos boni certique ingenii novi et disciplinae meae alumnos. Cum abiero, memoria et pars aliqua mei in illis vivet. In te, in te, mi Sandeline, et cum eo diu vive. Lovanii, XII Kal[endas] Iul[ias] ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

6 tribus verbis] Cf. ILE 96 03 16 BUY, 22.

2127

96 06 30

Hieronymus Mercurialis (Florence) to Lipsius (Leuven) 30 June 1596

Mercurialis has instantly shown Lipsius’s letter to Pigafetta, who was delighted and full of praise, promising to send Lipsius more information about the Roman legion and its battle-array as soon as a stomach ailment permits. Mercurialis is eagerly looking forward to the Poliorcetica. Since Lipsius is not inclined to come to Italy, he wants to enjoy his treatises and letters. Mercurialis has not had a word from Petrus Wittendelius in two years: is he dead perhaps? Answer to ILE 96 05 16 ME. Lipsius’s answer, mentioned in ILE 96 09 15 M, 7-8, is not preserved. o: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 4; d1: Burman I, p. 263-264, no. 260.

Iusto Lipsio Hier[onymu]s Mercur[ia]lis S[alutem]. Quas postremo a te recepi litteras Pigafetto statim communicavi, qui vix dici potest quanta laetitia quantisque tui laudibus eas perlegerit. De iis 1 Hier[onymus] Mercurialis I[usto] Lipsio suo S[alutem] d1 2 Pigafetto] Mercurialis acted as intermediary between Lipsius and Pigafetta, who expressed his doubts about what Lipsius had written on the battle-array of the Roman army in DemilitiaRomana, cf. ILE 96 04 10, 18-23. See also ILE 96 05 16 ME, 13-20.

30 June 1596

253

vero quae circa legionem totiusque aciei ordinem te commoniturum sese recepit, quamprimum sibi per levem qua modo afficitur stomachi imbecillitatem licebit, perfecturum esse pollicitus est; neque ipse desinam eum excitare, donec promissa expleat. Librum de machinis avide expecto et quam citius ad me perferetur, eo gratior eveniet statimque, ut etiam Moneliae nostro scripsi, sumptum omnem libenter persolvam. Si scires aut tibi persuadere posses quod tui in universa Italia desiderium sit apud omnes studiosos concitatum, non modo interdum hic vivere optares, verum etiam forsan deliberares. Quod tamen quia fieri posse diffido, memoria saltem virtutis tuae iucundissima nec non lepidissimis scriptis ac epistolis saepe frui, quantum in me erit, enitar; tu quoque segetem ac materiam huic meo desiderio suppedites vehementer precor; neque enim is sum qui semel tantum amore virtutis et ingeniorum captus ad alia converti possim et, quamquam in plerisque rebus curae atque anni memoriam mihi depraedentur, in hoc tamen nunquam ero obliviosus, ubi de te ipso vel cogitandum quippiam vel loquendum vel decernendum erit. Certe satis nequeo mirari cur Petrus Witendelius olim meus (a manu iam biennium agitur) nullas mihi litteras dederit, nisi forte Deus ipsum aliqua ratione ad se vocaverit. Qua de re ut alias efflagitavi, si per te certior fieri potero, hoc nomine quoque non parum me tibi debere fatebor. Vale teque 5 qua modo e quomodo corr.man.alt. o, qua modo d1 6 perfecturum] There is no record that Pigafetta and Lipsius ever discussed this matter. Only one letter from Pigafetta to Lipsius and its answer is preserved (ILE XIII, 00 04 25 P; 00 07 31), but without discussing the Roman army. 9 Moneliae] Mercurialis had asked Lipsius to send him a copy of his Poliorcetica through Paulus Monelia, cf. ILE 96 04 10, 23-26. 12 Quod … diffido] Whenever Lipsius’s coming to Italy is mentioned in their correspondence, he always underlines his love for the country, but politely declines the invitation because of his health, cf. ILE IV, 91 04 14 M; V, 92 06 23 M, 9-20; VI, 93 09 08 M, 5-9. Mercurialis must have been aware that Lipsius would never come. 20 Witendelius] Petrus Cornelius Wittendelius from Alkmaar had studied in Leiden; armed with a letter from Lipsius for Mercurialis, he left for Padova in 1586 and matriculated in the faculty of medicine on 24 May, cf. L. Rossetti (ed.), Matriculanationis GermanicaeartistarumingymnasioPatavino(1553-1721), Padova, 1986, 66, no. 565. In April-May 1594 he returned to his native country and settled as physician in The Hague, hence Mercurialis’s request. Cf. on him ILE II, 86 05 23, 13; C. L. Heesakkers, Petrus Forestus in gedichten en brieven, in: H. A. Bosman-Jelgersma (ed.), Petrus ForestusMedicus, Amsterdam, 1996, 232, n. 79; Poelhekke, 301. 22 per te] In 1598 Mercurialis finally received a letter from Wittendelius and asked Lipsius to forward his answer, cf. ILE 98 11 22.

5

10

15

20

254

2128 - 96 07 01

nobis ac toti litteratorum orbi serva meque ama. Datum Florentiae, Pridie 25 Kal[endas] Iulii,CI).I).XCVI. [Address:] Clar[issi]mo Viro D[omi]no Iusto Lipsio, D[omi]no meo observand[issi]mo. Lovanii.

25 CI).I).XCVI: add. man.alt.o, add. d1

2128 96 07 01

Lipsius (Leuven) to Christoffel Roels (Middelburg) 1 July 1596

Lipsius’s correspondence with Roels, although not his affection, has been interrupted for a long time. The case of the Earl of Errol, a prisoner in Middelburg, offers an opportunity to renew their contacts. His misdemeanor against the Northern Provinces is a small one: when setting out to Scotland he changed his name, but only for fear of his enemies. He will be judged in his country for his rebellion, hence they should let him go. The authorities of Zeeland have to decide independently on this question, without following mere suspicions. Greetings toVosbergen, if he is still alive. Christoffel Roels (Leuven, 1540 – Middelburg, 18 May 1597), son of Paulus Roels from Dendermonde, who had been rector of Leuven University in 1532 and 1559 (cf. V. Andreas, Fastiacademici, 42-43; Bax, 1, f. 44v and 45v), settled in Middelburg. When the Provinces separated, he sided with the North. He converted to Calvinism in 1575; he was appointed advocate of Zeeland on 3 July 1578 and acted as the province’s representative during the negotiations with the Spanish government in 1595. Cf. NNBW 3, 1082-1083; P. J. Meertens, LetterkundigleveninZeelandinde16deendeeerstehelft vande17deeeuw,Amsterdam, 1943, 161; ILE III, 90 10 17, 56. cl: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 52, no. 119.

Clar[issi]mo et prudentiss[im]o viro D[omino] Christophoro Roelsio, Consiliario et pensionario Ord[inum] Zeland[iae] Middelburgi. Vir Cl[arissi]me et Prudent[issi]me,

1 July 1596

255

Miraberis scriptionem tamdiu intermissam, sed non amorem, qui se significat et aperit ubi occasio obvenit. Ea nunc est in caussa Comitis Arollii, gente Scoti, quem audimus in custodia apud vos esse, quia parum provide aut aperte ad vos venit. Culpam non excusamus, quae vestri adspectu levis est et sine damno aut eius metu. Ad Regem suum abiit et sciebat non omnes amicos ei esse qui in provinciis iis versantur. Quae caussa unica fuit nominis mutandi. Nam a vobis quid timeret? Quibus neque beneficio neque iniuria innotuit et sunt gentium regumque iura sua cuique integra servanda. Non eo ventum, ut religionis caussa apud vos dicatur, id opinor, et sola ea excepta, liber innoxiusque est apud omnes. Nam arma olim sumpta caussam et iudicem suum in Scotia habent. Hoc ut amicus suggero (crede serio): Regi et genti suae remittatur aut potius sponte eat quo iam ibat. Interest quoque vestrae auctoritatis non esse ministros alienae iniuriae aut vindices, si quis forte factam eam sibi putet. Denique longius sapientes prospiciunt nec in uno multos laedunt. Quo etiam fructu? Nihil vestrum aut publicum hic agitur, factionum arbitrii ne este. Suspicionibus si quis nimis indulget, in rep[ublica] praesertim mala concitat et, quod in veteri verbo est, caeciasnubesadsetrahit. Haec tibi 4 scriptionem] No further letters are preserved. In ILE III, 90 10 17, 55-56, Adrian Cooper sends Lipsius Roels’s regards. After he left Leiden, the humanist severed his contacts with many of his acquaintances from the North. 5-6 Comitis Arollii] After converting to Catholicism Francis Hay († 1631), earl of Errol, devoted himself entirely to disseminating his creed in Scotland. After the fiasco of the Armada in 1588 he insisted that Philip II launch a new assault. The letter in which he assured the Duke of Parma of his loyalty to the Spanish house was intercepted and sent by Elizabeth I to King James VI of Scotland. Errol was summoned to refute the charge of undermining true faith, but he refused to appear before the Scottish Council: according to him he was falsely accused by John Maitland, chancellor and adviser to King James VI. Together with some partisans he revolted. At first, both sides attempted to find a solution through consultation, but when the rebels were forced to choose between Protestantism or exile before 1 January 1594, Hay refused to do so and was officially branded as a traitor. There was heavy fighting when the authorities of Aberdeen arrested the crew of a Spanish ship after partisans of Hay and some Jesuits set foot ashore. When Errol threatened to burn the city, the Spanish were freed, but James VI sent a strong army. The rebels were defeated on 4 October 1594; Hay and the other leaders left the country; the king forbade all sailors to bring them back to Scotland. Acting on rumours about his plot, Hay was arrested by the States of Zeeland and was kept prisoner in Middelburg. Cf. ODNB 25, 992-994. See also ILE 96 09 15 H, 4; 96 09 18, 3-4. 21 caecias…trahit] After Plin. H.N. 2, 126: narrantetinPontocaecianinsetrahere nubes. Caecias, latinisation from the Greek, the east-northeastwind; bearer of clouds and hail, cf. RE 8, 2347. See also Sen. Q.N. 5, 16, 4; Arist. Pr. 26, 29.

5

10

15

20

256

2129 - 96 07 05

qui in rep[ublica] versaris, scribenda libere et amice censui, per te et[iam] Gaspari Vosbergio, olim amico nostro, si tamen vivit. Certo si scivissem, ad eum scripsissem; tu, quaeso, veteris Lipsii et consilii illius memor, huius 25 capax esto. Vale, Vir Cl[arissime]. Lovanii, Kal[endis] Iuliis ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

23 Vosbergio] On Gaspar Vosbergen, councillor of Zeeland, cf. ILE III, 89 08 20 V. He matriculated as a law student at Leiden University on 27 April 1590, cf. Alb.Stud. 27: CasparVosbergiusZiricksaeusL. Roels must have answered that he was still alive, for Lipsius sends his greetings in ILE 96 09 18. 23 vivit] Presumably, Vosbergen died in 1598, cf. NNBW 4, 1416.

2129

96 07 05

Lipsius (Leuven) to Jan Bernaerts [Mechelen] 5 July 1596

Although Lipsius did not write for a while, Bernaerts has never had cause to complain that Lipsius left his letters unanswered. He has a busy correspondence because a great number of young men contact him out of the blue. This has slowed down his correspondence, but only his health can cause him not to answer Bernaerts’s letters. He is right in praising Albert’s edict concerning military discipline. Lipsius cannot accept Bernaerts’s invitation because of the risks, his obligations, and his health. Greetings to Nicolaas Oudaert and Henricus Sedulius. cl: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 52v, no. 120.

I[ustus] Lipsius I[ohanni] Bernartio S[alutem] D[icit]. Quae dicis de silentio meo, vera sunt; non t[ame]n illud, opinor, debere me litteris tuis ultimis responsum. Non memini, non soleo et, quod optimum

2-3 dicis … tuis] None of Bernaerts’s letters are preserved.

5 July 1596

257

in mala caussa est, nego. Quis color alius superest? Tamen crede de amore nihil remissum, etsi aliquid de promptitudine illa scribendi. Vitae meae genus, si quis alius, tu nosti et quam saepe occupent ac sibi vindicent quibus unum hoc pretium ac fructus est occupasse. Nam de aliis in quos aliquid confero, haud queror. Bene t[em]pus ponitur quod in bonis et apud bonos consumitur, maxime si iuventus me habet aut consulit, quod saepe, ad studia aut vitam dirigenda. Excuso, ut vides, aut conor potius: iam nulla occupatio me tibi subtrahere debeat, non faciet unquam. Solam valetudinem excipio, quae profecto cum aetate inclinat et non debiliorem s[olu]m, sed ignaviorem facit. Quod scribis et laudas de edicto nostri Principis, meritissime potes: altitudo eius animi et rectorum capax amansque ingenium his aliisque signis se prodit. Deus, o Deus hunc nobis servet et afflicto iuvenemsuccurreresaeclo patiatur et velit. Sed profecto a militia ordiendum est et disciplina instauranda, non corrupta apud nos sed exstincta. Grande opus, et uret multorum animos et occulto tardabunt aut tollent. Sed vincet, ut spero, vivida illa vis et prudentia et factum Austriacae Domus. De invitatiuncula equidem gratias habeo; non p[otes]t hoc t[em]p[or]e ob discrimina, ob valetudinem, ob negotia. Tua excusent, quae singula debent,

17 ⟦di⟧exstincta cl 4 Quis … superest] In other words, I do not owe you an answer. In the rhetorical sense color also means a subtly built defence, a presentation in a positive sense, cf. Quint. Inst. Or. 3, 8, 44; 4, 2, 88; Forcellini 1, 694. See also G. Kennedy, TheArtofRhetoricinthe RomanWorld, Princeton, 1972, 326; H. Lausberg, HandbuchderliterarischenRhetorik, Stuttgart, 19903, 183. 11-13 valetudinem … facit] Cf. a similar idea in an earlier letter, to Scaliger, ILE 96 06 15, 5-6. 13 edicto] On 27 May 1596 Albert had published an edict about military discipline, cf. Ch. Terlinden, ListechronologiqueprovisoiredeséditsetordonnancesdesPays-Bas. Règne de Philippe II (1555-1598), Brussels, 1912, 283. One of the first problems the Archduke had to solve was the mutinies within the Spanish army. Because it became increasingly difficult for Spain to borrow money, the troops did not receive their due payment and started to hassle the citizens, cf. AGN 6, 285-286. Already on 25 March Albert had warned Philip II about the urgency of this problem, cf. Lefèvre, 4, 344, no. 1035. 15-16 afflicto…saeclo] After Verg. G. 1, 500: huncsaltemeversoiuvenemsuccurrere saeclo. 20 invitatiuncula] Further details are lacking, but surely Bernaerts had invited Lipsius and his wife to Mechelen because of the fair, which then as now begins on the first Sunday of July.

5

10

15

20

258

2130 - 96 07 12

et tu cum tua (an non iterum mox parente?) salveto. Item Cl[arissi]mus noster Oudartus et, si videbis, pater Sedulius. Lovanii, III Nonas Iul[ias] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. Iustus .

22 tua] Catharina Breugel, cf. ILE 96 02 12, 5. 22 iterum] The couple would have two children. According to this letter a son, Willem, was already born; a daughter, Maria, followed in September 1597. Cf. NBW 17, 83-85; ILE 97 09 30 BE. 23 Sedulius] On Henricus Sedulius, cf. ILE VIII, [95] 03 03.

2130 96 07 12

Lipsius (Leuven) to Jacques de Carondelet (Liège) 12 July 1596

It is Lipsius’s fault that De Carondelet had to write him a second letter. He will soon receive a copy of the Poliorcetica, but he should not expect too much. He would like De Carondelet to offer the prince bishop’s copies, but Billaeus seems more suitable because of his friendship with Ernest and the work’s contents; Lipsius will follow De Carondelet’s advice. He has not yet seen the third book of Faber’s Semestriumlibri. He does not mind possible criticism: philological and antiquarian treatises are always prone to criticism in their details. Casaubon shows much promise in this field. There is a tacit truce with France, but the negotiations have not yet met with success. The rumours about the siege of Marseille are not decisive. The news concerning the war with the Ottomans is positive, with the exception of Clissa: the expansion of both mighty realms is not unlimited. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 33-33v; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 53-53v, no. 121 (dated 96 07 13); d: Cent.Belg. III, 31.

Iacobo Carondeleto. Rev[eren]de et Nobil[issi]me Domine, 1 Iacobo Carondeleto: add. claλ, clb; Iacobo Carondeleto V[iro] R[everendo] et N[obili]. Leodicum d 2 Rev[eren]de … Domine: om. d

259

12 July 1596

Signum mihi non fallax affectus tui est iterata haec scriptio, imputanda mihi, non excusanda. Nihil gratius. Libros meos mechanicos brevi habebitis, sed nolim res maximas exspectari nec id argumentum tulit. 5 Profecto allidimus ingenia ad arenas quasdam aut vada scriptionum, ut sic dicam, et in alio argumento facilius et felicius plenis velis ferremur. Sed id factum est, sicut et de inscriptione, cui praefationem et alloquium haud ieiunum aut indecorum fortasse subiunximus. Ipsos libros per te tradi mihi in voto sit, sed videndum an non per Billaeum praestet, Principi, 10 ut scis, intimum et mihi, ut sensi, amicum. Eius quoque r[ati]o habita in ipsis libris et facio intervenientem et loquentem. Quod tu suadebis, id fiet. De P[etri] Fabri tertio Semestrium, nondum hic vidimus et notet ibi me an alium, nescio, sed hoc scio, quod si me, non curantem aut attendentem.

6 ⟦et⟧ aut cla et clb

12 Quid clb

13 De … Semestrium: De N.N. libro novello d

14 aut:

3 scriptio] Not preserved. 3 imputanda] Probably Lipsius’s answer was delayed because of his illness, hence De Carondelet wrote to him again. 5 habebitis] On 21 August 1596 Lipsius sent a copy of his book to a number of friends in Liège, De Carondelet among them. Cf. ILE 96 08 21 C. 10 tradi] Finally, Billaeus would offer the Poliorcetica to Ernest of Bavaria, cf. ILE 96 08 21 B, 3-4; 96 08 21 C, 5-6. 11 mihi … amicum] Lipsius’s affection for Billaeus is often mentioned in his letters, cf., e.g., ILE VIII, 95 07 16 B and is manifested in what he wrote to Adrianus Flerontinus upon Billaeus’s death, cf. ILE 06 03 14 F. 12 intervenientem] In his Poliorcetica Lipsius had staged Billaeus as one of the interlocutors, cf. ILE 96 01 02 C, 7-9. 12 suadebis] De Carondelet’s answer is not preserved. He will probably have encouraged a dedication to the Prince Bishop, but we do not know how he phrased his advice. 13 Fabri] Petrus Faber (Pierre du Faur de Saint-Jorry) had already accused Lipsius of plagiarism before: he allegedly had used the second book of Faber’s Semestriumlibriduo in two chapters of the Saturnalia (1582). Lipsius reacted calmly and repeated his appreciation of Faber, already expressed in Elect.I, 22, cf. ILE V, [92 00 00] D4, introd.; l. 7-10. The first two books are mentioned in his library catalogue, Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 59, f. 6v, book 2. A sequel appeared in Paris (1595), cf. CBN 43, 548-549. Faber too is very friendly towards his colleague. Although he rejects his emendation verucis in Tac. Ann.3, 31, he calls him literarumocellus (p. 48). Elsewhere, he speaks of elegantissimo et diligentissimo Lipsio nostro (p. 18), totius antiquae historiae peritissimusidemquecensoraccuratissimus (p. 31), Lipsiuserudite(utsolet)acdiligenter (p. 57), ut elegantissime Iustus Lipsius, Belgarum lumen, observavit (p. 366), Lipsius quoquefloshuiusaeviCriticorumeximius (p. 412).

260

2130 - 96 07 12

Iamdiu morbum hunc aut teneritudinem animi deposuimus ad singula iudicia concuti aut moveri. Scriptionum genus quod hactenus fere institimus, φιλόλογονκαὶφιλάρχαιον, tale est ut universe probari possit, in partibus semper aliquid desiderari aut notari. Nosti illud Homericum: Оὐδ’ἄραπωςἦν ἐνπάντεσσ’ἔργοισιδαήμοναφῶταγενέσθαι. 20 Certe in istis quae ab antiquitate petuntur, quae coniecturis, opinationibus, varia lectione et testimoniis constant, siquid minus alibi certum est et alia aliqua lectiuncula infirmatur, non movemur, non miramur: fecimus ipsi aliis, ab aliis nobis fiet. Casaubonus in hoc genere, si vivit, dominabitur et 25 addo, si frenat ingenium, si alios et se novit. Quod ad publica, iam quies est et tacitae cum Gallia velut indutiae. De publicis sermo etiam erat, sed vix puto Regem nostrum id facturum sine rei pretio, cum pressum premi nec sinere respirare ei maxime conducat. Habet sane hoc noster Philippus et Crassorum omnium Crassus, ut ducere bella possit, perennibus aerarii 30 fontibus, quos alii requirunt. De Massilia obsessa aut obsidenda hic sermo fuit et litterae, nec abnuebam ego, quia valde firmandis rebus in Italia et 15

17 φιλόλογον…φιλάρχαιον: litterarium et antiquarium: add. d inmarg. 19-20 Оὐδ’ …γενέσθαι: non datur uni omnibus in rebus gnarum doctumque cluere. add. d inmarg. 24 Casaubonus ⟦si viv⟧ cla 24-25 Casaubonus … novit: om. d 25 ad se cla 26 Gallo d || publicis: apertis d || etiam ⟦iam⟧ clb 27 rei: eius clb 28 nec … respirare: om. d 31 abnuam d 19-20 Оὐδ’…γενέσθαι] Cf. Hom. Il. 23, 670-671. 24-25 Casaubonus … novit] Cf. a similar remark about Casaubon in ILE 96 06 15, 8-9. Lipsius bannished this sentence from the printed version, probably because in the next years, he became personally acquainted with Casaubon through their correspondence, which made him aware that Casaubon was older than he presumed. 26 sermo] ILE 96 08 13 HE, 10-11. 27 pressum premi] Lipsius expounds on this idea in ILE 96 07 20 C, 39-63. Cf. Lipsius enLeuven, 223-225, no. 67. 29 Crassorum … Crassus] The name of Marcus Licinius Crassus (115-53 B.C.), a member of the first triumvirate, became proverbial for a very rich man, cf. Erasmus, Adagia, 1, 6, 74. 29-30 perennibus … requirunt] Cf. also ILE 96 07 13 HO, 5-6. The expenses for a successful outcome of the military campaigns in the Netherlands were enormous. Yet because Philip II was waging war on several fronts without being able to finish them quickly, he was pressed for money. Cf. Parker, TheArmyofFlanders, 139-157, 241-247. 30 Massilia] Marseille was seized for the French king on 17 February 1596, cf. ILE 96 03 16 S1, 10-12. Henry IV too was aware of the strategical part of the city in the conflict against Philip II, hence after its capture he declared that only from that moment onwards had he become king of France. Later attempts to have Marseille returned to the hands of the Spanish king, for instance by Henri de la Tour d’Auvergne (1555-1623), Duke of

261

13 July 1596

toto illo mari esset urbis eius possessio. Porro audiemus. Turcica laeta satis, excipio de Clissa. Sed quid aliud exspectandum in Uscochorum, id est praedonum incerto imperio? Si Rex aliquis aut princeps insedisset, firmius, credo, munivisset et tenuisset. Ego et alii qui res paullo priores 35 Turcorum legerint, mirari debent hanc illorum nunc vel ignaviam vel impotentiam. Sed ignaviam potius et a fato veternum, quia magna imperia limites suos h[abe]nt, quo cum venerunt, sistunt, retroeunt, ruunt. Vir R[everen]de et Nobilissime, salve. Lovanii, IV. Idus Iulias. ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 32 esset: sit d || possessio: Sed an ex facili paranda? add. d 36 legerunt clb || nunc: om. clb 39 III clb || ⟦Kal[endas⟧ Idus cla || ∞.IƆ.XCVI: om. clb Bouillon, in 1605, had no success because of Henry IV’s prompt and fierce reaction. Cf. J. P. Babelon, HenriIV, Paris, 1982, 907. 32-33 Turcica … Clissa] Clissa (near Split, Croatia) was conquered on 7 April, but returned to Ottoman hands after a siege of six weeks, on 30 May, cf. Mercurius Gallobelgicus (1615), 4, 89-91. The first years of the ‘Great War’ in Hungary (15931606) were usually in favour of the imperial troops and their allies. Cf. ILE 96 01 02 C, 13-14; 96 05 22 S, 24-27; Jorga, 3, 320. 33 Uscochorum] A Christian tribe, notorious for its piracy, which had fled the Sultan’s army and had settled along the Adriatic coast, cf. ILE VI, 93 05 06, 19. They supported Rudolph II in his war against the Ottomans. In his account of the strife around Clissa De Thou, 5, 637, calls them plus praedae quam pugnae avidum. The emperor’s army marched to Clissa to relieve the stronghold. Its sudden appearance disturbed the Ottomans, who began to withdraw in utter confusion. Convinced of their victory, the Uscocs dispersed and started to plunder the enemy’s camp in a chaotic way, thus offering them the opportunity to redeploy and return to the slaughter. The panic spread to the other Christian troops, who fled. Cf. Jorga, 3, 72-73; Niederkorn, 283-284.

2131 96 07 13 HA

Lipsius (Leuven) to Otho Hartius [Brussels] 13 July 1596

Lipsius cannot accept Hartius’s invitation because of his health, but in his heart he will be with his friends. His poor health only increases his innate melancholy. Signing the document is not urgent. He does not believe in another financial bonus; he is satisfied with what he has.

262

2131 - 96 07 13 HA

cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 33v; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 53v, no. 122.

I[ustus] Lipsius Othoni Hartio S[alutem] D[icit]. Quanto affectu me invitas, tanto deprecor ut excuses et ne hoc t[em]p[or] e me commoveas valetudini nostrae parum apto. Canicula aestuat et meos aestus sane auget. Animo si vobis adsim satis accipe, et adero profecto 5 cum Pantinus, Oudartus, Uwenus et tales viri adsunt. Corpusculum hoc si refingere possem, quid me tractabilius? Nunc morosum aut incommodum me faciunt, non indoles, sed illud et valetudo. De diplomate signando non propero: eo gratius erit, si una vobiscum venit. Nam et te comitem futurum animo et spe praecipio. Quod autem spem etiam facis novi donativi, 10 caussam aut fundamentum equidem, nisi in tuo affectu, non video. Quia commoda mea augere cupis, auctum iri persuades. Sed bona fide acquiescamus in praeteritis, satis habeo, adfatim habeo Crassos et Croesos omnes animo isto aequo. Hoc puta non verbis magis scriptum quam corde promptum. Brevissima ad divitias, ait ille, per contemptum divitiarum 15 estvia. Vale et amicos illos dictos plane amanter saluta. Lovanii, III Idus Iulias ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

10 affectu tuo clb

16 Iulias: om. cla

2 invitas] This letter from Hartius with an invitation to Lipsius (and his wife), is not preserved. 2 excuses] Lipsius had declined an invitation from Jan Bernaerts in a similar way, cf. ILE 96 07 05, 19-21. 7 diplomate] The official document of Lipsius’s appointment as royal historiographer still had to be signed by Jan van Drenckwaert, cf. ILE 96 05 28, 12-15. 9 novi donativi] Nevertheless an extra bonus would be granted in May 1597, cf. ILE 96 04 25, 4-5; 96 08 01 H, 2-6. 12 Crassos et Croesos] Cf. ILE 96 07 12, 29-30. 14 Brevissima…via] Sen. Ep. 62, 3. 15 amicos … dictos] Cf. l. 5.

263

13 July 1596

2132

96 07 13 HO

Lipsius (Leuven) to Franciscus Hovius (Antwerp) 13 July 1596

Lipsius is pleased that Hovius is well and still remembers him. He has received the avvisi from Rome and Venice, but the news is scarce. He had expected some information about Marseille. Contrary to Hovius, he believes that the Spanish fleet will reach its objectives in the summer, but the preparations are, of course, kept secret. The feats of Philip II and Albert will be magnificent, as is obvious from the expedition against Hulst, anticipating a further purpose. When will he return to Leuven? After the feast of the Holy Sacrament he surely must show up. Greetings to his friends in Antwerp. Franciscus Hovius (° Antwerp, 1568), son of the Antwerp merchant Johannes van Hove and Maria vande Cruys, a relative of Laevinus Torrentius. After studying theology in Douai (1591-1593) he went to Rome to complete his studies and become a priest, but he changed his mind and preferred to join a monastic order. From about the end of 1595 he joined Lipsius’s contubernium, albeit not on a permanent basis. In September 1596 he decided to quit his intention to become a priest and study something else, cf. ILE 96 09 24 H1, a project he did not realize either, for his correspondence with Lipsius proves that he was often in Antwerp. Medio 1597 he definitively left the contubernium and set off on a peregrinatio academica to Spain and Italy. In September 1599 he left Bologna for Rome (cf. ILE 99 09 26). By the end of 1601 he returned to the Netherlands (cf. ILE XIV, 01 11 26). The fact that he needed a dispensation before marrying Magdalena Floris in Antwerp on 25 February 1607 indicates that he had received some of the minor orders. Further details of his life are lacking. Cf. Peeters, Le contubernium de Lipse à Louvain, 164-167; ILE XIII, 00 02 28, 18 (where Hovius’s biographical details from 1605 onwards are confused with those of a namesake). In the modern foliation of ms. Lips. 3(17), two strips of 3 and 16 cm. between f. 33 and f. 35 are considered as fragments of the same folio (f. 34). This is a mistake, for originally the copy of ILE 96 07 20 C that was moved to ms. Lips. 3(4) was situated between both strips (cf. ILE 96 07 20 C, introd.). Hence the copy of ILE 96 07 13 HO disappeared from ms. Lips. 3(17), except for the address and the first line. Moreover, the second strip was inserted verso recto, which explains why the end of ILE 96 07 21 R comes before its first part. The fact that Lipsius added EPIST[OLA] on top of the cla version indicates that he considered its publication in a next volume of letters. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(4), f. 73; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 34 (fragm., s.d.); clc: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 58v, no. 130.

264

2132 - 96 07 13 HO

I[ustus] Lipsius Francisco Hovio S[alutem] D[icit]. Valere te et nostri memorem esse, id gaudeo; quam sane memoriam et scriptione et missione testaris. Accepimus enim Romanas Venetasque a te litteras, sed rerum valde inopes et mirum omnia istic aut sic frigere aut sic 5 sileri. Ego de Massilia aliquid exspectabam et puto Regis nostri conatus eo spectare, etsi tardius fortasse fiet aut maius aliquid fiet. Nam de classe

1 I[ustus] Lipsius: add. et canc. claλ || Hovio: suo add. claλ || D[icit]: Antverpiam add.et canc. claλ 2 te et nostri clb, clc 2-15 et scriptione … ∞.IƆ.XCVI: om. clb 3 scriptione] Hovius’s letter is not preserved. 4 litteras] Lipsius refers to the avvisi or gazette from Italy, brief reports written after the example of private correspondence (hence they are also called litterae) and dispatched as letters by an official network of couriers throughout Western Europe. The name gazetta is derived from the Italian coin with which they were purchased. The earliest gazette appeared by the end of the thirteenth century, when trading companies needed information about the leading stock markets. Gradually they also included interesting bits of non-commercial news. The first examples of this new type, expounding on the war against the Ottomans, were published in Venice in 1536 and discussed military preparations, movements of troops, reports on victories or defeats, court intrigues, … Although written on the demand of the city council, submitted to the senate, and deposited as secret documents in the archives, an important part of the information got around and became the major source for the avvisi. Moreover, accounts about events in the Ottoman empire also reached the West through couriers, merchants, soldiers, and travellers. The expanding of humanism and the growing interest in what was happening elsewhere increased the number of avvisi and part of them, aiming at a larger readership, appeared in print. From the beginning of the sixteenth century news offices established in Venice offered the most recent information for a small sum. Soon the gazette also appeared in other Italian cities, Rome, Bologna and Milan in particular, and the medium spread throughout Western Europe. The avvisi appeared in Latin and in various vernacular languages and were the predecessors of the first printed newspapers appearing weekly (in the Low Countries by the end of the sixteenth century). Cf. Th. Luykx, DeeerstegazettiersenhunkrantenindeSpaanseNederlanden, in: Handelingen van de Zuidnederlandse Maatschappij voor Taal- en Letterkunde en Geschiedenis, 18 (1964), 231-246; T. Bulgarelli, Gli avvisi a stampa in Roma nel Cinquecento, Rome, 1967, 11-19; C. Göllner, Turcica. Die europäischen Türkendrucke desXVI.Jahrhunderts, Bucarest-Berlin, 1961-1978, 2, 620-623; 3, 11-18; C. H. Caracciolo, L’informazioneaBolognatraCinquecentoeSeicento:ilcasodegli“avvisi”astampa, in: P. Bellettini e.a. (ed.), Unacittàinpiazza.ComunicazioneevitaquotidianaaBologna traCinqueeSeicento, Bologna, 2000, 77-90; Van der Essen-Louant, 1, XXXV-XXXVI. 5 Massilia] Lipsius’s expectations will not come true, cf. ILE 96 07 12, 30-32. 5-6 Regis … fiet] Cf. ILE 96 07 12, 26-30. 6 classe] However, the surprise attack of the English on Cádiz thwarted King Philip II’s plans, cf. ILE 96 05 25, 8-11; MercuriusGallobelgicus (1603), 4, 15.

13 July 1596

265

quod tu desperas, ego minime et ante finem aestatis ipsam aut partem eius credo appulsuram. Sed haec occulte parari bonum est et fieri omnino melius quam iactari aut spargi. Equidem nil nisi magni a magno Rege nostro et isto Prorege exspecto: ipsa ista Hulstensis expeditio longius nec 10 ad Hulstum solum spectat. Sed tu quando redis? Uxor quidem mea heri. Etsi te non avoco a sollenni isto pietatis officio et pompa, quae Admirabili Sacramento iure merito exhibetur. Post eam supplicationem igitur veni domum nostram, auge convictum et sermones redde. Lovanii, III Idus 15 Iulias ∞.IƆ.XCVI. Amicos et inter hos Langerasgium velim a me salutes. 11 ad: om. clc 13 igitur: add. claλ in marg., om. clc 16 Amicos … salutes: add.clc

15 ∞.IƆ.XCVI: om. clc

11 Hulstum] Albert’s war council decided upon which fortress would be attacked first: Hulst, Ostende, or Geertruidenberg. The archduke opted for Hulst, a small town rather close to Antwerp; its capture would also liberate the Land of Waas with its fertile soil. The troops marched towards Turnhout to create the impression of an expedition against Breda, so that the Dutch army would leave Hulst. Soon Albert’s army changed course and went via Antwerp towards Ghent. Around 8 July they arrived before Hulst. After some vain attempts to break the siege, the town surrendered on 19 August, cf. Bor 4, 195, 213-228; Buchell, 418, 419, 422); Mercurius Gallobelgicus (1603), 4, 6-8; Mercurius Gallobelgicus (1615), 4, 49-52; Japikse, 9, 26-47; De Graaf, 327-328; Duerloo, Dynasty andPiety, 45. 11 Sed … redis] After a first stay in Lipsius’s contubernium in 1594-1595 Hovius came back, probably from the end of 1595 to mid-1597, cf. Peeters, LecontuberniumdeLipse àLouvain, 155, 166-167, although he returned for a few months to his parents in Antwerp in the course of 1596, cf. ILE 96 09 24 H2. Lipsius and Hovius kept up a rather busy correspondence between July and November 1596; Hovius probably joined the contubernium again in November, albeit with some intervals in Antwerp. ILE 97 03 20 H shows that he had still not decided on his future. 11 Uxor] Anna vanden Calstere. 13 Sacramento] One would expect Lipsius to refer to the procession of the Holy Sacrament (or CorpusChristi), on the Thursday following the feast of the Holy Trinity, on the first Sunday after Pentecoste. In 1596 CorpusChristi fell on 13 June, cf. Strubbe-Voet, 151; Grotefend, 1, 80-81.Yet this does not agree with the dating of the letter. Hence, I presume that Lipsius might be referring to the solemn procession during Antwerp kermess in August, namely the second Sunday after the Assumption of Our Lady, 25 August 1596. Cf. Marinus, DeContrareformatieteAntwerpen, 262, 273; Strubbe-Voet, 151, 525. 13 veni] On 5 November 1596 Hovius had not yet returned, cf. ILE 96 11 05 H, 2. 16 Amicos] Among others, Johannes Hovius, Carolus Malinaeus, Balthasar de Robiano, Hendrik Schotti, Hendrik Uwens, cf. ILE 96 10 16 U, 13-14. 16 Langerasgium] Not identified.

266

2133 - 96 07 15

2133 96 07 15

Giulio Guastavini (Genova) to Lipsius (Leuven) 15 July 1596

For a long time Guastavini has admired Lipsius’s intelligence and erudition, and through his works he became familiar with him. Together with Monelia’s testimony about Lipsius’s benevolence this encouraged Guastavini to call upon him. He is preparing a biography of physicians from the earliest times until their own age. As to physicians from Antiquity, he can use their own works or other sources; as to those of a more recent past, he can count upon the help of fellow countrymen still alive. Hence he asks Lipsius to give him information about Hieremias Thriverius. But because of Lipsius’s large network of acquaintances in many countries he would also welcome information about Leonhartus Fuchsius, Janus Cornarius, and Conradus Gesnerus. Should Julius Caesar Scaliger also be counted among the physicians? Giulio Guastavini († c. 1635), born in Genova, became professor of medicine practice at Pisa University in 1607. He published commentaries to authors from Antiquity, e.g., CommentariiinprioresdecemsectionesproblematumAristotelis, Lyons, 1608 and Libri locorum de medicina selectorum, Lyons, 1616. Cf. NBG 22, 332-333; Hirsch, BiographischesLexikon, 2, 879; M. Giustiniani, Gliscrittoriliguri, Rome, 1667, 464-467. Answer in ILE 96 09 15 G. o: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 4; d1: Burman I, p. 759-760, no. 721.

Iul[ius] Guastavinius medicus I[usto] Lipsio S[alutem]. Ego te, Lipsi, iamdiu ob eximiam ingenii tui subtilitatem et praestantissimam eruditionem vehementer colo et diligo, et cum libros tuos saepius lectitarim, tecum veluti familiaritatem quandam mihi videor contraxisse. Hinc fit ut, 5 cum venerit occasio, non solum ad te scribere, sed et operam tuam postulare sic audeam, ut meo iure id facere mihi posse videar. Accessit ut occasionem libentius et fidentius captarem Paulli Moneliae, perveteris necessarii mei, de tua benignitate testimonium; ea enim speravi fore ut et litteras et litterarum occasionem, quamquam onerosam, non iniquo animo ferres. 10 Quod postulo, id est. In manibus habeo opusculum de medicis: sotericus 1 S[alutem] D[icit] d1 7 Moneliae] On Paulus Monelia, cf. ILE 96 02 19 M, 2. 10-11 sotericus liber] ‘A biography’, as Guastavini explains on l. 11-12; sotericus is derived from the Greek and does not occur in Forcellini or Du Cange, nor is it mentioned

15 July 1596

267

liber est; in eo medici omnes, quicumque a medicinae origine ad nostra tempora scripserunt aut extiterunt, a me recensentur: patria, aetas, genus vitae, fortuna, libri conscripti, quicquid denique ad eorum vitam pertinens a me investigari potuit. Ad antiquos quod pertinet, singula quo melius fieri potuit ex ipsorummet libris aut aliorum de ipsis a me eruta sunt. Erga 15 recentiores hac diligentia mihi non satisfacio, sed viventium adhuc et eadem degentium patria auxilium requiro. Ob eam rem ad multos et ignotos et exteros mihi litterae dandae sunt. Te igitur, Lipsi, mihi, ut dicebam, non solum notum, sed assidue in labris haerentem et quodammodo familiarem, cur non appellem? In eorum medicorum numerum recensendus mihi 20 est Hieremias Thriverius, quem virum semper acri et perspicaci ingenio et non vulgari doctrina praeditum existimavi. Lovaniensem puto. Velim igitur, ni grave est, mihi scribi abs te et, si ignores, (facile enim factu) alicui negotium des, ut intelligat quo anno natus, quo et quotus obierit, ubi profiteretur aut medicinam faceret, quae fortuna, quicquid denique ad ipsius 25 vitam pertinens haberi poterit, quod posteritatis memoriae commendari tibi non indignum videbitur. Quod si eadem de Leonharto Fuchsio Germano 16 adhuc: om. d1 17 rem: caussam d1 21 Thrieverius d1 23 est: sit d1 || a te d1 24 intelligam d1 || natus et quo obierit d1 27 videatur d1 in Hoven – Grailet, Lexique de la prose latine de la Renaissance. Guastavini’s Vitae medicorumillustrium was never published, but is preserved in manuscript, cf. NBG 22, 333. 21 Thriverius] Hieremias Thriverius (Jeremias de Drijvere) (Brakel, c. 1504 – Leuven, December 1554), also known as Brachelius, after his place of birth, studied and first taught philosophy in Leuven. Meanwhile, he studied medicine and at the same time also Greek at the CollegiumTrilingue in order to have a better access to Greek texts. On 6 May 1537 he obtained his degree of doctormedicinarum and lectured on anatomy from 1541 until his death. Besides commentaries on Hippocrates and Galen he published numerous other, medical works, e.g. on diets, bleeding, and arthritis. Cf. Andreas, Fasti, 232; BN 5, 81-83; NBW 19, 355-362; De Vocht, 2, 532-542; Van der Schueren, 183-190; R. Van Hee, Jeremias de Drijvere: een renaissance-geneesheer uit Vlaanderen, in: Scientiarum Historia, 17 (1991), 75-79; K. Coomans, W. Cornette, J. Godderis e.a., Hieremias TriveriusBrachelius1504-1554, Brakel, 2004. 22 Lovaniensem] This is inaccurate: he was not born in Leuven, but studied and lectured there, as Lipsius remarks in his answer, ILE 96 09 15 G, 15-18. 22 Velim] In his answer Lipsius limits his biographical information to Thriverius. 27 Fuchsio] Leonhartus Fuchsius (Membdingen (Bavaria), 17 January 1501 – Tübingen, 10 May 1566) obtained his degree of doctor in medicine at the University of Ingolstadt in 1524, where he obtained a chair two years later. In 1528 he became personal physician of Georg of Brandenburg. After a new two year’s tenure in Ingolstadt from 1533 onwards, he moved to Tübingen, where he lectured until his death. He was strongly in favour of

268

2133 - 96 07 15

aliqua via, te cogitante et procurante, qui ubique terrarum amicis abundas, intelligi possent et ad me scribi, id vero gratissimum etiam esset tibique 30 iam pro duplici beneficio deberem. Tubingae aliquando professum fuisse hunc virum mihi videor recordari. At quando ita confidens tecum esse coepi, cursim et tertium addo Ianum Cornarium Germanum et ipsum, et quartum Conradum Gesnerum, quem ante paucos annos mortuum esse audivi. De his quoque, si fieri possit, nonnulla, quaeso, ad me. Postremum 35 Iulius Caesar Scaliger an inter medicos reponendus? Te consulo, Lipsi. Ignosce et vale. Genoae, Idibus Iulii CI).I).XCVI. [Address:] Perillustri viro Iusto Lipsio. Lovanium.

28 qui: quum d1

29 possint d1

ancient Greek medicine and tried to eliminate all Arabic influence from his discipline. He edited Hippocrates and Galen and also published botanical works, e. g. De historia stirpiumcommentariiinsignes, Basle, 1542. The fuchsia was named after him. Cf. ADB 8, 169-170; NDB 5, 681-682. In 1532 Thriverus and Leonard Fuchs were involved in a fierce dispute about the most suitable spot for bleeding in case of pleuritis, cf. De Vocht, 2, 534; R. Van Hee, DeDrijvereenzijnideeënoverdeaandoeningenvanhetmenselijk lichaam, in: Coomans, Cornette, Godderis, e.a., 75 and K. Coomans, Depublicatiesvan Triverius HieremiasTriveriusBrachelius, in: ibid., 91-92. 32 Cornarium] Janus Cornarius (Hahnpol, Hagenbut, or Hanbut; Zwickau, 1500 – Jena, 16 March 1558) studied medicine in Wittenberg before setting out on a peregrinatio academica through the Low Countries, England, Italy, and Switzerland (he visited Erasmus in Basle) to study ancient Greek physicians, whose works he edited. He obtained a chair of medicine in Marburg and Jena. Cf. ADB 4, 481. 33 Gesnerum] Conradus Gesnerus (Zürich, 26 March 1516 - 13 December 1565) studied Latin and Greek in Bourges in 1533, with special attention to Greek physicians and botanists. After studying medicine at the university of Basle he settled as a physician in his city of birth in 1541. He was well acquainted with the remedies from Antiquity and researched the effects of new remedies. His HistoriaeanimaliumlibriV, Zürich, 15511587, made him the father of zoology. He maintained a correspondence with Carolus Clusius on botanical subjects. Cf. ADB 9, 107-120; NDB 6, 342-345; CenturiaeLatinae, 1, 391-397; A. Hirsch, Biographisches Lexikon der hervorragende Aerzte aller Zeiten undVölker, 2, Wien-Leipzig, 1885, 731-733. 35 Scaliger] Julius Caesar Scaliger, philologist and physician, cf. ILE I, 76 11 26, 3. After a career in the army, he studied medicine in Verona, where he settled as a physician. In 1525 he followed bishop Antonio Della Rovere as his personal physician to Agen, where he lived until his death in 1558. Cf. Hirsch, BiographischesLexikon, 5, 42-43; Bietenholz, 3, 212-214; Centuriae Latinae, 1, 731-737; P. Lardet – M. Magnien, Scaliger, in: J. Chomarat (ed.), LesProsateurslatinsenFranceauXVIesiècle, Paris, 1987, 257-365.

269

16 July 1596

2134

96 07 16

Lipsius (Leuven) to Johannes Buytewech [Leiden] 16 July 1596

His son has returned to Lipsius. Nobody could foresee the unexpected decree. Gerardus is considering the advice he is given; Lipsius will leave no stone unturned to help him, without taking any risks. Yet the decree forbids giving a passport to any Leuven students born in the North. Time will offer a solution. The fragment in ms. Lips. 3(4), f. 76v (l. 6-12, quoque…solicitudinem) is not mentioned in GVi. It connects with the fragment in ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 34v (l. 13-14, et simul … ∞.IƆ.XCVI), from which it was moved together with ILE 96 07 20 C, which was fitted with cut and paste into the larger, in-folio format of ms. Lips. 3(4), with loss of the opening lines (l. 1-6, I[ustus] … et bene), cf. ILE 96 07 20 C, introd. Cf. also De Landtsheer, Lems.Lips.3(4), 57. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(4), f. 74; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(4), f. 76v (fragm., s.n., s.d.) + ibid., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 34v (fragm., s.n.); clc: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 56v, no. 125.

I[ustus] Lipsius Ioh[anni] Buytewechio S[alutem] D[icit]. Filius tuus iterum apud me est, cum meo quidem gaudio, si id posset sine dolore vestro. Equidem hoc nomine molestiam sentio rem ita cecidisse, sed sine ipsius aut nostra culpa, cum subitum illum et inopinatum nemo potuerit aut praevidere aut praestare. Hoc vos soletur filium bene esse 5 et bene quoque illi esse, etsi angitur matris caussa, quam scit in absentia hac affligi. Varia consilia versat, sed quae cum periculo coniuncta non

1 I[ustus] Lipsius: add. et canc. claλ; Ioh[anni] Buytewegio V[iro] C[larissimo] clc 1-6 I[ustus] … et bene: desid. in clb 3 cecidisse e cedisse corr. claλ 6 et ⟦bell⟧ bene clc || matris: add. claλ inmarg. || matris: maxime add. clc 2 iterum apud me] Gerardus Buytewech had left Leuven on his return journey to Leiden in the middle of June, cf. ILE 96 06 14, 18; 96 06 19, 2. 4 subitum … inopinatum] Buytewech did not obtain the passport permitting entrance to the North because of an edict issued by the States General in The Hague on 4 April, cf. ILE 96 05 22 B, 19. He will call upon Richardot to solve the matter, cf. ILE 96 07 21 R, 6-22.

270

2135 - 96 07 20 C

probamus: nos non deerimus in omni occasione et ubi rima aliqua sese aperiet ad iuvandum, iuvare. Sed, ut nunc res est, obstinatum decretumque 10 nostris commeatum non dare. Nulla gratia vel auctoritas hoc expugnet. Mea sententia est paullum exspectandum, a tempore consilium et auxilium captandum; quod Deus, spero, dabit. Vos, quaeso, solicitudinem deponite, et simul quid videatur, quo securior sit quietiorque, indicate. Vale. Lovanii, Postr[idie] Idus Iul[ias] ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

9 res est ⟦abest⟧ cla 10 nostris ⟦est⟧ cla, est add. clb || expurget clc 12-14 captandum … ∞.IƆ.XCVI: desid. in clb 13 quid: quod clb 14 ∞.IƆ.XCVI: Tuus ex animo Iustus add. clc 9 iuvare] Cf. ibid., 6-13. 9-10 decretumque … dare] Hence Buytewech will need a special permission, cf. ibid., 11-12.

2135

96 07 20 C

Lipsius (Leuven) to Philip of Croÿ 20 July 1596

Lipsius only received one of Philip of Croÿ’s two letters. His sincere answer about the course Philip II should follow towards his neighbours, peace or war, is as follows. A priori, one should decide on two points, whether peace is profitable to the Spanish king, and whether that peace has to be general or private. As to the first issue, Lipsius takes an imperialistic viewpoint, for he believes that peace is not proper for a mighty king: if he is successful – as is the case with Philip – he will continue on the way of victory. Moreover, he has God and the law on his side: the Northern Provinces are rebels! Yet he might consider concluding peace, not for lack of power, but to bring a complex war more quickly to a definitive end by using a partial peace. Hence no general peace, but only a partial one. With whom? With the king of France? In Lipsius’s eyes, this does not seem a good solution: this enemy does not want true peace, but is only looking for an opportunity to resume war with recovered strength. Peace with England is even less advisable, because it is not opportune at all. Queen Elizabeth is the source of the whole

20 July 1596

271

conflict, since she continues to support Spain’s other opponents with her advice and financial support. By defeating her definitively Philip II acquires the supremacy of the seas, the only way to subject the revolting provinces again. Moreover, peace with England is not honourable. The origins of heresy are to be found there, from there Spain is endangered on many fronts. The English are even approaching the Ottomans to fight Spain! Peace should only be considered with the Northern Provinces, although Lipsius does not really see how it can be established. Exiles and its leaders, both military and civil, are opposed. The common people has not known true fear: only terror can force it to perform its obligations. Hence Albert should increase war in these regions, and even then, the chances of peace are poor: the provinces will stubbornly persevere in their heresy and their military alliance. A truce might calm them and make them more inclined towards peace. Lipsius has other arguments to strengthen his opinion, but he will not repeat them for the moment. This letter is meant for Croÿ’s eyes only and should not pass into too many hands. As to the context of this letter, cf. also ILE 96 04 22 and especially 96 04 24. In ILE VIII, 95 01 02 S to Francisco de San Victores Lipsius answered a similar question. There he advised King Philip II to make peace with France and / or England because of the threat of Islam. He stressed the weak position of both sovereigns. As to the Northern Provinces, he mainly pointed out their concord and their smooth organisation. Hence, he thought a truce more advisable in their case, rather than peace, because it would break their solidarity and they would again submit to Spain. On the content of both letters and a comparison, cf. Lipsius en Leuven, 223-225, no. 67. As to their context, see Mout, Justus Lipsius between War and Peace, 141-162, an article discussing principally the context of the so-called Sent-brief from 1595, but is equally important for the 1596 letter on the same theme, although meanwhile, the political circumstances have changed. Consequently, Lipsius has adapted his viewpoints. In 1604 the subject was raised once again in ILE 04 01 26 V to Juan Fernández de Velasco (Brussels) or to Francisco Vaca de Benavides. By then, the international situation had thoroughly changed: Philip II had conclude peace with Henry IV in 1598 (Treaty of Vervins) and was succeeded by his son, Philip III; in England Queen Elizabeth had died and was succeeded by James I, who was already king of Scotland. By that time Lipsius believed peace with England to be useful for Spain and he urged to start negotiations. Conversely, the conflict with the Northern Provinces was a civil war and peace would be hard to obtain, in particular because the political leaders of the North abhorred it. Hence in this case he advised to continue the war. Cf. Duque de Frias, UnacartainéditadeJustoLipsio, in: Archivum.Revistadela FacultaddeFilosofiayLetrasdelaUniversidaddeOviedo, 16 (1966), 91-107; N. Mout, LipsiusbetweenWarandPeace, 160-161. The considerable number of printed versions of both ILE VIII, 95 01 02 S and ILE 96 07 20 C proves that they were eagerly read, although the impact of ILE VIII, 95 01 02 S prevailed (cf. its introduction). In Lipsius’s correspondence too there are more references to the letter of 1595. Apart from the letter, there is also a fragment of the opening lines, which is published separately, because it differs greatly.

272

2135 - 96 07 20 C

1stversion: The version in ms. Lips. 3(4), f. 76-77v consists of two folia and a few strips, taken from ms. Lips. 3(17) in view of publication. Only the closing formula, Add[ict]is[sim]uscliens is preserved on the bottom strip of f. 34v. By cutting and pasting the format was enlarged to match that of ms. Lips. 3(4), with the address on top. In doing so, the first lines of ILE 96 07 16 disappeared and two fragments of other letters were erased, cf. ILE 96 07 16 and ILE 96 07 21 R, introd. Moreover, some strips had to be turned verso recto and vice versa, as is obvious from the width of the margins. Cf. also De Landtsheer, Lems.Lips. 3(4), 56. The copy preserved in Brussels, ARA (c2) is dated 18 July; d2 is dated 20 July, but has nevertheless the inscription IustiLipsiiEpistolascripta18.Iulii1596. The file from Brussels, ARA, contains a handwritten copy of ILE VIII, 95 01 02 S and of this letter, and also an early printed version of both letters (even two copies of ILE 96 07 20 C). cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(4), f. 76-77v; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(4), 78-79v; clc: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 54-56, no. 123; c1: Brussels, Kon. Bibl., ms. 12868-79, f. 55-57; c2: Brussels, ARA, Aud., 1456, 8, misc., 4-5 (dated 18 July); d1: Burman I, 761-763, no. 723; d2: IustiLipsiiEpistola,Scripta18.Iulii1596, s.l.,s.a. (Leuven, Univ. Bibl., no. B 34320). As to the later editions, cf. BBr 3, 939-940.

Comiti Solrano. Excellentissime Comes, Epistolam tuam accepi, sed unam: illam priorem, quam dedisse te significas, testificor me non vidisse. Ad hanc igitur respondeo et gratias ago pro

1 Comiti Solrano add. claλ, om. clb; Iustus Lipsius Philippo, Comiti Solrano, Equiti Aurei Velleris, Gubernatori Tornacensi clb, d1 1-2 Excellentissimo Comiti Solrano, Gubernatori Tornaci et Tornacensi clc 2-11 Excellentissime … conquiesco: om. d2 3 Epistolam] Not preserved. 4 respondeo] In ILE 96 03 09 CR, 21 Lipsius had expressed his willingness to expound this matter. Philip of Croÿ might have been involved also in Lipsius’s ‘Sentbrief’ on the same subject from January 1595, ILE VIII, 95 01 02 S. When Francisco de San Victores put the issue of war, peace, or a truce before Lipsius, he stressed that he has already discussed this matter with a nobleman, an admirer of Lipsius, who was eager to hear Lipsius’s opinion, cf. ILE VIII, [95] 01 01, 13. The name of the man is not given. According to the commentary, one could think of Estebán de Ibarra. Another plausible candidate was Charles de Ligne, prince count of Arenberg, cf. Mout, 147, n. 12. As to Philip of Croÿ’s attitude towards negotiations of peace with the North, cf. ILE 96 03 09 CR, introd.

20 July 1596

273

benevolentia et iudicio, quod utrumque in me promis, pro mea parte cultum et obsequium relaturus quae talibus viris debemus. In hac ipsa re id ostendam quam a me petis: nempe in sententia mea super pace aut induciis breviter, sed libere (Apud te qui peccem? Et si peccem, uni nempe tibi) libere, inquam, exponenda. Nam de prudentia non dico, quam usus profecto dare mihi non potuit; aliqua fortassis lectio aut observatio, qui in libellis et otio meo conquiesco. Quaeritur an pax Regi nostro et praesenti statui expediat. Et qualis? Publica et communis an restricta aliqua et cum uno principe aut populo seorsim? Universe primum respondeo magnis Regibus et qui ad maiora tendunt, totam pacem et quietem non convenire; imo id esse partis iam opibus concutiendis per intestinas discordias aut evertendis. Qui prudenter fortunam suam habent et utuntur, ii vero, cum prospera ea flat, ut nautae sinus et vela expandunt et longius in mare hoc victoriarum et potentiae eunt. Nostro faciendum hoc inprimis videtur, in quem favor apertus numinis, et cui occasio aut materia ad augendas opes, gloriosa, honesta, iusta. Lacessunt eum aut hostes aut ii qui a Deo et Iustitia abiverunt, et suam caussam agere non potest, nisi ut una vindicet divinam. Quanta hic apud veros et incorruptos iudices gloria! Addo, quod humano et civili etiam more iustissime arma induit in provocantes antea occulte, nunc palam invadentes, aut etiam in subditos tot iam annos improbe et pertinaciter rebelles. Quae hic caussa est de pace cogitandi? Nisi forte aut virium impotentia, quae in nostrum illum vere magnum aut summum potius, non cadit, aut quia moles coniuncti et connexi multiplicis belli nimis ardua et ad id expediendum utilius disiungi et pacem cum aliqua partium esse. Hoc sane admiserim, sed cum praefatione putare me et in animo isto scire Regem vel ad omnia ista bella expedienda et profliganda parem suffecturumque esse, sed cum tempore et tractu. Qui celeres omnes victorias 6 quae: quas c 9 dico: iudico c 10 mihi dare c 11 acquiesco c 13 populo an principe d2 || magis clc 14 pacem ⟦aut⟧ et cla || quietem ⟦aut⟧ non clc 15 per ⟦inf⟧ clc || ⟦con⟧discordias clc 17 afflat d2 20 ⟦enim⟧ eum cla; eum: enim d2 21 suam: ipse add. d2 25 cogitandi: agitandi d2 27 multiplicis: om. d2 31 Qui ⟦ceteras⟧ celeres cla 17 sinus … expandunt] After Juv. 1, 150: uterevelis,totospandesinus. 20 hostes … ii] Here Lipsius keeps to the distinction between enemies (France and England) and rebels (the Northern Provinces, who are revolting against their legal sovereign). 27 moles … belli] An echo of what Alexander Farnese had vainly tried to point out to Philip II, that he should not wage war on two fronts at the same time. He wanted to subdue the rebellious provinces in the Northern Low Countries before engaging in a new war against the Protestants in France.

5

10

15

20

25

30

274

35

40

45

50

55

2135 - 96 07 20 C

cupit, cursum firmioris imperii nescit, quod amat lente crescere et per aspera quaedam aut obstantia eluctari, ut pepones et fructus eiusmodi humiliores facillime crescunt, assurgunt et se spargunt. Sed unius aestatis vita est, sic quaedam festinata imperia legimus et observavimus, sed in breve aevum. Nostrum istud (quod palam assurgit) maturescere optamus, tarde fieri, diu stare et perennare. Ideo non moveor, inquam, si difficultas aliqua et obex in tot bellis; quem tamen si particulari aliqua pace tollimus, haud abnuam nec displicebit. Sed cum quo igitur? Tria nobis genera hostium, opinor: Galli, Angli, Batavi aut, si plures sunt, nondum se ostendunt. Cum Gallis itaque pacem eam esse mihi non placeat. Primum, quia vires illis dabimus et spiritus, si quiescent; secundo, quia nec quiescent bona fide, intenti in occasionem manebunt et si non palam, clam et ex insidiis laedent. Sociis suis et nostris illis hostibus socii in animo manebunt, consiliis et opibus et viris quoque per astus et obliquas vias iuvabunt. Novimus fidem eius gentis, quae levior semper (contumeliae caussa non dico) habita; novimus et animum huius qui regnat, iam olim aliis de causis exulceratum. Qui pacem igitur illam cupit, nec ipsam quidem habebit, sed bellum in occasionem eius differt. Atqui occasio ea nunc pro Rege nostro est, dum Gallia, bellis et factionibus civilibus lacera aut attrita, ne nunc quidem coiit itemque dum ii luxum, libidines, impietatem et vitia habent quae sunt et fuerunt omnibus regnis evertendis. A quibus desistere possunt et ad sanitatem redire, si tempus interponitur, sed et pecuniam ac milites reparare, quae utraque nunc iis desunt. Itaque cum primo isto pacem non suadeam, eo magis etiam quod in limite victoriae sumus, terrorem iniecimus et opida aliquot permunita eripuimus, Deo auspice et Ser[enissi] mo Prorege nostro auctore. Atqui magna Gallia est, multa restant: fateor, sed ego hic quod in aquis et aggeribus idem censeo fore, ut mora et pugna

32 cursum: omnis add. d2 41 placet clb, d1 42 vires ⟦iis⟧ clc || quiescunt clb, d1, d2 46 contumeliae ⟦.⟧ c 49 differet d2 53 ac: et d2 55 suaderem d2 || limine c 56 permunita ⟦.⟧ clc 38 obex] Obex, ‘bar, barrier’, mostly used in poetry or in post-Augustan prose, seldom occurs in the nominative singular. 44 Sociis] Sc. the Englishmen; on the Treaty of Greenwich (May 1596), cf. ILE 96 05 22 S, 22. 50 bellis … attrita] Allusion to the lingering war Henry of Navarre had to conduct before resolving the last resistance of the Catholics in France and also the troubles he had with the increasingly suspicious Huguenots.

20 July 1596

275

est donec aggerem aquae rumpant, illo perfracto infundunt se in terras et inundant, sic ubi limites et propugnacula regnorum capta, quamvis magna spatia pervaduntur, praesertim terrore iniecto, quem gens illa facile accipit et celsos ante spiritus dimittit. Sed haec militares viri viderint et hostium ac regionum magis periti: ego iudicium meum u[niver]se ita dixi. Angli sequuntur, cum quibus minime omnium pacem esse aut utile mihi videatur aut honestum. Non utile, quia fons ille aut fomes belli, et quamdiu quiescit et consilia aut subsidia sua fundit, non deerunt rivi isti currere turbarum aut rebellionum. Ut flumen qui vult arescere a capite ordiri debet atque illic extinguere aut interscindere, sic hic faciendum et Anglia petenda, caput in Europa bellorum. Mulier illa, quod viribus non potest, fraudibus patrat, quae pudet aut piget me dicere ad quos et quousque iverunt. Iam etiam non illo aspectu utile, quod finis bello Batavico non nisi mari imponi posse videtur, terra et per singula opida infinita res aut labor sit; mari autem dominari aut tuto tentare aliquid vix licet, illa non domita aut subacta. Addo facilioris operae fore (pro meo sensu) grandem illam insulam quam has minutas vincere et tamen in una illa vincuntur etiam istae. Iam honestum negavi esse: et qui potest? Illic sedes et origo impietatis per has partes petenda, si pietatis caussa bellum gerimus; illic qui regiones et urbes regias etiam nunc occupant; illic quae Indias invasit nuper et nunc etiam classi nostros lacessit. Quid vitia et saevitiam dicam in omnes pios? Quid fusum 61 invecto d2 62 demittit d2 63 ita universe c 67 turbarum et rebellionum c, d2; turbarum clb, d1 || oriri clc 68 illinc clb, clc, d1 69 bellorum: malorum c, d2 70 ad quos: om. d2 72 videatur clb, d1, d2 73 aliquid: om. c 74 qua⟦s⟧m clc 75 tamen: tum c || etiam vincuntur c, d2 76 sedes ac c, d2 77 pietatis ⟦.⟧ c 77-78 qui … illic: om. cla 78 occupent d2 78-79 classi⟦s⟧ cla, classis nostras clb; classe nostros c, d2; classis nostros clc, classes nostras d1 79 dicam: om. cla 76 sedes … impietatis] After the murder on William the Silent the Northern Provinces feared that they were no match for the Spanish king and his army. They sought support abroad and found it in Engeland. 77 urbes regias] With the Treaty of Nonsuch (20 August 1585) Elizabeth and the Northern Provinces agreed on military and financial support until a satisfactory treaty with the Spanish king was concluded. In exchange the Queen could dispose of the strategically important ports of The Brill and Flushing, both garrisoned at her expense. Cf. Fruin, 268; Wilson, 86. 78-79 Indias … lacessit] Queen Elizabeth encouraged English privateers to harry Spanish shipping throughout the Atlantic; depredation of Spain was considered a means of increasing England’s stake in world trade. One of the well-known privateers was Francis Drake (1543-1596) who captured thirty tons of silver from the Spaniards in 1572. Five

60

65

70

75

276

2135 - 96 07 20 C

cognatum et regium sanguinem? Quid tot proceres interfectos? Quid odia in Regem sic acerba ut vel Turcam palam et per legatos advocet atque invitet? En cum qua pax aliqua honeste coëat: non me iudice aut eo cui in pectore purum et generosum illud honestum vivit. Tertii sunt Batavi, cum quibus solis pacem me velle et suadere fateor, 85 sed rationem eius conficiendae vix videre. Si homines et ingenia novi (et viximus inter ipsos), da indecoram nos admittere, da iniquam: illi non accipient et pertinaciter bellum hoc suum volvent. Ita exteri et exsules suadent, ita duces et qui militiae praesunt, sed et ii qui civilibus rebus praesunt, viles aut extremi fere hominum et non nisi per turbas et in iis 90 grandes. Itaque nolent deiici. Addo quod metus aut terror nondum est illatus, qui solus plebeculam ad officium potest cogere et quamquam prospera de Hulsto audimus, tamen bellum in finibus suis nondum habent. Si placet Serenitati suae bellum eo transferre (quod nobis merito ignotum), sane tunc in victoria ampliore locus fortasse ad pacem aperiatur, sed vel 95 tunc difficulter, et hoc velut vates apud te praedico. Haerent innexi foederibus suis, tenet opinio et haeresis, alios ingenii pervicacia, proprium gentis malum. De induciis si audire vellent, sed cum iis solis, valde 80

80 cognatum et ⟦et⟧ cla 81 legatos: togatos c 83 honestum: vivit add. claλ 86 indecorum clc, c || iniquum clc, c 89 viles ⟦et⟧ aut claλ || extremi: exterorum clb, d1 90 deici: dixi d2 92 audimus: vidimus c, d2 || suis finibus c 93 placet: correxiesedet omn. 94 aperietur d2 95 velut: votum c, d2 || vates: vales c years later he directed his actions against Spanish settlements on the coast of West America, claiming California for his queen. He also made a successful raid on Cadiz in 1587. Cf. OCBH, 459-460; see also ILE 96 04 16 S, 27; 96 05 25, 8; 96 08 13 HO, 7. 80 cognatum … sanguinem] A reference to the capture and decapitation of Mary Stuart (7/8 December 1542 – 8 February 1587), Queen of Scots from 14 December 1542 to 24 July 1567, who was Elizabeth’s first cousin once removed. 80 proceres interfectos] One of them was Thomas Howard, 4th Duke of Norfolk and second cousin to Elizabeth. He was executed for treason on 2 June 1572, after the discovery of the Ridolfi Plot (1571) 81-82 Turcam … invitet] On the role England played in the war between the Sultan and the Roman Emperor, cf. ILE 96 12 16 M, 86-93. 85 vix videre] In September 1595 Lipsius had also written to Franciscus Raphelengius, Jr. that he preferred a stable peace with the North, but that this was impossible to realize because of the situation: Ipsam[pacem]vellenonvelleest,utnuncsuntanimietconstitutio rerum. The moment a step towards negotiations was broached, glaring dissension arose. Cf. ILE VIII, 95 09 11, 15-17. 92 Hulsto] The siege of Hulst, cf. ILE 96 07 13 HO, 11.

20 July 1596

277

approbem et per quietem aliquam omnia molliora fiant et durae illae mentes ad pacem magis inclinent. Sunt aliae hic caussae quas olim explicavi, nec nunc repeto; ista abunde satis et largiter, quae rogo ut tibi aut certe paucis 100 a me sint scripta. Volitare per manus epistolas nostras nec expedit nec sit decorum. Tibi, Excellentissime Comes, salutem precor et opto, tum autem Ser[enissi]mo Proregi nostro vitam porro et victoriam, quam ille virtute et industria sua, paene sine fortunae ullo beneficio, aliquoties est adeptus cum immortali apud praesentes et posteros laude. Lovanii, XIII. Kal[endas] 105 Sextil[es] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. Addictissimus cliens I[ustus] Lipsius. 98 ut per d2 || meliora c, d2 99 aliae ⟦haec⟧ hic clc 100 repeto: etc. add. d1 100-105 ista … laude: om. d2 101 nostras epistolas c 102 Excellentissimae d1 106 Addictissimus … Lipsius: om. cla, d1; Addictissimus cliens c 101-102 Volitare … decorum] Lipsius wants to avoid problems encountered in 1595. His answer to Francisco de San Victores, ILE VIII, 95 01 02 S, was widely spread abroad and had a considerable historical impact, even more in 1608, when the negotiations leading to the Twelve Years’ Truce (1609-1621) were held. The Northern Provinces considered it as a proof of the deceitful character of the negotiations undertaken by a small number of politicians from the Southern Low Countries somewhat later in 1595 with representatives from the North in the hope of reaching a truce. Because of the fierce reactions, Lipsius even denied authorship of the letter. Cf. LipsiusenLeuven, 223-224, no. 67a.

2ndversion: Lipsius received only one letter from his correspondent; otherwise he would surely have answered earlier. This fragment was listed as GVi 96 00 00 CR. cl: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 44v.

Comiti Solrano, Excellentissime Comes, Ab excusatione mea ordiri debeo, quia unas modo a te litteras, non binas accepi. Si binas, profecto ad priores non siluissem nec tali viro officium 5 negassem. [ceteradesiderantur] 3 litteras] Not preserved.

278

2136 - 96 07 20 P

2136

96 07 20 P

Lipsius (Leuven) to Cornelis Pruynen [Antwerp] 20 July 1596

Since they are both convinced of their mutual affection, there is no need to exchange letters with little substance. Recommendation of Johannes Torrentius, a kinsman of Laevinus Torrentius. Although he was in the bishop’s service for eight years, he is not mentioned in his testament. Yet he believes to be entitled to an annuity and has called upon Lipsius to have it granted by the intermediary of Pruynen. Lipsius agrees with this request provided that his correspondent considers it legitimate. As in other cases, it is unclear whether Lipsius wrote this letter on XIIIKalendasSext[iles] or Sept[embres], but because of its place in ms. Lips. 3(18), between ILE 96 07 20 C and ILE 96 07 16, I prefer the date suggested by GVi, 20 July 1596. cl: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 56, no. 124.

C[ornelio] Prunio. V[ir] C[larissime], Animus te compellandi et benevolentiae testandae saepius est, vix occasio, cum nec me scribere nec te legere inanes et a rebus steriles litteras iuvet. 5 Scribere autem illud tritum Valeo, amo, superflua inter nos sunt, cum utrumque de altero sciamus. At dedit nunc occasionem Io[hann]es iste Torrentius, haud aliter mihi notus quam quod antistitis, magni amici illius

5 Valeo, amo] Cicero often uses a closing formula with these two verbs, cf. e. g., Cic. Fam.. 7, 5, 3; 12, 12, 5; 15, 18, 2; 15, 19, 4; 15, 20, 3; 16, 27, 2. 6-7 Iohannes … Torrentius] Johannes Torrentius probably took the letter to Cornelis Pruynen. It is hard to identify him and to establish the degree of kinship with Laevinus Torrentius. According to l. 6-10, he was his nepos (nephew) and lived in his household for eight years. Although he does not occur in Marinus, LaevinusTorrentius, the bishop’s correspondence confirms the information from Lipsius’s letter, for on 9 July 1591, he wrote to Antoine Cornély, his notary: SacellumdeMohameicubiculariiestetmanebit, […]; quicquid autem cubiculario meo, qui et cognatus mihi est, obvenerit, ipsi cedet. This is repeated in a letter of 20 August 1591, to the same correspondent: Iohannes Vanderbeke consanguineus et cubicularius meus est. Satis est si curam beneficii eius

20 July 1596

279

nostri, nepos esse ait. Hoc amplius, in ministerio et domo eius fuisse per annos octo et t[ame]n in testamento praeteritum, fortasse quia absens esset, nec in mentem veniret qui oculis esset subductus. Quaecumque caussa 10 fuit, putat sibi vel extranei iure competere salarii annui nomen et, ut per vos hoc adipiscatur, me voluit et allegavit interpretem et precatorem. Facio, sed cum lege, si aequa et honesta petere, si vobis non gravia videbitur, si ipse quoque honestus et gravis (vos melius nostis), tum eius r[ati]onem habeatis mearumque precum, quas aliter seponi volo aut sperni. 15 Facilis sum dare me et intercedere, sed durare et praetendere non soleo, ubi ratio aliqua aut aequitas obstat. Vale, Vir Cl[arissime], et in omne aevum Lipsium tuum cense. Lovanii, XIII Kal[endas] Sext[iles] ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

10 salarii: e solarii correxi alicuituorumcommittas.Cf. DH 3, 218, no. 854; 231, no. 864. Apparently, Torrentius intended to grant his kinsman the benefice of a chapel, which is not unusual for him. But the degree of kinship remains vague: Laevinus only had three sisters, which precludes the name Vanderbeke/Torrentius, although Jan Lievens, the son of Clara Vanderbeke and Nicolaas Lievens, is sometimes called Vanderbeke in official acts (cf. DH 3, 117, no. 352, 1). But he cannot be meant here, since he is named in the testament. A second Johannes, with De Leeuw as surname, a distant relative and secretary to the bishop, is also mentioned. Hence one should consider a son of Petrus Torrentinus († 24 December 1567), Laevinus’s uncle. He was married three times; his third wife was Maria van Quickelberghe. Cf. BN 25, 460-461; L. Theunissens, Testamentsdesévêquesd’Anvers, in: Analectespour servir à l’histoire ecclésiastique de la Belgique, 15 (1878), 92-98; Marinus, Laevinus Torrentius, 13-14, 93, 190, 206. In a letter to Archduke Albert dated 25 January 1596, Philip II approves a plea that Jehan Torrentius, cousin du feu evecque d’Anvers, had submitted to Fuentes in August 1595, demanding compensation for confiscated estate in Enghien (Edingen). Cf. Brussels, ARA, Aud. 196, f. 5-5v; Lefèvre, 4, 302 and 334. 11 extranei] The juridical term extraneiheredes, meaning heirs without blood or family ties, occurs in Gaius and Justinianus, cf. Gaius 2, 2073; ThLL 5, 2071; Forcellini, 2, 395. Persons not belonging to the house of the testator (hence not sui heredes) could only acquire an inheritance (thus becoming extraneiheredes) through acceptance, cf. M. Kaser – F. B. J. Wubbe, Romeinsprivaatrecht, Zwolle, 1971, 347-348. Johannes Torrentius does not call upon his kinship with the bishop to be granted part of the inheritance, but on his former office. The testament mentions, e.g., a Johannes, famulus senior, receiving an annuity of 25 florins, cf. Theunissens, Testamentsdesévêquesd’Anvers, 94. 12 vos] Laevinus Torrentius had named Cornelis Pruynen, together with Johannes Hovius Sr, and others as executor of his testament. They received his portrait (or a copy of it), painted by Otto Vaenius. Cf. Theunissens, Testamentsdesévêquesd’Anvers, 97-98. See on this portrait ILE 97 12 23 M (= GVi 96 12 23 M).

280

2137 - 96 07 21 P

2137

96 07 21 P

Lipsius (Leuven) to Gabriele Paleotti (Rome) 21 July 1596

Lipsius has finally received Paleotti’s letter and book, hence his late answer. As he is focusing his reading more and more on works about spiritual values, he has read Debono senectutis with utmost attention. Its structure and phrasing, but also the issue itself has filled him with pleasure, for he is an old man now, not so much in years, but because of his failing health. Paleotti is correct in saying that experience of life is the strength of old age. Answer to ILE VIII, 95 12 01. See also ILE 96 03 02 P. The fragment in ms. Lips. 3(17) is not mentioned in GVi because they did not see that the text of f. 35 did not continue that on the previous folium. See also ILE 96 07 13 HO, introd. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 35 (fr., s.n.); clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 56v-57, no. 126; d: Cent.It., 44.

Illustriss[im]o et Reverendiss[im]o Domino Gabrieli Palaeoto S[anctae] R[omanae] E[cclesiae] Cardinali. Illustrissime et Reverendissime Domine, Litteras tuas et una librum, scripta aut missa ad me Decembri superiore 5 mense, nunc denique hoc Iulio accepi, quod non quia mirer scripsi (grande

1-25 Illustriss[im]o … mensque: om. cla 1-2 Illustriss[im]o … Cardinali: clb, Gabrieli Palaeoto, Cardinali. Romam d 3 Illustrissime … Domine: om. d 5 mirere clb 4 Litteras … librum] Sc. ILE VIII, 95 12 01 and a copy of Paleotti’s Debonosenectutis. Because he was afraid that Lipsius had not received his book, he sent a second copy through Franciscus Oranus, cf. ILE 96 03 02 P. 5 accepi] Lipsius received both the book and the letter from Carolus Billaeus, cf. ILE 96 08 21 B, 16-17.

21 July 1596

281

locorum intervallum est), sed ut excuser, si cogitatio forte incidisset silentii mei aut tarditatis. Ego vero, Ill[ustrissi]me, ad tales epistolas, ad talia munera non sileo quae et honorem et gaudium mihi adferunt. Certe tuus liber, quem in serio illo et gravi argumento non libenter solum, sed avide equidem legi. Eo sane iam veni et Deus, aetas, iudicium hoc mihi dederunt, ut vana aut curiosa multa studiorum incipiam spernere et animum oblectare maxime aut pascere iis quae propria animi sunt, id est quae virtutem, sapientiam et ipsam immortalitatem spectant. Ad quam occulto nisu, etiam in vanis istis, adspirat. Omnis gloria quae scribendo quaeritur, quid nisi posteros etiam cogitat et monumentum sui? Atqui abeunt, ne diuturna quidem sunt, non dicam aeterna: sola illa nobiscum perennant quae animus sibi e tribus illis induit et fideliter adscivit. Ergo vel hoc nomine gratus iucundusque mihi tuus liber, sed etiam argumento, sed etiam tractatione, quorum illud quoque in me convenit, si non annis, valetudine senem; ista proba et composita est bono ordine, bonis verbis. Nam et haec bona appello, non quae fucum aut quaesita scitamenta habent, sed quae rebus apta, gravia, significantia satis etiam elegantia cuiusmodi attulisti. Didici non ex libro solum, sed ex ipsa ratione tua scribendi falsum illud Lucretii de senibus: Claudicatingenium,deliratlinguaquemensque. Imo contra verissimum illud alterum boni poetae veteris: Quodperitisumusinvitaatqueusucallemusmagis. Ita sane est in senectute, quam iuventus non debilitavit, nec vitiis suis affectum corpus tradidit illi. Ego me tibi, Illustrissime et Reverendissime D[omi]ne, trado, devinctum cum reliquae virtutis tuae caussa tum hoc dono profiteor et habe me inter fidos tuos clientes. Lovanii, XII. Kal[endas] Sextil[es] ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

14 quaeratur clb 18 argumento, etiam d 19 in me quoque d 22 satis … elegantia: om. d 29 effectum cla, effoetum d 30 cum: om. cla, d 31 profiteor: om. d 25 Claudicat…ingenium] Cf. Lucr. 3, 453. 27 Quod…magis] Cf. Accius apudNon. 258, 3.

10

15

20

25

30

282

2138 - 96 07 21 R

2138

96 07 21 R

Lipsius (Leuven) to Jean Richardot [Brussels] 21 July 1596

The news about Richardot’s illness worried Lipsius. It was also inconvenient for his political activities. Could Richardot ask the archduke for a passport for the young man who delivers this letter? Gerardus Buytewech, religious and virtuous above all suspicion, a native of the Northern Low Countries, was a member of Lipsius’s contubernium and is now called back to his city of birth by both his parents and the edict. But he has trouble in acquiring a passport, which previously had not been refused to students. An argument in his favour is the unblemished Catholic faith of his parents. Besides, the presence in those regions of persons who have proved their loyalty to the Spanish king can be useful in the future to promote peace. Gerardus Buytewech is also recommended by Father Antonio Crespo who vouches for his orthodoxy. On Jean Richardot (1540-1609), cf. ILE VII, 94 02 02 R; Lipsius en zijn Europese netwerk, 305-317. The whole letter can be reconstructed by joining the fragments of ms. Lips. 3(4) and 3(17): the first part (until l. 15, perte) is written on the verso side of the lower strip of ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 34bis; the middle part (l. 15-24, removemus…Deoet) in ms. Lips. 3(4), f. 77, and the final part again in ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 34bis, on the recto side of the lower strip (from l. 24, Virtute). On these strips, cf. ILE 96 07 13 HO, introd. GVi omitted the middle fragment. As is the case with other letters, it originally belonged to ms. Lips. 3(17), but was moved to ms. Lips. 3(4) together with ILE 96 07 20 C (cf. the introduction to that letter). Gerlo – Vervliet were not aware that the text at the bottom of ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 34bis v does not continue on f. 35r (cf. ILE 96 07 21 P, introd.) and incorrectly understood the date of the fragment on f. 35r as the date of this letter. The right date, on f. 34bis r, and also in clb, is unusual: XIISext[iles]. GVi interprete it as 12 August, but obviously, the copyists forgot Kal[endas]. This is confirmed by the correspondence: here, Lipsius is asking a passport for Buytewech, who is delivering the letter, so that he can return to his parents in Leiden (l. 6-14). In ILE 96 08 01 H, 8 Hartius informs Lipsius that his ex-contubernalis has obtained his passport. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 34bis v (fragm.: … perte, l. 15) + ibid., ms. Lips. 3(4), f. 77 (fragm.: removemus…Deoet, l. 15-24) + ibid., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 34bis r (fragm.: virtute…iuvabit, l. 24-30); clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 60-60v, no. 135).

283

21 July 1596

Ioh[anni] Richardot. Amplissime et Nobilissime Domine, Audiimus de morbo tuo et inviti audiimus, tum privata nostra, sed et publica caussa. In tantis occupationibus et isto fervore, sed et successu rerum non vacat tibi aegrum esse. Itaque speramus Deo auxiliante et id aspectante te pristinis viribus et simul muneribus et ipsi Proregi nostro restitutum. Apud quem si es, ecce quod a te petere audeo nota in me benignitate inductus pro hoc adolescente quem vides. Is est natione Batavus, religione et moribus antiquus plane et probus; quod fideliter tibi promitto et laudarem prolixius nisi a mea institutione et domo etiam esset. Fuit enim aliquandiu in meo contubernio hic Lovanii, quo t[antu]m pietatis et studiorum caussa venit. Nunc revocatur a suis, unicus parentibus filius, sed et ab edicto revocatur illo aspero et crudo. Retinet difficultas quae obicitur in commeatu libero dando, qui studiosis tamen negari antea non solet. Sed quia nunc aliter, si obicem hunc per te removemus et iter huic patefacimus, illum et me obligabis. Etsi quid mentior? Iam sum obstrictissimus nec vinciri arctius possum. Si quid autem hoc ad rem facit, parentes habet cum honestissimos, tum palam catholicos et hoc no[min]e a republica ibi remotos et sacerdotum si qui veniunt, hospites fere et susceptores. Peto ut ista valeant, tum hoc quoque quod haud abs re videatur (vos ista intelligitis) quosdam notae fidei et affectus in regem locis iis inversari. Quis scit an non t[em]pus erit, cum eorum opera usui esse possit ad reliqua belli pace vel conditione patranda? Quod equidem eminere spero, cum progressus istos amplos et inopinatos video, quos Serenissimus noster Deo et Virtute auspice facit. Idem Deus te, Amplissime et Nobilissime Domine, aut servet validum aut reddat, quod corde eum precor. Lovanii XII Sext[iles] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. I[ustus] Lipsius.

1 Ioh[anni] Richardot: add. claλ, clb

26-27 I[ustus] Lipsius: om. clb

8 adolescente] Although his name is not mentioned, it surely is Gerardus Buytewech, cf. ILE 96 07 16; 96 08 01 H, 6-9. 10-11 Fuit … contubernio] Buytewech was Lipsius’s contubernalis between September 1592 and April 1594. Cf. ILE 96 01 10 B, introd. 12 unicus] In fact, Gerardus had an elder brother, but since Lipsius time and again refers to him as an only son, this suggests that the brother had already died. 12 edicto] Cf. ILE 96 05 22 B, 16. 17 parentes] Jan Gerritsz Buytewech and Elisabeth van Swieten, cf. ILE VIII, 95 01 29 B, 65.

5

10

15

20

25

284

2139 - 96 07 21 S

Oblitus sum addere P[atri] Antonio Crispo e societate Iesu eundem serio commendatum et cum testificatione probitatis, si quid hoc iuvabit, imo 30 quia iuvabit.

28 Crispo] The Spanish Jesuit Antonius Crispus (Crespo) (Osuna (Seville), 12 March 1543 – Seville, 10 December 1599). He had started his novitiate on 4 August 1583 and was ordained priest in 1586. Between c.1587 and c. 1597 he was almoner of the Spanish troops in the Netherlands; as such he was a member of the college in Brussels. Cf. PIBA 3, 52; 284-285. He carried much weight with Fuentes, who sent him to Philip II in 1593 to report on the political siuation in the Low Countries, cf. J. Andriessen, De JezuïetenenhetsamenhorigheidsbesefderNederlanden1585-1648,Antwerp, 1957, 114, n. 20 and 117, n. 39; Van Durme, 1, 650; Lefèvre, 4, 498.

2139

96 07 21 S

Lipsius (Leuven) to Andreas Schott [Rome] 21 July 1596

Lipsius has thoroughly read Schott’s annotations on Seneca the elder and compared them with what others wrote. They really deserve to be published. If Lipsius ever finds the time, he will gladly add his own remarks. But first Schott must obtain his superiors’ permission to put the edition to press (neither Lessius nor Delrio know anything about the matter). Next, he should send his instructions, so that Lipsius can negotiate with the printer. Some financial support by Schott’s brother may be needed, for that kind of editions are not in demand. As the distinction between Sext[iles] and Sept[embres] is not very clear, GVi located this letter in August, but I rather prefer July because of its place in ms. Lips. 3(17) and 3(18). Cf. also ILE 96 07 21 R. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips., 3(17), f. 35; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 59v, no. 134.

21 July 1596

285

I[ustus] Lipsius Andreae Scotto S[alutem] D[icit]. Librum tuum ad Senecam patrem totum iam serio perlegi et in parte contuli cum iis quae ab aliis iam scripta. Si meum iudicium iterum vis, luce dignus est atque etiam sine detractione eorum quae alii adnotarunt. Valent hic illud δὶς τὰ καλὰ. Ego vero, si otium habuero (valde id nobis deest), et 5 notulas meas aliquot sub calcem addam, quando serio olim flosculos illos priscae eloquentiae legimus et delectati in aspectu sumus. Sed primum sit tuos auctoritatem et licentiam editioni addere, quia quod de P[atribus] Leonardo et Delrio scribebas nuper, iis permissam rem esse, ii vero nihil audiverunt. Scribas ad me definite et semel tuam mentem, ut cum 10

4 hic: i⟦ll⟧stud clb 2 Senecam] Cf. ILE 96 02 18, 4-5. 5 δὶςτὰκαλὰ] A Greek proverb referred to in Pl. Grg. 498e: καὶδὶςγάρτοικαὶτρίςφασιν καλὸνεἶναιτὰκαλὰλέγειντεκαὶἐπισκοπεῖσθαι. See also Pl. Phlb. 60a; Emp. 25. 6 sub calcem] Calx is a metonymy for the finishing line in the circus, which was drawn with chalk. Hence sub calcem means ‘close to the finish’, ‘at the end of the book’. Lipsius’s annotations, limited to the Controversiae, are announced on the title page of Schott’s edition (coniecturisIustiLipsii) and published after the dedicatory letter and a letter of Lipsius in the 1603 edition on four unnumbered pages (f. [a5r-a6v]) and after the approbatio (dated 21 August 1601) in the 1604 edition, pp. [277-280] under the heading I[usti] Lipsii in Senecae Rhetoris Controversias Notae ad Andream Schottum. Lipsius precedes his remarks by the following introduction: InSenecamtuumquaenotavipauca e pluribus hic mitto. Cur non omnia? Vel quia minuta sunt et a te fortasse in textu correcta,velquiatempusabnuitlargaemeaevoluntatiparumlargum.Nostietvaletudinem non secundam quam curare ἀπραξίᾳ sola et, ut sic dicam, iustitio quodam studiorum possum.Dereigiturhabe. Cf. also Van der Poel, 300. 6 addam] In ILE XIII, 00 11 29 S, Schott proposes once again that he and Lipsius publish their edition of Seneca together. 8 tuos … licentiam] Jesuit authors first needed the authorisation of their superiors for their intended publications. Next, their manuscripts were submitted to the usual censura by an clerical censor and the approval of the secular authorities before finally being entrusted to a printer. Schott’s edition of Seneca only has an approbatio signed by theologian Silvester Pardo, canon and book censor in Antwerp, dated 21 August 1601 (cf. f. [g4]r), but his censura mentions aSociisanteexaminatae. 9 Leonardo] Leonardus Lessius, cf. ILE V, 92 06 03 D1, 12; Lipsius en zijn Europese netwerk, 262-270, with further bibliography. 9 scribebas] Schott’s letter is not preserved, nor is there any trace that he ever contacted Lessius or Delrio, both members of the Leuven College.

286

2140 - 96 07 22

typographo liceat agere, cui vereor ut frater tuus aliquid addere in subsidium debeat, quia scis haec prisca non esse nunc inter vendibiles merces. Vale, mi Scotte, et me ama, id est precibus tuis iuva. Lovanii, XII Kal[endas] Sext[iles] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 11 typographo] Lipsius almost certainly means Johannes Moretus. Yet the Seneca will finally be published by Commelinus in Heidelberg, cf. ILE 96 02 18, 7. Moretus might have refused, since such editions were not profitable, as Lipsius adds. 11 frater] Probably Jacobus Schott, who had also done his utmost to retrieve the lost manuscript, cf. ILE 96 02 18, 4. 11 aliquid … subsidium] The OfficinaPlantiniana usually asked authors to share part of the expenses or to buy a considerable part of the issue. They made, however, an exception for Lipsius, whose works were looked forward to in the scholarly world.

2140 96 07 22

Lipsius (Leuven) to Johannes Woverius Antverpiensis (Antwerp) 22 July 1596

Lack of time prevents Lipsius from writing more often, although his affection towards whoever is successful in his discipline remains. As in previous letters, he wants to encourage Woverius to continue on his chosen path without being deflected by exterior matters and without arrogance. If Archduke Albert recaptures Hulst, the strain will be relieved somewhat for Antwerp and trade will increase. Explanation of a passage in Cicero: since it was more quiet and it was easier to concentrate, many authors of Antiquity worked at night. On Johannes Woverius, cf. ILE VIII, 95 10 02 W, 2; XIII, 00 05 09; Morford, Stoicsand Neostoics, 41-51; Peeters, Le contubernium deLipse, 157-159. For unknown reasons, GVi dated this letter on 13 August. Only clb has a date which is beyond doubt 22 July(XIKal[endas]Sextiles). In ms. Lips. 3(17) the first part of the letter is on f. 34r (and not f. 35, as mentioned in GVi). This strip of 17 cm is pasted back-to-front, cf. ILE 96 07 13 HO, introd. A folio with the second part has disappeared. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 34bis (fragm. s.d.); clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 57-57v, no. 127.

287

22 July 1596

Ornato et industrio iuveni Ioanni Wouwerio. Antverpiae. I[ustus] Lipsius Ioh[anni] Wouwerio S[alutem] D[icit]. Saepius a me litteras haberes (quod tuus et meus affectus vellent), si otii mihi esset quod aliis, et nisi varie nimis distraherer ac paene dicam lacerarer. Sed vel silendo amo eos utique qui in disciplina mea cum fructu et gratitudine fuerunt, qualem te habeo, mi Wouweri, et voce ubi opus est testor. Eadem voce quia non possum praeire aut hortari te ad constantiam in coepto bono cursu, feci litteris antea et nunc repeto: non quia opus sit fortasse, sed quia amor qui anxius est suadet. Perge, perge nec nimis te distineant aut abstrahant externa ista quae tractas utiliter, si cum modo utiliter, item si animum et vera eius bona non neglegis aut seponis. Vide et aestima omnia rectis suisque pretiis: quid tu in corpore, in animo, quid horum melius aut diuturnius, quid ipsa Virtus et Pietas, quid denique horum adspectu spes, honores et omnia vana. Sed hoc facere te et quasi non facere velim, id est sine iactantia aut ostentatione: modesta et inclusa intra te sapientia tua sit et sensu tantum a vulgo te disiunge. Multa aut plurima potius moribus danda sunt, cum quibus aut alta nimis aut praefracta sapientia est quae ex professo luctatur. Hoc nunc de te satis; de publicis, bene fluunt. Ita semper et plenam victoriam ac pacem per hunc Heroëm nostrum (actiones et instituta eius merentur id nomen) nobis Deus donet. Vobis Hulsto recepto (quod propediem fore confido) aliquid laxamenti et Mercurius vester paullo magis fortasse calebit. Sed heus quod oblitus sum, petebas de loco Ciceronis: scito veteres lucubrare solitos, imo et nocte intervigilare, quod Caesarem fecisse Ammianus tradit itemque postea Iulianum, ut cum dies scilicet in actu et aestu rer[um] absumeretur, nox et 1 Ornato … Antverpiae: om. cla

8-28 et nunc … ∞.IƆ.XCVI: om. cla

8 cursu] Woverius was bound for a political career. Following his father’s example, he would first repeatedly become alderman of Antwerp between 1614 and 1620; next, he was appointed to the Council of Finances. He was also entrusted with diplomatic missions. Cf. Morford, StoicsandNeostoics, 42-43. 8 antea] Cf. ILE VIII, 95 11 17 W. 19 Heroëm] Archduke Albert. 21 Hulsto] On the siege of Hulst, cf. ILE 96 08 13 HO, 2. 22 Mercurius vester] The trade via the Schelde in Antwerp. 23 Ciceronis] Cf. Cic. Par. 5: Accipiesigiturhocparvumopusculumlucubratumhisiam contractioribusnoctibus. 24 Ammianus] Cf. Amm. 25, 2, 3. 25 Iulianum] Flavius Claudius Julianus, Roman emperor from 360 to 363, was one of Emperor Constantine’s sons, cf. RE 10, 26-91; Amm. 16, 5, 6.

5

10

15

20

25

288

2141 - 96 07 31

solitudo studiis aut scriptiunculae succidaneae daretur. En diligentiam! Et ea crebra, imo vulgata fuit: et pro moribus nostris miremur, sed melius sit imitari. Vale. Lovanii, XI Kal[endas] Sextiles ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

2141 96 07 31

Lipsius to NN 31 July 1596

A nobleman, giving his opinion on the Politica, offered Lipsius the opportunity to be sincere. Since he has written the treatise in an environment where there was no place for the naked truth, it was impossible to vent his opinion frankly. He has expressed his views in such a moderate way that an alert and honest reader could hardly be vexed, unless perhaps by some outspoken ideas about the strong position of kings. Lipsius has always been a faithful Catholic and he has recently corrected possible ambiguous statements on the advice of prominent men of the Church in Rome. He wishes judgements to be based on the reissued version of the Politica, published with the approval of Catholic theologians. Hopefully, there is no longer any reason to criticize his religion; otherwise, he is willing to submit himself to the judgement of the Church in Rome. There is no indication at all about Lipsius’s correspondent. GVi suggest that it could be the Virnobilis of l.1, but these words are the subject of the first sentence, not an address. The copy of clb is written in Lipsius’s hand. It was clearly no part of the original file, for the copies made by the secretary are following eachother immediately, whereas in this case, the letter only covers three quarters of the recto side. Moreover, it is a different kind of paper. Nevertheless, it was already inserted when an early modern hand (Huygens? Burmannus?) added folio numbers on top of the page. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(4), f. 80; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 12; d1: Ramírez, p. 43-44, no. 5, n. 98.

Vir nobilis iudicium de Politicis nostris mihi indicavit, in quo illi gratiam debeo, ut qui occasionem praebuit veritatis suggerendae. Ea ita est. Cum 1 nobilis] Lipsius is surely referring to Philip of Croÿ. In March 1596 he had sent him a copy of the Politica, cf. ILE 96 03 09 CR, 3. The letter containing the judgement is not

31 July 1596

289

Politica scripsi, in locis fui ubi pura et nuda veritas locum non haberet, eoque dissimulare quaedam aut nec dicere debui, certe non aperte dicere quae in mente habebam. Sed tamen ita temperavi, ut credam pauca esse quae intentos et simul benevolos lectores possint abducere aut offendere, nisi forte quaedam pro commodo Regum et firmamento status liberius vel subtilius dixi. In ipsa quidem religione Catholici semper fuimus et sumus et (Deo adspirante) erimus; et siquid ambigue circa eam dictum videri poterat, id vero iam nuper emendavimus, moniti a primariis viris et in Ecclesia (ut sic dicam) columnis qui Romae sunt, et ad quos cognitio ista spectat. Emendavimus, inquam, aut interpretati sumus, et liber iterum excusus recensusque cum approbatione theologorum nostrorum prodiit hoc ipso anno ad quem appello et lectorem aut et iudicem meum (quicumque is erit) remitto. Spero caussam non ultra fore in religione aliquid carpendi et, si erit, ecce me paratum corrigere et Romanae sedi, id est verae Ecclesiae, submittere eiusque iudicio iterum invertere ea aut moderari. Nam pii esse volumus, hoc fateor: de doctrina aut fama parum est et quisque pro sensu suo de iis iudicato. Lovanii, pridie Kal[endas] Sextil[es] ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

5-6 temperavi … et: om. d1 7-8 vel ⟦apertius⟧ subtilius cla, clb 8 religioni d1 9 ambigue ⟦de⟧ circa clb 12 ut liber d1 14 aut et ⟦accusatorem⟧ iudicem clb 17 iudicio ⟦.⟧ iterum clb preserved, but on 20 July Lipsius informed him that he had only received one of two letters, cf. ILE 96 07 20 C, 3-4. De Croÿ may have sent him a copy of the lost letter soon afterwards. ILE VIII, [95] 01 01, 13 also mentioned an anonymous nobleman very interested in the political situation. There, too, Philip de Croÿ might have been meant. Cf. the commentary to that passus. 1 Politicis] Cf. ILE 96 02 12, 2. 3 locis] Lipsius wrote his Politica when still in Leiden. It was published by Franciscus Raphelengius shortly after Plantin’s death, in 1589. 3 veritas] Lipsius repeats here an idea already expressed in letters to Francesco Benci from 1593, e.g., ILE VI, 93 02 10 B, 7-12; 93 05 13, 6-7. Cf. Peeters, Lacorrespondance deJuste Lipse avec Plauto/Francesco Benci, 110-113. See also Lipsius’s letter to the Dominican Alfonso Chacón from 1592, ILE V, 92 07 08 C, 9-15. 10 moniti] In February 1593 Lipsius was alarmed by a message from Rome that his Politica risked to be put on the index of forbidden books, cf. ILE VI, 93 02 10 B, 2-4. 13 approbatione] Henricus Cuyckius, professor of theology, book censor and vicechancellor of Leuven University, had granted the approbatio for the revised edition of the Politica already on 20 September 1593.

5

10

15

20

290

2142 - [early 96 08 00]

2142

[early 96 08 00]

Lipsius [Leuven] to Petrus Oranus [Liège] [early August 1596]

Lipsius wanted to postpone his answer to Oranus’s letter until the Poliorcetica issued from the press, but he does not want Oranus to interprete his silence as neglect. Fragment of an unfinished letter, listed as GVi 96 00 00 H. The reference to the dog days (aestus … sidus, l. 6) allows to date this letter more precisely: this period started on 10 July at the earliest and ended on 20 August at the latest (Strubbe – Voet, 453). Hence our option for early August, corresponding with l. 2-3, that the Poliorcetica is not yet from the press. Lipsius sent the first copies on 21 August, including one to Oranus, cf. ILE 96 08 21 HE. o: St Petersburg, Nat. Lib. of Russia, ms Doubrovsky, 140, no. 80; cl: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 44v.

I[ustus] Lipsius P[etro] Orano I[uris]c[onsul]to suo. Distuli equidem respondere ad tuas atque etiamnunc differebam, donec libellos meos machinales una mitterem, nisi veritus essem, ne silentium hoc iusto longius aut neglegentiam aut frigus in affectu interpretarere. 5 Neutro autem horum utor, apud te utique: ne illa quidem priore, quam valetudo per aestus et caniculae hoc sidus languidior suadet et cum [cetera desiderantur]

4 neglegentiam e neglentiam correxi

5 autem ⟦apud⟧ o

2 tuas] Not preserved. 3 libellos … machinales] Sc. Lipsius’s Poliorcetica. 3 silentium] The last preserved letter is ILE 96 04 28. Lipsius and Oranus kept up a busy correspondence between the summer of 1591 and 1597. An interval of four months between two letters of Lipsius (only a few from Oranus are preserved) is exceptional.

291

1 August 1596

2143

96 08 01 H

Otho Hartius (Brussels) to Lipsius (Leuven) 1 August 1596

The basis for a new grant of 1,000 florins or more was established during a recent dinner Hartius had with Archduke Albert and Jean Richardot in the company of Hendrik Uwens and the controller of the auditor’s office. The Archduke wants to make Lipsius’s acquaintance. The reason for the conversation was his letter recommending Gerardus Buytewech, who made a favourable impression on Jean Richardot by his appearance, his modesty, and his eloquence. Richardot showed the letter to the archduke and obtained a passport for him. But there is a price tag: Lipsius wrote that Buytewech had been his contubernalis; hence Richardot intends to ask him to accept two of his sons in his contubernium without taking no for an answer. The donation to Lipsius seems certain. Hartius recommends his son to him. Answer in ILE 96 08 21 HA. GVi overlooked K[alendis] in the dating formula and listed the letter as 96 08 00. o: Saint Petersburg, Nat. Lib. of Russia, ms. Doubrovsky 140, f. 89, no. 50.

S[alutem] pl[urimam], Clariss[ime] D[omi]ne. Aedifica audacter et muta quadrata rotundis: facta sunt fundamenta, cum nuper in castris essem et ego cum Uweno atque audientiario apud praesidem

2 Aedifica … rotundis] After Hor. Epist. 1, 1, 100: diruit, aedificat, mutat quadrata rotundis. It is a proverbial expression meaning ‘go from one extreme to the other’, cf. Otto, Sprichwörter, 118. 3 castris] The meeting may have taken place in or around Antwerp, as both the Archduke and Richardot were involved in the campaign against Hulst, cf. ILE 96 07 13 HO, 11. 3 audientiario] The audientiarius (audiencier) was the first secretary of the Private Council. He checked the attendance at the sessions of the Council and was chiefly involved in redacting the official correspondence of the governor with the king and that with the regional and local authorities in as far as it came from the governor general and was signed by him. He was also the most important signing secretary in the Council of Finances. Cf. Baelde, 119; AGN 5, 396-397; C. Henin, Lacharged’audiencierdansles Anciens Pays-Bas (1413-1744), Brussels, 2001, 37-74. According to De Schepper, 4, 1212, Lodewijk Verreycken held this office from 1 July 1578 until his death on 23 October

292

2143 - 96 08 01 H

Richardotum soli pranderemus, novi donativi mille florenor[um] aut maioris 5 summae simul atque Archidux Bruxellam redierit aut propius accesserit. Vult enim te videre et cognoscere. Occasionem dedit sermoni de te epistula tua in favorem Butenwegii, qui mirum in modum placuit praesidi ab aspectu, modestia et ex colloquio; epistulam tuam ostendit Archiduci ac impetravit ei salvum conductum. Sed hoc male cecidit, quod Butenwegium 10 tibi convictorem fuisse scriberes, cum praeses aliquando petiturus sit ut in convictum tuum binos filios eius, qui apud patres Antverpiae educantur, recipias nec admissurus ullam excusationem. Donativum ausim tibi certo promittere. Puto Uwenum pluribus de eo ac sermonibus n[ost]ris ad te scripsisse, nam ita inter nos convenerat cum Antverpia discederem. Filium 15 meum ex animo tibi commendo. Vale, Bruxellae, K[alendis] Aug[ustis] 1596. [Address:] Clariss[imo] ornatissimoque Viro ac D[omi]no Iusto Lipsio I[uris]c[onsul]to e[pi]st[ul]a. Lovanium.

16 Hartius: alt.man.add. 1621. Cf. on him and on his office De Schepper, 2, 316; 328-333; Henin, La charge d’audiencier, 101-102. See also BN 26, 683; ILE XIV, 01 08 08, 38. In ILE 97 06 25 M Lipsius asked one of his students, Nicolas Micault, to convey his greetings anteomnes adfinituoAudientiario,quimeinterbeneficiahabet. 4 donativi] Hartius had already informed Lipsius about a possible new donation, cf. ILE 96 07 13 HA, 9-10. See also ILE 96 04 25, 4. 6-7 epistula tua] Sc. ILE 96 07 21 R, which Lipsius had asked Buytewech to deliver. 7 placuit] Lipsius will repeat this to Buytewech in ILE 96 12 01 BUY, 15. 9 salvum conductum] Cf. ILE 96 07 21 R, 12-16, where Lipsius used the common commeatus for passport. Salvumconductum is probably a literal translation of the French ‘sauf-conduit’. 10 scriberes] Cf. ibid., 10-11. 10 petiturus] The letter in which Richardot asks Lipsius to accept his sons Guillaume and Antoine in his contubernium is not preserved, but Lipsius’s answer is still extant, sc. ILE 96 09 20 R. Richardot had also already brought up this question in ILE VIII, 95 03 21, 18. 11 patres] On the Jesuit college of Antwerp, cf. ILE VIII, 95 03 21, 19. 14 scripsisse] No such letter from Uwens is preserved, although he expressed his hope that the court in Brussels would express its sympathy towards Lipsius in a financial way, cf. ILE 96 05 06 U, 3-7. 14 Filium] Antonius Hartius, one of Lipsius’s contubernales from August 1595 on, cf. ILE 96 02 19 H, 3.

293

1 August 1596

2144 96 08 01 M

Franciscus Modius (Aire) to Lipsius (Leuven) 1 August 1596

After a long silence (the person who caused it, has died) Modius wants to resume his correspondence with Lipsius. His affection for him is unchanged, as can be confirmed by the Dukes of Bavaria and the bishops of Bamberg and Würzburg. Modius is in good health and devotes himself occasionally to scholarly work. He wishes to have his Panegyricae Lectiones published with Moretus as soon as possible, but the latter gives priority to Lipsius’s Poliorcetica and the sixth part of Baronio’s Annales Ecclesiastici; Henricus Stephanus offered to publish it, but Modius does not trust him. Does Lipsius own a copy of the Vienna edition of the Panegyrici Latini or does he know where to find one? Lipsius’s own annotations are welcome as well. After Carrio’s death he wanted to visit Lipsius, but political troubles and personal financial worries thwarted this plan. Hence he prefers to resume their correspondence in the meantime, a wish undoubtedly shared by Lipsius. Modius would like to use him as an intermediary to finally get back his manuscript of Arnobius, which Carrio stole from him and deceitfully kept in his library. In a letter, Campius has asked for information about Lipsius’s life and works, especially about his new publications; he had been worried by a rumour about his death. Modius would like Lipsius to purchase a copy of Balduinus’s RelatioadHenricum,Andiumducem. Although Modius has fled life at court, he still has some ambition. Hence he would like Lipsius to remind Hieronymus a Francia casually in a conversation that he and Modius were once close friends. On Franciscus Modius (de Maulde), cf. ILE I, 76 01 07; VI, 93 10 14, 19. Late answer to ILE VIII, 95 [06 25(?)]; in his reaction, ILE 96 11 30 M, Lipsius informs Modius that his letter only arrived by the end of November (l. 37-39). Modius either conveyed his letter through the Jesuits or Lipsius showed it to Delrio, for at two instances, nisiMoretus (l. 25) and next to the beginning of the second part (l. 57) the latter added a remark in the margin, as was already pointed out by Burman. Since it was a commentary to some issues, I have added these remarks among the annotations to this letter. o: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 4; d1: Burman I, p. 109-113, no. 105.

Franciscus Modius Iusto Lipsio suo S[alutem] P[lurimam]. Non excuso ambitiosius diuturni mei silentii, seu culpam seu crimen voces, sed simpliciter, praesertim quando apud vos e medio abiit is qui 2 silentii] Around the beginning of 1595 Modius, encouraged by Andreas Hojus, had resumed his correspondence with Lipsius, probably since March 1583 (ILE II, 83 03 23), cf. ILE VII, 94 09 17, 7. Lipsius answered him in ILE VIII, 95 [06 25 (?)]. 3 abiit is] Probably an allusion to Ludovicus Carrio, who had died in June 1595 in Leuven, cf. ILE 96 01 10 W, 12-13. Lipsius had informed Modius about his death in ILE VIII, 95 [06 25 (?)], 4-6.

294

2144 - 96 08 01 M

mihi huius tam longae meae taciturnitatis praecipua, imo una atque unica 5 fuit causa, ad intermissum hactenus scribendi officium redeo teque ut idem facias efficacissime, ut reor, moneo, dum praeeo exemplo. Professus ergo (de quo tamen dubitare te non existimo) me utcumque diu varie iactatus nihil ad te litterarum dederim, animo semper erga Lipsium meum eundem fuisse (cuius rei testes volo esse habitos a me de te apud 10 Serenissimos et Illustrissimos Principes Bavariae Duces, Episcoposque Bambergensem et Herbipolensem sermones, de quibus erit, ut cum Deo coram aliquando pluribus agamus), ad illud venio, quod tibi longe gratissimum audituque iucundissimum futurum confido: vivere et valere etiam nunc me atque interdum libros quoque tangere. Tangere cum dico, 15 verum dico: sic enim iam me comparavi, sive illud aetas, sive professio 4-5 taciturnitatis … causa] The reason for the interruption was a quarrel between Lipsius and Carrio, in which Modius had supported the latter, cf. ILE VIII, 95 [06 25 (?)], 4. It was caused by a stream of abuse from Carrio ‘quaespernoabauribusmeis,etquaedigna tantum ipso’, cf. ILE I, 82 08 051, 27-36. A letter from Lipsius to Lernutius shows Lipsius’s aversion to his colleague: Postremo,sialiquidasapientiameadebeoallinere, quis ille est, quem tam serio persequamur, aut quae nobis caussa? Ille non homo, sed hominisverenugamentum(ILE II, 84 03 07 L, 23-68). In ILE 96 08 28, 5-6 Lipsius calls Carrio ille qui divellere conatus est. From 1583 on, Modius’s relation with Carrio was also troubled, although they often frequented each other’s company before, cf. ILE II, 83 03 23, 6-17; VIII, 95 [06 25 (?)], 4-6. Moreover, there was the matter of the codex that Carrio had appropriated during Modius’s absence, cf. infra, l. 57-72. 6 facias] Lipsius answers almost immediately upon the arrival of the letter with ILE 96 11 30 M. 10 Principes Bavariae] The plural suggests that Modius is referring to Philip-William and Ferdinand, the younger dukes of Bavaria (cf. ILE VII, 94 09 13, 4-5; 94 11 13 B), rather than to their father, William V, duke of Bavaria from 1579 to 1598. Lipsius became acquainted with them when passing through Trier in 1591, cf. ILE IV, 91 09 14 BA. 11 Bambergensem] Ernst von Mengersdorf, bishop of Bamberg from 2 September 1583 until his death on 21 October 1591, cf. Lehmann, 27; NDB 4, 607. He had studied in Leuven between September 1570 and September 1572, cf. D. J. Weiss, Das Exemte BistumBamberg, 3 (Berlin, 2000), 229 (= Germaniasacra; N. R. 38/1). 11 Herbipolensem] Julius Echter von Mespelbrunn, who had corresponded with Lipsius through the intermediary of Adrianus Romanus (cf. ILE VI, 93 11 21, 12). From 1580 to 1584, and again from 1591 to 1593, Modius lived mostly in Würzburg, cf. Lehmann, 27; BN 14, 924. 13 valere] Between 1591 and the summer of 1593, Modius was in very poor health and had to refuse the chair of Canon Law at Würzburg University, cf. Lehmann, 27. 15 aetas] Yet Modius had only become forty on 4 August 1596. 15-16 professio … nova] By the end of 1593 Modius returned to Aire. His health was somewhat improved and he intended to edit some authors from Antiquity, but death prevented him from doing so, cf. Lehmann, 27-28; BN 14, 934.

1 August 1596

295

haec nova facit, ut totum illud nostrum studiorum genus in quo olim ita deditus eram, ut ab illo ne conviciis quidem etiam Principum virorum qui me ad magis seria vocabant abduci, imo abstrahi possem, hactenus nunc excolam, ut ex eo animi quaeram tantummodo oblectamenta et profundissimi huius mei otii quandam quasi interpolationem, usque adeo 20 vere, ut iam dicere possim me mihi illud, non illi me subiecisse. Meditabar sic quoque tamen extrudere hac aestate Panegyricas meas lectiones ubi multae, uti spero, non contemnendae delectabunt te emendationes et castigationes bonae ex libro scripto Bertiniensi, non nimis bono illo quidem, sed tamen tali, ut mihi ad eas faculam praeluxerit, nisi Moretus, 25 quod tuum deMachinisbellicis opus et Baronii tomum sextum Annalium Ecclesiasticorum prius praelis suis subiciendos diceret, librum hoc quidem tempore formis excudere gravaretur et ego Henrico Stephano, qui illum a me anno per litteras Ratisbona usque ex imperialibus comitiis a me

18 seria] In the years 1585-1587 Modius had published mainly juridical works, e.g., Corpus universi iuris canonici (Frankfurt, 1586) and Corpus iuris civilis (ibid., 1587), cf. Lehmann 20-23; BN 14, 932. 22-28 Panegyricas … gravaretur] When preparing his edition of the Panegyrici Latini, Modius had collated a manuscript of St Bertin’s Abbey in St-Omer, known as codex Bertinensis, but now lost. In 1596 he was negotiating with Johannes Moretus to have the PanegyricaeLectiones published, but the printer kept delaying the publication, probably to safeguard Jan Lievens, who was also preparing an edition of this collection. After Modius’s death his annotations ended up with his rival, through the mediation of Marcus Welser. Lievens added them with painstaking care in the margin of his own edition. Cf. Lehmann, 115; BN 14, 934; ILE VI, 93 10 14, 19. 25 nisi Moretus] Here, Delrio added in the margin: Imo detractat, quia Levinei opera castigatasPanegyrescogitatinlucemdare. Jan Lievens, a nephew of Laevinus Torrentius, was indeed preparing an edition of the PanegyriciLatini, an edition which appeared in 1599 with Moretus in Antwerp as XIIPanegyriciveteresadantiquamquaeditionem,qua scripturaminfinitislocisemendati,aucti.JohannesLivineiusBelgaGandensisrecensebat acnotisillustrabat. Lievens made use of Cuspinianus’s edition (Vienna, 1513), which he borrowed from Lipsius (cf. ILE 93 07 14 L, 2), and of an edition published by Frobenius (1520), to which Modius had noted variant readings (= Apographi Bertiniensis, Franc. Modiifide, cf. op.cit., 6 = conspectussiglorum), cf. infra, n. 59. 26 Machinis] Lipsius’s Poliorcetica. 26 Baronii] The editioprinceps of Cesare Baronio’s AnnalesEcclesiastici started in 1589 and lasted until 1612. Cf. ILE VI, 93 05 30 BA, introd. 28 Stephano] Henricus Stephanus (Estienne) (1528-1598), cf. ILE I, 73 03 23; Centuriae Latinae, 2, 313-318. 29 Ratisbona] In 1594 Stephanus addressed the princes of the German Empire on the Diet of Ratisbon (Regensburg, Bavaria) urging them to start war against the Ottomans, cf. DBF 13, 99. See also ILE VIII, 95 08 05 S, 28-30.

296

2144 - 96 08 01 M

cudendum cum ipsis Panegyristis expetierat, homini (quod inter nos sit) iam erroni et in aulis Germanicorum Principum quorundam non optime audienti, labores meos in incertum committendos non existimem. Erunt igitur illi apud me, dum Moreto nostro sit ad eam rem otium. Interea si habes editionem Viennensem aut scis unde haberi possit, solidam apud 35 me inieris gratiam, si illam re integra adhuc ad me miseris, non minus quoque debiturus si quid privatim etiam tu (et in quem scriptorem non habes?) in illis notasti. Impetus me non semel cepit, sublato e medio illo mihi numquam satis aut amico aut inimico quem nosti, istuc excurrendi vel Lipsii mei solius complectendi in suavissimumque et fidissimum eius 40 sinum multa quae litteris recte committi nec possunt nec debent, effundendi, sed tenent me adhuc cum turbae istae publice, tum privatim res mea familiaris nequedum ita composita (perfidia eorum, quibus nupera Germanica mea profectione fortunas meas omnes commiseram et commendaram) ut sumptus in iter illud faciendos commode latura sit, 45 bona tamen cum spe me, quod hactenus non possum, post annum unum atque alterum, si vita utrique suppetet, maiore cum fructu et minore cum 30

31-32 non … audienti] From 1585 on, Stephanus commuted between Switzerland and the German Empire, a situation not very suitable for his publishing house. In ILE 96 08 31, 34 Rittershusius had a similar complaint, that Stephanus kept postponing the edition of Oppian. Moreover, his grumpy and cantankerous character as an old man was hampering his social contacts. Cf. DBF 13, 98-99; CenturiaeLatinae, 2, 313-314. See on him also Buchell, 425. 34 Viennensem] Johannes Cuspinianus’s edition of Panegyrici variorum autorum et declamationes nonnullae perquam eruditiae hactenus non impressae, Vienna, 1513. In 1581 Lipsius had lent his copy to Theodorus Canterus, cf. ILE I, 81 10 18, 3-4; 81 10 27, 2. In July 1593 it was sent to Jan Lievens in Antwerp, who was still using it (cf. ILE 96 11 30 M, 31) to prepare the annotated critical edition he announced, cf. ILE VI, 93 03 16, 110; 93 07 14 L, 2. It must have been returned after Lievens’s death, since it is mentioned in Lipsius’s library catalogue, Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 59, f. 7v, no. 25. 37 illo] Ludovicus Carrio, cf. supra, n. 3 and 4-5. 41 turbae … publice] The troublesome political situation in the Southern Low Countries made travelling a hazard. The roads were often unsafe because of sudden incursions by Dutch soldiers or predatory raids from mutinying Spanish garrisons. 42 res … familiaris] During a journey from Cologne to Flanders at the end of 1587, Modius was kidnapped and held a prisoner until he paid a considerable ransom. This misfortune was a great financial blow, cf. Lehmann, 25, 127; BN 14, 933. According to this letter, l. 42-44, he lost even more money when he entrusted his possessions to unreliable persons during another journey. 46 vita] Modius died on 23 June 1597 without having met Lipsius again.

1 August 1596

297

periculo facturum. Interea amemus inter nos, mi Lipsi, mi anime, et frequentibus epistolis nos invicem nobis praesentes quasi sistamus. Non est nulla colloquendi etiam per litteras cum veteribus praesertim amicis et multo usu olim cognitis (quod sentio haec scribens) voluptas. Et de me 50 promitto; de te futurum plane confido, ita ut facias, si modo is es adhuc Lipsius meus (et cur non sis?) qui ab humanitate ad humanitatem factus non magis amabilitati tuae deesse hac parte poteris, quam calor igni aut humor aquae. Sed plura, ubi ad has a te responsum accepero: quod ut fiat in tanta eorum copia, quibus recte litteras tuas ad me commiseris, quam 55 citissime opto. Ariaci, K[a]l[endis] Aug[ustis] MDXCVI. Haec iam scripseram, cum venit in mentem posse me tua auctoritate confectum reddere de quo iamdiu, quorumdam negligentia sive perfidia est, nequiquam laboro. Quod quid sit et ut liquido tibi liqueat, nihil non mihi me de te et consueta tua erga me benivolentia polliceri, nihil non 60 paratum vicissim tua causa facere, rem totam paucis ita accipe. Ille noster dum vixit amicus (quem ego ita mortuum spero, ut ius fas sit mihi eius Manibus bona aeterna precari), dum in Germania abessem ante annos IV, V, artificio quodam plane sibi solito pellexit ad se Arnobium meum

54 has ⟦ad⟧ o 59 Quod quid sit] Here, Delrio added in the margin: N[ota].Carrioiussittestamentout isliberpertinensadFr[anciscum]Modium,commodatomittereturutendusadLevinum [lege: Iohannem] Levineium, cantorem Ecclesiae Antverpiensis. Itaque Bachusius, executortestamenti,illumdeditPatribusSoc[ieta]tisetistiporromisereadLevineium, abillopetendus. QuirecepitunacumexemplariRomanoFulvii,quodtest[amen]toipsi abeodemCarrionelegatumetcollatumcumm[anu]s[cripto]RegiaeFranc.Bibliotecae. Si Modio cura libri sui Michaëlitici (hunc titulum praefert) recuperandi, repetat a LevineioquispondetArnobiieditionem.Hocfestinandummagis. 61 Ille noster] Ludovicus Carrio. 64-65 Arnobium … gentes] Arnobius (before 250-c. 310), author of Adversusnationes. In this work he tried to refute the accusations against the Christians and opposed GrecoRoman polytheism. The earliest manuscript of this work and of Minucius Felix’s Octavius (cf. infra) is the codexParisinuslatinus1661 (Paris, Bibl. nat.) from the ninth century, cf. RE 3, 1206-1207; DNP 2, 21-22. A copy of this manuscript is the CodexBruxellensis 10847 (Brussels, Kon. Bibl.), from the eleventh century, with an indication of ownership by Lievens: Iohannes Livineius, cathedralis Antwerpiae canonicus et cantor, aliquot pagellisperturbatumcodiceminordinemcomponebat.MDXCVIII. This is the manuscript referred to by Modius in this letter as Arnobium meum membranaceum Contra gentes, cuietiamadiectusestOctaviusMinutii. Carrio had pilfered it from him, as Modius reports on l. 61-84. After Carrio’s death in 1595 it ended up in the library of Jan Lievens

298 65

70

75

80

85

90

2144 - 96 08 01 M

membranaceum Contra gentes, cui etiam adiectus est Octavius Minutii, exemplar plane rarae et antiquae notae quodque mihi, ut debet, auro contra carum est. Persuaserat homo per epistolas ei qui procurabat hic res meas, eum codicem suum esse et a se mihi olim utendum datum. In quo mendacio cum se post reditum meum manifestum teneri videret, non dubitavit homo impudens alio se tum vertere et dicere sibi a me eundem librum esse dono datum, quo tempore paucis ante mensibus apud me non satis firma valetudine, ingenti meo sumptu, hic compluribus diebus substitisset. Quid quaeris? Ego detestatus frontem sycophantae nec admirans tamen, cum per eum qui librum ad ipsum miserat (nihil enim mihi tanti erat, cur ipsi ad eum mihi scribendum putarem) instarem, uti is ad me remitteretur, ni mallet suam hanc imposturam omnibus istic divulgari et iure insuper ad restitutionem codicis, quem perfide involarat, cogi, nunc hac nunc illa arte (ita tamen ut hic nonnihil etiam accusandum putem oblongum istum vestrum fungum, non hominem, tabellarium dico, qui a vobis subinde ad nos commeat) rem usque eo extraxit, dum qui membranas nollet, redderet animam. Quod igitur a te nunc peto, est, ut apud eos (inter quos audio esse nescio quem Backhusium, cui ea res in manu sit) quibus ille moriens res suas commisit, gratia tua efficias, quo vel nunc saltim meus mihi liber remittatur et defuncti Manes hac parte exonerentur. Novit rem omnem, ut gesta sit, ille quem dixi oblongus vestras tabellarius, qui post mortem etiam eius, de quo queror, relaturum se ad me eum librum, sed fide nulla, promiserat. Quare ni molestum est, idem illud negotium per te potissime confici quam citissime velim, ne ille, qui vivus tantum mihi tot annis incommoditatis, ut levissime dicam, attulit, mortuus etiam me laedere et studiis meis obesse non desinat.

(Livineius), who bequeathed it to the domus professa of the Jesuits in Antwerp (from 1599 on). With the dissolution of the Jesuit order in 1773 it was confiscated and became the property of the Brussels municipal library. During the French domination it became part of the collection of the Bibliothèque nationale in Paris (1794), but after the Treaty of Versailles (1815) it was returned to Brussels. It was used by Godeschalcus Stewechius for his edition of Arnobius, which appeared posthumously in Antwerp in 1604. Cf. Arnobius, Contrelesgentils, ed. H. Le Bonniec, Paris, 1985, 99-100; Lehmann, 130-131; DNP 2, 22; ILE VIII, 95 07 16 D, 30. 65 Octavius Minutii] Marcus Minucius Felix (c. A.D. 200), lawyer in Rome; early-Christian author of Octavius, an apologetic work composed as a dialogue,cf. RE Suppl. 9, 959-1002. 79 tabellarium] The name of the messenger is unknown. 82 Backhusium] The context suggests that he must have been Carrio’s executioner.

1 August 1596

299

Nequedum has complicaveram, et incidit ecce aliud quaerenti in manus meas forte fortuna epistola Campii nostri, olim Bonnensis Decani, nunc Protonotarii S[anctae] S[edis] Moguntinensis, in qua ad verbum haec de te: DeLipsio,siquidhabes,deeiusvitaetscriptis,siquidnoviediditaut breviediturussit,scireaveo.NampridemLeodioadmescripseratseopus 95 aliquodmagisseriumsubmanibushabere.AnidsitDe militiaRomanaiam editum? An quid aliud? Quod magis puto. Is sui studiosos multos habet in Germania. Qui aliquatenus saltim cultiorem degustarunt doctrinam, Lipsiani sunt. Quod nuper a diversis Germanorum Principum legatis Spiraecognovi,I[uris]c[onsul]tis,NobilibusetAulicis;quodmirerisforte. 100 Affirmabanttumquidamdeeiusobitu,quodegonegabam,quodCanonicus quidam Leodiensis mihi retulisset eum ad aquas Spadanas fuisse et cum Nuntio Apostolico aliisque a praedonibus prope deprehensum, fuga se eripuisse. Haec Campius in litteris datis XIX Novembr[is] anni proxime elapsi M.D.XCV Moguntiaci. 105 Ceterum ut reliquum quoque chartae lituris meis impleam, si quidem prece vel pretio comparari istic potest Relatio Fr[ancisci] Balduini ad

92 Campii] Jacobus Campius was ecclesiastical judge and protonotary of the electorate of Mainz. Modius became acquainted with him when he examined the libraries of Cologne’s cathedral and convents, cf. ILE IV, 91 05 30; Lehmann, 61. 95 Leodio … scripserat] Cf. ILE IV, 91 07 22 C, 21-25:Meotiumcapit,nonilludsolutum autlanguidum,sedquodlibrietlucubratiunculaealantacvegetentetquodaliquidegisse nos etiam cum nihil egimus, apud posteros testetur. Paro igitur plura promptius si diploma nobis et interdictum a Caesare esset ne quis nostra statim (vulgo iam fit) recuderetetimitaretur. 100 Spirae] Speyer (Rhineland–Palts), cf. Graesse, 3, 409, the seat of the Supreme Court. A Reichsdeputationstagwas organized there from July to October 1595, cf. H. Neuhaus, ReichsständischeRepräsentationsformenim16.Jahrhundert:Reichtstag-ReichskreistagReichsdeputationstag,Berlin, 1982, 486-488. 101 obitu] Cf. also ILE 96 04 10, 17. 102-103 aquas…deprehensum] Cf. Lipsius’s lively account of this unfortunate encounter, when he nearly was caught by a band of marauding Dutch cavalrymen on 2 July 1595, in a letter to Martinus Antonius Delrio (ILE VIII, 95 07 04), cf. also Body, 284-291. Papal Nuncio Innocentius Malvasia, who was with him, reported what had happened to Cinzio Aldobrandini on 3 July 1595, cf. Dessart, Halkin, and Hoyoux, Inventaireanalytiquede documentsrelatifsàl’histoiredudiocèsedeLiège, no. 208. 107 Balduini] François Baudouin (Aire, 1 January 1520 – Paris, 24 October 1573) was one of the best-known theologians and law specialists of his time; he was secretary to Calvin. As he changed religion seven times during his life, it is no surprise that he was branded as a heretic, an accusation withdrawn in 1563, but he had to forswear his errors

300

2144 - 96 08 01 M

Henricum Andium Ducem, et cui adiuncta est Panegyristica oratio ad Theodosium Magnum et alia Eumenii de Scholis, cum Notis eiusdem 110 Balduini, gratissimum sit eum quoque librum ad me mitti, remissurus eum bona fide aut pretium soluturus arbitrio eius qui de illo mihi gratiam istam faciet. Amplius, ut scias me etiam nunc, etsi aulam effugi, iam ambitiosum esse: si inciderit ut, cum Praeposito nostro aderis, mei forte fiat mentio, 115 aliquid tale iacere te velim, unde intelligat nos unice inter nos amare iam olim occasionemque habeat cur cum mihi non nisi bene velle videatur, velit etiam melius. Sed vel iam tandem manum a tabula. Vale ergo iterum, vir amicissime et salve. Loco et die quo iam dixi. [Address:] A Monsieur Lipsius, mon bon Seigneur et amy etc[etera]

108 Panegyrist⟦ae⟧ica o

115 te ⟦aliquid⟧ o

116 cum ⟦nobis⟧ mihi o

in Leuven. In 1564 he obtained the chair of Law at Douai University. During these years he collaborated with William of Orange to make a rapprochement between Catholics and Protestants, a hazard in King Philip II’s eyes. In 1567-1568 Baudouin refused to preside at court in the case against the Counts of Egmond and Horne, and fled to France, where he entered the service of the Duke of Anjou, the future King Henry III, and lectured at the University of Angers. Later, he became a member of the State Council of France. He published an edition of Minucius Felix’s Octavius (Heidelberg, 1560) and a commentary to Justinian and the Law of the Twelve Tables, cf. BN 1, 842-847; HCT 3, 518-529; DBF 5, 908-909; M. Erbe, François Bauduin (1520-1573). Biographie eines Humanisten, Gütersloh, 1978. The humanist and diplomat Maximilien de Vignacourt was his nephew, cf. ILE II, 86 11 09. In 1602 he considered an edition of his uncle’s works, cf. ILE 02 09 21. 108-110 Henricum … Balduini] Relatio ad Henricum, Andium ducem magnum. Latini Pacati panegyricus ad Theodosium. A. Eumenii oratio de scholis. Ejusdem Balduini annotationes in utramque orationem. This is Balduinus’s most important work: two annotated orations preceded by the Relatio, published by both Michael Sonnius and Sebastianus Nivellius (Paris, 1570). Latinus Pacatus Drepanus, a teacher of rhetoric from Bordeaux, pronounced a panegyric in honour of Emperor Theodosius Magnus after his victory over Maximus in 389. Eumenius, a teacher of rhetoric in Autun, gave an oration pleading for the rebuilding of his school (Proinstaurandisscholis) in 297. Both orations are part of the collection of the twelve so-called Panegyrici Latini, discovered by the Italian humanist Giovanni Aurispa in Mainz in 1433, cf. Cf. Erbe, François Bauduin, 177; RE 6, 1105-1114; 18, 571-578; 18, 2058-2060; ILE VI, 93 03 16, 11. 114 Praeposito nostro] Hieronymus a Francia, cf. ILE 96 05 07, 3. 117 manum a tabula] In the meaning of ‘I end this letter’, cf. Erasmus, Adagia, 1, 3, 19; Otto,Sprichwörter,210.

301

12 August 1596

2145

96 08 12

Lipsius (Leuven) to Jan de Greve (Brussels) 12 August 1596

Lipsius invites Jan de Greve and his family to visit him during the Leuven Fair. He would like to ask others as well, but the rebuilding of his house is not yet finished; moreover, he has three students living with him. He will see what can be done. He might invite Nicolaas De Weerdt with his wife and Breugel’s wife, but in that case he cannot overlook Jan Bernaerts. Waverius has written that he plans to sell his part in the estate of Gooik and asked whether Lipsius might be interested in buying it or otherwise also sell his share. Lipsius answered that he cannot spare the money now, but De Greve is free to discuss the affair with Waverius and sound him out about the price he asks, without mentioning that he does so on Lipsius’s suggestion. Can he give Lipsius the right name of Godin and the title to address him? The bottom right corner is damaged, hence some words are missing at the end of a few lines, cf. l. 15-16. o: Brussels, ARA, ms. div. 200 A, f. 32-32v.

Eersaeme en[de] beminde neve, Ick en sal deesen niet lanck maecken weesende niet wel te pas, immers op mijn manier (gelijck ghij weet) wat ongevallick en[de] indispoest, oick soo ick hope korts mondelinge van alles met u l[ieden] te spreecken. Ick begeere dat u l[ieden] met u huijsvrow ons kompt besoecken teegen 5 kermisse, en[de] wilt ghij u vrow oick laeten wat voir komen, sij sal mij willekom weesen met haer soonken. Ick soude noch eenige vrienden geerne nooden, maer ick en hebbe mijn huijs niet konnen doen opmaecken

3 indispoest] Not attested in Verwijs – Verdam. It is undoubtedly derived from the French indisposé (‘ill’). 5 u huijsvrow] Sc. Françoise Backx. 6 kermisse] The first Sunday of September, cf. ILE VII, 94 07 28, 5. De Greve will accept Lipsius’s invitation, cf. ILE 96 09 16, 2-3. 7 sooneken] Willem de Greve, born in November 1593. 8 opmaecken] The refurbishing of his house lingered on until the first days of October, cf. ILE 96 09 10 B, 7; 96 10 02 R, 13.

302 10

15

20

25

2145 - 96 08 12

alsoo ick meijnde, bij faulte en[de] wuijtstellinge vande werckluijden en[de] alsoo ick nu drij commensaelen hebbe, soude quaelijck die selve konnen accommodeeren. Nochtans ick sal sien wat ick gedoen kan en[de] wilt mij oick schrijven vrijmoedich (alsoo ghij behoirt) wat het beste gedaen waere en[de] oft ick de Weerdt met sijn huijsvrow en[de] nicht Breugels (want haeren man, denck ick, soude niet komen) wille nooden. Ingeval iae, soo moet ick oick Bernaerdts niet achterlaeten, diet quaelijck soude nemen. Dit bij †…† van devis en[de] t’saemen spreecken †…† u l[ieden] willen schrijven. Item †…† brieven van neve van Wavre, daer in hij schrijft te willen vercoopen die thiende tot Goijck en[de] oft ick gaedinge daer in hebbe; ingeval niet, te willen mijn deel mede verkoopen. Ick hebbe geantwoirdt geen middel nu ter tijt te hebben om te koopen; nochtans u l[ieden] met gelegentheijt en[de] sonder u te gelaeten van mij commissie te hebben mach hem hoiren spreecken en[de] tasten vanden prijs enz. Gruet mij seer u l[ieden] huijsvrow, mijn bemiende nichte, en[de] blijft den Heere bevolen. Tot Loven, deesen 12en Augusti 1596. Uwen goetwilligen oom I[ustus] Lipsius. Laet u huijsvrow metten eersten komen om die redenen die ick wel verstaen. Den tijt is nu schoon en[de] den wech goet, soo ick meijne. Item laet haer mede brengen den naem en[de] titel, soomen schrijft, aen Godijn.

10 drij commensaelen] The three contubernales were Franciscus Hovius, Antonius Hartius and Franciscus Oranus, cf. Peeters, Le contubernium deLipse, 155-156. 13-14 oft … nooden] De Greve must have advised Lipsius in his answer (not preserved), cf. ILE 96 08 19, 19-21. 13 de Weerdt] Nicolaas de Weerdt was married to Willem Breugel’s younger daughter, Anna, cf. ILE 96 03 18 G, 19-20. His mother-in-law was Maria Coppens. 15 Bernaerdts] Jan Bernaerts was the husband of Breugel’s elder daughter, Catharina, cf. ILE 96 02 12, 5. At the beginning of June, Jan Bernaerts had invited Lipsius to Mechelen, cf. ILE 96 07 05, 19-20. 17 neve van Wavre] Sc. Justus Waverius, cf. ILE 96 03 27, 21. 18 thiende tot Goijck] In 1594 Waverius had proposed that Lipsius buy his part of the common estate. Lipsius left the decision to Jan de Greve, but warned him: he did not trust Waverius and suspected the offer to be an attempt to purchase Lipsius’s part. Cf. ILE VII, 94 07 07, 3-8; 94 07 28, 11-15; VIII, 95 09 26, 3-5. 28 Godijn] Christophe Godin, cf. 96 05 04, 21. Lipsius includes a letter to him in his next letter to De Greve, ILE 96 08 19, 2.

303

13 August 1596

2146

96 08 13 BR

Lipsius (Leuven) to Christianus de Bruyn [Utrecht] 13 August 1596

Lipsius’s affection for De Bruyn has not waned. It is based on his appreciation of his correspondent’s character and skills, which will not be influenced by the rash conduct of his youth. Now that De Bruyn is walking the right path again, he must not allow anyone to lead him astray from his purpose, wisdom. The content of this letter closely resembles the first part of ILE 96 10 02 BR. In both cases Lipsius stresses that De Bruyn is a promising young man in both character and skills, but his youth makes him act too rashly. Hence his conduct should be directed to a more rational course. In ILE 96 10 02 BR Lipsius continues with a number of practical issues, such as the occupations of his friends in Utrecht and the policy of the Northern Provinces towards other countries. Probably this letter did not reach Lipsius’s correspondent; when Lipsius heard about it, he rewrote it, adding a few extra themes. Christianus de Bruyn (Bruningius, Brunonius), born in Utrecht in 1576 or 1577, first studied in Leuven; he matriculated as a law student at Leiden university on 17 May 1600: Christianus Bruining Ultrajectinus, 23, juris studiosus (cf. Alb. Stud., 58). All biographical sources, clearly related to each other, state that he was living in Lipsius’s household. Yet an analysis of his contubernium shows that this was impossible, cf. Peeters, Lecontubernium deLipse, 154-156. He was fluent in Greek and Hebrew, and wrote poetry, mainly epigrams. In 1600 he published in Utrecht Breviariumphilosophiae barbaricae together with Otto Heurnius’s Debarbaricaphilosophialibriduo, both with similar contents. Cf. Foppens, 169; NNBW, 3, 177-178; C. Burman, Trajectumeruditum, Utrecht, 1738, 34. GVi erroneously discerned between ChristianBruning (ILE 96 08 13 BR, 96 10 02 BR, and 98 10 07 BR) and ChristophedeBruyn(Brunonius) (ILE 96 10 19). The contents of these letters leave no doubt that it was one and the same correspondent and ILE 96 10 19 is clearly an answer to ILE 96 10 02 BR. Moreover, the first name Christophe is attested neither in the manuscript nor in the printed versions. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 35-35v; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 58v, no. 131; c: Copenhague, Kon. Bibl., ms. Gl. Kgl. Saml. 3072, 4E, 781; d1: GudiiEpp., 195, no. 111.

304

2147 - 96 08 13 BU

Iustus Lipsius Christiano Brunonio S[alutem] D[icit]. Scribis te meum, si patiar. Egone patiar? Imo peto et iubeo uti meus sis et semper sic perseveres. Nam candide, amo ingenium tuum atque indolem, factam ad virtutem et doctrinam, nec mutarunt me ea quae censes levia, 5 iuvenilia ut uno verbo dicam. Ego non nescio quid ea aetate soleat, sed hoc quoque scio, regressum esse debere et frena non laxanda ad cursum quo fervor aut lascivia vocant. Omnino, mi Brunoni, te hoc minime decet, super aetatem doctum et sapientem atque optimam viam ad optima ingressum. Ne spem hanc nostram et vota destitue; illos potius destitue qui sevocant aut 10 abducunt, tui dissimiles, te indignos, et quos ad latus tuum videri indignor. Summa mei scripti est: amo te, bene tibi esse et te bonum cupio et siquid ad hanc possum, enitar. Vale. Lovanii, Idib[us] Sextil[ibus] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 1 Bruningio c, d1; ⟦Bruningo⟧ Brunonio clb 2 Subscribis c, d1 3 indolem: mentem clb 5 quid ⟦aeg⟧ clb; quid: in add. c 7 fervor: livor clb, feror c, furor supra scr. c || Bruningi c, d1 8 optima: extima c 12 haec c, d1 || ∞.IƆ.XLVI. c 2 Scribis] De Bruyn’s letter is not preserved. 5 iuvenilia] Because the letter is missing, it is hard to have an idea of these ‘sins of youth’ of De Bruyn. According to l. 9-10 he is easily carried along. In ILE 96 10 02 BR, 3-4 Lipsius also urges him to learn to control himself. 5 non nescio] Lipsius might recall his own youth; in his autobiographical letter he apologizes: egihaudusquequaqueadprisciCatonisnormam.Libereram,parentumet tutorum expers, atque ita choreis, sodalitiis, nugis, ludum et libentiam aliquam dedi, cf. ILE XIII, 00 10 01, 99-101.

2147

96 08 13 BU

Lipsius (Leuven) to Gerardus Buytewech [Leiden] 13 August 1596

Hopefully Buytewech is back with his family by now; the return home was not very smooth. Lipsius was delighted with his visit. Whether there will be another occasion is uncertain, because of the unremitting warlike situation and Lipsius’s chronic frail health.

305

13 August 1596

Buytewech must add Lipsius’s greetings whenever he is delivering the letters his mentor entrusted to him. The Poliorcetica will be sent as soon as possible. Greetings to Sandelinus. Does he indeed intend to go to Italy? In a subsequent letter he will give advice about a possible marriage of his correspondent. Paleographically, the date in ms. Lips. 3(17) can be interpreted both as Idus Sex[tiles] and IdusSep[embres]; ms. Lips. 3(18) only has Id[us], without a month’s name, but in both files the letter is situated among other letters from the month of August. The contents also suggest a dating in August: from ILE 96 08 01 H, 7-8 we know that Buytewech has acquired a visa, and from ILE 96 09 08, 2-3 that he has returned safely to his family in Leiden. On l. 10 Lipsius informs his correspondent that he cannot yet send copies of the Poliorcetica; this only occurs from 21 August on (cf. ILE 96 08 21 B and other letters of that day). cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 36; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 59-59v, no. 133.

I[ustus] Lipsius Gerardo Buytewechio D[icit] S[alutem]. Speramus te nunc denique apud tuos esse, heu quam desideratum, fortasse et desiderantem? Sane parum felix hoc iter fuit, sed mihi tamen gratum, et fuit in animo iucundum videre te oculis iterum et sermone usurpare. Quid scimus an ultra fiat? Bella haec involuta et longa, ego assidua invaletudine 5 et quae πολυετίαν non promittit. Sed es iam in domo, spero, et amplexu parentum, quod mitigat praeterita, etsi fructus quoque iis aliquis adiunctus, iactari, exerceri et sapere quod adhaeret. Litteras meas dabis aut dedisti iam quibus dixi; adde iterum salutem, sed hanc ante omnes parenti utrique tuo a me et mea. Libros Poliorceticon habebis, cum primum licebit. Vale, 10

1 D[icit] S[alutem] om. cla

6 es: om. clb

10 habebitis clb

2 apud tuos] ILE 96 09 08, 3 confirms that he is back home again. 3 parum … iter] On his return journey to Leiden, cf. ILE 96 07 16, 2-5; 96 07 21 R, 12-14. At Lipsius’s request Richardot had taken care of a passport for Buytewech. 4 videre] He had visited Lipsius in May or June, cf. ILE 96 06 14, 18-19. 6 πολυετίαν… promittit] The same idea occurs in ILE 96 08 13 L, 5-7. 8 Litteras] When Buytewech was on the verge of returning to Leiden in the middle of June, Lipsius had entrusted him with letters to his father (ILE 96 06 19), to Josephus Justus Scaliger (ILE 96 06 15), and Gerardus Sandelinus (ILE 96 06 20). 9 parenti] Johannes Buytewech. 10 Poliorceticon] In September Lipsius sent a number of copies of the Poliorcetica to Buytewech to distribute among his Leiden friends, cf. ILE 96 09 081, 8-9.

306

2148 - 96 08 13 HE

mi Buytewechi, et in scribendo vel minutissima fidem exsolve. Lovanii, Id[ibus] Sex[tilibus] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. Sandelinum nostrum, si vides, saluta, quem iter in Italiam parare audimus. Vero an vano rumore? De tuis quoque rebus in aestu isto consilii 15 exspecto.

12 Idus clb || Sex[tilibus] ∞.IƆ.XCVI: om. cla 13 Sandelinum] During the following months Sandelinus had to forget about his plans for a sojourn to Italy. As a Catholic, he even felt threatened by the edict of 4 April and went into hiding. On the edict, cf. ILE 96 05 22 B, 19. He could only breath freely again by the end of the year, cf. ILE 96 10 02 BU, 10; 96 11 10 B, 10-15. 14 De … rebus] On Buytewech’s plans to marry, cf. ILE 96 01 10 B, 31; 96 06 19, 5-11.

2148

96 08 13 HE

Lipsius (Leuven) to Johannes Oranus [Antwerp] 13 August 1596

The news about Hulst was false, as Lipsius predicted: the North cannot win over the ordinary citizens to its cause without deceit. Yet despite its position and its excellent defence, Hulst will fall soon. France is inclined to negotiate peace, which can be accepted on condition that Spain in that case directs its arms against England and strikes at the very roots of the trouble. What will become of the Northern Provinces then? Oranus’s nephew is an exemplary student in Lipsius’s contubernium. Greetings to Carolus Scribani. Only ms. Lips. 3(18) has a dating formula, but it can be read as either Sext[ilibus] or Sept[embribus]. Yet the mention that Hulst has not yet surrendered (19 August), allows us to situate this letter in August. On Johannes Oranus (Jean d’Heur), brother of Petrus, cf. ILE VI, 93 01 20 (14), 3; Guérin, 1, 118-119; PIBA 1, 448. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(17), f. 35v (s.d.; s.n.); clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 59, no. 132.

307

13 August 1596

Io[hann]i Orano. R[everen]de in Christo Pater, Libens a te quoque intellexi quae per nos iam augurabamus vana et falsa esse. Fraus haud dubie Hollandorum intervenit sive in re tota fingenda, sive in attollenda et augenda. Sane opus est iis astu ad plebem circum- 5 veniendam et in rebus labentibus demulcendam sibique firmandam. Etsi infirma haec vincla et in veros terrores redigentur, si Hulstum hoc capimus satis diu molestum. Sed munitio magna et varia est, opibus ac situ, nec tamen ambigo quin brevi industria ac virtus nostri Proregis, tum et fortuna Regis pervincent. De Gallia hic constanter audimus pacem aut inducias 10 velle. Habere eos non abnuam, si tamen arma in Britanniam vertimus et semel a radice exscindimus hoc malum. Quo loco Batavi, si id fiat? Et fiet, spero, ac rex consilia et vires suas iamdiu eo transfert. Fratris tui apud

1 Io[hann]i Orano: om. cla

4 sive in ⟦Te⟧ cla

3 vana] This concerns a false or exaggerated rumour about the siege of Hulst; unfortunately Oranus’s letter is not preserved, so that we do not know its exact content. 7 in … redigentur] After Hor. C. 1, 37, 15. 7 Hulstum] Cf. ILE 96 07 13 HO, 11. Hulst would surrender to Archduke Albert on 18 August. 8 situ] In ILE 96 08 13 HO, 4-5 Lipsius points out that the surrounding water was offering a natural defense: loco quem aquae et Neptunus ipse defendit. Cf. Van Meteren, 371; Fruin, 315. 10 inducias] In a letter dated 29 July 1596 Philip II authorized Albert to initiate peace negotiations with France, an initiative supported also by Pope Clement VIII. The governor, who was granted special powers on 12 August, decided to send Richardot to Calais to hear the proposals of the French. They opted for a truce limited to Calais, Ardres, and Boulogne and wanted their allies from England and the Northern Provinces involved in a more global agreement. This was rejected by Albert: the Provinces were revolting against their king and could not be treated on the same terms as France, an autonomous state. On the other hand, it was inacceptable to Philip II to limit a possible truce to the Northern Low Countries, since the remaining borders of his realm would still be exposed to hostilities. On 9 December Albert asked the king about his conditions to conclude peace with all parties. Cf. Lefèvre, 4, 370, no. 1106; 371, no. 1108; 372, no. 1111; 372373, nos 1115-1116; 375, no. 1112; 389-390, no. 1154; Japikse, 9, 82. On the role of the German princes in these negotiations, cf. ILE 96 05 02 U, 11; 96 05 06 V, 4. 11 non abnuam] Some weeks before, Lipsius had shown himself rather reticent about a possible peace with France in his letter to Philip of Croy: this nation was not really longing for peace but only trying to gain time, cf. ILE 96 07 20 C, 41-63. 11-12 Britanniam … Batavi] In the aforementioned letter to Croy Lipsius expounded a similar point of view with regard to England and the Northern Provinces, pointing to England as the source of all Spanish troubles, cf. ILE 96 07 20 C, 64-83.

308

2149 - 96 08 13 HO

me filius bene, modeste, industrie se habet nec est quod in eo optem, nisi 15 ut perseveret. Vale, mi Pater, et P[atrem] Carolum a me saluta. Lovanii, Idibus Sext[ilibus] ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

16 Idibus … ∞.IƆ.XCVI: om. cla 14 filius] Franciscus, the son of Petrus Oranus, who was a member of Lipsius’s household since September 1595, cf. ILE 96 04 28, 3. 15 Carolum] Carolus Scribani, who was praefectus studiorum of the Antwerp Jesuit College from November 1593 to 16 September 1598, cf. ILE VIII, 95 12 14 H, 18; L. Brouwers, CarolusScribanis.j.1561-1629.EengrootmanvandeContra-Reformatie indeNederlanden, Antwerp, 1961.

2149

96 08 13 HO

Lipsius (Leuven) to Franciscus Hovius [Antwerp] 13 August 1596

Hovius has kept his word and informed Lipsius about the difficult siege of Hulst; hopefully the town will fall soon. In the future, Lipsius will expect similar messages, in particular about Cádiz. He has browsed through the Italian gazette which arrived during Hovius’s absence and encloses one letter. Greetings to his parents and his brothers. GVi listed this letter in September, as 96 09 13, but ms. Lips. 3(18) clearly has Idibus Sexti[libus] (13 August). The mention that Hulst has not yet surrendered (l. 3-5) and also the place of the letter in ms. Lips. 3(18) confirm a dating in August. cl: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 58, no. 128.

I[ustus] Lipsius F[rancisco] Hovio. Fidem servasti, queri non possum, et scripsisti ad nos quae ad Hulstum gerebantur. O Hulstum satis diu nobis molestum! Nec mirari tamen 2 Hulstum] On the siege of Hulst, cf. ILE 96 07 13 HO, 9. Bor, 4, 225, states that the surrender of Hulst came as a surprise to Albert. Exactly on the day it happened he was

309

13 August 1596

convenit in tam varia et multiplici munitione, tum et loco quem aquae et Neptunus ipse defendit. At brevi, confido equidem, vis et fortuna, tum et 5 prudentia nostri Proregis perrumpent. Tu vero deinceps ad nos cum haec aut alia perscribe et maxime quid in Gaditana re sit et in eventu maritimae expeditionis. Ex Italia sollennes illas litteras accepimus, quas te absente resignavimus et fas putavimus, quia aliud in iis privatum aut arcanum nihil esset. Epistolam unam, quae inclusa, ad te iam mittimus, quem valere 10 cupimus et sua peragere prudenter et modeste. Vale, mi Hovi, et optimos parentes tuos tum et fratres a me saluta. Lovanii, Idibus Sexti[libus] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. visiting the neighbourhood to examine with his own eyes what measures he had to take to interrupt the provisioning of the fortress and to increase the pressure. 7 Gaditana] The English attack on Cádiz, cf. ILE 96 05 25, 8. 8 litteras] The avvisi or gazette from Italy, cf. ILE 96 07 13 HO, 4. According to this letter, they were delivered at Lipsius’s address, together with a letter. On Hovius’s absence from Leuven, cf. ILE 96 07 13 HO, 11. 10 Epistolam] There is no trace of this letter from an unknown correspondent to Hovius. 11 sua] Hovius was considering breaking off his training for the priesthood, cf. ILE 96 09 24 H1, 4-13; 96 09 24 H2. 12 parentes] Cf. ILE 96 07 13 HO, introd.; 96 09 24 H2, introd. 12 fratres] Franciscus Hovius had three brothers: Johannes Jr († 1649), Vincentius († 1640), and Carolus († Brussels, 6 September 1635), cf. Antwerp, Municipal Archive, GF 48. In 1597, Carolus mentioned that Franciscus had left for Zeeland on his way to Spain, whereupon Lipsius asked him to continue the delivery of the gazette from Italy in his brother’s place, cf. 97 10 08 H. During Franciscus Hovius’s stay in Spain and Italy (medio 1597 – end 1601) Carolus kept in touch with Lipsius and informed him about his brother, cf. ILE XIII, 00 09 26 etal.

2150

96 08 13 L

Lipsius (Leuven) to Carolus Clusius (Leiden) 13 August 1596

Clusius’s unexpected present for Lipsius’s garden was a delightful surprise. If only the troubles of war did not prevent them from meeting, especially since Lipsius’s failing health does not guarantee a long life. Lipsius regrets Clusius’s fate; he is looking forward

310

2150 - 96 08 13 L

to his Historia stirpium and will soon send a copy of the Poliorcetica. He would have loved to dwell on other themes in his letter. On Carolus Clusius, cf. ILE II, 84 05 07 L; LipsiusenzijnEuropesenetwerk, 182-194; De Landtsheer, JustusLipsiusandCarolusClusius,273-295. o: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Vulc. 101 (L); cl: Leiden, ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 58, no. 129.

I[ustus] Lipsius Carolo Clusio S[alutem] D[icit]. Testor ex fide, mi Clusi, iamdiu nullum munus mihi gratius hoc tuo fuisse, tum quia hortense, tum quia sic inopinato et ultro ad me missum. Amo constantiam amoris tui et exosculor, quam in me quoque esse et fore 5 adtestor. Ah si mitior aliqua pacis aura nos adspiciat et iungat! Equidem vellem et serio te complecti et uberius alloqui in hoc senio, praesertim cum nec mihi valetudo multos annos promittat. Sed in his votorum modo locus est. Tuam quidem sortem doleo et publice remedium non adferri miror, qui sic improbe et toties expilere. Solarer magis, nisi te viderem extremum 10 remedium usurpasse et fines arcuisse nihil habendo. Historiam tuam stirpium videre optamus, tu brevi a me Poliorcetica, etsi opus in quo haud valde nobis placemus. Scribimus quaedam, ne nihil scribamus, et alia mallemus. Vale, mi Clusi, Lovanii, Idib[us] Sextil[ibus] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. [Address:] Clar[issimo] Viro Carolo Clusio. Leidae. [Clusii manu:] 1596 Iusti Lipsii Lovanii Idib[us] Sextilis ad meas IX 15 Kal[endas]Sextilis.AccepiLeydaeIIIIKal[endas]Septembr[is].Respondi. 2 munus] After Lipsius’s return to Leuven in August 1592, Clusius regularly sent him small plants and bulbs, in particular after he bought his house with its spacious garden in 1594. They shared their love for gardens, which they discussed in their letters. Cf. ILE VII, 94 03 02, 2-6; 94 08 10, 2-25; 94 09 21, 3-6; De Landtsheer, Justus Lipsius and CarolusClusius,279-282. See also ILE 96 04 22, 22-25. 8 sortem] Apparently, Clusius had complained about his situation in Leiden and the discourteous way he was treated, cf. also ILE VII, 94 08 10, 48-62. 10 Historiam] This publication, Rariorumplantarumhistoria, already announced in 15921593, only appeared with Johannes Moretus in Antwerp in 1601. Cf. VII, 94 07 01 L, 18; De Landtsheer, JustusLipsiusandCarolusClusius,289, n. 49; 293. 11 Poliorcetica] Lipsius sent the promised copy through Buytewech in September 1596, cf. ILE 96 09 081, 6-9. 12 alia] In 1596 Lipsius often informed correspondents from the Northern Provinces that he did not want to discuss political questions that were sensitive in the North. He feared that his letters might fall into the hands of opponents and did not want to give them any opportunity to cast suspicion upon him. Cf. ILE 96 01 10 B, 30-32; 96 01 10 S, 21-22; 96 03 16 S2, 2-4.

311

14 August 1596

2151

96 08 14

Lipsius (Leuven) to Gerardus Corselius [Tournai(?)] 14 August 1596

Lipsius enjoyed the news about Corselius’s health and occupations. If others should share his opinion of his correspondent, Corselius would have a chair in Leuven. Hence Lipsius sincerely regrets that he is moving. It is hard to give him advice: two opportunities to obtain tenure at Leuven university were unsuccessful. Will there be a third occasion? Perhaps Gobletius’s chair who allegedly is seriously ill. If Corelius is thwarted in his hope Lipsius suggests him to go to Tournai. He is looking forward to hearing more about the political developments, particularly in France. The expectations of a possible peace with that country are dampened. The siege of Hulst is dragging on. The news about the capture of Cádiz is now disposed of as being a ruse from the enemy. Greetings to Villerius, Winghius, and other friends in Tournai. Lipsius would be delighted to visit them, but his health does not allow it; perhaps next year. Corselius must be staying in Tournai, since Lipsius asks to greet some of his friends in that city (l. 23-24). cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 60v, no. 136; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 1, no. 1.

Iustus Lipsius Gerardo Corselio I[uris]c[onsul]to S[alutem] D[icit]. Litterae vero tuae mihi gratae, imo exspectatae, quoniam diutius abes. Iuvat intelligere cum de valetudine, tum de rebus tuis, quem ego quidem φιλῶ ἐκ καρδίας. Utinam affectus aut iudicium de te idem aliorum! Firmioribus vinclis hic te innexuissemus. Sed illi aut livore aut stupore 5 aut et incuria nimis vident; nos qui te novimus, amamus serio et aestimamus. Eo molestius mihi sit mutare te sedem, praesertim in tui similium hic inopia. Et quid tamen suadeam, haud expeditum est. Spes hic duplex fefellit, nec scio an brevi alia, an est etiam? Dicam etsi

5 hic ⟦opera⟧ cla 4 iudicium] In 1595, Lipsius had vainly recommended Corselius to Richardot for the chair of Institutiones imperiales at Leuven university, cf. ILE VIII, 95 06 20 A1, 16; 95 08 06 R, 5-13; 95 11 20, 3-9. 8-9 Spes … duplex] I could find no information about the other vacancy Corselius had applied for.

312

2151 - 96 08 14

incertam. Gobletius languere dicitur idque tabido quodam morbo ut, si is ad alium locum eat, futurus videatur novo professori locus. Tu ac affinis tuus me ista melius capitis et credo eum scripsisse aut scripturum. Quod si nihil hic prae manu, equidem sic te amo ut nolim tacitum ludibrium ineptorum aut malevolentium hominum esse, et tum mihi Tornacum 15 placeat honesta, pacata et inter honestissimos viros sedes. Sed Genius omnino tuus magis ad nostram quietem et studia vocet et ne despera ῥεῖαθεόςγ’ἐθέλωνκαὶτηλόθενἄνδρασαώσαι. De publicis siquid habes (soletis illic curiosi esse) significa, maxime si quid de vicina Gallia, cum qua pacem aut inducias hic augurabamur et loquebamur sed spe 20 iam et sermone frigescente. Hulstum nostros exercet, varia munitione opidum, et accedit hostilis pertinacia, qui vires omnes eo conferunt ad resistendum. De Gadibus captis tristiora audieramus, nunc negant et hostilem fraudem ac fucum aiunt. Villerium, Wingium et amicos saluto, quos videndi mei cupidos ipse videre pariter velim, sed nescio quomodo: 25 in hac valetudine et temporibus non erigimur et desidiam amamus. Hac aestate nihil fiet, ne fallam: fortasse proxima, si vivo. Vale, mi Corseli. Lovanii, post[ridie] Idus Sextiles ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 10

10 torpido cla 11 videare cla || ac: et cla 24 ipse: esse cla

15 Sed ⟦.⟧ clb

21 transferunt cla

10 Gobletius] Nicolaus Gobletius, professorordinariusetprimarius of canon law, died on 28 September 1596. He was succeeded by Cornelius Sylvius (Bosman) († 27 April 1620), so that the chair of Institutionesimperiales was open again. Cf. Valerius Andreas, Fasti, 156-157; Bax, 5, f. 49-50. By the end of the year Corselius finally became professor regius Institutionum, cf. ILE 96 12 23 R, 1-5. On Corselius’s candidacy, see also ILE 96 10 16 R, 6-8; 96 10 17, 13-24. 11-12 affinis tuus] Stephanus Wamesius (Weyms; Sint-Pieters-Voeren, 31 January 1553 – Leuven, 25 June 1633) had married Corselius’s sister; he became his brother-in-law’s successor in Leuven in 1606. Together, they published the works of heir uncle, Johannes Wamesius. Cf. BN 4, 421; ILE V, 92 02 23 C, 3; VIII, 95 06 20 A1, 16. 17 ῥεῖα…σαώσαι] After Hom. Od. 3, 231. 19 pacem] Cf. ILE 96 08 13 HE, 10-12. 20 Hulstum] On the siege of Hulst, cf. ILE 96 07 13 HO, 11. 22 Gadibus] Cádiz was captured and destroyed by the English navy by the end of June 1596, cf. ILE 96 08 13 HO, 6. 23 Villerium] Dionysius Villerius, cf. ILE VII, 94 06 14 V, introd. 23 Winghium] Hieronymus Winghius, cf. ILE VII, 94 03 04, introd. 24 quos … velim] Lipsius’s friends in Tournai had to wait until June 1601 before he finally accepted an invitation by Villerius, a friend from his childhood days, cf. ILE XIV, 01 04 11 V, 3.

313

17 August 1596

2152 96 08 17

Lipsius (Leuven) to Innocentius Malvasia [Rome?] 17 August 1596

In fact, Lipsius does not merit Malvasia’s attention and support. He keeps to his decision to renounce the invitation of Bologna university, for the Spanish authorities in Brussels do not want him to leave and have granted him a rather substantial annuity. Hopefully, both the city of Bologna and Cardinal Aldobrandini, who even took the trouble of looking abroad for a suitable candidate, will understand this reason. Lipsius’s innate modesty almost makes him feel ashamed because men of such distinction hold his works in such great esteem. It encourages him to put himself further at the service of the state and the Church of Rome. On Innocentius Malvasia (Bologna, October 1552 – Rome, 7 March 1612), cf. ILE VIII, [95 02 08] M, introd. In November 1592 he had been appointed High Commissioner of the papal troops in France and spent several years in Antwerp and Brussels. He was even granted the title of papal nuncio at Archduke Ernest of Austria’s court. Near the end of 1595 he was called back to Rome. On 14 September 1596, he was appointed praefectus annonae in Umbria and the surrounding regions. Cf. Jaitner, CCXIV-CCXVI. Paleograpically, one can not distinguish between Sext[ilibus] and Sept[embribus], nor are there any internal criteria to decide whether this letter was written in August or September. Hence, we follow GVi and opt for August because of its place in ms. Lips. 3(18) and 3(19). Obviously, the scribes are mixing up the names of Cardinal Cinzio Aldobrandini and the Bolognese Professor Ulisse Aldrovandi. Cf. also ILE VII, 94 07 29 A, 1 and VIII, 95 01 21 A, 1. A fragmentary version of this letter with only the opening lines is also preserved. Because its text is different, it is edited separatly.

1stversion cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 61-61v, no. 138; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 2, no. 4.

Innocentio Malvasiae. Admodum Ill[ust]ris et Rev[erendissi]me Domine, 1 Innocentio Malvasiae: cla, add. clbλ

314

5

10

15

20

25

2152 - 96 08 17

Epistola tua satis mihi ostendit memoriam mei tuam, sed et curam et desiderium in ornando me et promovendo. Equidem meritum id me non fateor, nisi quia animo fortasse cultor et cliens tuus sum, nam re non fuit ut declararem. Sed ut epistolae tuae distincte respondeam, quod ad Bononienses attinet, perseverare cogor in priore meo decreto, id est non veniendi, quia ministri hic Regii in suo quoque decreto perseverant, quod fuisse scis retinendi mei et uberiore congiario honestandi. Id cum re ipsa fiat, caussa aut r[ati]o non est qua honeste me expediam et solvam a vinclo quo Regi et Patriae attinemur. Id cum ad Bononienses spectet et apud eos (aequos equidem iudices) satis me excuset, tum et apud Ill[ustrissi]mum et Rev[erendissi]mum Cardinalem Aldobrandinum (spero) valebit. Qui Princeps heroicum animum et excelsam virtutem hoc ipso ostendit, quod apud exteros etiam indagatum eam it et quaestum. Ego vero modestiae meae mihi conscius ingenuo pudore perfundor, cum tam illustres viri pretium honoremque talem ingenio et artibus meis ponunt. Quae utinam publice prosint, quando placere ea vos tales viri mihi persuadetis. Ego vero accendor et stimulor istis iudiciis, ut, siquid Deus mihi dedit, porro dividam idque in reip[ublicae], sed et Ecclesiae bonum, cui verae et veteri, id est Romanae, testor me addictum. Admodum Illustris et Rev[erendissi]me Domine, valere te opto et interpretem huius mentis meae esse apud Ill[ustrissi]mum Aldobrandinum, tum et Bononienses et sicubi opus erit. Lovanii, XVI Kal[endas] Sept[embres] ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

7 p⟦oste⟧riore clb 12 quidem clb rubore cla 20 bonum ⟦id est⟧ cla

13 Aldrobandinum clb 15 ⟦id⟧it clb 16 pudore: 23 Ald⟦roandum⟧obrandinum cla, Aldroandum clb

7 Bononienses] On the invitation to become Thomas Correa’s successor at Bologna University, cf. the introduction to ILE VIII and a number of its letters (index, s.v. invit. Bologna). Malvasia, who was born in Bologna and still in Brussels at the moment of the negotiations, had joined the efforts of his fellow citizens to convince Lipsius. According to the beginning of this letter, he made another attempt in 1596. 9 congiario] Lipsius’s annuity of 1,000 florins as historiographus regius, cf. ILE 96 01 02 S, 7. 13 Aldobrandinum] Cardinal Cinzio Aldobrandini, to whom Malvasia had sent his reports during his stay in Brussels. Cf. on him ILE XIII, 00 09 07 A. The apparatus criticus here and on l. 23 makes it clear that, despite the title cardinalis, the scribes confused between Cardinal Cinzio Aldobrandini and the Bolognese scholar Ulisse Aldro(v)andi, who had firmly encouraged Lipsius to accept a chair in Bologna.

315

19 August 1596

2ndversion This undated fragment is listed as GVi 96 00 00 M. cl: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 45.

Nuncio Innocentio Malvasiae. Admodum Illustris et Reverendissime Domine, Ex ep[isto]la tua duplex equidem gaudium cepi, quod et memoriam mei benignitatis tuae inclinatione, non merito meo servas et quod commoda etiam mea auctum iri studeas atque ipsum me attollere et promovere. Gratiam 5 utroque nomine debeo atque in animo isto habeo. [Ceteradesiderantur] 3 ep[isto]la] Not preserved.

2153 96 08 19

Lipsius (Leuven) to Jan de Greve [Brussels] 19 August 1596

Lipsius asks De Greve to check a letter written in French and, if he approves, to deliver it to Godin. He is willing to write it in Latin, but perhaps his correspondent will not understand it? Maybe a letter is not necessary at all. Lipsius returns the appeal; it is wellwritten. De Greve should deliver a book he joins to Philip de Ayala, but there is no need to recommend his case. Lipsius is expecting De Greve’s wife. Thanks for advising him about inviting De Weerdt and Breugel’s wife. o: Brussels, ARA, ms. div. 200 A, f. 33.

Bemiende neve, Hier gaet mede eenen brief aen Godin, den rentm[eeste]r, gelijck ghij siet, en[de] dunckt u goedt, u l[ieden] mach hem geven. Ick en ben geen groot

2 Godin] With regard to the letter he includes, Lipsius had asked for the correct name and title of Godin, cf. ILE 96 08 12, 27-28. The letter to Godin is not preserved, but he

316

2153 - 96 08 19

clerck int franchois te schrijven; daeromme sende ick u mede die copije 5 en[de] duncket u niet heel wel, soo moechdij den brief houden en[de] ick sal liever eenen int Latijn schrijven. Dwelck ick als nu soude gedaen hebben, maer en schrijve niet geerne aen die geene die ick niet voor seeker en weete oft sijt verstaen. Doet dan hier in alsoot u goet dunckt, en[de] mogelijck eest oick niet van noode eenigen brief en[de] het soude 10 mij verdrieten, soude ick telcken soo moeten naer gaen. Maer patientie, ick sien wel tis soo costuijme. Ick sende wederomme die requeste, die wel gemaeckt is. Hier gaet mede eenen boeck aenden commis Aijala, die mijn goet vriendt is, en[de] sulten hem geeven, sonder nochtans mijn saecke te recommandeeren, op dat niet en schijne tot dien eijnde gedaen, 15 en[de] ick weet wel hij sal mij van selfs faveur toonen. Wilt hem grueten etc. en[de] met gelegentheijt sal ick hem schrijven. U huijsvrow moet gegruet sijn en[de] ick verwachte haer met goeder herten. Tot Loven, deesen 19en Aug[usti] 1596. Uwen goetwilligen oom I[ustus] Lipsius. complains about the delay in the payment of his annuity as historiographus regius, cf. ILE 96 09 30, 2. 4 franchois] Some sources take a rather disparaging view of Lipsius’s mastery of French, cf. Galesloot, 290-291 and n. 5; Delprat, 8. It was, of course, not his native tongue, as he asserts in his autobiographical letter (cf. ILE XIII, 00 10 01, 46; Bergmans, 36-37), but this remark, to be found also in other letters, should rather be considered a topos of modesty. Lipsius was a perfectionist by nature, whose Latin was undoubtedly better than his French, hence he hesitated to write official letters in that language. His (private) correspondence in French with Johannes Moretus, of which sixty-eight letters are edited in GV are a proof that his knowledge of the language was more than mediocre. See on this matter also Bouchery, 10; J. Fabri, IetsoverLipsiusenhetFrans, in: Wetenschappelijke Tijdingen, 9 (1951), 373; M. A. Nauwelaerts, NogmaalsJustusLipsiusenhetFrans, in: ibid., 9 (1951), 398; ILE VIII, 95 05 29. 11 requeste] Presumably the draft of the complaint as it was sent to Godin. 12 boeck] Obviously one of Lipsius’s works. His Poliorcetica was available around this time, but as mentioned in ILE 96 08 21 HA, 6-8, Lipsius courteously wanted Ernest of Bavaria, the dedicatee of the work, to be the first to receive a copy. Hence it is more likely that he is sending a copy of the revised Politica, which had appeared earlier that same year. 12 Aijala] Philip de Ayala (Antwerp, 1557 – ibid., 1619), son of a Spanish merchant, licentiate in both laws, was pensionary of Antwerp from 1585 to 1594. Next, he was ambassador of the Low Countries at King Henri IV’s court for six years before being appointed a member of the Council of Finances, an office he held until his death. Cf. De Schepper, 2, 458-462; NBW 13, 58-60; ILE XIII, 00 03 11 A, introd.. 14 saecke] Ayala was curator aerarii regii (royal treasurer), cf. ILE 97 [08] 03. With saecke (‘matter’) Lipsius refers to the delayed payment of his annuity, cf. ILE 96 08 21 D; 96 09 30, 2-3. 17 verwachte] Cf. ILE 96 08 12, 6-7; 26-27.

317

21 August 1596

Tis mij lief dat ghij mij geadviseert hebt van nichte Breugels en[de] Weerdt en[de] ick sal dat volgen. Oicke die moijte verdriet mij in deese 20 mijn gesontheijt.

19-20 Tis … volgen] Cf. ILE 96 08 12, 11-13.

2154

96 08 21 B

Lipsius (Leuven) to Carolus Billaeus (Liège) 21 August 1596

Lipsius asks Billaeus to offer a copy of the Poliorcetica to Ernest of Bavaria; it is dedicated to him and worthy of him because of its subject. Lipsius’s poor health prevented him to discuss this matter more fully. If only the engravings were more accurate and elegant, but he had to be satisfied with what he had and, moreover, the printers tend to cut such expenses. The work is conceived as a series of dialogues and he has also added Billaeus’s name. Paleotti’s book has arrived and Lipsius has sent an answer. cl: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 63, no. 142; d: Cent.Belg. II, 23; d1: Buchler, 256, no. 79.

Carolo Billaeo. Leodicum. Nobilissime et Clarissime Domine, Libros hos quos Ser[enissi]mo Electori nostro inscripsi (nam et ego me inter clientes eius habeo), eos ad te mittimus, porro ad eum, pro iudicio 1 Carolo Billeo, intimo Consiliario Serenissimi Electoris d, d1 || Leodicum: add. d 2 Nobilissime … Domine: om. d, d1 3 nam: nostro, nam d, d1 3 inscripsi] On the dedication of the Poliorcetica, cf. ILE 96 01 05, 18-21 and the index, s.v.Lipsius,Poliorc.dedic.

318

2154 - 96 08 21 B

tuo, transmittendos. Serium et grande magis opus esset, si vires pro voluntate essent, sed vel sic non displicebit, spero, quia materia alibi subtilior, operosior et acri et sublimi ingenio Principis non indigna. Utinam pictoris mihi pro libitu copia fuisset! Accuratius et elegantius quaedam oculis subiecissemus. Quod nunc non licuit, sed et typographi defugiunt 10 hos sumptus. In iis autem libris (dialogi sunt) tuum quoque nomen velut emblema inserui nec indignaberis, etsi veritas est, cum sperem a decoro et convenienti non abisse. Certe affectu et iudicio inductus feci, cum te et diligam pariter et colam atque ea ratio prompta mihi visa et commoda utriusque rei testandae. Nobilissime et Clarissime Domine, diu superesse 15 te cupio Principi et rebus. Lovanii, XII Kal[endas] Sept[embres] ∞.IƆ. XCVI. Libros quos Roma nuper mihi curasti (a Palaeoto Cardinali erant), accepi et, quod oportuit, respondi. 5

8 copia: in copia cl 10 dialogi: quia dialogi d, d1 om. d 16-17 Libros … respondi: om. d

11 vanitas d, d1

12 te et: et

8 pictoris] The drawings used by Peeter vander Borcht as a model for his engravings were made by Otho Vaenius, as is proved by Moretus’s list of expenses, paid to collaborators of theOfficinaPlantiniana, Antwerp, MPM, Arch. 1079 (Carnetdedépenses), 14-15. Cf. Imhof, 70-71; Peeters, OntstaansgeschiedenisvanLipsius’ Poliorcetica, 193. 8 libitu] News of Lipsius’s discontent with the quality of the engravings in the Poliorcetica even reached the North. Buchell, 423, noted in August 1596: Lipsiussubpraelohabet librumdemachinisbellicisRomanis,cuiuseditionemremoratur,sculptorumeiusmentem exprimerenequeuntiumimperitia. With regard to the reissue of the work Lipsius not only wanted to improve the quality of the illustrations, but also add to their number, cf. ILE 96 12 02, 7-16; LipsiusenLeuven, 107-108, no. 25. 10 nomen] In Poliorcetica, 1, 2 Lipsius gives Billaeus a special place in the company because of his theoretical and practical knowledge of military affairs in both antiquity and his own times. Hence unlike the other participants, men without any practical experience, he would be aware of every mistake, according to Lipsius. 16 Libros] Paleotti’s Debonosenectutis, cf. ILE 96 07 21 P, 4-5. 17 respondi] ILE 96 07 21 P.

319

21 August 1596

2155 96 08 21 C

Lipsius (Leuven) to Jacques de Carondelet (Liège) 21 August 1596

Lipsius sends copies of his Poliorcetica to De Carondelet and other friends in Liège; Ernest of Bavaria will receive his copy, in a luxury binding, through Billaeus. His correspondent figures among the main interlocutors in the text; Lipsius hopes this token of affection will be appreciated. The military situation is looking better, but slowly, as was to be expected, because of the strength of the enemy, for the Northern Provinces are stealthily joining forces with France. Nevertheless, Hulst was reconquered; the besieged soldiers were purposefully granted mild conditions of surrender. Harshness would only have caused fierce resistance and violence. The English navy has ransacked Cádiz; during the plunder the troops behaved like a horde of pirates. Yet the position of the Spanish king in that region has not really been impaired. Perhaps the English navy still has other plans. The name of the month can be interpreted both as Sext[iles] and Sept[embres]. GVi’s dating in August is confirmed by the content of the letter: the appearance of the Poliorcetica (l. 3) and the surrender of Hulst (l. 11-12). On l. 17 the scribe of clb was unable to read the word facessant and left a blank. The fact that Lipsius added EPIST[OLA] on top of the cla version indicates that he considered its publication in a next volume of letters. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(4), f. 75; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 62v, no. 141.

Iacobo Carondeleto Canonico et Cancellario. Leodicum. Rev[eren]de et Nob[ilissi]me Domine, Librum, imo et libros ad te mitto: unum tibi, alios amicis quos praescripsi. Videbis enim in ipsa cuiusque fronte. Cupio gratos eos vobis esse, si non a merito, ab affectu. Ad Principem per Billaeum mitto, politius revinctum 5 et compactum. Te inter praecipuos fabulatores agnosces et non displicebit (spero) testimonium hoc publicum mutui amoris. Alia epistolae meae quas 1 Iacobo … Leodicum: add. claλ || Canonico … Leodicum: om. clb … Domine: canc. claλ, add. clb

2 Rev[eren]de

3 libros] Sc. copies of the Poliorcetica to which Lipsius had added an autograph dedication. The recently auctioned copy of the Jesuit College in Liège bears the inscription CollegioLeodicensigratitudinisetamicitiaecaussaI[ustus]Lipsiusd[ono]d[edit]. 5 Ad Principem … mitto] Cf. ILE 96 08 21 B, 3-4. 6 Te … fabulatores] Cf. ILE 96 01 02 C, 7-9.

320

2156 - 96 08 21 D

antemisi vel ad Principem vel ad Lectorem dicent. Nostra publica in melius eunt, sed lente. Quid miramur in rebus tam turbidis et hoste aut 10 hostibus potius tam validis? Nec enim cum uno Batavo res est, etiam cum esse videtur, sed Batavi et Galli palam et occulte se miscent. Hulstum tamen recepimus mitioribus conditionibus, sed quas aut difficultas conficiendae rei expressit, aut alta calliditas alliciendi alios et ne nimis in defensione obdurent. Severitas desperationem parit et haec vires. Gades 15 insulam opidumque cepit et despoliavit classis Anglica, exiguo in publicum fructu, ut mihi videtur, cum pedem non firment nec diuturnum negotium Regi facessant. Praeda, etsi magna pariatur, fere in militem et duces abit et piratarum haec magis quam regum sunt facta. Sed fortasse aliud etiam classis ea molitur: audiemus et prospere tamen Regi nostro vovebimus 20 atque etiam, Rev[eren]de et Nobil[issi]me Domine, tibi. Lovanii, XII Kal[endas] Sept[embres] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 11 ⟦Batavi et Galli⟧ vicini claλ, Galli et Batavus add. claλinmarg., Batavi et Galli clb || palam ⟦et⟧ aut claλ 13 rei conficiendae clb 13 nimis: minus clb 14-15 ⟦Gades⟧ ⟦Gades⟧ Gades insulam opidumque claλ; insulam opidumque: om. clb 16 non ⟦figant⟧ cla 17 facessant: om. clb 21 ∞.I): om. clb 12 mitioribus] On 19 August Hulst surrendered to Albert, cf. ILE 96 07 13 HO, 11. The defenders had negotiated that all troops could leave the town with their armour; the prisoners Albert had made were freed; citizens were given the opportunity to depart with all their possessions and return afterwards. Only the artillery and the victuals had to be left behind, cf. Bor 4, 225. 14 Gades] On the capture of Cádiz, cf. ILE 96 08 13 HO, 7.

2156 96 08 21 D

Lipsius (Leuven) to Jan van Drenckwaert [Brussels] 21 August 1596

Lipsius calls upon Van Drenckwaert to be paid the first half of his annuity as a royal historiographer. As usual, he has already addressed an appeal to the Council of Finances, but Van Drenckwaert’s intervention may precipitate the payment. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 61, no. 137; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 2-2v, no. 5; d: Cent.misc. III, 23; d1: Buchler, 274, no. 109.

321

21 August 1596

Io[hann]i Drinquart. Ampl[issi]me et Nobili[ssi]me Domine, Quod iamdiu insuevi, id facio et, cum auxilii aut opis egeo, ad te recurro. Fiducia benignitatis tuae in me toties declaratae impellit, tum etiam quia ista res est quae proprie te et tribunal tuum spectat. Nam cum aerario 5 regio mihi res est. Quae? Ut id exhauriam (iocanti dabis veniam), et ego quoque inter publicas necessitates, una cum multis, veniam petitor. Cum multis, sed in caussa remota et propria et ut stipendii semestris solutionem impetrem quod rex titulo historiographi sui voluit me ferre acceptum. Libellum communiter ad Senatum vestrum (ita moris esse audio) concepi, 10 sed tua auctoritate et gr[ati]a inprimis niti me fateor ac rogo, ut pro affectu tuo veteri, Amplissime et Nobilissime Do[mi]ne, mihi consulas et rem hanc ex tarda aut turbida expeditam reddas et tranquillam. Lovanii, XII Kal[endas] Sept[embres] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 1 Thesaurario clbλ, Ioanni Drenckwairto, thesaurario supremo Regio d; Ioanni Drenckwairto, supremo Thesaurario d1 2 Ampl[issi]me … Domine: om. d, d1 7-8 veniam … multis suprascr. man.alt.in cla, add. clb, d || ⟦tri⟧semestris clb 4 toties] Van Drenckwaert, the treasurer general of Finances, was of course the appropriate authority to resolve complaints concerning these monetary matters. Lipsius has also expressed his gratitude in previous letters, cf, e.g., ILE VIII, 95 06 20 D, 4-6; 95 11 30 D, 5-9. 8 stipendii] Cf. also ILE 96 08 21 HA, 3-6; 96 09 30, 2.

2157 96 08 21 HA

Lipsius (Leuven) to Otho Hartius [Brussels] 21 August 1596

The day on which Lipsius’s annuity was due, is past: how can the payment be made more smoothly? Lipsius has also consulted Van Drenckwaert on this matter. He intended to add a copy of the Poliorcetica to his letter, but did not do so yet, since the dedicatee still has to receive his copy. Another reason for the postponement is his hesitance to have his book circulated among the friends of the Archduke. If he does, it will become clear that he has not followed the advice of a number of prominent men, who urged him to dedicate

322

2157 - 96 08 21 HA

the Poliorcetica to Albert. Hartius must give his opinion; Lipsius will use his intermediation to offer a copy to the Archduke. He must also explain that the author had to keep a promise made already before the governor’s arrival and assure that his next, more serious and important writing will bear the Archduke’s name. Hulst has surrendered after a fierce defence. If only the North were more inclined to peace! Lipsius takes good care of supervising Hartius’s son, who paid him fifty florins. The name of the month can be interpreted both as Sext[iles] and Sept[embres]. GVi’s dating in August is confirmed by the content of the letter: the appearance of the Poliorcetica(l. 6-7) and the surrender of Hulst (l. 16-17), cf. ILE 96 08 21 C, introd. Answer to ILE 96 08 01 H. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 62-62v, no. 140; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 1-1v, no. 2.

I[ustus] Lipsius Othoni Hartio S[alutem] D[icit]. Aedifica, inquis, aedifica. Sed heus tu Adnumera, inquam, adnumera, aut potius ut adnumeretur, mihi iuva. Scis quid ambagibus istis velim? Semestris stipendii mei dies cessit, quod Regiae benignitati debeo, atque age videamus 5 ecquae prima solutio haec et quam ex facili futura sit. Scripsi ad patronum nostrum thesaurarium et cognato huic litteras dedi. Eidem libros daturus eram de Machinis qui prodierunt, sed nondum ad ipsum Leodiensem misi cui dedicavimus, nec decorum sit ad alios prius. Tardo etiam, imo ambigo an mittam, caussa alia. Scis plerosque procerum istorum animo praecepisse 10 et destinasse ut proregi nostro inscriberem. Quod quia nunc non potui 10 destinavisse clb || potuit clb 2 Aedifica] Hartius opened his letter by quoting Horace’s Aedifica audacter et muta quadratarotundis, cf. ILE 96 08 01 H, 2. 4 stipendii] The addition quod Regiae benignitati debeo (l. 4) makes clear that Lipsius is complaining about the payment of his annuity as historiographusregius, and not of his wages as a professor. Cf. also ILE 96 08 21 D, 8-9; 96 09 30, 2. 5-6 Scripsi … thesaurarium] Sc. ILE 96 08 21 D to Jan van Drenckwaert. 6 cognato] Without doubt his nephew Jan de Greve, whom Lipsius often asked to deliver his letters to correspondents in Brussels. See, e.g., ILE VI, 93 11 05 A, 17 to Christophe d’Assonleville; ILE VI, 93 11 10, 10-11 where De Greve is asked to take care of letters to Hendrik van Croonendael and Erycius Puteanus, or more recently, ILE 96 03 18 G, 13-14 about a letter to Gaston Spinola. 7 Leodiensem] Ernest of Bavaria, the Prince Bishop of Liège, cf. ILE 96 08 21 B, 3-4. 10 proregi] On Lipsius’s hesitation whether to dedicate his Poliorcetica to the Liège prince bishop rather then to Archduke Albert, the new governor of the South, cf., e.g.,

323

21 August 1596

(caussas scis), nescio an decore ad eos miserim et ipse statim in os atque oculos ingesserim quid non fecissem. Scribes quid videatur. Si mittendos esse, ad te mittam, sed cum lege ut per te etiam excuser in re quae consilium non admittebat et in qua uno principi data servanda erat fides, maxime cum ante adventum huius nostri, cui serium etiam magis et operosius aliud 15 paramus. Toti nunc in eo sumus. Heri de Hulsto audivimus, o nuncium laetum! Nam inter spem et metum dubii pendebamus et revera plusculum ibi fuit molis. Batavi saltem supra Gallos se ostendunt animo et viribus esse, sed et pertinacia, quae utinam non sic propria sit eorum! Ad pacata magis inclinarent quo toties nec benigne solum, sed honeste vocantur. Filius tuus 20 mihi curae, sed et cordi est. Is mihi a te numeravit quinquaginta florenos ac velim Regios sic prompta et aperta manu esse. Vale. Lovanii, XII Kal[endas] Sept[embres] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 15 ⟦aliquid⟧ aliud clb

22 Vale: om. cla

ILE 96 04 25, 15-20; 96 04 28, 5-10; [96 05 02] O, 2-5). Finally he decided on the former, since he had promised to do so (see also l. 14: dataservandaeratfides). Moreover, since the work is fashioned as a dialogue between Lipsius and his Liège friends in the prince bishop’s estate in Seraing, Ernest of Bavaria is a more suitable patron. 16 Hulsto] On the surrender of Hulst on 19 August, cf. ILE 96 07 13 HO, 11. 20 Filius] Antonius Hartius, cf. ILE 96 08 01 H, 14. 21 numeravit] Presumably his board and lodging as a contubernalis, cf. also ILE 96 02 19 H, 4-9. 22 Regios] Allusion to the slow and irregular payment of his stipendium, cf. l. 3-5.

2158

96 08 21 HE

Lipsius (Leuven) to Petrus Oranus (Liège) 21 August 1596

Covering letter of the Poliorcetica, a work fashioned as a dialogue with the characteristics of the genre, imitating reality, without being real. Lipsius is looking forward to learning more details from his friend’s remarks. Sometimes he needs a teacher, especially about

324

2158 - 96 08 21 HE

technical matters. He hopes that Oranus will be pleased with the preface. Flattery does not suit Lipsius; he prefers sincere praise. He has sent Prince Bishop Ernest’s copy to Carolus Billaeus, who also figures in the work. cl: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 63-63v, no. 143; d: Cent.Belg. III, 33.

I[ustus] Lipsius P[etro] Orano suo S[alutem] D[icit]. En tibi libros POLIORCETICON, in quibus fabellas nostras videbis, nec miraberis, gnarus scilicet moris et licentiae quam dialogi habent. Mentiri illic non solum licet, sed oportet, si serium aliquid aut extra vulgum sumus 5 dicturi. Imitationem veritatis dialogi habent, non t[ame]n ipsam. Certus porro amoris tui laudes non quaero: mallem iudicia, sive tua sive aliena. Nos enim qui docemus, discere etiam possumus atque ego eo ingenio sum, ut serio velim. Sed et tota haec res intricata est: monitore alibi egere possumus aut ductore, praesertim in fabrilibus, quae non sunt proprie meae 10 artis. Haec ad te et per te alios. Illud etiam, ut de praefatione mihi significes, sitne ad gustum. Blandicella nimis verba dare non est meum: serias laudes malumus et quas cui damus, et qui audiunt, pariter agnoscant. Ipsum volumen Principi destinandum ad Billaeum mittimus, virum amicum nobis et apud Principem in auctoritate et fide. Iuvet nos vel iudicium eius vel 15 amor, qui meus in illum quoque hoc scripto apparebit. Vale, mi Orane. Lovanii, XII Kal[endas] Septembris ∞.IƆ.XCVI. Libros adiunctos partiere fratri tuo, D[omino] Decano Grimbergio, D[omino] Praeposito Gavernio, D[omino] Wachtendonckio, ut videbis ex inscriptione.

1 P[etro] Orano suo S[alutem] D[icit] d 3 et moris d 4 et extra vulgus d d 10 ad alios d 17-19 Libros … inscriptione: om. d

9 doctore

11 Blandicella] Very rare; cf. Paul. ex Fest., p. 35 (ed. Müller). 13 volumen] Cf. ILE 96 08 21 B, 3-4. 17 fratri tuo] Sc. Aegidius (1548 – 7 May 1599), canon of St Lambertus’s and archdeacon of the Campine (cf. ILE VII, 94 04 01 H). Another brother, Johannes, was living at the Jesuit College in Antwerp and will have obtained his copy through Moretus. 17 Grimbergio] On Willem van Bergen, lord of Grimbergen, (1551 – 28 April 1609), cf. ILE XIV, 01 05 18, 9; BN 8, 309-312; Theux de Montjardin, 2, 169-171. In 1583 he became canon, in 1585 dean of St Lambertus’s in Liège. Ernest of Bavaria charged him with diplomatic missions to find support against the Protestants who threatened the electorate of Cologne and the principality of Liège. On 29 March 1598 he was enthroned bishop of Antwerp, as the successor of Laevinus Torrentius.

325

21 August 1596

18 Gavernio] On Koenraad van Gavere, praepositusmagnus of St Lambertus’s in Liège, cf. ILE VI, [93] 09 22 H, 25. In the principality of Liège, each chapter could choose a praepositus (provost) to defend its interests with the prince bishop, cf. ibid., 24. 18 Wachtendonckio] Arnold van Wachtendonck (1538-1605), cf. ILE V, 92 08 28 W, not to be confused with his namesake (1564-1633), who was canon of St Lambertus’s and chancellor to Prince Bishop Ernest of Bavaria, cf. BN 27, 1-4; Theux de Montjardin, 158. Van Wachtendonck is mentioned in Poliorcetica1, §2, where Lipsius discusses the correct Latin name of Liège, Leodium or Leodicum. In his argumentation he refers to a psalterium owned by Van Wachtendonck, ‘a man who is as virtuous as he is learned’, from which he had made copies for his Leiden friend Jan Van Hout. See on this manuscript ILE IV, 91 08 02 D1, 9; T. Van Hal, Een‘geurtje’ronddeWachtendoncksePsalmen?Eenomstreden bijdragevanJustusLipsiusaandeGermaansefilologie, in: ‘Iamillustravitomnia’, 27-44.

2159 96 08 21 HO

Lipsius (Leuven) to Franciscus Hovius [Antwerp] 21 August 1596

Finally good news about Hulst. Hopefully, the enemy will have second thoughts and incline towards peace. Archduke Albert is leading his country towards a new golden age with a great sense of justice and peace. What about Cádiz and its neighbourhood? The enemy has ransacked the city, behaving as a band of pirates rather than as royal mariners. Did they continue towards the New World? The campaign will have no effect if they fail to build a stronghold and interfere with navigation; only the population suffered. Lipsius expects Hovius back in Leuven. Will he guarantee that the letters he adds are sent to Rome? Paleographically one can hesitate between XII Kal[endas] Sext[iles] or Sept[embres], but the reference to the surrender of Hulst (l. 2), and its place in ms. Lips. 3(18) and ms. Lips. 3(19) situate this letter without doubt in August. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 61v-62, no. 139; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 1v-2, no. 3.

I[ustus] Lipsius Francisco Hovio suo S[alutem] D[icit]. Gaudium, gaudium. Heri de Hulsto audivimus eo libentius laetiusque quod tristia aut molesta quaedam antecessissent. Deo, qui Regis nostri consilia, 2 Hulsto] The surrender of Hulst, cf. ILE 96 07 13 HO, 11.

326

2160 - 96 08 21 M

sed et magnitudinem promovet, gratia esto, qui exitum hunc dedit Proregi 5 honorificum, Belgis omnibus utilem et salutarem. Utinam vero hostis animos hoc eventu mitiget aut infringat! Utinam ad pacem aliquam et tranquillitatem aures praebeat! Quid nobis desit quo minus plena beatitudo adsit et aurea illa saecula ab antiquo? Nam Prorex iste undique laudabilis est et iustitiae pacisque artium gnarus et amans. Sed apud nos bene: quid 10 ultra in Gadibus et locis illis ad Occasum? An hostis perrexit et novum orbem petit? Nam vulnus illud Gaditanum exiguum est, nec nisi privatos fere tangit. Si loca aliqua non insidet et navigationem turbat, nihil ad summam rei confert. Praedonum haec talia facta sunt et parum digna tanta classe regio nomine missa et instructa. Sed tu scribes si quid erit, aut coram 15 potius dices. Nam iam te confectis rebus (opto ut ex sententia) exspectamus. Saluto ex animo parentem utrumque tuum, sed et fratres. Lovanii XII Kal[endas] Sept[embres] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. Rogo te uti litteras has inclusas Romam tuto mittere velis quarum binae a Doctore Stapletono sunt, cui gratum feceris, alterae a me uti vides. 18-19 Rogo … vides: om. cla 10 Gadibus] The capture of Cádiz, cf. ILE 96 07 13 HO, 6. 10-11 novum … petit] Elizabeth I had ordered an attack on Cádiz to prevent the Spanish armada from sailing to America to procure new supplies of gold and other treasures from its colonies, cf. ILE 96 04 16 S, 26. 15 confectis rebus] Hovius wanted to abandon his studies to become a priest, cf. ILE 96 09 24 H1, 4-13 and H2; 96 10 16 H, 3-5. 16 parentem] Cf. ILE 96 07 13 HO, introd.; 96 09 24 H2, introd. 19 Stapletono] Thomas Stapleton, cf. 96 03 09 CU, 22. 19 alterae] Probably Lipsius’s letter to Innocentius Malvasia, cf. ILE 96 08 17.

2160 96 08 21 M

Lipsius (Leuven) to Melchior Moretus [Antwerp] 21 August 1596

Lipsius is delighted to see that Moretus has gained mental strength and is making plans. He must be firm and avoid all shame or regret. Lipsius will always be ready to advise and support him. Melchior cannot entirely give up his studies. Even for theology it is not

327

21 August 1596

yet too late, if this is what he really wishes, for it differs very little from canon law, the study he had begun. Melchior also needs better accomodation; it is important to be part of a respectable group of friends. Lipsius will consider the matter. On Melchior Moretus, the eldest living son of Johannes Moretus, cf. ILE VI, 93 02 10 D, 7. o: Antwerp, MPM, Arch. 86, p. 433-434; d1: Gerlo-Vervliet, 32.

I[ustus] Lipsius Melchiori Moreto S[alutem] D[icit]. In litteris tuis meliorem mentem et vota quod video, id vere mihi in animo gratum est, qui te iacuisse, ut fateris, et taedio quodam rerum bonarum affectum per me sensi. Sed recipiendus animus; nihil admissum, cuius pudere valde aut pigere te debeat, si serio et firmiter in viam redis. Homines 5 sumus, vacillamus aut labimur, reponere nos in gradum et alacriter pergere debemus et cursu, si fieri potest, corrigere tarditatem. Certus esto, quod non deero usquam vel consilio vel auxilio. Mea sententia omnino est studia non esse deserenda nec de theologicis serum est, si ad ea adspiras. Nam ius canonicum, in quo fuisti aut esse debuisti, quantulum a theologia abit? 10 Conclusio est: recipe animum, amplectere constantiam, Deum advoca non deserturum. De habitatione, non placeat mihi ut tua quadra. Melancholicum id genus vitae et praestat honesto consortio iungi; tum etiam molestias habet et dignitatem non habet. Ergo domus quaerenda est et cogitabimus. Vale. Lovanii, XII Kal[endas] Sept[embres] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 15 [Address:] Ornato adolescenti Melchiori Moreto. 2 mentum d1 || vere: uno d1

3 qui: quia d1

9 serium d1

2 litteris] Melchior Moretus’s letter is not preserved. 2 mentem] Melchior was moody and unsteady, cf. ILE VI, 93 02 10, 3-6; VII, 94 10 10 M; GV 26, 3. In October 1598 his condition became more serious, so that he had to be taken care of for some time in a convent in Antwerp, cf. ILE 98 12 19 M; Voet, The GoldenCompasses, 1, 201. 8-9 studia … theologicis] In 1596 Moretus was studying canon law in Leuven and following Lipsius’s lectures. Apparently, he kept hesitating, for Lipsius still had to encourage and urge him almost one year later, cf. ILE 97 07 16 M. In ILE 97 09 24 M he congratulates him with his decision and Melchior finally obtained his degree of iurisconsultus at the end of November 1597, cf. ILE 97 11 29 D; 97 11 29 O; 97 12 22 D (the latter rather ironically). On 6 March 1598 Melchior was ordained as a priest, cf. ILE 98 03 06. See also De Landtsheer, in: LipsiusenhetPlantijnsehuis, 88-89; 92-93. 12 quadra] Lipsius means: ‘and it is not the right place for you’; an allusion to Iuv. 5, 2, alienaviverequadra. 14 domus] It is not known whether he indeed helped Melchior to find new accomodations.

328

2161 - 96 08 27

2161 96 08 27

Lipsius (Leuven) to Balthasar Moretus (Antwerp) 27 August 1596

Although Moretus’s grandmother was aged, Lipsius is saddened by her death. She was an exemplary woman, without ostentation, who loved her husband and cared for her family. Balthasar’s sensitive poem was an appropriate and honourable tribute to her. Lipsius hopes that his friends will give him a similar funeral without moaning and wailing. Reading poetry, but also an occasional bit of philosophy will relieve Moretus’s mind amidst his professional activities. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 63v, no. 144; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 2v, no. 6; d: Cent.Belg. III, 26; d1: Buchler, 266, no. 96.

I[ustus] Lipsius Balthasari Moreto S[alutem] D[icit]. Antverpiam. Mortem aviae tuae, etsi matura ea fuit et iam ea in meta aevi, tamen tristis audivi. Matrona fuit bonis probisque moribus, sine fuco aut pompa, viri olim amans, domus suae et oeconomiae intelligens et curans. Et satis haec 5 in femina: plures laudes qui quaerit, vitia fortasse congeret in specie virtutum. Mulier quae ultra mulierem sapit, non sapit. Carmen tuum libens vidi et lacrimas quibus merito ei parentasti. Extremum officium est, sed et decorum officium est, et laude ac memoria bona prosequi defunctos ratio et sapientia probant. Mihi ab amicis haud aliter eveniat nec lesso aut 10 planctu, ut ille ait, funeraquisquammihifaxit. Miscere te autem interdum actuosae tuae vitae has meditatiunculas aut scriptiunculas tibi quoque et animo tuo utile. Quem numquam ita merge undis istis rerum, ut non emergat interdum et respiret inter litterarum istos flores aut poëseos pigmenta. Sed et pascat eum interdum fortior lectio et Sapientiae collem 1 Balthasari Moreto suo S[alutem] D[icit] d, d1 || Antverpiam: add. d 11 tuae: om. d1 13 istos: om. d, d1

2 iam ipsa d, d1

2 aviae] Jeanne Rivière, the widow of Christopher Plantin, died on 17 August 1596, cf. GV 33c, 1. The list with names and addresses of persons who were informed of her death, dated 20 August, is preserved in Antwerp, MPM, Arch. 1178 (Rollevanbegravingevan deWwePlantin). 6 Carmen] No record of this poem was found. 9 lesso] Not attested. The lexica only mention lessus in the accusative. Perhaps a distant echo of Cic. Leg. 2, 23, 59: mulieresgenasneraduntonevelessumfunerisergohabento, apparently a phrase taken from the Law of the Twelve Tables. As to the second part of the quotation, cf. Enn. Epigr. 2, 17-18: Nemomelacrimisdecoretnecfunerafletu/faxit.

329

28 August 1596

illum lustret. Fac et vale, mi Morete. Lovanii, VI. Kal[endas] Sept[embres] 15 ∞.IƆ.XCVI. Fratri utrique tuo salvere et bene rem gerere. 17 Fratri … gerere: om. clb, d 17 fratri utrique] Melchior and Johannes Jr. Cf. on the latter Voet, HetgeslachtMoretus, 17; De Nave, DeMoretussen, 268-270.

2162 96 08 28

Lipsius (Leuven) to Franciscus Modius (Aire) 28 August 1596

Lipsius is delighted that they are in touch again. What kept Modius from writing before? He cannot have doubted Lipsius’s affection! The trouble maker who sowed dissension, is dead. Thanks to King Philip II’s favour Lipsius’s position is good now, but his frail health hinders his studies. He is willing to help Modius with his new edition of Frontinus and Curtius. He is no longer bothered by the unremitting criticism: there are, indeed, mistakes in his works and he would like to publish a reissue, but the printers are hesitant and ask for something new. Moreover, these remarks are usually mere trifles. cl is a copy in Lipsius’s hand. cl: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(8), f. 19-19v; d1: Burman I, p. 113-114, no. 106.

I[ustus] Lipsius Francisco Modio S[alutem] D[icit]. Ariam. Gaudio, imo et laetitiae tua scriptio mihi fuit, o Modi, repetita ex intervallo. Quid manum aut animum tuum tenuit? Suspiciuncula aut diffidentia 1 S[alutem] D[icit]: om. d1

2 Gaudeo d1

3 ⟦stilum⟧ manum cla

2 scriptio] Modius’s letter is not preserved. This cannot be an answer to ILE 96 08 01 M, a letter Lipsius only received by the end of November, cf. ILE 96 11 30 M, 1st version, l. 38-39. We can only presume that Modius wrote a second (lost) letter, cf. nuperam scriptionem in ILE [96 10 00(?)], 2), because Lipsius’s answer stayed away for such a long time and that the present letter is an immediate reaction to it. 2 repetita … intervallo] Cf. the note to ILE 96 08 01 M, 2.

330 5

10

15

20

25

2162 - 96 08 28

(nam sic subindicas) de affectu nostro? Peccasti largiter, quia Deum meum testor inter Belgas omnes carum semper Modium fuisse, atque utinam ille qui divellere conatus est, non apud te plus quam me. Sed abrumpo et omitto, eo magis quod ille iam abiit; abierunt et suspiciunculae, siquae fuerunt, et, tersa omni ista nube aut nebula, purus ille sol amicitiae illucescat. Quod in me est, fiet; tu sequere, si videbis praeeuntem. Quaeris de statu meo et de studiis. Ille benignitate Regis mei satis commode habet; haec minus per valetudinem quae bellum gerere non omittit. Intermittit quidem interdum et dat breves quasi inducias, sed paucorum dierum, et mox incurrit et grassatur. Itaque in hac parte frigemus quae tibi calet maxime, ut audio, et pluscula nuntias te parare. Nuntias gaudenti, an et adiuvanti? Sic cupis et nominatim si quid in Frontinum aut Curtium, quos iterum destinasti dare. Videbo si quid erit et seorsum (nisi impedior) hic subiungam. De caniculis quibusdam etiam significas, quae nos admordent, et te contra eas proeliari. Quid opus est, o Modi? Non ego me laedi per tales sentio, nec valde angor, si quid in scriptis aut verbis etiam meis carpant. Proh insipientiam! Cani spargere me iam incipiunt et habebunt semper criticae istae aut grammaticae curae? In aetate sua utiles et laudabiles, fateor, sed in aetate, et videmur nostra spatia in hoc circo confecisse: decurrat alius, locum ei damus. Atqui lapsi alibi sumus. Nimis scio et ipse in multis corrigam me aut allevem, si per typographos liceret. Iamdiu destino opera mea simul sic correcta edere, at illi tardant et nova

5 Belgas ⟦meos⟧ cl 8 nubecula d1 9 illucescat. ⟦A me habebis. Quaeris⟧ cl 13 valet d1 15 si quid: om. d1 16 dare. ⟦Inspexi libellos meos eorumque margines ut et⟧, ⟦ut videas tua caussa velle, etsi pauca et parum sunt, misi et subscripsi⟧ cl || seorsum ⟦sert⟧ cl; possum d1 18 eas: eos d1 20 habebunt ⟦.⟧ cl 23 recurrat d1 24 allevem: alterum d1 5 ille] Ludovicus Carrio, cf. ILE 96 08 01 M, 4-5. 10 benignitate] Lipsius’s appointment as historiographusregius and its annuity, cf. ILE 96 01 02 S, 7. 15 Frontinum] Modius intended to make a new edition of these authors. On the previous editions, in 1580, cf. Lehmann, 27-28; ILE I, 80 11 00, 89: 81 05 15, 10. 17 caniculis] In classical Latin canicula is only attested with the meaning of ‘a quarrelsome woman’, cf. Plaut. Curc. 598; Gell. 4, 20, 3. Since Modius’s letter went lost, it is impossible to know what exactly he wrote about the criticism on Lipsius. In ILE 96 11 30 M, 26-28 criticism is mentioned in a general way. 25 opera … edere] Two years later, Moretus started to reissue Lipsius’s works one by one, beginning with the Saturnalia and Deampitheatro. The next year, when Lipsius was

331

31 August 1596

magis me poscunt. Quidquid est, scio certo pauca istorum operum diuturna futura, quibus fundamentum est in criticis his salebris aut litterariis arenis. Atque utinam vel meo aevo pereant! Duntaxat exoriatur unus alterve sub magno Principe boni iudicii modestique ingenii, qui undique nostra decerpat et arbitretur et semel ita det quam optimos, optimos illos auctores. 30 Assidue his annotatiunculis aut disputatiunculis lectores impediri damnum illorum est et dedecus litterarum. Ita ego sentio, alii aliter, fortasse et tu aliter, sed dicendum hoc mihi semel apud amicum et intellegentem fuit. Vale, mi Modi. Lovanii, V. Kal[endas] Septemb[res] ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

28 Exoriatur duntaxat d1 sisti⟧ cl

30 simul d1

31 his ⟦disputatiunculis⟧ cl || impediri ⟦aut

making plans to go to Rome for the Holy Year, the printer urged him to revise his works as quickly as possible, in order to be able to publish them after he had left. The final publications of this series, a reworked, annotated edition of Tacitus and the Critica, came from the press in 1600. Nevertheless, they were still published individually, each with its own title, not as Operaomnia, except for the early, strictly philological works, already collected by Plantin in 1585 under the title Opera omnia quae ad Criticam spectant. 31 annotatiunculis] Only occurring in Gell. 19, 7, 12; 19, 17, 21.

2163

96 08 31

Conradus Rittershusius (Altdorf) to Lipsius (Leuven) 31 August 1596

The testimonies of Petrus Bertius and Scipio Gentilis about Lipsius’s amiability prevailed over Rittershusius’s diffidence. Moreover, Caspar Schoppius, who is now living with Hubertus Giphanius in Ingolstadt, asked him to send a copy of his Verisimilia to Lipsius, which he submits for assessment; Rittershusius expects Lipsius to encourage such a talent. As for himself, he hopes that Lipsius will count him among his admirers and recommend his forthcoming edition of Oppian to others, the best way to promote its sale. Rittershusius’s commentary merits some praise as a support for young students.

332

2163 - 96 08 31

Conradus Rittershusius (Rittershausen) (Braunschweig, 25 September 1560 – Altdorf, 25 May 1613), eminent philologist and lawyer at Altdorf University. After following the lectures of Hubertus Giphanius in Nürnberg and Ingolstadt, he obtained his degree of doctor in both laws in Basle on 9 September 1591; in the same year he was granted a chair in Altdorf. He kept a busy correspondence with a considerable number of humanists: Lipsius, but also Scaliger, Dousa, Casaubon, and Heinsius among them. Besides his most important work, Ius Iustinianum, hoc est Novellarum expositio methodica (Strasbourg, 1615), he also published editions of Boethius, Oppian, Phaedrus, and Photius. Cf. ADB 28, 698-701; NDB 21, 670-671; W. Ludwig, DasStammbuchalsBestandteilhumanistischer Kultur.DasAlbumdesHeinrichCarlhackHermeling(1587-1592), Göttingen, 2006, 118; Wackernagel, DieMatrikelderUniversitätBasel, 2, 390; ILE XIII, 00 01 07, 47. Answer in ILE 96 10 27 R and again in ILE 97 02 01 R. First letter of the correspondence with Rittershusius. In ILE 97 03 29 S Lipsius informs Schoppius that he had already answered, but that he included a second letter to Rittershusius (ILE 97 02 01 R) to be sure. Next to Rittershusius’s address formula a second hand wrote some further details for the courier, but part of it has disappeared when the letter was opened. o: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 4; d1: Burman I, p. 764, no. 724.

S[alutem] P[lurimam] D[icit]. Numquam auderem ad te, Clarissime Lipsi, tantum in literis virum, ipse ignotus et obscurus scribere, nisi mihi animum addidissent praeconia insignis et commemorabilis illius humanitatis ac facilitatis tuae, quae 5 aliquoties in sermonibus suis apud me fecerunt amici nonnulli, qui sibi hac in parte vix potuerunt satisfacere. Miris enim laudibus extulerunt eam quam dixi humanitatem tuam, qua erga omnes bonarum artium et partium studiosos uti soleas, et quae etiam e scriptis tuis eruditissimis usque quaque elucet. Possum prae ceteris nominare duos qui te Lugduni 10 Batavorum ante aliquot annos doctore usi, postea et[iam] mea familiaritate, saepe mihi cum ceteras excellentes virtutes tuas, tum incomparabilem comitatem praedicarunt. Alter est Petrus Bertius, alter D[ominus] Scipio

1 Cunradius Rittershusius I[usto] Lipsio S[alutem] P[lurimam] D[icit] d1 12 Bertius] On Petrus Bertius, cf. ILE 96 01 10 B, 7. He studied in Leiden from 1577 to 1582, cf. ILE VI, 93 06 13; Witkam, DagelijkseZaken, 1, 65. In 1589 he returned to his almamater, matriculating on 10 February, cf. Alb.stud., 25, leaving in Lipsius’s company in March 1591 to set out on a peregrinatio academica, until he was offered a post as vice-rector of the States College in Leiden on Lipsius’s recommendation in 1592. Bertius took up his office in June 1593, cf. ILE VI, 93 06 13, 3-4.

31 August 1596

333

Gentilis, collega meus coniunctissimus. Hac igitur, quam illi in me excitarunt, fiducia fretus, quod antehac aliquoties veritus sum facere, nunc tandem ausus sum ad te ut scriberem. Tuae erit humanitatis praestare ne 15 ista me fiducia fallat. Accedit quod non mea tantum causa scriptio haec suscipiatur, sed etiam amico haec a me opera detur. Scis autem ipse multa saepe amicorum causa nos facere sine reprehensione quae fortassis pro nobis suscepta notam audaciae temeritatisque vix effugerent. Caspar Schoppius est, adulescens acutus et ingeniosus, qui cum iam pridem in 20 criticos nomen suum dederit, suae in hac arte peritiae specimen quoddam hac aestate dare voluit. Edidit ergo quatuor Verisimiliumlibros; in quibus 13 Gentilis] Scipio Gentilis (San Ginesio, 1563 – Altdorf, 7 August 1616) left Italy for religious reasons, together with his brother and his father. He studied Law in Tübingen, Wittenberg, Leiden and Heidelberg. He matriculated in Leiden on 12 October 1582 (cf. Alb.stud., 12) and studied literature with Lipsius and Law with Donellus. When the latter was removed from his chair in 1587, Gentilis followed him to Heidelberg, where he started to lecture. In 1589 he obtained his degree of doctor in both laws in Basle. In the spring of 1590 he was appointed Professor Institutiones and Pandectae in Altdorf, a chair he held until his death despite repeated conflicts with colleagues. In addition to his own works, he also completed and posthumously edited writings from Donellus, e.g., the Commentarii iuris civilis (1595-1597). Cf. ADB 8, 576-577; DBI 53, 268-272; Wackernagel, DieMatrikelderUniversitätBasel,2, 367. According to ADB 8, 577, the Rathsbibliothek Leipzig would have a manuscript of a philological work, Emendationes inIustiLipsiiCommentariumadTacitum, but no trace of it could be found in catalogues of manuscripts in that city. See also ILE 97 05 01, a letter in which Scipio Gentilis introduces himself to Lipsius, mentioning that he had been among his audience in Leiden. 20 Schoppius] On Gaspar Schoppius (Scioppius, Schoppe; Neumarkt, 27 May 1576 – Padua, 19 November 1649), philologist and paladin of the Counter Reformation, cf. NDB 23, 475-478; ILE XIII, 00 01 07; Papy, Manusmanumlavat. 20 iam pridem] Apparently, Schoppius planned to publish a theoretical treatise on text criticism; it is announced in DieMesskatalogeGeorgWillers, 5, [370] (spring catalogue 1597), repeating the publication of VerisimiliumlibriIV(cf. infra), and promising Additus eiusdem De ratione emendandi Lat[inorum] scriptor[um] libellus proximus nundinis autumnalibus prodibit. This De arte critica, a theoretical treatise about text criticism based on the author’s own experiences with manuscripts of Plautus and Symmachus, appears medio 1597 (Nürnberg: Valentin Fuhrmann). Later in that same year, Schoppius published his Suspectarumlectionumlibriquinque,incentumetquatuordecimepistulas ad celeberrimos quosque aevi nostri viros aliosque amicos facti (Nürnberg: Paul Kaufmann, 1597), a collection of critical remarks written as (fictitious) letters to friends and famous humanists (cf. ILE 97 08 28). Cf. Jaitner,KasparSchoppe.Autobiografische TexteundBriefe, 1, 1, 40-42; 197-198. It includes four letters addressed to Lipsius, to be published as ILE X, 97 00 001-4. 22 Verisimilium] VerisimiliumlibriIV, Nürnberg: P. Kaufmann, 1596, a collection of critical annotations to Plautus, Symmachus, Cornelius Nepos, and others, see Die Messkataloge

334

25

30

35

40

2163 - 96 08 31

quid hic novus criticus (qui se etiam discipulum meum, me non repugnante, profitetur et hoc nomine unum ex illis libris mihi se debere putavit) quid, inquam, in his praestiterit quantumque porro de eius studiis expectandum sit, ubi ad maturitatem pervenerint, tui erit iudicii statuere. Ecce enim exemplar libelli ad te mitto, quod ipsemet facturus erat, si hic adesset. Nunc Ingolstadii apud Giphanium vivens, mihi id negotii dedit. Velim autem te optimi huius adulescentis indoli favere, quem ego cognovi tuae incomparabilis eruditionis et virtutis admiratorem multo maximum quique iam nunc in hoc aetatis lubrico ad omnem virtutis laudem et ad decus literarium capessendum ex summis opibus connititur. Cuius rei argumenta minime obscura, nisi fallor, ex hoc ipso libello animadvertere licebit. Quod si hic in me quoque ab ipso laudes nimis liberaliter congestas videris, illud velim cogites: Πολλάκιςἐθ’ὅτ’ἔρωτιτὰμικρὰμέγισταπέφανται, ut leviter Theocriti versum detorqueam. Ipse autem Schoppius vehementer me amat, haud scio an nullo aut certe exiguo meo merito. Et de hoc quidem plus verborum compendifaciam. De me vero primum hoc te rogo, ut inter eos nomen meum adscribas qui tui sunt observantissimi et cupidissimi ob insignem tuam in omni literatura doctrinam ac virtutem incredibilem, meque aliquantum redames. Deinde, quia brevi, ut spero, ex

GeorgWillers, 5, [333] (autumn catalogue). Cf. Lipsius’s library catalogue, Leiden, Univ. Bib., ms. Lips. 59, f. 10r, no. 13. 23 discipulum] Schoppius studied with Rittershusius in Altdorf in 1594 and 1595; next he went to Hubertus Giphanius in Ingolstadt. Cf. infra, l. 28; ADB 33, 479. 24 unum … debere] Schoppius dedicated the third book of his Verisimilium to Rittershusius out of gratitude for his Prodromus in novam editionem Symmachi, cf. Papy, Manus manumlavat, 281. The other dedicatees are Marquardus Freher (book 1), Janus Gruterus (book 2), and Ignatius Hanielis (book 4). 27 mitto] On that same day, Rittershusius also sent a copy of Schoppius’s work and a covering letter to Scaliger, cf. Burman II, 327-328, no. 87. 27 ipsemet] Schoppius included a (not preserved) covering letter to Lipsius in a letter to Ortelius (dated 25 December 1596 and received on 23 March 1597); he was asking his advice about some books, cf. Hessels 2, 708, no. 299. Lipsius answered him immediately, cf. ILE 97 03 29 S. 28 Giphanium] On Hubertus Giphanius, philologist and lawyer, cf. ILE VII, 94 09 13; L. Böhm e.a. (ed.), BiographischesLexikonderLudwigs-Maximilian-Universität, dl. 1: Ingolstadt-Landshut1472-1826, Berlin, 1998, 147-149. 37 Theocriti] Cf. Theocr. Id. 6, 18-19: ἦγὰρἔρωτι//πολλάκις,ὦΠολύφαμε,τὰμὴκαλὰ καλὰπέφανται.

31 August 1596

335

officina Fr[ancisci] Raphelengii prodibit nova Oppiani editio, a me ante aliquot annos adornata et diu ab Henrico Stephano suppressa, ut non tantum animo et lingua huic nostro labori faveas, sed etiam ad alios eundem commendes, maiorem in modum abs te peto. Quod ego non solum meo honori tribui cupio, cui hinc tanto maior laus existet quanto in plurium manus nostra illa commentaria pervenerint, verum et[iam] typographi optimi et doctissimi utilitati. Cum enim mihi operam utibilem praestiterit, eam ipsi quam maxime lucrosam esse opto adeoque ex aurei poematis distractione multo ipsum auro locupletari. Fiet hoc, si liber sit vendibilis. Et erit vendibilis, si a te tuique similib[us], hoc est doctis et bonis viris, studiosae iuventuti commendetur. Meae quidem commentatiunculae ad haec χρυσὰἔπη, quamvis non χρύσεαι,ἀλλὰχάλκεαι sint, neque vestram maiorum gentium criticorum ac philologorum approbationem promereri limamve acerrimi vestri iudicii sustinere possint (inesse enim in his multa μειρακιώδη καὶ νεανικὰ ipse fateor nec aliter illa aetas qua scribebam, ferebat), tamen vel conatus iste adiuvandi studia adulescentiae, cui potissimum haec a me opera dabatur, in aliqua laude ponendus videtur. Quod ut facias meamque hanc in te compellando audaciam benigne accipias, etiam atque etiam abs te peto. Vale, Clarissime Lipsi, et salve. Altorphii in Acad[emia] Norimbergens[i], prid[ie] Kal[endas] Septemb[res] M.D.XCVI. Cunradus Rittershusius I[uris]C[onsultus].

45

50

55

60

[Address:] Clarissimo et praestantiss[imo] viro Iusto Lipsio, Antiquitatis eruditae indagatori et illustratori maximo, apud Lovanienses professori 65 celeberrimo, Domino ac benevolenti meo. Lovanium. [alt.manu:] In Ort von Löven, Br[abant].

43 Oppiani] Rittershusius’s bilingual edition, Oppiani Poetae Cilicis de Venatione lib. IV., de Piscatu lib. V., cum interpretatione Latina, comment. et indice rerum appeared indeed in Leiden, with Franciscus Raphelengius but is dated 1597, cf. TB, 438, no. 3873. The dedicatory letter to Henricus Julius, Duke of Brunswick and Lüneburg, is dated Altdorf, December 1595. It does not occur in Lipsius’s library catalogue, but since it was a Greek text, it was probably taken by the Jesuits to whom he had bequeathed his Greek book collection. 44 suppressa] Franciscus Modius had similar complaints about Henricus Stephanus, cf. ILE 96 08 01 M, 31-32. 54 χρύσεαι … χάλκεαι] Learned pun on χρύσεα … χαλκείων, a popular proverb from Antiquity, cf. Hom. Il. 6, 119-236; Erasmus, Adagia, 1, 2, 1. Also used in ILE IV, 91 09 29 D2, 12 and VIII, [95 02 05] M1, 42.

336

2164 - [c. 96 09 00]

2164 [c. 96 09 00]

Lipsius [Leuven] to Franciscus Hovius [Antwerp] [c. September 1596]

Lipsius is expecting Hovius. He sends him a letter, so that his contubernalis will not miss their correspondence. He also returns some gazette from Italy. Undated fragment, listed as GVi 95 00 00 H, whose contents do not allow more precise dating. It obviously belongs to the period in which Hovius is temporarily absent from Lipsius’s contubernium and Lipsius encourages him to return: Ipsumteexspectamus is an oft occuring phrase in the letters to his contubernalis between July and November 1596, cf. ILE 96 07 13 HO, 11-14; 96 08 21 HO, 14-15; 96 11 05 H, 4. The reference to the Italica (Italian newsletters) is another such issue, cf. ILE 96 07 13 HO, 3; 96 08 13 HO, 8; 96 09 24 H1, 2. Hence my choice for an approximate date, c. September 1596. cl: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 47v (fragm. s. d.)

I[ustus] Lipsius Fr[ancisco] Hovio suo S[alutem] D[icit]. Ipsum te exspectamus, t[ame]n vel in casu has litteras dedi, ne iterum mihi, quod nuper, contingat et litteras meas patiar a te desiderari. Italica et[iam] nova una remitto et s[imu]l altera. Exspecto siqua erunt [Ceteradesiderantur] 2 Ipsum te] On Hovius’s absence from the contubernium, cf. ILE 96 07 13 HO, 11. Early November Lipsius repeats his wish that Hovius come back to Leuven, cf. ILE 96 11 05 H, 2. 3 Italica] On the avvisi or gazette from Italy, cf. ILE 96 07 13 HO, 4.

2165 96 09 08

Lipsius (Leuven) to Gerardus Buytewech [Leiden] 8 September 1596

There are two versions of this letter with considerable differences, hence they are published separately. The second version is a revision by Lipsius in view of possible

8 September 1596

337

publication: some practical points (in particular the delivery of the copies of the Poliorcetica and the problem with the messenger) have disappeared and are substituted by a critical annotation already discussed in ILE VII, 94 09 20, with a similar structure and even a likeness in phrasing.

1stversion Joy that Buytewech has safely arrived in Leiden. Lipsius expects a letter with personal news at some time; political matters hardly need to be discussed. He joins copies of the Poliorcetica for Buytewech, Scaliger, Clusius, and Aerssens. Buytewech should also take care of Scaliger’s answer, but only after the latter has read his work. Since the usual messenger has still not shown up, Lipsius hesitantly entrusts his letter and the books to someone else. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 64-64v, no. 147; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 3, no. 9.

I[ustus] Lipsius Gerardo Buytewechio suo S[alutem] D[icit]. Plusculas tuas habeo (amo diligentiam) atque ultimas Roterodami datas. Ergo bene est et gaudeo te ad tuos ex intervallo incolumem advenisse. O quam gratum atque exspectatum! Ipse hoc sentio nec aliter potest ubi ille verus et interior affectus. Sed et parentum nativa στοργὴ aliquid 5 praeter nostrum amorem habet. Hoc iam superest ut singula ad me, quem scis curiosum et cupidum talium esse. Loquor de privatis; publica vix opus, quae silentibus nobis pergent suum cursum. En exemplaria quae mitto tibi, Scaligero, Clusio, Cornelio Aerssenio Graphiario. Curabis et 1 suo: om. clb

2 Rothodami cla; Rotherodami corr. clbλ

2 Plusculas tuas] Buytewech’s last preserved letter is ILE VIII, 95 12 05. Meanwhile, Lipsius has written him at least four times and he has enjoyed the visit of his former student. Hence several items of their correspondence are lost. 2 Roterodami] Thus Buytewech returned home from Antwerp, via the Schelde and the North Sea and then probably via land to Leiden. He was still in Leuven on 16 July, cf. ILE 96 07 16, 2); on 13 August he had left for enough time to have arrived home, cf. ILE 96 08 13 BU, 2-3. 8 exemplaria] Sc. of the Poliorcetica. Lipsius had promised these copies in ILE 96 08 13 BU, 10. 9 Scaligero] Lipsius had promised a copy to Scaliger in June, cf. ILE 96 06 15, 6-7. 9 Clusio] Clusius’s copy is mentioned in ILE 96 08 13 L, 11-12. 9 Aerssenio] In ILE 96 10 02 A, 2 Lipsius reminds Aerssens that he is still waiting for his reaction; ILE 96 12 01 A, 6-7 makes clear that Aerssens had already expressed his gratitude for the present.

338 10

2165 - 96 09 08

a Scaligero ad meas responsum, sed non nisi cum mea lustraverit. Tuam illam exspectavi quae tuto haec perferret, sed cum longius fieret, malui vel sic committere paene incerto. Deus diriget, te et tuos servabit, quos animo complector et saluto. Lovanii, VI Idus Septemb[res] ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

10 lustrarit clb 10 responsum] Sc. ILE 96 09 24 SC, with Scaliger’s prompt reaction to the Poliorcetica. 10-11 Tuam illam] The usual messenger between Leiden and Antwerp was Christina, a Catholic woman from Leiden, cf. ILE VII, 94 07 01 B, 2; ILE 98 04 00; ILE XIV, 01 01 26 M. On other occasions, they made use of sailors, cf. ILE 96 10 02 BU, 3. 12 incerto] Despite Lipsius’s worries, the package arrived safely in Leiden; Scaliger had already finished his reading of the Poliorcetica on 24 September.

2ndversion Hopefully Buytewech has arrived in Leiden. Why should he not devote himself to studying in all tranquillity? He should not omit his exercises in style and eloquence. Let Cicero be his guide, though not exclusively. Some critical remarks to a passage in Cicero; perhaps Buytewech can sound Scaliger out on this matter. An autograph copy in Lipsius’s hand. On top of the letter he added EPIST[OLA], an indication that he considered inserting it in a possible new Centuria of letters. cl: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(8), f. 20.

Gerardo Buytewechio S[alutem] D[icit]. Plusculas tuas habeo (amo diligentiam) atque ultimas Roterodami datas. Ergo iam apud tuos, ut spero, et in patria, o quam exspectatus! Capio sensum huius gaudii, etsi pertentabis: illa στοργὴ omnem hunc nostrum 5 superat affectum. Sed iam cum in quiete, nonne iterum ad nostra studia? Fac, si me et te amas, nec illud etiam stili et eloquentiae omitte. Ciceronem 2 Roterodami] Cf. ILE 96 09 081, 2. 6-9 Fac … lege] Lipsius time and again underlines that young men should start their literary training by reading Cicero for one to two years, depending on their skills, and

8 September 1596

339

ducem habes. Ducem sane, sed sub quo alii ducant et doceant etiam tribuni aut centuriones. Ad unum illum tantum velle componi infirmitas aut pravitas est; tu hunc ante omnes quidem, sed cum aliis etiam lege. Atque heus, quod nuper agitabamus, an non videor repperisse? Suspice et Scaligero etiam (si tanti est) ostende. Scribit Cicero VII ad suum Atticum, epist[ola] XV: Pompeius ad legiones Actianas profectus est. Iterumque epist[ola] XX: Cnaius Luceriae esse dicebatur, adire cohortes legionum Actianarum nonfirmissimarum. Quaerebamus quae istae legiones? Actii Vari aut Actii Paeligni? Nam ii in partibus Pompeii, alter Auxini, alter Sulmone habuere aliquot cohortes. Sed non apparet de iis esse. Primum, quia legiones diserte nominat: at isti non habuerunt. Deinde, quia isti in partibus iis erant, quo Pompeio nullus aditus, nec sane in Apulia aut ad Luceriam, ut ex Cicerone liquet fuisse. Denique amiserant iam isti cohortes suas, quae deditione opidorum facta, sub initium statim belli, vel dilapsae erant vel ad Caesarem transgressae. Quare omnia ipse Caesar tibi dicet. Quid igitur ego? In scripto mutandum aliquid esse et Appianas seponendum. Intellego autem legiones illas duas, quae ante bellum abductae a Caesare ad Pompeium errant, simulatione Parthicae expeditionis. Res nota est. Et ipse licere de iis: Omnis spes in duabus paene invidiose retentis legionibus. Quibus etiam verbis ostendit, non alias igitur legiones Pompeium tunc habuisse. Sed quare,

7 alii ⟦militent⟧ cl 10 agitabamus, ⟦agere⟧ cl 14 firmissimarum: Illae vere ⟦iuxta⟧ Luceriam Lucan. 52b add. cl inmarg. 18 in ⟦Camp⟧ Apulia cl 23 bellum ⟦paullo⟧ cl follow his example in writing to avoid lapsing into a poor, dry style. In the course of the years, their style will automatically become more concise. This was also the advice given to his contubernales. Cf. Lipsius, Institutioepistolica, §11 and 13; ILE 97 01 27 H; Peeters, Le contubernium deLipse, 148-149. 12 Pompeius…est] Cf. Cic. Att. 7, 15, 3. In ILE VII, 94 09 20, 21-44 he discusses this extract at Johannes Vivianus’s request and proposes the same emendation, Appianas, accepted by modern editors. Cf. the annotation there. 13-14 Cnaius…firmissimarum] Cf. Cic. Att. 7, 20, 1. 14 Actii Vari] P. Attius Varus († 45 B.C.) was praetor for some years before the civil war between Caesar and Pompeius. During this conflict, he sided with Pompeius as an officer in his army and remained one of his most faithful supporters until his death. He occupied Auximum (present day Osimo), a town in Picenum, for him. Cf. RE 2, 2256; 2622. 14-15 Actii Paeligni] C. Attius Paelignus (flor. 1st B.C.) held Sulmo for Pompeius, together with Q. Lucretius. When Caesar sent Marc Antony with a number of cohorts to this strongly-walled town, its citizens opened the gates. Attius was arrested, brought before Caesar, and released unscathed, cf. RE 2, 2252.

10

15

20

25

340

2166 - 96 09 10 A

inquies, Appianas? Disce Appium Claudium missu Pompeii aut senatus legiones eas e Gallia traduxisse atque iis velut legatum praefuisse. Plutarchus: ΠρὸςδὲτούτοιςἌππιοςἀφίκετοκομίζωνἐκΓαλατίαςἣνἔχρησε 30 ΠομπήιϊοςΚαίσαριστρατίαν. Praeterea Appius e Gallia redierat, adducens legiones quas Pompeius Caesari commodaverat. At legiones a legatis agnominari, ut Fabianas, Afranianas, Varronianas, nimis crebrum notumque est. Mihi sic videbatur: si illi viro, quem nominavi, aliter, tu illum, non me audi et vale. Lovanii, VI Idus Septembr[es] ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

29-30 Πρὸς…στρατίαν] Cf. Plut. Pomp. 57, 3. 32 Fabianas] After Q. Fabius, one of Caesar’s generals, cf. Caes. B.C. 1, 40. 32 Afranianas] After P. Ligarius Afranius, one of Pompeius’ generals, cf. Caes. B.C. 1, 37; Auct.B.Hisp. 7. 32 Varronianas] After C. Terentius Varro, consul in 216 B.C., cf. Liv. 22, 61. 33 viro] Josephus Justus Scaliger. In his next letter to Lipsius, ILE 96 09 24 SC, he does not pursue this remark, but expounds on Lipsius’s Poliorcetica, which he received shortly before through Buytewech. This could be one more argument confirming that ILE 96 09 082 is a revised version.

2166

96 09 10 A

Lipsius (Leuven) to Guillaume d’Assonleville [Brussels] 10 September 1596

As promised, Lipsius adds some brief, personal advice about what may be profitable for his correspondent’s training in view of his future political career. In the letter he focuses on useful reading in general. Firstly, a number of ethical works necessary to form stable character, principally Aristotle, but also Seneca and some books from the Bible. Secondly, political works: Aristotle again, Plato’s Republic and Laws, and Niccolò Machiavelli, not to follow his lead, but to steer away from his wickedness and

10 September 1596

341

errors. Thirdly, historiography, teaching not only what happened, but especially the reasons why. The perspicacity of Thucydides, Polybius, Tacitus, Guicciardini, De Commynes, etc. adds to our prudence. As to the methodical approach: the list of historical works he proposes may be too extensive; D’Assonleville can make a selection. Concerning philosophical texts, everyone is free to follow the method he prefers. Because of the large number of texts to be read, it is useful to select and make excerpts of advice and practical examples. Although this letter is much shorter than a similar one, ILE XIII, 00 12 03 H, in which Lipsius advised Nicolas de Hacqueville on reading and writing historical works, a comparison of both letters imposes itself. Both are addressed to descendants of a family of noblemen. Guillaume d’Assonleville was older already (he was c. thirty years), had married a few months earlier, and was on the verge of a political career. Conversely, Nicolas de Hacqueville was still studying in Leuven, following the lectures of Lipsius, who at te request of Nicolas’s stepfather, Antoine Le Fèvre de La Boderie, had promised to be his tutor, cf. ILE XIII, 00 04 27, 2-3. The letter to Hacqueville proves that Lipsius took this obligation seriously. This different context has its influence on the content of both letters. Since D’Assonleville had already completed his studies and had settled as a married man with social obligations to build a political career, the programme suggested to him by Lipsius, was far more restricted. As to the historical training of De Hacqueville, which was part of his education at university, he counted on three years, cf. ILE XIII, 00 12 03 H, 188-190. Hence Lipsius ended his letter by describing in detail his method when reading those texts: subnotare et seligere (cf. l. 125-140). In D’Assonleville’s letter, this advice is limited to a few words, since he should already have enough experience. His programme focuses on political perception, which Lipsius wants him to acquire by reading political texts. Philosophy (ethics) acted as a base. The historians would provide an insight into the mechanisms and motives of human actions; only a limited number was named, among them Lipsius’s beloved Tacitus, who had been a main source of inspiration for his Politica. De Hacqueville’s reading list consists exclusively of historical authors: first an introduction, in order to be sufficiently acquainted with the geographical and chronological frame of the events. Next the reading of dozens of historians to become familiar with the great periods of history: the Near-East, Greece, Rome, and non-Roman history, Gauls, Germans, Ottomans. On these letters to D’Assonleville and Hacqueville, cf. M. Janssens, DeMonita et exempla politica (1605) enLipsius’humanistischeprogramma, in: ‘Iamillustravitomnia’, 203; 209-210, with further bibliography. Ms. Lips. 3(18) breaks off after Videigiturtantum (l. 35). The name of the month in ms. Lips. 3(19) can be read as Sext[iles] or Sept[embres]. We follow Burman’s reading Sept[embres] because of the place of this letter in both files, between ILE 96 09 08 and 96 09 14. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 64v-65, no. 148 ( fragm., … igitur tantum (l. 35), s.d.); clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 3-4, no. 10; d1: Burman II, p. 3-4, no. 726.

342

5

10

15

20

2166 - 96 09 10 A

Guillelmo Dassonlevillio. Nobilissime Domine, Promissi mei nuper facti non immemor fidem libero et quae mihi visa studiis tuis conducere, breviter et methodo quadam scripsi. Habes eam hic inclusam. Addo autem universe et praemitto duo mihi videri in quibus vir talis genere et instituto et opibus versetur atque se applicet: Politica et Historia. Ad rempublicam enim consilia tua spectare ac vergere mihi persuasum est, certe debent et, si non alius, pater tuus eo vocet. Nec illud praecogitandum et sibi obiiciendum est. Non praestabo in ea parte. Haec et illa mihi desunt quia, si quid natura non dedit, industria potest addere, quam Deus ianuam et aditum ad claustra et penetralia sapientiae fecit. Igitur Politica, quae pars philosophiae vel praestantissima et utilissima, ethica imprimis velut basim et fulcrum cui innitantur, quaerunt. Haec legere te suadeo et discere. A quibus? Ab ipso illo omnium artium principe, Ar[istote]le, cuius libri exstant, sed et a nostro Seneca, quem in hoc genere non dicam vinci ab aliquo, sed venisse quo nemo ivit aut ibit. Hunc serio lege: formabit animum imbuetque honestissimis et saluberrimis ad omnem vitam praeceptis, sed et quaedam ad politicam ipsam dabit. Iisdem si iungis Hebraeam, id est, orientalem ethicam, quae est in libris Sapientiae Salomonis, Ecclesiastis et Ecclesiastici, valde e re erit. Incredibile, quam multa ibi pie, prudenter, fortiter expressa. Post ethica deinde ad politica transi. Id est a privata vita (quae stabiliri ante omnia debet) ad publicam

1 I[ustus] Lipsius Guilelmo Dassonvillio, Christophori filio d1 2 Nobilissime Domine: add. clb 7 historica d1 13 ethicam d1 22 pie: vere d1 3 Promissi] Such a promise could not be found, but could, of course, have been made orally. Lipsius’s previous (preserved) letter to Guillaume d’Assonleville is ILE 96 05 07. 5 inclusam] Not preserved. 6-7 Politica et Historia] Nearly all authors recommended here as a contribution to the training of a politician are quoted in the Politica and are also included in the Adlibros Politicorumbrevesnotae, in particular in the annotations to 1, 9 and 10. 9 pater tuus] Christophe d’Assonleville, member of the State Council, cf. ILE VI, 93 11 05 A. 16 Aristotele] Aristoteles’ EthicaNicomachia. 20-21 Sapientiae Salomonis] Book Wisdom of Solomon, one of the five books of the Old Testament attributed to Solomon 21 Ecclesiastis] Book Preacher (Old Testament). 21 Ecclesiastici] Ecclesiasticus or Jezus-ben-Sirach (Old Testament).

10 September 1596

343

et concipe qui alios regas, postquam te coeperis. In his chorum omnem ducit idem ille Ar[istote]les, non legendus solum ea parte, sed paene 25 ediscendus. Post eum aut iuxta cum eo si Platonis Rempubl[icam] aut Leges addas, haud peccabis. Imo et illic hauries quae ad usum tuum apponas. Tertio, et firmatis iam melioribus iudiciis, si venia tibi (ad theologos spectat) legendi Machiavelli erit, haud improbem aut dissuadeam, non quia illum ex animo probem (habet infinita falsa aut fallacia, habet et impia), sed quia 30 iuvat malitiae illas calles quoque nosse, non ad utendum, sed vitandum. Ire te per eas nolo, mane in splendida, tuta et regia nostra via, sed videre cupio et nosse ac diiudicare errores qui specie subtilitatis per senticosa illa incedunt. Quo fructu? Sese compungunt aut impediunt, perdunt eos quibus

26 cum eo: censeo d1 30 habet: enim add. d1 add. d1 32 tuta ac d1 34 compingunt d1

31 quoque ⟦nosce⟧ cla || sed: ad

25 Aristoteles] His Politica. 28 venia] All of Niccolò Machiavelli’s writings were listed on the index of forbidden books (Rome 1559 and 1564, Parma 1580, Rome 1590 and 1593, cf. J. M. De Bujanda e.a. (eds), Index de Rome 1590, 1593, 1596. Avec étude de l’index de Parme 1580 et Munich 1582, Geneva, 1994, (= Index des livres interdits, 9), 156 en 440. See also F. H., Reusch, DerIndexderverbotenerBücher.EinBeitragzurKirchen-undLiteraturgeschichte, Bonn, 1883-1885, 386-387 (= Aalen, 1967, 1, 386-388). 29 Machiavelli] Lipsius had made use of Machiavelli in his Politica: in his eyes his Principe showed an amazing insight into politics, but it was ethically intolerable, hence he chose to develop a political doctrine that was equally pragmatic, but also more in conformity with the doctrine of virtues of the ancient philosophers, historiographers, and the Mirrors of Christian Princes. In the editioprinceps of the Politica (1589) Machiavelli was still overtly referred to: InMachiavellumnimisquidamsaeviunt (4, §13), but pressed by Rome Lipsius removed his name from the revised edition of 1596 and took care of adapting the fourth book in particular, where discussions of the use of deceit and fraude were too Machiavellistian, as Benci had explicitly pointed out with regard to the Politica, 4, §4: quaesapiuntMachiavelleitatemCatholicosalecondienda, cf. ILE VI, 93 07 31 BEN. The sentence mentioning and even moderately approving Machiavelli is absent from 1596 onwards and in the Adlectorem he stated: NisiquoduniustamenMachiavelli ingenium non contemno, acre, subtile, igneum, et qui utinam Principem suum recta duxissetadtemplumilludVirtutisetHonoris!Sednimissaepedeflexitetdumcommodi illas semitas intente sequitur, aberravit a regia hac via. Nevertheless, Lipsius has not really changed the meaning of the Florentine’s ideas, although he is rejecting them here: habetinfinitafalsaautfallacia,habetetimpia (l. 30), thus following one of the remarks sent to him, that Machiavelli was a homo impius. Cf. Waszink (ed.), Justus Lipsius: Politica,183-187, 230, 510; LipsiusenLeuven, 208-211, no. 62a.

344

2166 - 96 09 10 A

adhaerent et haec adsuadent. Vide igitur tantum; post haec autem ad Historica descende, ad amoenum illum et ridentem campum, in quo tot virtutum, tot consiliorum velut flores aut stirpes. Semina etiam multa occulta et per terram sparsa, quae eruenda sunt, et id est, in quo lector maxime se exerceat et fructum mox ferat. Nihili est res et eventa modo 40 legere, inquirere oportet in caussas, in consilia, in adiacentia et videre non solum quid evenerit, sed etiam humanis rationibus cur evenerit, et nectere principia illa cum suo fine. Ille mihi vir erit, ille uberem messem referet, qui faciet et ductores huic rei capiet ipsos historicos, qui a se caussas saepe prompserunt et alibi velut digito ad inveniendum praeiverunt. In eo 45 genere Thucydides, Polybius, Tacitus, Guicciardinus, Cominaeus et si qui tales. Atque utinam multi! Illorum labor de nostro demat, eorum prudentia valde nostram formet. Sed ubi non illi, pro nobis faciendum est et quomodo id commode in adiunctis habes. Praeivi enim tibi de tota historia subtilius 35

35-57 post … ∞.IƆ.XCVI: om. cla 48 commodo d1

38 lectio d1

39 fructus d1

44 veluti d1

45 Guicciardinus] Francesco Guicciardini (Florence, 6 March 1483 – Arcetri, 22 May 1540), uncle of Lodovico, is mostly known as a historiographer. After studying Law in Florence, Ferrara, and Padova, he entered the service of the Pope, first as an ambassador with Ferdinand of Aragon, afterwards in governmental functions in Modena, Parma, and Bologna; in 1534 he became the servant of Alessandro de’ Medici in Florence. Throughout these offices he showed a remarkable integrity and seriousness. His final years he spent writing on his estate. His most important work, Dellahistoriad’Italia was translated into French, Latin, English, Dutch, and Spanish. It was the first time that the Tyrrhenian peninsula was treated as a whole. His approach to events was pragmatic and analytical, with attention to causes and motives. Cf. DBI 61, 90-104. In Ad libros Politicorum notae, 1, §9 Lipsius nevertheless reproaches Guicciardini for his lack of critical sense, summarizing his opinion as follows: Denique uno verbo inter nostros summus est historicus,interveteresmediocris. 45 Cominaeus] Philippe de Commynes (c. 1447 – 18 October 1511), politician, diplomat, and historiographer. He entered the service of Charles the Bold as a diplomat, before defecting to Louis XI, whose councillor and chamberlain he became, and later also his representative in Italy. After the death of his patron he quickly lost his prestige: he was removed from his functions, arrested, exiled, and finally rehabilitated, but lost any influence. His Mémoires (in eight books) were intended as lessons in the art of government for sovereigns and courtiers. It is one of the most influential historio-political publications of the late fifteenth century, altough De Commynes is not always fully appreciated as an historian. Cornelis Kilianus translated the first six books into Dutch (Antwerp, 1578). Cf. BN 4, 318-336; DBF 9, 385-388; LMA 3, 91-95; J. Dufournet, PhilippedeCommynes: unhistorienàl’aubedestempsmodernes, Brussels, 1994, 26-30; BBr 1, 681.

345

10 September 1596

fortasse quam opus aut usus tibi sit, sed excerpes aut uteris quae voles. In ipsis politicis hoc non praeeo. Ipsa enim sibi methodus et sive illa 50 Ar[istote]lis, sive nostra, sive alia placet, facile in tabulas redigere et praecepta. Sed et hoc facile (cum lectio multa accedet) subnotare et seligere ex historiis monita aut exempla, quae huc et ad quamque partem conducent. Ista sunt, nobilissime Domine, quae visa monere breviter. Faxit Deus, ut sic cum fructu tuo, sicut meo affectu, qui et tibi et 55 amplissimo parenti sum addictissimus. I[ustus] Lipsius. Lovanii IIII Id[us] Sept[embres] ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

55 qui: om. clb, sedadd. clbλ

56 I[ustus] Lipsius: om. d1

52-53 subnotare et seligere] To support memory, Lipsius deemed it advisable to note down the most important ideas when reading. In his Institutioepistolica, §12 he expounds on the principles to be followed by someone wanting to improve his Latin style. See also Papy, in: LipsiusenLeuven, 165-167, no. 48. 53 monita aut exempla] Cf. ILE 96 09 27, 6-9.

2167 96 09 10 B

Lipsius (Leuven) to Jan Bernaerts [Mechelen] 10 September 1596

Covering letter of the Poliorcetica; Bernaerts must give his opinion. With what studies is he engaged? How is his family? Lipsius adds a letter and a copy of his book for Henricus Sedulius. Although the name of the month can be read either as Sext[iles] or Sept[embres] in both versions, there can be no doubt that this letter belongs to September, for Lipsius sends his correspondent some copies of the Poliorcetica, something he started to do on 21 August (cf. the letters of that day). The position of this letter in both files also confirms its situation in September. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 64, no. 145; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 2v, no. 7.

346

2168 - 96 09 10 V

I[ustus] Lipsius Ioh[anni] Bernartio suo S[alutem] D[icit]. Solennem amicitiae quasi tesseram quidni tu inter primos habeas? Cape igitur POLIORCETICA nostra et, si usui, utere atque etiam iudica alibi et arbitrare. Omnis monitio fructum habet apud eos quidem qui emendabiles 5 sunt et docili quadam mente. Quid tu agas, scire velim in studiis, in re familiari et satin’ omnia ex voto? Opto et cupio, ac te salvere, mi Bernarti. Deproperavi hoc Lovanii inter aedificandi curas. IIII Idus Sept[embres]. Exemplar alterum R[everendo] P[atri] Henrico Sedulio cum amica mea salute dabis. 1 suo: om. clb

4 equidem clb

7 aedificandi] In 1594 Lipsius had started to renovate the house in the Legestraat (now Parijsstraat) in Leuven, which he had bought that same year from Master Jan Opdebergh, cf. Boonen, 335, n. 1; ILE VII, 94 05 06, introd. The works were finished in the middle of October of that same year and he only had to take care of the design, which he deemed important to give his home a personal touch, cf. ILE VII, 94 10 14 B, 17-21. On his request, many friends contributed by paying for stained glass windows (and in return, could add their coat of arms or device). This was the case with Johannes Saracenus (ILE VII, 94 07 20 SA, 16-27), Johannes Moretus (ILE VII, 94 09 12 M, 2-3), Luis Pérez (ibid., 20-21), Cornelis Pruynen (ILE VII, 94 09 22, 19-26), Laevinus Torrentius (ILE VII, 94 10 10 M, 48), Jacques de Carondelet (cf. ILE VII, 94 11 17, 4-6), and Abraham Ortelius (cf. GVd 32). Torrentius and Saracenus also paid for part of the wainscoting. Cf. also BN 12, 269-270 and ILE VII, 94 12 21 C, 5. In the spring of 1596 Lipsius had to convert another part of his house: since his contubernium would be increased, he needed extra rooms for his new guests; the works were finished in October. Cf. ILE 96 05 04, 30-31; 96 09 20 H, 6-7. 8 Henrico Sedulio] On Henricus Sedulius, cf. ILE 96 07 05, 25.

2168 96 09 10 V

Lipsius (Leuven) to Johannes Vivianus [Aix-la-Chapelle] 10 September 1596

Covering letter of the Poliorcetica; Vivianus must give his opinion. Why does he not write anymore? He cannot shirk his obligations. Lipsius does not want to touch upon the far from rosy situation in the Low Countries, but he welcomes information on events abroad, on the war against the Ottomans, in Italy, etc.

347

14 September 1596

Paleographically, the dating formula in both versions can be read as either Sext[iles] or Sept[embres]. We prefer September for the same reasons as explained in ILE 96 09 10 B, introd. On Johannes Vivianus, cf. ILE I, 83 12 19 R, 48; LipsiusenzijnEuropesenetwerk, 419, n. 38. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 64, no. 146; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 3, no. 8 (dat. 96 09 11).

I[ustus] Lipsius Ioh[anni] Viviano S[alutem] D[icit]. Absit ut libamenta librorum meorum inter primos non habeas. Quin accipe, lege et cense. Sed heus, tu cur et quomodo tamdiu siluisti? Sic animo imperas? Nam mutasse te eum nulla suspicio est, quia nulla caussa. Quod si idem in affectu es, esto in officio et alloquia ne subtrahe haec litterarum. 5 Si vis, nulla etiam nisi de litteris, et publica mittamus, quae parum ex tranquilliorum ingeniorum votis. Siquid t[ame]n de Turcicis, Italicis aut exteris habes, potes aspergere quae minore cura audimus et animum a praesentibus malis paullum abducunt. Vale, mi Viviane, et cum tua ac Rotario nostro salve. Lovanii, IIII Idus Sept[embres] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 10 10 III clb 2 libamenta] A copy of the Poliorcetica. 3 siluisti] This is apparently the only letter exchanged between Lipsius and Vivianus in 1596, whereas there are still five letters from Lipsius preserved for the year 1595. 9 tua] Catharina Malapert (1562-1620), cf. ILE VIII, 95 03 17 V, 22; NBW 13, 680. 10 Rotario] Lipsius usually added greetings for Johannes Rotarius (Radermacher) in his letters to Vivianus in Aix-la-Chapelle. Cf. on Rotarius ILE IV, 91 07 22 R and NBW 13, 673-680 (675 about his relationship with Vivianus). Both Vivianus and Rotarius fled Antwerp for religious reasons after the fall of the city (17 August 1585) and settled in Aix-la-Chapelle until 1599.

2169 96 09 14

Lipsius (Leuven) to Johannes Oranus [Antwerp] 14 September 1596

The student Oranus recommended to become Lipsius’s contubernalis was already introduced to him through his grandfather. He cannot refuse, especially since he already

348

2169 - 96 09 14

allowed others to come. Lipsius will do his utmost and help the young man make progress. Oranus’s nephew still is an exemplary student. Does Oranus not mention the political situation because it is adverse? If only King Philip would launch an attack against England! But he keeps his plans to himself and his inner circle. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 65, no. 149; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 4, no. 11.

Ioh[anni] Orano Rectori S[alutem] D[icit]. Rev[eren]de in Chr[ist]o Pater, Is pro quo petis et commendationem interponis, ita mihi avi no[min]e commendatus est, ut nefas putem negare, praesertim cum aditum iam aliis 5 dederim (tuus frater adegit et claustra haec rupit), cum quibus adolescens iste commode et utiliter poterit versari. Ergo veniat bonus, modestus (ut scribis) et, quod libens audio, apud vos institutus. Equidem pro meis viribus et otio efficiam ut hic quoque progressus faciat et avum suum laetificet ac patrem. Tuus perseverat esse qualem optemus, nec deero 1 Ioh[anni] … D[icit]: add. cla, clbλ 1 Rectori] Johannes Oranus was rector of the Jesuit College in Antwerp from 1594 to 1598, cf. ILE VIII, 95 03 20 HE1, 1. 3 Is] Sc. Johannes Baptista Baronius Perezius, who arrived in Lipsius’s house in the autumn of 1596. He stayed there for four years: on 16 October 1600 he obtained his degree of licentiate in both laws, cf. Lipsius’s congratulatory letter, ILE XIII, 00 10 16. Soon afterwards, he set out to France, armed with letters of recommendation from Lipsius. On 6 December he had already settled in Paris (cf. ILE XIII, 00 12 06 B), but he had to return on his father’s instance in April 1601 (cf. ILE 01 04 24 BA). In 1602 he left on a peregrinatio academica to Italy, encouraged by Lipsius, who advised him to seek the company of Philip Rubens and Guillaume Richardot, with whom he was familiar from his years in the contubernium (cf. 02 10 05 B). Cf. ILE XIII, 00 01 10; Morford, 34; Peeters, Lecontubernium deLipse, 155; Vazquez de Prada, 1, 231. 3 petis] Oranus’s letter is not preserved. 3 avi] Sc. Luis Pérez, cf. ILE 96 05 06 U, 18. 4 aliis] Antonius Hartius and Franciscus Oranus, the latter the nephew of Johannes Oranus, had already lived for a year in Lipsius’s contubernium; in the middle of October 1596 Guillaume and Antoine Richardot arrived, cf. ILE 96 10 17, 3. 5 frater … rupit] Lipsius had yielded to the urgent requests of his friend Petrus Oranus, Johannes’s brother, and agreed in August 1595 that his son Franciscus become a member of his contubernium. Despite the condition that this would only be for one year, he remained with Lipsius until his promotion in October 1600. Cf. ILE VIII, 95 08 11 H2, 3-6; 96 01 05, 17. 9 patrem] Martín Pérez de Barrón (Varrón), born in Orduño (Cantabria), merchant partner of Luis Pérez in Antwerp, whose daughter Catalina he married, cf. ILE XIII, 00 01 10, 17; Vazquez de Prada, 1, 229-231. He died on 5 December 1602, cf. ILE 02 12 08 P; 02 12 09 B, the latter a letter of consolation to Johannes Baptista (cf. supra, l. 3).

349

15 September 1596

formare porro et curare. Sed de rep[ublica] quid ita verbum nullum tangis? 10 An quia nihil quod libenter audiamus? Atqui post interpellatam victoriam nostram, confide, alia sequetur. Atque utinam Rex noster serio et calide (sed non est eius indoles aut aetas) de Britannia cogitet! Non deessent studia opesque Hispaniae totius, ut audio, fortasse nec successus. Sane vetula illa timet, sed quid et quando expediat, optime Rex et qui adsistunt 15 ei sciunt, quibus sua et aliena mala bonaque debent esse nota. Vota sunt nostra, non consilia. Vale, Rev[eren]de Pater. Lovanii, XVIII Kal[endas] Octo[bres] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 13 ⟦Britannia⟧ ⟦Albione⟧ Hibernia clbλ 9 Tuus] His nephew, Franciscus Oranus, Jr. 11 interpellatam victoriam] The capture of Hulst, at the cost of numerous lives, cf. ILE 96 07 13 HO, 11. 13 indoles … aetas] Lipsius had already complained before that the situation in the Low Countries kept deteriorating during the reign of Philip II, because the king was poorly informed and thus took the wrong decisions about its government and its economy. Moreover, as a fierce defender of Catholicism he was strongly involved in the religiuous wars in France (and even at a certain time tried to bring it under the Spanish crown). Furthermore, he was reproached for procrastinating too long before taking action. At this moment he was almost seventy. Cf. ILE VI, 93 03 04 S, 8-9; VII, 94 12 25 S, 20-21, 24-26; VIII, 95 01 17 I, 3. 15 vetula] A euphemistic reference (because of the diminutive) to earlier, failed naval campaigns of the Spanish king in his confrontation with England, especially the wreck of the invincible armada in 1588 and, more recently, the surprise attack of the English on the harbour of Cádiz in June 1596. Cf. ILE III, 88 08 12, 6; 96 05 25, 7.

2170 96 09 15 D

Lipsius (Leuven) to Johannes Dudetus (Verdun) 15 September 1596

Dudetus has again enjoyed the waters of Spa. Lipsius will not visit them anymore after the consternation of the previous year. He wants to put his talents at God’s service, as well as he can: every one has his own task within the Church.

350

2170 - 96 09 15 D

Johannes Dudetus (Dudoit), born in La Rochelle, 11 November 1557, studied rhetoric and philosophy in Bordeaux before entering the Jesuit order in Verdun in 1578. At the College of Pont-à-Mousson he taught rhetoric, poetry and Greek. In March 1589 he was ordained priest. Between 1595 and 1603 he lived in Liège as a confessor and preacher. In 1604 he was sent to Paris. Cf. Guérin, 76, 147, 154, 160. GVi erroneously dated this letter 16 September, although the manuscript clearly has XVII Kal[endas] Octo[bres] (15 September). The name of Lipsius’s correspondent is not Ducetus, as in GVi, but Dudetus, as Lipsius corrected in clb. Only (preserved) letter from their correspondence. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 65v, no. 151; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 4v, no. 13.

Iohanni Dudeto Soc[ietatis] I[esu], Virduni. Rev[eren]de in Christo Pater, Servasti fidem in scribendo, sed et in potando. Nam te Spadanae nymphae iterum habuerunt. Nobis non licuit frui et post nuperam illam conster5 nationem et fugam animus vel fiducia non fuit repetendi. At illud gaudeo, aquas illas salutares te expertum et Deum precor ut plenas firmasque vires redonet, quibus in Eius gloriam et aliorum bonum utaris. Mihi quoque ea mens, mi Pater, facere quod hortaris, et quidquid ab ingenii hoc fonte manat, referre et sacrare sapientiae et virtuti. Si tam recto cursu id non 10 facimus ut vos, qui divinam lucem propius aspicitis, largius accipitis, at pro modulo nostro fiet et ea ipsa quae in profana doctrina scribemus, sale adspergemus et adstringemus Sapientiae divinae. Non omnia omnibus aut data sunt aut conveniunt et ad magnum hoc Ecclesiae aedificium variae operae opus et ministri. Felices qui in optimis et a pueris optimam hanc

1 Iohanni … Virduni: add. cla, clbλ || Duceto cla, clb

10 ut: et cla

1 Virduni] The Jesuit College of Verdun, cf. Delattre, 5, 72-96. 3 Servasti … scribendo] Dudetus’s letter is not preserved. 3 potando] The next part of the letter makes it clear that Lipsius and Dudetus had met before in Spa. He mentioned this in a letter to another Jesuit correspondent, Fronto Ducaeus, without giving his name, cf. ILE VIII, 95 07 14, 5-6. 4-5 nuperam … fugam] On 2 July 1595 Lipsius had to flee from the neighbourhood of Spa because of a band of marauding Dutch cavalry, cf. ILE 96 08 01 M, 102-103. Dudetus too had been attacked by Dutch soldiers in the course of that year, when he was on his way to preach in Spa, cf. Guérin, 1, 147.

351

16 September 1596

viam ingressi sunt; nos per spinas et rupes enitimur et Deo tamen duce, 15 ut spero, ad amoenos illos caelestesque campos veniemus. In quo nos, Rev[eren]de in Chr[ist]o Pater, precibus tuis adiuva. Lovanii, XVII Kal[endas] Octo[bres] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 17 in Chr[ist]o: om. clb

2171

96 09 15 G

Lipsius (Leuven) to Giulio Guastavini [Genova] 16 September 1596

Lipsius willingly accepts Guastavini’s friendship who, as others attested, has shown his appreciation after reading Lipsius’s works. If he was in better health, Lipsius would like to come to Italy and meet old and new friends. He gives the biographical information on Thriverius required by Guastavini. Answer to ILE 96 07 15. cla dates 16 September, clb and d1 15 September (but clb with the same mistake as in the letter to Monelia, namely XCVII Kal[endas]). Since Lipsius forwards this letter together with ILE 96 09 15 M (cf. l. 5-6), we prefer 15 September for this letter too. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 67-67v, no. 156; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 5, no. 15; d1: Burman I, p. 760-761, no. 722.

Iulio Guastavinio, Doct[ori] Medico, Genuae. Amicitiae tuae dextram quam ultro mihi porrigis, mi Guastavini, ego vero libenter accipio et meam ecce protendo et tuae iungo. Sit felix hic amplexus 1 Iulio … Genuae: add. clbλ; Medico: S[alutem] add. d1 omn. || ⟦vet⟧ ultro cla 2 porrigis] Cf. ILE 96 07 15, 1-9.

2 quam: correxi e quod

352 5

10

15

20

2171 - 96 09 15 G

et copula, non nova etiam, si tibi credo, qui hausisse te affectum istum iamdiu scribis e libellis nostris et scriptis. Et cur non credam? Ego vere eo magis, quod et alii quidam apud me hoc testati. Ergone tanti habeo aut aestimo mea scripta? Non habeo, sed elucere alibi in iis, si non grande ingenium, candorem aliquem, sed et leporem fortasse agnoverim, quae capiunt et conciliant scilicet vos candidos et probos. O votorum meorum summa, si valetudo firmior mihi sit et videre liceat ac peregrinantem cursim regustare Italiam vestram, vos videre et amplecti partim veteres, partim novos amicos! Haec ita in animo agitamus, sed ventis abripienda vota. Ergo testari scriptis et solari amorem superest et, si qua licet, amicis gratificari. Facio nunc in re quam serio a me petebas, et de Thriverio medico scribo quae a posteris eius (hic enim vivunt) potui scire. Is natus in Flandriae comitatu, pago Braekelia, iuxta Aldenardam opidum; Lovanii litteris et philosophiae operatus, ibidem doctoris medici titulum adipiscitur. Primarius etiam professor mox designatus, egregie locum illum tutatus est, in schola clarus, in aula gratiosus, cum a plerisque Belgii principibus viris ob peritiam advocaretur iisque cum fide et successu mederetur. In Angliam et Daniam evocatus ire sprevit, rei et cupidinis alioqui modicus, 5 e⟦t⟧ libellis cla || vero d1

7 in: ex d1

9 connectunt d1

6 alii] As far as it is preserved, there are no traces of such testimonies in the correspondence. 11 Italiam] Lipsius often asserts his preference for Italy and expresses his longing to visit the country again, but he always refrains from doing so, using his frail health as a pretext to stay at home. In fact, he merely admired the remains of Roman Antiquity, whereas he showed far less appreciation for contemporary Italy and its inhabitants. Cf. Papy, Italiam vestramamo, 254-266. See also ILE 96 06 30, 9-12. 12-13 ventis … vota] After Sen. Ep. 108, 37: eripiendasuntventovela. 14 Thriverio] On Hieremias Thriverius (Jeremias de Drijvere), cf. ILE 96 07 15, 21. 18 Primarius … professor] Thriverius’s perspective on a chair in Leuven did not look very promising: there was no vacancy and the two professors he might succeed, Leonard Willemaers and Leonard Noot, were about his age. The city council of Leuven appointed him extraordinarius of anatomy in 1541. In comparison to his two appointed colleagues, his lectures were so novel, that the students threatened to leave Leuven if he was not granted a chair. Noot and Willemaers were removed on Christmas Day 1542 and replaced by Thriverius, yet since he succeeded both, he had to teach in the morning and in the afternoon. Cf. De Vocht, HCT, 2, 536; Van der Schueren, 187. 19 principibus] The only example of a prominent person in the Netherlands who was Thriverius’s patient I could find was Dionysius a Zevendonk, Abbot of Villers from 1524 to 1545, cf. De Vocht, HCT, 2, 534. 20 Angliam … Daniam] Invitations to England and Denmark are not attested in Thriverius’s biographies.

353

15 september 1596

moribus probissimus, adeo ut nec pecuniam quam aliquam pepererat, in communem legibusque permissam usuram vellet collocare. Ita obiit maiore fama quam opibus, cum vixisset annos LII. Is fuit a Chr[ist]o nato annus ∞.IƆ.LV. Plura de eo haud didici. Tu his uteris aut et non uteris, pro arbitrio 25 iudicioque tuo. Vale. Lovanii, XVI Kal[endas] Octob[res] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 22 probissimis cla || pepercerat d1

25 et: etiam d1

26 XVIII clb, XVII d1

26 ∞.IƆ.LV] The biographical sources all give 1554 as the year of his death cf. ILE 96 07 15, 21.

2172

96 09 15 H

Lipsius (Leuven) to Johannes Haius 15 september 1596

The news of the release of Earl Errol was most welcome, for his enemies in England were threatening him. If only Scotland had more such men as the count! Lipsius always believed that King James VI was different than the opinion others had about him: one day he will revenge his mother and her religion. Haius must continue to fight the enemies of the Church in his writings. Johannes Haius (Hay) (Dalgety, 1546 – Pont-à-Mousson, 21 May 1607 or 1608), Scottish Jesuit who entered the noviciate in Rome in 1566. From 1574 onwards he taught philosophy at the university of Pont-à-Mousson and made his name during this period because of his fierce disputes with the Protestants in France (e.g., with Johannes Pappus on transsubstantiation). Hence King James VI ordered him to leave Scotland after he had returned to his home country in 1579. Afterwards, he became professor at the University of Tournon and rector of the Jesuit College of Pont-à-Mousson. Cf. ODNB 25, 1009-1010; DBS 4, 161-166; 12, 216-217; DTC 6, 2066-2067; Le Bachelet, 250, n. 5. Only (preserved) letter from their correspondence. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 65-65v, no. 150; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 4-4v, no. 12; d1: Burman I, p. 751, no. 714 (dat. 96 09 19).

354

2172 - 96 09 15 H

Iohanni Haijo, Scoto, Soci[etatis] I[esu]. Rev[eren]de in Chr[ist]o Pater, Iucundum gratumque fuit te ad nos scribere et periucundum illud maxime scribere de liberatione Arolii Comitis. Nam certe soliciti de viro eramus et 5 sciebamus Britannos canes ei imminere. Bene est, si in mari est. Deus, qui coepit liberare, plene faciet et suis restituet salvum atque exspectatum. O mi pater, utinam plures in Scotia Arolii sint! Utinam Rex vester aut velit quae debet, aut detegere possit quae velit! Non est meum iudicare, sed animus semper mihi dixit Regem vestrum alium ab opinione multorum 10 esse et palam id aliquando ostensurum. Diem illum videam quo matrem vindicet, quo religionem vindicet, ab una femina (dedecus) utramque

1 I[ustus] Lipsius Iohanni … I[esu]: add. clbλ; S[alutem] D[icit] add. d1 2 Rev[eren]de … Pater: om. d1 3 fuit ⟦fuit⟧ clb, fuit: om. d1 || ad nos: id nobis d1 8 detegere: de gente d1 3 scribere] Not preserved. 4 Arolii comitis] Cf. ILE 96 07 01, 5-6; 96 09 18, 3-4. The States of Zeeland had handed over Francis Hay, Count of Errol, to Robert Dennistoun, King James’s representative in the Northern Netherlands, but he escaped and secretely returned to Scotland in September 1596. Meanwhile, James VI, in an attempt to reconcile the rebels, proposed to release them from any charges and to restore them to all their rights, if they endorsed his creed. This happened on 26 June 1597. Cf. ODNB 25, 993-994. The Count of Errol was a kinsman of Johannes Haius. Cf. ODNB 25, 1009. 7 Rex] James VI of Scotland, cf. ILE VII, 94 09 11 B, 20. 9-12 Regem … oppressam] Since James VI was entitled to the English crown after the death of Elizabeth I, he never really chose the side of his mother, Mary Stuart, who was forced to abdicate. In the 1580s he turned to Pope Clement VIII and the Duke of Guise for support for his mother and himself, but he remained Protestant to preserve his rights intact. James VI was an instrument in the hands of the Protestant faction until 1583, the year he took over the reign of Scotland from the regents. A treaty concluded with Elizabeth I in 1586 guaranteeing him the succession on the English throne and an annuity caused a complete rift with his mother. When she was sentenced to death that same year, he limited himself to minimal protest. When Elizabeth I died in 1603 he was hailed as King James I of England. Within his country he persecuted the Catholics, but internationally he steered towards peace with Spain and put an end to financially supporting the warring factions. Cf. ODNB 29, 629, 633, 637, 652-653; 37, 85-86, 89; Black, 360-362, 370, 441-447. 11 femina] Because Maria Stuart, Queen of Scotland until 1567, lay claim to the English throne and was hatching plots against her rival, Elizabeth I had her imprisoned and beheaded in 1587.

355

15 September 1596

oppressam. Esse te in studiis sacris et arma expedire contra Ecclesiae iurantes illos hostes solenne tuum et Societatis vestrae est. Pergite, facite atque illos iam trepidos et fugam spectantes pietati atque ultioni mactate. Vale, Rev[eren]de Pater. Lovanii, XVII Kal[endas] Octob[res] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 15

13 iuratos d1 || Societatis ⟦tuae⟧ vestrae cla

15 XIII d1

12 arma expedire] Johannes Haius had already published some works against the Church of Scotland and against the Calvinists: Certaines Demandes concerning the Christian ReligionandDiscipline,proposedtotheMinistersofthenewpretendedKirkofScotlande, Paris, 1581; LadefensededemandesproposeesauxministresdeCalvin, Lyons, 1585. Cf. ODNB 25, 1010; DBS 4, 162.

2173

96 09 15 M

Lipsius (Leuven) to Paulus Monelia [Genova] 15 September 1596

Lipsius has received the shrubs Monelia sent him from Italy, but they were somewhat withered. He will plant them in a sheltered place. He includes a letter to Guastavini and would have loved to write to Mercurialis also. He adds copies of the Poliorcetica for Monelia and Mercurialis. Despite the confused situation, he remains a devotee of letters and will keep publishing for future generations, as long as his health permits. He hopes that Monelia has married, so that he can offer Genova his children and grandchildren. Both copyists confused the Roman numeral of the month with that of the year and absentmindedly wrote XCVII Kal[endas] instead of XVII Kal[endas]. GVi erroneously dated this letter on 16 September. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 67, no. 155; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 4v, no. 14.

356

2174 - 96 09 16

I[ustus] Lipsius P[aulo] Moneliae S[alutem] D[icit]. Censeo te meas iam recepisse, ego interea tres arbusculas quas ad me misisti, vestrae felicis Italiae indigenas, nobis exoticas et in rigidiore caelo ponendas. Sed fomentum et cura iuvabunt et iniurias arcebimus axis nostri qua licebit. 5 Spem faciunt quod vitales erunt, etsi a longo itinere turbidae admodum et exsuccae, amisso omni honore foliorum. Ad Iulium Guastavinium medicum litteras ecce habes. Maluissem nunc et ad Mercurialem nostrum, sed distrahor et nuper ad eum dedi. Nunc mitto exemplaria bina librorum DE MACHINIS, alterum tibi, alterum ad Mercurialem mittendum. Nos enim, mi Monelia, 10 etsi undique in turbis, tamen Musarum et Minervae studia non deserimus atque aliquid semper pangimus, quod aut iuvet aut delectet posteritatem, quatenus tamen valetudo id permittit, quae tenuis et incerta saepe nos in medio cursu deserit et sistit. Te validum opto et consorti alicui illigatum ut natos et natorum natos florenti Reip[ublicae] vestrae dare possis. Iuvat enim 15 magis profecto in felici statu suscipere liberos in spem et usum eorundem bonorum et honorum. Vale, mi Monelia. Lovanii, XVI Kal[endas] Octo[bres] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 7 Voluissem clb 2 meas] ILE 96 05 16 MO. 2 arbusculas] Cfr. ILE 96 05 16 MO, 3. 7 litteras] ILE 96 09 15 G. 8 nuper] This letter, presumably an answer to ILE 96 06 30, is not preserved. 8 exemplaria] As Mercurialis had asked (cf. ILE 96 04 10, 23-26) and as Lipsius had promised to both Mercurialis and Monelia (cf. ILE 96 05 16 ME, 23-25 and 96 05 16 MO, 35-37. 10 Minervae] As the goddess of arts (literature) and wisdom. 13-14 consorti … natos] No information was found about a possible marriage and children.

2174 96 09 16

Lipsius (Leuven) to Jan de Greve (Brussels) 16 September 1596

Lipsius is happy that De Greve has safely returned with his wife and his little son. He acted well in the matter of Lipsius’s payment: he should certainly not insist too much.

16 September 1596

357

He should also leave no stone unturned, but without taking risks, to keep the real estate from Lipsius’s parents. Clerk Van de Nesse inquired about a signed sales contract: it probably does not exist, but the sum agreed upon was fourhundred florins. Lipsius might still have the draft. He refuses to accept less that the agreed sum; otherwise, he will approach the Baron of Baussigny. Greetings to his wife; how is Willem Breugel’s wife doing? Galesloot has discovered this sheaf of letters from Lipsius to De Greve in Brussels, ARA, ms. div. 200 A (unpaquetdepapiersgrossièrementroulésetficelésetcouvertsd’une poussièreséculaire, cf. Galesloot, 270). He put them in chronological order and added a folio number. Next, he suggested to bind them (Veuillezlesfairerelierenplacansentete unenotequimarqueoùellesontététrouvées,etrappelleaussicequienestimprimé, cf. a leaflet placed in front of the bundle). The file also contains Galesloot’s transcription of the letters (f. 133-250v, the foliation was added by a second hand). When examining this letter, Galesloot first made a mistake with the year, reading 1595 instead of 1596 and noted it down also in the dating formula in the left upper corner, as he used to do with the other letters. He also filed the letter after ILE VIII, 95 08 23 (f. 21-21v) and before ILE VIII, 95 09 26 (on f. 23-23v). In the transcribed pages he nevertheless wrote 1596. o: Brussels, ARA, ms. div. 200 A, f. 22-22v.

Eersaeme en[de] bemiende neve, Het is mij lief dat ghij met u l[ieden] huijsvrow en[de] soonken met gesontheijt sijt thuijs komen; den Heere wille u daer in gespaeren. Voirts mercke ick u diligentie gedaen in het vervolgen van die assignatie en[de] wilt soo voirts doen sonder nochtans te seer te importuneeren. Mij dunckt, 5 het moet al sijnen tijdt hebben met deese luijden. Aengaende u reijse op Overijssche, ich wilde dat u l[ieden] daer inne haer naerstichheijt dede om die goeden van die ouders gekommen, hoe daenich die sijn, te bewaren en[de] door slappicheijt niet te verliesen; nochtans soo begeere ick mede dat ghij sulckx niet en doet dan met goede gelegentheijt en[de] 10 geselschap, met soo veele versekerheijt alst mogelijck is, sonder u te

3 thuijs komen] De Greve had accepted Lipsius’s invitation to come to Leuven with his family on the occasion of the Leuven kermess, cf. ILE 96 08 12, 4-5. 4 assignatie] Assignations of twohundred fifty florins sent by Lipsius to the paymasters of Tienen and Geldenaken for the payment of his annuity as historiographusregius, cf. ILE 96 08 19, 2; 96 09 30, 2. 5 importuneeren] ‘To bother’, cf. WNTa 2, 4001. 8 goeden van die ouders] On the estate of Lipsius’s parents, cf. Galesloot, 285, n. 2.

358

2174 - 96 09 16

stellen int perijckel. Ende aengaende nu M[eeste]r Jacop en[de] het contract aengegaen, ick hebbe daer naer gesocht maer niet gevonden, alsoo dat ick twijfele dat hij het selve onder heeft met mijn handt geschreven. Maer daer 15 en kan geen swaericheijt opvallen: die transactie is te geven vier hondert gulden, daer in begrepen hondert gulden die ick van landt hadde ontfangen; item aen die resteerende drij hondert gulden, af te slaegen soo veele den coop is van eenige landen, alsoo ick t’ Overijssche lestmael was, t’ saemen gecalculeert en[de] gesommeert, al war hij memorie af heeft gehouden 20 en[de] ick mede die minute hebbe, alsoo ick meijne. In allen manieren ghij moet maecken van hem t’ ontfangen, oft ick moeste mij addresseeren wederomme aen den heer van Baussignij om te schouwen deese lange dilaijen. Ick hebbe genoech quijtgeschonden. Hier mede sijdt den Heere bevolen met mijn bemiende nichte, u huijsvrow, die ick vriendelijck gruete. 25 Tot Loven, deesen 16. Sept[embris] 1596. Uwen goetwilligen oom I[ustus] Lipsius. Ick hebbe curinge hoet met nichte Breugels al is. Wilt haeren man en[de] haer met haer kindren seer groeten. [Address:] Eersaeme en[de] voorsienige h[ee]r Jan de Greve, mijn 30 bemiende neve, tot Bruessel. Francque.

27-28 Ick … groeten: add. oinmarg. 12 Jacop … contract] Jacop Van den Nesse, clerk of Overijse, cf. ILE 96 05 04, 16. 22 Baussignij] Gerard of Horne, Baron of Baussigny, Lord of Overijse, cf. ILE VII, 94 03 15 H, 17-18. In ILE 97 05 20 Lipsius complains to him about the miserable situation of Overijse and its inhabitants because of the threat of war. 27 Ick … curinge] ‘I am curious’, cf. Verwijs – Verdam, 3, 1920. 27 nichte] Maria Coppens, the wife of Willem Breugel, cf. ILE 96 05 04, 28. 30 Franque] Cf. ILE 96 03 18 G, 23.

359

18 September 1596

2175

96 09 18

Lipsius (Leuven) to Christoffel Roels (Middelburg) 18 September 1596

Thanks for Roels’s efforts. Their affection should not change because Lipsius moved to Leuven. He adds a copy of the Poliorcetica for Roels and Vosbergen. Lipsius will take to heart what his correspondent asked about his friends in Leuven. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 66v, no. 154; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 6, no. 18.

Christophoro Roelsio. Middelburgi. Clar[issi]me et Prudentissime Domine, Quod aliquo loco preces meae et commendatio apud te fuerint, gratiam habeo et, si vis me dicere, aequum etiam erat. Affectus cum mutatione locorum mutari non convenit atque utinam omnes idem sentiamus. Deo et 5 providentiae eius haec permitto in mea tranquillitate beatus et firmus. Scriptum quod iamnunc edidi ad te mitto; leges habebisque cum nostro Vosbergio, quem amanter saluto. Tua quae de amicis hic mandaveras, pro virili mea curae habebo. Vale. Lovanii, XIIII Kal[endas] Oct[obres] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. I[ustus] Lipsius, qua possum, tuus. 10

1 Christophoro Roelsio: cla, add. clbλ || Middelburgi: add. clbλ 10 Iustus … tuus: om. clb

6 firmis cla

3 preces] Lipsius had said a good word for the Scot Francis Hay, Count Errol, with Roels, cf. ILE 96 07 01. Meanwhile, the count had been liberated, cf. ILE 96 09 15 H, 4. 4-5 mutatione locorum] Lipsius’s departure from Leiden in March 1591. 7 Scriptum] Lipsius’s Poliorcetica. 8 Vosbergio] Gaspar van Vosbergen, cf. ILE 96 07 01, 23. 8 amicis] Roels was born in Leuven, and undoubtedly still had friends and acquaintances there.

360

2176 - 96 09 20 C

2176

96 09 20 C

Lipsius (Leuven) to Henricus Cuyckius (Roermond) 20 september 1596

Congratulations on his safe arrival in his diocese; Lipsius wishes Cuyckius success with his pastoral task, which will not be easy because of the proximity of the enemy. Lipsius’s peace and quiet is disturbed, because he felt obliged to accept a few young students in his contubernium. He includes a copy of the Poliorcetica. Greetings to Willem Criep Sr and Jr. On Henricus Cuyckius, cf. ILE VI, 93 05 13, 9. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 68, no. 158; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 6, no. 19; d: Cent.Belg. II, 24; d1: Buchler, 257, no. 80.

Henrico Cuyckio, Ep[iscopo] Ruremundensi. Reverendissime in Christo Pater et Domine, Gratulor tibi ex animo felicem adventum in locum et homines fidei tuae commissos. Quibus non dicam ut fructuosa et salutaris (nec enim ambigo), 5 sed ut grata etiam cura et gubernatio tua sit, Deum precor. Enimvero onus aliquod gravius in iis locis esse, utrique hosti vicinis, et Pontificio et Regio, facile suspicamur, sed pervincet, ut speramus et vovemus, cum pietas et prudentia tua, tum et patientia, qua ipsa in summo culmine saepe, imo vel maxime opus. Nos hic qui solemus, quod ab aliis te scio audire. Privatim 10 ego in mea quiete et solitudine, nisi quod a magnatibus inductus sum, haud libens sane, ut quosdam in domum et contubernium meum recipiam, quod 1 Henrico Cuyckio: om. clb, add. clbλ || Episcopo Ruremundensi: om. clb 2 Reverendissime … Domine: om. d, d1 3 et: ad add. d, d1 7 ut … pietas: om. cla 11 reciperem d 3 adventum] On 30 July 1596 Cuyckius was enthroned bishop of Roermond by Archbishop Matthias Hovius in St Peter’s in Leuven. A few days later, he arrived in his diocese. Cf. BN 4, 602. 10 magnatibus] In the course of August and September 1596 Lipsius had agreed that the sons of Jean Richardot, Antoine and Guillaume, and the son of Martinus Baronius, Johannes Baptista Perezius, become members of his contubernium, cf. ILE 96 09 14, 3-7; 96 09 20 H, 2-13; 96 09 20 R; 96 10 17, 3-12; 96 11 05 H, 2-10; XIII, 00 01 10, introd.

361

20 September 1596

nescio an ex re mea futurum sit, scio quod non ex voto. Lovanium mihi cum ob alia placuit, tum ob tranquillitatem et sine turba aut fastu vitam, quam degimus in ea qui volumus, nisi ab altiore axe ventus turbet. Sed ferendum est et molestiae cuique pro sua sorte subeundae. 15 Reverendissime in Chr[ist]o Pater et Domine, felicia et salutaria omnia precor et salvum diu opto. Lovanii, XII Kal[endas] Octob[res] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. R[everendissimae] P[aternitati] T[uae] addictissimus cliens I[ustus] Lipsius. Ecce adiunctum exemplar libelli de machinis te censore evulgati. Ampl[issim]um D[ominum] Cancellarium Cripium cum filio saluto. 20

16-17 Reverendissime … opto: Ab iis te, quantum licet, immunem et gregi tuo diu superstitem, Rev[erendissi]me Domine, opto d, d1 17 XIV d, d1 18-20 R[everendissimae] … saluto: om. clb, d, d1 19 exemplar … censore] As pontificius ac regius censor Cuyckius had approved the publication of Lipsius’s Poliorcetica. His undated approbatio is published on the first unnumbered folium at the end of the book. He had also been censor of Lipsius’s other works published after his return to Leuven, sc. De Cruce (1593), De militia Romana (1595) and the second edition of the Politica (1596). In 1593 he helped Lipsius rework the version of Politicapublished in Leiden (1589) to keep the treatise from the index of forbidden books. 20 Cripium] On Willem Criep Sr, lord chancellor of the Supreme Court of Gelderland in Roermond, cf. ILE VII, 94 08 03 C, 5. 20 filio] On his son, Willem Criep Jr, cf. ILE VII, 94 08 03 C.

2177

96 09 20 H

Lipsius (Leuven) to Otho Hartius [Brussels] 20 September 1596

Although Lipsius did not like the repeated demand to accept Richardot’s sons as members of the contubernium, he cannot refuse because of their father’s personality and affection. Yet they should arrive no sooner than October, since his house is still being rebuilt. Lipsius has informed Richardot on his decision. He asks Hartius to ensure that the boys

362

2177 - 96 09 20 H

bring their bed and bedding. They can discuss remaining matters during Hartius’s visit. He adds copies of the Poliorcetica for Antoine Schetz and Charles Philip of Croÿ. He also has to send one to Philip of Croÿ; Gerard of Horn has received his already. Both manuscripts clearly read Halveus (l. 18) which surely is a mistake for Havreus. Apparently, Lipsius’s secretary, who wrote both copies, could not decipher the proper noun in the original. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 67v-68, no. 157; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 5-5v, no. 16.

I[ustus] Lipsius Othoni Hartio suo S[alutem] D[icit]. Percussisti me de liberis Richardoti Praesidis et non percussisti. Nova quidem mihi ista sic calide iterata petitio et caussas, ut scis, ex veteri meo instituto negandi habebam, sed tamen fateor viri eius et dignitas et in 5 dignitate humanitas, tum in me inclinatio, omnia apud me possunt. Patemus igitur, et mea domus; veniant, sed non ante Kalendas Octobres aut paullo tardius, quia totus sum in exaedificandis cubiculis quae aestate ista incoepi.

2 Percussisti] Hartius’s letter to Lipsius is not preserved. 3 iterata] On 1 August Hartius had informed Lipsius that Richardot wanted him to coach his sons Antoine and Guillaume in his contubernium, cf. 96 08 01 H, 10-11. He repeats this matter in the lost letter Lipsius is answering here. As to the letter in which Richardot puts the matter before Lipsius, only a reference is preserved, cf. ILE 96 09 20 R, 3-4. 4 humanitas … inclinatio] In the second half of 1591 Richardot had ensured, with the help of Lipsius’s friends in the States of Brabant, that the humanist could again enjoy his estates in the Southern Low Countries after his return from Leiden and that he was offered a chair in Leuven, cf. ILE 91 06 23 R; 91 06 28 D. The following years they maintained a relationship based on mutual respect. Hence Lipsius time and again called upon Richardot’s help in private matters (the payment of his honorarium), but also in matters concerning acquaintances, recommending them, e.g., for a chair or obtaining a safeconduct or a passport, cf. ILE VIII, 95 08 06 R; 96 07 21 R, 6-17; 96 10 16 R, 4-10; 96 10 17, 12-17; 96 12 23 R, 2-5. See also: LipsiusenzijnEuropesenetwerk, 305-309. 6 Kalendas Octobres] On 17 October Lipsius informed Richardot on the arrival of his sons, cf. ILE 96 10 17, 3. 7 exaedificandis] Cf. ILE 96 09 10 B, 7.

20 September 1596

363

Alibi collocare eos nullo modo possum. Sed faxo tamen ut commode et ad studia et ad valetudinem habitent, mecum futuri compotes deliciarum mearum, id est horti. Scripsi ad patrem universe de mea voluntate et 10 obsequio; tibi hoc distincte, velle me, si non incommodum (nec erit) lectum aut lectos (si bini dormiant) cum lecticulis secum vehere, quia hac tali supellectile non nimis nos instructi. Cetera siquid erit, in adventum propinquum tuum differo. Veni optatus cum uxore et hospitium apud me (ita rogo) habe. Lovanii, XII Kal[endas] Octo[bres] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 15 Ecce tibi librum Baroni Wesemalio cum mea salute offerendum. Nam Baussignio iam per alium miseram et destituebar exemplaribus. Adiunxi et pro Consiliario Havreo, quod nuper tibi videbatur. Vellem et Comiti Solrano, si est istic, ut opinor. Consiliario Havreo incompactus detur. Non enim aliter habeo et sum exhaustus. 20

9 habitant clb

18 Havreo e Halveo correxi

10 horti] On Lipsius’s love for his garden, cf. ILE 96 04 22, 22-25. 10 Scripsi] Sc. ILE 96 09 20 R. 13 adventum] On one of the following days Hartius would visit Lipsius, certainly before 27 September, cf. ILE 96 09 27, 2. 16 librum] The Poliorcetica. 16 Wesemalio] On Antoine Schetz, lord of Grobbendonk and Wezemaal, a former barony, and knight of the Order of St James, cf. BN, 4, 1745; ILE XIII, 00 02 11, 15. 17 Baussignio] Gerard of Horne, baron of Baussigny, lord of Overijse, cf. ILE 96 09 16, 22. 17 alium] Perhaps Jan de Greve. The correspondence does not mention who had taken care of Horne’s copy of thePoliorcetica. 18 Havreus] Charles Philip of Croÿ (1 September 1549 - Bourgogne, 23 November 1613), marquis of Havré, man-at-arms and diplomat, member of the State Council from 1589 until his death. He was a brother of Philip of Croÿ. Cf. BN 4, 552; ILE XIV, 01 11 16. 18 nuper] The letter in which Hartius suggested to a send a copy of the Poliorcetica to Charles Philip of Croÿ is not preserved. It must have been an answer to ILE 96 08 21 HA, in which Lipsius had asked Hartius whether he should offer copies to close collaborators of Archduke Albert. 19 Solrano] Philip of Croÿ, cf. ILE 96 03 09 CR. 19 incompactus] An un-bound copy.

364

2178 - 96 09 20 R

2178

96 09 20 R

Lipsius (Leuven) to Jean Richardot [Brussels] 20 September 1596

Lipsius cannot refuse Richardot’s request full of paternal affection. He promises to support his sons with his whole heart; it is more difficult for his wife, because of her age, but she has learned to yield to the strong wishes of her husband. Lipsius will guide and coach Richardot’s sons; after a talk with them to assess their progress with their studies, he will confer with their father. He hopes that the boys are docile: his students should respect, but not fear him. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 66, no. 152; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 5v, no. 17.

Iohanni Richardoto. Amplissime et Nobilissime Domine, Epistola tua cum patris affectu sic scripta, meum quoque amici excivit et expergefecit. Enimvero quid tibi sic roganti abnuam? Vix ea quae nec sint 5 meae potestatis, ut, si non effectum, animum saltem probem. Itaque in ista re sine ambagibus totum me tibi do et voluntati tuae libens subsigno: utinam id tam prompte altera mea pars et oeconomiae tota paene pars, uxor! Sed illa in senium vergit, solitudinem et quietem mallet, nisi quod

1 Iohanni Richardoto: om. clb

3 cum ⟦pate⟧ clb

4 ⟦sic⟧ clb

3 Epistola] Not preserved. 4 roganti] Sc. Richardot’s request to Lipsius to accept his sons Antoine and Guillaume as contubernales. Cf. ILE 96 08 01 H, 9-12; 96 09 20 H, 2-5. 8 senium] Lipsius had answered in a similar way in 1595, when Petrus Oranus wanted his son, Franciscus, to become a member of Lipsius’s contubernium, cf. ILE VIII, 95 08 11 H2, 3-5. Hence, Lipsius took refuge behind the age of his wife to politely decline certain demands, without refusing directly. See also Peeters, Le contubernium deLipse, 145. The question arises whether Anna vanden Calstere was indeed considerably older than her husband, as aetatesenescit may suggest, or only a few years and showing more symptoms of old age. But unless the year of her birth is revealed, the question remains unanswered. Cf. Vervliet, Lipsius’jeugd, 38.

365

20 September 1596

hoc tamen velle etiam didicit, non refragari valde volenti marito. Ergo et per eam filii tui veniant, grati erunt; operam meam et curam spondeo in 10 his quae proprie mea sunt, directione et formatione. Ipsos videbo et quo pervenerint, quid omiserint e praesentibus cognoscam. Tum consilii et iudicii mei faciam te consortem. Spero equidem modestos obnoxiosque eos fore et tua haud dubie monita eo duxerint et ducent. Quod apud me necessum est, qui (ut natura mea est) levi mitique imperio utor et ad frigus 15 aliquod magis inclino. Vereri me tamen mei solent, si non timere. Tu, Amplissime et Nobilissime Domine, ut me tuum iam olim et semper fore censeas, serio et more maiorum valde rogo. Lovanii, XII Kal[endas] Octo[bres] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. A[mplitudini] T[uae] addictissimus cliens I[ustus] Lipsius. 20

9 refractari cla

14 duxerunt cla

19 A[mplitudini] … cliens om. clb

10 veniant] Yet, Richardot’s sons cannot arrive before October, since the refurbishing of his house is not yet finished, cf. ILE 96 09 20 H, 5-7. 16 Vereri … timere] An allusion to the famous Oderint, dum metuant, a verse from Atreus, a lost comedy by Accius, quoted in Cic. Off. 1, 28, 97 and Sen. Clem. 1, 12, 4; 2, 2 2. Suetonius ascribes the adage to Caligula, cf. Cal. 30, cf. also Erasmus, Adagia, 2, 9, 62; Otto, Sprichwörter, 252.

2179

96 09 20 S

Lipsius (Leuven) to Johannes Saracenus [Arras] 20 September 1596

Congratulations on his appointment as archbishop of Cambrai. On Johannes Saracenus (Jean Sarrazin), cf. ILE VI, 93 04 30, 3. cl: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 66-66v, no. 153; d: Cent.Belg. I, 23.

366

2179 - 96 09 20 S

Iohanni Saraceno, Arch[iepiscopo] Cam[eracensi]. Reverendissime et Illustrissime Domine, Ego vero gratulationem meam et gaudium animo conceptum prodere scripto et stilo debeo, cum voce et sermone coram non detur. Gratulor, 5 inquam, et gaudeo ex animo inchoatam nuper dignitatem tuam iudicio et suffragio catholici Regis, nunc quoque summi catholicorum capitis calculo et authoritate firmatam. Habemus ergo te Cameracensem, veteri et illustri honore, archiepiscopum, adiuncta etiam laxa gubernatione et dominio externo, atque ut diu habeamus et Ecclesia, respublica, litterae (nam et eas 10 addam) fruantur, ex animo Deum precor. Enimvero virtus tua, etsi iamante campum habuit in quo se exerceret, itemque prudentia, tamen utraque nunc amplius, ut sic dicam, theatrum habet et in oculis est Belgiae, vicinae Galliae et paene dixerim Europae. Quo magis illud apprecamur, ut personam tantam apte et decore sustineas, ex Dei gloria, tua fama, usu 15 omnium. Cui rei nec vires nec voluntatem tibi deesse scimus, vovemus tantum ut ventus divini favoris adspiret et inter fluctus navim hanc dirigas ad tuae et publicae salutis portum. Reverendissime et Illustrissime Domine,

1 Ioanni Sarraceno, ex Abbate Vedastino Archiepiscopo Cameracensi designato d 2 Reverendissime … Domine: om. d 6 catholicorum capitis: Pontificis d 12 Belgicae d 13 ac paene d 5-7 dignitatem … firmatam] Johannes Saracenus, member of the State Council and, as abbot of St Vaast, also of the States of Artesia, had been designated to succeed Louis of Berlaymont as archbishop of Cambrai by the chapter on 6 March 1596. King Philip II wanted to use the opportunity to strengthen his political influence. Officially the archbishop’s sovereignity would not be touched, but he had to vow loyalty to the king and continue to convene the States of Artesia, but solely on the king’s summons. At his death, the chapter could still designate his successor, but they had to choose between three candidates, proposed by the king. Saracenus and the chapter refused, and Philip II had to yield and approve the chapter’s choice. On 15 December 1596 Saracenus was enthroned archbishop by Papal Nuncio Ottavio Mirto Frangipani in the royal chapel in Brussels in the presence of Archduke Albert. When he died in March 1598, the situation was changing for Philip II: on 2 May of that year he concluded the Peace of Vervins with King Henry IV and by the Act of Cession (6 May) he granted the rule over Artesia, together with the other provinces of the Low Countries, to the Archdukes Albert and Isabella. Cf. M. Rouche (e.a.), Histoire de Cambrai, Lille, 1982, 122-124; BN 21, 408; Gams, 527. In a letter dated 19 November 1596 Philip II ordered his representative with the Holy See to urge Pope Clement VIII to confirm the enthronement and to agree that Saracenus remained Abbot of St Vaast, for without its revenues it would be impossible for the new archbishop to meet the expenses of his office. Cf. Lefèvre, 386, no. 1145.

367

23 September 1596

valere te et perennare cupio, Aeternum devotus I[ustus] Lipsius. Lovanii, XII Kal[endas] Octo[bres] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. Liber adiunctus est nuper editus. Rogo benigne accipias a cliente. 18 Aeternum … Lipsius: om. d

20 Liber … cliente: om. d

20 Liber] A copy of the Poliorcetica.

2180

96 09 23

Lipsius (Leuven) to Petrus Pantinus (Brussels) 23 September 1596

Lipsius was delighted with Pantinus’s letter, although he would have preferred a meeting in person. Congratulations on his poem on the capture of Hulst. Lipsius does not aspire to a position at Archduke Albert’s court: it would only disturb him. Moreover those circles have no appreciation for literature. Lipsius only wanted to make a public testimony of his faith to the King. A letter from Andreas Schott informed him about his return, but he is wrong in alleging that the manuscript of Seneca is in Lipsius’s library: he only has Schott’s annotations with him. Additionally, he has no intention at all to make an edition of Seneca Rhetor, although he has a considerable number of annotations. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 69v-70, no. 160; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 7v-8, no. 22; d1: Burman I, p. 446-447, no. 411.

I[ustus] Lipsius P[etro] Pantino suo S[alutem] D[icit]. Gratum mihi vel in litteris videre atque frui te, gratius esset ipsum et sermonem iungere spirantem atque amplexum. Cum ita vicini sumus, non 1 Pantino S[alutem] P[lurimam] D[icit] d1

2 videre ⟦te⟧ clb

3 iungere: ingerere d1

2 litteris] Pantinus’s letter is not preserved. 2 ipsum] In ILE 96 03 10 P, 4-5 Lipsius expressed his wish to meet Pantinus.

20

368 5

10

15

20

2180 - 96 09 23

equidem despero id fore, atque etiam brevi fore, vel in danda occasione vel rapienda. Carmen tuum in nobilem victoriam et re quam specie maiorem, Hulstanam vidi et, ut vidi, legi; ut legi, laudavi. Paucis et fidis verbis accipe: meo animo probum et cum mollitie quadam (quod Virgilio tribuunt) grave est. De Principe nostro quod iniicis et quod navis nostra illic haereat, profecto, mi Pantine, non id est, et me semel noris hac in re nec mutabilem nec fallacem. Magna ista munera aut ambitiosa, opes, titulos nec quaerimus nec, si offerantur, magnus apud me usus sit aut fructus. Modestia votorum mihi congenita est et unicum quietis studium, quod non foveri per haec talia scio, sed moveri aut et tolli. Sapientia haec est? Non magna, ut mihi videtur. Liberi nulli sunt, mihi quod vivo vivitur, sit quod honeste modesteque eo facit et satis est; te, Croese, te, Crasse, contemno. Hoc unum est, sed et haec nostra philologia in magno habenda iis locis nec spes aut opinio mihi fuit. Quis finis igitur? Bonis malisque ostendere et velut de tribunali edicere quis in Regem meum et qua fide essem. Feci, mihi satisfeci. Navis ista in portu est, nec ad vadum haeret, ut censes, nec scopulus eam fregit. Ista de me breviter. De Schotto, et ego iam ex litteris eius didici in viam se dedisse aut dare. Salus et felicitas eum ducant. Sed de Seneca, manuscripto eius apud me, quis dixit? 9 istic clb, d1 12 unius d1 13 aut etiam d1 20 Schotto ⟦ex⟧ clb 22 ducat d1

15 faciat d1

17 ⟦nihil⟧ mihi clb

5-6 Carmen … Hulstanam] On the capture of Hulst on 19 August, cf. ILE 96 07 13 HO, 11. Pantinus’s poem could not be found. 9 illic haereat] Pantinus might have in mind an appointment as councillor in the State Council, a title usually given to the royal historiographer, cf. on this issue ILE 96 04 25. 16 contemno] Cf. a similar idea and phrasing in ILE 96 07 13 HA, 9-14. 19 Navis … est] On this image, suggesting tranquillity and safety, cf. Otto, Sprichwörter, 285. 21 dedisse] Schott remained in Rome until January 1597, when he started his return journey to the Netherlands. By the end of June, he was back in Antwerp, cf. BN 22, 7-9; Fabri, 198-199. The letter Lipsius is referring to here is not preserved. In fact, Schott already intended to return in the middle of 1594 and had sailed from Spain towards Naples, to continue his journey by land, but he was asked to replace the recently died Francesco Benci at the CollegiumRomanum, cf. ILE VII, 94 08 31, 1-17. 22 Seneca, manuscripto] During his Toledo years (1581-1583) Schott had found a manuscript of Seneca Rhetor, an author he wanted to publish, in the library of Antonio de Cobarruvias. On the misfortune of both Cobarruvias’s manuscript and that of his own edition, cf. ILE VI, 93 03 03, 53-54. After his brother, Jacobus Schott, retrieved both the manuscript and his brother’s text in 1595; they were sent from Rouen to Antwerp, cf.

369

24 September 1596

Enimvero error est et fatale, credo, huic libro, ut intelligo, iactari. Ego praeter notas Schotti nihil habui nec habendi caussa aut cupiditas fuit. Nihil in eam partem meditamur. Etsi habeo tamen pleraque haud improba, 25 post omnium animadversiones, quae aut nostra industria aut manuductione libri, qui apud Bonav[enturam] Vulcanium est, extricavimus, cum Schotto ipso aut cum publico aliquando communicanda. At nunc subire hunc laborem conferendi nec voluntas est, nec otium. Et hanc lampada alius habeto. Vale, mi Pantine, serio meus. Lovanii, IX Kal[endas] 30 Octob[res] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 28 aliquando: om. d1

29 conferendi laborem clb, d1

30 Lovanii: om. d1

ILE VIII, 95 05 01 S, 22-23; 95 08 19, 13-28 and 37-40; 95 10 24 S, 18-21. Here Lipsius alludes to his friend’s suggestion that he would be a more likely editor, but without accepting it, cf. 96 02 18, 7. 24 notas] Schott’s annotations to Seneca Rhetor, cf. ibid.,4; ILE 96 03 10 P, 27. 25 habeo] In ILE VIII, 95 10 22 Lipsius informed Schott that he had also made a number of remarks to this author, which he offered to his friend. Lipsius’s emendations are added in a separate list, entitled I[usti] Lipsii in Senecae rhetoris Controversias Notae ad AndreamSchottum in Schott’s edition (1603), cf. ILE 96 07 21 P, 6. 27 Vulcanium] Bonaventura Vulcanius’s manuscript is now in Brussels, Kon. Bibl., ms. Bruxellensis (formerly Brugensis), 9768, cf. Fabri, 901. 29 conferendi] In his edition of this letter, Fabri suggests that it would have been Schott’s intention to publish the edition of Seneca Rhetor under both his and Lipsius’s name, to profit of te latter’s renown (cf. p. 911-913, note to l. 18-20). 29 lampada] A popular metaphor, suggesting the passing of a task, cf. Varro, R.R., 3, 16, 9; Lucr. 2, 79; Erasmus, Adagia, 1, 2, 38. It also occurs in a previous letter to Schott, ILE VI, 93 03 03, 78, and in ILE VI, 93 10 10, 47-48.

2181

96 09 24 H1

Lipsius [Leuven] to Franciscus Hovius [Antwerp] 24 September 1596

Hovius’s letter was very brief and the avvisi were missing. Yet, it is more important how is correspondent is doing. He should not decide too hastily without considering the advice

370

2181 - 96 09 24 H1

of others, in particular of his father. In Lipsius’s eyes, the priesthood was well-suited to Hovius’s character, but a nature having other aspirations cannot be forced. Franciscus Hovius was living at his father’s in Antwerp. Lipsius included this letter to another one addressed to his father and left it to him to decide whether to pass it on to his son or not, cf. ILE 96 09 24 H2, 3, 22-23, and 55-56. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 70, no. 161; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 7-7v, no. 21.

I[ustus] Lipsius Franc[isco] Hovio. Litteras tuas perbreves accepi et parum est, si Gazettae Italiae absint. Possumus et his facile carere. Equidem illud magis curo et in animo habeo, quomodo illic et quid agas. Ego vero serio te hortor, ut nihil praefracte 5 aut praecise nimis deliberes, sed consiliis te praebeas parentis optimi tui et tuorum. Sed parentis imprimis, quem affectu et prudentia in tuis rebus nemo vincit. Quaedam fortasse quae hodie placent, cras displicebunt nec temere alea, ut sic dicam, iacienda est in toto statu vitae. Semel iacta erat, nec fortasse infeliciter, imo ad tuam indolem et tranquillitatem apte,

3 cur⟦at⟧o clb 2 Litteras] Hovius’s letter is not preserved. 2 Gazettae Italiae] On the avvisi or gazette from Venice and Rome, cf. ILE 96 07 13 HO, 4. 5 deliberes] Franciscus Hovius intended to break off his training as a priest and study something else, cf. ILE 96 07 13 HO introd. In ILE 96 09 24 H2, 26-30 Lipsius pointed out to his father that Franciscus was rather taking things too easy and that he was fickle. 5 parentis] Lipsius discussed the matter also in a letter to the boy’s father, written that same day, ILE 96 09 24 H2. 8 alea] ILE 96 11 05 H, 7-8 leaves the impression that Hovius had made up his mind, but in March 1597 he was still undecided. Lipsus then repeated the alternatives he had and which were also endorsed by his father: … altera ad quietum et salutare genus ducit, ordinem ecclesiasticum, altera ad commune et civile et ad saeculi dignitatem. He then analysed the various aspects which might help Franciscus to determine his choice (sc., whether he wanted to marry), before finally advising to take holy orders because of his character, whereupon he concluded: Omnismododifficultasinitioestetluctaaliquacum caloreistoiuvenili.Quicumdeferbuit,Deusbone,quamnonfaciliasolumomnia,sed iucunda?Siexternaetiamconsideras,haecvitaopeshabet,dignitateshabet,imosupra illaminsaeculo. Cf. ILE 97 03 20 H. 8 iacienda] An allusion to Caesar’s Aleaiactaest. But the proverb could also mean ‘to leave something to chance’,cf. Erasmus, Adagia, 1, 4, 32

371

24 September 1596

ut mihi videtur, id est ut in tranquillitate vitae Deo te sacrasses et in saeculo 10 nec plane in saeculo vixisses. Canonici vita mihi semper visa nec adstricta nimis et tamen Deo grata, si vere canonica et ad regulam vivatur. Tamen naturae alio vocanti nihil praescribendum est, sed considerate a te agendum, iterum et ut tui amans moneo ac velim mentem totam libere ad me scribas. Vale, mi Hovi. VIII Kal[endas] Oct[obres] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 15 11 ⟦ad⟧ adstricta clb

13 considerata clb

11 Canonici] Canonicivita means here the life of a cleric who is attached to a particular church, not a monk’s life in seclusion. Cf. Du Cange 2, 94; Niemeyer 2, 580. 13 alio] Sc. marriage, cf. also ILE 97 03 20 H. 14 scribas] In his letter to Hovius’s father Lipsius seems to suggest that it was a foregone conclusion for Franciscus to forsake priesthood, cf. ILE 96 09 24 H2, 17-18, 26-28. An answer from Hovius Jr, in which he informed Lipsius about his decision after having discussed his future with his father, is not preserved nor is there a direct reference in Lipsius’s letter, but that he had made up his mind seems obvious from Lipsius’s advice concerning changing his clothing gradually, cf. ILE 96 11 05 H, 10-12. Nevertheless, the choice was not definitive, for in ILE 97 03 20 H Lipsius made another attempt to help Hovius resolve the question of his future.

2182

96 09 24 H2

Lipsius (Leuven) to Johannes Hovius [Antwerp] 24 September 1596

At his correspondent’s request Lipsius gives his honest opinion about his attitude towards his son. After being informed about Franciscus’s well-considered and almost definitive decision to quit his training as a priest, he tried to dissuade him, pointing out the levity and the less honourable character of his plans, and the distress it would cause his parents. Lipsius urged him not to act too rashly, but Hovius Jr persisted with his decision, using his poor health and his lack of interest in his studies as arguments. Lipsius nevertheless insisted that he discuss matters with his father first, hoping that the latter’s words and influence might bring him to reason. But it turned out otherwise, so what now? Franciscus is a good, modest, and quiet young man, but somewhat too idle and unreliable. He is not suitable for non-ecclesiastic studies such as law and seems too fickle for a career in the

372

2182 - 96 09 24 H2

world of trade, as Hovius’s parents prefer now. Only an office within the church seems advisable for him; hence Lipsius’s suggestion to continue his law studies and accept a position within the church. Yet, Hovius Jr cannot be persuaded, although he will regret his decision afterwards. Johannes Hovius (Jan Van Hove, † Antwerp, 17 June 1601), merchant and master of alms in Antwerp. He had five children from his first marriage with Maria van de Cruyce († 3 September 1573); his second marriage, with Maria van Santvoort († 6 December 1603) was childless. Cf. GV 150, 17; Verzameling der graf- en gedenkschriften van deProvincie Antwerpen, 1 (Antwerp, 1856), 330-331; Peeters, in: Le contubernium deLipse, 165. Cf. also ILE XIV, 01 07 09 H, 01 10 02 and its appendix; F. Sweertius, Musaeerrantes, Antwerp, 1610, 91. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 68v-69v, no. 159; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 6v-7, no. 20.

Ioh[anni] Hovio, patri Francisci. Clarissime et Prudentissime Domine, Ex litteris tuis intellexi quid de filio tuo statuisses et quid cum eo prudenter et ordine egisses. Ego vero et iudicium consiliumque meum libere et amice 5 impertiar, quoniam sic a me petis et affectus etiam meus in te et illum suadet. Primum igitur hoc praemitto, me paucis diebus ante discessum illius plene de consilio quod ceperat, intellexisse, sed cum praeloquio, quod iam serio secum deliberasset, vires suas expendisset cum eo qui a confessionibus esset, rem communicasset, ut vix monitis aut consiliis nostris locus esset; 10 feci tamen quod animus mihi et ratio dictabant faciendum, ut dissuaderem et ostenderem levitatem in toto genere vitae mutando, honorem haud magnum, parentum dolorem certum, et talia quae res mihi ex tempore suggerebant. Concludebam non festinandum, Deum rogandum esse, t[em] pus consilii aliquid aut remedii daturum etiam esse in iis quae nunc illum 15 vexarent aut male haberent. Sed ille (ut est natura, ut video, calidior et

1 Ioh[anni] … Francisci: om. clb

6 >hoc< igitur hoc cla

3 litteris] Hovius Sr’s letter is not preserved. 6 discessum] Apparently, Franciscus Hovius was a member of Lipsius’s contubernium from the end of 1595 to the middle of 1597, cf. Peeters, Le contubernium deLipse, 155. The (temporary) departure mentioned in this letter, is situated within this period. At a certain time Hovius left for Antwerp to discuss his future with his father. This must have happened before mid-July 1596; afterwards, Lipsius time and again encouraged him to return to the contubernium, cf. ILE 96 07 13 HO, 11-14; 96 08 21 HO, 14-15.

373

24 September 1596

celerior in agendo), ille, inquam, statim litteras ad te parat et iam alteras dicebat ad te misisse. Quid opponerem? Decretum plane sibi aiebat ab ecclesiastico omni statu recedere et ad saeculum transire. Adducebat valetudinem praecipuam caussam et capitis infirmitatem quae pro studiis non esset; tum denique videbatur et de tua voluntate atque assensu confidere. Non valde movebant me rationes, sed tutissimum optimumque erat fieri quod fecisti et eum ad te evocari, quem ut unum audiret et sequeretur amantissimum sui et in consiliis his optimum, serio inculcavi. Atque ego sperabam fore ut tota res discuteretur tua auctoritate et sermonibus et maneret in vitae limite quem tot annos erat ingressus. Aliter cecidit; ergo consilium meum, si placet, audi. Filius tuus (quod gaudere debes) natura bonus et modestus est, tranquillo mitique ingenio, sed eo non excitato aut ad magna apto, nec cui oneris multum debeat imponi. Habet hoc vitium, ut mutet facile, ad novitates et variationem rerum actionumque propendeat, qui unicus fons est rei quam nunc vides. Cetera, ut dixi, bonus est, sed non ad studia saeculi, id est iurisprudentiam aut talia aptus: serio hoc mihi crede. Ideo ad talia applicari nec suaserim nec, si applicetur, succedet. Quid ergo? Ad negotiationem et mercaturam? Video vos huc declinasse, sed, si quid mei iudicii aut notitiae in adolescente illo est, numquam in ea feliciter aut cum fructu perseverabit. Imo fortasse nec diu haerebit et ingenium ac voluntas eius iterum mutabunt. Quod si consilia salutaria et fructuosa et ipsi honestissima admitteret: profecto primum, optimum et nihil naturae aut ingenio eius aptius quam in Ecclesiae tranquillo portu anchoram figere atque ibi hanc vitae navim, ut sic dicam, stabilire. Quidquid aliud suscipiet, nihil erit, vereor et opto tamen ut consilia nostra Deus et constantia fortunent. Quod si in ambiguo adhuc aliquamdiu haberetur et bonis monitis, piorum prudentiumque virorum auctoritate ad veterem statum revocaretur, mihi tutissimum videatur atque ipsi maxime salutare. Illud modo difficile et in hoc nodus omnis rei quod toties vacillat. Sane mea mens et propositum erat, ut in studiis iuris modice pergeret, gradum titulumque licentiati caperet, tum ad vos rediret et in 16 ⟦lit⟧alteras cla

17 Decretum ⟦sane⟧ clb

34 de⟦st⟧clinasse cla

41 Quid si cla

17 Decretum … aiebat] Nevertheless, Hovius’s decision was not yet definitive, cf. ILE 96 09 24 H1, 13-14. 25 tot annos] He had started his training as a priest in 1591, cf. ILE 96 07 13 HO, introd. 46 pergeret] By the end of the year Hovius Jr returned to Lipsius’s contubernium, cf. ILE 96 11 05 H. See also Peeters, Le contubernium de Lipse, 166-167. The subject of his studies is unknown.

20

25

30

35

40

45

374

2183 - [96] 09 24 SC

functione aliqua aut dignitate ecclesiastica (nec ea vobis adnitentibus defuisset) vitam tranquille honesteque consummaret. Ipsi aliter visum est et difficile voluntates frangere, sed ipsum (aut fallor) instituti abrupti 50 paenitebit. Habes meam sententiam et utinam in tota re aliquid possim! Amo enim iuvenem et tua etiam caussa, Cl[arissi]me et Prudentissime Domine (cui hanc rem molestam esse non ambigo), et doleo et mederi velim. Deum oro, ut inspiret ei quod salutare, et te cum tuis incolumem servet. Lovanii, VIII Kal[endas] Oct[obres] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 55 Scripsi ad filium tuum et his inclusi ut, si tradendae videntur, trades, sin minus, serves. 49 (⟦h⟧aut cla 55 Scripsi] ILE 96 09 24 H1.

2183

[96] 09 24 SC

Josephus Justus Scaliger [Leiden] to Lipsius (Leuven) 24 September [1596]

Scaliger has eagerly read Lipsius’s Poliorcetica. Hopefully it will receive general appreciation. The printer is postponing the edition of Scaliger’s works. Lipsius can expect a publication from him. Some critical remarks to the Poliorcetica and also regarding its contents. Scaliger omits the year, but the reference to his reading of Lipsius’s Poliorcetica, sent to him together with ILE 96 09 08, excludes any doubt. The addition Iuliani (l. 57) indicates that he had dated according to the Julian Kalendar: 14 September Julian style corresponds to 24 September Gregorian style. It was also the day of the equinox (aequinoctii), as Scaliger adds on the same line. Cf. Grotefend, 1, 90. This letter was sent to Lipsius through Gerardus Buytewech, cf. ILE 96 11 10 B, 2-5. GVi incorrectly mention a copy of this letter in Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. BPL 246 (S). In fact, this is a copy of ILE IV, [91] 04 30. o: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 4; d1: Burman I, p. 238, no. 234.

375

24 September [1596]

I[usto] Lipsio suo, S[alve]. Poliorceticatua, mi Lipsi, non prius amisi quam protinus tota devoraverim. Siquid talium epularum habes, appone. Praesto est iterum conviva heluo. Tam brevi tempore, inquies, legere est neclegere. Quid facerem? Animo et doctrinae avido et tui studioso imperare non potui: qui et bene pastus 5 adhuc esurit, et ad illas epulas iterum revertitur. Nihil in illo opere nisi eximium tuoque ingenio et nostra expectatione dignum legi. Idem iudicaturos et omnes spero. Quod quidem opus si non admirarer, quia tua foetura, tamen, quia donum tuum, diligerem; quod quidem facimus et ex animo tibi gratias agimus. A nobis nihil habemus τοῦ ἀντιφιλο- 10 φρονήσασθαι ἀπόκλιμα, quia typographorum regnum est, non nostrum, qui et vota nostra et operam morantur. Eluctabimur aliquando eorum retinacula, et nostra vicissim tibi mittemus. De scalis apud Polybium, scito, si murus denum pedum fuerit, scalarum ἀπόκλιμα duodenum, non esse opus distantiam designare. His enim duobus cognitis, sequitur necessario, 15 per XLVII primi Elementi, distantiam muri et scalarum fore pedum sex,

1 Iosephus Scaliger Iusto etc. d1 16 distantiam ⟦fore⟧ o

8 ⟦ni⟧ si o

10 tibi ⟦tibi⟧ o

14 ⟦non est⟧ non esse o

2 Poliorcetica] Lipsius had offered Scaliger a copy through Buytewech, cf. ILE 96 09 081, 7. He reacts almost instantly. 12 Eluctabimur] After Auson. Epist. 8, 1: eluctatiretinaculablandamorarum. 13 nostra … mittemus] Scaliger was optimistic, as Lipsius remarked in ILE 97 01 26 B and 97 05 16. In 1598, the thoroughly reworked edition of Deemendationetemporum came from Raphelengius’s press in Leiden. Scaliger sent Lipsius a copy and once again blamed the printer for the delay in the covering letter (cf. ILE 98 02 03), without taking into account that Raphelengius Sr had been ill and died. Scaliger has spent a considerable part of his life studying various chronologies. The first edition of De emendationetemporum appeared in Paris in 1583. In 1606 he published his Thesaurus temporum, an even more exhaustive work on chronologies, involving a reconstruction of Eusebius’ Chronicon. Cf. Grafton, 2, 394-436; De Landtsheer, Justus Lipsius en JosephusJustusScaliger, 79-83; ILE I, 83 12 11 M, 20-21; II, 84 03 07 S, 8-10. Cf. ILE 96 11 10 B, 1-6. On the relation between Scaliger and the OfficinaPlantiniana of Raphelengius, cf. R. Breugelmans, ChristoffelPlantijninLeiden(1583-1585), Leiden, 1989, 93-100. 13 scalis] Cf. Poliorc., 1, 6. 13 Polybium] Cf. Plb. 8, 4, 2-10. 16 primi Elementi] Sc. Euclides, Elementa, 1, 47, the so-called Pythagorean theorem.

376

2183 - [96] 09 24 SC

unciarum septem cum dimidia fere. Ubi de sambuca, ita lego: Γίνεται σχῆμανεῶςκαὶκλίμακοςἓντρίγονων. Nam sambuca ὀργάνουσχῆμα, fuit triquetrum, ex Vitruvio VI. Aliter quis illa Graeca intelligat? Sane neque 20 Festus, neque Vegetius capiunt caussam nominis. Non enim quod chordas habet (alioquin omnia quae chordas habent, dicerentur uno nomine sambucae) sed quod, cum cataractes laxatus fuerit, trabs, funes et cataractes triangulum faciunt et formam triquetram, qualis est sambucae. Volscosque verutos nihil mutarim. Verutos, κεντροφόρους Sic contati, κοντοφόροι. 25 Vegetius contati et sagittarii, κοντοφόροι καὶ τοξόται. Sic pilata, rimata iuventus Ennio. Verutum est hastile, veru praeferratum. Verutus miles, κεντρόφορος. De sudeto nunquam animum inducere potui. Est enim sedetum, non sudetum, vox hibrida Graecolatina ex sedibus: Sedes stativa constitutionibus imperialibus et alibi. Inde σέδετοι. Glossae: Σέδετον, 28 Sedes ⟦est⟧ o 17 sambuca] Cf. Poliorc., 1, 6. On this engine, cf. RE 1A, 2124-2125; F. W. Walbank, A Historical Commentary on Polybius, Oxford, 1957-1979, 2, 72-74; O. Lendle, Texte undUntersuchungenzumtechnischenBereichderantikenPoliorketik, Wiesbaden, 1983, 101-113, 167-176. 17-18 Γίvεται … τρίγωvov] Cf. Plb. 8, 4, 11. In Poliorc. 1, 6 Lipsius refers also to Athenaeus 14, 634ab. 19 Vitruvio VI] Cf. Vitr. 6, 1, 5: sine dubitatione animadvertemus ex eo esse schema trigoniimundo,utiorgani,quamsambucenGraecidicunt. 20 Festus] Cf. Fest. 480: Samb genus, a quo samby dicuntur. Persimilitueammachinamappella† … †; namutinachinae funes intenduntur. The comparison with the triangular shape of a harp especially holds good in the case of siege engines placed on ships, not for those used on the land, cf. Walbank, AHistoricalCommentaryonPolybius, 73. 20 Vegetius] Cf. Veg. Mil. 4, 21, 4 also observes the chords rather than the shape of the triangle: Sambuca dicitur ad similitudinem citharae; nam quemadmodum in cithara chordaesunt,itaintrabe,quaeiuxtaturremponitur,funessunt. 23-24 Volscosverutos] Cf. Poliorc., 4, 4. 24 κοντοφόροι] Cf. Plb. Fr. 225 (ed. T. Buettner-Wobst, Stuttgart, 1967, 543); Luc. Alex. 55. 25 Vegetius] Cf. Veg. Mil. 4, 17, 6. 26 Ennio] Not found. 27 sudeto] Cf. Poliorc., 1, 8. See also Demil.Rom., 5, 5. 28-30 Sedes … φόσσατον] Cf. Suidae lexicon (ed. A. Adler, Stutgart, 1971) 4, 336; Nicolas Rigault, Glossarium τακτικὸν μιξοβάρβαρον: de verborum significatione, quae ad novellas Imperatorum qui in Oriente post Iustinianum regnaverunt, de re militari constitutionespertinent, Paris: A. Drouart, 1601, 165.

377

24 September [1596]

φόσσατον et Theophilus σέδετον dicit, quod Tribonianus aut potius 30 Iurisconsultus sedes. Leodium et Leodicum utroque modo dicitur, ut Turonium et Turonicum, sed Leodium rectum est. Et quidem frequentius et usitatius docet Gallicum idioma Liege. Nam Galli mei vocalem I ante alias vocales non vocalem, sed consonantem faciunt et exprimunt per G: simia, singe; commiatus, conget; servientes, sergens; somnium, songe. 35 Leodium,Leudium sunt Dielewt, Leudes in iure feudali. Leodium tam ager, ex quo functiones a colonis praestantur quam coloni ipsi. Homines scis vocari in iure, et Leodium est hominium, sed posterior barbaries dixit Leugium et Lygium, ut inveni scriptum, quod aliter dicitur homagium. Et scis quam frequens sit feudum datam in ligium. Sed inepti practici putant 40 interesse inter hominium sive homagium et ligium. Sed non in hoc solo nugantur. Leuzium seu Lyzium memini etiam me legere. Et sane λίζιον est in Niceta Coniate. Leudium sive Leodium est ager et homines dati Episcopo Tungrensi, nisi fallor. Unde vicus S[ancti] Lamberti matrix totius

34 faciunt ⟦Simia⟧ o 44 matrix ⟦eius⟧ o

35 servientes, ⟦seg⟧ o

36 lewt: leut d1

40 ⟦agrum⟧ feudum o

30 Theophilus] Theophilus was a member of a group of ten lawyers, commissioned by Emperor Justinian to compose a codex in 528. He compiled a ParaphrasisInstitutionum in Greek, published by Dionysius Gothofredus in 1587. Cf. RE 5A, 2138-2148. 30-31 Tribonianus … Iurisconsultus] Main collaborator of Emperor Justinian to his codification and legislation, cf. RE 6A, 2419-2426. 31 Leodium et Leodicum] Cf. Poliorc., 1, 2. In a letter to Petrus Oranus Lipsius had given a similar explanation of why he prefers Leodicum instead of Leodium, cf. ILE VI, 93 01 20 (14), introd. See also BN 12, 272; Du Cange, 4, 66. 32 Turonium et Turonicum] Cf. Graesse, 3, 529: Turonium as a noun and Turonicus as adjective. 33 Galli mei] Scaliger was born in Agen (France). 35 Simia…songe] These evolutions are confirmed by P. Robert, Dictionnairealphabétique etanalogiquedelalanguefrançaise, Paris, 1985, 8, 784-785, 720, and 846; 2, 946; W. Von Wartburg, FranzösischesEtymologischesWörterbuch, Tübingen-Basle, 1948-1968, 2, 946; 11, 531-532, 633; 12, 90. 37 Homines] In the meaning of ‘liege men, vassals’, cf. Du Cange, 4, 224; Fuchs, 5, 3318. 38 hominium] Fief, cf. Du Cange, 4, 224; Fuchs, 5, 3313. 39 homagium] Vassalage, cf. Du Cange, 4, 224; Fuchs, 5, 3309. 40 ligium] The adjective ligius survives in the English liege. 42 λίζιον] Cf. Nicetas Choniates, Historia, 27, 6 (ed. J. A. Van Dieten, Berlin-New York, 1975).

378

2183 - [96] 09 24 SC

Leodii vocatus est et ipse Leodium. Neque novum est tam gentem sive agrum, quam metropolim eodem nomine censeri. Nos igitur Galli vocamus Liege, vos Luik; nos a Leodio, vos a Leodico, utrumque εἰκότως. Sed non tantum idiomatis Gallorum hodierni hoc est, sed et eorum qui Latine scribebant, D ante I in G mutandi. Leugium et Lygium, pro Leodium, ut 50 Clogio, qui Clodio, Pharamundi filius. Sic Latinis Servius, Sergius; Maius, Magius. Ludovicus non videtur a Lewt, neque sane verum est. Nam dicebatur Hlodowin, pro quo Clodio et Clodoveus. Iure diversis capitibus idem nomen fuit Hlodwin, Chlodioni filio Pharamundi, et Hlodoveo, primo regi Christiano, et omnes a Latinis dicti sunt Hlodowici. Theodebertus, 55 Theodewaldus, Theodoricus ab illo Deo dicti, unde Theutones Mercurium esse scripserunt. Si nugatus sum, da veniam, mi Lipsi, et me, tui amantissimum, ama. Vale. XVIII. Kal[endas] Octobris Iuliani, die aequinoctii. 45

[Address:] Clarissimo viro Iusto Lipsio suo. Lovanium.

45 tam ⟦tam⟧ o

49 Lygium, ⟦ut⟧ o

52 ⟦Nam⟧ Iure o

50 Clodio] Clodio († 449), King of the Salian Franks, who had crossed the Rhine at the beginning of the fifth century and after capturing Tournai and Cambrai, continued towards the Somme. Clodio was defeated by the Roman general Aëtius and placed himself in the service of his conqueror. Cf. DBF 9, 18; LMA 2, 1861-1862. 50 Pharamundi filius] Faramond, Clodio’s father, was a legendary, not a historical leader of the Franks. This is proved in the nineteenth century. He is not mentioned in Gregory of Tours. He is supposed to have been one of the leaders of the Trojans who moved to the Rhine after the fall of Troy. This idea gave some political significance to the Franks by sharing common ancestors as the Romans, because the Trojan Aeneas was an ascendant of Romulus and Remus. Cf. I. Wood, The Merovingian Kingdoms 450-751, London New York, 1994, 34-37; L. Theis, Clovisdel’histoireaumythe, Brussels, 1996, 124-127. 57 aequinoctii] Scaliger even wrote an essay about equinox, Deaequinoctiorumanticipationediatriba, published posthumously in 1616. Cf. Grafton, 2, 461-488; Smitskamp, 76, no. 162.

379

24 September 1596

2184

96 09 24 SE

Nicolaus Serarius (Würzburg) to Lipsius (Leuven) 24 September 1596

A Polish student of theology informed Serarius that a number of prominent Poles followed Lipsius’s example and converted to Catholicism, Marshall Procopius Sieniawski among them. Their moving spirit was Andreas Prochnicius. Some of Lipsius’s works are already translated in Polish. Two Polish noblemen spoke about Lipsius’s lectures on Caesar which they followed in Leuven this year. The next two years Serarius must teach on a number of texts from the Old Testament, without having had a proper training for it. Hence he asks Lipsius to explain some passages in 1. Maccabees. For his information, he sends some of his texts, one of them about the god Remmon. The day he wrote his letter a procession of thanksgiving for the conquest of Hatvan was held in Würzburg. The next step will probably be the siege of Szolnok. More than one hundred thousand Tartars are asking permission to pass through Hungary. The Ottomans are trying to break the alliance between Moldavia and Transylvania, without success yet. On Nicolaus Serarius, cf. ILE V, 92 03 17 S. o: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 4; d1: Burman I, p. 610, no. 584.

Pax Christi. Vix, Clariss[im]e et Doctiss[im]e Vir, dixero quam heri me noster quidam theologiae auditor recrearit. E patria enim, quo paucas ante hebdomadas negotiorum causa profectus erat, adeoque ex ipsis Polonorum contra Tartaros castris reversus, cum alia narrabat, tum hoc unum, multos 5 magnosque viros de tua nunc religione et in Deum pietate cum audiunt, ita commoveri, ut sacrosanctam catholicam fidem amplectantur. In his nominabat magnif[icum] D[omin]um Procopium Sieniawsky, generalem 1 Nicolaus Serarius I[usto] Lipsio. Lovanium: add. d1 correxi

8 Sieniawsky e Sienawsky

4-5 contra Tartaros] The Tartars sided with the Ottomans against the Emperor and his allies and ransacked parts of Poland for many years. The Poles tried to safeguard themselves not only with weapons, but also by diplomacy and the payment of an annual tribute. Cf. Jorga, 3, 110-114; 256-262; Baudier de Languedoc, 427; Niederkorn, 483. 8 Sieniawsky] Prokop Sieniawski († 1596), marshall at the Polish court. After studies in Wittenberg and Leipzig he travelled through the German Empire, Switzerland, the Low

380

2184 - 96 09 24 SE

regni marschalcum. Auctoremque laudabat vir alioqui non vanus, nobilem 10 doctrinaque praestantem virum, mihi hic olim notissimum, D[omin]um Cracoviensem cancellarium, Andream Pruchniskyum. Gaudeo equidem, mi D[omi]ne, quia Te Tuaque corde amo, sic in Te, quod D[omi]nus noster iubebat, Deum glorificari, sic Te, quod D[ivus] Paulus hortatur, proximo placere, ut sit in bonum ad aedificationem. Non est meum EUGE istud et 15 belle, sed Ille, inquit D[ivus] Augustinus, inTelaudetur,quiinTeoperatur. Addebat ille tuorum librorum nonnullos Polonice iam versos, quos hic propediem videremus. Et, si a bellorum illorum tumultibus paulo abesses longius, fore ad Te audiendum Polonorum concursus maximos. Sane, hoc ipso anno, cum lustrandi Belgii cardinalisque videndi ergo istuc hinc 12 quia: qui d1 Countries, and Italy. He became a member of parliament after the unification of Poland and Lithuania (the Union of Lublin, 1569) and held prominent posts in the service of King Sigismundus Wasa III. He was a Calvinist, but converted to Catholicism in 1594. Cf. PSB 37, 145-145. 11 Pruchniskyum] Johannes Andreas Prochnicius (Prochnicki, Pruchnicki) (ca. 1553-1633), a lawyer, studied in Cracow (immatriculated 1566), Ingolstadt (immatriculated 1585), and Padova (1591-1592). He probably worked for some time in the Royal chancellery before entering the service of the Cracow Bishop, Cardinal Jerzy Radziwiłł in 1592. He became a canon of Cracow in 1594. He was ambassador of King Sigismund III in Naples from 1600 to 1607, when he was enthroned bishop of Kamieniec. From 1614 until his death he was Archbishop of Lviv. He is the author of Brevis descriptio provinciarum Regni Poloniae, which is only known from bibliographical notes and a later, probably not complete, reprint. Together with Simon and Adam Fabianus Bircovius (Birkowski) he contributed to Iusti Lipsii sapientiae antistitis fama posthuma (Antwerp: J. Moretus, 1607). Cf. PSB 28, 547-550. 13 Paulus] Cf. Vulg.Eph. 4, 25: Unusquisquevestrumproximosuoplaceatinbonum,ad aedificationem. 14-15 Euge … belle] After Pers. 1, 48-49: ‘Euge’tuumet‘Belle’. 15 Ille…operatur] Cf. August. InEvang.Iohan. 8, 2. 16 versos] A translation of Lipsius’s Politica into Polish by Paweł Szczerbic had been published in Cracow in 1595, cf. BBr 3, 1102. For an extensive monograph on all Polish translations of works by Justus Lipsius, see: J. Dąbkowska-Kujko, Justus Lipsjusz i dawneprzekładyjegodziełnajęzykpolski[Justus Lipsius and Early Translations of His Works into Polish], Lublin, 2010. 19 cardinalisque] In 1577 Archduke Albert, then eighteen years old, was raised to the purple by Pope Gregory XIII. Philip II also intended to make him archbishop of Toledo, as a successor of Gaspar de Quiroga y Sandoval, but the latter lived much longer than expected and Albert would never be ordained priest, nor bishop, for in April 1595 he was appointed governor of the Low Countries, after the sudden death of his brother Ernest. In

24 September 1596

381

nobiles duo, itidem Poloni, sese contulissent, in magnis tam periculosae sumptuosaeque peregrina[tion]is fructibus, Te, de Caesare nescio quid explanantem quod audiissent, reponebant. Sed hoc non miror. Facerem ego, si quidem liceret, aliquanto etiam amplius. Saepe adessem, plurima rogarem, unus mihi discendi finis, si Tibi docere molestum. Hoc biennio cum, sacrae oboedientiae iussu, sacrarum litterarum doctorem indoctus agere deberem, quoties non veteres tantum illos doctissimos et sanctissimos magistros, sed e recentioribus et superstitibus etiam quosdam et in his Te, humanissime Vir, mihi optavi! A Genesi coepi et per Tetrateuchum, Iosue, Iudices, Ruth, Reges, Paralipomena Esdramque ad Machabaeos tandem, Deo bene iuvante, perveni. Quod in aliis non licuit, mihi, quaeso, bona Tua venia liceat duas tresve, quae e vetere memoria, in qua Tu, aevi nostri Varro, pendent, quaestiunculas ponere. Prima est I.Machabaeorum, c[apite] 8, v[er]s[u] 16. Quo per singulos annos uni magistratum suum committant Romani? Quae de alterno consulum imperio dicuntur, videor aliquo modo probare posse ex Plutarchi Numa, Fabio, Aristide. Sed clarius et aptius quid adhuc requiro. Altera. Possintne aliqua alicunde fraternae illius, quae iam inde Abrahamo inter Iudaeos et Lacedaemonios fuerit, 28 Iosuam d1 1598 the King gave him the hand of his daughter, Isabella, and after obtaining the Pope’s permission, Albert formally resigned from the College of Cardinals on 13 July 1598. Cf. LipsiusenzijnEuropesenetwerk, 318-319; ILE VIII, 95 06 01 K, 8; Gams, 81. 28 Tetrateuch] ‘Tetrateuch’, referring to the first four books of the Old Testament (Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, and Numeri) is used by the followers of the theory that they are in fact one single book. 32-33 I. Machabaeor[um] … 16] Cf. Vulg. Macc. 1, 8, 16: et committunt uni homini magistratum suum per singulos annos dominari universae terrae suae. Serarius has a sound reason for his doubts: during the Republic, Rome was ruled by two consuls and only in exceptional circumstances they were substituted by a dictator with a well-defined assignment for a period of six months. Probably the author of 1Macc. was insufficiently acquainted with the Roman polity. 35 Plutarchi] In Num. 5, 7-8 Plutarch enumerates the qualities to be expected of a king. In his biography of Fabius Maximus, who was appointed dictator in the war against Hannibal in 217 B.C., he reports how his position was questioned: at first, a tribune refused to submit to his authority and the army demanded that a co-dictator be appointed. His biography of Aristides dwells on the struggle for power between the conservative (Aristides) and the democrat (Themistocles) faction in Athens against the background of the Persian wars. 36-38 fraternae … vestigia] Serarius’s question mainly concerns Vulg. Macc. 1,12, 21: InventumestinscripturadeSpartiatisetIudaeis,quoniamsuntfratres,etquodsuntde

20

25

30

35

382

2184 - 96 09 24 SE

necessitudinis vestigia erui? IMach[abaeorum],c[apite]12,v[er]s[ibus] 7-21. Habeo quidem ex Byzantio Stephano, Herodoto et aliis nonnulla, sed 40 obscuriora quam vellem, minusque impressa. Tertia. In Lucii Romani consulis epistola, ibidem v[er]s[u] 16. Num vetus id genus litterarum, formula satis retenta? Sunt et alia, sed minutiora, de quibus Te tanto praesertim tanti regis historico munere occupatissimum interpellare non audeam. Et ad ista quae rogo, vel verbum, quod commodo Tuo fiat, mihi 45 satis fuerit. Mitto unam vel alteram chartam, e quarum una, ubi de Remmone deo ago; videbis, quae mea interdum vota. Vale, mi doctiss[im]e et humaniss[im]e Domine. Herbipoli, VIII Calend[as] Octob[res] ∞.IƆ.IVC,

genereAbraham. The erroneous theory that both the Jews and the Spartans are descendants of Abraham (and hence are related people) are based on a letter from the Spartan king Areus (309-265 B.C.) to the Jewish high priest Onias, in which he alleges to possess a document attesting this kinship. Two other letters, from the high priest Jonathan to the Spartans and their answer, expound this theory, cf. 1Macc. 12, 6-22. The authenticity of Areus’s letter is generally contested. The idea of kinship would be inspired by the observation that both people have some striking qualities in common, e.g., their deliberate isolation from the people surrounding them and their strict loyalty to law: once enacted, a law remains in force invariably. This might have led, in the third century B.C., to the notion of a common ancestor, Abraham. Josephus considered Moses as the Jewish equivalent of Lycurgus. Cf. J. Ap. 2, 154; Id. A.J.12, 225-227; B. Cardauns, Judenund Spartaner, in: Hermes. Zeitschrift für klassische Philologie, 95 (1967), 317-324; S. Schüler; SomeProblemsconnectedwiththeSupposedCommonAncestryofJewsand SpartansandtheirRelationsduringtheLastThreeCenturiesB.C., in: JournalofSemitic Studies, 1 (1956), 257-268; J. R. Bartlett, 1Maccabees, Sheffield, 1998, 95-97. 39 Byzantio Stephano] Cf. Stephanus Byzantius cum annotationibus L. Holstenii, A.Berkelii et Th. de Pinedo, ed. W. Dindorf, Leipzig, 1825, 1, 221: ἀπὸ Ἰουδαίου Σπάρτωνος. See also the annotations of Johannes Gronovius and A. Berkelius in this edition, 2, 552; 3, 822-823. Stephanus Byzantius (fifth or sixth century A.D.) was the author of Ethnica, cf. RE 3A, 2369-2399. 39 Herodoto] Cf. Hdt. 6, 52-53. 41 ibidem…16] Serarius refers to Vulg.Macc.1, 15, 16: Lucius,consulRomanorum, Ptolemaeoregi,salutem. Lucius Caecilius Metellus Calvus was consul in 142 B.C., cf. W. Dommershausen, 1und2Makkabäer, Würzburg, 1985, 102; RE 3A, 1208. 45 Remmone] Remmon (Rimmon, Rammân) was the surname of the West Semitic god of storm and tempest, Adad (Hadad), represented with a hammer and thunderbolts. In Vulg.Zach. 12, 11 both names are combined as a toponym, Adadrimmon (Hadadremmon). Cf. RE 7, 2157-2163; DictionnaireencyclopédiquedelaBible, Turnhout, 2002, 1131.

24 September 1596

383

cum eodem die publica ad varia urbis huius templa habita fuisset processio solemnisque gratulatio pro felici Hatwanensis urbis expugnatione. Putatur exercitus noster ad Solnacensem obsidionem perrecturus. Quaerunt interim 50 amplius centum millia Tartarorum transitum in Hungariam. Moldavum ingentibus promissis a Transsylvano distrahere conantur, hactenus frustra, et ut porro ita sit, Deum O[ptimum] M[aximum] rogemus. It[erum] vale. Tui, uti par, studiosiss[imu]s et amantissimus Nic[olaus] Serarius. [Address:] Clarissimo et doctissimo Viro, D[omi]no Iusto Lipsio, Regio 55 historico et Professori. In Acad[emi]a Lovaniensi.

49 Hatwanensis] An imperial army commanded by Archduke Maximilian besieged Hatvan (northeast of Budapest) on 15 August 1596 after a surprise attack. The favourable conditions demanded by the Ottomans to surrender were refused. On 3 September the fortress fell; the town was ransacked and all Ottomans killed. The Ottomans took revenge for this carnage when they conquered Eger (Erlau), which was besieged around the same time. Cf. Khevenhüller, GeheimesTagebuch, 232-233; De Thou, 5, 577; Zinkeisen, 3, 603; Jorga, 3, 321. 50 Solnacensem] Later that year Archduke Maximilian also wanted to surprise Szolnok (southeast of Budapest), but failed. Cf. Khevenhüller, Geheimes Tagebuch, 232; De Thou, 5, 641; Jorga, 3, 320; Zinkeisen, 3, 601. 51 Tartarorum] The Ottomans pushed their Tatar auxiliaries as far as the Hungarian border. Many had fallen victim to a famine in 1595 and they asked permission to cross the border. Sigismund Báthory (1572-1613), the king of Transylvania, promised free passage to a part of them, but after he had the border closed behind them, he massacred most of them. Cf. De Thou, 5, 635; 644. 52 distrahere] By the end of 1594, Sigismund Báthory had successfully revolted against the Ottomans. Hence the Moldavian King, Stephan Răzdan, and King Michael of Walachia, joined him. The Ottomans wanted to stop the campaigns of Sigismund Báthory, but to no avail. In the Spring of 1596 Báthory urged Emperor Rudolph II to give him financial and military support, which was promised also by Pope Clement VIII and Philip II. To break his military power the Ottomans tried to break the alliance between Transylvania, Moldavia, and Walachia. One of their attempts, involving an invasion of Walachia, met with success, for King Michael chose the side of his former enemies from October 1596 onwards. Cf. ILE VII, 94 12 21 C, 12; Zinkeisen, 3, 599; Niederkorn, 13; 44-49; Jorga, 3, 306.

384

2185 - 96 09 27

2185 96 09 27

Lipsius (Leuven) to Nicolaas Oudaert (Mechelen) 27 September 1596

Hartius has visited him once more, but unfortunately without Oudaert. Perhaps he may come together with Petrus Pantinus? Lipsius will follow Oudaert’s suggestion, and dedicate his next work to Archduke Albert. It will be the Monitaetexempla, a practical commentary to the Politica, with advice and examples gathered from ancient philosophy and history in general. Answer in ILE 96 10 13. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 72, no. 169; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 8, no. 23.

I[ustus] Lipsius Nico[lao] Oudarto, officiali Mechliniensi S[alutem] D[icit]. Hartius noster iterum adfuit nec te comite, quod doleo, et vellem Lovanium nostrum ac me tanti esse. Litteras pro te vicarias misisti, alias sane gratas, nunc minus, quia umbram pro re dabant. Sed fiet brevi fortasse cum nostro 5 Pantino (nec enim dubito quin et ille tuus), quod inter secunda vota opto. Iniicis de lucubratiuncula aliqua ad nostrum Serenissimum. Quod equidem faciam aut potius iam facio totus in Monitisetexemplis, quae vicem iusti commentarii Politicis nostris erunt. Florem et medullam excerpturum me 1 officiali Mechliniensi: om. clb 2 adfuit] Cf. ILE 96 09 20 H, 13-14. 4 fiet] In his answer Oudaert was not very optimistic about visiting Lipsius together with Pantinus, cf. ILE 96 10 13, 5-9. 6 Iniicis] When Lipsius hesitated in the spring whether to dedicate the Poliorcetica to Archduke Albert or to Prince Bishop Ernest, he repeatedly asked the advice of Oudaert and Hartius, cf. ILE 96 04 25, 15-22; 96 04 28, 5-10; 96 05 02 [H], [96 05 02] O, 2-11. Once his decision made, he immediately suggested to Oudaert that he might dedicate an edition of Caesar to the Archduke, cf. ILE 96 05 02 [H], 4-6. 7 Monitis et exemplis] In ILE 96 12 15, 5-8 Lipsius promised the Archduke to dedicate his Monitaetexempla to him. Yet, this work (with the promised dedication) only appeared in 1605, cf. the introduction to the said letter. Instead, Lipsius dedicated his next publication, the AdmirandasivedemagnitudineRomana (1598), to him. 8 commentarii] With the Monita et exempla Lipsius intended to convert the political theories formulated in the Politica, into clear admonitions and models, cf. Lipsius en

385

30 September 1596

veteris philosophiae et totius historiae, id opinor aut scio; ceterum quae gratia aut venus operi erit nescio, apud serios tamen viros serius fortasse 10 fructus. Videbitis. Sane ego huic Principi toto animo faveo et spes de eo magnas concepi. Utinam in nobis sit quod ornatum eum aut celebratum apud posteros aliqua parte eat! Salvere te cupio, mi Oudarte, optime virorum. Lovanii, V Kal[endas] Oct[obres] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 10 serius: ferius cla Leuven, 236-237, no. 73; LipsiusenzijnEuropesenetwerk, 322-323; Janssens, De Monita et exempla politica (1605), 201-220. 9-10 quae … nescio] According to Quint., Inst. 4, 2, 116: Ego vero […], ut si ullam partemorationis,omniquapotestgratiaetvenereexornandamputo.

2186 96 09 30

Lipsius (Leuven) to Jan de Greve (Brussels) 30 September 1596

Lipsius asks De Greve to take care of a receipt; he should also slip the clerks a few florins. New guests have joined thecontubernium. De Greve should thank Van Croonendaele and Godin. Greetings to his wife, and to Breugel and De Weerdt with their spouses. o: Brussels, ARA, ms. div. 200 A, f. 34-34v.

Eersaeme en[de] bemiende neve, Ick sende u l[ieden] wederomme die quitancie oft deschargebrief geteeckent naer behoiren. U l[ieden] sal voirts daer in doen wat van noode 2 quitancie] Sc. a quittance for the payment of part of the annuity that had been granted to Lipsius in December 1595 by the Spanish king, cf. ILE 96 01 02 S, 7-8. As the payment of the first half of 1596 had been delayed, Lipsius addressed himself to Jan van Drenckwaert, the treasurer general of Finances, in August, cf. ILE 96 08 21 D, 9; 96 08 21 HA, 3-6. According to this letter to De Greve Lipsius had apparently been informed in the meantime

386

2186 - 96 09 30

is, want ick deese rentmeesters van Thienen oft van Geldenaecke geen 5 van beijden en kenne. Aengaende die clercken, tis redene dat sij wat hebben en[de] u l[ieden] mach hem geven in mijnen naem twee, drij gulden oft een geslaegen kroon oft meer naer gewoonte en[de] u discretie. Ick ben daer in te vreden alsoo ghijt doen sult. Mijn huijsgesin meerdert en[de] ick ben bedwongen geweest door vrienden noch eenige aen te 10 nemen in mijnen kost en[de] sorge. Vrede en[de] stilte soude mij beter dienen, maer men moet mede die groote altemet vrientschap doene. U l[ieden] sal met gelegentheijt Croonendael en[de] Goddin en[de] andere bedancken van mijnent wegen en[de] grueten u l[ieden] huijsvrow, mijn bemiende nichte, die den Heere gespaere met u in lancksaelig leven. Wilt 15 mij wuijter herten grueten mijn heer Breugel en[de] sijn huijsvrow met Weerdt en[de] sijn huijsvrow, onsen neven en[de] nichten. Deesen lesten September 1596. Uwen goetwilligen oom I[ustus] Lipsius. [Address:] Eersaemen en[de] voorsienigen h[ee]r Jan de Greve, mijn bemiende neve tot Bruessel. Int Verwershoeck. Francque. 18 Greve ⟦tot⟧ that he would be paid each semester through the financial agents of Tienen and Geldenaken, but they were not in a hurry. By the end of October Lipsius’s assignation of 250 florins was refused by the agent from Tienen, while his colleague from Geldenaken kept tarrying, cf. ILE 96 10 27 G, 5-12. In January 1597 Lipsius still had to see the first florin. Once again, he addressed himself to Van Drenckwaert and also to Hartius. Both promised a regular payment in the future, the culprit was Havenus, to whom the payment was committed and who was acting too slowly, cf. ILE 97 01 10; 97 03 19. Yet, Lipsius was not convinced and called upon Richardot to use his authority, cf. ILE 97 02 18 (= GVi 96 02 19 R). In May 1597 Lipsius, discouraged, wrote again to the financial agents, who retorted that they could not remedy the delay, cf. ILE 97 05 12; 97 05 13 RI; see also 97 03 19. One month later, there was some progress: after Archduke Albert intervened, the agent from Geldenaken paid 250 florins, but the one from Tienen kept postponing, cf. ILE 97 06 03 H. As there is no further mention of the matter in the correspondence, it can be assumed that the problem was finally solved. 9 noch eenige] On Lipsius’s new students, cf. ILE 96 09 20 C, 9-11. 11 altemet] ‘Sometimes’, cf. Verwijs – Verdam, 1, 379-380. 12 Croonendael] Paul van Croonendaele († 1620), lord of Vlieringhe, was clerk to the Council of Finances, cf. De Schepper, 476; BN 4, 523. In ILE 97 06 24 C, the only preserved letter between them, Lipsius expresses his gratitude for his benevolent help and sent him a few books. Undoubtedly, this had to do with his mediation to ensure a quick payment of Lipsius’s annuity. 12 Goddin] Kristoffel Godin, cf. ILE 96 08 19, 2. 19 Verwershoeck] Cf. ILE 96 03 27, 38. 19 Francque] Cf. ILE 96 03 18 G, 23.

387

[c. October 1596 (?)]

2187

[c. 96 10 00 (?)]

Lipsius [Leuven] to Franciscus Modius [Aire] [c. October 1596 (?)]

Lipsius was pleased with Modius’s letter, because it showed fairness and moderation. That way they can discuss lofty and philosophical subjects, to which Modius’s age and the sad and troubled times are inviting him. Before, Lipsius had nothing to send him on Frontinus’ Strategematica, but now he has a few annotations. This fragment of limited length (c. 15 cm) is written in Lipsius’s own hand. GVi, 237, consider it a version of ILE 96 11 30 M, but apart from a similar introduction there are no indications of this. On the other hand, there is a reference to ILE 96 08 28, 15-17, about Frontinus’ Strategematica: in this fragment Lipsius informs Modius that only now can he send some annotations. Moreover, on top of the letter he has written EPIST[OLA], an indication that he considered inserting it in a new centuria. Hence I rather believe that this fragment is an unfinished copy of the covering letter that accompanied these annotations and ILE 96 08 28 is a terminuspostquem for the dating. Since Frontinus is no longer mentioned in ILE 96 11 30 M, I chose to situate the draft in between, around October 1596. cl: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(23), f. 223 (fragm., s.d.,).

Francisco Modio S[alutem] D[icit]. Mentiar, Modi, nisi gratam mihi accidisse nuperam scriptionem tuam fatear idque ideo, quia plane signa praeferebat bonae et compositae mentis. O in eo mihi mane et ita haec studia elegantiora tractemus, ut severiora tangere non pigeat et meraco illo philosophiae temperare. Nonne aetas tua eo 5 vocat? Nonne et hoc aevum? Illa iam maturior et inclinatior, hoc triste et turbidum et quod vel invitos ad alta illa et aetherea ducat. Nam hic, nec si velimus, deliciae aut oblectationes. Aut siquae sunt, a solis fortasse his studiis quae tu atque ego amamus. Petebas siquid in Frontini Stratagematica haberem. Non potui tunc mittere; ecce nunc pauca, e librorum meorum 10 oris cursim transcripta. [Ceteradesiderantur]

2 scriptionem] The (lost) letter to which Lipsius answered in ILE 96 08 28 M. 9 Frontini] Cf. ILE 96 08 28, 15-17. Lipsius used some twenty quotations from Frontinus’ Strategematica (some of them with emendations) in his DemilitiaRomana.

388

2188 - 96 10 02 A

2188 96 10 02 A

Lipsius (Leuven) to Cornelis Aerssens [The Hague] 2 October 1596

Aerssens should have received Lipsius’s Poliorcetica. The atlas he sent him cannot be restored: it would cost more than buying a new copy. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 71, no. 164; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 8, no. 24.

I[ustus] Lipsius Cornelio Aerssenio S[alutem] D[icit]. Credo librum DE MACHINIS ad te perlatum, quem misi; ad me quidem tuus geographicus, in quo miror quid consilii tibi sit interpolando et reconcinnando. Mihi crede, vix hoc potest: pleraque omnia diffracta sunt 5 et, si possit, maioris aut paris impendii res esset ac si novus comparetur. Fac istud, si me audis, et efficiemus ut bonum et eleganter pictum nanciscare. Vale, ama me, olim et nunc tuum. Lovanii, post[ridie] Kal[endas] Octo[bres] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 1 Aressenio cla

3 geographicus e geographius correxi

2 librum] Lipsius had sent him a copy of his Poliorcetica via Gerardus Buytewech on 8 September 1596, cf. ILE 96 09 081, 8. ILE 96 12 01 A, 6-7 proves that Aerssens had received it. 3 geographicus] Sc. a copy of Abraham Ortelius’s Theatrum orbis terrarum, cf. ILE 96 12 01 A, 3-6, where Lipsius repeats the advice given here.

2189 96 10 02 BR

Lipsius (Leuven) to Christianus de Bruyn [Utrecht] 2 October 1596

Lipsius was pleased with what De Bruyn wrote about himself. When one is young, self control is needed, but De Bruyn’s character is such that he will not easily be carried away

2 October 1596

389

by his contemporaries. Which are the subjects to which Theodorus Canterus and his son are devoting themselves? Lipsius was surprised by their interest in Antonius Augustinus. The edition of Petronius is indeed still too superficial. Is De Bruyn coming to Leuven? The edict will prevent him from doing so. Whatever can be the purpose of the authorities in the Northern Provinces? Lipsius would like to be informed about his acquaintances in Utrecht. Answer in ILE 96 10 19. The first part of this letter strongly resembles ILE 96 08 13 BR; it is probably a second answer (cf. scribis, l. 2) on a (lost) letter from De Bruyn, cf. the introduction to ILE 96 08 13 BR. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 70v, no. 162; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 8v, no. 25; c: Copenhague, Kon. Bibl., ms. Gl. Kgl. Saml. 3072, 4°, 781-782; d1: Gudii Epp., p. 196, no. 112.

I[ustus] Lipsius Christ[iano] Brunonio S[alutem] D[icit]. Grata et bona quae scribis de te, et ut sic semper numen oro. Mi Brunoni, temperanda haec aetas est et freno rationis auriganda quo honestas et utilitas vocant. Sed tali ingenio non potes quin facias et ipse potius abripies tecum alios quam ut abripiare. In otio te esse, sed et quiete, quod scribis, 5 gaudeo; utere illo et hac fruere in bonum tuum gaudiumque. Quid autem Canteri? Illine Augustinum? Id mihi novum novitium fuit nec censebam 1 I[ustus] Lipsius S[alutem] D[icit] Christiano Bruningio c, d1 2 numen: nimium c || Bruningi c, d1 4 abripias c, d1 5 tecum alios: locum aliis d1 7 novitium: nuntium d1 || nec: et c, d1 3-4 temperanda … vocant] In ILE 96 08 13 BR, 5-7, Lipsius had also written: Egonon nescio quid ea aetate soleat, sed hoc quoque scio, regressum esse debere et frena non laxandaadcursumquofervorautlasciviavocant. 4-5 ipse … abripiare] Cf. ILE 96 08 13 BR, 9-10. 7 Canteri] Theodorus Canterus and his son Lambertus. On 18 October, Theodorus will inform Lipsius about his activities, cf. ILE [96] 10 18, 19-30. 7 Augustinum] Reference to the annotated edition of Antiquaecollectionesdecretalium, Lérida, 1576 by Antonius Augustinus (Antonio Agustín). Cf. on him, ILE VI, 93 07 22 D, 21. On 13 November 1596 Canterus Sr asked Bonaventura Vulcanius whether he could possibly order this publication from Spain. Apparently without success, for two years later, on 20 September 1598, Canterus wanted to borrow Vulcanius’s copy for a short time. It was returned on 15 October of that same year, cf. TCE, 168, no. 38; 226, no. 57; 233, no. 60. 7 nec censebam] Until then Canterus had not yet shown much interest in juridical works. He had published two works with Plantin in Antwerp: Variaelectiones (1574), mostly

390

2189 - 96 10 02 BR

talium artium scriptorumque eos esse. Non quin ipsi quoque eos libemus, sed libemus scilicet tantum. De Petronianis recte iudicas: iuventus est et 10 vanitas et cruda adhuc studia in lucem protrusa. Sed tu illic haerebis, an huc an alio discendi videndique caussa te conferes? Etsi hinc edicta credo te arcent, aspera, barbarica, si fas mihi (sed fas) dictu. Quid agitis, Batavi? Quid longius a nobis, quos iungi volebamus et expedit, itis? Sed pauca haec capita turbant quibus dignitas aut salus vix sit, nisi in turbis. Nolo 15 huius generis plura ad te, quem magis volo et suadeo suarum rerum quam publicarum esse. Vale igitur et nos ama et litteris appella, non quia pariare semper possim (occupatiunculae vetant), semper tamen velim: quod satis sit animo iusto. Lovanii, postrid[ie] Kal[endas] Octobr[es] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. Sunt illic Pollio, Wiltzius, Leemputius omnes mihi noti et amici? Quid 20 agunt? Qui in nos etiam afficiuntur? Nam tempora haec multos mutant. Scribe libere.

8 artiumque cla || ips⟦e⟧i cla 8-9 liberius, sed liberius c 10 protusa cla, clb, protrusi c || tu illic: in illis d1 || haeretis d1 11 vivendique d1 || conferas d1 12 aspera: altera d1 || dicta d1 13 itis: iter d1 17 possem d1 || occupationes c || vitant cla 18 Decembr[es] c 18-21 ∞.IƆ.XCVI … libere: om. clb 20 multum d1 containing variant readings of Arnobius and fragments of Greek poets, and an edition of Arnobius’ Disputationes adversus gentes (1582). He had also started on projects concerning the Sacra Eleusinia, Ammianus Marcellinus, and Minucius Felix, which remained incomplete or unpublished, cf. TCE, 9, 35-41; ILE XIV, 01 08 12 C, 23. 9 Petronianis] A reference to the annotated edition of Petronius’ Satyricon, Leiden, 1595 by Johannes Woverius Hamburgensis, cf. ILE 96 01 10 W, 10. 11 discendi videndique] Cf. De Bruyn’s answer, ILE 96 10 19, 74-80. 11 edicta] Cf. ILE 96 05 22 B, 19. 12-14 Quid … turbis] Cf. ILE 96 07 20 C, 87-95. 17 occupatiunculae] Cf. ILE 96 01 10 L, 4. 19 Pollio] Everardus Pollio, commensalis of Lipsius in Leiden, cf. ILE I, 81 08 08 P; VI, 93 01 11, 25; VII, 94 09 26; XIV, 01 08 12 C, 54. 19 Wiltzius] Henricus Wiltius, also a commensalis of Lipsius in Leiden, cf. ILE I, 81 08 08 W;VII, 94 11 08 W, 5-6. 19 Leemputius] On Adam Leemput, cf. ILE V, 92 01 18, which erroneously mentions 1598 as the year of his death; it was his wife, Anna Waynoy, who died then, cf. Buchell, 477.

391

2 October 1596

2190 96 10 02 BU

Lipsius (Leuven) to Gerardus Buytewech [Leiden] 2 October 1596

Did Lipsius’s letter with the four copies of the Poliorcetica already arrive at Buytewech’s? If not, the seaman to whom they were entrusted, must be blamed. Lipsius received both Buytewech’s letter and that from his father; that of his former student is what he expected. It is about time that he decides on his future. Lipsius regrets that his correspondent is ill. How is Sandelinus doing and where is he living? Lipsius hopes that Buytewech is not annoyed and that the roused feelings in the North will soon calm down. Answer in ILE 96 11 10 B. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 71, no. 163; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 8v-9, no. 26.

I[ustus] Lips[ius] Ger[ardo] Buijtewechio S[alutem] D[icit]. Litteras iam credo meas acceperis cum quatuor libris per te distribuendis. Si non, novi exempli perfidia aut culpa sit in Batavo nauta cui Antverpiae permiserunt. Atqui solet hoc genus fidum esse. Tuas iamnunc ego et patris; nec ad istas aliud quam exspectare me quid decreveritis in re quam 5 uterque vestrum tangit. Equidem in genere et thesi, ut loquuntur, ducendum tibi esse, hoc suadeo et approbo, quam et in hypothesi vestrae inspectioni et curae merito relinquo. Atque hic re properate, semel haec alea iacitur, bene aut male in omnem vitam. Dolori mihi est te minus valere, sed spero aut abiisse iam morbum aut minuisse, qui ipse ad sanitatem firmiorem 10 2 meas credo clb

5 re: om. clb

7 ⟦appello⟧ ⟦approbo⟧ approbo cla

8 haec: hac clb

2 Litteras] Sc. ILE 96 09 08, with copies of Lipsius’s Poliorcetica for Gerardus Buytewech, Josephus Justus Scaliger, Cornelis Aerssens, and Carolus Clusius. 3 nauta] Since the usual courier had not arrived, Lipsius had entrusted his books to a sailor, cf. ILE 96 09 08, 10-11. Buytewech too sometimes entrusted letters or books to a sailor from the North whom he knew to be reliable, cf. ILE VIII, 95 08 10. 4-5 Tuas … patris] Both letters are lost. 5 in re] Not so much Buytewech’s plans for marriage, but rather about continuing is studies and building a future career. 8 alea iacitur] Cf. a similar phrasing, with the allusion to Caesar’s Aleaiactaest, in ILE 96 09 24 H1, 8-9.

392

2191 - 96 10 02 R

faciet atque is fere fructus tertianarum. Sandelino nostro quid est? Et ubi est? Nam nuper vagari significabas. Quid etiam tu? Non vexaris? Scis quid velim, sed spero mitiora opinione nostra omnia esse aut fore et paullatim animos remissuros feroculos istos. Tu hoc nunc cura ut valeas, 15 et primis litteris vel extra ordinem significa. Lovanii, post[ridie] Kal[endas] Octo[bres] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. Parentem utrumque utrique salutamus, mea inquam et ego; ad alterum alias scribam, cum erunt a vobis certiora. 17-18 ad alterum … certiora: om. clb 11 tertianarum] Tertiana(febris), the tertian ague, because the fever is not constant, but returns every three days, cf. RE 14, 844-845. 11-12 Sandelino … vagari] Gerardus Sandelinus, together with numerous others, had been troubled by the edict from 9 April (cf. ILE 96 05 22 B, 19). Because some months later the attitude towards Catholics was still rather hostile, he took the initiative to appear before the Court in The Hague, together with Carolus Paludanus, Cornelius Teüs, and Franciscus Dusseldorpius, to give evidence of their loyalty towards their country. They hoped that this would end the matter for them, but the States of Holland decided that this was not in accordance with the edict. They were looking for Dusseldorpius in particular and he risked being arrested. He was able to escape punishment by hiding in various towns and avoid The Hague for a long time. The others could safely appear in public even before the end of 1596. Apparently, Sandelinus was panicking and did not very well know how to avoid the consequences of the edict. Buytewech gives an account of Sandelinus’s fortunes in ILE 96 11 10 B, 12-14. Cf. Dusseldorpius, 248-255; ILE 97 [01 26] S. 12 Non vexaris] Buytewech answers that he was not annoyed because of the edict and his recent visit to the South, cf. ILE 96 11 10 B, 13-14. 17 alterum] Lipsius’s letter to Jan Buytewech, Gerardus’s father, is not preserved.

2191

96 10 02 R

Lipsius (Leuven) to Franciscus Raphelengius, Sr (Leiden) 2 October 1596

Lipsius feels sorry for his ailing friend and would like to meet him, although common sense makes him aware that this is impossible. Fortunately, Raphelengius’s family, in

393

2 October 1596

particular his daughter, are taking good care of him. Lipsius is living calmly: he had his house renovated, dedicates himself to his garden, and is preparing a new work, the Monita etexempla. For a long time his true interest is moving from literature towards philosophy: his fame remains the same, but there is less criticism, and experience has taught him that this field is more useful for himself and the common weal. Raphelengius should also devote himself to philosophical meditations: all human matters and life itself quickly disappear after a short existence. Lipsius approves that Justus Raphelengius has left for Italy. He hopes that his health will improve; greetings to Raphelengius’s children and the friends in Leiden, Scaliger in particular. On Franciscus Raphelengius, Sr., cf. ILE I, 76 07 18, 2; 78 07 03; Lipsius en zijn Europesenetwerk, 565-580. This is the final (preserved) letter from their correspondence. o: Brussels, Kon. Bibl., ms. II 240 (L); cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 72v, no. 170; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 9, no. 27; d1: Burman I, p. 199, nr. 195.

I[ustus] Lipsius Francisco Raphelengio S[alutem] D[icit]. Tristes tuas legi, etsi lubens accepi. Sed tristitiae mihi caussa exordium et tota scriptio afflicti corporis tui nec animi firmissimi index. Ego vero votum meum tuo iungo et toto animo optem tecum ante utriusque nostrum abitum esse. An excidisse putas tot familiares sermones et sine velo 5 colloquia? Nemo in ea urbe fuit, cui cor hoc magis patuerit. Et meruit ita candor tuus nativus et in me usu quaesitus amor. O iterum, si adsim! Sed haec comprimenda vota sunt et frenanda Ratione et Necessitate, quarum illa dissuadet, haec vetat. Tuos in te esse qui debent, et rem familiarem curare, id gaudio est et maxime de filia quae nobile edit et laudabile in 10 1 I[ustus] Lipsius Franc[isco] Raphelengio d1 5 obitum cla, clb, d1 10 edit: erit d1

3 animi: nimis d1

4 tuo: tibi cla

2 tuas] Not preserved. 3 afflicti … firmissimi] Franciscus Raphelengius Sr. died on 20 July 1597, cf. BN 18, 734, cf. also Lipsius’s letter of comfort to Franciscus Raphelengius Jr, cf. ILE 97 09 01 R. 6 urbe] Raphelengius Sr. settled in Leiden by the end of 1585 and succeeded his fatherin-law, Christopher Plantin, as university printer. In 1586 he was appointed extraordinarius, one year later ordinarius of Hebrew, cf. BN 18, 732. 9 vetat] Travelling from North to South and vice versa was almost impossible by that time; moreover, the Northern Provinces were still eager to have Lipsius in their hands. 9 Tuos] On Raphelengius’s children, cf. ILE VII, 94 05 15 R1, 17. 10 filia] Elizabeth (baptized on 13 March 1571 - 24 June 1648), cf. on her ILE VII, 94 05 15 R1, 17 and 19.

394

2191 - 96 10 02 R

patrem exemplum. Tu certus esto, Deus hic aut alibi pensabit, imo et hic, et fortunam ei non opinatam dabit. Nos satis in tranquillo vivimus, aedificamus, hortum colimus, Politica quaedam Monita meditamur et exempla. Sane meus interior affectus et inclinatio iamdiu ad Philosophica 15 a Philologis his vocat. Quidni paream? Non minor gloria, minor materies calumniae et novi isti critici parum docti vel acuti sibi videntur, nisi si dentati. Sed praecipuum, maior publico, maior mihi fructus ex illo genere. Et expertus loquor, assurgo aut formor cum salubribus illis monitis et praeceptis. Te quoque velim sub hoc aevi serio philosophari, id est humana 20 spernere, ipsam vitam spernere: quae quid nisi imago et fugiens umbra? Tot annos tu et ego viximus: ubi sunt? Ut torrens cum impetu fluit et labitur et mox desinit, ita nos animosi, alti, mox humiles, mox nulli. Iustum 15 philogis cla, clb clb

16 si videntur cla

20 imago: massa d1

22 mox humiles: om.

13 aedificamus] Cf. ILE 96 09 10 B, 7. In 1594 he regarded the reshaping of his house in a totally different way: Aedificatioistatotummehabet,tironemscilicetetideomagis satagentem et occupatum. O quam vellem aut non coepisse aut absolvisse (ILE VII, 94 07 01 B, 4-5). Moreover, he had troubles with its financing, because his payment was irregular. Cf. ILE VII, 94 08 16 T, 8-17; BN 12, 270. 13 hortum] On Lipsius’s love to gardens, cf. also ILE 96 04 22, 22-24. 13-14 Monita…exempla] Cf. ILE 96 09 27, 6-11; 96 12 15, introd. 17 dentati] Cf. Erasmus, Adagia, 3, 6, 87: dentata,dicunturmordacia. 19 philosophari] Raphelengius tended to isolate himself from the world around him and became very melancholic by the end of his life. This can be explained by his character, but also by the influence of Lipsius’s neostoical philosophy. Raphelengius might even have been disappointed about the efficiency of constancy as a weapon against the ups and downs of life. And of course, the death of his spouse, Margaretha Plantin in April 1594 played a part. Cf. ILE II, 86 11 16, 2-6; Hoftijzer, DehoudingvandeMoretussen, 51-56. 22 Iustum] Justus Raphelengius (February 1573-1628) combined studying literature and medicine. The latter he started on his father’s and Lipsius’s advice. He matriculated at Leiden University on 13 February 1587 as litterarum studiosus and is mentioned as medicinaedoctor in May 1602 and February 1623. In 1596 and 1600 he travelled to Italy. He matriculated at Padova University on 19 January 1597 as Iustus Raphelengius, FranciscifiliusAntverpianusinclytaenationisGermanicae, cf. L. Rossetti (ed.), Matricula nationis Germanicae artistarum in gymnasio Patavino (1553-1721), Padua, 1986, 105, no. 893. After the death of his brother Christopher in 1600, the Protestant Justus continued the OfficinaPlantiniana in Leiden together with his brother Franciscus Jr, who remained a Catholic throughout is life. Neither one married and they decided to discontinue the printing business in 1618, cf. Sacré, Balthasar Moretus’ Conamina poetica, 75-78; Hoftijzer, DehoudingvandeMoretussenendeVanRavelingenstegenoverhetPlantijnse erfgoed, 56-57; ILE VIII, 95 05 24 R, 10; XIII, 00 01 07, 20.

395

13 October 1596

tuum in Italiam ivisse gratum est et probo. Te valere et vivere, ut potes, opto atque eius rei per te aut filium scitiorem fieri. Saluta liberos et amicos. Lovanii postri[die] Kal[endas] Octobres ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 25 Scaligerum serio mihi saluta.

23 potest d1

24 scitiorem: certiorem d1

26 Scaligerum … saluta: om. cla, clb, d1

24 filium] Sc. Franciscus Raphelengius Jr, who also figures among Lipsius’s correspondents. He might have informed Lipsius about his father’s death, but that letter is not preserved.

2192

96 10 13

Nicolaas Oudaert (Mechelen) to Lipsius [Leuven] 13 October 1596

Oudaert also wanted to visit Lipsius and envies Hartius who did. Since he is very busy, he cannot promise to accompany Pantinus either. He hopes to welcome Lipsius in Mechelen soon. He regrets his suggestion to dedicate a work to Archduke Albert, after De Vriendt increased expectations with his amazing story. But Lipsius must complete the publications he intended and rely on his own qualities. Hence, Oudaert is looking forward to further annotations to Tacitus, a project Uwens mentioned to him. Apparently, the court is in favour of granting an allowance. Or would Lipsius’s Monita and exempla be appropriate for a dedication? Moreover, he should not neglect his Saturnalia and perhaps even consider to publish his Operaomnia. Lipsius is right in his sincere appreciation of Albert and he can satisfy the high expectations by dedicating one of his works to the archduke. Answer to ILE 96 09 27. Because the leaflet was torn lengthwise in three places, it was glued on the verso side of a letter from Reinerus Rijswijckius to Lipsius, dated 8 October 1595 (ILE VIII, 95 10 08). The letters in the creases are not always easy to read. o: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 4.

396

2192 - 96 10 13

Si tam promptum mihi esset vota adimplere quam concipere, nec ego cruciarer nec tu praesentem me subinde frustra optares. Equidem Hartio nostro omnia volo quae amicus integerrimus velle potest; attamen quoties ille Lipsium sine me videt, nescio quomodo aut ei invideo aut certe tantam 5 ipsius felicitatem non satis aequo animo fero. Verum ita nimirum fert fatum meum, quoque me studeo magis extricare, eo quotidie magis ac magis ingratis negotiis involvor, adeo ut nec de secundis votis tuis (imo et meis), de Pantini nempe (quem nostrum recte sentis) mecum illuc adventu, certi quidquam polliceri audeam. Quod quam me quoque male habeat, non 10 facile dixerim, quamquam longe molestius sit, ita motoriam agere ut nec ad certum diem te valeam Mechliniam invitare, quod tamen propediem mihi licitum iri spero. De scripto ad Sereniss[imu]m n[ost]rum sane mentionem feci, sed cuius iam me paene paenitet posteaquam Vrienus noster egregia sua narratione tale mihi de eo specimen dedit, ut prae nimio 15 desiderio vix mei compos maneam. Mi Lipsi, perge (obsecro) graviter telam istam quam citiss[im]e pertexere et optimum quemque tanto bono actutum bea ac de venere, gratia et serio divini (sic enim, ita me Deus adiuvet, sentio) istius scripti omnino securus esto. Etiam in Tacitum quae parata habes, fac (q[uae]so) videamus. Nam et de illis Uwenus narravit 4 aut ⟦illi⟧ ei o 4 videt] A reference to ILE 96 09 27, 2: Hartiusnosteriterumadfuitnectecomitequod doleo. 7 votis] Lipsius had called a possible visit from Oudaert and Pantinus a secunda vota, cf. ILE 96 09 27, 4-5. 8 nostrum … sentis] Cf. ILE 96 09 27, 4-5. 8 adventu] Such a visit is no longer mentioned in the correspondence of 1596. In March 1597 it is Lipsius’s turn to decline an invitation to meet Oudaert, Pantinus, and Hartius in Mechelen because of his health, cf. ILE 97 03 01 O and 97 03 26. 12 scripto] Cf. ILE 96 09 27, 6-11. 13 Vrienus] Perhaps Maximilian de Vriendt (1559-1614), city secretary of Ghent, cf. ILE VIII, 95 02 10. What Oudaert means with sua narratione is obscure. De Vriendt might have written a poem on the occasion of Albert’s arrival in the Netherlands or in praise of his military successes in 1596. In the coming years, he would honour the Archduke with more verses. In 1602 Johannes Moretus published his DescriptioPompae etgratulationispublicaeAlbertietIsabellaeBelgiiPrincipum,an account of the Joyous Entry of the Archdukes in Ghent (from 28 January to 2 February 1600). De Vriendt had been responsible for all poems of praise and welcome, and for the chronograms on the ornamental arches during the festivities. De Vriendt considered the presence of Albert as an added opportunity to peace and tranquillity. Cf. NBW 6, 995-1001. As to his epigrams about the archduke, cf. J. Gruterus, DeliciaeC.PoetarumBelgicorumhuiussuperiorisque aeviillustrium, Frankfurt, 1614, 4, 476-477, 482-483. 17 venere, gratia] An echo of Lipsius’s words in ILE 96 09 27, 9-11.

397

13 October 1596

parque fere desiderium iniecit. Nam non tam verborum quam rerum 20 accuratior aliqua tractatio videtur accessura, nisi sit ut Monita tua politica (seu quo alio nomine scriptum istud indigitare velis) vicem istarum suppleant. Sed neque Saturnalia neglecta oportuit. Et quid si in universum scripta tua recenseas, in certosque tomos omnia distribuens, maiori forma (quam in folio vocant) denuo excudenda committas? Fecerit id profecto 25 ad commodiorem bibliothecarum instructionem et ad maiorem ipsorum scriptorum perennitatem qua tamen unquam destitui poterint. Principem Albertum non temere magni facis et maxima quaeque de illo merito expectas (si tamen per pravos magistros non corrumpatur). Cui, licet ad gloriam multa adsint, multo nihilo minus plura ex depraedicatione tua 30 accedere possunt nec eo nomine te ad vota confugere est necesse. Vale, Vir Clar[issim]e praestantiss[im]eque, Bruxella, XIII Octob[ris] 1596. Cl[arissimae] D[ignitati] t[uae] addictis[imu]s Nicolaus Oudaert. 24 ⟦maiorique a⟧ maiori o

26 ipsorum ⟦per⟧ o

18-19 Tacitum… narravit] In fact Moretus preferred to reissue all of Lipsius’s other works before tackling a new (the sixth), annotated edition of Tacitus in 1600. See J. De Landtsheer, Commentaries on Tacitus by Justus Lipsius. Their Editing and Printing History, in: J. Rice Henderson (ed.), TheUnfoldingofWords:CommentaryintheAge ofErasmus, Toronto, 2012, 188-242.Lipsius’s (preserved) correspondence with Uwens from 1596 only mentions an annotated edition of Caesar, cf. ILE 96 05 06 U, 27-28. 21 accessura] On the benevolent attitude Lipsius expected from the Brussels court, cf. ILE 96 04 25, 2-5 and 15-18. 21 Monita tua politica] Cf. ILE 96 12 15, introd. 23 Saturnalia] A reissue of Lipsius’s Saturnalium sermonum libri duo was published without illustrations by Johannes Moretus in Antwerp in 1598. The Antwerp PlantinMoretus Museum (R 14.6) preserves an interfoliated copy of the previous edition (Leiden, 1588) in which Lipsius scribbled corrections and annotations to be incorporated in the new edition. Cf. ILE 98 06 05; 98 08 00; BBr 3, 1071-1072; LipsiusenhetPlantijnse Huis, 168-169, no. 32. 24 scripta tua] The first suggestion that Lipsius gather his writings in an Opera omnia edition. A first version of the collected works appeared with the Lyonese printer Horace Cardon in 1613, whereupon Balthasar Moretus hastened to make his own Operaomnia available in Antwerp, 1614. This was not a reprint of Lipsius’s works, but a collection of separate editions, which had appeared during the previous years, cf. Lipsius en het PlantijnseHuis, 204, no. 71; LipsiusenLeuven, 315-319, no. 107. 28 magni facis] Cf. ILE 96 09 27, 11-13. 30 depraedicatione] Depraedicatio is a neologism; depraedicare is attested in Tract. InLuc.1, 3 (cf. CCSL 87 [= ArrianaLatina, 1], ed. R. Gryson, Turnhout, 1982) and in a letter from Pope Gelasius I (cf. A. Thiel (ed.), Epistolae Romanorum pontificum genuinaeetquaeadeosscriptaesuntaS.HilarousqueadPelagiumII, 1, HildesheimNew York, 1974, 476; 43, 4). Hoven – Grailet, LexiquedelaproselatinedelaRenaissance, 157 label this verb as late-classical.

398

2193 - 96 10 16 H

2193 96 10 16 H

Lipsius (Leuven) to Franciscus Hovius (Antwerp) 16 October 1596

Lipsius had hoped the matter of his correspondent’s future was cleared between Hovius and his father. He has written to his father now; meanwhile Hovius must not lose hope. The contubernium has extended within a short period; despite Lipsius’s wish to lead a life in calm and peace, he could not keep refusing the sons of men of influence and friends. Why is the canary, a gift from Hovius, not singing? Is it because of the move or because it is moulting? Or perhaps because it is a female bird? Answer in ILE 96 11 22. The fact that Lipsius added EPIST[OLA] on top of the cla version indicates that he considered its publication in a next volume of letters. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(4), f. 81; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 71v, no. 167; clc: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 9v, no. 29.

I[ustus] Lipsius Francisco Hovio suo S[alutem] D[icit]. Antverpiam. Vellem ex animo, mi Hovi, negotium tuum confectum apud patrem ex animi tui sententia. Atque ego nunc ad eum scripsi. Tu vero interea bono animo esto et Deum ora ut patri tibique immittat salutares cogitationes et 5 decreta. Ab uno illo bono omnia manant bona. Familia mea te absente crevit et crescet magis brevi. Non enim possum magnatibus aut amicis quibusdam negare; alioqui, ut scis, quietem et solitudinem mallem. Sed nimirum mea quoque sors est non omnia posse quae velimus, et suprema

1 I[ustus] Lipsius clb, clc, canc. claλ || suo: add. claλ, om. clb, clc || Antverpiam: add. et canc. claλ, om. clb, clc 2 negotium] Cf. ILE 96 09 24 H1, 4-14 and 96 09 24 H2, 10-13. 3 scripsi] Not preserved. On 24 September Lipsius had written to both Hovius Jr and Sr, cf. ILE 96 09 24 H1 and H2. 5 Familia] Lipsius’s contubernium. 5 te absente] Hovius had left the contubernium in July 1596, cf. ILE 96 07 13 HO, 11; 96 08 13 HO, 8. 7 negare] Cf. ILE 09 20 C, 9-11.

399

16 October 1596

illa voluntas nostram trahit. Avicula nostra Canariensis (quae a te gratum mihi munus est) nondum canit: an quia locum mutavit? Aut quia plumas 10 exuit? An, ut quidam hic dicunt, mas non est, sed femina? Negant autem feminas (aliter quam in nostro genere) cantillare. Tu si scis, scribe et simul quid pater videatur in tuis rebus decrevisse. Vale, mi Hovi. Lovanii, postr[idie] Idus Oct[obres] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. Resalutat te uxor et mei omnes ex animo. 15 9-10 mihi gratum clb 10 Aut: An clb, clc 12 aliter … genere: om.clb, add.clcλ in marg. || si: add. claλinmarg., om. clc 15 Resalutat … animo: om. cla 9 Avicula] Franciscus Hovius probably offered a canary to Lipsius when he left Leuven. They were imported from the Canary Islands in the sixteenth century, first to Cádiz and South Italy, and henceforth to the rest of Europe. The first European author to mention canaries is Konrad Gesner in De avium natura (Zürich, 1555). Ulisse Aldrovandi completed Gesner’s description in OrnithologiaelibriXII, 3 vols, Bologna, 1599-1603. On this work, cf. LipsiusenzijnEuropesenetwerk, 507-512. 11 Negant] Indeed, mostly the male birds are good singers, whereas females only sing exceptionally, and neither will they sing during moulting time. 12 scribe] By the end of November Hovius will give Lipsius a new bird, cf. ILE 96 11 22, 4-5. 13 decrevisse] A letter with Hovius Sr’s decision is not preserved. Cf. also ILE 96 09 24 H1, 4-7. 15 mei] Lipsius’s contubernales.

2194 96 10 16 R

Lipsius (Leuven) to Jean Richardot [Brussels] 16 October 1596

At De Laet’s request, Lipsius supports his candidacy for the chair of Institutiones at Leuven University, but only if Corselius, who in his eyes is more competent, does not qualify for one reason or other. De Laet promises to complete the course within one year, which would be quite an improvement. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 71v, no. 165; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 9v, no. 28.

400

2194 - 96 10 16 R

Ioh[anni] Richardoto. Amplissime et Nobilissime Domine, Aliena potius voluntate (libere profiteor) quam mea istaec scribo. Quo argumento? Quod item suppeditavit alter. Est licentiatus de Laet, qui has 5 tradet, inter eos qui ambiunt et prensant a vobis lectionem Institutionum hic vacantem. Dignum ea audacter dicerem, nisi digniorem Corselium (olim commendatum) censerem. Nec muto in isto iudicio et animus interior reclamet. Si tamen casu aut aliorum aversione Corselius minus sit impetrabilis, velim, quod in me, rationem huius haberi, qui diligentiam 10 novam profitetur et offert finiturum se annuo spatio Institutiones. Bonum sit et, ut verum fatear, tarditate aut et raritate legendi valde laborat Lovanium nostrum, quod alioqui a iuventute capit assidua incrementa. Amplissime et Nobilissime Domine, vive et vale in publicum usum. Lovanii, post[ridie] Idus Octob[res] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. A[mplitudini] T[uae] addictissimus cliens, 15 I[ustus] Lipsius.

1 Richardoto: add. clbλ 4 Quod: Quo clb || ⟦licentiatus de Laet⟧ N clbλ hic add. clb 14-15 addictissimus … Lipsius: om. clb

7 animus:

3 Aliena] Lipsius is clearly not fully convinced of De Laet’s competence, as is indicated by his introduction and l. 6-8, but also by ILE 96 10 17, 13-17, where he repeats his full support of Corselius without even referring to De Laet. 4 de Laet] No biographical details have been found about him. 6 vacantem] The royal chair of Institutiones imperiales was vacant because its holder, Cornelius Sylvius, had been appointed professorordinariusetprimarius of canon law as a substitute to Nicolaus Gobletius who was ill, cf. ILE 96 08 14, 10-11. 6 digniorem] Richardot would in the end follow Lipsius’s opinion and grant the vacancy to Corselius in December 1596, cf. ILE 96 12 23 R, 2-5; Valerius Andreas, Fasti, 153157. 7 commendatum] Lipsius had already recommended Corselius to Richardot for that same chair in 1595, cf. ILE VIII, 95 08 06 R, 5-8; 95 11 20, 3-9. But to no avail, since Cornelius Sylvius was appointed, cf. ILE 96 08 14, 4. 11 valde laborat] Cf. ILE 96 10 17, 17-20. 12 incrementa] Lipsius had already applauded the resurgence of Leuven university in a letter to Richardot, written in 1595, cf. ILE XIV, 95 08 06 R, 10-13. On its decline, cf. ILE 96 04 11, 7-9.

401

16 October 1596

2195 96 10 16 U

Lipsius (Leuven) to Hendrik Uwens [Antwerp] 16 October 1596

Lipsius has received Ortelius’s Orbistheatrum, but could not yet find the time to have a look at it. More and more he devotes himself to philosophy, also in his Monita, which is suited to his nature and talents. Studying is only useful if it is salutary for the mind and adds wisdom. Mostly mankind aspires too much after fame and glory. Greetings to Malinaeus, De Robiano, and Schotti. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 72, no. 168; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 10, no. 30.

I[ustus] Lipsius Henrico Uweno suo S[alutem] D[icit]. Recepi Theatrum, uti promiseras, nec adhuc copia inspiciendi aut iudicandi fuit. De tardiore transmissu non est quod excuses: satis in tempore habeo et interea sedulo in meis percepi. Pascit enim et iuvat hoc opus, quia philosophari interdum licet, quo fateor natura tota et indole me propendere. 5 Ipsa Exempla non misceo sine occulta admonitione aut doctrina, imo et alibi aperta. Ego vero vanitatem aut subtilitatem studiorum omnem contemnere incipio, nisi insit quod animo prosit, quod prudentiam gignat aut virtutem. Cetera quid nisi otia aut lusus ingeniorum sunt? Aliquid iudicii enim in his nobis merito sumimus, totam aetatem iis operati et 10 addicti. At quam pauci et perpauci sunt qui huc collineent! Gloriam aut famam acuminis aut ingenii plerique quaerimus, rei et fructus securi. Sed te sentire mecum scio, quem Deus recte sapere et vivere dedit, ac diu ita servet rogo. Lovanii, post[ridie] Idus Octo[bres] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. Uxor mea te ac tuam toto animo salutat. Quod ego facio itemque 15 D[ominis] Malineo, Robiano, Schotti. 11 At: Ad cla 11-12 aut famam: et famam clb || acumis cla 14 Idus … ∞.IƆ.XCVI: om. cla 15 Quod et clb

13 Deum cla

2 Theatrum] Ortelius’s Theatrumorbisterrarum in the 1595 edition (Antwerp: J. Moretus), cf. D. Imhof, in: Rockox’huisvolgeboekt.DebibliotheekvandeAntwerpseburgemeester enkunstverzamelaarNicolaasRockox[1560-1640],Antwerp, 2005, 130-131. 6 Exempla] Lipsius’s Monitaetexempla, cf. ILE 96 12 15, introd. 16 Malineo] Carolus Malinaeus (Karel van Male) held a number of offices in the city council of Antwerp, cf. ILE VI, 93 06 09, 5; Prims, 6A, 185. One letter from Lipsius to him is preserved, ILE XIII, 00 04 30. 16 Schotti] Hendrik Schotti, cf. ILE 96 02 02, 19.

402

2196 - 96 10 17

2196 96 10 17

Lipsius (Leuven) to Jean Richardot [Brussels] 17 October 1596

Richardot’s sons have arrived; Lipsius will help them with his words, his advice; and sometimes also with what they read. Moreover, he deems it useful to give them an introduction to philosophy. His obligations and his health prevent him from doing more, but he will instruct their tutor on what to teach them. Recommendation of Corselius for the vacancy of the Institutiones: no candidate is more suitable. Would Richardot keep an eye on the correct procedure? The new professor must be ordered to complete his course within one and a half years; now the number of lectures is insufficient and the students are forced to pay for private tutoring. The university urgently needs other reforms. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 73, no. 171; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 10-10v, no. 31.

Ioh[anni] Richardoto, Cons[iliario] et Praesidi Artesiae. Amplissime et Nobilissime Domine, Filii tui apud me sunt et futuros cum fructu suo et tuo gaudio, id vero opto et spero. Equidem pro me adnitar et sermone, directione, sed et lectione 5 interdum iuvabo. Ad philosophica admoveri eos expediat, sed non publice audienda. Mihi sufficere videatur, si privatim gustum et in compendio capiant. Ac doctus scio quam multa superflua aut inutilia in scholis doceantur. Velim super hac re tuam sententiam. Nam quod ad studia humaniora et stilum, mihi eam curam reservo nec aliena opera opus; nec 10 hic quidem esset, si aut occupatio aut valetudo mea distrahi sic ferret. Sed iudicio tamen superero et doctori ipsi quid doceat, praeibo. Alia cum erunt in tuis aut videbuntur monenda per me scies. Haec de filiis; est in extero pro quo petam. Gerardum Corselium fortasse memoria tenes a me tibi 1 Ioh[anni] … Artesiae: om. clb

13 Corselium: doctorem add. clb

3 Filii] On 20 September Lipsius had informed Hartius and Richardot that he agreed to accept the latter’s sons in his contubernium, but only from October on, when the rebuilding of his house was finished, cf. ILE 96 09 20 H, 2-11; 96 09 20 R. 4 lectione] Reading suitable authors was an important part of Lipsius’s private tutoring. That way the contubernales had to acquire a working knowledge of good Latin, cf. Peeters, Le contubernium deLipse, 148-150. 13 Corselium] Cf. ILE 96 10 16 R, 6.

403

17 October 1596

commendatum alias, cum hic lectio iuris vacaret. Est enim tituli eius doctor, vellet et re per vos esse. Nam nunc iterum Institutionum lectio 15 danda est, quam plures ambiunt, nemo supra istum dignus, quod ausim profiteri. Commendo igitur, sed publica iuventutis caussa. Satis interdum peccatur in hisce electionibus (et rumor fortasse ad vos pervenit), peccatur, inquam, ab aliis: a vobis omnia recta merito speramus, qui et curiam potestis emendare. Illud suggestum velim cuicumque lectio ea dabitur, 20 ex usu fore, si conditio apponatur, ut intra annum aut certe annum et dimidiatum,Institutionesfiniat, quia nimis hic desidetur et non raro solum, sed tarde legunt. Itaque compellitur iuventus vel non audire vel privatim et suo sumptu audire. Sed plura fortasse talia emendanda quae pacatis temporibus reserventur; vos nunc aliae et graviores curae exercent. 25 Nostrum hoc Academiae corpus, ut vetera et effeta, suos quosdam vel languores habet vel morbos. Amplissime et Nobilissime Domine, vale et me clientem tuum ama, Iustum Lipsium. Lovanii, XVI Kal[endas] Novemb[res] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 17 iuventus cla

19 curiam e curia correxi

14 commendatum] Cf. ILE 96 10 16 R, 6-7. 14 lectio iuris] The royal chair of imperial institutions (professor regius institutionum imperalium), cf. ILE 96 10 16 R, 6. 15 doctor] De Laet, one of the other candidates, was merely licentiatus, cf. ILE 96 10 16 R, 4. 16 dignus] By the end of 1596 the vacant chair was granted to Corselius, cf. ILE 96 12 23 R, 2-4. 19 curiam] Sc. the Private Council, since it concerned one of the professoresregii. These new chairs, that of the Institutionesamong them, were founded by Charles V and Philip II. The titulars were in theory appointed by the king, but in fact by the Private Council. Cf. Lamberts – Roegiers, DeUniversiteitteLeuven, 37; J. Roegiers – P. Vandermeersch, Lesarchiducsetl’universitédeLouvain, in: Albert&Isabella, 287. 24 emendanda] In his previous letter to Richardot Lipsius had also pointed out that the lectures on the Institutiones were inadequate, cf. ILE 96 10 16 R, 10-12. The visitation of 1617, ordered by the Brussels court, solved the problem: it prescribed that the holder of this chair had to finish his lectures within one year and that nobody could teach privatim during the hours foreseen for the lectures. With this decree they hoped to put an end to the common practice of private lessons by licentiates in the faculty of Law. Cf. De UniversiteitteLeuven, 37-38. The visitation, announced in a letter to the university signed by Richardot and others, started already in 1607, but was interrupted because of the war. Cf. Brants, Lafacultédedroit, 18; Roegiers – Vandermeersch, Lesarchiducsetl’université deLouvain, 286-289; B. Boute, AcademicsinAction.ScholarlyInterestsandPoliciesin theEarlyCounterReformation:theReformoftheUniversityofLouvain1607-1617, in: HistoryofUniversities, 18/2 (2003), 34-89.

404

2197 - [96] 10 18

2197

[96] 10 18

Theodorus Canterus (Utrecht) to Lipsius (Leuven) 18 October [1596]

Canterus’s letter has two purposes: to be informed about Lipsius’s health and what he is doing, and proving that he has not forgotten him. Canterus will always be grateful because of Lipsius’s sympathy. Despite the circumstances, he is doing fairly well, although he suffers the hatred of individuals he had to rebuke in the past by virtue of his office. Canterus has made interesting annotations to the biographies of martyrs. Surius’s work is very important, but he does not quote his sources literally. Baronius often refers to the testimony of a certain Mombritius. Could Lipsius or one of his friends let him know the title and also place and year of that publication? Greetings to mutual friends. Canterus’s eldest son has married. The original letter has no year, as is often the case with Canterus’s correspondence. Nevertheless, it must be situated in 1596: Lipsius’s answer, ILE 96 12 01 C, has a complete dating formula with the year 1596 and there is also Lambertus Canterus’s marriage in August of that year (cf. l. 34). Since Gruys in TCE interpretes the date as stilo vetere, although Canterus does not specify, he dates the letter 28 October. As elsewhere in ILE, we keep to 18 October stilonovo. Cf. the dating of ILE V, 92 03 25 and [92] 06 06 C to that of ILE VI, 93 04 20. Answer in ILE 96 12 01 C. o: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 4; d1: Burman I, p. 592, no. 569; d2: TCE, 163-164, no. 37.

Theod[orus] Canterus Iusto Lipsio S[alutem]. Diutius me, vir clariss[ime], a scribendo continere nec potui nec volui idque duabus potissimum de causis, tum ut de valetudine deque statu rerum tuarum aliquo modo certior fieri possim, tum maxime ut ingrati animi 5 notam hoc pacto effugerem ac evitarem et memoriam tui mentibus nostris nondum excidisse compertum haberes. Qui enim hoc fieri possit, ut tantorum tuorum in me beneficiorum tuaeque erga me benevolentiae

2 Diutius] The last preserved letters are ILE VIII, 95 06 02 C1 and 95 06 02 C2. ILE 96 03 16 BUR1, 19-20 alludes to a possible letter of Canterus, which never reached Lipsius.

18 October [1596]

405

unquam immemor esse queam? Ego certe quamdiu mihi haec vita, non desinam affectu et benevolentia, qua hactenus prosequutus sum, te porro prosequi. Nos, laus Deo opt[imo] max[imo], bona fruimur valetudine et 10 pro ratione temporis et huius deplorati saeculi res nostrae privatae satis commode se habent, nisi quod quorundam invidia, nulla tamen nostra (teste Deo) culpa, premimur: fateor quidem me libere aliquando aliorum vitia redarguisse, cum essem eo loco constitutus eaque dignitate et auctoritate praeditus, ut, nisi hoc a me factum fuisset, boni viri Reip[ublicae] 15 que amantis officium omnino deseruisse videri possem. Fuitque ea mea intentio, ut, si non ultro, saltem pudore et verecundia compulsi officium facerent. Si hoc cuiquam vitio vertendum sit, me graviter peccasse libens fatebor. Sed de his satis. Nunc de studiis pauca: licet diversis interdum curis distrahar, tamen ea non derelinquo, sed meo more, i[d] e[st] lente, 20

11 pro ratione … satis] From 1576 to the spring of 1594 Canterus often held official functions in Utrecht: alderman, councillor extraordinarius to the Court of Utrecht and the city council, or burgomaster. As a burgomaster he was one of the representatives of his city in the States of the province of Utrecht. Between autumn 1593 and early 1594 he represented his province in the States General, but then his role in the politics of Utrecht was ended. In 1577 the province had chosen William of Orange’s side, yet its officials were not strict Calvinists, but tolerant Protestants. The government remained in the hands of an oligarchy of noblemen and large landowners (one of them Canterus), who did not want to share their power with the Calvinists (democrats, part of them merchants). When the city council removed four orthodox ministers in 1589 without finding candidates to fill the vacancies, a schism grow within the congregation of Utrecht. Johan van Oldenbarnevelt, Johannes Wtenbogaerd, and Franciscus Junius intervened and a compromise was reached in 1593, but still the radical Calvinists had no influence. It is strange that Canterus’s faction could maintain its power, despite its weakened position. From 1595 until 1598 he only was councillor extraordinaris to the Court of Utrecht; in the next years he had no longer a public function. Probably his political associates sacrificed him to reach a compromise, for Canterus was notorious for his fierce language and his inflexibility (cf. l. 13-14: fateor quidem me libere aliquando aliorum vitia redarguisse), which he considered a duty. Hence he failed to understand some reactions (cf. l. 12-13: quorundam invidia, nulla tamen nostra, teste Deo, culpa premimur; l. 16-19: Fuiteameaintentia,ut…officiumfacerent.Sihoccuiquamvitiovertendum sit, me graviter peccasse libens fatebor). In 1610 Canterus took a part in a coup by several opposing factions and became burgomaster again for some months. By the end of that year, a plot was revealed and Canterus, who had been part of it, was exiled and suffered confiscation of his possessions. He found political asylum in Leeuwarden. Cf. TCE, 10-11; J. den Tex, Oldenbarneveltstijd, in: VanstandentotStaten.600Jaar Staten van Utrecht 1375-1975, Utrecht, 1975, 64-70; De Bruin, 237-244. See also ILE III, 88 10 10, 2-19.

406

2197 - [96] 10 18

in iis pergo. Ego hac aestate per otium totus fui in actis martyrum evolvendis et discutiendis plurimaque notatu digna in iis deprehendi, quae vix alibi invenias. Dignus etiam sua laude Surius ille, qui acta et historias martyrum summo labore in unum coacervavit, sed maiorem a 25 me initurus fuisset gratiam, si scriptores istius aevi sua et non per illum interpolata lingua loqui permisisset. Baronius in suo ad Martyrologium commentario saepissime in testimonium adducit Mombritium quendam de vitis Sanctorum, quem nunquam nobis videre contigit. Tu si per te vel per amicos videris, velim libri titulum ad me perscribas, una cum anno 30 et loco impressionis, ut sic commodius eum alicubi invenire possem. Quod si feceris, beneficio summo me affeceris; nam votis omnibus eum videre expeto. His vale, amicorum optime, et nos, quod facis, amare perge. Raptim, Ultraiecti, XVIII Octobris. Saluta communes amicos. Filium meum maiorem natu elocavi, quod 35 volebam nescius ne esses. [Address:] Doctissimo humanissimoque Viro Iusto Lipsio, amico singulari. Lovanium.

29 scribas d1

30 inveniri d1

33 Octobris: 1596 add. d1

23 Surius] The hagiographer Laurentius Surius (Lübeck, 1523 – Cologne, 1578) gathered a collection of saints’ lives from printed and manuscript sources in his main work, Deprobatissanctorumhistoriis, 6 vols (Cologne, 1570-1575). It was intended to inform and support Catholics in religious controverses. His work is, together with that of Mombritius (l. 27), the principal source before the Bollandists. Cf. LThK 9, 1140. 26 Baronius] Church historian Cesare Baronio (cf. ILE VI, 93 05 30 BA), whose Martyrologium Romanum (1586) was published by Christopher Plantin in Antwerp in 1589, cf. PPr 1, 253-255, no. 626. 27 Mombritium] The most important work of Boninus Mombritius (Milan, 1424 – after 1482) is Sanctuarium seu Vitae sanctorum, 2 vols, Milan, between 1470 and 1479. At least one later edition before 1600 appeared in Leipzig in 1499. It contains 334 saints’ lives from mostly not yet identified sources. Cf. LThK 7, 385; Cosenza 3, 2336; CBNP 117, 45-46; BMGC 162, 417. 29 titulum] Lipsius answered that he was unable to help Canterus and advised him to look in the libraries of former Catholic convents in the North, cf. ILE 96 12 01 C, 15-20. 30 invenire possem] Canterus also requested Bonaventura Vulcanius’s help to find an edition of Mombritius, cf. a letter dated 3 [or 13] November 1596, l. 69-73), see TCE, 168. 34 Filium] Lambertus Canterus, cf. ILE VI, 93 05 05, 11; VIII, 95 06 02 C1. He married Christina van Landscroon in August 1596, cf. TCE, 8 and 165; Buchell, 423.

407

19 October 1596

2198

96 10 19

Christianus de Bruyn (Utrecht) to Lipsius (Leuven) 19 October 1596

De Bruyn was delighted by Lipsius’s letter and will write freely and candidly, as their mutual friendship and trust demand. Lipsius’s friendship largely prevails over that of Wiltius, Pollio, and Leemput, whom he scarcely knows. Their affection and their opinion about Lipsius have changed. Pollio and Wiltius are now the fiercest adversaries of Catholic faith. They censure Lipsius’s constancy and are longing for the ‘Lipsius of old times’. He does not yet pronounce himself on Leemput; he must get to know him better. De Bruyn regrets being separated from Lipsius and is prone to lethargy. He has been composing epigrams for some time, after the example of Martial, but without his levity and appropriate to their own age. It is only an amusement for him. Lipsius is right in his views on the edict, but De Bruyn will not undertake any sojourn in the coming three years, according to his parents. He will first study classical authors; next he considers going to Italy. What is Lipsius’s idea about his plans? Apologies for the length of his letter. Answer to ILE 96 10 02. o: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 4; d1: Burman II, p. 4, no. 727.

Christianus Brunius I[usto] Lipsio S[alutem] D[icit]. Ad focum dederat matutinum me frigus, cum haut multo post accepi tuas. Mihi vero gratissimae fuerunt ac perinde iucundae. Tenebamur desiderio nimisquam acri singularumque exspectatione horarum torquebamur. Amor id, immo ardor facit. Quem tu amorem non minus religiose seduloque 5 quam egomet habes. Et subverere, me pudor a scriptione ac verecundia ut sistant? Scriptione, inquam, libera. Ita scilicet hortatiunculae istuc quod in extrema epistola tua, interpretor. Parum fortassis probe, vere tamen effabor intra adfectum tuo-meum esse pudorem. Litterarum quidem usum

1 Christianus Brunonius: add. d1 2 tuas] ILE 96 10 02 BR. 7 hortatiunculae] Lipsius’s encouragement to freely give him his opinion about Pollio, Wiltius, and Leemput, cf. ILE 96 10 02 BR, 19.

408 10

15

20

25

30

2198 - 96 10 19

ingerit amor, usus libertatem. Quam non deseram ego aut destituam, non mehercule magis quam studium hoc erga te fidemque nostram. Apud me fucus sit atque ambitio pura puta, siquid obtegas curiose aut simules in amicum, praesertim siquando hic ipse talis, id est verus, simplex, apertus et (caput addo) firma stabilique fide. Ego autem, siquidem evaleret in me frontis mollities plus quam comitas simplicitasque ingenii Lipsiani, et sim ingratus et depuduero. Nec vero Wiltzios habeam aut Polliones aut Leemputios mille quam unum Lipsium potiores. Hos ego vix novi etiam. Existimavi speciem illam si excipio notitiae. Tu autem ex me, isti ipsi in te quam adficiantur? Mihi vero tenebrae sunt hic et caligo. Quid dicam? Quid autem non dicam? Angor mediusfidius siquando alias, et torqueor, eo magis quod te haecipsa haut sane leviter et a summo quaerere videam et sciscitari. Sumus, mi Lipsi, rerum Wiltzii atque etiam morum modice prudentes nos ac periti. Tum Pollionem etiam Leemputiumque vix libavimus, etsi illum aliquanto magis quam istum. Hercule verum ut loquamur, amicitiarum grande momentum vertitur in temporibus. Et vulgo quidem scenae serviunt in hoc benivolentiae, ut sic dixerim, theatro. Opinor, intellegis quid ipse velim. Ago circuitu etiam. Sed tamen rectum rigidumque veri iter premam, vis et insistam? Age. Temperat hosipsos atque aurigatur fortunae frenum quantum ceteris in rebus, tantum, immo non paullo magis, in adfectu erga te nec minus de te iudicio. Pugnant

18 ⟦ill⟧ speciem o 18-19 ex … adficiantur] De Bruyn gives no clear answer to this question and neither is there any information in Lipsius’s further correspondence. There is only one more letter from Lipsius to Pollio, in which he extends his condolences on the death of his father, Herman van de Poll (†23 October 1597), who had been secretary of Utrecht for many years, cf. ILE 97 12 05 P. 22 rerum … morum] Lipsius might have especially insisted on information about Henricus Wiltius, whose belligerent character worried him (cf. ILE 96 03 16 BUR1, 9-11), apparently not without reason, cf. infra, l. 33-36. 22 Wiltzii] Henricus Wiltius; cf. ILE V, [92] 05 01 R, 11. 23 Pollionem] Everardus Pollio; cf. ILE VII, 94 09 26, introd. 23 Leemputium] Adam Leemput; cf. ILE V, 92 01 18, introd. 30 Pugnant] In Utrecht a polarisation had grown within the Protestant community from 1590 onwards. The strict Calvinists (or consistorials) opposed the official, libertine church. They endorsed the autonomy of the local congregation led by a consistory (church council). Among the issues of discussion were the right to appoint the ministers, determine the appointments of elders and deacons, and communication. The consistorials also

409

19 October 1596

quidem et acriter calideque pugnant in praecepta ritusque religionis antiquae et Pollio et Wiltzius. Nec iniuria inter primores ponam et capita adversantium fidei propalam Christianae. Wiltzium ferunt, cum praetor ob coetus, ut fit, sacraque clandestina nonnullos postulasset, praeter ceteros fremuisse adsessorum, adeo quidem ut nec clamoribus temperarit acerbissimisque minaciis inter silentium paene collegarum ac stuporem. Iam vero in circulis optimatium et sermonibus impurissimus, siquid huius generis incidit, tuus ille Pollio. Sed hunc tamen ipsum quivis a moribus amet atque ingenio alioquin ad modestiam facto, nisi si ita norit. In altero illo, ut damnes iracundiam ac tumorem, ita lenitatem comitatemque requiras. Haec de ipsis ego. Exquiris in te quid ipsi aut sentiant aut loquantur? Tibi illud haut temere, hoc facilius, sed et verius dicam. Constantiam ecce carpunt et adrodunt tuam notumque olim Lipsium quaerunt, quod aiunt, in Lipsio. Rides? Sit id quidem firmitudinis huiusque ipsius constantiae quam hi nostrates suggillant inepte barbatuli. Gemis? Opinor quod ad se tempora eos turbaeque adtraxerunt quos fides et virtus debuit. Et exspectas scilicet de Leemputio quid adferam. Ego vero, mi Lipsi, hunc differo. Haec adhuc immatura res atque importuna epistolae, huic sane omnino. Ero, ut confido, uberior ubi plenius hominem degustaro. Itaque ingenia vides haec temporaria pendentesque animos et quocumque tulit fortuna, secutos. Quid autem secuturos? Perspicis, scio, et prospicis iam tu, qui politicarum artium civiliumque gnarus. Sed haec hactenus. Libenter his in rebus ἐνσχολάζωσοι; magis etiam in privatis atque meis et idipsum, te auctore, cum voluptate atque etiam fructu. Etsi utrumque nos subinde quo nescio animi fastidio destituit. Languor, inquam, premit et prohibet valide qua stilo, qua libellis. Sed est, puto, ignavia. Mi Lipsi, incredibile est quam iaceam. Quis vero aut quid erigat ac confirmet? Tu quidem dissitus es et alio tum caelo, tum etiam solo. At enim monitiunculis ac scripto suscitabis. Vereor ut imbecilliores hae, quam sint me restituendo

32 ⟦pr⟧ antiquae o

55 Languor: e Langor correxi

wanted the city council to deal more firmly with Catholics, who continued to worship secretely despite their religion being forbidden. Cf. De Bruin, 237-239. According to this letter, Wiltius and Pollio in particular, but also Leemput took a notable part in the actions of the consistorials. 35 ceteros … adsessorum] Wiltius was appointed lawyer at the Court of Utrecht in September 1593, together with Pollio and twenty others, cf. Buchell, 349. 53 Libenter … σοι] Cf. Cic. Att. 7, 11, 2.

35

40

45

50

55

410

2198 - 96 10 19

vel etiam firmando. At honestas et utilitas quo vocant eundum. Est quidem, sed mihi gradus male agilis istuc ut proferam. Tamen ne desim mihi aut obsim ipse, connitor inter utramque ac pauxillatim adsurgo. Certum est illud, valde iampridem, valde vigor ille pristinus flaccuit et imminuit. Tu, amabo, mi Lipsi, iuva et restitue. Sed tamen lente, non nihil etiam egimus. 65 Epigrammata scito nobis pangi dudum et (si dis placet) ad exemplar Iberi quodammodo vatis, ita tamen ut nusquam quidquam libidinis aut lasciviae. Probene, obsecro te, in hac aetate? Nam quin hisce moribus adposite huicque aevo, nihil ambigo: quibus Catones pauci, plures Apicii. At illud etiam me mordet, quod vix satis intexere decenter ritus prisci 70 nonnihil et consuetudinis videbamur. Lusimus nimirum pleraque (pleraque autem? immo universa) ad Romanos illos vetustosque mores. Sed quid haec loquimur? Mihi scilicet ac Musis, siquid secius. Et sunt, ne erres, tabellis imposita deleticiis, in spongiam, Aiacis Augustaei ritu, momento incubitura. De edictis, mediusfidius vere tu atque ex oraclo. Ego autem 75 hic haereo nec moturum credo in triennium. Id parentibus visum, quibus me haut gravatim praebeo: quidquid hoc est temporis, scriptoribus terendis prolaturus. Post, cum bono Deo, in Italos cogitamus, doctrinae veteris 60

65 Epigrammata] All biographical sources mention De Bruyn as a writer of epigrams, but I could not find any trace of verses, either in manuscript or in print. 66 Iberi … vatis] Marcus Valerius Martialis (A.D. c. 40 – 103/104), the most important Latin poet of epigrams, was born in Bilbilis (Spain), cf. RE 8A, 55. 68 Catones] M. Porcius Cato, paladin of ancient Roman virtues, became the incarnation of a sober and severe way of life, cf. RE 12, 145-147. 68 Apicii] The humanists wrongly considered Caelius Apicius as the author of a cooking book, De re coquinaria libri X, cf. OCD, 1224-1225. As it was written under Greek influence, Apicius is also the embodiment of a looser way of life. 73 tabellis … deleticiis] The text on a wax table was deleted with the flat reverse side of a stylus or by adding a new coat of wax. 73 Aiacis Augustaei] Suetonius reports that the Emperor Augustus eagerly began writing a tragedy, Ajax. When he became aware that it was a failure, he destroyed the manuscript. When his friends inquired after its progress, the emperor allegedly answered that Ajax fell on his sponge (Aiacemsuaminspongiamincubuisse), thus announcing the obliteration of his tragedy by alluding to the suicide of the hero, who had thrown himself on his sword, a gift from Hector, after losing the contest with Ulysses over Achilles’s armour, cf. Suet. Aug. 85, 3. 74 edictis] Lipsius had pointed out that the edict prevented De Bruyn from travelling to the Southern Low Countries, cf. ILE 96 10 02 BR, 10-11. 75 moturum] De Bruyn began to study law at Leiden University on 17 May 1600, cf. ILE 96 08 13 BR, introd. There is no information about a journey to Italy (l. 77).

411

22 October 1596

cupidine. Ecquid placet? Utar enim tuo (nec blandior) iudicio. Nisi tamen hocipso abusus iamnunc, tam laciniosa praesertim epistola. Nec illud nescio ab imperitissimo quoque fieri per adfectationem et delicias. Me 80 autem fluxus nescio quis ac spiritus provehit ultra quam velim, non modo quam fas et decorum est. Sed inhibeo. Valebis, mi Lipsi, et nos amabis. Ultraiecti, a[nte] d[iem] XIV Kal[endas] Novembr[es] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. Tuus Christ[ianus] Brunonius. [Address:] Ornatissimo clarissimoque viro Iusto Lipsio, Lovanii.

2199

96 10 22

Lipsius (Leuven) to Jacques de Carondelet (Liège) 22 October 1596

Apparently, Billaeus is in Brussels; Lipsius does not have any further news. He is looking forward to the promised golden chain, as an acknowledgement of his studies. He is devoting himself to the Monitaetexempla, an elaborate anthology of political advice from the past and the present. Next, he considers editing his letters. The tidings about the war against the Ottomans are promising: the enemy has withdrawn ingloriously into the Balkan. The French troops are harassing the border with the Netherlands, but without real success. The English and King Philip II are challenging each other; the Spanish king will gain dominion over Europe. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 73v, no. 172; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 10v, no. 32; d1: Burman I, p. 474, no. 448.

Iacobo Carondoleto. Reverende et Nobilissime Domine,

1 Iacobo Carondoleto: cla, clbλ; I[ustus] Lipsius Iacobo Carondoleto d1 … Domine: om. d1

2 Reverende

85

412

2199 - 96 10 22

Disco e litteris tuis Billeheum vestrum et nostrum Bruxellae esse, de quo tamen alias nihil audivi. Addis torquatum fore me: age, fiat cum bono 5 Deo et sit testimonium labores ac studia nostra Principibus viris non displicere. Sum nunc totus in libro atque opere grandiore cui titulum facio MONITA ET EXEMPLA POLITICA, et erit quasi flos et excerptio, per locos suos certos, salubrium monitionum aut historiarum ex vetere, medio et nostro aevo. Videbis cum perfecero, si Deus perficere dabit; strenue quidem 10 pergo. Equidem hoc quasi Herculeum opus, ut sic dicam, inter mea futurum confido et quod aevum vitamque ferre possit. Tum mihi et[iam] animus seligere et secernere epistolas ad editionem. Qui vitae viriumque auctor est illam et has donet, ut eius gloriae et publico usui ista patrem. De Turcicis laeta audimus et vastum illum metuendumque exercitum dilapsum esse 15 et in Thraciam suam inglorium rediisse. Victoria est cladem ab eo non accepisse. Galli autem fines nostros hic infestant, sed rei magnae aut sibi 3 Billaeum d1 4 Addit d1 5 ac: et clb, d1 est d1 13 det d1 || De: Te cla

10 futurum: fore clb, d1

11 et[iam]:

3 litteris] Not preserved. 3 Billeheum … Bruxellae] Presumably Carolus Billaeus, one of Ernest of Bavaria’s counsellors, had been sent on a diplomatic mission to Brussels. 4 torquatum] On 15 July 1597 the prince bishop of Liège would grant Lipsius a golden necklace and a medallion with his effigy to thank him for the dedication of the Poliorcetica, cf. ILE 97 07 15 BA, 97 07 15 BI1 and 97 07 15 BI2. 7 MONITA … POLITICA] Cf. ILE 96 12 15, introd. 12 editionem] Despite his promise, Lipsius kept postponing the edition of a new centuria of letters for a few more years. He was afraid of criticism since a number of the correspondents occurring in the first two centuriae were notorious in Catholic countries because of their political or religious ideas. The CenturiamiscellaneaIII appeared at the beginning of 1601; it was composed of letters to Italian or Spanish correspondents (or acquaintances staying in those countries). In 1604, Johannes Moretus yielded to Lipsius’s wish and henceforth it was published separately as the Centuria ad Italos et Hispanos and replaced as centuriatertia by one of centuriaepublished in 1602. Cf. De Landtsheer, JustusLipsius(1547-1606)andtheEditionofhisCenturiaeMiscellaneae, 69-82. 13 Turcicis] Presumably an exaggerated or false rumour, for none of the usual sources mention such a battle in 1596. 16 Galli] Early in September, King Henry IV had sent Marshall Biron to Artesia. The Marquis of Varrabon, whom Archduke Albert had entrusted with defending the border, was defeated and made prisoner on 5 September. Biron also seized the fortress of SaintPol (7 September) and Divion. Charles of Croÿ was sent to counter Brion’s actions; he arrived on 10 September in Arras and gave chase to Biron, but could not prevent him from reaching French territory without having been involved in a real fight. Cf. Van Meteren, 374v; Mercurius Gallobelgicus (1603), 4, 13-14; Buchell, 427; De Thou, 5, 650-651; Lefèvre, 4, 382, no. 1132.

413

23 October 1596

utilis nihil patrant. Angli minantur et noster ille in Iberia Anglis: videbimus de exitu, quem ego quidem iamdiu ominor quis sit futurus. Caput aliquod rerum in Europa Deus et fata parant aut meus Apollo fallit. Rev[eren]de et Nobilissime Domine, vale et me tuum ama. Lovanii, XI Kal[endas] 20 Novemb[res] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. R[everendae] D[ominationi] T[uae] addictissimus I[ustus] Lipsius. 17 Iberia: gloria d1 18 quidem: om. d1 18-19 Caput … rerum: Parat aliquid rex d1 19-20 Rev[eren]de … Domine: om. d1 21-22 ∞.IƆ.XCVI … Lipsius: om. clb || R[everendae] … Lipsius: cla, clbλ, om. d1 17 Angli … Anglis] A reference to the devastating attack from the English navy on Cádiz and the planned reaction of the Spanish. Cf. ILE 96 08 13 HO, 7; 96 08 21 C, 14-17; 96 08 21 HO, 10-14. In a letter dated 4 October 1596 Philip II informed Albert that he had fitted out a fleet in Lisbon with the intention of causing irreparable damage to the English, e.g. by an invasion in Ireland. Cf. Lefèvre, 4, 381, no. 1129. General Martin de Padilla was in charge of this armada; with its 128 ships, it was almost equal to the Invincible Armada from 1587-1588. Unfortunately, it suffered a similar fate, for at the end of October 1596 it was destroyed by an enormous tempest near Cape Finisterre. About half of the eighty ships went down. Cf. Khevenhüller, GeheimesTagebuch, 232; Bor, 4, 247-249; Van Meteren, 375; Fruin, 319-324; Japikse, 9, 54-57; Black, 426. Cf. also ILE 96 11 25, 8-10. 19 meus Apollo] Apollo as the god of divination, cf. OCD, 81-82.

2200

96 10 23

Gianbattista Sacco (Milan) to Lipsius [Leuven] 23 October 1596

Sacco includes a copy of his previous letter, which he fears may be lost now that Martínez de Verastegui, their intermediary in Antwerp, has left the city. But there will be no trouble if Lipsius keeps sending his letters to Sacco via the messengers passing via Antwerp on fixed days. Answer in ILE 96 12 02. o: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 4; d1: Ramírez, p. 173-174, no. 40.

414

2201 - 96 10 26

Io[hannes] Baptista Saccus Iusto Lipsio S[alutem] D[icit]. Superioribus mensibus dedi ad te litteras quarum exemplum his litteris adiunxi, veritus ne illae interciderint, propterea quod insignis vir Martinus Verastigius, ad quem ex condicto eas miseram Antverpiam, per eos dies 5 illinc migrabat. Ceterum non est quod dubites, ne litterae tuae ad me non perferantur: modo illas istic committas veredariis, qui statis diebus Antverpiam petunt. Inde enim ab ipso tabellariorum magistro cum aliis compluribus quae huc scribuntur, ad me nullo negotio mittentur. Ne pigeat igitur, humanissime Lipsi, nos tui amantissimos tuis suavissimis litteris 10 interdum impertiri. Vale. Mediol[ani] X Kal[endas] Novembr[es] ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

9 igtur d1

9-10 Lipsi … interdum: om. d1

2 litteras] The letter Sacco alludes to is not preserved. He might have written it because Lipsius’s (lost) answer to ILE 96 02 29 had not arrived, cf. ILE 96 12 02, 3-7. 4 condicto] Lipsius had indicated Juan Martínez de Verastegui as an intermediary, when the latter was living in Antwerp, cf. ILE 96 02 29, 63-65. 5 migrabat] In the spring of 1596 Martínez de Verastegui had been assigned a new function in Milan, cf. ILE 96 03 09 M, 3-4.

2201

96 10 26

Janus Lernutius (Bruges) to Lipsius (Leuven) 26 October 1596

Lernutius uses the opportunity to write Lipsius a letter after a period of silence. It is delivered by his son, who started studying at Leuven university. Could Lipsius make sure that he is included in a group that will be taught dialectics that same year? His son arrived rather late in Leuven, because the plan was to send him to Douai, so that he also could learn French, but an epidemic of plague has broken out. Lernutius would have liked to see his son accepted in the contubernium, but he understands that this is not possible at present. Yet if an outsider of Lipsius’s circle could enjoy this favour, he would like to be taken into consideration also.

26 October 1596

415

Answer in ILE 96 11 30 L. On Janus Lernutius, cf. ILE I, 74 01 12; LipsiusenzijnEuropesenetwerk, 44-45. o: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 4; d1: Burman I, p. 20, no. 17.

Ianus Lernutius Iusto Lipsio S[alutem] D[icit]. Occasionem scribendi nactus hoc tempore praeter opinionem, Iuste Lipsi, optime amicorum, facere non potui quin aliquid ad te literarum exararem. Iam enim silentio indulsimus uterque, non dico satis, sed nimium diu. Qui has tibi meas reddit, filius est meus, homo adolescens e schola Liekerchi 5 nostri privata in Academiam vestram publicam, cuius tu lumen, imo numen es, missus ad ingenii cultum meliorem et liberalium artium copiosiorem veluti mercatum. Eum ego fidei tuae ita commendo, ut magis non possim, quaesoque te, ne grave sit tibi, curare ut recipiatur per te in classem eorum qui dialecticam isthic audiunt hoc anno. Nam nisi tu vel 10 tui similis amicus iuvet illum in re tali vereor ne serius venerit, inchoato iam et promoto studio istius disciplinae. Caussa cur non abierit domo citius, ea est quod in animo mihi erat illum mittere Duacum, scilicet una eademque opera linguam Gallicam ut addisceret, dum a lectionibus ordinariis tempus vacuum terens feriatur. Sed quum iamiam profecturus 15 esset eo, ecce tibi literae ab homine noto certae pestem in illa urbe 5 e: ex d1

10 eorum: illorum d1

4 silentio] Their last (preserved) letter is ILE VI, 93 05 30 L. 5 filius] Lernutius’s eldest son, Jacobus (c. 1580 – 8 July 1627), future member of the city council of Bruges in 1606 and 1623; alderman in 1607, 1608, 1611, and 1622. On 18 August 1612 he married Anna van Zeveren († 1626), stepdaughter of Maximilian de Vriendt. He completed and published his father’s booklet in prose about Charles the Good (1083 – 2 March 1127), DenaturaetcultuKaroliI.ComitisFlandri, Bruges, 1621. He also took care of the edition of Victor Giselinus’s HymnorumLiturgicωn (Antwerp, 1620) and the reissue of De Vriendt’s Epigrammata (Bruges, 1627). He composed a collection of prayers in Latin verses, PrecesmetricaeJacobiLernutiioperaacstudioconcinnatae (Douai, 1622). Cf. Van Crombruggen, 69 and 96; LipsiusenzijnEuropesenetwerk, 47-48. 5 Liekerchi] Willem van Liekercke was a private teacher in Bruges; the chapter schools entrusted their promising students to him to give their most skilled students a more extensive training, cf. A. Dewitte, Scholen en onderwijs te Brugge gedurende de Middeleeuwen, in: HandelingenvanhetGenootschapvoorgeschiedenisgestichtonder debenamingSociétéd’émulationteBrugge, 109 (1972), 184-185. 16 pestem] Douai was severely struck by a plague epidemic that swept through Western Europe in the years 1596-1598. The situation in this particular city still needs to be

416

2201 - 96 10 26

quinquaginta aedes funestasse iamque Collegium Iesuitarum esse infectum unumque ex patribus diem suum obiisse, sublatum lue contagiosa. Sic tres mihi septimanae elapsae, dum novum consilium capio et quid potissimum 20 sequar ambigo incertus. Ambitiose nunc et pluribus verbis contenderem abs te, ut admittere illum in familiam tuam velles, nisi memor essem rationum tuarum, propter quas idem petentibus non es obsequutus. Sed si quis forte exterorum vel importunitate sua vel blanditiis tantum felicitatis est adeptus, inscio me, velim sane et mihi liceat venire in partem mihi 25 noto veterique sodali. Tamen non urgeo, facies ex usu tuo quod erit, neque enim cupio incommodare tibi ullo modo, ne meo meorumque nomine molestiam capias vel tantillam. Etsi hoc non impetrem, tot nihilominus beneficiis tuis olim obligatus tibi sum, ut solvendo non sim. Quorum memoriam, sicut debeo, sancte colo et colam semper, donec corporis 30 huius colonus ero, etiam quum non ero. Salve iterum, amicissime Lipsi, et vale filiumque meum iterum commendatum, puta natum tibi. Brugis Morinorum, 7 Cal[endas] Novemb[res] anno a partu Virginis 1596. [Address:] Clarissimo Viro Iusto Lipsio. Lovanium. 26 ne: ut d1

31 interim d1

studied, hence the number of victims is yet unknown. But the security measures within those years, as attested in historical sources, clearly indicate that the epidemic was very serious: isolation and quarantine, plus the appointment of an official exclusively taking care of the plague victims, Cornil du Gardin. Cf. M. Rouche (ed.), Histoire de Douai, Dunkirk, 1985, 122; J. Delumeau – Y. Lequin (eds), LesMalheursdestemps.Histoire defléauxetdescalamitésenFrance, Paris, 1987, 274-275. 18 unumque ex patribus] We could not find details about which Jesuit succumbed to the plague. 21 admittere … velles] Lipsius did not accept Lernutius’s son in his contubernium, but found him accommodations in The Falcon, cf. ILE 96 11 30 L, 11-16. Lipsius’s reaction to Lernutius’s request makes clear that he reserved his contubernium to the sons of prominent persons whom he could hardly refuse after having opened his door to Antonius Hartius. His refusal was allegedly due to lack of space, for he had seven contubernales already. Yet this argument did not apply to everyone in the same way, for in 1597 he allowed Cornelius Anchemant on Lernutius’s recommendation and in June 1598 he had eight guests since by then Philippus Rubens had joined the two sons of Richardot, who he had to support with their training. Of course, Lernutius was irritated by Lipsius’s reaction, who asserted that his affection towards Lernutius was still the same, but without showing it by his actions. His vexation would rise again in 1599, when Lernutius asked Lipsius whether one of his sons could accompany him on the journey he had planned to Italy. Instead of agreeing with his friend’s proposal Lipsius preferred Audeiantius as his companion. Cf. Peeters, LecontuberniumdeLipse, 144-148; 154-156; Van Crombruggen, 69-74.

417

27 October 1596

2202 96 10 27 G

Lipsius (Leuven) to Jan de Greve [Brussels] 27 October 1596

Lipsius is pleased with the agreement De Greve made in Overijse, but the words must now be put into action. The financial agent of Tienen has refused the assignation, his colleague in Geldenaken has finally accepted the one presented to him. A letter to Waverius is included. o: Brussels, ARA, ms. div. 200 A, f. 35-35v.

Bemiende neve, Ick hebbe int particulier verstaen wat ghij met die van Overijssche gehandelt hebt, en[de] is al wel, als die woirden tot het werck komen. Wilt die handt daer aen houden, datter gelt af kome, en[de] mij dan adverteeren. Ick sende u l[ieden] alhier innegesloten eenen brieff vanden rentmeester 5 van Thienen waerop ick assignatie hadde van 250 gulden, en[de] nu sult ghij sien die selve nulle te sijn en[de] sonder effect. Ghij meucht Godin eens spreecken en[de] hem den brieff leesen oft laeten leesen en[de] hoiren wat hij sal seggen. Aengaende d’ander op Geldenaecke, die is geaccepteert, maer op langen dach genoech, alsoo dat ick op een andere 10 tijdt (wordt daer niet in versien) geen groot fondement van sulcken pensioen gemaecken kan, maer den tijdt sal leeren. Hier is oick eenen brief aen neve Wavre, wilten besteden en[de] grueten mij zeer u l[ieden] huijsvrow, mijn nichte, biddende den Here u alt saemen te bewaeren. Wuijt Loven, deesen 27 octobr[is] 1596. Uwen goetwilligen oom I[ustus] 15 Lipsius. [Address:] Neve de Greve.

8-9 en[de] hoiren … seggen: add. Lipsius inmarg. 2 Overijssche] Lipsius had asked De Greve to do his utmost to keep the real estate inherited from Lipsius’s parents, cf. ILE 96 09 16, 6-12. 6 assignatie] As to the payment of Lipsius’s annuity as historiographus regius via the financial agents of Tienen and Geldenaken, cf. ILE 96 09 30, 2. 13 brief … Wavre] This letter probably discussed Waverius’s proposal to buy Lipsius’s part of a jointly owned estate in Gooik, cf. ILE 96 08 12, 16-22.

418

2203 - 96 10 27 R

2203

96 10 27 R

Lipsius (Leuven) to Conradus Rittershusius [Altdorf] 27 October 1596

Lipsius readily answers Ritterhusius’s letter, a testimony of his sincere affection; at least this way persons living at long distance can keep in touch. At a first glance (but a more thorough lecture is needed) Caspar Schoppius’s Verisimilia are attractive because of their mixture of lack of pretence and self-assurance, an unusual combination in their time. The human mind is usually at its best when following the beaten track. Lipsius also acknowledges being indebted to predecessors as Angelo Poliziano, Gianpaolo Parrasio, and Filippo Beroaldo. Others follow similar paths, but want to claim all merit for themselves. Lipsius asks Rittershusius to continue his guidance of Schoppius. Greetings to Scipio Gentilis and Schoppius. Answer to ILE 96 08 31. Lipsius repeated his answer (ILE 97 02 01 R) for fear that this letter was lost, cf. ILE 96 08 31, introd. Lipsius erased a few lines at the bottom of the recto side and on top of the verso side, which he altered in the side margin. Rittershusius must have returned his letter in view of a possible publication. There are similar occurrences in the correspondence of either returned originals or copies, because the correspondents usually were very proud of receiving a letter from him and did not want to part with it. See also ILE XIV, 01 12 27 B. The text on l. 23 is hard to read, because it is the first line of the verso side and the top of the folio was damaged. o: St Petersburg, Nat. Lib. of Russia, ms. Doubrovsky 140, no. 83.

I[ustus] Lipsius Conrado Rittershusio I[uris]c[onsul]to S[alutem] D[icit]. Non dicam humanus, sed vix homo sim, nisi epistolae et magis animo tuo sic benigne et amanter invitanti paria faciam qua scribendo, qua amando. Terrarum intervalla corpora disparare possunt, animorum coitus 5 iunctionesque non vetant, qui terram, mare, aethera perambulant et celeri penna lustrant. Iunxisti igitur me tibi affatu tam amico, nec blandior: facilis amare sum, ubi animum vidi probi et honesti amantem. Tu is es, mi Rittershusi, nisi fallor: certe epistola dicit et gens vestra fidei laudem iam olim habet. Adiunxisti ad epistolam Schoppii Verisimilia, quae lubens 9 Adiunxisti] Cf. ILE 96 08 31, 19-26. 9 Verisimilia] Cf. ILE 96 08 31, 19-26.

27 October 1596

419

equidem vidi, sed vidi adhuc tantum. Sed ut limis inspexi et oculos per paginas passus sum errare, placuit scriptio nec ambitiosa nec immodesta: quod utrumque (libere dico) maiorum etiam gentium criticis video et doleo adhaerere. Quid ista sunt, ut subnixi ambulemus in cothurnis? Quid alius aliquis meruit si minus quam tu aliubi vidit aut discrevit? Mihi crede, minuti animi utrumque est: et attolli nimis in successu tali et alium deprimere in haesitatione aut lapsu. Humana ista mens, quo se dat, valere et pertingere solet, maxime si via et exemplum iam facta. Itaque semper posterior cura aliquid eruet; cum sudore fortasse tangendum, nisi prior praeluxisset. Equidem sic iam afficior, ut non Politiano solum aut Parrhasio, doctissimis viris (et quotusquisque ad illos hodie?), multum debere me fatear et in animo ac voce, cum occasio, admirer, sed etiam Beroaldo et talibus qui labore et industria multa reserarunt aut facem et digitum tecte intenderunt. At calcant alii et post tot politos in †…† ipsi, spernunt alios et levi accessiuncula gloriam totam doctrinae in se trahunt. Frustra apud aequos arbitros nec morsus aut livor est qui Famae et Aeternitatis templum insidebit. Haec in occasione (ut stilus labitur) pro modestia nostri Schoppii, 15 ⟦aliquo⟧ tali o 19-26 ⟦Equidem … insidebit⟧ Equidem amo et faveo ingeniis omnibus ⟦..⟧, sed †.†. priore iis, ⟦quos⟧ quae superbia aut livor non decolorat o 19 Politiano] On Angelo Poliziano, cf. ILE XIV, 01 04 19, 8. 19 Parrhasio] Gianpaolo Parrasio (Cosenza 1470 – Naples 1534) published commentaries to a number of Latin texts, e.g., Ovid’s Heroides, Claudian’s De raptu Proserpinae, Horace’s Ars Poetica, Cicero’s Pro Milone and Epistulae ad Atticum, Lactantius, Prudentius, etc. He also edited recently discovered fragments of Latin grammarians. In 1540 Henricus Stephanus published his Derebusperepistolamquaesitis, a collection of critical annotations to obscure passages in classical texts, cf. Cosenza, 3, 2608-2612; Sandys, 2, 35. 21 Beroaldo] Filippo Beroaldo (Bologna, 1 October 1472 – Rome, 30 August 1518), head of the Bibliotheca Vaticana, devoted himself to classical authors and wrote Latin poetry. In 1515, he published an edition of Tacitus’ Annales, books 1-6 in Rome; for which he had used Mediceus Laurentianus 68, 1. Cf. DBI 9, 384-388; Centuriae Latinae, 1, 123-129. This ninth- century codex is the only to have the text of books 1-6 and was not available before 1508. When Lipsius made the collation of his edition of Tacitus, he did not go to Florence, convinced that his predecessors had done a good job. Cf. Tacitus, Annales, ed. H. Heubner, Stutgart, 1983, III-IV; Ruysschaert, Lipse et les Annales de Tacite, 32-34; J. De Landtsheer, Commentaries on Tacitus by Justus Lipsius. Their Editing and Printing History, in: J. Rice-Henderson (ed.), The Unfolding of Words: CommentaryintheAgeofErasmus, Toronto, 2012, 188-242. 24 accessiuncula] Neologism, diminutive of accessio, cf. Hoven – Grailet, Lexiquedela proselatinedelaRenaissance, 5.

10

15

20

25

420

2204 - 96 10 31

quem tu, qui dirigere coepisti, iuvenem claro ingenio, porro duc et erige ad illa vera alta et ab hoc scientiae clivo ad prudentiae et sapientiae arces. Ego te, mi Rittershusi, quae caussa scribendi fuit, de appellatione et dono 30 item tuo amo: ut idem mihi deinceps facias, si mereor (et affectu certe mereor), rogo. Lovanii, VI Kal[endas] Novembr[es], ipso die quo tuas vidi. ∞.IƆ.XCVI. D[ominum] Scipionem Gentilem I[uris]c[onsul[tum] salvere amice a me cupio atque ipsum Schoppium.

33 Scipionem Gentilem] Cf. ILE 96 08 31, 12-13.

2204

96 10 31

Lipsius (Leuven) to Franciscus Oranus, Sr (Rome) 31 October 1596

First, Lipsius refused to accept his correspondent’s nephew and namesake in his contubernium: in these war-ridden times young people are hard to keep in check and Lipsius is longing for peace at home. But for friendship’s sake it was impossible to neglect Petrus Oranus’s request. Franciscus Jr is an exemplary young man. Lipsius’s ties with the Oranus family go back a long time. He met Johannes Oranus, now rector of the Jesuit College in Antwerp, during their studies in Cologne. He includes his correspondent in his affection, although he only knows him from his excellent reputation. On Franciscus Oranus (François d’Heur, Sr ( Liège, 1545 – Rome, 19 August 1599), cf. ILE VIII, 95 08 11 H1, 3; XIII, 00 10 11, 14. From 15 November 1581 on, he was auditor of the Rota in Rome and he also became provisor of the church of Santa Maria dell’Anima. His epitaph in this church was written by Lipsius, cf. M. Vaes, Lescurialistes belges à Rome aux XVIe et XVIIesiècles, in: Mélanges d’histoire offerts à Charles Moeller, Leuven-Paris, 1914, 2, 103-104; M. Verweij, De Santa Maria dell’Anima te Rome.Bezoekersgids, Rotterdam, 2003, 42. The contents of both versions are similar, but the phrasing differs. Lipsius must have revised his letter in view of a possible publication. Only the printed version is dated: 31 October 1595. GVi rightly moved this letter to 1596. Oranus’s nephew only arrived in Leuven in September 1595, cf. ILE VIII, 95 10 14.

31 October 1596

421

Surely, one month was not sufficient for Lipsius to assess his new contubernalis, send a report about it to Rome, and receive an answer. The place of the letter in ms.Lips. 3(18) is another, decisive argument; moreover, the letters written before and after it were copied in ms.Lips. 3(19) in a strictly chronological order.

1stversion cl: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 74, no. 173 (s. d.).

Francisco Orano Auditori Romae Rotae. Rev[erendissi]me Domine, Ante biduum litteras tuas accepi quibus gratum tibi esse acceptumque ostendis Franciscum tuum apud me agere litteris et moribus firmandis et meliori omni disciplinae imbibendae. Quem equidem initio haud lubens 5 recepi (fateor quod res est), tum quia iuventus per haec bella protervior aut ferocior facta haud facile regitur et in gyrum modestiae reducitur, tum quia vetus meus mos et decretum fuit in solitudine et tranquillitate domi esse. Sed pervicit tuus, paene dicam noster, frater, tuus sanguine, meus amore, quem constanter inter nos a lustris iam duobus et ultra colimus ac 10 fovemus. Negare ei hoc non potui cui ipsum me et mea, si opus sit, impendam. Nec paenitet, dicam quod gaudeas: ita se gerit adolescens modeste, industrie, addo et pie, ut votis ultra opus non sit, nisi ut perseveret. Hoc serio scribo et iuvat talibus infundere aut inserere, siquid Deus aut labor mihi dedit. Enimvero res (spero) docebit. Eo magis quod tu, talis 15 vir, tibi imputari hoc velis et expensum ferri, cuius benivolentiam caram equidem habeo et in magno pono aliqua eam demereri. Equidem sum velut fato (fas ita loqui) iunctus iam olim Oranorum genti et in ipso tirocinio studiorum meorum Coloniae Agrippinensi Io[hann]es Oranus, 15 Enimvero … docebit: suprascr. cl 3 litteras tuas] Not preserved 6 recepi] Most of Lipsius’s remarks about accepting students in his contubernalium can also be found in letters from 1595. Cf., e.g., ILE VIII, 95 04 24 en 95 08 11 H2. 9-11 tuus … fovemus] Cf. ILE 96 01 05, introd. 19 tirocinio studiorum] Lipsius’s studies at the BursaNovaTricoronata in Cologne (end 1559 – medio 1564). 19 Iohannes Oranus] Cf. ILE 96 08 13 HE, introd. The phrasing contubernalismeuset director studiorum (l. 20) indicates that Oranus was a fellow student, but with some tutoring responsibility for Lipsius. Cf. also ILE VI, 93 01 20 (14), 3-5.

422

2204 - 96 10 31

nunc rector Societatis Antverpiae, contubernalis meus et director studiorum fuit, mutuo et impresso amore ex eo semper iunctus. Trahit et ad te animus, fateor, etsi non nisi fama notus, sed fama optima et quam tibi gratulor una cum dignitate quam habes et quam habebis (ita ominor), quia mereris. Rev[erendissi]me Domine, vale et epistolam hanc fidam tesseram mei 25 animi habe. Lovanii. 20

23 optima ⟦habebis⟧ cl

2ndversion d: Cent.It. 39.

5

10

15

20

Francisco Orano, duodecimviro litibus iudicandis in sacro tribunali. Romam. Ante biduum litteras tuas accepi quibus gratum tibi votivumque esse ostendis Franciscum tuum apud me agere, litteris, moribus et omni bona disciplina imbuendum. Quem suscepisse me haud prompte initio fateor et scit eius parens: non quin vestra caussa omnia vellem, sed quia vetus meum decretum et mos erant mihi vivere nec solitudinem et ex ea quietem consortio adolescentium interpellare. Quos bonos modestosque casus dare potest, sed idem alios. Et praesertim in nostra hac Belgica in qua, per haec bella, mores a priscis illis valde demutarunt et protervia, vanitas, ferocia saepe habent iuventutem. Hac caussa, ut dixi, abstinui et renui, sed pervicit denique tuus, et paene dicam meus, frater (talis et tam arctus inter nos amor est) tum et tui aspectus. Quem valde hoc velle, idem mihi ingerebat. Feci nec paenitet. Apud me est ex meo vestroque voto, adolescens tranquillus moribus, studiis industrius nec quod desiderem reliquit, nisi ut perseveret. Quidni faciat et naturae bonitate et a tuo illustri exemplo? Quem ille et cogitat adsidue et saepe loquitur: merito, familiae universae decus et proprie ipsius spem et praesidium, quem ego (vide quo eam) commendatum mihi a te, ultro commendo et ut in gratia tua firmiter ponas, rogo. Meretur magisque cum annis merebitur atque utinam diem videam qua, te educente et attollente, ad fastigia honoris veniat quo destinastis. Deum precor, ut rata haec vota sint: te autem, Vir Amplissime, ut me tuum atque Oranorum censeas in omne aevum. Lovanii, prid[ie] Kal[endas] Nov[embres] ∞.IƆ.XCV.

423

5 November 1596

2205

96 11 05 H

Lipsius (Leuven) to Franciscus Hovius [Antwerp] 5 November 1596

Lipsius expects Hovius at his home in Leuven. Meanwhile, new guests have arrived, two sons of Richardot among them, but they are all obedient and industrious. Their company will be helpful for Hovius’s new studies. The room he had previously is occupied, but he will get a new one, next to Lipsius’s. It is advisable to change his garb gradually, so that it is not too conspicuous. For his studies Leuven is preferable. There is no other place where he could go: the whole of France must be dissuaded because of the war, which leaves only Douai as an alternative, but Lipsius does not want to recommend that city either. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 74v, no. 175; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 11, no. 33.

I[ustus] Lipsius Fra[ncisco] Hovio S[alutem] D[icit]. Expectamus igitur te, mi Hovi, et gratus eris, vetus meus hospes. Nam habemus sane quosdam nunc novitios quorum parentibus negare non potui, atque inter eos filios duos Richardoti. Sed sunt modesti omnes, industrii et, ut scis, domus mea aut accipit tales aut facit. Consortium tibi non 5 displicebit nec istis nunc studiis tuis, ad quae accingeris, disconveniet. Unum est de cubiculo tuo quod praemoneam, alteri datum esse. Nec enim te reducem exspectabamus. Sed eius loco melius habebis honestiusque, nempe cenaculum alterum maximo nostro contiguum, in quo commode et laxe ages. Quod autem ad mutationem vestium de qua agis, audi meam 10

2 Exspectamus] Cf. ILE 96 07 13 HO, 11. Lipsius had already stressed before that Hovius should come to Leuven, cf. ILE [c. 96 09 00], introd. According to ILE 96 11 22, 3-4 Hovius arrived by the end of November. 3 novitios] Cf. ILE 96 10 16 H, 5-7. 4 filios … Richardoti] Cf. ILE 96 09 20 H; 96 09 20 R, 3-11. 6 disconveniet] Very rare, but cf. Hor. Epist. 1, 1, 99. 10 mutationem vestium] Hovius wanted to break off his training to be a priest, cf. ILE 96 09 24 H1 and H2. To avoid astonishment and sharp reactions, Lipsius advised him not to shed his togatalaris too abruptly. By this he meant the long, black toga prescribed by the Council of Trent for the lower orders and seminarists, cf. Concilium Tridentinum:

424

2206 - 96 11 05 V

sententiam. Fiat illa paullatim nec uno toto impetu et sic in oculos aut voces minus incurret. Sane alio te ire quae ratio nunc aut opportunitas est? In Galliam si posses, suaderem, sed ea clausa nobis est et palaestra iam non Musarum aut Mercurii, sed tota horridi Martis. Duacum solum superest 15 nec de eo suadere quidem velim aut dissuadere. Si tamen libere vera dicenda sunt, scis Lovanium nostrum quibusdam partibus praeferendum. Exspecta igitur tempus idoneum mutare et convictu et benivolentia nostra utere, ut soles, quae certe tibi non deerit, ob probos modestosque mores. Vale et parentem utrumque ac fratres saluta. Lovanii, Nonis Novemb[ribus] 20 ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 19 parentemque clb diariorum,actorum,epistularum,tractatuumnovacollectio, Freiburg im Breisgau, 1901-, 7, 1, 361-362; L. Trichet, Le costumeduclergé.SesoriginesetsonévolutionenFrance d’aprèslesrèglementsdel’Église, Paris, 1986, 92-93 en 98. 12 alio] By the end of September 1597 Hovius set out to Spain, cf. ILE 97 10 08 H. See also Peeters, LecontuberniumdeLipse, 167. 15 suadere … dissuadere] In ILE 96 10 26, 12-18 Lernutius had informed Lipsius about an epidemic of plague in Douai. 19 parentem] Cf. ILE 96 07 13 HO, introd.; 96 09 24 H2, introd. 19 fratres] Cf. ILE 96 08 13 HO, 12.

2206

96 11 05 V

Jacobus Varicius (Mechelen) to Lipsius [Leuven] 5 November 1596

On a previous visit, Varicius has discussed his love for the chancellor’s daughter. Her mother has rejected him, because she unrightly supposed that he might return to the North in the future. Hence he is looking for a suitable partner once more. Lipsius, as well as others, had recommended to him the daughters of Maarten della Faille. Varicius has made inquiries about them: although they are, indeed, no beauties, they are truly virtuous. Hence he considers going to Ghent and make his own judgement. Lipsius should advise

5 November 1596

425

him whether he stands a fair chance with either of them and how he should proceed. In such matters it is better to trust an outsider with whom intellect prevails over emotion. Choosing the right partner is decisive for one’s peace of mind during the rest of his days. On Jacobus Varicius (Van Varick) († 1616), cf. ILE VII, 94 01 01 V. He originated from Delft. On 17 December 1605 he became a member of the Private Council in Mechelen, cf. Stroobant, 60; Schmitz, 3, 78-80. Answer in ILE 96 11 08. o: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 4.

S[alutem] P[lurimam], Vir Clarissime. Cum apud te Lovanii nuper essem, animum tibi meum et affectum in iuniorem D[omi]ni Cancellarii filiam indicavi, quem non bona aut forma, quamvis ea etiam in illa mihi videbantur mediocria, sed virtus procrearat et eo produxerat, ut per secretarium de Prince post discessum meum animum 5 matris exploraverim, sed quia eam ab hac re alieniorem intelligo eo quod reditum aliquando in Hollandiam meditari me suspicetur, alio cogitationem contuli, non levitate aliqua ductus, sed quod aut festinandum in hoc negotio, in quo tamen nunquam nimis lente proceditur, aut redeundum hac hieme in Hollandiam mihi videam. A quo cum omnino abhorream, 10 illud sedulo iamdudum ago, ut honestum mihi aliquod matrimonium inveniam. Quapropter, licet, cum nuper a te mentio facta esset de filiabus 6 explora⟦rem⟧verim o 2 nuper] There is no information about a recent visit of Varicius to Lipsius. 3 Cancellarii filiam] Perhaps Barbe Damant († 24 December 1645), the youngest daughter of Nicolaas Damant, chancellor of Brabant. On 18 October 1606 she married Josse Triest, cf. De Herckenrode, 3, 1922. On Nicolaas Damant, cf. ILE VIII, 95 06 14 D; XIV, 01 02 20 DA, 4. 5 secretarium] Not identified. 6 matris] Damant’s wife, Barbe Brant, died on 8 August 1591 in Madrid; there is no mention of a second marriage in the sources. Varicius did not mean Damant’s mother, Anne Bave, either: she had died on 17 May 1559, cf. De Herckenrode, 2, 1933. 7 reditum] Varicius built his career in the Southern Low Countries, first as an advocate to the Council of Brabant, later as a member of the Private Council, cf. ILE VII, 94 01 01 V. 12 filiabus] The letter is too vague to make out which daughters are meant, and who exactly was the alia illa. Maarten della Faille had several daughters who were likely candidates for marriage in 1596, cf. Schmitz, 3, 50-52; 77-83. Jacobus Varicius married one of them, Sybilla (baptized in Antwerp on 8 November 1572) in the cathedral of

426

2206 - 96 11 05 V

Martini dela Faille, parum affectus iis viderer et essem etiam eo quod de alia illa tunc cogitarem, tamen, cum postea Mechliniae et Bruxellae quoque 15 eas commendari a diversis inter confabulandum, ut fit, audiverim neque quidquam in iis reprehendi praeter formam, operae pretium esse duxi hac de re tecum agere, ut, si potiundi earum aliqua spes sit, Gandavum me conferam et de forma ipse iudicium sumam ac de moribus et virtute, per alios quantum fieri potest, inquiram. Rogo itaque per literas mihi vel, si id 20 molestum est, ore fratri communices an ioco vel serio nuper facile aliquam ex iis obtineri posse iudicaveris et per quos ac qua via id tentandum existimes. Quibus si etiam iudicium de hac re tuum addideris, gratissimum mihi erit, cui decretum in hoc negotio alieno potius quam proprio consilio uti, cum in eo affectus, ut plurimum in nobis, plus quam ratio valeat neque 25 quisquam de eo melius iudicet quam is quem id minime concernit. Iterum itaque rogo adesse mihi ne graveris in hac re, a qua totius reliquae vitae

St Gudule in Brussels on 13 February 1605. After her death one year later (Mechelen, 22 August 1606), he remarried with Anna Rovelasco, the daughter of an important Antwerp tradesman, in 1608. Cf. Schmitz, 3, 50; 78-79. The birth registers of St John’s in Mechelen list one child, Gaspar, baptized on 18 April 1612. Varicius may have been married before he wedded Sybilla della Faille, for a tombstone in that same church attests the death of his son, Matthias, at the age of ten months on 26 March 1600, but only the father’s name is given, cf. Schmitz, 3, 79; Verzamelingdergraf-engedenkschriftenvan deprovincieAntwerpen, 8, Antwerp, 1903, 434 and 440. Of course, Matthias could be the son from a relation without marriage, similar to the one his father-in-law, Maarten della Faille, once had, cf. Schmitz, 3, 4. This letter, revealing his eagerness to find a wife, makes a first marriage preceding the one with Sybilla della Faille very plausible. 13 Martini della Faille] Maarten della Faille (Antwerp 1544/1545 – ibid. 1620) first devoted himself to the world of trade. From 1556 to 1574 he was branch-manager of his father’s firm, but gradually he began working for his own account. From 1596 onwards, he switched to a public career: counsellor to the admirality (1596), contact person for the negotiations with the Northern Provinces (1598), member of the peace mission to England (1603-1604). Cf. Schmitz, 3, 1-63; BN 32, 197-200; NBW 1, 488-491; ILE XIV, 01 07 25. The Della Faille family was Flemish, but italianized van der into de la and later della in the course of the sixteenth century, possibly because of its trade relations with Italy, cf. A. Meskens, JoannesdellaFailles.j..Mathematics,ModestyandMissedOpportunities, Brussels-Rome, 2005, 10 (= BelgischHistorischInstituutteRome.Bibliotheek, 53). 17 Gandavum] Varicius probably refers to the castle of Ooidonk, near Ghent. After having purchased the seigniory of Nevele in 1592, of which the castle was a part, Maarten della Faille had it converted and refurbished. In 1598 he bought the Court of Fiennes on the Koornlei in Ghent, which became his residence in that city. Cf. NBW 1, 489; Schmitz, 3, 38-39; 41. 20 fratri] An unidentified brother of Varicius, also mentioned in ILE VII, 94 09 24 V, 46.

427

8 November 1596

tranquillitas dependet, cuius consideratione aliam illam, licet opibus hisce longe imparem, praeponendam tamen esse iudicabam. Sed diis aliter visum. Vale et nos te colentes ama. Mechliniae, nonis Novemb[ribus] 1596. Tui observantissimus Iac[obus] van Varick. 30

2207 96 11 08

Lipsius (Leuven) to Jacobus Varicius [Mechelen] 8 November 1596

Varicius is right to forget his plan to marry the chancellor’s daughter and look for another candidate. Lipsius cannot help him with the daughters of Maarten della Faille: he has met them and their father only once and has no idea about the best way to get in touch with them. He cannot ask their brother either, since he has left Leuven. Answer to ILE 96 11 05 V. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 74v, no. 174; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 11, no. 34.

I[ustus] Lipsius Iac[obo] Varicio S[alutem] Dic[it]. Intelligo ex tuis litteris spem quae hic erat de coniugio, nullam esse et alio mentem esse vertendam. Equidem ex animo toto optem bene tibi et cum bona esse, sed consulere in hac re semel didici anceps esse. Ego vere de quibus quaeris nihil possum dicere quia semel illas, semel patrem vidi, 5 nec viam item ostendere qua iri eo possit. Si frater adesset, qui mihi familiaris fuit, aliquid possem et vellem. Nunc ille abiit, nec aliud habeo quam ut votis in hac aut simili conditione te iuvem. Quod corde facio et te bene animatum vivere opto, donec ille dies illucescat. Lovanii, VI Idus 10 Novembr[es] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 4 sed consulere … esse: suprascr. clb

5 quibus ⟦scribis⟧ cla

5 quaeris] Cf. ILE 96 11 05 V. 6 frater adesset] Carolus della Faille had set out to Spain, cf. ILE 96 11 10 L, introd.

428

2208 - 96 11 10 B

2208 96 11 10 B

Gerardus Buytewech [Leiden] to Lipsius (Leuven) 10 November 1596

Buytewech can finally forward Scaliger’s letter to Lipsius. Illness prevented him from doing so before. The English negotiator of the triple alliance has returned home from The Hague. Marnix of St Aldegonde has been on a mission to King Henry IV, representing the Northern Provinces. Janus Jr and Stephanus Dousa have returned from Geneva and reported that the city is expecting a siege by the Duke of Savoy. Georgius Dousa has reached Constantinople. Sandelinus has no fixed address because of the edict. Until now, there was no reason for his fear, but previously he had tried to back out of it, together with some others; when the Court became involved they fled. Buytewech is in no hurry to marry. Answer to ILE 96 10 02 BU; Lipsius answers in ILE 96 12 01 BUY. o: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 4.

Vir Clarissime, En tandem nunc Scaligeri hoc praesens quod mittere me receperam. Bene gaudeo quod non prior me monueris, nam servandi quod promiseram memoria semper mihi fuit, potestas aut occasio non fuit. Nam per morbum 5 aegre potuisset exemplaris potiundi copia mihi fuisse. Nec enim plene noveram quid eius esset aut apud quem esset; quippe defunctorie tantum inspexeram ab eo et cum eo cui furtim fuerat ostensum. Iste qui hic res egit illius regni liberatoris hodie discedit Hagha rursus ad Anglam post foederis solennem conclusionem. Pro nostra parte apud Gallum fuit 2 praesens] Obviously Scaliger’s reaction to the Poliorcetica, ILE 96 09 24 SC. Lipsius had sent him a copy via Buytewech, cf. ILE 96 09 081, 8-9. On 2 October he hoped that his letters and books had safely reached his former contubernalis in Leiden. 3 servandi … promiseram] Lipsius had asked Buytewech to send him Scaliger’s reaction on the Poliorcetica, cf. ILE ILE 96 09 081, 9-10. 7-9 Iste … conclusionem] On 31 October 1596 England, France, and the Northern Provinces concluded a treaty against Spain (in fact, the Northern Low Countries were associated with an earlier treaty between the other two countries). Cf. Bor, 4, 250-255, 260-267; Van Meteren, 372-373; Fruin, 328-339; Japikse, 9, 85-90. The English negotiator in The Hague was George Gilpin, one of Queen Elizabeth I’s main sources of information and councillors for the Netherlands, cf. Van Meteren, f. 372; ODNB 22, 317-318. 8 Anglam] This adjective is coined on the ancient Roman name of the nation, Angli.

10 November 1596

429

Aldegondius. Dousae duo filii huc reverterunt ante aliquot dies; Genova 10 veniunt uterque et hoc asserunt, indies illic expectari obsidionem Sabaudi. Tertius Constantinopolim perrexit. De Sandelino nuper quaerebas. Ita est: vagatur ob edicti metum incerta sede. Tamen hactenus nihil usquam urgemur. Sub initia ipse cum paucis sese ipsos prodiderant. Adiverant magistratum, negarant tale se iuramentum aliquod praestitisse. Petebant 15 declarari esse se eos qui edicto non tenerentur, nec posse eiusdem poena

10 Aldegondius] Philip Marnix of St Aldegonde was already in France, for on Prince Maurice of Nassau’s request he had been given permission on 31 August 1596 to look after the prince’s interests in the principality of Orange for the coming half year, cf. Japikse, 9, 86 and 347. 10 duo filii] Janus, Jr. and Stephanus Dousa. Cf. ILE II, 86 00 00 D1; VI, 93 06 14 DO, 16. Janus accompanied Philippe du Plessis-Mornay Jr from Frankfurt. On this journey, cf. A. Elkan, Eine Reise Janus Dousa, des Jüngeren, mit Philipp Mornay, in: OudHolland, 24 (1906), 98-104. According to this author, who did not know this letter from Buytewech, Janus Jr did not return to the Netherlands via Geneva, despite Casaubon’s invitation. Janus died from exhaustion and tuberculosis on 21 December, cf. ILE 97 01 26. On the relations between Lipsius and Janus Jr, Stephanus, and Georgius Dousa, cf. C. L Heesakkers, JustusLipsiusandtheDousaFamily, in: TheworldofJustusLipsius, 261-267; idem, Twee Leidse boezemvrienden van Justus Lipsius: Janus Dousa en Jan vanHout, in: ‘Iamillustravitomnia’, 12-19. 11 Sabaudi] Charles Emanuel I (1562-1630), from 1580 until his death Duke of Savoy, first sided with Spain and married Catalina, the youngest surviving daughter of Philip II and Elisabeth of Valois, but he was frustrated in his expectations of territorial profit. In 1582, 1597, and 1602 he launched unsuccessful attacks against Geneva; in 1601 he had to sign the Peace of Lyons, which was much at his disadvantage. Later Charles Emanuel I vainly attempted to extend his territory by allying with France and Venice, cf. Parker, TheArmyofFlanders, 64; CMH 3, 317; Fruin, 166; ILE XIV, 01 01 06, 3-4. 12 Tertius] Georgius Dousa, cf. ILE VI, 93 06 14 DO, 16. Georgius had accompanied his brothers Janus and Stephanus to Frankfurt, but continued on his own via Würzburg, Nürnberg, Karlsbad and Prague to Cracow with the intention of joining a Polish mission to Constantinople. Because it was cancelled, he found other company; he had spent seven months in Constantinople, when he heard the news of Janus Jr’s death. He returned and arrived in the Netherlands in May 1598. Cf. NNBW 6, 418; Elkan, Eine Reise Janus Dousa,desJüngeren, 100. See also ILE XIII, 00 09 02, 12-15. 12 nuper] Cf. ILE 96 10 02 BU, 11. 13 edicti] Cf. ILE 96 05 22 B, 19. 14 sese … prodiderant] On Sandelinus’s troubles, cf. ILE 96 10 02 BU, 11-12. By the beginning of 1597 his problems were over. Lipsius wrote to him then that he should not have gone spontaneously to the Court in The Hague: Disce,discecavereettimerenec timenda;etmagisdisceferreetexcipere,cumevenerunt, cf. ILE 97 01 26 SA (= GVi 97 01 00 SA). In a letter to Buytewech he was even more direct: Discetnonoccurrere periculis,sedsatisesse,sicumvenerint,excipiantur, cf. ILE 97 01 26 B.

430

2209 - 96 11 10 L

multari. Sed aula se miscuit et, cum viderent rem esse maioris negotii, dedere se in fugam et latebras. Haec quae de aliis possum. De me nihil addo, quippe de re ista quam nosti, nihil decrevimus quam non, non nimis 20 maturare. Vale, vir Clarissime, et a me et parentibus plurimum salve. Festinate. IV Idus Novembr[es] XCVI. Claritudinis v[estrae] totus Gerardus Buytewech. [Address:] Clarissimo viro D[omino] Iusto Lipsio professori et historico Regio. Lovanii.

17 aula] The edict about passports was strictly applied. Japikse, 9, 356 mentions the case of three students (their names are not given) who asked permission to have their promotion in Leuven, but were told by the States General on 21 August 1596 that they had to abide by the edict at the risk of being punished.

2209

96 11 10 L

Lipsius (Leuven) to Charles della Faille 10 November 1596

Is the middle of the winter a suitable time to leave? And will he travel by sea or by land? Lipsius wishes Della Faille a safe journey to Spain. He will meet the king and the crown prince for whom God has a great future in store. He will also become acquainted with numerous relics from Antiquity, the customs, and the language of the people. Knowing Latin will help him make good progress in learning Spanish, useful in his contacts with politicians. Lipsius is willing to write him a letter of recommendation. Charles della Faille (Antwerp, bapt. 10 November 1573 – Brussels, 14 April 1636), son of Maarten (cf. ILE 96 11 05 V, 13) lived in London from 1574 until after the fall of Antwerp (August 1585). After his studies at the Jesuit College in Douai (1590-1594), he came to Leuven and was recommended by Otho Hartius to Lipsius, cf. ILE VIII, 95 04 24 H, 2-5. In 1597 Della Faille went to study at the university of Salamanca; next he travelled to Italy (Bologna in 1599 and Rome in 1600), before returning to Brussels medio 1601 (cf. ILE XIV, 01 07 25). He chose a political career: in 1603 he took part in three missions to London to improve the relations with England after the death of Elizabeth I, which finally led to the Treaty of London in 1604. Between August 1606 and 1608 he was

10 November 1596

431

secretary to the ambassador of the Archdukes at the English court. Later he became adjunct secretary (1610-1617) and secretary (1617-1636) of the State Council, thus becoming a close collaborator of the Archdukes. In 1613 Carolus della Faille married Hélène Maes, daughter of Engelbert, the president of the Private Council. Cf. Schmitz, 3, 131-150; G. Jongbloet-Van Houtte, BrievenenanderebescheidenbetreffendeDanielvanderMeulen 1584-1600, 1 (August 1584 – September 1585), The Hague, 1986 (= Rijks geschiedkundige publicatiën. G.S., no. 196), CXXI; ILE VIII, 95 04 24 H, 2-5; XIII, 00 01 12, 9-10; XIV, 01 07 25. On Lipsius’s correspondence with Della Faille, cf. Roersch, Lipsiana, 127-130. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 75v, no. 177; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 11v, no. 35.

I[ustus] Lipsius Carolo de Lafaillio S[alutem] D [icit]. Abire te nuncias, mi Lafailli, et simul abis. An autem anni hoc tempus idoneum et hiems media? Neque significas an terra an mari fiet. Sed utrovis, Deum equidem tutorem et ducem tibi apprecor et ut incolumem in Iberia sistat. Videbis magnum Regem et cui Deus maiora assidue 5 parat; videbis et Principem, natum in spes tantas. In ipsa regione multa antiquitatis etiam vestigia nec inutile sit te observare et adnotare. Sed inprimis mores et ritus gentis, tum etiam linguam, nec dubita quin ipsa usum suum habitura sint apud omnes qui in republica versantur. Latina lingua, quia gens ea dominabatur, viam et progressus late olim fecit: 10 faciet ista aliquando et res docebit. Cum in loco eris, vide si per me commendatior aut gratior cuiquam esse possis. Lubens fecero et tua et optimi parentis tui caussa. Uterque salvete. Lovanii, IIII Idus Novem[bres] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 1 Lafaillio clb 2 Abire … nuncias] Della Faille’s letter is not preserved. According to Schmitz, 3, 132 Carolus della Faille already left Rotterdam for Spain in March 1596. He bases his information on a letter from Carolus to his uncle, Daniel van der Meulen in Leiden, in which he apologizes that he was not able to bid farewell; the sudden departure of three or four ships offered him the opportunity to leave for Spain. However, this is clearly a contradiction with the time indication in this letter, hiems media (l. 3). We can only suspect that unexpected trouble arose at the last moment in March 1596, forcing Della Faille to postpone his departure. 4 incolumem] Stormy weather urged Della Faille to interrupt his boat trip to Spain and return home. Lipsius heard about this failed journey in Februari 1597 and advised him to travel by land and embark in Genova. Cf. ILE 97 02 28 L1. 6 Principem] The Spanish crown prince and future King Philip III. 12 commendatior] No such letter for Spain is preserved. In ILE XIII, 00 01 12, 8-12 Lipsius recommended Della Faille to Ascanius Colonna in Rome. 13 parentis] Maarten della Faille, cf. Schmitz, 3, 131; ILE 96 11 05 V, 13.

432

2210 - 96 11 10 W

2210

96 11 10 W

Lipsius (Leuven) to Johannes Woverius [Antwerp] 10 November 1596

Woverius is contradicting himself: he alleges that he is no longer devoting himself to literature, but his letter belies it. Whoever had a taste of it, cannot do otherwise and it will make him more mild and wiser. That should also be Woverius’s experience. Della Faille has indeed left; his departure seemed rash and impetuous. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 75v-76, no. 178; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 11v, no. 36.

I[ustus] Lipsius I[ohanni] Wouverio S[alutem] D[icit]. Epistola tua contra te loquitur: negas Musis operari et illa Musas et seriam lectionem praefert. Tua caussa gaudeo et faveo hoc bonum, hanc interiorem voluptatem. Nec aliter sane potest, qui Circeum hoc poculum 5 bibit. Bonum poculum, quod non ex ho[min]e in feram, sed e fero in mitem et bis hominem transfert. Ecquid in te sentis? Serio fatere et loquere. Sentis, inquam, meliorem et prudentiorem te fieri. Quid si totum te deae istae habuissent! Sed vel dimidio sic fruantur et ut amantes tanto ardentius, quanto rarius tu miscere. Lafaillium nostrum abire nuncias et 10 ex ipso iam intelligo. Hoc miror, quod tam sero et cur non prius consilium id vel expeditum vel mihi significatum. Sed credo subitum et pro occasione fuisse; equidem vota pro eius itu et reditu facio, quem ego modestiae et optimae indolis caussa amavi. Idemque tibi, mi Wouveri, et salve. Lovanii, IIII Idus Novemb[res] ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

3 gaudeo ac clb

4 alter clb

13 Idem clb

2 Epistola] Woverius’s letter is not preserved. 4 Circeum … poculum] When Ulysses went ashore on the island of Aiaia, he sent some of his companions to reconnoiter. Circe welcomed them, offering a magic potion making them forget their home country and change into swine. When Ulysses came to their aid, Hermes gave him an antidote, the moly herb, rendering Circe’s potion harmless. Cf. Hom. Od. 10, 230-347. 9 Lafaillium … abire] Cf. 96 11 10 L, 2.

433

11 November 1596

2211

96 11 11 G

Lipsius (Leuven) to Jan de Greve (Brussels) 11 November 1596

De Greve has been to Overijse and discussed numerous issues with a number of people. Yet, Lipsius must clarify a few points. There is no reason to give Schaetbroeck more time: Lipsius can claim no more than three years, although more than twenty-five have passed. Does the copy about the estate of Niklaas Lips correspond to Lipsius’s? A number of payments keep being postponed: three measures of oat, the rent of Vande Nesse, and of the brother of the parish priest. The acceptance of the assignation is a matter of patience; Lipsius will find more guarantees for future payment. He adds an answer to the burgomaster of Liège. Greetings to Waverius. The upper part of the folio is damaged and has been restored. o: Brussels, ARA, ms. div. 200 A, f. 36-36v.

en[de] bemiende ve, Ick verstaen dat ghij tot Overijssche sijdt geweest en[de] van alles met deen en[de] d’andere gesprocken. Maer op sommige poincten soo moet ick u antwoirden en[de] informeeren. Ende eerst aengaende Schaetbroeck, ick en sien geen redene om surcheanchie dan om soo veel meer te verliesen. 5 Want u l[ieden] wel weete dat ick maer van drij iaere en kan gedaegen en[de] daer isser alree verloopen meer als XXV. Want ick noijt betaelinge en hebbe gehadt zedert mijn kompste en[de] soo lange te voren. Daromme 1 et : deestin o propterchartammutilam 2 Overijssche] Lipsius had asked De Greve to do his best to maintain the ownership of the real estate of Lipsius’s parents, cf. ILE 96 09 16, 6-12; 96 10 27 G, 2-4. 4 Schaetbroeck] Real estate in Overijse, in the hamlet of Terlanen, cf. ILE 96 05 04, 17. Lipsius probably also discusses this matter in ILE VIII, 95 10 12 G, 8-15, in which he suggested that he himself would come to Overijse before the winter to inform De Greve and others, but was worried about the poor safety on the roads. He may not have gone and is now giving written information. 5 surcheanchie] ‘Delay of payment, suspension’, cf. Gloss.iur. Brab., 4, 2398, and still existing in the French surséance. It probably concerns the rent of thirty-four guilders already mentioned in ILE VIII, 95 10 12 G, 8-9.

434 10

15

20

25

2211 - 96 11 11 G

en wille ick niet gedilaijeert hebben, want ick weete wat van Schaetbroeck apoincteeren oft betaelen is. Aengaende copije vandie lotinge Claes Lips, ick hebbe eene vanden iaere XVC.XXX ende en weete niet oft die selfde is, Mechelman selve heeft die geteekent en[de] geauthentizeert. Daer staet op te letten; ingeval niet, laet copije maecken. Aengaende die drij sister even tot IJseren, tis oick te lange gebeijdt en[de] tusschen beijden soo loopen die iaeren. Ghij moester anders met deur gaen oft immers dat sij u eenen dach van betaelinge setten. Item nopende Van[de] Nesse, tis quaelijck sijn woirdt gehouden en[de] ick sal gedwongen sijn aenden heere te schrijven en[de] mijs te beklaegen. Ende waer blijft alsdan noch die reste? Ghij en schrijft oick niet van andere cheijnsen, als namentlijck van t’Prochiaens bruer etc., ende in somma men moet met alles voirtsvaeren, want daer anders niet met te doen en is. Wat nu belanckt mijn assignatie, daer weete ick niet op te seggen dan patientie tot op een andere tijdt, maer ick sal sien beeter daer in versekert te sijne van die betaelinge oft teelemael laeten blijven. Hier gaet bij eenen brief om aen neve Breugel te geven (met mijn gruetenisse en[de] aen sijn huijsvrow en[de] dochter) om voirts te bestellen als antwoirde aenden meijer van Luijdick. Hier mede beveele u l[ieden] den Almogenden met u l[ieden] huysvrow, mijn

13 sister ⟦tot⟧ o 10 lotinge] Cf. ILE 96 05 17, 2-5. 10 Claes Lips] Niklaas Lips (1501 - before 19 June 1550), Lipsius’s grandfather. 12 Mechelman] Not identified. 13-14 drij sister even] Asister or sester (from the Latin sextarius) is a measure for wine, oil, and grain. Evenor evene is oats (avoine in French), cf. Verwijs – Verdam, 2, 1337. 14 tot IJseren] Presumably the present Eizer, a part of Overijse. 14 gebeijdt] Gebeiden or gebeyden means to(a)waitpatiently, cf. Verwijs – Verdam, 2, 958. 16 Vande Nesse] The clerk of Overijse, cf. ILE 96 09 16, 12-16. 18 heere] Gerard de Hornes, count of Baussignies, cf. ILE VIII, 95 03 20 HO. 20 Prochiaens bruer] Prochiaen or Parochiaen means parish priest, cf. Verwijs – Verdam, 6, 150-151 and 701. Johannes van Engelandt (JudocusabAnglia)was priest of Overijse in 1596, cf. ILE II, 84 01 03 E; P. J. Goetschalckx, Album pastorum tum veteris tum hodierniArchiepiscopatusMechliniensis, Ekeren, 1908. It is not known what the matter was about. 22 assignatie] The financial agent of Tienen had refused the assignation, cf. ILE 96 10 27 G, 6. 24-26 brief … Luijdick] Lipsius’s letter to Herman van Linden, ILE 96 11 24 L.

435

11 November 1596

nichte, die ick zeer gruete. Tot Loven, deesen 11 Novembr[is] 1596. Uwen goetwilligen oom I[ustus] Lipsius. 30 Wilt oick deesen aen neve Wavre besteden. [Address:] Eersaemen voorsienigen h[ee]r Jan de Greve, mijn bemiende neve, tot Brussel. Francque. Int Verwershoeck.

30 Wavre] Waverius, cf. ILE 96 08 12, 17-22; 96 10 27 G, 13. 33 Francque] Cf. ILE 96 03 18 G, 23. 33 Verwershoeck] Cf. ILE 96 03 27, 38.

2212

96 11 11 S

Ludwig Schwartzmaier von Schwartzenau (Prague) to Lipsius (Leuven) 11 November 1596

Benevolence towards famous men encourages Schwartzmaier to write to Lipsius. He has read his works, which he himself and Freymon appreciate because of their accuracy and pithiness. Lipsius’s familiarity with Antiquity makes him an authority. Schwartzmaier particularly liked Deunareligione; which he mentions in his Miscellanea. He is willing to act as an intermediary between Lipsius and the imperial court. Ludwig Schwartzmaier von Schwartzenau, lawyer, was a member of the royal Court of Appeal of Bohemia, before being appointed to the imperial council at Rudolph II’s court in Prague in 1596. Cf. NDB 5, 423; Wackernagel, 2, 390; W. Ludwig, DasStammbuch als Bestandteil humanistischer Kultur. Das Album des Heinrich Carlhack Hemeling (1587-1592), Göttingen, 2006, 156-157. Answer in ILE 97 07 27 S. o: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 4.

436

2212 - 96 11 11 S

S[alutem]. Pro ea, quae mihi est in viros claros, Lipsi praestantissime, benivolentia intermittere nequeo quin hisce meis te compellarem. Legi scripta tua ante aliquot annos, quae et mihi et socero meo, D[omi]no Iohanni 5 Guolfgango Freymonio, secreto consiliario Caesareo et cancellario, probantur cum ob puritatem tum propter brevitatem. Antiquitatem, quam semper novitati praetuli, hoc loco reticebo, licet ea multum auctoritatis libris tuis adferat. Deunareligione liber maxime arridet, cuius in libro Miscellaneorum meorum primo mentionem feci, idem tecum statuens 10 unam religionem, et non plures, tolerandam esse. Tu fac pergas et plura edas. Si qua in parte hic in aula te iuvare possumus, pro viribus te iuvabimus. Vale, vir Cl[arissime], et si placet, notitiam modo coeptam per literas continuare perge. Datae Praga, XI. Novembr[is] anno ∞.IƆ.IVC. T[ui] omni studio Ludovicus Schwartzmaier a Schwartzenau, S[acrae] 15 Caes[areae] Maiest[atis] consiliarius. [Address:] Clarissimo et praestantissimo viro, D[omino] Iusto Lipsio, antecessori Lovaniensi, D[omino] amico meo observando.

4-5 socero … Freymonio] Schwartzmaier had married Anna Maria, the daughter of Johann Wolfgang Freymon (Freymann), vice-chancellor of the imperial court from 1594 to 1597, cf. NDB 5, 423; ILE VII, 94 08 10, 67. 8 De … religione] Lipsius’s Adversus dialogistam liber de una religione (1590), cf. BBr 3, 1045. 9 Miscellaneorum] Schwartzmaier published his Miscellaneorumiurisliberprimus with Jacobus Lucius in Helmstedt in 1596. Two years later his Miscellaneorum iuris et observatione practicarum libri duo appeared with Nicolas Bassaeus in Frankfurt. Both works were dedicated to Emperor Rudolph II. Cf. Verzeichnis der im deutschen SprachbereicherschienenenDruckedesXVI.Jahrhunderts, 18 (Stuttgart, 1992), 576, nos S 4689-S 4690.

437

22 November 1596

2213

96 11 22

Franciscus Hovius (Antwerp) to Lipsius [Leuven] 22 November 1596

Hovius has not answered Lipsius’s previous letter, because he intended to come himself. However, he has to postpone his departure for a few days because of his father’s affairs. He already sends a new canary, a better singer, as he saw it sing himself. Answer to ILE 96 10 16 H. GVi listed this letter in 1605 because of an unusual year number (cf. critical apparatus). Moreover, the final element of the Roman number is misshapen: a longer and thicker I, covering the letter Hovius had written at first. Nevertheless, the contents clearly refer to 1596: Hovius’s coming to Leuven and Lipsius’s canary that refuses to sing, cf. ILE 96 10 16 H, 9-12. o: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 4.

Clarissime D[omi]ne, Postrema vice non scripsi, nam ipse venire putabam, sed ob quaedam negotia parentis diutius opinione detineor; post unum aut alterum diem (procul omni dubio) veniam. Avem Canariae meliorem quam ex omnibus nostris elegi, praemitto. Nec restat dubio locus, nam ipsam ipse cantantem 5 vidi. Vale cum uxore carissima. Antverpiae, X Cal[endas] Decembris ∞.IƆ.XCVI. V[estrae] D[ominationi] deditissimus Franciscus Hovius.

7 XCVI e ICVI correxi 2 Postrema] ILE 96 10 16 H. 2 ipse] Apparently, Hovius had announced his coming to Leuven before, for ILE 96 11 05 H, 2 shows that Lipsius was aware of his arrival by that time. 3 parentis] Johannes Hovius (Jan Van Hove), cf. ILE 96 09 24 H2, introd. 4 Avem] Hovius had given a canary to Lipsius, but it did not sing, cf. ILE 96 10 16 H, 9-12.

438

2214 - 96 11 24 L

2214 96 11 24 L

Lipsius (Leuven) to Herman van Linden [Rekem] 24 November 1596

Their old friendship persuaded Lipsius to accept Van Linden’s stepson in his contubernium, although lack of space made him refuse before. The young man will enjoy guidance and stimulating company, but Lipsius demands modesty and obedience. Van Linden will receive further information via Arnold Van Ameyden. Lipsius wishes him success with renovating his castle. He might come and have a look himself on his way to Spa, when peace and safety have returned. Herman van Linden (21 October 1547 – Rekem, 5 June 1603), baron of Rekem, gained fame during wars in Italy and Hungary and was knighted by Emperor Maximilian II. Returned to the Netherlands, he sided with the Spaniards and became Archduke Matthias’s captain and steward. Afterwards, he entered the service of Prince Bishop Ernest of Bavaria and became burgomaster (grandmaïeur) of Liège in July 1585. He distinguished himself in the conflict with Gebhard Truchsess, the deposed Protestant elector of Cologne and was appointed governor and captain general of the territory of Cologne. Cf. NNBW 7, 793; De Herckenrode, Nobiliaire, 2, 935; De Borman, LeséchevinsdeLiège, 2, 433-435; Daris, 458, n. 2. The fact that Lipsius added EPIST[OLA] on top of the cla version indicates that he considered its publication in a next volume of letters. GVi listed this letter as 96 11 25 L, but this date only occurs in clb, whereas the other two manuscripts have 24 November. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(4), f. 82; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 75, no. 176 (dat. 96 11 25); clc: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 13, no. 37.

Hermanno Lyndeno, Baroni Reichemii. Generose et Nob[ilissime] Domine Baro, Affectus vetus in me pervicit, ut filium uxoris tuae et ideo cura et titulo tuum in domum meam reciperem, etsi aegre possem et antea negassem.

1 Baroni ⟦de⟧ claλ; Hermanno De Leinden clb, Hermanno Lindeno, Baroni de Reichem clcλ 2 ⟦Generose … Baro⟧ claλ 4 antea: aliis i.m.add.etcanc. claλ 3 Affectus vetus] Probably a reference to Lipsius’s stay in Liège from July 1591 to August 1592. 3 filium] Guilielmus Scarbergerus (c. 1580 – 15 October 1632), son of Urbain Scarberger (of Scharenberg) and Maria van Halmale. His father, an Austrian, was counsellor and

24 November 1596

439

Sed compegi me in eas angustias, ut nec amico excipiendo (si quis de via adveniat) locus sit, nisi quod aedificabo aliquid et parabo. Directio mea atque etiam institutio non deerit, et habet consortium domesticum probum, conveniens et a quibus ac cum quibus per lusum discat. Omnia recte habebunt, spero, si modestum et obsequentem se praebet; quae duo requiro, et vos iuvare litteris ac monitionibus vestris potestis. Cetera a domino Ameyden cognosces, qui accurate mihi explicuit ac paene depinxit aedificium tuae arcis. Gratulor, perge, et aedifica et praesentem me aliquando (si Deus et securitas annuent) arbitrum inspectoremque exspecta. Nam ad fontes Spadanos vestros quotannis venire velim, tum animi, tum valetudinis, et ne mentiar, vestra etiam caussa, quos in transcursu possim complecti et videre. Deus, ille temporum moderator et, ut sic dixerim, auriga, pacata nobis et tranquilla donet, ut commeare ac remeare tuto liceat et suavitate praesentium amicorum frui, Generose et Nob[ilissi]me Domine Baro, vale cum tua ac tuis. Lovanii, VIII Kal[endas] Xbres ∞.IƆ.XCVI. G[enerosae] D[ominationi] T[uae] addictissimus cliens I[ustus] Lipsius Folium quod deerat, mitto. 8 ⟦ac cum quibus⟧ ⟦etiam⟧ vel claλ; quibus ac cum quibus clb 9 probet clc 10-11 ⟦a Domino⟧ ab Ameyd⟦en⟧io claλ 11 cognosces: veteri amico nostro i.m. add. claλ 11-12 ⟦et aedifica⟧ exaedifica claλ; et exaedifica clb, clc 13 ⟦inspectoremque⟧ ⟦visoremque⟧ claλ 18 Domine: om. cla 19 VII clb 19-21 G[enerosae] … mitto: om. cla, clc secretary for German matters to Philip II. After his death in 1579, his widow remarried with Herman van Linden in 1581. Guilielmus Scarbergerus was Lipsius’s contubernalis from the spring of 1597 until August 1599, when he set out on a peregrinatioacademica to Italy. Later, he became a counsellor to Prince Bishop Ferdinand of Liège, the successor of Ernest of Bavaria. Cf. Peeters, Le contubernium de Lipse à Louvain, 155, 161-162; ILE XIII, [00] 00 00, 6. 4 reciperem] Hendrik van Halmale (Antwerp, 1 March 1549 – ibid., 1614), who was burgomaster of Antwerp for many years, had also asked Lipsius to accept Scarbergerus in his contubernium. He was Maria van Halmale’s brother and guardian of his nephew, cf. Lipsius’s answer, ILE 97 05 27 HA. 4 negassem] There is no trace in Lipsius’s correspondence of 1595-1596 that he refused to accept Guilelmus Scarbergerus as a contubernalis. The addition of aliis (cf. critical apparatus) probably suggests that Lipsius wanted to avoid that others might feel passed over in case this letter appeared in print. 11 Ameydio] Arnold van Ameyden, cf. ILE I, 81 08 10, 10. On 27 March 1584 Arnoldus abAmeijde,Bruxellensis,Mechliniensisdiocesis,Belga had obtained his doctor’s degree in both laws at Bologna University, cf. M. T. Guerrini, “Qui voluerit in iure promoveri …” IdottoriindirittonelloStudiodiBologna(1501-1796),Bologna, 2005, 310. 21 Folium] The meaning of Lipsius’s words is not clear. He might be referring to a quire from one of his books, presumably Poliorcetica.

5

10

15

20

440

2215 - 96 11 24 R

2215

96 11 24 R

Lipsius (Leuven) to Juan Ramírez de Arellano [Brussels] 24 November 1596

Ramírez’s letter proves his love of the arts; Lipsius willingly counts him among his friends. The Spanish nation has always been known for their varied talents; now it is focusing on warfare. Hopefully, there will soon be peace thanks to Archduke Albert. Lipsius wants to deliver the books in person. Juan Ramírez de Arellano († medio 1608), lawyer, secretary of Pedro Fernández de Castro Andrade y Portugal (1560-1637) and chancellor of the Consejo de Indias. He had married Luisa, the youngest daughter of Esteban de Garibay y Zamallao (1533-1599), historiographer of Philip II from 1592 on. Ramírez had come to Brussels as mentor of Lope Dionisio de Castilla, who was acquiring experience in the Spanish army and at the court in Brussels. Together, they visited Lipsius in Leuven in 1597. Cf. Ramírez, 176; M. Hermida Balado, VidadelVIICondedeLemos, Madrid, 1948, 104; ILE 97 08 07 R, 97 08 07 C. cl: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 76, no. 179; d1: Ramírez, p. 175-177, no. 41.

Iohanni Ramirez ab Arellano Hispano. Doct[issi]me Domine, Lubens equidem epistolam tuam legi (quid ni?), et animi tui propensi in me testem et affectus studiique in optimas artes. Quas amari a me iampridem 5 non nego, sed et eos qui illas amant. Quo in numero clare cum te video, testor serio gratam mihi hanc amicitiam tuam esse quam offers, et foedus hoc tecum sancte iamnunc paciscor. Enimvero plures in gente tua brevi fore mens mihi auguratur et dictat, quae semper clara ingeniis in quamcunque partem se dedisset. Nunc quidem ad militiam maxime, Deo et temporibus 10 sic volentibus. Sed olim qui viri in ea artium nostrarum? Meri principes et, ut sic dicam, heroes. Nec nunc plane desunt et novi de scriptione quosdam 4 studiis d1

5 clare: enim add. d1

3 epistolam] Not preserved.

10 Mei d1

11 ut novi d1

441

25 November 1596

qui valde se mihi probarunt. Et plures, ut dixi, erunt in alta ista pace, qua fruitur Hispania, pace, inquam, matre et altrice ingeniorum et studiorum. O diu ea vobis sit! Semel ea nobis sit! Qua tot annos aut lustra potius iam caremus et ater iste nimbus capita nostra circumvolat civilis tempestatis. 15 Deus, cum visum erit, dabit, imo per hunc Ser[enissi]mum Proregem nostrum dabit, in cuius fortuna et virtutibus salutem (post Deum et Regem) repositam habemus Belgicae nostrae. Vale et de libris quod petebas, coram aliquando a me exspecta. Lovanii, VIII Kal[endas] De[cem]b[res] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. Plane addictus I[ustus] Lipsius. 20

15 a⟦l⟧ter cl

17 post: per d1

19 aliquid d1 || specta d1

18 libris] ILE 97 08 07 R proves that Lipsius has met Ramírez, but it is not mentioned whether the books arrived.

2216

96 11 25

Lipsius (Leuven) to Johannes Oranus [Antwerp] 25 November 1596

Lipsius had expected Oranus to visit his Leuven friends on his way back from Liège, but he probably was in a hurry. There will be other opportunities, and if the roads were safer, Lipsius would come to Antwerp more often. God, King Philip, and Archduke Albert will take care of this. He heard again about the Spanish navy, but its destination, Ireland or England, is still a secret. Lipsius hopes the latter, since it is the root of all evil. News about this important event is welcome. The reports on the war with the Ottomans are rather adverse: Eger is seized, but the army and Sigismund Báthory are unharmed. Hopefully a severe winter will drive away the enemy. Franciscus Oranus Jr and Johannes Baptista Baronius are doing fine. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 76v, no. 180; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 13-13v, no. 38.

442

5

10

15

20

2216 - 96 11 25

Io[hanni] Orano. Rev[eren]de in Chr[ist]o Pater, Fefellisti nos nuper et queri possumus. Nam plane putabamus ex Eburonibus tuis te huc venturum et amicos vel in transitu et vere obiter visurum. Cum non feceris, caussam te habuisse properandi opinamur. Nam animum defuisse ex nostro animo non possumus opinari. Sed hoc fieri et emendari alias poterit et sane, si viae tutiores, Antverpia crebrius me videret. Tandem, tandem et hic fiet aliquid et patiens ille Deus, Rex, Prorex aliquid in pervicaces Batavos molientur et patrabunt. De classe quae oram Hispaniae solvit, iterum audimus: o felicem ea cursum habeat, felicem ingressum et portum, imus ad finem belli. Sed in Hiberniam ea an ipsam Britanniam vela faciat, res docebit. Ego in hanc mallem, id est radicem malorum, et, qua domita, Religio et Rex dominentur in Europa. Audiemus atque avide sane ad nova haec tam capitalia adspiro. De Turcicis mala sunt, sed minora fama. Agriam amisimus et foede satis deditam, si vera sunt quae litteris vulgantur. Exercitus tamen et, columen ibi rerum, Transsilvanus est salvus. Hiems, si hiems esse vellet (sed annorum vices mutantur), pellat aut cum clade includat gelu et nivibus Pannonicis hostem. Et sane mirum et raro auditum tamdiu illic esse bellum. Tui (nam et Baronium addo) bene habent, bene discunt et faciunt quae velimus. Vale, Rev[eren]de Pater. Lovanii, VII Kal[endas] Decem[bres] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 1 Io[hanni] Orano: om. clb 15 Agrariam cla

4 Cur cla

11 Britanniam: Angliam suprascr. cla

3-4 ex Eburonibus tuis] Liège, the Oranus’s place of birth, where he had visited his brother Petrus with his family . 9 classe] On the armada Philip II had fitted, cf. ILE 96 10 22, 17-19. 11 Hiberniam] Cf. ILE 96 05 25, 8-12. 15 Agriam] The capture of Eger (Erlau) was one of the main objectives of the Ottoman campaign of 1596, because it would seriously interfere with the connection between the imperial army and its allies in Transylvania. The siege of Eger lasted three weeks, from 21 September to 12 October 1596; the support of the imperial troops arrived too late because of the delay of Austrian and Hungarian army units and also because of the incessant rain preventing the quick supply of siege engines. Owing to this victory in the plain of Mezokeresztes on 25 October the city remained in Ottoman hands until 1687. Cf. EncyclopaediaofIslam, 2 (ed. B. Lewis, C. Pellat and J. Schacht, Leiden-London, 1965), 689-691; Reusnerus, Rerummemorabilium, 273-277; MercuriusGallobelgicus (1603), 4, 15-16; MercuriusGallobelgicus (1615), 4, 140-145; De Thou, 5, 578-581; Jorga, 3, 321322; Khevenhüller, GeheimesTagebuch, 232. 16 Transsilvanus] Sigismund Báthory, the king of Transylvania, cf. ILE 96 09 24 SE, 52. 19 addo] Johannes Baptista Baronius Perezius had been recommended to Lipsius by Johannes Oranus, cf. ILE 96 09 14, 3-9.

443

26 November 1596

2217 96 11 26

Lipsius (Leuven) to Antonius Winghius (Liessies) 26 November 1596

Lipsius was delighted by Winghius’s letter and his recent visit, both proofs of his integrity and his modesty. Lipsius rejects all vanity and laughs at conceit caused by talent, knowledge, or writings. He and his contemporaries are nothing, compared to their predecessors, and even if they would surpass them, it would only be a gift of God, who inspires their writings. He will consult the manuscript of Vegetius Winghius sent to him, although he doubts whether there is anything new in it. Answer to his correspondent’s question: earlier manuscripts can be distinguished on the basis of three criteria: the material (parchment is older than paper), the shape of the characters (fine letters, squeezed more tightly together are more recent), and the manner of writing (recent manuscripts have more ligatures and diphthongs are often rendered by one symbol to save space). Lipsius is devoting himself to the Monitaetexempla. Greetings to Winghius’s brother. Antonius Winghius (van Winghe) (Leuven, 16 July 1562 – Mons, 31 August 1637) studied theology and was professed a Benedictine monk in the abbey of St Lambert’s in Liessies on 30 April 1591. As its abbot, from 2 September 1610 until his death, he made the abbey prosperous. He showed a great interest in hagiography and was involved in the beginning of the edition of the ActaSanctorum. In 1632 Balthasar Moretus in Antwerp published his edition of the Operaomnia of Ludovicus Blosius (1506-1566), one of his predecessors as abbot of St Lambert’s. Antonius Winghius belonged to a family of scholars and bibliophiles; his brother Hieronymus and his nephew Philippus also corresponded with Lipsius (cf. ILE VII, 94 03 04 and ILE V, 92 05 16 WIN, respectively). Cf. BN 37, 847-854; L. Brouwers, CarolusScribaniS.J.1561-1629:eengrootmanvandeContra-Reformatie indeNederlanden, Antwerp, 1961, 300-301; L. (H.) Vos, LouisdeBlois,abbédeLiessies (1506-1566).Recherchesbibliographiquessursonoeuvre, Turnhout, 1992, 69-76. On l. 19 the secretary of clb was unable to read pravitatem and left a blank. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 76v-77v, no. 181; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 13v-14, no. 39; d1: Burman II, p. 7, no. 728.

Rev[eren]do in Chr[ist]o Patri, D[omino] Antonio Winghio, Priori in Abbatia Laetiensi. Rev[eren]de Domine Prior, 1-2 Antonio … Laetiensi: add. clbλ; I[ustus] Lipsius Antonio … Laetiensi d1 2 Rev[eren]de … Prior: om. d1 1-2 Abbatia Laetiensi] The Benedictine abbey of St Lambert’s in Liessies, near Avesnes in the diocese of Cambrai.

444 5

10

15

20

25

2217 - 96 11 26

Epistolam tuam lubens vidi, ut nuper te ipsum et in te veterem et non fictam probitatem. Atque eam cum modestia (nihil blandior) quae non s[olu]m vos inprimis decet, Deo et religioni sacros, sed etiam nos quos alia studia et alia vita cum vanitate saepe habent. Ego vero apud te aperire me volo et fateri nihil esse quo magis nunc mihi placeo quam quod non placeo, et quod recto oculo video ac metior res humanas. Enimvero ridere mihi lubet, cum erectos et animi plenos quosdam video ob nescio quid ingenii, doctrinae, scriptiunculae, quod ostenderunt et vulgarunt. Heu quae ista sunt? Primum tenuia, nec quidquam ad illos non dicam veteres, sed nec medios, qui ante centum circiter annos fuerunt. Quid nos hodie ad Politianum aut Hermolaum aliquem sumus? Et pone supra illos esse, a quo sumus? Quid nostrum est? Ingenium, memoria, iudicium palam a Deo nec scriptio quidem melior, nisi illo inspirante et dirigente. Quid ergo ut nostra iactamus? Superna omnia et aliena sunt quae bona sunt; nostra et propria sunt quae mala aut vitiosa inhaerent, et semper haec inhaerent, ut terram etiam nostram in nobis et parvitatem ac pravitatem agnoscamus. Ego ita affectus sum, toto pectore hoc profiteor: non magna sunt quae agimus, non nos magni qui agimus. Et siquid est melius, ab Uno Illo est auctore et fonte Boni. Sed ista quid ad rem aut tuam epistolam? Nihil, nisi quod lubet et iuvat philosophari apud eos qui philosophiae eius capaces sunt, et simul me aut exstimulare aut firmare. At nunc ad epistolam. Mittis Vegetium manuscriptum; videbo et utar et iudicium meum scribam, etsi vereor, ut vix aliquid sit, praeter ea quae iam visa et notata. Quaerebas de 10 video et d1 12 dico d1 13 fuerint cla 14 aut: et clb, d1 17-18 quae bona … mala: deestin clb, d1 19 pravitatem: suppl. clbλ 26 Quaeris d1 4 Epistolam] Winghius’s letter is not preserved. 4 nuper … ipsum] There is no information about this meeting of Lipsius and Winghius. 14 Politianum] Angelo Poliziano, cf. ILE 96 10 27 R, 19. 14 Hermolaum] Hermolaus Barbarus (Ermolao Barbaro Sr; Venice, 21 May 1454 – Rome, 14 June 1493), Italian humanist, mostly known for his commentary on Aristotle and his critical editions of Pomponius Mela and Pliny the Elder, cf. DBI 6, 96-99; Bietenholz, 1, 91-92; CenturiaeLatinae, 1, 79-84. 25 Vegetium manuscriptum] For an exhaustive list of manuscripts of Vegetius, cf. C. R. Shrader, AhandlistofextantmanuscriptscontainingtheDe Re militari ofFlavius VegetiusRenatus, in: Scriptorium, 33 (1979), 280-305. However, the information is too vague to identify the manuscript referred to in this letter. J. Leclercq, Lesmanuscriptsde l’AbbayedeLiessies, in: Scriptorium, 6 (1952), 51- 62, could not help either. Lipsius had used Vegetius’s Deremilitari in DemilitiaRomana and Poliorcetica. His annotated copy

445

30 November 1596

notis quibus diiudicari libri veteres possint? Sunt triplices, a materie, forma modoque scribendi. Materie, ut membrana, non charta sit, et quidquid in ista scriptum, scito pervetus non esse. Forma, quae est in modulo litterarum, ut grandiusculae et conspicuae sint, ac raro tenues illae et arctae habent 30 aevum. In modo denique, ut rara compendia sint, ut exprimant litteras atque etiam diphthongos. Nam quae crebris illis implexionibus constant et compendiariis notis, sunt aevi recentioris. Facit et ipse aspectus librorum et quaedam ab usu iudicatio, quam scripto nemo promat. Ista possum dicere, et de studiis meis, esse me in POLITICIS MONITIS ATQUE EXEMPLIS. 35 Ita enim inscribo, et philosophamur et hic aliquid, ut videbis. Deus mihi det studia et stilum dirigere ad eius gloriam, co[mmun]e et meum bonum. Rev[eren]de D[omine] Prior, vale et fratrem D[ominum] Canonicum amanter saluta. Lovanii, VI Kal[endas] Decemb[res] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. Tuus animo I[ustus] Lipsius. 40 27 diiudicare cla 29 litterum clb 38 Reverendissime d1 39 V d1

34 Ista: Ita d1 35 atque: et d1 39-40 Tuus … Lipsius: om. d1

36 videtis d1

of an edition by Modius is preserved in Leiden, University Library, 765 D 9 (Reimilitaris scriptores,Vegetius,Aelianus,Frontinus, Cologne: M. Cholinus, 1580). It is mentioned in both his library catalogue, Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 59, f. 10 v, book 22, and Burman’s catalogue, ibid., ms. Lips. 60, f. 7v, no. 45. See also Simar, 277. 35 POLITICIS … EXEMPLIS] On Lipsius’s Monita et exempla politica, cf. ILE 96 12 15, introd. 38 fratrem] Hieronymus Winghius (van Winghe), canon of the chapter of the cathedral of Our Lady in Tournai, cf. VII, 94 03 04.

2218

96 11 30 L

Lipsius (Leuven) to Janus Lernutius (Bruges) 30 November 1596

Lipsius was pleased to welcome Lernutius’s son and his letter. The interruption of their correspondence was caused by the circumstances, which are not only paralysing the mind,

446

2218 - 96 11 30 L

but also the body. People belonging to Lipsius’s circle can ensure that his affection had not dwindled, but since Lernutius had not been in touch, Lipsius had had some doubts. But this has passed now, unless dampened spirits prevent them from expressing their mutual affection by letter. Lipsius found accommodation for Lernutius’s son in the college The Falcon and recommended him to its rector and its lector. Lack of space makes it impossible for Lipsius to host him: besides his servants, there are already seven commensales. Consequently, the peace he cherishes so much is also gone. At present, he devotes himself mainly to philosophy, which is useful in life. Because of his age and his frail health, the chatter and bickering of his young guests are hard to endure. He includes a letter to Modius. Answer to ILE 96 10 26. Lernutius answers in ILE 97 01 26 L The address was added in top of cla, above the usual opening formula. The post script of l. 28-30 is preserved in cla, f. 74 only, where it is introduced by Subfinemep[istulae] adLernutium. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 78-78v, no. 183, and f. 74; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 14v, no. 41; d1: Burman I, p. 21, no. 18.

I[ustus] Lipsius Iano Lernutio suo S[alutem] D[icit]. Gratus mihi tuus fuit et gratissimae una litterae, quibus silentium merito excusas, sane praeter morem, et paene dixerim ius, tam veteris amicitiae susceptum. Excuset maestitia haec temporum, quae manus, non solum 5 animos, lentas reddidit et retardat. Sane, in isto pectore nihil mutatum sciunt (ut internum meum validissimum testem omittam), sciunt, inquam, ii, quicumque usu aliquo aut sermone iuncti mecum fuerunt. Saepe iis fuit de Lernutio aliquid audiendum, etsi cum verecundia aliqua mea, quod nihil a te audirem. Sed ista fuerunt et, si placet et vacat, emendentur; sin

1 suo: om. d1 || D[icit]: om. d1

7 ii: om. d1

8 e⟦sse⟧tsi cla

9 fuerint d1

2 tuus] Lernutius’s son, who had come to study in Leuven, cf. l. 11-12; ILE 96 10 26, 4-6. 2 silentium] Cf. ILE 96 10 26, 4. 3 veteris amicitiae] The first contacts between Lipsius and Lernutius in Leuven (end 1570 / early 1571) were the beginning of a close friendship for over thirty years, although their relationship deteriorated towards the end. Cf. ILE 96 10 26, 17-19; 97 01 26 L; Lipsius enzijnEuropesenetwerk, 44-51; Van Crombruggen, 108-110.

30 November 1596

447

autem et te Bellerophonteus aliquis morbus habet (quod de me non nego) age, vel silentio amemus. Filium tuum deduxi ad Collegium Falconis, quod vocant; commendavi regenti et lectori, spero non vane. Fama id collegium floret et numero quoque lectae iuventutis. De mea domo, non potuit, quae ita plena est, ut nec amico hospiti sit locus. Rimam aperui importunitate amici unius victus, ecce ostio toto irruperunt et domus meae angulos omnes impleverunt. Septeni sunt, praeter meam familiam. Vide quam salva mihi tranquillitas, a puero semper sic optata! Sed ista et plura ferenda in aevo non mitium hominum aut artium. De studiis quid scribam? Alienis iudiciis et animis potius quam meo obsequor; nisi quod nunc aliquid philosophor, id est in civili parte versor, qua meditatione et tractatione fateor me pasci. Atqui eruditiora alia sunt; quid ad me, si haec meliora, utiliora? Et succrescit iuventus, quae illa nostra possit aeque ut nos, aut supra nos. Quid hic insistamus? Sunt et litigia, morsiunculae et iuveniles ineptiae devorandae, quae parum ad stomachum hunc senilem. Nam aetas mea, mi Lernuti, ingravescit, magis valetudo diu afflicta. Tu, ut

10 Bellerophont⟦ulus⟧eus clb 14 Primam d1 15 unius amici d1 16 meum famulum d1 20-21 meditatio et tractatio clb 21 quid id d1 22 possit d1 10 Bellerophonteus … morbus] Bellerophon(tes) is a hero from Greek mythology who, with the help of the gods, was able to achieve superhuman feats. Athena, e.g., handed him a golden bridle to control the winged horse, Pegasus, which allowed him to slay the Chimera. Because of this victory Bellerophon believed that he deserved to fly to Mount Olympus. His hybris angered Zeus, who sent a gad-fly to sting Pegasus. Bellerophon fell all the way back to earth and lived out his life in misery, as a cripple, on the plain of Aleion in Lycia. The fall of this favourite of the gods became a popular theme in Greek literature, e.g. Hom. Il. 1, 200-201, referred to by Cicero in Tusc. 3, 63. Cf. RE 3, 241-251; OCD 134. In his answer to this letter Lernutius denies being despondent, although he acknowledges having had to deal with troubles both in private and in public affairs, cf. ILE 97 01 26 L. 11 deduxi] Cf. ILE 96 10 26, 4-31. 11 Collegium Falconis] The Falcon, one of the for Artes-colleges in Leuven, cf. ILE 96 05 28, 9. 12 regenti et lectori] Johannes Dil(l)enus de Capella was rector of The Falcon from 1589 to 1598, cf. Andreas, 265; Bax, 7, f. 202; Reusens, 4, 371-372. The lector referred to could not be identified. 15-16 amici … Septeni] Cf. ILE 96 01 10 B, 19. 22 illa nostra] Lipsius’s wife, Anna vanden Calstere.

10

15

20

25

448

2219 - 96 11 30 M

cum tua diu valeas vigeasque, opto. Lovanii, prid[ie] Kal[endas] Decemb[res] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. Has inclusas uti ad Modium mittas velim, cui respondeo, sed et qui se habeat ille si scis, scire per te velim. Estne dignus etiam amore nostro, id 30 est, candidum et probum censes? Scribe mihi una ·ceteradesiderantur‚ [Address:] Cl[arissi]mo et prud[entissi]mo viro, I[ano] Lernutio. Brugas.

26 vivasque d1 28-30 Has … una: om. clb, d1 29 scire: correxie scribe cla || dignus ⟦est⟧ cla 31 Cl[arissi]mo … Brugas: add. cla; Brugas: correxie Burgas cla 28 Has inclusas] Sc. ILE 96 11 30 M. 30 scribe] In his answer, Lernutius cautiously gave his opinion about Modius, whom he had not seen or heard about for more than eleven years. He knew that Modius had returned from Germany to Artesia and that he had about completed his history of the counts of that region. Lernutius could only hope that he had become an easier man to get along with, cf. ILE 97 01 26 L.

2219

96 11 30 M

Lipsius (Leuven) to Franciscus Modius (Aire) 30 November 1596

Lipsius truly enjoyed Modius’s letter. Because of their old friendship he did not ascribe the silence in their correspondence to a difference of opinion; Carrio is to be blamed, by his stirring up trouble. Lipsius appreciates that Modius is not overdoing in his scholarly work and neither does he himself want to be a slave to his work, although others sometimes forgive him for what he was avoiding because of his health or his common sense. He prefers a life based on divine wisdom and, sometimes, also on Seneca. Away with all that quibbling! Lipsius is eagerly looking forward to the result of Modius’s study of the Panegyrics. The Viennese edition he wanted to borrow from Lipsius is with a friend who is preparing a similar work. Lipsius will look into procuring him a copy of Balduinus’s treatise. He will also start to look for his manuscript of Arnobius, but he is afraid that it may have disappeared. Greetings to Campius, with whom he had only a superficial acquaintance. Modius’s first letter took three months to arrive.

30 November 1596

449

Answer to ILE 96 08 01 M. There are two different versions of this letter. Since the marginal annotation Missa in cla, 96 11 30 M1 makes it clear that this is the copy of the letter as it was sent, it is published as the first version. It was also published by Burman, who, however, added some lines from the second version. The two copies of the second version were crossed out. According to GVi, 237, ILE [96 10 00 (?)] might also be one of its versions, but I rather believe that it is another letter; hence it is published separately.

1stversion: cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 77v-78, no. 182; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 15, no. 42; d1: Burman I, p. 114, n. 107.

Rev[eren]do et Cl[arissi]mo viro, Francisco Modio, Canonico Ariensi. A Aires. I[ustus] Lipsius Francisco Modio S[alutem] D]icit]. Mentiar, Modi, mentiar, nisi fatear litteras tuas ex animo gratas iucundasque mihi fuisse. Nonne te novi veterem amicum? Nec si silentium aut 5 interruptio intervenit, dissidium aut disiunctionem possum aut debeo interpretari. Ille quem nominas (et cui bene equidem precor iam mortuo, malevolo potius quam malo), culpam hanc sustinuerit: qui certe factus non fuit ad amicitias iungendas aut fovendas. Sed nos, nisi a nobis abimus, alter alterum novimus et bona quoque et vota si[mi]lia quaedam, quae 10 vel invitos iungant. Dissimula alibi, ut voles, scio in animo Lipsium tibi carum et aliquo pretio esse; quod idem in meo de te esse non diffitebor. Ergo carum de te audire et veterem meum Modium recognoscere, atque ut in hoc coepto cursu perseveremus ad co[mmun]em illam metam, rogo. De 1 Rev[eren]do … Aires: add. cla || Francisco Modio: add. clbλ 3 I[ustus] … D[icit]: om.clb; S[alutem] D]icit]: om. d1 6 aut ⟦discrimen⟧ disiunctionem cla 7 interpretari: Nam amavi te, Modi, atque amo. Leporem atque amoenitatem ingenii, aequitatem iudicii super plerosque harum artium in te vidi. [= ILE 96 11 30 M2, 3-5] add. d1 8 sustinuit d1 4 litteras] ILE 96 08 01 M. 5 silentium] On the silence between Lipsius and Modius, and its explication, cf. ILE 96 08 01 M, 3-5. 7 Ille] Ludovicus Carrio, cf. ILE I, 70 09 17, 50. He died on 23 June 1595, cf. ILE 96 01 10 W, 13.

450

2219 - 96 11 30 M

studiis tuis, bene habet: tractare te gaudeo, non servire aut subiici iis, hoc quoque gaudeo; et profecto peccatur iam olim ab hisce qui totos se et mancipio (paene dixeram mancipia) iis donant. Sint ornamenta, sint adiumenta: nolo in poenas et tormenta verti, quod factitatum scio et fieri a multis. Ego, quod ad me, liber ab iis sum, sed transversum agunt alii 20 interdum qui adigunt ad labores quos valetudine aut iudicio fugiebam. Ergo scribimus quaedam, non pro veteri illa alacritate aut Genio; culpa hominum, sed et temporum sit, qui aliter nos vix alunt. Vides quam familiariter me aperio, sed capax huius aliusque Sapientiae es, quo toto animo te voco. Ad alta, mi Modi, ad seria, mi Modi, et Senecam nostrum 25 (nam et tu trivisti) post divina (ad quae genus vitae te vocat) interdum subsere et adde. O quanta res est, res istas omnes spernere et, quod ille caput putabat, niladmirari! Pudet me interdum et vultu quoque erubesco, cum litigia et certatiunculas recogito super voculis aut syllabis criticorum. Atqui hoc egimus, fateor, nec nunc damno, imo approbo fortiter, cum 30 iudicio et modestia fiat. Sed nec solum id fiat; ad alia et meliora nati sumus. In Panegyricis tuam operam exspecto, bonis hercle oratoribus et ad Atticae eloquentiae exemplar. Iuvare velim, sed Viennensis editio non nunc apud me est (fuit olim) et habet amicus, qui in eadem hac cura est 15

16 peccatum d1 17 mancipi d1 18 quid clb 21 quondam clb 22 sed … sic: sedes temporum cla, clb || sic d1 23 aliusve d1 24 alta ⟦mi⟧ cla 26 spe⟦nd⟧rnere cla 27 mirari clb 29-30 fateor … id fiat: sed ne semper id fiat d1 25 trivisti] In is Novantiquae lectiones, Frankfurt: Heirs of Andreas Wechel, 1584, Modius also made critical annotations concerning Seneca, after collating manuscripts from the library of St Stephen’s in Würzburg. Cf. Lehmann, 43-44, 124-127; BN 14, 926-928. In his edition of Seneca’s Opera omnia, Antwerp: J. Moretus, 1605 Lipsius approves quite a number of Modius’s emendations (cf. p. 314, 404, 411, 469). 27 niladmirari] Cf. Lipsius’s Manuductioadstoicamphilosophiam, 3, 9: Ideoetilla affectiosapientispropria,οὐδὲνθαυμάζειν,nilmirari,sivequaeNaturaetcaussisoccultis, sivequaeFortunaeveniunt. 31 Panegyricis] Cf. ILE 96 08 01 M, 25-30. 32 Atticae eloquentiae] The PanegyriciLatini followed Cicero’s example in language and style, and also show an affinity with the Latin from the age of the younger Pliny, but without ever aiming at the brevitas of Seneca and Tacitus. Cf. C. E. V. Nixon – B. S. Rodgers, InPraiseoflaterRomanemperors:thePanegyriciLatini, Berkeley-Los Angeles-Oxford, 1994, 1, 14-26. 32 Viennensis editio] Cf. ILE 96 08 01 M, 34. 33 amicus] In the second version of this letter, l. 10 the name of the friend is added: Jan Lievens. On Lievens and his plan to edit the PanegyriciLatini, cf. ILE V, 92 12 24, introd.; 96 08 01 M, 25-30.

451

30 November 1596

tecum. Balduini quod significas, audivi, numquam vidi. Inquiram tamen et idem in Arnobio tuo, de quo vereor ut quod periit frustra quaeras. Ad 35 Campium, Protonotarium Moguntinum, si scribis, quaeso amanter saluta, quem vidi in transcursu, sed non plane gustavi. Plura alias, sit hoc initium scriptionis non tardae (ne id existimes) prae tua, quando tuae litterae mihi redditae demum ante biduum fuerunt, quod sancte testor. Ubi tres menses haeserint, tu vide et vale. Lovanii, prid[ie] Kal[endas] Decemb[res] 40 ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 34 inquiras d1

37 plene clb

38 nec id cla

39 redditae ⟦primum⟧ clb

34 Balduini] Cf. ILE 96 08 01 M, 107. 35 Arnobio] Cf. ILE 96 08 01 M, 64-65. 36 Campium] Cf. ILE 96 08 01 M, 92. 37 alias] This is the last preserved letter of their correspondence. Modius died on 23 June 1597, cf. BN 14, 934. 39 Ubi] In the second version of this letter Lipsius reacts more vehemently: in parum fidaautcertediligentimanu, cf. ILE 96 11 30 M (2nd version), 21.

2ndversion: Lipsius does not blame Modius for his silence and he still likes him because of his amiable character and his sound judgement. He encourages Modius to edit the Panegyrici; Jan Lievens has announced a similar publication for many years and still has Lipsius’s copy of Cuspinianus on loan. Lipsius will search after Balduinus’s work and also Modius’s codex of Arnobius, which probably has disappeared together with its wrongful owner. Lipsius’s health is waning. Modius’s letter took four months to arrive. The letter is crossed out in both files. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 78v-79, no. 184; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 14-14v, no. 40.

Ius[tus] Lipsius Franc[isco] Modio S[alutem] D[icit]. Certe diu siluisti nec accuso, si tamen amasti. Mane in isto, adde et scriptionem: habebis me in utroque bona fide pariantem. Nam amavi te, Modi, atque amo. Leporem atque amoenitatem ingenii, aequitatem iudicii super plerosque harum artium in te vidi. Nec cense mutatum aliquid in me, 5 praeter hoc corpusculum, quod magno gradu ad metam abit. De studiorum

452

2220 - 96 12 01 A

tuorum r[ati]one suave fuit intelligere: da, sodes, illos Panegyricos, quos equidem in pretio habeo et multa in iis Atticae eloquentiae miror. Duo tresve eorum (nec enim omnes consimiles) mihi provocare vel veteres 10 oratores, non s[olu]m declamatores, videntur. Scio Io[hann]em Livineium iamdiu polliceri aliquid in istos, sed de re nihil etiam audio nec tu ideo, credo, omittes. Co[mmun]e stadium, co[mmun]is palma. Quod de exemplari igitur Viennensi petis, scito illum a me habere nec adhuc recepi. De Balduini expiscabor, etsi ego nusquam vidi et scio inanes talium has 15 Lovanienses bibliothecas. Idem de Arnobio illo tuo, qui vereor ut cum illo parum iusto possessore perierit, sed inquiram. At Deus illi viro bene faciat, malevolo potius quam malo. De meis studiis propediem uberius, sed et animus et valetudo nunc languidiuscula (scriptio dicit) et approperavi tamen istaec, ut scias me tuas vidisse. Quando? Ante biduum, scriptas 20 t[ame]n Kalendis ipsis Augusti. Ita quatuor paene menses alibi haeserunt in parum fida aut certe diligenti manu. Quod scire plane te oportuit ne tarditatem hanc meam putares. Conclusio est: amo te, Modi, et amabo et, ut alii faciant, pro virili curabo, etiam ille de quo scribis. Lovanii, prid[ie] Kal[endas] Decemb[res] ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

15 A⟦us⟧rno⟦n⟧bio cla escriptam omn.

17 ⟦potius⟧ magis mut.alt.man.in cla

19 scriptas: correxi

2220

96 12 01 A

Lipsius (Leuven) to Cornelius Aerssens (The Hague) 1 December 1596

It is impossible to restore Ortelius’s atlas at a reasonable price; it is better to buy a new copy. Mercator’s maps are also trustworthy. Lipsius was happy to hear about Franciscus Aerssens’s safe return. Italy is surely a good destination for a peregrinatio academica, unless the supply of victuals becomes a problem. The German Empire or Freiburg in Switzerland are likely destinations as well. Franciscus has reached the maturity of age and judgement to set out on aperegrinatioacademica to Italy.

453

1 December 1596

The address, AMonsieur,mons[ieur]leGreffierAerssensàLaHaye, was added on top of the letter in cla. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 79, no. 185; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 16, no. 44; c: Leuven, Univ. Bibl., ms. P 75, RIII, no. 233, f. 34v; d1: Delprat, p. 78-79, no. 51.

Cornelio Aerssenio. V[ir] Cl[arissime], Ita est omnino ut scripseram. Liber tuus Ortelianus non meretur refici: nec aliud sit quam lacerae tunicae inserere novellos pannos. Eme haud multo maiore pretio candidum et novum et fruere, etsi Mercatoris etiam 5 tabulae bonae sint et fidae. Nostrum munusculum librarium gratum fuisse bene est et novi tuum animum. Gaudeo et filium incolumem et mox reducem. Quem, si me audis, nihil ambiges quin in Italiam mittas, nisi tamen annona una retinet, quae valde illic nunc ardet. Sed interea sit in

1 Cornel[io] Aerssenio: add. clbλ

9 retinet: vetaret c || interim c

3 Liber] Aerssens had sent his damaged copy of Abraham Ortelius’s Theatrum orbis terrarum to Lipsius, who thought it not worth the while and the money to have it restored, cf. ILE 96 10 02 A, 2-5. In his (lost) answer Aerssens must have insisted or expressed his regret about the loss of the book. 5 Mercatoris] Gerardus Mercator (1512-1594). Lipsius probably did not have a specific edition in mind; most recently, a posthumous edition of his Atlassivecosmographicae meditationesdefabricamundietfabricatifigura had come from the press in Duisburg in 1595. Between 1585 and 1595 Mercator had published one hundred and seven modern maps. Cf. BN 14, 410-417; NBW 10, 448-154; CenturiaeLatinae, 1, 555. 6 munusculum] Sc. the copy of Lipsius’s Poliorcetica, sent on 8 September 1596, cf. ILE 96 09 081, 9. In ILE 96 10 02 A, 2 he supposed that Aerssens had received it in the meantime. The latter must have mentioned the publication in his answer. 8 reducem] On Franciscus Aerssens, cf. ILE III, 90 08 14, introd.; VI, 93 12 28, passim. He had returned home after a sojourn of four years in France. He had left Leiden in 1592 to continue his studies at the university of Caen, where he obtained his degree of doctor in law in 1593. In March 1594 he became a member of Philip Duplessis-Mornay’s household, where he remained for the rest of his stay. It was Paul Choart De Buzanval, ambassador of France with the States General in The Hague, who had recommended Aerssens Jr to this politican and diplomat, a former confidant of Henry IV. 9 annona] Between 1586 and 1590 Italy had to deal with a series of failed corn harvests and supplies had to be shipped in from the Baltic, a traffic that only went at full tilt from 1592 onwards. Nevertheless, problems kept arising, for the ships from England and the Northern Low Countries, which mostly took care of these supplies, depended on the

454

2221 - 96 12 01 BUR

Germania aut Friburgi in Helvetia et vicino Italiae tractu. Et illic materia est visendi, discendi, illi praesertim qui cum iudicio et cura videt. Quod utrumque tuo iam adfore, anni mihi et aetas promittunt, sed et peregrinatio et usus aliquis rerum, qui praeivit. Italicum igitur iter placet in illo; non placeret, si annis aut moribus iunior esset. Quod tu coram arbitrabere et 15 discernes. Valere te et illum cupio et aliam familiam tuam. Lovanii, Kal[endis] Decembribus ∞.IƆ.XCVI. I[ustus] Lipsius, addictus privatim, cum publicorum exceptione. 10

14 arbitrab c; arbitraberis d1 om. clb

15 aliam: etiam clb

16-17 I[ustus] … exceptione:

permission of the English authorities for passing through the Channel and of course, they were often hindered by storms. In the Spanish harbours they were running the risk of an embargo and in the Mediterrenean they had to watch out for pirates from North Africa. Although the needs were partly solved in the 1590s, the provisioning of Italy remained problematic until after 1600. Cf. F. Braudel, LaMéditerranéeetlemondeméditerranéen à l’époque de Philippe II, Paris, 1966, 2, 543-545; see also ILE VIII, [95 02 08] M, introd. 13 Italicum iter] After he returned from France, Franciscus Aerssens travelled to Italy; in August 1597, he was back in the Netherlands. Cf. Barendrecht, 7-9; ILE 97 09 01 A2, 2. 15 aliam familiam] Sc. his wife; Emmerantia Regniers, and his three surviving sons, Franciscus, Jacobus, and Johannes, cf. ILE V, 92 06 15 A1, 16.

2221

96 12 01 BUR

Lipsius (Leuven) to Lambert vander Burch [Utrecht] 1 December 1596

Lipsius only wants to affirm his friendship and confirm that he received Vander Burch’s letter. He will follow his advice and focus on historiography, but at this moment he is preparing a political work. Lipsius really likes to devote himself to history and philosophy, and Vander Burch’s help is welcome, but certainly not before the summer. The political insecurity is not stimulating for writing books, but God’s help should be able to expel all fear of the Ottomans and the Moors. Greetings to his brother [Adriaan].

455

1 December 1596

GVi listed the version in clb separately as ILE 94 12 01 (cf. p. 188), although only the year is different through a slip of the pen of the scribe. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 80, no. 187; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 16-16v, no. 45 (dat. 94 12 01).

Decano S[anc]tae Mariae Ultraiecti. I[ustus] Lipsius Lamberto Vanderburchio S[alutem] D[icit]. Amore impellor, ut scribam, vix alio argumento quam ut hoc tester, tum etiam ut scias tuas bene mihi redditas esse in quibus hortaris ad Historiam. Quod ago equidem, si Deus vitam det, sed prius aliquid Politicum praemitto, 5 cum Exemplis tamen et ut velut stilum ad historiam formem. Videbis brevi, ut spero, specimen. Nam priorum eiusmodi antiquitatum, non nego, satias habere me incipit, sive quia alii haec possunt et volunt, sive quia pro aevi et animi mei gustu magis sunt illa seria historiae aut philosophiae argumenta. Itaque non frustra hortaris: provocas equum currentem, quod 10 dicitur, et tu siquid auxilii suppeditas, gratum erit, nec ego ingratus. Sed festinare te ante aestatem nolo: satis tunc tempori, dum mea ista in manibus deformo. Atque utinam t[em]pus, tempus magis excitet ad has tales curas! Sed vides factionum studia et pertinaciam, vides ridentes et insultantes in co[mmun]i periculo, imo exitio, nisi Deus avertat. Sed avertet profecto 15 et excitabit qui vel invitos servabit. Non terreamur his pugnis Turcicis et foeda nostrorum fuga. Rex sua pace vel armis stabiliat: pares sumus et 1 Decano … Ultraiecti: om. clb

5 dat clb

7 huiusmodi clb

4 tuas] Vander Burch’s letter is not preserved. 4 Historiam] This idea already occurs in ILE 96 03 16 BUR2, 9-12 and is inspired by Lipsius’s appointment as royal historiographer. 5 aliquid Politicum] Lipsius’s Monitaetexemplapolitica, cf. ILE 96 12 15, introd. 10 provocas … currentem] Cf. Erasmus, Adagia, 1, 2, 46 (currentemincitare); 3, 8, 32 (incitarecurrentem); Otto, Sprichwörter, 102-103. The same combination is attested in ILE VI, 93 03 03, 19. 11 auxilii] Welcoming Vander Burch’s help to write historical works is also present in ILE 96 03 16 BUR2, 12. 17 foeda … fuga] After the capture of Eger (Erlau) by the Ottomans on 12 October 1596 (cf. ILE 96 11 25, 15) the imperial troops and the Sultan’s army clashed again in the same neighbourhood, the plain of Mezokeresztes, on 23 October. After three days of fighting, the alliance led by Artchduke Maximilian and King Sigismund Báthory of Transylvania was gaining the upper hand and their enemies began to flee. Despite the Archduke’s ban his soldiers started to loot the Ottoman camp, walked into an ambush, and were repelled. The whole Christian army fled in a panic and suffered a crushing defeat. The losses were

456

2222 - 96 12 01 BUY

lacessimus omnes Turcas. Addo et Mauros, qui nunc quoque in nos (o ultimam malitiam!) excitantur. Sed Deus vivit, Nemesis vigilat et in 20 pietate et iustitia absit mihi desperare. Vale, Vir Rev[eren]de et nobilis, et fratrem, D[ominum] Graphiarium, amanter saluta. Lovanii, Kal[endis] Decemb[ribus] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 21 Dominum fratrem clb

22 ∞.IƆ.XCIV clb

heavy on both sides. Cf. Reusner, Rerum memorabilium, 277-280, who adds Arnoldus Helius’s report of the battle (p. 281-288) and the eleven distichs he wrote on this subject (p. 288-289). See also Zinkeisen, 603-605; Jorga, 3, 322-323; Niederkorn, 13; Khevenhüller, GeheimesTagebuch, 233. 18 Mauros] Although Ahmad-al-Mansur, Sultan of Morocco, was tributary to the Ottomans between 1578 and 1603, he could decide autonomously about his foreign policy. Spain and England were rivals in acquiring his alliance and al-Mansur cleverly played both nations off against one another. When negotiations with Philip II were unsuccessful, he supported Moroccan pirates against the Spaniards and made overtures to Queen Elizabeth. In 1585 English merchants even founded the Barbary Company to ensure a trade monopoly, but it was unsuccessful by its lack of unity. After this failure, the queen mainly aspired after a political collaboration with Morocco against Spain. When King Philip II made plans to occupy the territory of North Africa in order to lay his hands on the gold mines of Sudan, al-Mansur sided with England, but they could not agree on the purpose of that collaboration: the sultan wanted to conquer Spain and divide its realm between both factions, whereas the English queen preferred common attacks against the Spanish interests in America. The death of both allies in 1603 put an end to their plans. Cf. C.-A. Julien, Histoiredel’AfriqueduNord,Tunisie-Algérie-Maroc,de la conquête Arabe à 1830, Paris, 1956, 216-217; Encyclopedia of Islam, 1, 288-289; N. Matar, BritainandBarbary, Gainesville, 2005, 20-23. 19 Nemesis] The goddess of revengeful justice. 21 fratrem] Adriaan vander Burch, cf. ILE 96 03 16 BUR1.

2222

96 12 01 BUY

Lipsius (Leuven) to Gerardus Buytewech [Leiden] 1 December 1596

Although the messenger told him that Buytewech had not written himself because he was ill, this was contradicted by the letter itself. An occasional ailment is salutary for both

1 December 1596

457

body and mind, yet the weariness of his parents can be understood, since he is always falling ill when travelling. As usual, Lipsius is not completely healthy. The tranquillity of his home is disturbed by the arrival of contubernales. Buytewech is the culprit, for on his meeting with Richardot he made such a good impression, that the president wanted to have his sons accepted in Lipsius’s contubernium. Others have followed their example, so that he now has seven young guests. When will there be political peace? Lipsius hopes to be able to meet his friends in the North before he dies. He is concerned about Sandelinus’s situation. All kinds of rumours are circulating about the Spanish navy; the future will tell. The same goes for the Triple Alliance, which also causes great worries to the Italians. Lipsius is happy with the safe return of Dousa’s sons. The student number of Leuven university is increasing to an amazing degree. How did he deserve that generosity of the Buytewechs? The piece of cloth is amply sufficient for outer and undergarments and is of exceptional quality. Lipsius will show his gratitude when the occasion presents itself. Answer to ILE 96 11 10 B. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 81v-82, no. 191; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 15v-16, no. 43.

I[ustus] Lipsius Ger[ardo] Buytewechio S[alutem] D[icit]. Ante lectas litteras tuas curam iniecerat tabellaria, quae negabat eas tua manu scriptas idque ob morbum. Inscriptio sane aliud dicebat, sed et ipsa scriptio, ac gaudeo falsam esse. Etsi de morbo ad me nihil, sed in ea ad uxorem largiter, et significas omnia meliora nunc esse. Vellem equidem 5 optima et id spero te proxime nunciaturum. Interdum velitari morbo aliquo non solum animo expedit, qui ad sapientiam et modestiam sic formatur, sed nec corpori inutile est, quod ut aër iste per nimbos aut tempestates depurgatur et nitescit. At tu utroque validus mihi iam esto, aut vides quam iusta caussa futura parentibus sit nusquam latum a se 10 unguem te dimittendi, cum peregrinationum tuarum comes et assecla sit morbus. Sed tu et Deus cavebitis et fuerit iam omnis hic metus. Nos de more valemus, id est haud plene valemus, sed vel sic trahimus corpusculum

6 proxime ⟦id⟧ clb || ⟦velutari⟧ velitari clb 2 litteras] ILE 96 11 10 B. 2 tabellaria] Presumably the usual messenger, Christina, cf. ILE 96 09 08, 10-11. 4-5 ea … uxorem] Buytewech’s letter to Anna vanden Calstere, Lipsius’s wife, is not preserved. 10-11 latum … unguem] ‘A nail’s width,very little’, cf.Plaut. Aul. 57; Erasmus, Adagia, 1, 5, 6; Otto, Sprichwörter, 356.

458 15

20

25

30

2222 - 96 12 01 BUY

et paullatim admovemus ad metam. Domestica quies turbatior est quam solet, ingressu vel irruptione potius contubernalium. Quem accusem? Te: vide atque audi. Nam Richardotus cum te vidisset (serio loquor), placuisti ei et indico convictorem te meum fuisse. Nulla excusatio fuit, quin et filii eius duo essent. Iam, ut in aggere scilicet, rupta parte, aqua tota perrumpit, et sic agmen (septem sunt) domum meam inundavit. Heu quies, quando te recipiam? Heu pax publica, quando te videbimus? Et per eam vos? Vellem ante obitum illum diem illucere quo pedem per Bataviam ferre et ore atque oculis usurpare amicos liceret. Certe postremus tu et tui non essetis: quid postremus? Vereor ut primus, et hospitium mihi apud te conductum. In Sandelini nostri casu et iactatione doleo, sed medicinae spes non est? Nihil aureum splendens illa terra iuverit, efficax super terram omnem, ad tales morbos? Iuverit, sed opportune et callide donet. De classe hic multa: res docebit. Etiam de foedere vestro, de quo vel Itali ad nos scribunt et extollunt. Inscriptionem illam legi nec acutam valde nec pro mea expectatione. Dousas rediisse bonum et gaudeo, maxime si bonos. Schola hic nostra mirifice crescit et auditoria maiora attollunt et augent animos ad docendum. Sed heus tu, quid ita visum effuse liberales vobis esse? Nam pannum mittitis quantus non togae solum, sed et tunicae sufficiat, atque eum notae optimae et qualem hic aegre sit reperire. Gratias 25 aureum: corr.clbλ e aurum 15 irruptione] Between August 1595 and December 1596 Lipsius has accepted seven contubernales (see also septem, on l. 19), cf. ILE 96 01 10 B, 20; 96 11 30 L, 16. 16 vidisset] When Buytewech had difficulty acquiring a passport, needed for his return to Leiden, Lipsius did not hesitate to call upon Jean Richardot and sent his former contubernalis to him, cf. ILE 96 07 21 R, 6-8; 96 08 01 H, 6-9. 17 convictorem] Cf. ILE 96 07 21 R, 9-10; 96 08 01 H, 9-12. 17 filii] Cf. ILE VIII, 95 03 21, 18; ILE 96 09 20 R. 24 Sandelini] Cf. ILE 96 11 10 B, 12-15. Lipsius was afraid that Sandelinus had risked coming to a dead-end by giving himself up. At the beginning of 1597 the situation has cleared. Lipsius expresses his relief by quoting Horace, C. 1, 1, 15 (Onavisreferent in mare te novi fluctus) in his next letter to Sandelinus, cf. ILE 97 01 26 B (= GVi 97 01 00 SA). 25-26 Nihil … donet] The meaning of this passage is obscure. Its seems an allusion to corruption. 27 classe] Cf. ILE 96 11 25, 9. 27 foedere] On the Triple Alliance between England, France, and the Northern Low Countries, cf. ILE 96 11 10 B, 7-9. 28-29 Inscriptionem … expectatione] It is unclear what Lipsius is referring to. 29 Dousas] Janus Jr and Stephanus Dousa, cf. ILE 96 11 10 B, 10.

459

1 December 1596

me serio agere hoc nunc repono; alias aliud, siquid in mea manu. Scio te hoc scire. Vale, mi Buytewechi, et serio velle. Lovanii, Kal[endis] ipsis 35 Decemb[ribus] ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

2223

96 12 01 C

Lipsius (Leuven) to Theodorus Canterus (Utrecht) 1 December 1596

Because of his affection for Canterus, Lipsius never had any doubt about his friendship. The small number of scholars in the Netherlands, who are dispersed over the various regions and factions, must be unified spiritually. Why is Canterus complaning about backbiting? That is no wonder in these times and in the Northern Provincies. It is Europe’s fate to head for disaster by its dissensions. Lipsius devotes himself mostly to what may contribute to wisdom. He appreciates it that Canterus is focusing on martyrs. He only knows Mombritius’s name. Contrary to the South, there should be libraries in the North containing such works, particularly in convents. Congratulations on his son’s marriage. Answer to ILE [96] 10 18. On top of cla Lipsius wrote EPIST[OLA], suggesting that he considered inserting it in a new Centutria. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(4), f. 83; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 81v, no. 190; clc: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 16v-17, no. 46; d1: Burman I, p. 593, no. 570; d2: TCE, 164-165.

I[ustus] Lipsius Theodoro Cantero S[alutem] D[icit]. Ultraiectum. Quod vales, mi Cantere, et nos constanter amas, gratum est, nec aliter a me exspectatum. Qui dubitem de tuo affectu, si illum (ita fere fit) ex meo 1 I[ustus] Lipsius: add. claλ, add.cet. || Ultraiectum: add. claλ, d1, om. clc; Ultraiecti clb 2 constante⟦r⟧s clc 2 vales] Canterus had written that he was in good health and doing fine, taking in view of the circumstances, cf. ILE [96] 10 18, 10-19.

460 5

10

15

20

2223 - 96 12 01 C

metiar? Sane pauci litteratorum in hac Belgica supersumus atque ii ipsi locis aut partibus disiuncti; animis tamen cohaerere debemus et possumus, si quid sit animus vere cogitamus. Est in corpore, sed spargit se extra corpus et veloci cursu ad fines caeli et terrae tendit, saepe quidem ad eos quos serio amat: inter quos te habeo atque habui, animum illum ipsum testem appello. Conquereris aliquid de vocibus aut calumniis: quid mirer in hoc aevo? Et in tuis illis locis? Utinam sapiamus omnes idem et id Pietate duce ac vires animosque iungamus in magnum et invalescentem hostem! Sed fatum Europae est lacerari, scindi et quasi sponte in exitium per partes ire. Viderint qui haec faciunt: beatum me otii et unius curae, ut mea et me curem! Inter haec studia numero et maxime ea quae ad mores aut sapientiam, cuiusmodi nunc tracto. Video et te esse in iis quae decus religionis nostrae tangunt, in Martyrum admirandis actis: approbo, at de Mombritio illo nihil nisi nomen scio. Ego vero putarem apud vos quoque reperiri scriptorum aliquid in hoc genere veterum, praesertim ubi religiosorum coetus olim fuere. Apud nos rarae bibliothecae et si sint, vix in iis aliquid rari. De filio maiore audivi et gratulor: Deus ei nuptias illas in concordia, in prole secundet et te brevi faciat avum. Vale, Lovanii, Kal[endis] Decembribus ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

8 habuisse d1 9 testem ⟦habeo⟧ appello clb 10 Et: add. cla, d1, d2 11 viros clb, clc || ⟦invalentem⟧ invalescentem clb 14 maxime ⟦me⟧ cla 16 Martyrum ⟦ad⟦numer⟧mirandis⟧ vetustis claλ; adnumerandis clb, clc; vetustis d1 17 apud: add. claλ, d1; om. clb, clc 18 reperir⟦e⟧i claλ; reperire clb, clc 19 sunt clc 20 illas: istas clb, clc 16 martyrum] Cf. ILE [96] 10 18, 21-26. 17 Mombritio] Cf. ILE [96] 10 18, 27. 20 filio] On the marriage of Lambertus, Canterus’s elder son, cf. ILE [96] 10 18, 34.

461

2 December 1596

2224

96 12 02

Lipsius (Leuven) to Gianbattista Sacco [Milan] 2 December 1596

Lipsius’s letter was not delivered to Sacco, hence the silence in their correspondence; neither of them is guilty. Lipsius regrets the loss of his letter, particularly because he had asked to have drawings made of catapults and other missiles in Antiquity. Meanwhile, his treatise has come from the press, but his friend may nevertheless send such illustrations, for he is preparing a corrected and extended edition of DemilitiaRomana and Poliorcetica. Martínez de Verastegui should be in Milan and also Fernández de Velasco, a well-read nobleman to whom Lipsius has sent a copy of his Poliorcetica. Sacco should also have received a copy, but Lipsius was afraid that his correspondent would have to pay the charge for the delivery. Answer to ILE 96 10 23. Sacco answers in ILE 97 01 27 SA. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 81, no. 189; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 17, no. 47; d1: Ramírez, p. 178-181, no. 42.

I[ustus] Lipsius Io[hanni] Baptistae Sacco S[alutem] D[icit]. Vide quid acciderit. Dum ego queri de tuo silentio meditor et debeo (ita mihi videbatur), tu praevenisti et meas serio flagitas et deposcis. Audi autem me bona fide et Romana scribentem. Ego ad epistolam illam tuam accuratam et amicam sedulo responderam et iampridem per eum qui 5 Antverpiae cursui publico praeest mitti iusseram. Quid evenerit, haud ultra scio quam me extra culpam esse. Doleo autem magis eas non redditas, quia in iis petebam depingi aut deformari mihi, siquid apud vos et in veteri armamentario machinarum esset (militarium dico) et maxime si catapultae aut ballistae. Avide exspectabam et tu spem feceras. Nunc 10

4 epistolam] ILE 96 02 29. 5 eum] Not identified. 10 ballistae] In September 1595 Lipsius had already asked Ortelius to check whether he had an illustration of a carrobalista in his library, which he even believed to have seen on Emperor Trajan’s column in Rome, cf. ILE VIII, 95 09 21 O, 11-14. This information is corrected in Poliorcetica, 3, 2: according to the caption to the illustration others allege to have seen it on a monument from Antiquity, but Lipsius himself has never seen one.

462

2224 - 96 12 02

liber prodiit nec instructi auxiliaribus illis tuis copiis, mi Sacce, sumus. Sed tamen vel nunc (si quid erit) mitte, quoniam et Militiam et Poliorcetica simul dare iterum paramus, meliora etiam et auctiora. Nec enim ignoras ab ipso die et item a lectione assidue nos doceri et suggeri aliquid aut non 15 visum, aut aliter paullo visum. Ego vero nec ab aliis doceri recusem aut ringar (utinam modeste fiat!) quanto minus ab ipso me! Est apud vos nunc, nisi fallor, Doctor Verastegius, quem virum amicum hic repperi et in me affectum. Idem didici ex litteris ipsius de Gubernatore et Praefecto nunc vestro. Quem, raro exemplo hodie in Hispana nobilitate, audimus non 20 tinctum litteris et doctrina meliori, sed imbutum. Faveo vobis, et utinam

12 Poliorceticam d1

13 au⟦x⟧ctiora cla

16 ringari d1

20 Faveo: Laudo d1

There is indeed a carrobalista represented on the column of Trajan, cf. C. Cichorius, Die ReliefsderTraianssäule,Berlin-Leipzig, 1927, 1, 199; I. Richmond, Trajan’sArmyon Trajan’sColumn,London, 1982, 16-17, pl. 3; E. W. Marsden, GreekandRomanArtillery. TechnicalTreatises,Oxford, 1971, 241. 11 prodiit] The Poliorcetica appeared in the second half of August 1596, cf. ILE 96 08 21 B, 3-4. 13 meliora … auctiora] The second edition of De militia Romana was published by Johannes Moretus in Antwerp in 1598. The text is more or less revised in some passages; book 3, § 8 is new. On p. 126 an extra engraving was added, cf. Peeters, OntstaansgeschiedenisvanLipsius’Poliorcetica, 142-146; BBr 3, 1003-1004. In the second edition of the Poliorcetica (Antwerp: J. Moretus, 1599) the text has also been changed in some chapters, but the most striking novelty is the supplement of four pages with representations of catapults which Lipsius received through Sacco, cf. Lipsius en Leuven, 108-111, no. 26; BBr 3, 1039; ILE 97 01 27 SA, 97 05 15 S, 97 06 03 S, 99 01 21 S. See also ILE 96 05 06 M, 2. Leiden, Univ. Bibl. still preserves a copy of the Poliorcetica (without illustrations) in which Lipsius scribbled corrections and additions in view of a reissue (Leiden, Univ. Bibl, 765 B17). It is bound in cheap parchment and its margins are uncut, to give the author extra space to jot down his remarks, cf. LipsiusenLeuven, 108-109, no. 26. 17 Verastegius] Martínez de Verastegui had been sent to Milan in the Spring of 1596, cf. ILE 96 03 09 M, 3. His new function is unknown. 18 litteris ipsius] Not preserved. 18 Gubernatore] In March 1595 Pedro de Padilla had succeeded Juan Fernández de Velasco (cf. ILE 96 12 04) as governor of Milan for one year, cf. Barrios, 342; Stokvis, 3, 2, 769. . 19 raro] In his letter to De Velasco Lipsius specifies: Spanish noblemen have a gift for literature, but are forced by circumstances to devote themselves to military matters, cf. ILE 96 12 04, 6-11.

463

4 December 1596

omni reipublicae hunc talem moderatorem, eo magis quod aliae etiam animi virtutes dotesque adsint. Nam cruda doctrina, Sacce, apud me haud sane magna. Misi ad eum de MACHINIS nostrum opus; voluissem et ad te, sed imputare tibi sumptum vecturae (libere dicam) verebar. Nam per cursores istos, ut scis, res impendium habet. Vale, mi Sacce, inter paucos 25 mihi amande. Lovanii, post[ridie] Kal[endas] Decemb[res] ∞.IƆ.XCVI.

21 quod: quid d1

25 mi clb

23 Misi] Cf. ILE 96 12 04, 16-18. 25 ad te] Fernández de Velasco had already purchased a copy of the Poliorcetica before Lipsius sent one to him. He offered it to Sacco in January 1597, cf. ILE 97 01 27 SA.

2225

96 12 04

Lipsius (Leuven) to [Juan Fernández de Velasco] [Milan] 4 December 1596

Lipsius is very pleased with Juan Fernández de Velasco’s letter, the more because he had not expected it from such a prominent and busy man. Because he appreciates his learnedness, amazing in wartime, he sends him a copy of the Poliorcetica. Meanwhile, he is revising the DemilitiaRomana. He also promises to send a copy of the Monitaet exempla politica, when it appears. He adjoins a list of his works, as Antonio De Lara asked in his patron’s name when they met in Leuven. Juan Fernández de Velasco († 15 March 1613) was one of the leading Spanish statesmen and diplomats of his generation. He was head chamberlain of Philip II, Spanish ambassador in Rome, commander-in-chief of the Spanish troops in France (from 1588 on), governor of Milan (from 1592 to 1600, with a short interruption in 1595, when Pedro de Padilla acted as governor), president of the Consejo de Italia, and representative of Spain at the court of the Archdukes. In 1604 he also became a member of the State Council of Spain. Notwithstanding his impressive political career, he also showed an interest in history and published two orations on the preaching of St James in his country, translated into Latin

464

2225 - 96 12 04

by Erycius Puteanus (Hispaniarumvindiciaetutelares, published by Gerardus Rivius in Leuven in 1608). Cf. Ramírez, 183, n. 253; Barrios, 342-343; Vargas-Hidalgo, CLXXIX; BBr 4. There are two versions of this letter, with mostly similar issues but a different phrasing.

1stversion Another hand than usual in ms. Lips. 3(18) continued this letter from atqueutinam (l. 18). cl: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 80-80v, no. 188; d1: Ramírez, p. 182-186, no. 43.

Excell[entissi]me Princeps, Amicam sane ab Ex[cellen]tia tua epistolam accepi et eo gratioris benivolentiae, quo minus exspectatae. An ego viro tam magno (stirpem et genus tuum novimus) tam magnis rebus curisque occupato curam aut 5 memoriam mei esse censerem? Hoc magis tamen gaudeo esse et fateor iamdiu gratiorem auram favoris ad animum hunc non adspirasse. Addam etiam libere (venia mihi apud te erit) hoc aevo et his moribus talem virum et sic excultum ab Hispania me non exspectasse, non quin eius gentis ingenia magna semper, imo eminentia fuerint atque etiam nunc sint, sed 10 quia fere toti hodie, in militia et armis dediti, negligant aut seponant quae faciunt ad litteratam hanc prudentiam aut doctrinam. Quam tamen mox adsument aut fallor, pace ista invitante et te tuique similibus ducentibus, si quos tamen tui similes (sed ambigo) Hispania habet. Sed hoc fiet cum Deo visum; ego interea admirator antea tui, sed ex fama quae virtutes tuas 15 ad nos quoque diffuderat, nunc ex proprio iudicio scientiaque sum. Sed et cliens tuus, qui fidem et cultum serio praestabo. Eius rei pignus et velut tesseram misi novitium opusculum meum DE MACHINIS, quod in otio Ex[cellen]tia tua legat atque utinam oblectet. DE MILITIA iterum recudere

1 ⟦Duci Medinae⟧ cl 2-3 bonivolentiae d1 7 aevo: quo d1 9 sunt d1 11 Quam: Etiam d1 12 tuisque d1 14 tui: fui d1 16 fidem ⟦serio⟧ cl 17 novitium: nuntium d1 2 epistolam] Fernández de Velasco’s letter, the first of his correspondence with Lipsius, is not preserved.

4 December 1596

465

parabamus exactius paullo (nam dies quaedam docet) auctiusque. Sed praemittimus MONITA ET EXEMPLA POLITICA, quae velut iustus laxusque 20 commentarius ad POLITICA nostra vetera sunt, Ex[cellen]tiae tuae fortasse visa. Mittam, cum edidero; nunc autem indicem seorsum scripsi librorum meorum, quod Antonius de Lara nomine tuo petebat. Is enim mihi adfuit et abunde benivolentiam atque animum Ex[cellen]tiae Tuae declaravit, cui iterum testor obligari me et aeterno vinculo obstringi. Deus Illam regi et 25 saeculo huic diu servet ad res magnas et salutares. Lovanii, IIII Decemb[ris] 1596. 21 sint d1

23 petierat d1

20 Monita…Politica] Cf. ILE 96 12 15, introd. 22 indicem] The question of a catalogue of his works occurs more than once in the correspondence. In 1593 Marco Antonio Bonciari asked Lipsius to send him such an index because scholars in Italy showed great interest in his works in Italy, cf. ILE VI, 93 08 14 BO, 39. In 1594 De Carondelet asked for a similar list to complete his library, cf. ILE VII, 94 11 17, 24-26. In his answer Lipsius enumerated the writings that had already appeared, with a few particularities about place and time of publication and an evaluation (cf. ILE VII, 94 11 22, 26-54). In 1595 the issue occurs twice: a prominent Spaniard (perhaps already Fernández de Velasco?) wanted to have a catalogue, cf. ILE VIII, [95] 02 13, 30-35; 95 02 15 M, 27-29. Lipsius also includes a list of his works in a letter to Remaclo Roberti (ILE 97 02 14). Another catalogue is preserved in Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 86v, but there is no link with the letters in the previous or the next folios. The final page of ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 41v, contains a similar index, the only trivial differences being that in ms. Lips. 3(18) the works are numbered and that 3(19) omitted the EpistolicaInstitutio. The contents of both lists suggest that they date from the end of 1596 and may be the survey included in this letter. The works are enumerated in chronological order; the most recent work mentioned was the Poliorcetica, but later Lipsius himself in ms. Lips. 3(18), and a second hand in 3(19) added De magnitudine Romana (1598). In an index preserved in ms. Lips. 3(20), f. 67v the same hand included DemagnitudineRomana and also mentioned the announced Monitaetexemplapolitica. Its place at the end of the file suggests that it was probably made by the end of 1597. 23 Lara] According to this letter, Antonio de Lara, Fernández de Velasco’s secretary, visited Lipsius in Leuven. One letter from Lipsius to him is preserved, sc. ILE 97 06 03 L.

2ndversion: Wonder and joy at Juan Fernández de Velasco’s letter. Although Lipsius is aware that his merits are poor, such letters full of appreciation encourage him to continue his writings. He might dedicate one of his future works to his correspondent, for only a small number

466

2225 - 96 12 04

of prominent persons are truly interested in literature. Lipsius is willing to advise him on the library he wants to assemble. Ramírez, p. 183, n. 253 rightly considers GVi 97 01 00 F as an unsent version of 96 12 04, as is proven by haecnonmissaetmitt[ere]necext[at]obm[at]e[riam]adquemin clb. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 84v, no. 195; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(20), f. 3v, no. 2; d1: Ramírez, p. 183-184, n. 253.

Mediolanensi Duci. Excel[lentissi]me et Ill[ustrissi]me Dux, Admiratione et gaudio simul litteris me Excel[len]tiae Tuae perfusum esse ex animo hic testor. Sane iure admirabar talem Principem eo genere atque 5 opibus ad me scribere et ab eadem caussa gaudebam studia et lucubrationes nostras etiam in iis locis gratiam aut famam nobis parere, praesertim apud tales. Enimvero ego inter fructus studiorum meorum ponam Principibus eiusmodi viris innotuisse, quid placuisse? Sed, ut ingenue dicam, haec benivolentia et honesta iudicia quae epistola Exc[ellentiae] Tuae praefert, 10 benignitati naturae tuae potius adscripserim quam meritis meis, quae in meo profecto animo exigua sunt; et tamen testimoniis ipsis vestris attollor et excitor non in fastum, sed industriam et ut deinceps maiore animo stadium hoc decurram, in quo aura favoris publici ita sublevamur. Deus mihi vires pro animo det, fortasse et aliquid in tuam gratiam, Excell[entissi] 15 me Dux, conemur, quod tuas meritissimas laudes praeferat in imitationem aut exemplum. Nam pauci profecto hodie tuae istius primae classis ad haec Doctrinae aut Sapientiae studia se donant: alias res omnes agunt 1 Mediolanensi e Medinae correxi; om. d1 || haec n[on] mis[sa]; et[iam] mitt[atur] nec ext[at] ob m[at]e[riam] ad quem: add.clb 4 testor: teste d1 13 sublevamus clb, d1 15 tua d1 16 primae: om. clb, d1 17-18 agunt potius omnes clb, d1 1 Mediolanensi] Probably Lipsius’s secretary had some trouble reading the adjective and wrote Medinae. Hence he could not make out who was the addressee, as he indicated in the margin of his letter (cf. introd.). 7-8 Principibus … placuisse] Cf. Hor. Epist. 1, 17, 35: principibus placuisse viris non ultimalausest. 14 aliquid] Lipsius kept his promise and dedicated his ManuductioadStoicamphilosophiam (Antwerp, J. Moretus, 1604) to Juan Fernández de Velasco, cf. its dedicatory letter, ILE 04 02 27. See on this work J. Papy, Lipsius as ‘Master of Order’, and further bibliography.

467

13-16 December 1596

potius quam quae ad animi internum hunc cultum spectant. Atqui de Bibliotheca instruenda in hunc finem Excell[entia] Tua cogitat: in qua re operam meam quod deposcit, beneficium interpretor et libens ac prompte 20 eam dabo. Itaque Excell[entia] Tua mandatum alicui mercatori Antverpiae det qui pecuniam post emptionem appendat; ego libros seligam, pretia adscribam, sed et compingi adornarique iubebo, si ita videtur, eadem aliqua facie et colore. Si non, libros ipsos nudos et sine veste mittemus, illic velandos. Expectabo igitur litteras et iteratum mandatum, Excel[lentissi] 25 me et Illust[rissi]me Princeps, tuum et habebis devinctum et serio ad omnia paratum Iustum Lipsium.

18 Atque d1

23 videbitur clb, d1

19 Bibliotheca instruenda] In the final days of 1603 Fernández arrived in Brussels as Philip III’s representative at the court of the Archdukes. A few days later, Lipsius visited him and when the Spaniard asked his advice about forming a library, Lipsius suggested that he contact Johannes Moretus for the purchase of the books he wanted, cf. ILE 04 01 03 M, 04 01 17, 04 01 18.

2226

96 12 13-16

Carolus Utenhovius (Cologne) to Lipsius (Leuven) 13-16 December 1596

Utenhovius has read Lipsius’s two centuries of letters in one sitting; he considers them a model to be followed. The meaning of his words will become clear from the reference to Poliziano and Cortesi in the Prolegomenaof the LegionumEpistolariumaddressed to Lipsius. Utenhovius hopes to have this publication ready at the next book fair, unless his health prevents him. As a Christmas gift, he sends him a poetical paraphrase of Erasmus’ Depraeparationeadmortem. He would like to hear Lipsius’s opinion about it through Pighius or Vivianus. Utenhovius writes his letter, a mixture of comedy and tragedy, in an iambic metre. As he is bedridden, he has dictated the text to Windius before the departure of Pighius and Krachtius, whom he recommends to Lipsius. Utenhovius’s intention in writing the poem can be read in the second book of his Allusiones. Since he is preparing

468

2226 - 96 12 13-16

a third book now, he asks Lipsius to send him the names of scholars who studied at Leuven university. Did he receive Utenhovius’s previous letter from four years ago and if so, did he answer it? Lipsius can send his answer through a few young men who are returning to Cologne before the beginning of February. Utenhovius appreciates Lipsius’s letters very much, more than those of Turnebus, Junius, or Buchanan, because of his shrewd judgement, although he cannot share Lipsius’s preference for Plautus, who in Utenhovius’s eyes is inferior to Terence. He adds a poem with wishes for the New Year. On Carolus Utenhovius, cf. ILE V, 92 02 20, introd. Answer in ILE 96 12 31 U. The manuscript consists of a folio folded in half with another leaflet glued in between. The text can be divided into four parts; each is dated and covers one page: part 1 (f. 1r) is dated 13 December 1596; at the bottom of the page is written vertitoφύλλον. Part 2 (f. 1v) is dated 16 December 1596; part 3 (f. 2r) is also dated 16 December 1596. These parts are mostly written in iambic trimeters; the few exceptions are indicated in the annotations. Part 4 (f. 3r) consists of a carmen in distichs dated ColoniaeClaudiae1597. On f. 3v Lipsius’s address is written. Utenhovius’s information on l. 59-60 and 75-77, and a comparison of the handwriting allows us to identify the persons who wrote part of the text, with the exception of l. 88-101. Utenhovius wrote l. 1-60, l. 102-105, and l. 136-149; Windius l. 61-87 and l. 106-135. Utenhovius presented his letter as if it were written in prose, but Lipsius saw through it, cf. the opening lines of his answer. Apparently, Utenhovius continued to send such letters, although they are not preserved, for a few months later Lipsius repeated: Epistolas crebras ad me mittis et novo plane genere scriptas. Nam solutis verbis cum legere me censeo et scriptura praeferat, mox versum et vincula agnosco; nec tamen vel prima scriptionemefefellisti (opening lines of ILE 97 06 01 U). o: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 4.

S[alutem] P[lurimam] D[ico]. Centuriam Epistolarum ego unam et alteram legi tuarum, IUSTE LIPSI, sed obiter fateor καὶἀμυστί, cum voluptate tamen et

2 Centuriam] Iusti Lipsi Epistolarum Centuriae Duae. Quarum prior innovata, altera nova, Leiden: F. Raphelengius, 1590, cf. ILE VI, 93 10 10, 13. Utenhovius is rather late in giving his opinion on Lipsius’s Centuriae, but they had not written to each other since October 1593. He explains this silence in a similar way as Metellus, viz. the paucity of couriers between Cologne and Leuven, cf. ILE 96 12 16, 3-4.

13-16 December 1596

469

fructu, mea cum filia amanuense, quam mihi gratulatus ab hinc es annis quattuor quidem, sed hoc invidit anno quidam ita, ut ipsam rapuerit inque Frisiam abduxerit, velut ex meis ad VIVIANUM litteris quas superiore mense ad ipsum hinc misimus, colligere potuisti loquacioribus aequo, in quibus plurima tui extat mentio. Rediturio ergo ad epistolas, Lipsi, tuas, quas spatio ego horarum undecim legi integras, ab ovo ego inquam ad mala non tantummodo, sed totidem ad illarum, πίθηκοςΛειψίου componere aemulationem (ex ore quas dictantis ANNA excepit Utenhovias)

11 potuisti ⟦neque⟧ o 5 filia] Anna Pallantia (Palanda) or Utenhovia, Carolus’s adopted daughter, cf. ILE VI, 93 10 10, 86. Roersch, followed by ILE V, 92 02 20, 31 believes that the name Johanna Pallantia refers to the same person (cf. BN 16, 503-504), but according to Forster, 66, she was an older sister, also known as a poetess. Janssens, 59 and 98 n. 232, even distinguishes between Anna Utenhovia and Anna Pallandia: without giving any references he states that Anna Utenhovia was the daughter of one of Utenhovius’s brothers, whereas Anna Pallandia was the daughter of Maria van Vlodrop, the sister of Utenhovius’s wife, Ursula, and Johann Pallant. See also: L. De Coene – A. De Coster, Vrouwencatalogionderde loep, in: A. de Coster a.o., Van Dhuoda tot Aletta. Het oude spanningsveld tussen vrouwelijkheidengeleerdheid, Ghent, 2008, 75-107. 6 gratulatus] Cf. ILE V, 92 03 01 U, 32. 7 quidam] The husband of Utenhovius’s adopted daughter, who is unknown. 9 ad Vivianum litteris] On Johannes Vivianus, cf. ILE 96 09 10 V, introd. It is not clear whether Utenhovius’s letter is preserved. 13 Rediturio] This verb is not attested in classical Latin, but cf. Hoven – Grailet, Lexique delaproselatinedelaRenaissance, 468. 15 ab … mala] Cf. Hor. S. 1, 3, 6-7; Erasmus, Adagia, 2, 4, 86; Otto, Sprichwörter, 261. 18 dictantis … Utenhovias] Cf. a similar formula in ILE V, 92 02 20, 31-32; VI, 93 10 10, 86. Jocher 4, 1753 mentions that Utenhovius suffered a stroke during the final years of his life and that he was completely blind when he died in 1600. Perhaps this ailment had already begun before 1592, hence the explicit mention that he is not writing his letter in his own hand, but dictating. On the other hand, he might also have entrusted the writing of his letter to Anna by way of an exercise and his statement may suggest a certain courtesy, even pride towards his adopted daughter.

5

10

15

470 20

25

2226 - 96 12 13-16

studui, nihil moratus illud HORATII Oimitatoresservumpecus! ut pote servus qui malim esse bonus, LIPSI, quam despota nequam. Quo quid velim, POLITIANUS TE tuus homo perpolitus, in sua ad CORTESIUM CORTESIUSque in epistola ad eum sat docent (quas et Hecatontade in mea illa quae tuo epistolarum numero adaequat, reperies), nisi me λιθίασις VERIS ante NUNDINIS (symptωma secum quae trahit, quod et patri fratrique fatale atque lethiferum fuit) 19 Horatii] Cf. Hor. Epist. 1, 19, 19: Oimitatoresservumpecus. 20-21 O imitatores … nequam] Two dactylic hexameters. 22-24 Politianus … epistola] On Angelo Poliziano, cf. ILE 96 10 27 R, 19. Paolo Cortesi (Rome, 1465/71 – ibid., 15 November 1510) was a member of the Roman Curia and leader of the advocates of Ciceronian Latin in Rome, cf. Bietenholz, 1, 345-346; DBI, 29, 766770. The controversy about imitating Cicero’s style probably arouse by the end of the 1480s. The two letters Utenhovius is referring to are published in Poliziano’s Epistolarum liber, Basel, 1563, 8, nrs 16-17 (= Angelo Poliziano, Operaomnia, ed. I. Maïer, 1, Turin, 1971, 113-114). Poliziano reacts against a plea in favour of what he considers a servile imitation of Cicero in a style book by Cortesi, in which he had gathered a number of letters from homines docti (cf. his De hominibus doctis (s.l., c. 1490), a literary history of the Renaissance). According to Poliziano, it is much more important that everyone develop his own means of expression instead of merely imitating like a monkey. Cf. quotations from this letter in ILE XIV, 01 11 02 P1, 7-9 and 14-15. In his answer Cortesi argued that an author would only discover the principles of eloquence in all its details by imitation and that he had to choose the best possible example, Cicero. In De hominibus doctis Cortesi continued his defence of Ciceronianism in a moderate way: a writer always has to be critical towards his example and cannot copy slavishly. Cf. C. L. Heesakkers, Driemaal Cicero. De Neolatijnse Cicero-cultus van Petrarca tot Lipsius, in: Lampas, 26 (1993), 144-146; Joann Dellaneva (ed.) – Brian Duvick (transl.), CiceronianControversies, I Tatti Renaissance Library, 26, Cambridge, Mass. – London, 2007. 25 Hecatontade] Utenhovius means his LegionumepistolarumUtenhoviihecatontasaut centuriaprima, a collection of letters prepared for the printer and preserved in manuscript (Paris, Bibl. nat., ms. lat. 18592), but never published, cf. ILE VI, 93 10 10, 9-10. Cf. ILE VI, 93 10 10, 9-10; Janssens, CharlesUtenhove, 67-68; 75-76; 129, nr. CXIII. 27-29 λιθίασις … lethiferum] Both λιθίασις and calculus (l. 32) refer to kidney stones or gravel. No information was found about the ailment causing the death of Utenhovius’s father and brother, nor is it clear which of his five brothers he is referring to: Jacobus, Nicolaus, Richardus, Adrianus, or Johannes. Cf. Janssens, 5. 27 VERIS … NUNDINIS] The yearly spring book fair of Frankfurt, held between Passion Sunday and Easter. 29 lethiferum] The adjective let(h)ifer is attested in Vergil, Ovid, and Catullus, cf. Verg. Aen. 3, 139; 10, 169; Ov. Met. 8, 362; 9, 166; 12, 606; Cat. C. 64, 390.

13-16 December 1596

471

mutare vitam morte fors coëgerit. Quod ego timens speransve potius (namque cur Mortem extimescam lancinatus CALCULI noctes diesque iugiter cruciatibus?) dePraeparatione ERASMI non malum ad MORTEM libellum his feriis Natalibus donare eodem genere statui carminis (mea quando prosa versus est IAMBICUS) quo lepidiores atque breviores tuas plerasque, Lipsi, PLINIIque et TULLII, praeeunte me ANNA expressit Utenhovias PALANTIASque (quae Latinam de tuis didicere linguam Epistolis) epistolas; sed κατ’ἀφορισμόν, sive, verbo ut utar hic τέλουςἀρίστουτῶνσοφῶν,ἀφορισμένως. Quem si semel percurrere ante Nundinas tuoque iudicio beare, quod mihi est QUIRITIUM instar omnium, dignaberis tribus exarandis dextera verbis tua rediturientis dexteram huc per PIGHII 35 libellum] Erasmus’ Depraeparationeadmortemliber, Basel, 1534. Utenhovius had a high opinion of this work; cf. Janssens, 117, nr. LXXXIII. 36 carminis] It is unknown whether this poem is preserved. 40 praeeunte me] The phrasing could express the evolution of Utenhovia’s contribution to Utenhovius’s writings. In 1592 he writes: Dictante Karolo Anna ab Utenhovia scribebatUtenhovio (cf. ILE V, 92 02 20, 31-32). In this letter of 1596: praeeunteme Anna expressit Utenhovias Palantiasque epistolas. See also the following words added to an acrostic (five distichs) of Utenhovia, published in 1602: PraeeunteprosamCarolo Utenhovio (cf. J. J. Scaliger, M. Welser, and J. Gruter, Inscriptiones antiquae totius orbisRomani,I, Heidelberg: Commelinus, 1602, 5. 43-44 verbo … ἀφορισμένως] A rather far-fetched way to introduce a synonym of κατ’ ἀφορισμόν, the adverb ἀφορισμένως.Aristotle’s name is used in a tmesis to in the metre; at the same time ἀρίστου is not just part of the philosopher’s name, but also praises him as the best of his peers. The adverb does, indeed, occur at least eight times in Aristotle’s Categoriae. 47 QUIRITIUM] Address used for Roman citizens, here used for everyone able to vouch an opinion about Utenhovius’s poetry. 48 tribus … verbis] A popular adage: ‘Only three words’, briefly. Cf. ILE 96 03 16 BUY, 22. 49 dexteram … Pighii] With this idiom he often uses, Utenhovius must be referring to Gerardus Krachtius, a kinsman of Pighius. He was on the verge of leaving for the Spanish Low Countries, and afterwards returned to Cologne, cf. ILE 96 12 15 M, 3-4.

30

35

40

45

472

2226 - 96 12 13-16

vel VIVIANUM, utriusque nostrum amiculum, ne quaeso significare dedignare idem, salveque in Illo qui salus nostra, et vale, sed λιθώοντι melius UTENHOVIO, LIPSYDRIOque (nomine ut dignum est tuo) pugnare pergito in tuo ἀγνοίαςκατὰ 55 αἰὲνἀριστεύωντῶνφιλολόγωνἐνὁμίλῳ, Λείψιε,συμπάντωνἥλιοςοὕςκαθορᾷ. Coloniae, 1596, 13 Decembris stilo novato, ἐκ κλίνης αὐτοσχεδιάζων, οὐ σοιμοῦνονἐὼνγλώττῃ φίλος,ἀλλὰκαὶ ἔργῳ ΚάρουλοςΟΥΘΕΝ-Ὧ-ΒΙΟΣ, 60 Καρόλουτέκοςαὐτοχείρει. 50

Idem ad eundem modis Amicum incomparabilem omnibus.

65

70

Vincire tragico si cothurno gestias soccove suras, IUSTE LIPSI, Comico, Hoc est eodem cudere aut Tragoediam Comoediamve, Epistolas quali tuas, plerasque filo, quicquid erit, Iambicis (sua quando prosa μέτρονestἰαμβικόν) libenter UTENHOVIUS astringet modis specimenque in hoc frustumve praecidaneum tibi mittere huic Epistolarum ξυνθεὶς decrevit isthuc aliquot, horum per manus 64 ⟦scri⟧cudere o 50 VIVIANUM] Previous letters between Lipsius and Utenhovius had also been conveyed through Vivianus, cf. ILE VI, 93 09 16, 3; 93 10 10, introd. 53 λιθώοντι] The verb λιθᾶν (suffering of kidney stones) is attested in Photius’s conjecture λιθώνταςof Pl. Lg. 916a, cf. PhotiiPatriarchaeLexicon, ed. C. Theodoridis, 2 (BerlinNew York, 1998), 508. Utenhovius is using a lengthened form because of the metre. 54 LIPSYDRIO] A neologism coined by Utenhovius. 56-57 αἰὲν…καθορᾷ] Elegiac distich. 57 ἥλιος… καθορᾷ] Cf. Theogn. Eleg. 168 and 616; Sol. Eleg. fr. 14, 2. 59 ΟΥΘΕΝ-Ὧ-ΒΙΟΣ] By transliterating his name into Greek he coined a number of puns, cf. l. 104; ILE V, 92 04 10 C, 145. 61 Idem … omnibus] Iambic octonarius. 62-66 Vincire … Iambicis] In ILE VI, [92] 04 02, 57-62, Utenhovius defines his verses in a similar way.

13-16 December 1596

473

iuvenum suorum, diligentiam nisi hinc abiturientes antevertant fors suam, vel potius elabantur oscitantiae. Nam lectulo affixum pigro me Calculus dictare IΩSEPHO hanc coegit WINDIO, iubar ante Eωum, quo minatur PIGHIUS se viam initurum KRACHTIO comes additus, meliore quos commendo de nota tibi (licet haud rogatus ab iis siem) vel nomine hoc φαρέτρην,quodἸοδόκονφιλοῦσιΛείψιον. Quo quid velim, ex Allusionum tertio colligere Karoli poteris Utenhovii, Ἰοδόκε, libro, vel secundo verius, si tam fruatur lucis usura diu Karolus laborans calculo Utenhovius, quam COMMELINI sub gemet praelo LIBER.

75

80

85

Idem ad eundem Allusionum Tertiam Utenhovius molitur editionem Amicorumque in iis quum alludat ad veterum et novorum nomina

87 gem⟦a⟧et o 75 lectulo affixum] Cf. l. 27 (λιθίασις), l. 32-33 (calculicruciatibus), and l. 53 (λιθώοντι). 76 Windio] Josephus Windius. Not identified. 78 Krachtio] Gerardus Krachtius, cf. ILE 96 12 16, 5. 82 Allusionum] Utenhovius’sAllusiones is a collection of verses on the names of famous contemporaries. A first book of Allusiones was published by Thomas Guarinus in Basel in 1568 and was entitled XeniaseuadillustriumaliquotEuropaehominumallusionum liberprimus,cf. Janssens, CharlesUtenhove, 65, 73-74; BN 25, 985. A sequel has never appeared. 87 Commelini] Hieronymus Commelinus (Douai, c. 1550 – Heidelberg, 1597) became typographusprincipis in Heidelberg in 1585, publishing official documents of the city, but also scores of Greek and Latin authors, as well as theological and classical philosophical works. Cf. NDB 3, 333-334. 91 nomina] In 1598 Utenhovius addressed a similar demand for names of fellow countrymen to Henricus Ranzovius, also meant as the beginning of a new book Allusiones. Cf. Janssens, CharlesUtenhove, 133.

90

474

2226 - 96 12 13-16

sexcenta easque augere soleat singulis annis, rogatum TE per Aphorismum hunc cupit, ut nomina eruditiorum quos alit Lovaniensis Universitas, sibi 95 communicare non graveris omnium non tantum amicorum, sed imprimis tibi quos pulcher Europes ocellus aspicit, etc. tuaeque in illis neutiquam obliviscier, 100 LIPSI familiae, patris ego inquam atque avi celebrare quos studio tui desiderem etc. ΣΑΡΞὍΛΟΣὢν᾿ΟΥΘEΝσταυροῦἄνευὉΒΙΟΣ 105 Coloniae. 16 decembris. Idem ad eundem ἸοδόκοντὸνΛείψιον. An superiores litteras (Elegi quibus nisi fallor adiuncti fuere) acceperis annis ab hinc duobus ac totidem, suas, Grudii tabellionis isthic per manus, 110 ἸοδόκεLIPSI, necne easque, ut aequum erat, responsione prosequutus sis pari, Karolus laborat discere Utenhovius e literis ad se tuis potissimum, Iuvenum per huc redituriuntum isthinc manus 115 IANI Calendas ante Februariis. Quanto etenim Erasmi Roterodami Epistolas in pretio AMASAEIque et EGNATI suus 94 ⟦habet⟧ alit o

104 ⟦ἄτερ⟧ ἄνευ o

118 Egnati: ex Ignati correxi || suus ⟦ὁμώνυμος⟧ o

107 litteras] ILE VI, 93 10 10, to which Utenhovius added a poem in fifteen distichs from his Allusiones. 110 tabellionis] The courier between Leuven and Cologne. 114 literis] Sc. Lipsius’s answer, ILE 96 12 31 U, but he does not comply with Utenhovius’s request. 115 Iuvenum] One of them is Krachtius, who was to return to Cologne, cf. ILE 96 12 16, 4. 118 Amasaei] Romulus Amasaeus, cf. ILE V, [92] 04 02, 10. 118 Egnati] Giovanni Baptista Cipelli, known among academics as Battista Egnazio, cf. ILE 96 04 16 D, 79.

13-16 December 1596

475

Petrique BEMBI Homωnymos gnato parens habuit virorum insignium Marchemides, Tanto Neochthωn, patrem in hac referens suum, et ADRIANI TOURNEBI fi[lii] Epistolas, Iustique LIPSI, Biturigisque Iunii Georgiique BUCHANANI in pretio habet maioreque etiam pretio in illis LIPSIUM vel ob acre iudicium, licet dissentiat Karolus ab ipso maxime Utenhovius Plautum quod Afro praeferat Terentio, quo iudice (Utenhovio inquam) Plautus est tanto minor Terentio, quo maior est Plautoque Iustus, atque Tacito Lipsius, in quo nihil fere requiras, Lipsio etc. Coloniae 1596. 16 decembris stilo novato. ΜΑΚΑΡ-ὍΛΟΣὌΥΘΕΝὩΒΙΟΣ 122 Epistolas ⟦.-que vatis atque Lipsii⟧ o 119 Bembi] Pietro Bembo. Cf. ILE V, [92] 04 02, 10; CenturiaeLatinae, 1, 97-107. 119 parens] Carolus Utenhovius Sr (ca. 1524-1571), who lived for some time with Erasmus in Basel, cf. ILE V, [92] 04 02, 10; VI, 93 10 10, 8; H. De Vocht, Literae virorum eruditorumadFranciscumCraneveldium,1522-1528, Humanistica Lovaniensia, 1, Leuven, 1928, 295. Erasmus dedicated his Opuscula aliquot Johannis Chrysostomi to him, but especially to his father Nicolaus Utenhovius, whom he held in high esteem, cf. his letter dated 6 February 1529 to Carolus Sr in which he includes an epitaph for Nicolaus (Allen 8, Ep. 2093). See also Bietenholz, 3, 363. Erasmus did not have similar admiration for Carolus Sr. Although he recommended him to Pietro Bembo in 1528 or 1529, he was less enthousiastic in a letter of recommendation to Viglius ab Aytta in 1532: Benecessitquod tibicommendaviCarolumUtenhovium,iuvenemapudsuoshonestolococlaroquegenere, sedlitterarumnecadmodumdivitemnecvaldecupidum. Cf. Allen 8, ep. 2106; 10, ep. 2681. 120 Marchemides] Utenhovius Sr was lord of Markegem, cf. Janssens, CharlesUtenhove, 6; F. Hollewaert, Markegem,hetvermaakelijkdorp, Tielt, 1996, 70-71, 80. 121 Neochthωn] Greek translation of Nieuwland. Carolus Utenhovius was lord of Nieuwland, cf. ILE VI, 93 10 10, 54. 122 Tournebi] Adrianus Turnebus, cf. ILE V, [92] 04 02, 67; CenturiaeLatinae, 1, 761-766. 123 Iunii] Franciscus Junius, cf. ILE II, 87 06 01 M, 5. 124 Buchanani] Georges Buchanan, cf. ILE V, [92] 04 02, 70; CenturiaeLatinae, 1, 213-220. 128-132 Plautum … Lipsio] On Lipsius’s preference for Plautus as a school author and stylistic model, cf. M. Van der Poel, LipsiusasaDefenderofPlautus, in: IustusLipsius EuropaeLumenetColumen, 179-185.

120

125

130

135

476

2227 - 96 12 15

ANNI

1597 XENION sive ARENA κυκνείῳἄσματιξὺνθεῷpraefigenda. Ad ἸοδόκοντὸνΛείψιον reliquosque in GRUDIIS Professores. 140 Qui CAELOS fabricare NOVOS Terramque diserto creditur, ESAIA teste, IEHOVA NOVAM, Curriculumque ANNO rursum integrante NOVELLUM nos fieri massam hac vult ratione NOVAM, COR PURUM atque PUTUM vobis precor ille refingat, PNEUMAque firmum intra viscera nostra novet. 145 ‫אמן‬ Coloniae Claudiae 1597, stilo novato. Tuus ille cuius dexteram, cor et stilum nosti peraeque, Kar[olus] Utenhovius Neochthωn. 150

[Address:] Ἐξονυχισθένθων ἀνδρὶ τελειοτάτῳ, Ἰοδόκῳ τῷ Λειψίῳ, Φιλιππίδῃ. LOVANIUM GRUDIORUM.

136 XENION SIVE ARENA] Xenion (from the Greek ξένιον, a present between friends) means the same as allusio (l. 82). 139 Grudiis] The inhabitants of Leuven, cf. the address, l. 152. 141 Esaia teste] Cf. Vulg.Is. 42, 5. 146 ‫ ]אמן‬Amen.

2227

96 12 15

Lipsius [Leuven] to Archduke Albert [Brussels] 15 December 1596

Lipsius has been devoting himself to literature, history, and philosophy for some thirty years. At present he is preparing his Monitaetexemplapolitica, a work to be dedicated to Archduke Albert. To avoid having to apply for a royal privilege for each new publi-

15 December 1596

477

cation, he asks to be granted a general privilege after obtaining ecclesiastical and royal approval. By way of example, he includes a copy of the imperial privilege Rudolph II granted him. By approving Lipsius’s request the archduke is supporting the arts, which are suppressed by the continuous warfare. The first allusion to the Monita et exempla politica occurs in ILE 96 09 27, 6-10 to Nicolaas Oudaert and the issue is often repeated during the following months. Apparently, the first book was finished by February 1597 (cf. ILE 97 02 07). A few days later he reports that the second book is ready as well (cf. ILE 97 02 11; 97 02 14). It was conceived as a practical sequel to the theories expounded in the Politica, with a similar structure: the first two books would discuss the moral qualities of a prince (virtutes); in the sequel, he wanted to discuss the political and military rule of a sovereign (prudentia togata and prudentiamilitaris), dedicating two books to each subject, cf. ILE 97 02 11. Yet, from February 1597 on Lipsius’s rhythm slowed down and the project was shelved. Instead he focused on the AdmirandasivedemagnitudineRomana, which he published in 1598, whereas the Monita only appeared in 1605, in its limited version of two books only. In the preface to the reader, he made reference to his failing health and promised to publish the remaining four books if God gave him good health and he could find the necessary time. Cf. Janssens, De Monita et exempla politica (1605). On Lipsius’s Admiranda, cf. Laureys – Papy, ‘ThegrandeurthatwasRome’:Lipsius’variatiesopeen oudthema; Laureys, ‘ThegrandeurthatwasRome’:ScholarlyAnalysisandPiousAwe; Deneire, Justus Lipsius’s Admiranda (1598); Ballesteros, Histoire et utopie dans les Admiranda deLipse. GVi only mention the undated copy of the scribe, listed as GVi 96 12 01. The original version was written by a secretary and Lipsius only added the closing formula Ser[enissi]mae … Lipsius (l. 27-28). Another hand, presumably the clerk of the Private Council, noted date and destination: Bruselasa15Xbre1596Consejoprivado. The copy of the imperial privilege, attached to the original letter and using the one from DemilitiaRomana as a model, is also preserved, cf. J. De Landtsheer, AnAuthorandhis Printer. JustusLipsiusandtheOfficinaPlantiniana, in: Quaerendo, 37 (2007), 27-28. o: Brussels, ARA, Aud. 1855/2; cl: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 79v, no. 186 (s.d.); d1: Tournoy – Deceulaer, Justus Lipsius and his unfinished Monita et exempla politica, 197-198.

Ser[enissime] Gubernator, Supplex ad Cel[situdinem] Tuam venit Iustus Lipsius et significat, quod iam ab annis circiter triginta, pro copia virium suarum et ingenii, studia litterarum, historiae et philosophiae adiuverit promoveritque et id publice, voce ac stilo. Qua in re dum sedulo versatur et putat a Deo decretum in 5 hoc stadio sibi cursum, ecce etiamnunc quaedam in manibus habet scripta sua, editioni parata et nominatim MonitaetExemplaPolitica, quae non ex

478

2227 - 96 12 15

confidentia, sed ex cultu et devotione animi Cel[situdini] Tuae dicat. In his igitur talibusque cum de more obtineat receptumque sit Privilegium 10 a Regia Ma[iesta]te peti, ne idem ille supplex adsidue iterare petitionem hanc cogatur, semel vellet liberalitate et benignitate Cel[situdinis] tuae commune omnibus Privilegium impetrare, ea lege, si iamante a Censore Pontificio et Regio approbata ea et admissa sint. Neque aliter sane peti id aut ius fert aut eius voluntas. Quo magis id et sub magno exemplo a 15 Cels[itudine] Tua impetret, adnexuit Exemplar Privilegii Caesarei, quod ab Augusto Cels[itudinis] Tuae fratre, Rudolfo Caesare, non tam impetravit (res dicenda est) quam opera amicorum ultro delatum accepit. Ille vero tanto magis sperat Cels[itudinem] Tuam benigne hoc largituram, quo et propior nostri cura eam tangit, praesidentem his terris hominibusque et 20 gubernantem, tum etiam quo magis palam professa semper est amorem et patrocinium ingeniorum artiumque. Ac tempora Deus dabit (speramus), tum Regis tuaque fortuna et industria, ut a bellicis curis aliquo laxamento civiles etiam et pacis has artes otium et voluntas sublevandi sint, nunc sane per Martis hanc diutinam tempestatem pressas. Ita Deus, ita Rex, ita

10 peti ⟦ea⟧ id cl

21 ingeniorum ⟦meliorum⟧ cl

8 dicat] Cf. ILE 96 09 27, 6-7. 9 Privilegium] Albert took Lipsius’s request to heart, for King Philip’s general privilege was granted already on 14 February 1597. It closely followed the document granted by Rudolph II, which gave the monopoly of printing a work of Lipsius within the Spanish realm to the printer of Lipsius’s choice, for the (exceptionally long) period of thirty years (usually about six years) after its publication. The draft of this text is preserved in c: Brussels, ARA, Aud. 2551/9, cf. G. Tournoy – H. Deceulaer, Justus Lipsius and his unfinished Monita et exempla politica, 198-199. Cf. also ILE 97 02 18. 12 Censore] This was the usual procedure: from the middle of the sixteenth century in the Southern Low Countries: before being published every manuscript had to be controlled by a censor from the Church (a theologian, either a university professor or a canon with this specific task) and from the State (either the States of Brabant, valid only within that area, or the Private Council, valid for the whole kingdom), cf. J. De Landtsheer, Le privilège:undroitdel’auteuroudel’éditeur?ÀproposdeJusteLipseetlapublication desonoeuvre, in: Rosanna Gorris Camos – Alexandre Vanautgaerden (eds), L’auteurà laRenaissance.L’altrocheèinnoi’, Nugae Humanisticae 9, Turnhout, 2009, 101-121 15 privilegii Caesarei] On 1 August 1592, Rudolph II had granted Lipsius an imperial privilege to protect the issue and selling of his works within the Empire and its hereditary lands for a period of thirty years. Cf. ILE V, 92 01 05 M, 104; VI, 93 01 02, introd. 23 sublevandi] De Landtsheer suggested the emendation sublevatura, cf. Van Houdt, JustusLipsiusandtheArchdukes, 418, n. 31.

479

16 December 1596

Cel[situdo] Tua faciat nec solum praeclara vobis gerere cupiditas sit, sed 25 et ad posteros ea propagare in gloriam vestram, in alienum exemplum. Id vovet Ser[enissi]mae Cel[situdinis] Tuae humilis et devotus servus I[ustus] Lipsius.

27 humilis devotusque cl

2228

96 12 16

Johannes Metellus (Cologne) to Lipsius (Leuven) 16 December 1596

Recommendation of Gerardus Krachtius, a law student and nephew of Stephanus Pighius. Metellus’s kinsmen in Burgundy ask for his portrait; could Lipsius add a few distichs? Both David Peifer and Matthaeus Dresserer seem to have written an oratio about Lipsius’s Latin without naming him. Marquardus Freherus is staying in Cologne for some ten weeks because of an epidemic in Heidelberg; he sends greetings to Lipsius. Carolus Utenhovius will write him; he complains that Lipsius did not answer his previous letter. Aenobarbus, now in Cologne, will soon return to Brussels; he is also a great admirer of Lipsius. Congratulations for accepting the task of historiographus regius. Some political tidings: the Ottomans were successful in the neighbourhood of Eger in October, capitalizing on the mistakes of their opponents. Now the grand vizier is boasting that he will lay siege to Vienna next spring, asking the Tartars for military support. Emperor Rudolph II has summoned a Diet in Nürnberg, concerning which there are all kinds of rumours. Archduke Matthias accompanied Francesco de Mendoza, the admiral of the navy of Aragon, to Augsburg. The latter is on his way to King Sigismundus Wasa of Poland, on King Philip’s request, to ask him to reject the treaty with the Sultan and become an ally of the Christian army. A storm has heavily damaged the Spanish armada. King Henry IV intends to spend the winter in Rouen, a city which is more convenient for continuing negotiations with the queen of England. He has convened his council; after his address the representative of the Huguenots urged the king to respect their position. Queen Elizabeth has sent Pembroke as ambassador to the Sultan’s court; he has offered peace conditions to Emperor Rudolph II in the sultan’s name, but the emperor, while asserting that he is also yearning for peace, has formulated his own conditions. A rumour is circulating that Lipsius is already writing a history of the Low

480

2228 - 96 12 16

Countries; some of Metellus’s acquaintances, Petrus Suffridus in particular, have requested more details. Lipsius must let him know what he should answer. Metellus’s eyes are troubling him: his eyesight has diminished so much that he could not even write this letter himself. Johannes Metellus, Matal, Matalius (Poligny, 18 October 1517 (?) – Cologne, 25 June 1597) studied law at various universities; on 26/27 July 1544 he obtained his doctor’s degree in Pisa. Initially his interest was focused on the sources of Roman and Byzantine law. During his stay in Italy he also devoted himself to antiquarianism. Between 1544 and 1555 he acted as secretary to Antonio Agustín in Rome; in his free time he examined ancient inscriptions together with Martinus Smetius, Stephanus Pighius, Nicolas Micault Sr and others, also copying fragments of the FastiCapitolini. In 1555 he accompanied Agustín who had been sent to England by Pope Julius III as his special envoy. The marriage between Philip II, then crown prince of Spain, with Mary Tudor in 1554 afforded prospects of a reconciliation between the Church of England and Rome. After his return he lived mostly in Brussels (1556-1558) and in the principality of Liège (1558-1562), where he was introduced to the irenic circle around Pedro Xímenez. In 1563 Metellus settled in Cologne, where he proceeded with his antiquarian and philological activities begun in Rome. He collaborated with Georgius Brunus on his Civitatesorbisterrarum and may be regarded as one of the pioneers of cartography. He still showed his political and religious interest and kept promoting ireneism. Cf. Heuser, Jean Matal, CologneWeimar-Vienna, 2003; Idem, TheCorrespondenceandCasualPoetryofJeanMatal(c. 1517-1597).Apreliminaryinventory, in: Lias, 30 (2003), 213-298 (but following GVi in dating the two letters between Lipsius and Matal in December 1595 instead of in 1596, cf. infra); R. Truman, Jean Matal and His Relations with Antonio Agustín, Jerónimo Osório da Fonseca and Pedro Ximenes, in: M. H. Crawford (ed.), Antonio Agustín between Renaissance and Counter Reform, London, 1993, 247-263. The biographical annotation in NBG 34, 225, that Metellus settled in Augsburg from 1556 onwards should be corrected. Answer in ILE 96 12 31 M. As pointed out in the introduction to GVi, the dating formula of letters from about midDecember onwards often raises doubts, since according to the Roman system the formula xxKalendasIanuariasshould be followed by the next year, a practice often neglected by humanists. GVi kept strictly to the dating formula of 17CalendasIanuariasMDXCVI and listed the letter in 1595. Yet some historical events mentioned in it are undoubtedly pointing to 1596: the edict of 4 April 1596 (l. 10-12), the victory of the Ottoman army near Eger (Erlau) (l. 39-40), the embassy of Mendoza (l. 61-67), and the destruction of the new Spanish armada (l. 67-70). Consequently, the answer to this letter must also be situated in 1596 (ILE 96 12 31 M). o: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 4; d1: Burman I, p. 64, no. 60.

16 December 1596

481

Iohannes Matalius Metellus Sequanus, I[uris] C[onsultus] Iusto Lipsio S[alutem]. Ab eo tempore quo isthuc Leodio migrasti, mihi nuncius defuit qui ad vos iret et huc rediret, quae causa fuit ut hactenus nihil ad te scripserim. Nunc vero gaudeo egregium adolescentem Gerardum Krachtium isthuc ire et 5 reversurum, primum quod studiis Iurisprudentiae deditus sit et eruditus atque mei amans, tum vero etiam Pighii nostri nepos. Quamobrem abs te peto ut eum humanitate tua comprehendas, consilioque tuo si qua in re opus erit, iuves et per eum mihi respondeas. Isthic habet fratrem, qui navat

1 I[uris] C[onsultus]: om. d1 2 quo … migrasti] Lipsius had moved from Liège to Leuven on 9 August 1592, cf. ILE V, 92 08 13 G. Metellus obviously forgot that he had written to Lipsius on 29 September 1593 (ILE VI, 93 09 29). 5 Gerardum Krachtium] Pighius’s sister, Anna, had married Geert Krachtsz († 1567); the couple had two children: a son, Hendrik and a daughter. Hendrik was too young to be the father of Gerardus Jr and Stephanus (cf. l. 9). Hence, the exact degree of affinity between Gerardus and Pighius is unknown. Cf. J. H. Jongkees, Stephanus WinandusPighiusCampensis, in: MededelingenvanhetNederlandsHistorischInstituut te Rome, 3rd series, 8 (1954), 123. Gerardus Crachtius Campensis matriculated in October 1591 at the university of Cologne, cf. Die Matrikel der Universität Köln, 4 (Düsseldorf, 1981), 160. 7 Pighii] Stephanus Pighius (Wijnants) (1520-1604) had edited Valerius Maximus with Plantin in Antwerp (1567). After the editioprinceps was published, Metellus lent his two manuscripts of this author to Pighius in view of a reissue. Lipsius met his fellow countryman in Vienna at Emperor Maximilian II’s court in 1572 and read Pighius’s second edition of Valerius Maximus (Antwerp, Plantin, 1574) with great care. When Plantin published a third edition in 1585, a selection of Lipsius’s emendations and annotations was added in appendix (Breves notae). Cf. BN 17, 503-504; Jongkees, Stephanus Winandus Pighius Campensis, 120-185; Centuriae Latinae, 2, 673-676; M. Laureys, in: LipsiusenLeuven, 76-81, nos 16-17, Heuser, JeanMatal, 383. 9 fratrem] Stephanus Krachtius (Crachtius, Krachtsz.) Campensis (Kampen, 1570 – Amsterdam, 1653) had his first exam in Leuven in 1597. On 13 March 1600 he obtained his degree of baccalaureus. He became president of the College of Cologne and was deacon of Amsterdam when he died. Cf. Jongkees, Stephanus Winandus Pighius Campensis, 123; P. Vandermeersch, TheReconstructionoftheLiberquintusIntitulatorum UniversitatisLovaniensis(1569-1616). Parttwo:theTheologians,1579-1605, in: Lias, 13 (1986), 16, no. 111.

482

2228 - 96 12 16

operam Theologiae. Gymnasium vestrum deserere cogitur; Batavos enim omnibus suis edicto mandasse ne in Academiis provinciarum Regis literis incumbant; si fecerint, illorum bona addicenda fisco. Nimirum subditus legem domino suo praescribit! Consanguinei mei Sequani (quoniam multis annis ab iis iam absum, nec tam cito ad eos redire possum) a me petunt 15 ut eis effigiem meam vivis coloribus ad vivum depictam mittam, quod eis negare non potui. Quia autem tanta est ubique nominis tui celebritas, ut in Sequanis et[iam] clara omnium voce praediceris, a te flagito ut 10

17 et clara d1 10-12 Batavos … fisco] On the edict of 4 April 1596, cf. ILE 96 05 22 B, 19. Whoever continued to study at a Jesuit College was exempted from any public function in the Northern Provinces, but in general, they only had to pay a fine, which could also be demanded from parents, guardians, etc. Who travelled to countries under Spanish rule without a passport or who stayed after his passport had expired, was fined three hundred pounds (of 40 grosschen). Whoever studied at Jesuit Colleges had to pay one hundred pounds a month; whoever attended lectures at universities in these regions, had to pay one thousand pounds. Cf. Bor, 4, 189; H. E. van Gelder, DeNederlandsemunten, Utrecht - Antwerp, 1970; ILE 96 02 19 H, 3. 13 Consanguinei … Sequani] Metellus was born in Poligny (Franche-Comté, another name for Burgundy) c. 1517. The inhabitants of the region in Caesar’s time were the Sequani. Cf. L. Febvre, PhilippeIIetlaFranche-Comté, Paris, 1970, 33-45; ILE VI, 93 09 29, 1. Jean Matal had two brothers, Pierre and Claude. The former, who also studied at the university of Dôle, died childless (the date is unknown). Claude died before November 1584. On Johannes Metellus’s kinsmen, cf. Heuser, JeanMatal, 27-38; 40; 153-158. His father, Jean Matal Sr, was in the service of Emperors Maximilian I and Charles V, Governess Margaretha of Austria, and King Philip II, and was ennobled (eques auratus, 1553 and 1555). With the latinisation of his second name into Metellus, Jean Matal Jr consciously refers to a famous Roman family, the Metelli, who belonged to the plebeian gens Caecilia: his family had also raised from middle-class to nobility. Cf. Heuser, JeanMatal, 153-156. 13-14 multis … absum] In 1538 Metellus continued his studies in Italy, where he stayed until 1555. Next he came to the Netherlands, until 1562. In 1563 he settled in Cologne, where he died in 1597. Only one indication of a family visit to the Franche-Comté, around New Year 1556, could be found but the date of his return is unknown. Cf. Heuser, Jean Matal, 166. 15 effigiem meam] According to Metellus’s description, he was referring to an oil painting (vivis coloribus ad vivum depictam). It is not identified; it may be one of the many anonymous portrait paintings from the sixteenth century, the work of Geldorp Gortzius (1553 – after 1619) from Leuven, who settled in Cologne in 1579 and became its most famous portraitist around 1595. Cf. Heuser, JeanMatal, 243.

16 December 1596

483

aliquod in eam epigramma conscribas, quo de tua erga me voluntate et amicitia testari valeam. Tu certe mihi gratum feceris. Ei picturae symbolum addidi meum: est in mari navicula cum clavo, qui conspectu Cynosurae 20 ad portum contendens regitur, adiectis verbis RECTO CLAVO; nempe clavus sine iis verbis obscurus est, et verba sine clavo intelligi nequeunt. Hoc tamen ea conditione a te peto, si tibi probabitur; sin minus, audaciae quae modestiam superet condonabis. Audio Peifferum, Viduae Principis Christiani Saxoniae Electoris Cancellarium, et Dresserum, Academiae 25

18 aliquod … epigramma] In his answer Lipsius included a poem of three distichs referring to Metellus’s motto Rectoclavo, cf. ILE 96 12 31 M, 13-18. Johannes Posthius (1537-1597), poet and physician, also published a poem entitled Rectoclavo:Iohannis MetelliSequaniIurisconsultiSymbolum in his Parergapoetica, Würzburg: H. Aquensis, 1580, f. 79 (= Heidelberg: H. Commelinus, 1595, 135). 19-20 symbolum … meum] Cynosura, the constellation of the Little Bear, which with the Pole Star as its constituent element, played an important role in navigation, cf. RE 12, 37-41. The motto Rectoclavo is borrowed from Enn. Ann. 483 (ed. J. Vahlen, Amsterdam, 19672): Ut clavum rectum teneam navemque gubernem and Metellus also used it in Ortelius’s Albumamicorum (1575), cf. J. Puraye, AbrahamOrtelius:albumamicorum. Éditionfacsimiléavecnotesettraduction, in: DeGuldenPasser, 46 (1968), 55. Apart from his motto, Metellus’s signet ring also showed the representation of an elephant. This was another reference to the Roman family of the Caecilii Metelli. In 250 B.C., Consul Lucius Caecilius Metellus had defeated the troops of Hasdrubal, who made use of elephants, in the Battle of Panormus (Palermo). From this victory and the triumphal procession it engendered, the Metelli had chosen an elephant as their emblem. Cf. RE 3, 1203-1204; Heuser, JeanMatal, 155-158. 24 Peifferum] David Peifer (Leipzig, 3 January 1530 – Dresden, 1 February 1602) studied law in Leipzig and Bologna. In 1565 he entered the service of Elector August of Saxony († 12 February 1586), whom he counselled concerning the Constitutiones Saxonicae. Under his successor, Christian I, he was chancellor until 1589, although in fact Nicolas Crell was manipulating the strings of external and internal politics. Immediately after Christian I’s death the guardians of his successor, who was still a minor, arrested Crell; Peifer was restored as chancellor. He wrote the first history of Leipzig, Lipsia seu originumLipsiensiumlibriIV, posthumously published in Leipzig in 1689. Cf. ADB 25, 321-324. 24-25 Viduae … Saxoniae] Christian I, elector of Saxony, died on 25 September 1591. He was married to Sophie (1568-1622), the daughter of Elector Johann Georg of Brandenburg, cf. NDB 3, 230. 25 Dresserum] Matthaeus Dresserus (Erfurt, 24 August 1536 – Leipzig, 5 October 1607) studied and taught Greek and Latin grammar, rhetoric, and dialectic in Erfurt. In 1574 he was invited to become a professor at Jena university; he delivered an Oratio de eloquentia, but refused the chair. From 1581 to 1585 he lectured on Greek, Latin, and ancient history in Leipzig, following in the tracks of Johannes Camerarius. He earned

484

2228 - 96 12 16

Lipsensis bonarum artium doctorem, de genere latine dicendi tuo (te tamen minime nominato) orationes duas scripsisse. Hic non prostant; eas fortassis habes. Huc propter pestem grassantem Marquardus Freherus Augustanus, I[uris] C[onsultus], et Electoris Palatini Consiliarius, Heidelberga venit; 30 intra tamen circiter octo vel decem hebdomadas ad eum reversurus est. Cum quo amice locutus fui; de te sentit magnifice, teque meis literis, siquas ad te darem, suo nomine salutari iussit. Plurimi sane te merito tuo facit et amat. Utenhovius ad te (ni fallor) scribet; conqueritur te suis ad te literis nihil respondere. Ysenbardius hic est, Bruxellam (ut arbitror) brevi rediturus, 35 tuique memoriam ita conservat, ut eam Elogiis pro dignitate non semel ornet. Gratulor tibi, mi Lipsi, quod hoc rerum statu historici Belgici munus susceperis. Tali scriptore opus est nobis, qui admirabili rerum varietate

34 responderi d1 a reputation as an editor, translator and annotator of theological and philosophical works and wrote a HistoriaSaxoniae, Wittenberg, 1596. Cf. NDB 4, 112-113. 26-27 de genere … orationes duas] Metellus refers to Matthaei Dresseri orationes duae, una de libris quos legere decet, altera de modo parandi facultatem sermonis elegantisetcumD[omini]DavidisPeifferi…epistolaeiusdemgeneris, Leipzig: Jacobus Apelius, 1596. Peifer’s letter is dated Dresden, 30 November 1595, and is joined to Dresser’s orationes. Both humanists urged their students to take Cicero and Quintilian as examples. Whoever neglects Cicero’s Latin also renounces his advice and admonitions on private life and politics. Dresserus’ work does not occur in Lipsius’s library catalogue, but he owned a copy of Gaspar Hax, Contra Matthaeum Dresserum (Mainz, 1601). Cf. Leiden, Univ. Bib., ms. Lips. 59, f. 15v, no. 86. 28 propter pestem] Paltsgrave Frederic IV and his retinue had left Heidelberg because of the plague, cf. NDB 20, 657. Among the victims of this epidemic were Hieronymus Commelinus with his wife and several of his children († 1597), cf. NDB 3, 333. 28 Marquardus Freherus] Cf. ILE III, 88 04 00 F, introd. Lipsius met him at the book fair of Frankfurt, on his way from Leiden to Liège, in April 1591, cf. ILE IV, 91 04 14 F, 2-4; 91 09 06 F, 4. 29 Electoris Palatini] Frederic IV (Amberg, 5 March 1574 – Heidelberg, 19 September 1610), became paltsgrave in 1583. In 1593 he had married Louise Juliane (1576-1644), daughter of William of Orange. Cf. NDB 5, 532-535; ADB 6, 612-621. 33 Utenhovius … scribet] Cf. ILE 96 12 13-16, with Utenhovius’s query about why Lipsius did not answer his letter on l. 107-116. 34 Ysenbardius] Johannes Carolus Aenobarbus (Ysenbaert), cf. ILE 96 12 31 A. 34 Bruxellam] In June 1599 Aenobarbus was living in Brussels, cf. ILE 99 06 24 A where Lipsius refers to the city as Bruxellaevestrae. 35 Elogiis] I found no traces that these poems were ever published. 36 munus] Lipsius’s appointment as historiographusregius, cf. ILE 96 01 02 S, 7-8.

16 December 1596

485

nutamus. Et quia fortassis provinciae istius studiosus non illibenter quae geruntur audis, indicabo paucis quae ego habeo. Tibi nota est postrema Turcae ad Agriam victoria, quae superiori proximo Octobri contigit. Tum 40 qui in rei militaris corruptae causas inquiris, non levis est suspicio rei militaris disciplinam in nobis admodum frigere, quae nisi (quod in tuis libris mones) redintegretur, arma frustra sumimus. Praefecti muneribus praeponuntur non idonei; pecunia (uti decet) non administratur, imo diripitur; rei militaris ducibus non paretur. Has ob causas Turca triumphos 45 nostro damno sibi comparat. Locis quae apud Pannones obtinet, milites ad hiemandum distribuit; ipse Buda nondum est egressus. Iactat se ineunte primo vere Viennam obsessurum, eoque nomine imperatorem Tartarorum accersit cum triginta sex equitum millibus et octuaginta millibus peditum; alii nihilominus putant Tartaros peditibus nullis vel paucis uti. Rudolphus 50

39 indicabo] Because of its location along the Rhine and at the intersection of several important roads, Cologne had become a meeting point for couriers from all directions and the obvious place to keep oneself informed about international affairs. Around 1565 Metellus began to collaborate with the city’s printers: they published the reports he translated from vernacular languages into Latin. Since these translations were usually anonymous, it is difficult to get a clear impression of the scale of his activities in this exchange of news. He probably collaborated with Michael von Aitzing (Eytzinger), an Austrian who had settled in Cologne shortly after 1580 and who published from 1583 onward the periodical Messrelationen, a predecessor of modern newspapers and journals. Cf. Heuser, JeanMatal, 166, 387-388, 415-416; T. Schröder, TheoriginsoftheGerman press, in: B. Dooley – S. A. Baron (eds), ThePoliticsofInformationinEarlyModern Europe, London, 2001, 130-131. Lipsius received similar news reports from Italy, cf. ILE 96 07 13 HO, 4. 39-40 postrema … victoria] The Ottoman victory in the plain of Mezokeresztes, cf. ILE 96 12 01 BUR, 17. 43 mones] In De militia Romana and Poliorcetica Lipsius stressed the importance of recruiting and discipline for a Christian army to become a match for the Ottoman troops with its janissaries, cf. Demil.Rom., 1, 2; 5, 20; Poliorc. 1, 1; 5, 10; De Landtsheer, Lipsius’DemilitiaRomana, 114-115. 46-47 Locis … distribuit] After the battle of Mezokeresztes Sultan Mohammed III left part of his troops in winter quarters in Hungary, while marching the remaining part back to Constantinople. Cf. Reusnerus, Rerummemorabilium, 281. 48 Viennam obsessurum] The historical sources do not mention a siege of Vienna by the Ottomans in 1597. 48 imperatorem Tartarorum] Gazi Giray (1554-1607) was prince (khan) of the Tatars from 1588 until his death; in 1596 he sided with is revolting brother Fetih Giray. Cf. EncyclopediaofIslam, 2, 1112; Jorga, 3, 321 en 382.

486

2228 - 96 12 16

Caesar de periculo sollicitus Electorum Comitia Norimbergae indixit, qui Egrae fortassis etiam convenient; deliberaturum rumor est de Romanorum Rege deligendo. Maximilianum Archiducem quidam proponendum aiunt, sed Mergenthalii expectatur. Deinde Imperatorem verba facturum de 51-52 Electorum … convenient] To continue his war against the Ottomans Emperor Rudolph II needed a larger sum of money than was agreed upon at the previous Diet of Ratisbon for the period 1594- 1600, hence his wish to convene another diet. The electors had to agree to this convocation and used their position to extort a more important role, e.g., in organizing the defence of the country: approving new taxes implied having more to say in how it was spent. Some of them also insisted on paying more attention to troubles within the country; the Protestants, for instance, demanded to be granted equal rights by the Emperor, a Catholic. Because of these discussions Rudolph II had to wait until 23 August 1597 to convoke a diet. It opened in Ratisbon on 1 December and made clear that the differences in opinion remained. The Emperor demanded more money than expected; the opposition turned down part of this request; they refused to accept the decision of the majority and insisted on a policy of peace. In their eyes, the Empire was inferior to the Ottomans in both its army and its finances. Consequently, Rudolph II had to be satisfied with far less money than he had hoped for. Cf. M. Ritter, Deutsche GeschichteimZeitalterderGegenreformationunddesDreissigjährigenKrieges(15551648), Stuttgart, 1895, 123-125; W. Schulze, ReichundTürkengefahr, 81-83. 52-53 Romanorum … deligendo] After Henry V, the fourth Roman-German emperor (1106-1125), the title rexRomanorumreferred to the German king, who still had to be crowned Emperor; hence it was used for the future emperor as long as his predecessor was still alive. Rudolph II was appointed King of the Romans in 1575, cf. LMA 5, 1306; 8, 777-778. In 1596-1597 a decision about his succession was still wanting. After his brother Ernest died in February 1595, Archduke Matthias was the first to be considered and, since he became aware that the emperor proved less and less capable to govern, he insisted that he appoint a successor from 1599 onwards. Rudolph II became increasingly suspicious and when Matthias held him back from the peace negotiations with the Ottomans in 1606, he tried to sabotage the treaty, before finally giving in since he had become increasingly isolated. The dissension between both brothers continued in the following years. Although Matthias was more and more defactoconsidered as Roman king, Rudolph II refused to confirm his title and even chose his own candidate, Archduke Leopold, in 1611. The latter levied an army and marched towards Prague, but failed in his undertaking. All hereditary domains now acknowledged Archduke Matthias as the future emperor, but he had to wait until his brother died in 1612 before being granted the title. Cf. NDB 16, 403-404; E. Zöller, GeschichteÖsterreichs, 205-207. 53 Maximilianum Archiducem] On Maximilian (Wiener Neustadt, 12 October 1558 – Vienna, 2 November 1618), Archduke of Austria, cf. NDB 16, 511-512. No indications could be found that he ever aspired at succeeding Rudolph II. In the conflict between his two brothers he chose Matthias’s side. 54 Mergenthalii] Mergentheim, a town in the north of Baden-Württemberg. Archduke Maximilian, who was Landmeister (country master) of the chapter of the Holy Empire of what is commonly known as the Teutonic Order, had his residence here in its castle, which he expanded and embellished, cf. NDB 16, 511.

16 December 1596

487

exercitus summo imperatore constituendo. Creandus a nonnullis dicitur 55 Transylvaniae dux, sed vix hoc onus suscipiet. Ad haec pecuniae belli administrandae summus quidam Thesaurarius, qui curam gerat, evocandus dicitur. Sed Germanorum consilia adeo sunt tarda, ut antequam coeant, mora prorsus evanescant. Iam vero non dubito quin tibi perscriptum sit Matthiam Archiducem ante paucos dies fuisse Augustae, et ipsum eo 60 Arragoniae maris praefectum nomine Mendozam deduxisse. Qui Mendoza conscenso Danubio Viennam traiecit; inde ad Regem Poloniae (qui

55 summo imperatore] The previous commander in chief of the imperial troops and their allies, Charles of Mansfelt, had died in August 1595, cf. ILE 96 01 02 C, 11. In the campaigns of 1596 Archduke Maximilian had taken command. 56 Transylvaniae dux] Sigismund Báthory. This is a mere rumour; he never was entrusted with the general command of the army. 57 summus … Thesaurarius] Metellus’s information clearly indicates the emperor’s main purpose in convening a Diet: gathering money for his war against the Ottomans. 60 Matthiam … Augustae] Archduke Matthias of Austria, brother of Emperor Rudolph II and the Archdukes Ernest and Albrecht, cf. ILE VII, 94 01 14, 57. 61-67 Mendozam … cupit] On Francesco de Mendoza, admiral of Aragon, and his embassy to Rudolph II and Sigismundus Wasa III, the king of Poland, cf. ILE 96 03 10 O, 5. His journey is described in detail in De Thou, 5, 671-673. Mendoza travelled via Luxemburg, Trier, Mainz, Würzburg, and Nürnberg to arrive at the emperor’s court in Prague by the end of 1596. Next, he went to Archduke Ferdinand in Graz, whereupon he continued to Augsburg in Archduke Matthias’s company. From Graz he set out for Vienna together with Archduke Maximilian. At first, this was to be his final destination, but on his way couriers informed him that King Philip II expected him to extend his mission to the court in Poland. By Mendoza’s embassy, the Spanish king wanted to confirm the understanding between Sigismundus III Wasa and Rudolph II, realized only after considerable dissensions, and, if possible, have both sovereigns concluding a new treaty against the Ottomans. He also hoped that the king of Poland would threathen their common enemy with war, unless he kept aloof from Hungary. On 18 January 1597 Mendoza reached Cracow, where Sigismundus III Wasa had his residence. Since the king had left for a Diet in Warsaw, Mendoza followed him and arrived there on 10 February. During the negotiations, he also tried to undermine the Polish cooperation with Elizabeth I by pointing out the slyness of the queen, who was only looking to her own advantage. This issue in particular was discussed by Mendoza’s Jesuit companion, Thomas de Sailly (cf. ILE 96 03 09 S, introd.). The practical results of this mission were rather limited, despite the leader of the Tatars promised to take a more hostile position towards the Ottomans. Hereupon, Mendoza returned to the imperial court in Prague. Apparently, he secretly insisted that Rudolph II declare war on all sovereigns who were thwarting peace in the Netherlands and also asked to take measures against the alleged piracy of the English queen. Mendoza’s return to Brussels (via Würzburg, Frankfurt, Mayence, Cologne, Aix-la-Chapelle, Liège, Namur, and Nivelles) is mentioned in ILE 97 06 25 M. 62 Regem Poloniae] Sigismundus III Wasa, cf. ILE V, 92 03 26 M, 17.

488

2228 - 96 12 16

Vilnae Lituanorum dicitur habere Ordinum regni conventum) profectus est. Habet in mandatis ab Hispaniae Rege multa, quae commode absque 65 Poloniae Regis consensu confieri non possunt, maxime quae Rex idem Philippus contra Turcam de abrogando Polonorum cum Turca foedere et novo cum piis fidelibus pangendo proponi cupit. Heri ex multorum literis didici proximis superioribus diebus tantam Hispanici maris tempestatem extitisse, ut et Regis classis et ceterarum nationum naves in eo mari 70 magna cum iactura periclitatae omnes depressaeque multae fuerint. Regis adversarii, affectibus indulgentes, narrant de regiis tantum, non de suis, affirmantes octodecim (quos vocant) galeones illius et quadraginta naves cum sex militum milibus et sexcentis coronatorum millibus, omnique cum annona disiectos. De Francis eis foederatis haec habeto. Navarraeum 75 esse Rhotomagi, qua in urbe hiemem transacturus putatur, quo sit Anglae propior, ad consilia de bello contra nos Anglorum auxiliis faciendo ineunda. Regni Comitia habuit, in quibus proposuit maiores suos (cum de arduis negotiis agendum esset) Ordinum regni conventum habuisse, iam vero 63 Vilnae … conventum] They convened in Warsaw, not in Vilnius (Lithuania), cf. l. 61-67. 69 Regis classis] King Philip II’s armada had suffered heavy losses during a storm, cf. ILE 96 10 22, 17. I could not find any similar information about ships from England and the Northern Provinces. 72 galeones] Not attested in classical Latin, but it occurs in a letter from Laevinus Torrentius (DH 2, 85, no. 327), see Hoven – Grailet, Lexique de la prose latine de la Renaissance, 226. 74-77 Navarraeum … Comitia] On 16 October, Henry had left for Rouen, where he had convened the French nobility for a meeting on 4 November, an unofficial States General meeting, since according to him, the general situation did not allow an official convention. He hoped to get financial support in his war against Spain, for the support agreed by England in May (Treaty of Greenwich, cf. ILE 96 03 16 BUY, 6), was ridiculous. The French noblemen were generous in their promises, but they consisted of words only. Cf. De Thou, 3, 634-637; De l’Estoile, 487-489; Babelon, Henri IV, 726-727; HenriIV. RecueildesLettresmissives, 4, 657-658. Some sources mention that Henry was already back in Paris on 12 December, but this is contradicted by his correspondence, that was sent from Rouen from 10 December 1596 to 5 February 1597, on 9 Februari fromVigny and Pontoise, and finally, on 15 February from Paris, cf. Henri IV. Recueil des Lettres missives, 4, 688-691. 75 Anglae] For the use of this word, cf. ILE 96 11 10 B, 8. 78 Ordinum … conventum] In the sixteenth century the French States General demanded the right of intervention in their country’s government. Hence Henry IV decided never to convene them, although he could not overtly say so. In a letter dated 28 July 1596 he declared his intention to hold a States General to hear the advice of his subjects, but, unfortunately, he added, the enemy’s troops within the territory did not give him the opportunity to do so. Lavisse, 6, 2, 18 en 25; Babelon, HenriIV, 724-726.

16 December 1596

489

eum morem non tam exacte hoc tempore propter diversum rerum statum servari potuisse. Proinde quoniam hostis Galliae cervici ad eam vorandam 80 totus inhiat, omnes arma sumere debere, se quae Regem decent, facturum. Habita Regis concione, Calvinianorum legatus verba fecit Reformatorum Ecclesias minime dubitare quin Rex ipsos eo loco sit habiturus, quo hactenus, et hoc obnixe rogare. Quod si forte fortuna non fecerit, ipsos certe auxilia (ne quid incommodi religio patiatur, vel ipsi ab hostibus absorbeantur) 85 esse quaesituros. Praeterire non possum, quin tibi referam Elizam Anglam apud Turcam habere legatum in exercitu qui a Turcae latere non discedat et ei adsit consilio. Is est Comes Pembruckius, cuius gentilis Caleti ab hinc 82 Calvinianorum … fecit] Apparently, the appeasing words of the king after his conversion to Catholicism in 1593, had no longer any effect. The Huguenots were displeased and worried about their position in France, for when he accepted the throne, Henry had sworn to ban all traces of heresy from his kingdom. His policy of reconciliation with the League only increased their apprehension. Between 1594 and 1597 the conventions of the Huguenots became more and more focused on politics and their demands of guarantees for their state within the statewere increasingly militant. On the aforementioned meeting in Rouen their representative, supported by the English ambassador, insisted that King Henry maintain and even extend the opportunities to practice their creed. The Catholic representatives turned down their request. Cf. De l’Estoile, 488; Holt, 165; ILE VI, 93 09 29, 24-25. 86-87 Elizam … legatum] Edward Barton (1562/1563 – 15 December 1597), secretary to William Harborne, from 1584 on the first English ambassador in Constantinople, succeeded him in 1588, although he had to wait until 1593 before the appointment became official. His main task was to defend the commercial interests of the Levant Company, which held the trade monopoly with the Sultan’s realm. Barton also insisted in vain that the Ottomans launch a military action against Spain. In 1590-1591 his mediation led to peace between Poland and the Ottoman Empire. During the summer of 1593 the English attitude towards the Habsburg emperor altered: in the previous years, Barton had to convince the Sultan of a confrontation with Rudolph II in Hungary, but from 1593 onwards, he was asked to steer towards peace negotiations between both factions. In 1596 the most controversial period of Barton’s career began, when he accompanied Sultan Mohammed III on his military campaign in Hungary. His presence in the Ottoman army provoked scathing criticism by most European countries on the close collaboration between Queen Elizabeth I and the sultan. Nevertheless, in these circumstances Barton was the most suited to mediate in the case of possible peace negotiations between the Austrians and the Ottomans, especially because he spoke both Turkish and Latin. In November 1596 both factions met in Prague, but in vain since neither wanted to compromise. Barton wrote an eyewitness report of the Ottoman victory near Mezokeresztes for William Cecil, the prime minister of Elizabeth I. Cf. ODNB 4, 198-200; Niederkorn, 106-108; 120-127; Jorga, 3, 396-398. 88 cuius … Caleti] In 1556, King Philip II, then the husband of the English Mary Tudor, had sent William Herbert, first earl of Pembroke (1501 (?) – 17 March 1570), to Calais as his representative in peace negotiations with French diplomats. When these had no avail, he was asked to look after the fortresses and to offer military advice in case the French launched an attack. In November 1556 Herbert was appointed gouvernor of Calais.

490

2228 - 96 12 16

annis multis praefectus erat. Caesari proposuit Turcae nomine pacis 90 conditiones, si Caesar Turcae quae hoc bello occupavit, redderet atque etiam Strigonium et Iavarinum, eique tributum quod ante pendebat, duplicet. Porro ut Transylvaniae Princeps Lippam ei reddat et Ducis ac Principis Transylvaniae antiquato nomine se Waiwodam tantum nominet. Imperator respondit se amplexurum pacem, si Mahumetes quae cepit restituat, 95 Iavarinum imprimis, Agriam vicinaque loca, omneque tributum aboleat. Transylvanus autem contestatur se nihil acturum esse de pace, nisi ex consilio et autoritate Imperii ac ceterorum orbis Christiani Principum; illorum enim hoc interesse magnopere. Ecce tibi quidnam Turcae foederati per legatos suos agant. Christiani tamen (si Diis placet) esse volumus. Inter 100 nonnullos audio disputari te iam historiam tuam Belgicam Regiam coepisse scribere, fuique interrogatus numquid ea de re quidquam intellexissem;

The town fell into French hands in January 1558, cf. ODNB 26, 731-736. Metellus is confusing both diplomats here: it is Barton who represented the English queen at the Ottoman court and not Henry Herbert (ca. 1538-1601), who had succeeded his father as Earl of Pembroke in 1570 (cf. ODNB 26, 688-689). 91 Strigonium] Esztergom (Gran) in Hungary, cf. Graesse, 3, 426. The city had been recaptured from the sultan’s troops by Charles of Mansfelt on 2 September 1595, cf. Jorga, 3, 314-315; ILE VIII, 95 09 07, 31. 91 Iavarinum] Györ (Raab) in Hungary (cf. Graesse, 3, 228), a town fallen into Ottoman hands in 1594, cf. Jorga, 3, 301. 92 Lippam] Leipa in Bohemia (cf. Graesse, 2, 398), a city which had been under Ottoman dominion for thirty-three years, but was recaptured by the imperial army on 28 August 1595. A new attack by the Ottomans on Leipa in May 1596 failed, cf. Jorga, 3, 321. 93 Waiwodam] Vojvode (from the Polish woiwoda and the Russian vojeveda) is the Slavic title of an office with varying powers depending on the region. Generally it means commander of an army, but in Hungary, Transylvania, and Walachia it was the title of the governor of a province. Cf. Du Cange, 8, 234 and 374; WNT 26, 1689. 94 Mahumetes] Mohammed III (29 May 1566 – 21 December 1603), Sultan of Turkey from 1595 until his death, showed a lack of self-confidence during his government and was strongly influenced by his mother. In 1596 he personally commanded his army during the war in Hungary (20 June-22 December). Cf. EncylopediaofIslam, 6, 981-982. See also ILE XIV, 01 11 02 C, 16-18. 95 Agriam] Eger (Erlau). Cf. supra, l. 40, and ILE 96 11 25, 15. 96 Transylvanus] During the siege of Eger (Erlau) Mohammed III had made a vain attempt to win Sigismund Báthory to his side with numerous promises and make him end his alliance with the Emperor. Cf. Reusnerus, Rerummemorabilium, 274. 100-101 te … scribere] The news of Lipsius’s appointment as historiographus regius made the Cologne humanists believe that he intended to write a history of his native country. In his answer Lipsius denies that he has already decided upon the historical

16 December 1596

491

negavi. Quid me respondere velis, significa. Idem Suffridus Petrus noster (qui te perhumaniter salutat) petit, et quae de ratione historiae tuae cogites et quem potissimum imitari ex veteribus velis, scire avet. Tibi scripsisset, sed adhuc aqua intercute, quae nobis eum propemodum abstulit, nondum 105 curatus decumbit. Ego vero tanta oculorum obscuritate premor, ut nec (uti vides) mea manu scribere, imo nec legere valeam; tento remedia, sed parum proficio. Vale, ex Ubiorum Colonia, 17 Calendas Ianuarias M D XCVI. Tibi deditissimus Metellus. [Address:] Clarissimo doctissimoque viro, Domino IUSTO LIPSIO 110 Historiarum publico in Academia Lovaniensi Professori, Serenissimi Hispaniae et Indiarum Regis Historico et c[etera], Domino meo observandissimo. Lovanium.

109 Tibi … Metellus: om. d1 themes he wants to treat, but he will certainly not write about the civil wars. First he wants to finish those publications he has already begun. Cf. ILE 96 12 31 M, 22-28. 102 Suffridus Petrus] On Suffridus Petrus (Pieters; Rijntsmageest (Friesland), 15 June 1527 – Cologne, 23 January 1597), cf. ILE V, 92 07 17 S; NNBW 5, 498-499; ADB 25, 539-540. He is best known because of his plan to write a history of Friesland, a work only published in part and fiercely criticized by Ubbo Emmius in 1596; he called Petrus’s information about the old Friesland nonsense and pure fairy tales. Later research proved that Emmius was right: Petrus was not critical enough towards the Frisian tradition in previous authors and always followed Frisian rather than non-Frisian authors, without any further distinction. Cf. HCT 4, 351-363; E. H. Waterbolk, Twee eeuwen Friese geschiedschrijving.Opkomst,bloeienvervalvandeFriesehistoriografieindezestiende en zeventiende eeuw, Groningen-Djakarta, 1952, 70-91, 163-194; Heuser, Jean Matal, 231-233. Lipsius had two of Petrus’s works in his library: De scriptoribus Frisiae, Cologne, 1593 and Antiquitates Frisiorum, ibid., 1590, cf. the catalogue of Lipsius’s library, Leiden, Univ. Bib., ms. Lips. 59, f. 9r, books 16 and 20. 105 aqua intercute] Apparently Petrus suffered from dropsy. He died on 23 January 1597. 106 oculorum obscuritate] Metellus’s health often troubled him. Part of his ailments, his eye troubles among them, may have been caused by syphilis. In 1563, for instance, he was treated for a chancroid, although he kept silent about its exact nature. Of course, it is very hard to make a precise diagnose after all this time. Cf. Heuser, Jean Matal, 240-241; P. A. Heuser, Gicht- und Syphilistherapie in Köln um 1560: ein Beitrag zur FrühgeschichtederSarsaparillakurinEuropa, in: Rheinisch-westfälischeZeitschriftfür Volkskunde, 46 (2001), 107-112.

492

2229 - 96 12 23 F

2229 96 12 23 F

Lipsius (Leuven) to Ottavio Mirto Frangipani (Brussels) 23 December 1596

Lipsius is grateful to Frangipani for his kindness and understanding shown previously in Cologne and Liège, and during a recent meeting in Brussels. He sends him a copy of Decruce as a proof of his gratitude. On Ottavio Mirto Frangipani, cf. ILE XIII, 00 12 12, introd.; XIV, 01 07 03, 9. He had arrived in Brussels as papal nuncio on 15 September 1596, cf. Van der Essen, Correspondanced’OttavioMirtoFrangipani, L. Archduke Albert held him in high esteem and urged Philip II in December 1596 to grant Frangipani the diocese of Cassano near Naples to augment his resources, cf. Lefèvre, 4, 398, no. 1177. Lipsius dedicated his Epistolarum CenturiaadGermanosetGallos (Antwerp: J. Moretus, 1602) to him, cf. ILE 02 02 11 F. There are two versions of this letter: the first version is preserved three times in the secretarial copies in Leiden and is dated 23 December 1596; the second version is the letter as reworked by Lipsius for publication in the Epistolarum Centuria ad Italos etHispanos and is dated 23 December 1594, an obvious mistake of the compositor (IV instead of VI). Because of the difference in the year GVi listed them as separate letters, GVi 94 12 23 and 96 12 23 F. The contents, however are identic, with the exception of the specification quos nondum visos tibi significas (l. 7) about De cruce, to avoid a possible reproach of negligence in sending the copies on Lipsius’s part, or of lack of interest from Frangipani. Only the phrasing is embellished. The letter was surely written on 23 December, since ILE 96 12 27 FR is clearly an answer to it.The scribe of clc must have overlooked the X. beforeKal[endas].Cf. Tournoy – Peeters, 255-256.

Firstversion cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 85v, no. 197; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 18, no. 49; clc: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(20), f. 3, no. 1 (dat. 97 01 01); d1: Tournoy – Peeters, 256.

Nuncio Ap[osto]lico, Episcopo Tricaricensi. Ill[ustrissi]me et Rev[erendissi]me Domine, 1 Octavio Ep[iscop]o Tricaricensi clb; Tricariensi clc

2 Ill[ustrissi]me … Domine: om. clb

1 Tricaricensi] Frangipani was bishop of Tricarico since 9 March 1592, cf. ILE XIV, 01 07 03, 9.

493

23 December 1596

In animo mihi haeret duplex humanitas, qua et Coloniae olim et nunc Bruxellae in me es usus. Quo nomine meritum? Non alio quam quod cultor sane virtutis et prudentiae tuae sum, quam ego aliique Belgae et gustavimus 5 et laudamus. Eius animi iudiciique mei symbolum mitto Decruce libellos meos, quos nondum visos tibi significas, atque ut accipias benigne hoc tenue donum, me una cum eo, Ill[ustrissi]me et Rev[erendissi]me Domine, te rogo. Lovanii, X Kalen[das] Ianuarias ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 7 significabas clb

9 Kalendis Ianuariis ∞.IƆ.XCVII clc

3 Coloniae] When Lipsius was staying in Cologne on his way from Leiden to the South from 25 to 30 April 1591, Frangipani, who was at that time living in the city as papal nuncio, had invited him for a talk. Afterwards, when he had settled in Liège, Lipsius contacted him to get an official testimony of his orthodoxy. In several letters Lipsius underlines Frangipani’s humanitas. Cf. ILE IV, 91 05 24 L, 12-24; 91 06 23 O, 13-14; De Landtsheer, FromNorthtoSouth, 321-322. 4 Bruxellae] The papal nunciature in the Spanish Netherlands was established by a brief dated 20 April 1596. Frangipani arrived from Cologne into Brussels on 15 September, cf. the introduction to this letter; ILE XIV, 01 07 03, 9. The exact day of their meeting is not known, but as Lipsius refers to a journey to Brussels ‘some four weeks ago’ (dum Bruxellaeessemantequattuorcirciterseptimanas) in ILE 97 01 20 M, one may presume that he was there around 20 December. He went there to discuss the trouble with the payment of his annuity with Treasurer General Jan van Drenckwaert, cf. ILE 97 01 10. 9-10. 6 Decruce] Lipsius’s Decruce, a treatise about crucifixion as a punishment in Antiquity, is dated 1593, but was only available by the end of January 1594, cf. ILE VII, 94 01 30 L, introd.; LipsiusenLeuven, 92-95, no. 22. 7 significas] Sc. during Lipsius’s meeting with Frangipani.

2ndversion d: Cent.It. 37; d1: Tournoy – Peeters, 257.

Iamdiu in tuo aere me esse fateor et inter eos quos iudicatos habes et nexos. An non sic obstrinxerit me eximia benignitas, qua Coloniae in novum tibi, nec nisi nomine notum, es usus? Usurpasti eam iterum Leodici, nuper Bruxellae. Et quid ad conciliandum ego attuli? Praeter cultum et egregiam de virtute et prudentia tua opinionem nihil. Quae imputare non 5 3 Leodici] In the first version of this letter the city was not mentioned. Presumably, he did not meet the papal nuncio in Liège, but only wrote to him.

494

2230 - 96 12 23 R

possum passim et ab omnibus delata, quibus gustus aliquis et notitia est tui. Itaque in aere isto manere, fortasse et immori, debere me sentio; tamen, ut boni animi ac sanguinis debitores, confessionem, cum non solutionem, offero, et debere me ac debiturum hac velut syngrapha consigno. Cui et 10 libellum iunxi, DE CRUCE, nuper a me editum, non ita ut dem munus, sed ut accipiam, si benigna fronte admittis et in vacatione aliqua a curis legis. Spondet tua ingenita benignitas atque eadem constantiam in me tui affectus. Da, o Deus, et idem tibi, Ill[ustrissi]me et Rev[erendissi]me Domine, ea quae merita tua et vota nostra poscunt. Lovanii, X Kal[endas] Ianuar[ias] 15 ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 15 ∞.IƆ.XCVI e∞.IƆ.XCV correxi 9 syngrapha] This word, borrowed from the Greek, is attested in Cicero, cf. Cic. Att. 5, 21, 11; Fam. 7, 17, 1. 10 nuper] Lipsius’s De cruce had appeared almost three years before, by the end of January 1594, cf. 1st version, 6. Lipsius had written quos nondum visos tibi significas, which was altered in the printed version to nuper.

2230

96 12 23 R

Jean Richardot (Brussels) to Lipsius (Leuven) 23 December 1596

Corselius has been apppointed professorregius for the chair of Institutiones. Lipsius, who has recommended him, must inform him, and convey Richardot’s greetings. Richardot enjoyed Lipsius’s letter and has sent a part of it to his son Antoine as a stimulus. o: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 4.

S[alutem] P[lurimam]. Desinat Corselius mirari, quod non missae eae l[itte]rae, quas eram pollicitus. Mutavi sententiam et hoc egi, ut iis non fuerit opus. Itaque collata 2 Corselius] Corselius was appointed professorregiusInstitutionum by the end of 1596, cf. Bax 5, f. 50; BN 4, 421. Lipsius had recommended him to Richardot, cf. ILE 96 10 17,

495

27 December 1596

ei Institutionum Regia lectio. Poteris eum facere certiorem, ut tibi acceptum ferat, quod tua commendatione et testimonio est assecutus. Interim salutetur 5 meo nomine officiosissime et sibi habeat persuasum amari a Richardoto, quia tu dignum iudicasti qui ametur. Tandem Foxius reddidit epistolam tuam, quae mihi multis nominibus fuit gratissima. Exemplar eius partis quae filiorum mentionem facit, misi ad Antonium, ut addito eo calcari magis excitetur. Vale et vive diutissime. Bruxella 23 decembris 1596. Tuus 10 si vel suus, vel cuiusque Iohan[nes] Richardotus. [Address:] D[omi]no Iusto Lipsio Viro Clarissimo ac mihi unice lendo. Lovanii. 13-17. Corselius held this chair until 1606, when he became professorprimarius of civil law. 4 Regia] Following a suggestion of Viglius ab Aytta, supported by Elbertus Leoninus Philip II founded three new chairs in 1557: Digestae, Institutiones, and Decretum Gratiani. Officially they were meant to improve the teaching of law, but political and propagandistic motives played a part as well. The holders of these chairs were not paid by the city but by the royal treasury. There law colleagues considered them as inferior. Cf. Brants, 27-30; DeUniversiteitteLeuven, 91; G. Van Dievoet e.a., Lovaniumdocet. GeschiedenisvandeLeuvenseRechtsfaculteit(1425-1914), Leuven, 1988, 33. 7 Foxius] Not identified. 7 epistolam] This letter is not preserved. 9 filiorum] Richardot’s sons Antoine and Guillaume had become members of Lipsius’s contubernium in October 1596, cf. ILE 96 09 20 H, 2-13. 9 addito … calcari] Cf. ILE 96 01 10 W, 10.

2231

96 12 27 FR

Ottavio Mirto Frangipani (Brussels) to Lipsius [Leuven] 27 December 1596

Frangipani thanks Lipsius for the copy of Decruce and its covering letter. Answer to ILE 96 12 23 F. This letter is not mentioned by GVi, cf. Tournoy – Peeters, 248-250.

496

2232 - 96 12 27 FU

c: Naples, Biblioteca Nazionale, ms. XII, B, 15; d1: Van der Essen – Louant, 1, 320-321, no. 113; d2: Tournoy – Peeters, 250-251.

Iusto Lipsio. Et epistola et libris tuis De cruce gratius accidere nobis nihil potuisse scire debes, ea quod prolixioris tui in nos adfectus (leve id vocabulum) amoris index, illi quod elegantiis, doctrina multiplici, cognitione varia 5 pleni. Unde et eo nomine grati grates gratiasque habemus, agimus, relaturi ubi facultas, occasio. Perge interim coepto pede in simili studiorum genere, quod tibi famam posteris perennem pariet fructum. Vale, nostri memor, qui tui in aevum. Bruxellis, ipso D[ivo] Iohanni Evangelistae sollenni, anno X[ριστοῦ]1596.

2 Et epistola: Et om. d1 om. d1, X[risti] d2

4 iudex d1

7-8 Vale … aevum: Vale, etc. d1

9 X[ριστοῦ̓:̀

2 epistola] ILE 96 12 23 F. 2 libris] Lipsius had added a copy of his Decruce to his letter, cf. ILE 96 12 23 F, 6. 8 Iohanni Evangelistae] The feast of St John the Evangelist is on 27 December, cf. Strubbe – Voet, 196.

2232

96 12 27 FU

Lipsius (Leuven) to Pedro Enríquez de Acevedo, Count Fuentes 27 December 1596

Lipsius sends the Count of Fuentes his best wishes now that he has arrived in Spain. He will openly testify of the count’s support and affection for him. The address, Ill[ustrissi]maeetRev[erendissi]maeD[ominationi]Tuae was added on top of the letter in clb.

497

31 December 1596

cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 85v, no. 198; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 18, no. 50 (dat. 02 12 27); clc: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(20), f. 4, no. 3 (dat. 96 01 10); d1: Ramírez, 187-188, no. 44.

Fontano. Excell[entissi]me Comes, Cum audivi reditum tuum in Hispaniam, animus hic et manus properarunt ad scribendum et gratulandum et vota precesque consignandas, ut gloria et gratia tua ex rebus gestis parta diutissime et tranquillissime fruaris. 5 Enimvero ita de me Ex[cellen]tia Tua meruit, ut omni cultu et affectu eam prosequar et non conquiescam, donec publice id sim testatus. Interea totum me non ex more, sed ex vero et ex animo offero. Habes cui imperes, in tua et tuorum caussa. Excell[entissi]me Comes, diu Regi, patriae et gloriae tuae vive. Lovanii VI Kal[endas] Ianuari[as] ∞.IƆ.XCVI. Ex[cellen]tiae Tuae 10 humilis et fidus cliens I[ustus] Lips[ius].

1 Fontano cla, clc; Com[iti] F[on]tano clbλ 7 publico d1 || sum d1 10 IIII Idus clc || ∞.IƆ.XCVII clc || Tuae: et add.d1

8 non: mox clb

3 reditum] The count of Fuentes had returned to Spain in March 1596; he was appointed Capitain General on 11 December, cf. ILE 96 01 221, introd.; 96 03 09 F. 6 meruit] Thanks to the count’s efforts Lipsius had been appointed historiographus regius, a title involving an annuity of one thousand florins, cf. ILE VIII, 95 11 29; 95 11 30 D; 95 11 30 F; ILE 96 01 02 S; 96 01 221.

2233

96 12 31 A

Lipsius (Leuven) to Johannes Carolus Aenobarbus (Cologne) 31 December 1596

Aenobarbus’s letter is a testimony of his affection. Its fluent style proves his talent, which Lipsius already acknowledged when he first met his correspondent several years ago.

498

2233 - 96 12 31 A

Their friendship could not develop because of the circumstances and their changes of address. Even now war is still raging within their home country, worsened by conflicts across the borders. All their hope for solving this situation and probably also to break the Triple Alliance lies with Archduke Albert. Lipsius prefers to discuss these matters in a conversation. Greetings to Hartius, to whom he has sent a letter. Johannes Carolus Aenobarbus (Ysenbaert) was a member of the cercle around Utenhovius in Cologne, cf. ILE V, 92 06 19, introd. He probably returned to Brussels in the course of 1597; he was living in June 1599, cf. ILE 96 12 16, 34. Very little is known about him; on l. 5-9 of this letter Lipsius adds a few details: they had met some twenty-five years before, but did not keep in touch. This suggests that their meeting took place in Leuven, after Lipsius had returned from Rome and recuperated from an illness (September 1570) and before he set out for Vienna (by the end of 1571), cf. Vervliet, Lipsius’jeugd, 29-31. Aenobarbus, who was of noble descent (cf. ILE 99 06 24 A), originated from Geraardsbergen. On 26 August 1555 he matriculated at Leuven university together with his brother Daniel (Johannes, filius Caroli Ysenbart, et Daniel, filius Caroli Ysenbart, Gerardimontenses, fratres, Castrenses divites, cf. Matricule, 4, 517, nos 274-275. According to Heuser, JeanMatal, 401, n. 5, he settled in Cologne because of the miltary unrest in the Spanish Netherlands. On top of cla Lipsius wrote EPIST[OLA]III, suggesting that he considered inserting it in a new Centutria. clb also added the address on top of the letter: NobilietPrudentiss[im]oviroIoh[anni] CaroloAenobarboColoniae. clc is a copy in Lipsius’s hand. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(4), f. 85-85v; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 83v, no. 193; clc: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 18v, no. 51.

I[ustus] Lipsius Ioh[anni] Carolo Aenobarbo S[alutem] D[icit]. Coloniam. Tu vero ex affectu facis, quod ad me scribis, vir nobilis Aenobarbe; ex officio non facis, quod tales mihi non debent. Sed nec de festinatione aut

1 I[ustus] Lipsius: add. claλ, clb, clc || Ioh[anni]: om. cla || Coloniam: add. claλ 3 tal⟦i⟧es claλ 2 scribis] Aenobarbus’s letter is not preserved. Undoubtedly it was conveyed to Lipsius by Gerardus Krachtius, together with ILE 96 12 13-16 (cf. l. 78) and 96 12 16 (cf. l. 5). The same Krachtius took care of Lipsius’s answer, together with ILE 96 12 31 M and 96 12 31 U.

31 December 1596

499

calore stili opus est excuses, cum iste tibi purus et liquidus fluat. Si sic festinanti, quid accuranti? Enimvero magnitudinem animi et ingenii tui semper vidi ex quo te novi, quod vetus est, et memoria teneo ante annos XXV notitiam inter nos coivisse. Interea varietas haec temporum et mutationes locorum intervenere, quae ut non sint dissolvendae amicitiae, tamen fructum eius, sed et augmentum impediunt aut tollunt. Et nunc quoque iactamur in ipsa patria et in quiete corporum vix est illa animorum. Nonne bella haec interna et civilia manent? Nonne et externa accessere? Coniuncta omnia et molesta et ardua, quae nec singula satis expedimus. Spes est mihi tamen (libere dicam) in fortuna et magnitudine Austriaca dissipatum iri hos nimbos, fortasse et foedera distractum, quae nunc arcte videntur adstricta. Nosti tu atque alii politici raro vim fuisse aut diuturnitatem in societate plurium: qui singuli praeter illum communem suos fines habent et ideo arte aut promissis facile disparantur. Sed haec talia in sermone malim, cuius spem facis in reditu praefecti Aragoniae maritimi, quem hic multi exspectant et desiderant, ut probum, mitem et patriae amantem. Ad Hartium litteras misi et salutem. Siquid ultra a me voles, scito tuum esse et fore. Lovanii, Prid[ie] Kal[endas] Ianu[arias] ∞.IƆ.XCVII. 7 XXV ⟦hanc⟧ cla 10 illa: add. claλ, om. cet. 11 Nonne ⟦per varios⟧ et clc 12 omnia et: et om. clb, clc || quae ⟦vel⟧ nec clc 13 Austriaca ⟦mora et tempore⟧ clc 17 et ⟦ob hos⟧ ideo clc 20 Hartium ⟦l[itt]eras⟧ litteras clc || misi et: nunc add. claλ 21 Ianu[arias]: anni add. clb, clc 6-7 ante annos XXV] On the occasion of their acquaintance, cf. the introduction to this letter. 14 foedera] Sc. the Triple Alliance between England, France, and the Northern Provinces concluded on 31 October 1596, cf. ILE 96 11 10 B, 7-9. 18 sermone] Lipsius complained that the North was spying upon him, even in Brussels, by intercepting his correspondence, which made him cautious of what he wrote in his letters. Cf. ILE 96 01 10 B, 30-32. 18 reditu … Aragoniae] Francisco de Mendoza (1547-1623), admiral of Aragón, had left for a mission to the courts in Germany and Poland in July 1596, cf. ILE 96 03 10 O, 5. On 17 December 1596 he still was in Ratisbon (Bavaria), cf. Lefèvre, 4, 390, no. 1158. On 22 May 1597, he set out on his return journey from Prague to Brussels. Cf. ILE 96 12 16, 61-67. 20 Ad Hartium] This letter is not preserved.

5

10

15

20

500

2234 - 96 12 31 M

2234

96 12 31 M

Lipsius (Leuven) to Johannes Metellus [Cologne] 31 December 1596

Lipsius was happy to hear from Metellus after several years. He is right about sending his portrait to his relatives; nevertheless, it only expresses a superficial likeness of the person. Lipsius willingly wrote a few verses about Metellus’s motto, although Carolus Utenhovius would do so much better. He enjoyed Krachtius’s company. Lipsius has indeed been asked by King Philip II to become historiographusregius, but first he has to finish some other projects. He would rather only expound on happy events instead of on civil wars. Even the conflict with the Ottomans may be a topic worth writing about. He regrets that the armies of the European armies are not showing the discipline he wrote about in his De militia Romana. They are wanting in willpower rather than in their qualities to have success in war. Even the Germans, who still recently boasted about their military power, have to give in without the support of other nations. The rumours about the misfortunes of the Spanish armada are persistent; yet there is nothing definitive, because letters from Spain are denying everything. Greetings to Marquardus Freherus, in case he is still in Cologne. Metellus must take good care of his eyes. Answer to ILE 96 12 16. GVi lists this letter in 1595, interpreting its date prid[ie] novi anni Kalendas, […] ∞.I).XCVI in the strictly Roman way, but its contents make it clear that it is a reaction to ILE 96 12 16 and should also be dated in 1596, cf. the introduction to this letter. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(4), f. 63-63v; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 82v-83, no. 192; d: AdSuet. p. 225, no. 41.

I[ustus] Lipsius Ioh[anni] Matalio Metello Sequano S[alutem] D[icit]. Etsi ex intervallo, tamen gratum est de te, mi Metelle, et a te audire. Aetas tua ingravescit, mea valetudo quoque inclinat; quid scimus quamdiu commercio hoc et alloquio litterario frui licebit? Sed fruamur dum licet, 5 fortes atque animati subire, quod suprema illa lex, id est Deus, dicet. De effigie tua quod scribis in usum et solatium amicorum effingenda, merito 2 intervallo … audire] Metellus’s last preserved letter to Lipsius was written on 29 September 1593, cf. ILE 96 12 16, 2-4. 2 Aetas] Metellus was almost eighty years old; he died on 25 June 1597. 6 quod scribis] Cf. ILE VIII, 95 12 16, 12-13.

501

31 December 1596

a te et more fiet. Da hoc monumentum iis qui te totum videre desiderent, si liceat; cum non licet, velint vel sic dimidiatum. Nam ista externa effigies optima nostri non reddit: animam, rationem, sermonem; colores et modulos corporis tantum. Sed hoc quoque est tanti, vel tenue hoc simulacrum et instar habere eius quem ames. Feci igitur libens quod petebas et ad ipsum itemque scitum sive dictum tuum brevi carmine allusi Morumiudiciiqueprobus RECTOquegubernans  CLAVOetmarehocvitaesecans, isteMetelluserat.Licetoraincanatueri,  mentemtueriunahaudlicet: quantopulchriorhaec?Sivideris,o CAELESTEM,  clamabisetdices, VIRUM! Habes carmen, animi magis quam ingenii testem. Utere, non utere ut voles, et sane Utenhovius noster meliora et πoιητικώτερα tibi dederit. Krachtium vestrum libens vidi et amavi iuvenem ea indole, tum et stirpe Pighio nostro propinquum. Petebas serio de Historiae nostrae scriptione; serio tibi respondeo: nondum plene decrevisse. Vocamur a Rege ad eam, sed alia quaedam quae in manibus, perpolimus et tum utroque pede illuc imus. Utinam laeta faustaque scribere nobis fas! Utinam per plana et tuta incedere! Non per civiles istos ignes, suppositoscineridoloso! Sed 20 πoιηκέτερα clb

21 tum ⟦est⟧ et cla

11 quod petebas] Cf. ILE VIII, 95 12 16, 15. 12 scitum] Lipsius uses scitum in the sense of ‘motto’, ‘devise’. In the context of a systematic exposition on Stoic philosophy the word is strongful: Stoici Δόγματα, quae nobis vel decreta licet appellare vel scita vel placita […]. Quid ea sunt? Generalia quaedam capita et velut leges ad quae reliqua omnia doctrinae vel examinentur vel referantur. Siquid ab his dissidet, improbum et adulterium habeo; si quid convenit, agnoscoet,tamquamtesseradata,iniuscommilitiiadmitto.Eacerta,firma,ratasunt. Cf. Lipsius, Manuductio, 2, 12. 13-14 RECTO … CLAVO] Cf. ILE 96 12 16, 19-22. 21 Krachtium] Cf. ILE 96 12 16, 4-7. 22 Pighio] Cf. ILE 96 12 16, 7. 22 Historiae … scriptione] Cf. ILE 96 12 16, 36-38, 102-104. Because of Lipsius’s appointment as historiographus regius the Cologne humanists supposed that he would write a history of his native country. 24 alia quaedam] Viz. the sequel to DemilitiaRomana, the recently published Poliorcetica, and the never published Detriumphis. 26 per…doloso] Cf. Hor. C. 2, 1, 7-8. The same quotation occurs in a similar context in ILE 96 02 19 H, 12-14.

10

15

20

25

502

30

35

40

45

2234 - 96 12 31 M

Turca, ut video, et res Pannonicae materiem dabunt, sed nec eam undique felicem. Quid tibi dicam? Iudicium fortasse meum legisti in Militia, de qua diffido, et laeti nihil exspecto quamdiu non adstringimur ad ordinem laudatum et disciplinam. Vah, pudet! Illa Asia et Graecanicae aut Scythicae gentes nos superant, nos Europaeos, nos robora animorum corporumque, si adniti velimus. Quousque videmus meliora, nec amplectimur? Nemo enim est paulo prudentior, qui vera nos dicere non fateatur; deest voluntas, non facultas efficiendi et patrandi. In Germanis quidem doleo, qui olim et nuper laudem hanc militarem sibi vindicabant et iure. Nunc quo venerunt? Praeda sunt, nisi aliae gentes subveniant et succurrant. Vide Rudolphi Austriaci animosum de ea gente dictum. Pone me, aiebat, cum electis quatuor galeatorum et quadraginta peditum millibus de Alemannia in qualibet mundi parte; stabo invictus. Heu, quam longe nunc abest! Imo minor numerus maiorem istum caedit! Quae causa? Nulla adstrictio aut disciplina, tum et dissolutio in cibo potuque, a qua et corpora solvuntur. Sed, spero, emendabunt, quod facile, si generosus et ad magna natus princeps praeeat et ducat. Tua de classis Hibericae naufragio iam hic audieramus; nec nunc quoque scimus an certa. Negant litterae ex ipsa Hiberia. Marq[uardum] Freherum apud vos esse et mei amantem ac memorem, volupe est, nam 29 adstringimus cla, clb

42 facil⟦e⟧i cla

27 Turca … materiem] A reaction on Metellus’s information about the war in the Danube basin, cf. ILE 96 12 16, 38-67. 28-30 Iudicium … disciplinam] In Demilitia, 5, 20, Lipsius compares the contemporary armies in Europe with the ancient Roman legions, praising the exemplary efficiency and the discipline of the Romans. He is particularly ashamed about the lack of discipline among the troops of the allies fighting the Ottomans: O pudor, o dedecus! Barbari et Scythaehacpartenossuperantetlegesiialiquashabent,nosnullas. Cf. De Landtsheer, DemilitiaRomana, 106; 112-115. A similar complaint is repeated in Poliorcetica, 5, 11. 30 Graecanicae … Scythicae] Lipsius is referring to the Greek and Asian origins of the tribes living around the Black Sea. 36 Rudolphi] On Rudolph I of Habsburg, cf. ILE 96 02 151, 64. 37-39 Poneme…invictus] This passage can be found almost literally in the Chronicle of Matthias of Neuenburg, cf. MGH, Script.rer.Germ., Nova Series, 4 (ed. A. Hofmeister, Berlin, 1955), 42, anecd. 24. See also W. Treichler, Mittelalterliche Erzählungen und AnekdotenumRudolfvonHabsburg, Bern-Frankfurt, 1971, 74, anecd. 21. 43 de classis … naufragio] Cf. ILE 96 12 16, 67-74. 44 Negant literae] In the letters between Lipsius and his Spanish correspondents no trace of letters denying the misfortune of the armada could be found. 45 Freherum] Cf. ILE 96 12 16, 28-33.

503

31 December 1596

redamo certe virum. Si adest, quaeso dicito ei cum affectu salutem. Vale et tu ac salve, mi Metelle, et oculos quoque, si potes, cura. Utile nobis instrumentum; quid tamen si Deus tollat? Fiat, et partem potest, qui totum potest. Lovanii, prid[ie] novi anni Kalendas, quem felicem et sine offensa graviore tibi opto ∞.IƆ.XCVI. 50 [Address:] Clarissimo et prudentissimo viro, Iohanni Matalio Metello I[uris] C[onsul]to. Coloniae.

51-52 Clarissimo … Coloniae: add. cla 47 oculos] Cf. ILE 96 12 16, 106-108.

2235

96 12 31 U

Lipsius (Leuven) to Carolus Utenhovius (Cologne) 31 December 1596

Utenhovius’s letter was a surprise. When reading it, Lipsius realised that it was a letter, a poem, and an ancient comedy in verse. The Muses would certainly turn their back on him, if he did not return Utenhovius’s affection. He would love to meet his correspondent, but neither the infortunate times nor Lipsius’s health allow him to travel. Utenhovius has his own illness to cope with; what life is life after all? In these circumstances it is recommended to follow the example of the ancients. Lipsius wishes to see the edition of Utenhovius’s letters. The address, Nobilietdoctiss[im]oviroCaroloUtenhovio.Coloniae, is added on top of the letter in clb and c. clc is a copy in Lipsius’s hand. Answer to ILE 96 12 13-16. cla: Leiden, Univ. Bibl., ms. Lips. 3(4), f. 84; clb: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(18), f. 84, no. 194 (s.a.); clc: ibid., ms. Lips. 3(19), f. 18v-19, no. 52; c: Paris, Bibl. nat., ms. latin 18592, f. 9-9v; d1: adSuet., p. 229, no. 42.

504

2235 - 96 12 31 U

I[ustus] Lipsius Carolo Utenhovio. Mirificus tu (vere dico) in scriptione es. Quid hoc est? Epistolam accipio, carmen lego et comoediam veterem plane includis omnibus suis numeris in epistolarem hunc campum. θεὸςδέσοιἐνφρεσὶνοἴμας 5 παντοίαςἐνέφυσεν, ut apud magnum poetam utar verbis summi poetae. Atque haec per se et ipsa novitate grata condis ubique et adspergis affectus in me floridis notis. Quem nisi redamem, quid Musae, Gratiae, Lepos me ultra ament? Utinam 10 tempora, utinam aetas et valetudo utriusque nostrum sint ad peregrinandum! Credo videre et amplecti a nobis esset. Sed et tempora perseverant esse turbida et aetas non quidem annis pessima (de mea loquor) valetudine fit talis. Quid et de tua audio? Nonne affligi a carnifice illo morbo qui a lapide durum merito nomen et pro re habet? Doleo. Sed quid nati simus, 15 quid vita haec tota, quis tibi melius me dixerit? Tuum illud assiduum est et ab ipso nomine οὐθὲνὁβίος. Ah quam sapienti suave in hac incertitudine alta illa et certa cogitare, viam meditari qua eo itur! Faciamus serio, et per tritam illam maiorum nostrorum, qui sapientia et certe virtute super omnes 1 Utenhovio: S[alutem] D[icit] add. clb, clc, c, d1 || Coloniae add. c 3 comoediam ⟦antec⟧ clb || incendis clb 4 hunc ⟦stilum⟧ campum clc 7 verbis utar clb, clc, c 8 et: atque cla || adspergis ⟦miri⟧ clc 11 complecti clb, clc, c || a: om. clb, clc, c || esset ⟦quod nunc⟧ clc 15 vita: ipsa add. clb, clc || me: te clb, clc, c 2 mirificus] In June 1597 Lipsius expounded in a letter to Utenhovius on the particular and misleading character of the latter’s style: Epistolas crebras ad me mittis et novo planegenerescriptas.Namsolutisverbiscumlegeremecenseoetscripturapraeferat, mox versum et vincula agnosco; nec tamen vel prima scriptione me fefellisti. Ita me Musae.Musicumetlepidumhocgenusestetquodpauciimitentur,necnisiquibuspectus imbutum poetica ea copia et stilus factus ad promendum. Mitte, mitte saepius, et nos oblecta. Cf. ILE 97 06 01 U. Jacques-Auguste de Thou also wrote a letter in verse to Lipsius, dated 4 December 1584. It was overlooked in ILE II, but a fragment was published in I. A. R. De Smet in: Thuanus. The making of Jacques-Auguste de Thou (1553-1617), Travaux d’Humanisme et Renaissance, 168, Geneva, 2006, 93-101. 2 scriptione] Sc. ILE 96 12 13-16. 3 comoediam] Cf. ILE 96 12 13-16, 64-65. 5-6 θεὸς…ἐνέφυσεν] After Hom. Od. 22, 347. 8 floridis notis] Cf. ILE 96 12 13-16, 120-126. 13 morbo] Cf. ILE 96 12 13-16, 32-33, 53, 75, 86. 16 οὐθὲνὁβίος] Cf. ILE 96 12 13-16, 59. 18 tritam maiorum] Lipsius means resignation and the acceptance of God’s plans. A similar topic arises in the letters deploring the loss of a dear friend, cf., e.g., ILE V, 92 01 11 O,

31 December 1596

505

nuperos et novos fuerunt. Sed abstineo ἐμφιλοσοφῆσαι tibi φιλοσοφωτάτῳ, ne aquam ad ipsos fontes. Lovanii, prid[ie] Kalend[as] Ian[uarias] anni 20 novi ∞.IƆ.XCVII, quem feliciter ini ac fini, mi Utenhovi. Tua apud Comelinum esse bene est: aveo publice videre. 19 φιλοσοφωτάτῳ: ⟦qui iampridem φιλοσοφωτάτῳ⟧ clc 20 Ianuarii c clb 22 Comelinum: Gymnicum Wechelum cla, Gymnicum c

21 ini et ac

15-18. As a reaction to the news of Busbequius’s death he writes: Nosquandoadhunc portum? Magis appetimus, cum publica et privata haec naufragia videmus amicorum. Sed fiat quod Deo et cum Deo visum, cui parere et velle quod ipse vult, summa non sapientiasolumest,sedtranquillitasetquies. On the topoi in Lipsius’s letters of comfort, cf. De Landtsheer, Lipsius’s Letters of Comfort; Ead., Death and Consolation in the LettersofJustusLipsius, in: M. Berggren & Christer Henriksén, MiraculumEruditionis. Neo-Latin Studies in Honour of Hans Helander, Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, Studia Latina Upsaliensis, 30 (Uppsala, 2007), 167-190. 20 aquam … fontes] Cf. Ov. Am. 3, 2, 34; Trist. 5, 6, 44: aquasinmarefundere. 22 Tua apud Commelinum] Cf. ILE 96 12 13-16, 25 and 85-87.

INDEX NOMINUM Names with a, de, van, von, etc. are classified on the root of the name. Letters written by Lipsius are marked with +, placed before the number; letters by a correspondent are marked with *. Numbers in italic refer to a biographical note. Place names which only occur in the addresses are not included.

Aberdeen, 96 07 01 Accius, Lucius, - cit. apud Non. 258,3 96 07 21 P Acevedo, Pedro Enríquez de, count Fuentes, 96 01 02 S, 96 01 14 D, 96 01 17, +9601 221, 96 01 222, +96 03 09 F, 96 03 09 M, [96 03 18 S (?)], 96 05 06 V, +96 12 27 E Acquaviva, Claudio, S.J., 96 02 18 S, 96 04 16 D Aeneas, 96 03 09 F Aenobarbus, Johannes Carolus (Ysenbaert), 96 12 16, +961231A Aerssens, Cornelis, 96 09 08, +96 10 02 A, +96 12 01 A - wife Emmerantia Regniers, 96 12 01 A - son Franciscus, 961201A Aetius, [96] 09 24 SC Aganippe, 96 03 14 Ajax, 96 10 19 Alaric II, king Visigoths, 96 02 15 Alba, duke of, 96 01 10 S Albert, archd. Austria, 96 01 02 C, 96 01 02 S, 96 01 05, 96 01 10 S, 96 01 14 S, +96 02 00, 96 02 02, 96 03 02 P, 96 03 09 CR, 96 03 16 BUY, 96 03 16 S1, 96 03 16 S2, 96 03 30, + [96 04 00], 96 04 16 S, 96 04 22, 96 04 24, 96 04 25, 96 05 02 [H], [96 05 02]O, 96 05 02 U, 96 05 06 U, 96 05 06 V, [96 05 15 H (?)], 96 05 16 MO, 96 05 22 B, 96 05 25, 96 07 05, 96 07 13 HO, 96 07 20 C, 96 07 20 P, 96 07 21 R, 96 07 22, 96 08 01 H, 96 08 13 HE, 96 08 13 HO, 96 08 21 HA, 96 08 21 HO, 96 09 20 S, 96 09 23, 96 09 24 SE, 96 09 27, 96 09 30, 96 10 13, 96 11 24 R, 96 11 25, +96 12 15, 96 12 31 A - edict on military discipline, 96 07 05

Albert II of Habsburg, 96 04 22, 96 04 24 - wife Elisabeth of Luxemburg, 96 04 22 Albert III the Pious, duke of Bavaria, 96 02 15 Albert IV the Wise, duke of Bavaria, 96 02 15 Albert V, duke of Bavaria, 96 02 15 Aldrovandi, Ulisse, *96 04 17, 96 08 17, 96 10 16 H Alexander the Great, 96 01 06 Alveringem, 96 03 14 Amasaeus, Romulus, 96 12 13-16 America, 96 01 14 S, 96 04 16 S Ameyden, Arnold van, 96 11 24 L Amiens, 96 03 09 S Ammianus Marcellinus, - cit. 16,5,6 96 07 22; 25,2,3 96 07 22; 28,4,32 96 02 00 Amsterdam, 96 04 16 S Amyclae, 96 04 17 Antonio, prior of Crato, 96 01 10 S, 96 05 06 U - son Christophoro, 96 01 10 S - son Manuel, 96 01 10 S Antonius Felix, 96 02 00 Antwerp, 96 02 02, 96 02 06, 96 03 16 S2, 96 07 13 HO, 96 11 25 Aonia, 96 03 14 Apicius, Caelius, 96 10 19 Apollo, 96 10 22 Ardres, 96 05 25 Aristoteles, 96 01 06, 96 09 10 A - cit. Pr. 26,29 96 07 01 Arnobius, 960801M - ed. Adv.Nat. 96 08 01 M, 96 11 30 M Arrianus, Flavius, 96 03 16 S1

508 Asconius Pedianus, Quintus, - cit. 52,14-19 96 04 11 Asinius Pollio, Gaius, 96 01 10 B, 96 02 19 B Assonleville, Guillaume d’, +960507, +96 09 10 A - father Christophe, 96 05 07, 96 09 10 A Attila, 96 02 15 Attius Paelignus, Caius, 960908 Attius Varus, Publius, 960908 Audejantius, Hubertus, 96 01 10 B Augsburg, 96 12 16 Augustinus, Antonius (Agustín), 96 04 11, 96 10 02 BR - ed. Ant.coll.decret. 96 10 02 BR Augustinus, Aurelius, - cit. InEvang.Iohan. 8,2 96 09 24 SE Augustus, Caius Octavius, 96 05 07, 96 05 19, 96 10 19 - wife Livia, 96 05 07 Aurispa, Giovanni, 96 08 01 M Ausonius, Decimus Magnus, - cit. Ep. 8,1 [96] 09 24 SC; 25,26 96 04 17 Ayala, Filips de, 960819

Balduinus, Franciscus (Baudouin), 960801M - ed. RelatioadHenricum 96 08 01 M, 96 11 30 M Balianus (Baliani), Nicolaus, 96 01 10 B - son Giovanni Battista, 96 05 16 MO Barbarus Hermolaus Sr, 96 11 26 Barclay, William, 96 01 10 W Baronio, Cesare, 96 04 13, [96] 10 18 - ed. Ann.eccl. 96 08 01 M - cit. Mart.Rom. 448 96 04 13, [96] 10 18 Baronius Perezius, Johannes Baptista, 96 01 10 B, 960914, 96 09 20 C, 96 09 30, 96 11 25 - father, Martin Pérez de Barón, 960914 Barton, Edward, 96 12 16 Báthory, Sigismund, king of Transylvania, 96 09 24 SE, 96 11 25, 96 12 16 Bavaria, 96 02 15

Beeckeman, Willem, +960106, +96 05 21 W - brother Gerard, 960106, 96 05 22 B Bellarmino, Roberto, S.J., 96 02 15, 96 03 09 S Bellerophon, 96 11 30 L Bembo, Pietro, 96 12 13-16 Benci, Francesco, S.J., 96 02 15, 96 07 31, 96 09 23 Berchem, Hieronymus van, +960411 Bergen, Willem van, Lord of Grimbergen, 960821HE Bergen-op-Zoom, 96 04 16 S Berlaymont, Floris van, Count of Lalaing, 960521M Bernaerts, Jan, +[96 00 00] B, 96 02 12, 96 02 15, +96 07 05, 96 08 12, +96 09 10 B - wife Catharina Breugel, 96 02 12, 96 02 15, 96 07 05 - son Willem, 96 07 05 - daughter Maria, 96 07 05 Bernardus of Clairvaux, 96 03 30 Beroaldo, Filippo, 96 10 27 R Bertius, Petrus, 96 01 10 B, 96 03 16 BUY, 96 08 31 - wife Marytge Cuchlinus, 96 03 16 BUY Besozzi, Pietro Giorgio, 96 02 29 Beyma, Julius, 96 01 10 H Bias, 96 02 02 Billaeus, Carolus (de Billehé), 96 01 02 C, 96 01 05, [96 05 15 H (?)], 96 07 12, +96 08 21 B, 96 08 21 C, 96 08 21 HE, 96 10 22 Biron, Charles de Gontaut, duke of, 96 10 22 Boisotus, Johannes, 96 04 22, 96 04 24 Bonaert, Nicolaas, S.J., 96 03 09 S Borcht, Peeter vander, 96 01 02 C, 96 05 06 M, 96 08 21 B Borromeo, Carlo, archbishop Milan, 96 01 07, 96 02 06, 96 03 09 CU Borromeo, Federico, archbishop Milan, *96 01 07, +960206, 96 03 09 CU, 96 03 09 M Brakel (Oudenaarde), 96 09 16 Brande, Nicolaas vanden, +96 02 19 B, +96 04 22, +96 04 24 Brant, Barbe, 96 11 05 V Breugel, Willem, 96 03 18 G, 96 03 27, 96 05 04, 96 05 21 W, 96 09 30, 96 11 11 G

509 - wife Maria Coppens, 96 03 18 G, 96 03 27, 96 05 04, 96 05 21 W, 96 08 12, 96 09 15 G, 96 09 30 Brittany, 96 04 13 Brussels, 96 01 14 G, 96 03 18 G, 96 05 02 U, 96 10 22, 96 12 16, 96 12 23 F - Verwershoeck, 96 03 27, 96 05 17, 96 06 04, 96 09 30, 96 11 11 G Bruyn (Brunonius), Christianus de, +960813BR, +96 10 02 BR, *96 10 19 Buchanan, Georges, 96 12 13-16 Burch, Adriaan vander, +96 03 16 BUR1, 96 12 01 BUR Burch, Jan vander, 96 03 10 P Burch, Lambert vander, +96 03 16 BUR2, +96 12 01 BUR - ed. Sabaud.ducum 96 03 16 BUR2 Buytewech, Gerardus, +96 01 10 B, +96 03 16 BUY, +96 04 30, 96 06 14, 96 06 15, 96 06 19, 96 06 20, 96 07 16, 96 07 21 R, 96 08 01 H, +96 08 13 BU, +96 09 08, +96 10 02 BU, *96 11 10 B, +96 12 01 BUY - 1st wife Hester Ramp, 96 01 10 B - 2nd wife Cornelia Cools, 96 01 10 B - father Johannes Gerritsz, 960110B, 96 03 16 BUY, +96 06 19, +96 07 16, 96 07 21 R, 96 08 13 BU, 96 10 02 BU, 96 12 01 BUY - mother Elisabeth van Swieten, 96 01 10 B, 96 03 16 BUY, 96 07 16, 96 07 21 R, 96 08 13 BU, 96 12 01 BUY - wedding plans, 96 01 10 B, 96 03 16 BUY, 96 06 19, 96 08 13 BU, 96 10 02 BU

Cádiz, 96 07 20 C, 96 08 13 HO, 96 08 14, 96 08 21 C, 96 08 21 HO, 96 10 22 Calais, 96 04 16 S, 96 04 24, 96 04 25, 96 05 16 MO, 96 05 22 B, 96 05 22 S, 96 05 25 Calstere, Anna vanden, 96 01 10 B, 96 03 18 G, 96 05 04, 96 05 16 MO, 96 06 04, 96 07 13 HO, 96 09 20 H, 96 11 22, 96 11 30 L, 96 12 01 BUY Calstere, Dorothea vanden, 96 03 18 G, 96 03 27 Calstere, Jan vanden, 96 03 18 G

- wife Maria Herthals, 96 03 18 G Cambrai, 96 03 09 S, 96 09 20 S; Campius, Jacobus, 96 08 01 M, 96 11 30 M Canterus, Theodorus, 96 03 16 BUR1, 96 10 02 BR, *[96]1018, +96 12 01 C - son Lambertus, 96 03 16 BUR1, 96 10 02 BR, [96] 10 18, 96 12 01 C - daughter-in-law Christina van Landscroon, [96] 10 18 Carondelet, Jacques de, +96 01 02 C, 96 01 05, + [96 04/05 00], [96 05 15 H (?)], +96 05 25, +96 07 12, +96 08 21 C, 96 09 10 B, +96 10 22 Carrio, Ludovicus, 96 01 10 W, 96 01 17, 96 08 01 M, 96 08 28, 96 11 30 M Casaubon, Isaac, 96 01 10 W, 96 06 15, 96 07 12 - ed. Suetonius 96 06 15 Cassault, Carolus, 96 03 16 S1 Castor & Pollux, 96 01 10 S Cato, Marcus Porcius, 96 10 19 Catullus, Caius Valerius, 96 03 10 P - cit. C.64,327 96 03 16 S2 Cerberus, 96 03 16 S1 Cestius Gallus, 96 02 00 Charlemagne, 96 02 15 Charles V, emp., [96 04 00] Charles Martel (Charles Hammer), 96 02 15 Charles, duke of Guise, 96 04 16 S Charles-Emmanuel I, duke of Savoye, 96 02 29, 96 11 10 B Chaux-lès-Passavant, 96 03 30 Chiffletius, Claudius, 96 02 18 Choniates, Nicetas, - cit. Hist. 27,6 [96] 09 24 SC Chouet, Jacques, 96 05 06 M Christina, courier, 96 09 08, 96 10 02 BU, 96 12 01 BUY Cicero, Marcus Tullius, 96 12 13-16 - cit. Att. 7,11,2 96 10 19; 7,15,3 96 09 08; Fam. 7,5,3 96 07 20 P; Har.Resp. 16 96 04 11; Par. 5 96 07 22 - style, 96 09 08 Cinna Magnus, Cn. Cornelius, 96 05 07

510 Cipelli (Battista Egnazio), Giovanni Battista, 960416D Circe, 96 11 10 W Cistercian Order, 96 03 30 - provincial, 96 03 30 Clavius, Christophorus, S.J., 960218 Clement VIII, pope, 96 01 05, 96 01 10 S, [96 04 00] Clissa, 96 05 22 S, 96 07 12 Clodio, [96] 09 24 SC Clusius, Carolus (L’Escluse, Charles de), +96 08 13 L, 96 09 08 - ed. Hist.stirp. 96 08 13 L Cobarruvias, Antonio de, 96 02 18, 96 03 10 P, 96 09 23 Cologne, 96 02 15, 96 12 16, 96 12 31 M Colonna, Ascanius, 96 11 10 L Commelinus, Hieronymus, 96 07 21 S, 96 12 13-16, 96 12 31 U Commynes, Philippe de, 96 09 10 A Concordia (goddess), 96 01 10 S Constantinople, 96 11 10 B Cornarius, Janus, 960715 Corselius, Gerardus, 96 04 28, +96 08 14, 96 10 16 R, 96 10 17, 96 12 23 R Cortesius, Paulus, 96 12 13-16 Cossé, Diane de, 96 01 17 Costerus, Franciscus, S.J., 96 03 09 S Crassus, Marcus Licinius, 96 07 12, 96 07 13 HA Crespo, Antonio, S.J., 960721R Criep, Willem Jr, 96 09 20 C - father Willem Sr, 96 09 20 C Croesus, 96 07 13 HA Croonendaele, Paul van, 960930 Croÿ, Karel Filips van, marquis of Havré, 960920H Croÿ, Karel van, prince of Chimay, 96 05 02 U Croÿ, Philip van, count of Solre, +960309 CR, +96 07 20 C, 96 07 31, 96 08 13 HE, 96 09 20 H Cuba, 96 04 16 S Cueilly, Jacques de, *960309CU Curius Dentatus, Marcus, 96 03 14

Curius, - cit. apud Cic. Fam. 7,29 96 01 17 Cuspinianus, Johannes, - ed. Paneg.Lat. 96 08 01 M, 96 11 30 M Cuyckius, Henricus, 96 01 10 L, 96 01 14 G, 96 02 15, 96 07 31, +96 09 20 C Cynosura, 96 12 16

Daedalus, 96 03 14 Dalechampius, Jacobus, 96 02 18 Damant, Nicolaas, 96 11 05 V, 96 11 08 - wife Barbe Brant, 96 11 05 V - daughter Barbe, 96 11 05 V, 96 11 08 Decius, Caius Messius Quintus Trajanus, Rom. emp., 96 04 13 Deins (Dens), Gooris, 96 03 18 G, 96 03 27 Delphi, 96 03 14 Delrio, Martinus Antonius, S.J., +96 02 00 Denmark, 96 04 16 S, 96 09 16 Dijle, 96 03 14 Dilenus de Capella, Johannes, 96 11 30 L Dinan, 96 04 13 Diodorus, 96 02 00 Diogenes Laërtius, - cit. 1,5,88 96 02 02; 7,123 96 11 30 M Dionysius of Paris, 96 04 13 Dist.Cat., cit. 1,14 96 01 10 B Tournai, 96 08 14 Dousa, Janus Sr, 96 04 11, 96 08 31, 96 12 01 BUY - son Janus Jr, 961110B,96 12 01 BUY - son Georgius, 961110B - son Stephanus, 96 11 10 B, 96 12 01 BUY Douai, 96 10 26, 96 11 05 H Drake, Francis, 96 01 14 S, 960416S, 96 05 22 S, 96 07 20 C Drenckwaert, Jan van, 96 01 10 B, +960114 D, 96 02 02, 96 05 21 R, +96 05 28, 96 06 19, 96 07 13 HA, +96 08 21 D, 96 08 21 HA, 96 09 30 Dresserus, Matthaeus, 961216 Ducaeus, Fronto (Le Duc), S.J., +96 04 16 D Dudetus, Johannes, S.J., +960915D

511 Echter von Mespelbrunn, Julius, 96 08 01 M Eger, 96 09 24 SE, 96 11 25, 96 12 16 Egmont, Maria-Christina, 96 01 17 Egnatio (Cipelli), Giovanni Battista, 960416D, 96 12 13-16 Elisabeth I, queen of England, 96 01 02 S, 96 01 10 S, 96 04 16 S, 96 04 24, 96 05 22 S, 96 07 01, 96 07 20 C, 96 09 15 H, 96 12 16 Elysium, 96 03 14 England, 96 01 02 S, 96 01 10 B, 96 01 10 S, 96 01 14 S, 96 03 16 BUY, 96 04 16 S, 96 04 24, 96 05 02 U, 96 05 16 MO, 96 05 22 B, 96 05 22 S, 96 07 20 C, 96 08 13 HE, 96 08 21 C, 96 09 14, 96 09 16, 96 09 15 H, 96 10 22, 96 11 10 B, 96 11 25, 96 12 16 Emanuel Philibert, duke of Turin, 96 02 29 Empedocles, - cit. 25 96 07 21 S Engelandt, Johannes, 96 11 11 G Epictetus, 96 03 16 S1 Erasmus, Desiderius, - cit. Adagia 1,1,42 96 01 17; 1,1,47 96 02 18; 1,2,1 96 08 31; 1,2,38 96 09 23; 1,2,46 96 12 01 BUR; 1,2,47 96 01 10 W, 96 12 23 R; 1,3,19 96 08 01 M; 1,4,22 96 01 10 B; 1,4,32 96 09 24 H1; 1,5,6 96 12 01 BUY; 1,6,74 96 07 12; 1,9,1 96 04 17; 2,4,86 96 12 13-16; 2, 8, 86 96 03 14; 3,6,23 96 01 17; 3,6,87 96 10 02 R; 3,8,32 96 12 01 BUR; 4,1,52 96 04 17; 4,4,84 96 03 16 BUY, 96 06 20, 96 12 13-16; 4,10,37 96 04 30 - ed. Depraep.admortem 96 12 13-16 Eric, duke of Brunswick, 96 04 16 S Erlau, cf. Eger Ernest, archd. of Austria, 96 05 02 U Ernest of Bavaria, prince bish. of Liège, 96 01 05, +960215, 96 04 25, 96 05 02 [H], [96 05 02]O, [96 05 15 H (?)], 96 05 25, 96 07 12, 96 08 21 B, 96 08 21 C, 96 08 21 HA, 96 08 21 HE, 96 09 27 - mistr. Gertrud von Plettenberg, 96 01 05 - son Willem von Hollenfelz, 96 01 05 Esztergóm (Gran), 96 01 02 C, 96 01 17, 96 12 16

Euclides, - cit. 1,47 [96] 09 24 SC Eumenius, 960801M

Faber, Nicolaus (Lefèvre de la Boderie), - ed. Seneca Rhetor 96 02 18, 96 03 10 P Faber, Petrus, - ed. Agonisticon, 96 02 18 - ed. Semest.lib.duo (1575), 96 07 12 - ed. Semest.lib.tertius (1595), 96 07 12 Fabius, Quintus, 96 09 08 Faille, Carolus della, +961110L, 96 11 10 W - father Maarten, 961105V, 96 11 08, 96 11 10 L - mother Sybille Stecher, 96 11 10 L - sister Sybilla, 96 11 05 V Farnese, Alexander, duke of Parma, 96 02 15 Faramond, [96] 09 24 SC Ferdinand of Bavaria, prince bish. of Liège, 96 01 06 Fère, La, 96 01 02 C, 96 01 02 S, 96 01 14 S, 96 02 19 B, 96 03 10 O, 96 04 24, 96 05 22 B, 96 05 22 S Fernández de Velasco, Juan, 96 02 29, 96 12 02, +961204 Festus, Sextus Pompeius, - cit. 480 [96] 09 24 SC Fienus, Thomas (Fyens), 96 01 10 H Floris, Magdalena, 96 07 13 HO, 96 08 13 HO Foxius, 96 12 23 R France, - ext. pol., 96 01 10 S, 96 03 16 BUY, 96 12 16 - mil. sit., 96 01 02 C, 96 01 02 S, 96 01 10 B, 96 03 09 CR, 96 03 09 CU, 96 03 10 O, 96 03 30, 96 04 22, 96 05 02 U, 96 05 22 S, 96 05 25, 96 07 12, 96 07 20 C, 96 08 13 HE, 96 08 14, 96 08 21 C, 96 10 22, 96 11 05 H, 96 12 16 Francia, Hieronymus a, 960507, 96 08 01 M - father Renom (Rainuce), 96 05 07 Franchi Conestaggio, Ieronimo de, 96 05 06 U - ed. Dell’unione[…]Portogallo 96 05 06 U

512 François I Lorraine, duke of Guise, 96 05 22 B Frangipani, Ottavio Mirto, 96 09 20 S, +9612 23F, *96 12 27 FR Frankfurt, 96 01 10 W - book fair, 96 05 06 M, 96 12 13-16 Frederic IV, elector of de Palts, 96 12 16 Freherus, Marquardus, 96 12 16, 96 12 31 M Freiburg (Switserland), 96 12 01 A Freymon, Johann Wolfgang, 96 11 11 S - daughter Anna Maria, 96 11 11 S Froissard, Claude, 96 03 30 Fuchsius, Leonhartus, 960715 Fuentes, Pedro Enríquez de Acevedo, count of Fuentes, cf. supra, Acevedo Furius, Johannes, 96 01 02 C

Galilei, Galileo, 96 02 15 Garibaldi, dukes of Bavaria, 96 02 15 Garzadoro, Coridano, 96 01 05 Gavere, Koenraad van (Gavre), 96 08 21 HE Gazaeus, Angelinus, 96 05 19 Gentilis, Scipio, 960831,96 10 27 R Genova, 96 05 22 S Georges the Rich, duke of Bavaria, 96 02 15 Geryon, 96 03 16 S1 Gesnerus, Conradus, 960715, 96 10 16 H Gessius Florus, 96 02 00 Gilpin, George, 96 10 02 BR Giorgio di Martino, Francesco di, 96 02 29 Giphanius, Hubertus, 96 08 31 Giselinus, Victor, 96 01 17, 96 03 30 Gobletius, Nicolaus, 960814, 96 10 16 R Godin, Kristoffel, 96 08 12, 96 08 19, 96 09 30 González de Cunedo, José, 96 01 10 H, +9601 14G Goulart, Simon, 96 05 06 M Graces, 96 12 31 U Graecinus, Julius, 96 04 16 D Gran, see Esztergóm Gregory XIII, pope, 96 01 10 S Gregory of Tours, [96] 09 24 SC - cit. Hist. 4,4 96 04 13

Greve, Jan de, +96 03 18 G, +96 03 27, +96 05 04, +96 05 17, +96 06 04, +96 06 14, +96 08 12, +96 08 19, 96 08 21 HA, +96 09 16, +96 09 30, +96 10 27 G, +96 11 11 G - wife Françoise Back, 96 03 18 G, 96 05 17, 96 08 19, 96 09 16, 96 09 30 - son Willem, 96 03 18 G, 96 03 27, 96 09 16 Grotius, Cornelis, 96 01 10 H - brother Janus, 96 01 10 H Guastavini, Giulio, *960715, +96 09 16, 96 09 15 M Guicciardini, Francesco, 96 09 10 A Györ, 96 12 16

Hadrianus, Publius Aelius, Rom. emp., 96 02 00 Haius (Hay), Johannes, S.J., 96 01 14 S Halmale, Hendrik of, 961124L Hamburg, 96 10 10 W Harpocrates, 96 04 17 Hartius, Otho, 96 01 10 B, +96 02 19 H, +96 04 25, +96 05 02 [H], [96 05 02]O, 96 05 21 R, +96 07 13 HA, *96 08 01 H, +96 08 21 HA, +96 09 20 H, 96 09 27, 96 09 30, 96 10 13, 96 12 31 A - son Antonius, 96 01 10 B, 96 02 19 H, 96 08 01 H, 96 08 12, 96 08 21 HA, 96 09 14 Hatvan, 96 09 24 SE Havenus (Havens), Frederik, 96 05 28, 96 09 30 Hawkins, John, 96 04 16 S Hay, Francis, count of Errol, 96 07 01, 96 09 15 H, 96 09 18 Hay (Haius), John, S.J., +960915H Hegesippus, 96 02 00 Heidelberg, 96 12 16 Helius, Arnoldus, *960117, +96 03 02 H Henry III, king of France, 96 03 30 Henry IV, king of France, 96 01 02 C, 96 01 10 S, 96 03 16 S1, 96 04 16 S, 96 04 24, 96 07 12, 96 11 10 B, 96 12 16 Herbert, William, earl of Pembroke, 96 12 16 - son Henry, 96 12 16 Hercules, 96 01 222, 96 03 16 S1 Hermenigild, 96 04 13 Herodotus, - cit. 6, 52-53 96 09 24 SE

513 Herrera y Tordesillas, Antonio de, 96 05 06 M, 96 05 06 U - ed. Hist.dePortugal 96 05 06 M, 96 05 06 U Heurnius, Johannes, +96 01 10 H - son Justus, 960110H - son Otto, 96 08 13 BR Hieronymus, - cit. Ep. 6,2 96 02 18 Hojus, Andreas, 96 01 17 Homerus, - cit. Il. 6,119-236 96 08 31; 23,670-671 96 07 12; Od. 3,231 96 08 14; 6,182184 96 05 07; 22,347 96 12 31 U Hom.Hymn., cit. 32,2 96 01 10 L Hungary, 96 01 02 C, 96 05 22 S, 96 11 25, 96 12 31 M Horatius, Quintus Flaccus, - cit. ArsP.385 96 01 17; C. 1,17,13-14 96 04 17; 1,37,15 96 08 13 HE; 2,1,6 96 02 19 B; 2,1,7-8 96 02 19 H, 96 12 31 M; 4,15,10 96 02 15; Epist. 1,1,100 96 08 01 H, 96 08 21 HA; 1,2,3-4 96 04 16 S; 1,6,1 96 11 30 M; 1,17,35 96 12 04 Horne, Gerard van, baronet of Baussigny, 96 09 16, 96 09 20 H, 96 11 11 G Horus, 96 04 17 Hovius, Franciscus, 96 01 10 B, 96 03 27, +960713HO, 96 08 12, +96 08 13 HO, +96 08 21 HO, + [c. 96 09 00], 96 09 24 H1, 96 09 24 H2, +96 10 16 H, +96 11 05 H, *96 11 22 Hovius, Johannes, 96 07 13 HO, 96 07 20 P, 96 08 13 HO, 96 09 24 H1, +960924H2, 96 10 16 H, 96 11 05 H, 96 11 22 - wife Magdalena Floris, 96 07 13 HO, 96 08 13 HO - son Franciscus, cf. supra - sons Johannes, Vincentius, Carolus, 96 08 13 HO, 96 11 05 H Hulst, 96 07 13 HO, 96 07 20 C, 96 07 22, 96 08 13 HE, 96 08 13 HO, 96 08 14, 96 08 21 C, 96 08 21 HA, 96 08 21 HO, 96 09 14, 96 09 23

Ibarra, Estebán de, 96 03 10 P

Indexlibrorumprohibitorum, 96 03 09 CU Ingolstadt, 96 08 31 - university, 96 02 15 Irenaeus Lugdunensis, cit. A.H. 1,29,3 96 03 16 S2 Irvingus, Jacobus, [96 04 00] Isidore of Seville, - cit. Orig. 96 04 11 Italy, 96 09 10 V, 96 12 01 A, 96 12 01 BUY -Avvisi, 96 07 13 HO, 96 08 13 HO, [c. 96 09 00], +96 09 24 H1

James VI, king of Scotland, 96 07 01, 96 09 15 H Jesuit Order, 96 02 15, 96 03 09 S, 96 07 01 Josephus, Flavius, 96 02 00 Julianus, Flavius Claudius, Rom. emp., 96 07 22 Junius, Balduinus (de Jonge), 960528 - sister, 96 01 10 B, 96 06 19 Junius, Franciscus, 96 12 13-16 Justinian, Byz. emp, - Corpusiuriscivilis,96 04 28 Juvenalis, Decimus Junius, - cit. 1,150 96 02 19 M

Keppler, Johannes, 96 02 15 Kilianus, Cornelius, 96 09 10 A Knights of St John, [96 04 00] Komáron, 96 01 17 Krachtius, Gerardus, 96 12 13-16, 96 12 16, 96 12 31 M - brother Stephanus, 961216

Laet, de, 96 10 16 R, 96 10 17 Laevius, - cit. apudGell. 19,7 96 04 22 Lampsonius, Dominicus, 960102C, 96 02 15 Landsberg am Lech, 96 02 15 Lara, Antonio de, 96 12 04 Lascaris, Janus, 96 05 06 M Leemput, Adam, 96 10 02 BR, 96 10 19

514 Leovigild, 96 04 13 Lepos, 96 12 31 U Lernutius, Johannes, 96 01 10 B, 96 01 17, *96 10 26, +96 11 30 L - son Jacob, 96 01 10 B, 961026, 96 11 30 L Lessius, Leonardus, S.J., 96 03 09 S, 96 07 21 S Leuven, 96 09 27 - fair, 96 08 12 - pedagogy Falcon, 96 05 28, 96 10 26, 96 11 30 L; Porc, 96 05 28 - univ., 96 01 14 G, 96 04 11, 96 07 15, 96 07 16, 96 08 14, 96 09 16, 96 09 24 SE, 96 10 16 R, 96 10 17, 96 10 26, 96 12 13-16, 96 12 31 A - unsafe sit., 96 03 10 O Levotius, Cyprianus, 96 05 19 Lienkercke, Willem van, 96 10 26 Lier, 96 03 10 O Lievens (Livineius), Jan, 96 11 30 M - ed. Paneg.Lat. 96 08 01 M, 96 11 30 M Lippa, 96 12 16 Lipsius, Justus, I. Biography - wife. zie Calstere, Anna van den - father Gilles, 96 03 27 - niece Françoise Back, cf. supra, Jan de Greve - grandfather Niklaas Lips, 96 11 11 G - greataunt Vanden Tronck, 96 05 17 - appointm. hist.reg., 96 01 02 C, 96 01 10 B, 96 01 14 D, 96 01 221, 96 01 225, 96 02 02, 96 02 18, 96 02 19 H, 96 02 19 M, 96 03 09 F, 96 03 09 S, [96 03 18 S (?)], 96 03 16 BUR1, 96 03 16 BUR2, 96 03 16 BUY, 96 03 16 S2, 96 04 22, [96 04/05 00], [96 05 15 H (?)], 96 05 28, 96 07 13 HA, 96 08 28, 96 12 01 BUR, 96 12 15, 96 12 16, 96 12 27 E, 96 12 31 M - botanical devotion, 96 03 18 G, 96 03 27, 96 04 22, 96 05 16 MO, 96 05 17, 96 08 13 L, 96 09 15 M, 96 10 02 R - contubernium, 96 01 05, 96 01 10 B, 96 02 19 H, 96 07 13 HO, 96 07 21 R, 96 08 01 H, 96 08 12, 96 08 13 HE, 96 08 21 HA, 96 08 21 HO, [c. 96 09 00], 96 09 08,

96 09 10 A, 96 09 10 B, 96 09 14, 96 09 20 C, 96 09 20 H, 96 09 24 H2, 96 09 30, 96 10 16 H, 96 10 17, 96 10 26, 96 10 31, 96 11 05 H, 96 11 10 L, 96 11 24 L, 96 11 25, 96 11 30 L, 96 12 01 A, 96 12 01 BUY, 96 12 23 R - criticism and slander, 96 08 28 - estate (Gooik), 96 08 12, 96 10 27 G; (Honnelinge) 96 03 27, 96 05 04; (Overijse) 96 04 22, 96 04 25, 96 05 21 M; (purchase pond) 96 03 27, 96 05 04, 96 06 04, 96 06 14; (Schaetbroeck) 96 05 04, 96 11 11 G - esteem Brussels court, 96 03 10 O, 96 03 10 P, 96 03 16 BUR2, 96 04 25, 96 10 13 - health, 96 01 10 B, 96 01 10 H, 96 01 10 L, 96 02 00, 96 02 15, 96 02 19 M, 96 02 29, 96 03 02 O, [96 03 18 S (?)], 96 03 16 S1, 96 06 15, 96 07 05, 96 07 13 HA, 96 07 21 P, 96 08 13 BU, 96 08 13 L, 96 08 28, 96 09 15 M, 96 10 17, [96] 10 18, 96 11 30 L, 96 12 31 U - house Leuven, 96 05 04, 96 08 12, 96 09 10 B, 96 09 20 H, 96 10 02 R - interest inscr., 96 03 10 P; (Stoic) philosophy, 96 03 02 O, 96 03 16 BUY, 96 03 16 S1, 96 03 16 S2, [c. 96 10 00(?)], 96 10 02 R, 96 10 16 U, 96 11 30 L, 96 11 30 M, 96 12 01 BUR, 96 12 01 C, 96 12 15 - invit. Bologna, 96 02 19 M, 96 02 29, 96 04 17, [96 04/05 00], 96 06 30, 96 08 17 - invit. Milan (Academy), 96 02 29; (Borromeo), 96 01 07, 96 03 09 M - invit. Padua (Venice), 96 02 29 - knowledge of French, 96 08 19 - law-suit Waverius, 96 03 27, 96 06 04, 96 06 14 - longing for peace, 96 06 15, 96 06 20, 96 08 13 BU, 96 08 13 L, 96 11 30 L, 96 12 01 BUR, 96 12 01 BUY, 96 12 31 A - polit. ambition, 96 02 19 H, 96 09 23 - privilege Philip II, 96 12 15 - privilege Rudolph II, 96 12 15 - recomm. to Ernest of Bavaria, 96 02 15, 96 10 22 - relation (former) students, 96 06 20, 96 09 24 H1, 96 09 24 H2, 96 10 19, 96 11 05 H, 96 11 05 V, 96 11 08, 96 11 10 B, 96 11 10 L, 96 12 01 A

515 - religion, 96 07 31 - remuneration, 96 01 02 S, 96 01 14 D, 96 01 225, 96 02 19 M, 96 03 16 BUR5, 96 03 16 BUY, [96 04/05 00], [96 05 15 H (?)], 96 05 28, 96 07 13 HA, 96 08 01 H, 96 08 17, 96 08 19, 96 08 21 D, 96 08 21 HA, 96 08 28, 96 09 16, 96 09 30, 96 10 27 G, 96 11 11 G, 96 12 27 E - return to Leuven, 96 09 18 - rumour death, 96 08 01 M - spied on by Verenigde Provincies, 96 01 10 B, 96 01 10 S, 96 03 16 BUY, 96 03 16 S1, 96 03 16 S2, 96 04 16 S, 96 05 02 U, 96 05 16 MO, 96 07 20 C, 96 08 13 L, 96 12 31 A - stay Dôle, 96 03 30 - stay Cologne (1559-1564), 96 10 31; (1591), 96 12 23 F - stay Leiden (1578-1591), 96 07 31 - stay Liège (1591-1592), 96 01 02 C, 96 01 05, 96 02 15, 96 12 23 F - stay Rome, 96 02 19 M, 96 04 10 - visit Antwerp, 96 01 02 C, 96 02 18, 96 02 19 B, 96 03 16 BUY - visit Brussels, 96 01 10 S, 96 02 18, 96 02 19 B - visit Spa, 96 01 02 C, 96 01 14 S, 96 02 15, 96 03 09 CU, 96 11 24 L - voorliefde stoïcijnse filosofie, - friends (Antwerp), 96 05 02 U; (Bruges) 96 01 17; (German empire) 96 06 03; (Liège) 96 01 02 C, 96 04 25, [96 05 02] O, [96 05 15 H (?)], 96 08 21 C, 96 08 21 HE II. Works: - Adv.dial., 96 11 11 S - Deconst., 96 03 14, 96 10 19 - Decruce, 96 02 19 B, 96 12 23 F, 96 12 27 FR - Epist.cent.I+II, 96 12 13-16 - Demil.Rom., (ed. 1595) 96 01 10 B, 96 02 18, 96 02 29, 96 04 10, 96 04 17; (ed. 1598) 96 02 18, 96 05 16 ME, 96 12 02, 96 12 04; dedic., 96 01 14 S - Demil.Rom., cit. 5,20 96 12 31 M - Poliorcet., 96 01 02 C, 96 01 10 B, 96 02 15, 96 02 29, 96 03 16 BUY, 96 03 16 S2,

-

-

-

96 04 10, 96 04 17, 96 04 25, 96 04 28, [96 05 02]O, 96 05 02 U, 96 05 06 M, 96 05 16 ME, 96 05 16 MO, 96 06 15, 96 06 30, 96 07 12, [early 96 08 00], 96 08 01 M, 96 08 13 BU, 96 08 13 L, 96 08 21 B, 96 08 21 C, 96 08 21 HA, 96 08 21 HE, 96 09 08, 96 09 10 B, 96 09 10 V, 96 09 15 M, 96 09 18, 96 09 20 C, 96 09 20 H, 96 09 20 S, [96] 09 24 SC, 96 10 02 A, 96 10 02 BU, 96 12 01 A, 96 12 02, 96 12 04; (ed. 1599), 96 02 29, 96 08 21 B, 96 12 02; dedic., 96 01 05, 96 02 15, 96 04 25, 96 05 02 [H], [96 05 02]O, 96 05 06 U, [96 05 15 H (?)], 96 05 25, 96 08 21 B, 96 08 21 HA Poliorcet., ill., 96 01 02 C, 96 02 06, 96 02 19 B, 96 03 16 BUY, 96 05 06 M, 96 08 21 B, 96 12 02 Polit. (ed. 1589) 96 03 14, 96 07 31, 96 09 24 SE, 96 09 27; (ed. 1596) 96 02 12, 96 02 19 B, 96 02 19 H, 96 03 09 CR, 96 07 31, 96 09 10 A dedic. Notae, 96 02 12, 96 02 19 B, 96 03 09 CR Saturn.(ed. 1598), 96 10 13

III. Futurepublications: - Centuriae, 96 10 22 - FaxHist., 96 01 02 S, 96 04 17 - Manuduct., 96 12 04 - Mon.etEx., 96 09 10 A, 96 09 27, 96 10 02 R, 96 10 13, 96 10 16 U, 96 10 22, 96 11 26, 96 11 30 L, 96 12 01 BUR, 96 12 04, 96 12 15 - Operaomnia, 96 10 13 -Thraseas, 96 10 13 - DeTriumphis, 96 02 18, 96 05 06 U, 96 12 31 M - ed. Caesar 96 05 02 [H], 96 05 06 U, 96 09 24 SE, 96 09 27, 96 10 13 - ed. Seneca 96 03 16 S2 - ed. Tacitus 96 10 13 Livia, 96 05 07 Livius, Titus, - cit. 2,7,12 96 04 11

516 Loaysa, Garcia de, 96 03 10 P Louis II the Severe, duke of Bavaria, 96 02 15 - wife Mechthild, 96 02 15 Louis IV of Bavaria, emp., 96 02 15 Louis IX the Rich, duke of Bavaria, 96 02 15 Louwius, Petrus, +960110L Lucceius Albinus, 96 02 00 Lucretius, Titus L. Carus, - cit. 2,1-2 96 04 16 S; 2,8-9 96 03 16 S1; 2,79 96 09 23; 3,453 96 07 21 P Liège, 96 11 25 Lynden, Herman van, 96 01 02 C, 96 01 10 B, 96 11 11 G, +961124L - wife Maria van Halmale, 96 11 24 L

Machiavelli, Niccolò, 96 09 10 A Maitland, John, 96 07 01 Malaspina, Alejandro, marquis of,960102S - brother Germanico, 96 01 02 S Malinaeus, Carolus, 96 07 13 HO, 96 10 16 U Malvasia, Innocentius, 96 08 01 M, +960817, 96 08 21 HO Manilius, Marcus, - cit. Astron. 1,515 96 04 22 Mansfelt, Charles of, 96 01 02 C, 96 03 02 H - 1st wife Diane de Cossé, 96 01 17 - 2nd wife Maria-Christina van Egmont, 96 01 17 Marcellinus (medicus), 96 02 19 M Marchantius, Jacobus, *960314, 96 05 06 U, +96 05 21 M, 96 05 21 R - wife Hervina, 96 03 14 - son Franciscus,960506U, 96 05 21 M, 96 05 21 R Marchemis, 96 12 13-16 Marnix of St Aldegonde, Philip, 96 11 10 B Mars, 96 03 14, 96 03 16 BUY, 96 05 21 M Marseille, 96 03 16 S1, 96 04 16 S, 96 04 24, 96 05 22 S, 96 07 12, 96 07 13 HO Martialis, Marcus Valerius, 96 10 19 Martínez de Verastegui, Juan, 96 02 29, +96 03 09 M, 96 10 23, 96 12 02 Mary Stuart, queen of Scotland, 96 09 15 H

Masius, Gisbertus, 96 01 10 L Matthias, archd. of Austria, 96 12 16 Mattiaci, 96 01 10 B Maximiliaan, archd. of Austria, 96 09 24 SE Mechelen, 96 02 12, 96 03 10 O, 96 10 13 Mechelman, 96 11 11 G Medici, Catarina de’, queen of France, 96 01 10 S, 96 03 30 Mendoza, Francisco de, 96 03 09 S, 960310 O, [96 03 18 S (?)], 96 05 02 U, 96 12 16, 96 12 31 A Mengersdorf, Ernst von, 96 08 01 M Mercator, Gerardus, 96 12 01 A Mercurialis, Hieronymus, +96 02 19 M, *96 04 10, +96 05 16 ME, *96 06 30, 96 09 15 M - ed. Var.lect. 96 02 19 M Merula, Paulus, 96 01 10 B Metellus, Johannes, *961216, +96 12 31 M Metilius, Marcus, 96 02 00 Meulen, Daniel van der, 96 11 10 L Mezokeresztes, 96 11 25, 96 12 01 BUR, 96 12 16 Michael, king of Walachia, 96 09 24 SE Middelburg, 96 07 01 Milan, 96 03 09 M Minerva, 96 03 14, 96 09 15 M Minucci, Minuccio, 960302P Minucius Felix, Marcus, 960801M - ed. Octavius 96 08 01 M Modius, Franciscus (de Maulde), 96 01 17, *960801M, +96 08 28, +[c. 96 10 00(?)], 96 11 30 L, +96 11 30 M - ed. Paneg.Lat. 96 08 01 M, 96 11 30 M - ed. Curtius 96 08 28 - ed. Frontinus, Strat. 96 08 28, [c. 96 10 00(?)] Mohammed III, sultan, 96 12 16 Molanus, Johannes, 96 01 10 L Mombritius, Boninus, [96]1018, 96 12 01 C Monelia, Paulus, 96 02 19 M, 96 04 10, +96 05 16 MO, 96 07 15, +96 09 15 M Montgaillard, Bernard de, 96 03 30 Moors, 96 12 01 BUR Moretus, Balthasar, 96 01 02 C, [96 05 02]O, *96 05 06 M, 96 05 06 U, +96 08 27

517 Moretus, Johannes Sr, 96 07 21 S, 96 08 01 M, 96 09 10 B - son Balthasar, cf. supra - son Johannes Jr, 96 05 06 M, 96 08 27 - son Melchior, +960821M Morus, Flaminius, 96 04 17 Moucheron, Balthasar, 96 01 10 S Munich, 96 02 15 Muretus, Marcus Antonius, 96 02 18 Muses, 96 03 16 BUY, 96 12 31 U

Nansius, Franciscus, 96 01 17 Narses, 96 02 15 Nassau, Maurice of, prince, 96 03 16 S2, 96 04 16 S, 96 01 10 S Nero, Claudius Caesar, Rom. emp., 96 02 00 Nemesis, 96 05 22 B, 96 12 01 BUR Nepos, Cornelius, 96 08 31 Neptunus, 96 03 16 BUY, 96 08 13 HO Nesse, Jacob van de, 96 05 04, 96 06 04, 96 09 16, 96 11 11 G Nestor, 96 04 22 Neuenburg, Matthias von, 96 12 31 M Nonnius (Nuñez), Ludovicus, 96 05 06 U - father Alvarez, 96 05 06 U Noot, Leonard, 96 09 16 Northern Low Countries, 96 01 10 S, 96 02 02, 96 05 22 S, 96 08 13 HE, 96 12 01 C - (against) peace with Spain, 96 03 16 BUR1, 96 03 16 BUR2, 96 03 16 BUY, 96 03 16 S1, 96 03 16 S2, 96 04 25, 96 05 02 [H], 96 05 02 U, 96 05 06 V, 96 05 22 B, 96 05 28, 96 07 20 C, 96 08 21 HA, 96 08 21 HO, 96 10 02 BR - edict of 4 April 1596, 96 05 22 B, 96 05 22 S, 96 07 16, 96 07 21 R, 96 08 01 H, 96 08 13 BU, 96 10 02 BR, 96 10 02 BU, 96 10 19, 96 11 10 B - leaders misleading citizens, 96 07 20 C, 96 08 13 HE, 96 10 02 BR - States of Holland, 96 04 16 S - triple alliance, 96 01 02 S, 96 01 10 S, 96 03 16 BUY, 96 03 16 S1, 96 08 21 C, 96 11 10 B, 96 12 01 BUY, 96 12 31 A

Nürnberg, 96 12 16 Nyzart, Pierre de, *960515N, +96 05 19

Odysseus, 96 11 10 W Oebalus, 96 04 17 Olivier, Bernard, S.J., 960309S Oranus, Aegidius (d’Heur), 96 01 05 Oranus, Franciscus (d’Heur), 96 01 05, 96 03 02 P, +961031 Oranus, Johannes (d’Heur), S.J., 96 01 05, +96 08 13 HE, +96 09 14, 96 10 31, +96 11 25 Oranus, Petrus (d’Heur), 96 01 02 C, +9601 05, 96 01 06, 96 01 10 B, +96 04 28, +[96 05 15 H (?)], [96 05 15 H (?)], 96 05 22 B, +[early 96 08 00], +96 08 21 HE, 96 10 31 - father Franciscus, 96 01 05 - son Franciscus, 96 01 05, 96 01 10 B, 96 04 28, 96 08 12, 96 08 13 HE, 96 09 14, 96 10 31, 96 11 25 Ortelius, Abraham, 96 01 02 C, +96 06 03, 96 09 10 B - ed. Theatr.orb.terr. 96 10 02 A, 96 10 16 U, 96 12 01 A Oslevius von Löwenheim, Johannes, 96 01 17, 96 03 02 H, +960302O Ottomans, 96 01 02 C, 96 01 17, 96 05 22 S, 96 07 12, 96 07 20 C, 96 09 10 V, 96 09 24 SE, 96 10 22, 96 11 25, 96 12 01 BUR, 96 12 16, 96 12 31 M Oudaert, Nicolaas, 96 02 15, +96 03 10 O, 96 03 10 P, 96 04 25, +[96 05 02] O, 96 05 06 V, 96 07 13 HA, +96 09 27, *96 10 13 Overijse, 96 11 11 G Ovidius Naso, Publius, - cit. Am.3,2,34 96 12 31 U; Ars.am. 1,65 96 03 16 S2; Met. 9,61 96 03 16 S2; Trist. 5,6,44 96 12 31 U

Pacatus Drepanus, Latinus,960801M Padilla, Pedro de, 96 12 04. Paleotti, Gabriele, *960302P, +96 07 21 P, 96 08 21 B - ed. Debon.sen. 96 03 02 P, 96 07 21 P, 96 08 21 B

518 Pantagato, Ottavio, 96 04 11 Pantinus, Petrus, 96 03 10 O, +96 03 10 P, 96 07 13 HA, +96 09 23, 96 09 27, 96 10 13 Paris, 96 01 02 S Parisio, Gianpaolo, 961027R Pax, goddess, 96 01 10 L, 96 01 10 S Pegasus, 96 03 14 Peifer, David, 961216 Penates, 96 03 14 Pepin the Short, 96 02 15 Pepin I of Landen, 96 02 15 Perdix, 96 03 14 Pérez, Luis, 96 05 06 U, 96 09 10 B, 96 09 14 Persius Flaccus, Aulus, - cit. 1,48-49 96 09 24 SE Pierrard, Etienne, 96 03 30 Pigafetta, Filippo, 960410, 96 05 16 ME, 96 06 30 Philip II, king of Spain, 96 01 10 S, 96 02 15, 96 03 09 M, 96 03 10 P, 96 03 16 BUY, 96 03 16 S1, [96 04 00], 96 04 16 S, 96 04 22, 96 04 25, 96 05 02 [H], 96 05 02 U, 96 05 06 U, 96 05 06 V, 96 05 22 S, 96 07 01, 96 07 12, 96 07 13 HO, 96 07 20 C, 96 07 20 P, 96 07 21 R, 96 08 13 HE, 96 08 17, 96 08 21 C, 96 08 28, 96 09 14, 96 10 22, 96 11 10 L, 96 12 16 Philip III, king of Spain, 96 01 10 S, 96 01 14 S, 96 03 10 O, 96 11 10 L Philip, count of Hohenlohe-Langenburg, 96 04 16 S Philip-William, duke of Bavaria, 96 08 01 M - brother Ferdinand, 96 08 01 M Philip-William, prince of Orange, 960416S Pighius, Stephanus (Wijnants), 96 12 16, 96 12 13-16, 96 12 31 M Pindarus, - cit. Pind. N. 7,48 96 03 16 BUY, 96 06 20, 96 12 13-16 Pio, Giovanni Battista, 960416D - ed. Apollinaris Sidonius 96 04 16 D Pistorius, Johannes, 96 05 06 U Plancius, Petrus, 96 01 10 S Plantin, Christopher, 96 01 10 S, 96 08 27 - wife Jeanne Rivière, 96 08 27

Platius, Marius, 96 01 10 W Plato, 96 09 10 A - cit. Grg. 498e 96 07 21 S; Lg. 916a 96 12 13-16; Phlb. 60a 96 07 21 S; Symp. 189d-193e 96 05 07 Plautus, Titus Maccius, 96 08 31, 96 12 13-16 - cit. Aul. 57 96 12 01 BUY; 818-819 96 04 13; Bacch.248 96 03 14;Mil. 1020 96 04 13, 96 06 20, 96 12 13-16; Stich. 622 96 03 10; Trin. 963 96 03 16 BUY, 96 06 20, 96 12 13-16 Plinius, Caius P. Secundus Maior, - cit. H.N.2,126

96 07 01

Plinius, Caius P. Secundus Minor, 96 12 13-16 - cit. Ep. 1,8,1

96 01 10 W, 96 12 23 R

Plutarchus, - cit. Deaud. 2,44b 96 11 30 M; Lyc. 16 96 02 19 M; Num. 5,7-8 96 09 24 SE; Pomp. 57,3 96 09 08 ; Publ. 10 96 04 11 Poland, 96 09 24 SE Politianus, Angelus, 961027R,96 11 26, 96 12 13-16 Pollio, Everardus (van de Poll), 96 03 16 BUR1, 96 10 02 BR, 96 10 19 Polybius, 96 05 06 M, 96 09 10 A - ed. Geneva (1596), 96 05 06 M - cit. 8,4,2-10 09 24 SC

[96] 09 24 SC; Fr. 225

[96]

Portugal, - history of, 96 05 06 M, 96 05 06 U Praet (Prats), Philip, 96 02 19 B Prochnicius, Andreas (Pruchnicki), 96 09 24 SE Propertius, Sextus, - cit. 4,3,49-50 S2

96 05 07; 4,11,4

96 03 16

Pruynen, Cornelis, +96 07 20 P, 96 09 10 B

Quintilianus, Marcus Fabius, - cit. Inst.Or. 3,8,44 96 07 05; 4,2,88 07 05; 4,2,116 96 09 27 Quinzio, Federico, 96 02 29

96

519 Ramírez de Arellano, Juan, +961124R Rantzau, Heinrich von (Ranzovius), 960519, 96 12 13-16 Raphelengius, Franciscus Jr, 96 03 16 BUY, 96 10 02 R Raphelengius Franciscus Sr, 96 01 10 H, 96 08 31, +96 10 02 R - wife Margareta Plantin, 96 10 02 R - daughter Elizabeth, 96 10 02 R - son Franciscus, cf. supra - son Justus, 96 01 10 H, 961002R Ratisbon, 96 08 01 M - Diet, 96 05 02 U, 96 05 06 V, 96 08 01 M, 96 12 16 Răzdan, Stephan, king of Moldavia, 96 09 24 SE Richardot, Jean, 96 01 10 B, 96 02 19 H, 96 07 16, +96 07 21 R, 96 08 01 H, 96 08 13 HE, 96 09 20 H, +96 09 20 R, 96 09 30, +96 10 16 R, +96 10 17, 96 11 05 H, 96 12 01 BUY, *96 12 23 R - son Antoine, 96 01 10 B, 96 09 14, 96 09 20 C, 96 09 20 H, 96 09 20 H, 96 09 30, 96 10 17, 96 11 05 H, 96 12 01 BUY, 96 12 23 R - son Guillaume, 96 01 10 B, 96 09 14, 96 09 20 C, 96 09 20 H, 96 09 20 H, 96 09 30, 96 10 17, 96 11 05 H, 96 12 01 BUY, 96 12 23 R Richarius (Rykaert), Petrus, 96 01 10 H, 9601 14G Rijswijckius, Reinerus, +96 05 21 R Rittershusius, Conradus, 96 08 01 M, *960831, +96 10 27 R - ed. Oppianus 96 08 01 M, 96 08 31 Rivière, Jeanne, 96 01 02 C Riwallonus Richardus, Rollandus, *96 04 13 Robiano, Balthasar de, +960202, 96 07 13 HO, 96 10 16 U Roeland, Martin, +96 02 15 Roels, Christoffel, +960701, +96 09 18 Rome, 96 03 09 CU Rotarius, Johannes (Radermacher), 960910V Rotterdam, 96 04 16 S Rouen, 96 01 02 S, 96 12 16

Royer, Jeanne de, 96 01 05 Rudolph I, King of Germ., 96 02 15, 96 12 31 M Rudolph II, Emp., 96 01 17, 96 05 02 U, 96 05 22 S, 96 11 11 S, 96 12 15, 96 12 16

Sabinus, 96 02 00 Sacco, Giambattista, *96 02 29, 96 03 09 M, *96 10 23, +96 12 02 Sailly, Thomas de, +960309S Salentin von Isenburg, archb. Colog., 96 02 15 Sallustius, Caius S. Crispus, 96 01 10 B Sandelinus, Gerardus, 96 01 10 B, 96 01 10 L, +96 01 10 S, 96 03 16 BUY, +96 03 16 S1, +96 03 16 S2, *96 04 16 S, 96 05 06 V, 96 06 14, +96 06 20, 96 08 13 BU, 96 10 02 BU, 96 11 10 B, 96 11 10 B, 96 12 01 BUY San Victores de Portilla, Francisco, 96 03 16 S2, 96 07 20 C Saracenus, Johannes (Sarrazin), 96 02 12, 96 02 19 B, 96 05 15 N, 96 05 19, 96 09 10 B, +960920S Scaliger, Josephus Justus, 96 01 10 B, 96 01 10 W, 96 02 18, 96 03 16 BUY, 96 06 14, +96 06 15, 96 08 31, 96 09 08, *[96] 09 24 SC, 96 10 02 R, 96 11 10 B - ed. DeEmend.Temp. [96] 09 24 SC - ed. Deaequin.anticipat.diatriba [96] 09 24 SC Scaliger, Julius Caesar, 960715 Scarbergerus, Guilielmus, 96 01 10 B, 961124L Schetz, Antoon, 96 09 20 H Schoppius, Caspar, 960831, 96 10 27 R - ed. Verisimil.lib.IV (1596) 96 08 31, 96 10 27 R Scotland, 96 04 16 S, 96 09 15 H Schott, Andreas, S.J., 96 02 02, +960218, 96 03 10 P, +960721S,96 09 23 - brother Jacobus, 96 02 02, 96 02 18 - nephew Franciscus, 96 05 06 U - ed. Cornelius Nepos 96 02 18 - ed. Sextus Aurelius Victor 96 02 18 - ed. Pomponius Mela 96 02 18 - ed. Seneca rhetor 96 02 18, 96 03 10 P, 96 07 21 S, 96 09 23

520 Schotti, Hendrik, 96 02 02, 96 07 13 HO, 96 10 16 U Schwartzmaier von Schwartzenau, Ludwig, +961111S - echtg. Anna Maria Freymon, 96 11 11 S - ed. Misc.iur.lib.I 96 11 11 S Scribani, Carolus, S.J., 96 08 13 HE Scyths, 96 12 31 M Sedulius (Vroom), Henricus, 960705, 96 09 10 B Seneca, Lucius Annaeus Jr, 96 02 18, 96 03 10, 96 03 16 S1, 96 03 16 S2, 96 09 10 A, 96 09 23, 96 11 30 M - cit. Ben. 7,20,3 96 02 00; Clem. 1,9 96 05 07; Const.Sap. 2,3,5 96 03 16 S2; Ep. 15,1 96 03 16 S1; 62,3 96 07 13 HA; 73,2 96 04 25; 108,37 96 09 16; Q.N. 5,16,4 96 07 01; Thyest. 621-622 96 03 16 BUR1 Serarius, Nicolaus, S.J., +96 09 24 SE Sidonius, Apollinaris, 96 04 16 D - cit. Ep. 1,5,11 96 04 16 D; 1,7,11 96 04 16 D; 1,11,13 96 04 16 D; 1,11,15 96 04 16 D; 1,11,17 96 04 16 D; 2,2,16 96 04 16 D; 2,2,17 96 04 16 D; 2,12,2 96 04 16 D; 2,14,1 96 04 16 D; 3,2,2 96 04 16 D; 3,3,4 96 04 16 D; 3,11,2 96 04 16 D; 3,13,10 96 04 16 D; 3,13,11 96 04 16 D; 3,14,2 96 04 16 D; 4,3,5 96 04 16 D; 5,3,4 96 04 16 D; 5,10,3 96 04 16 D; 7,9,22 96 04 16 D; 8,3,5 96 04 16 D; 8,10,3 96 04 16 D; 8,11,4 96 04 16 D; 9,4,1 96 04 16 D; 9,14,1 96 04 16 D; 9,14,2 96 04 16 D; Carm. 2,17 96 04 16 D; 2,31 96 04 16 D; 2,142 96 04 16 D; 2,265-266 96 04 16 D; 2,273 96 04 16 D; 2,449 96 04 16 D; 5,109 96 04 16 D; 5, 251-252 96 04 16 D; 7,60 96 04 16 D; 7,66-68 96 04 16 D; 9,193 96 04 16 D; 10,17 96 04 16 D Sieniawski, 960924SE Sigalion, 96 04 17 Sigismund, king of Bohemia & Hungary, 96 04 22, 96 04 24 - daughter Elisabeth of Luxemburg, 96 04 22 Sigismundus III Wasa, king of Poland, 96 12 16

Sinan, Pasja, 96 01 02 C, 96 12 16 Sirmondus, Jacobus, S.J., 960416 D - ed. Sidonius Apollinaris 96 04 16 D Solon, - cit. Eleg. fr. 14,2 96 12 13-16 South. Low Countries, 96 03 10 O, 96 04 25, 96 08 21 C, 96 09 10 V, 96 12 01 C, 96 12 31 A - mutiny Span. troops, 96 01 02 S - unsafe roads, 96 04 22, 96 04 24, 96 05 16 MO, 96 05 21 M, 96 11 24 L, 96 11 25 - longing for peace, 96 01 02 S, 96 04 24, 96 05 21 M, 96 05 22 B Spa, 96 09 15 D Spain, 96 01 10 B, 96 01 10 S, 96 03 02 P, 96 03 14, 96 03 16 S1, 96 04 24, 96 05 25, 96 07 20 C, 96 08 13 HE, 96 11 10 L, 96 11 24 R - armada (1588) 96 04 24, 96 05 25, 96 09 14; (1596) 96 01 10 B, 96 01 14 S, 96 05 25, 96 05 28, 96 07 13 HO, 96 09 14, 96 10 22, 96 11 25, 96 12 01 BUY, 96 12 16, 96 12 31 M Spinola, Gaston, +960102C, +96 01 14 S, + [96 03 18 S (?)], 96 03 18 G - wife Marie de Renty, 96 01 02 S - son Bertin-Oudard,960102S Stanihurst, Richard, 96 02 15 Stapleton, Thomas, 96 03 09 CU, 96 03 30, 96 08 21 HO Stecher, Sybille, 96 11 10 L Stephanus Byzantius, - cit. 96 09 24 SE Stephanus, Henricus (Estienne), 96 08 01 M, 96 08 31 - ed. Glossariaduo 96 04 16 D Stewechius, Godeschalcus, 96 05 06 M Sucquet, Antonius, S.J., [960000]B - father Antonius, [96 00 00] B Suetonius, Caius S. Tranquillus, 96 02 00, - cit. Aug. 85,3 96 10 19; Caes. 32,3 96 01 02 S; 84,4 96 02 00; Vesp. 2,3 96 02 00; 4,5 96 02 00; 5,2 96 02 00; 18,1 96 02 00; 19,1 96 02 00. Suffridus, Petrus, 96 12 16

521 Sulla, Lucius Cornelius, 96 05 19 Surius, Laurant, [96]1018 Sweertius, Franciscus, +96 05 22 S Sylburgius, Fredericus, 96 05 06 M Sylvius, Cornelius, 96 10 16 R Symmachus, Quintus Aurelius, 96 08 31 Szolnok, 96 09 24 SE

Uscocs, 96 07 12 Utenhovia (Pallantia), Anna, 96 12 13-16 Utenhovius, Carolus, *96 12 13-16, 96 12 16, 96 12 31 M, +96 12 31 U - father Carolus Sr, 96 12 13-16 - grand-father Nicolaus, 96 12 13-16 - ed. Allusiones96 12 13-16 U - ed. Leg.Epist.96 12 13-16 Utilones, dukes of Bavaria, 96 02 15

Tacitus, Caius Cornelius, 96 09 10 A, 96 12 13-16 - cit. Agr. 4 96 04 16 D; Ann. 12,14 96 01 10 B, Germ. 29 96 01 10 B Tassilones, dukes of Bavaria, 96 02 15 Tatars, 96 09 24 SE, 96 12 16 Terentius Afer, Publius, 96 12 13-16 - cit. Phorm. 638-639 96 03 16 BUY, 96 06 20, 96 12 13-16 Terpnus, 96 02 00 Tetrateuch, 96 09 24 SE Theocritus, - cit. Id. 6,18-19 96 08 31 Theodebert I, king of the Francs, 96 02 15, Theodo, duke, 96 02 15 Theodobald I, king of the Francs, 96 02 15 Theodoric the Great, king of the Ostrogoths, 96 02 15 Theodoric II, king of the Visigoths, 96 02 15 Theofilus, [96] 09 24 SC Theognis, - cit. Eleg. 168 and 616 96 12 13-16 Thriverius , Hieremias (De Drijvere), 960715, 96 09 16 Thucydides, 96 09 10 A Torrentius, Laevinus (vander Beke), 96 07 20 P, 96 09 10 B - kinsm. Johannes Torrentius, 960720P - ed. Suetonius, 96 02 00 Tour d’Auvergne, Henri de la, 96 07 12 Trente, council of, 96 01 07 Tribonianus, [96] 09 24 SC Truchsess von Waldburg, Gebhardt, 96 02 15 Turnebus, Adrianus, 96 12 13-16

Utrecht, [96] 10 18, 96 10 19 Uwens, Hendrik, +96 05 02 U, *96 05 06 U, 96 07 13 HA, 96 07 13 HO, 96 08 01 H, 96 10 13, +96 10 16 U

Vaenius, Otho (van Veen), 96 01 02 C, 96 05 22 S, 96 07 20 P, 96 08 21 B Valerius Poplicola, Publius, 96 04 11 Varicius, Jacobus, 96 01 10 S, 96 03 16 S1, 96 03 16 S2, 96 04 30, +96 05 06 V, *96 11 05 V, +96 11 08 - intention to marry, 96 11 05 V, 96 11 08 - wife Sybilla della Faille, 96 11 05 V - wife Anna Rovalesco, 96 11 05 V - son Matthias, 96 11 05 V - son Gaspar, 96 11 05 V - a brother, 96 11 05 V Varrabon, marquis of, 96 10 22 Varro, Marcus Terentius, 96 04 11, 96 09 08 - cit. ap. Non. 70,13 96 01 10 W, 96 12 23 R; 248,17 96 05 07; R.R. 3,19,9 96 09 23 Vasseur, Frans le, 960515N Vechelen, Dierck van, 960110L Vegetius Renatus, Flavius, 96 11 26 - cit. Mil. 4,21,4 [96] 09 24 SC; 4,17,6 [96] 09 24 SC Velia, 96 04 11 Venus, 96 02 00, 96 03 16 BUY, 96 05 06 V, 96 05 21 M Verdun, 96 09 15 D Vereycken, Godfried, 96 01 10 B

522 Vergilius, Publius V. Maro, 96 03 14, 96 09 23 - cit. Aen. 3,395 96 04 22, 96 04 24; 4,441449 96 03 09 F; G. 1,500 96 07 05 Verreycken, Lodewijk, 960801H Vespasianus, Titus Flavius, Rom. emp., 96 02 00 Vica Pota, 96 04 11 Victoria, 96 04 11 Villerius, Dionysius (Denis de Villers), 96 08 14 Villerius, Gerardus, 960114G Viringus, Johannes Walterus, 96 02 19 B Visegrád, 96 01 02 C Vitruvius, 96 03 16 BUY - cit. 6,1,5 [96] 09 24 SC Vivianus, Johannes, 96 01 17, 96 09 08, +96 09 10 V, 96 12 13-16 - wife Catharina Malapert, 96 09 10 V Vorstius, Everardus, 960417 Vosbergen, Gaspar van, 96 07 01, 96 09 18 Vriendt, Maximiliaan de, 961013 Vulcanius, Bonaventura, 96 01 17, [96] 10 18 Vulgata, - Eccl. 96 09 10 A;Eccli.96 09 10 A; Sap. 96 09 10 A -cit. Nov.Test., Eph. 4,25 96 09 24 SE - cit. Vet.Test, Is. 42,5 96 12 13-16; Macc. 1,8,16 96 09 24 SE; 1,12,6-22 96 09 24 SE; 1, 12,21 96 09 24 SE; 1,15,16 96 09 24 SE; Zach. 12, 11 96 09 24 SE

Wachtendonck, Arnold van, 96 08 21 HE Walachia, 96 01 02 C, 96 05 22 S Wamesius (Weyms), Stephanus, 960814 Waverius, Petrus, 96 03 27, 96 06 04, 96 06 14, 96 08 12, 96 10 27 G, 96 11 11 G - son Justus, 96 03 27 Weerdt, Nicolaas de, 96 03 18 G, 96 03 27, 96 05 04, +96 05 21 W, 96 08 12, 96 08 19 - wife Anna Breugel, 96 03 18 G, 96 03 27, 96 05 04, 96 05 21 W, 96 08 12, 96 08 19, 96 09 30 - daughter Reine, 96 05 04, 96 05 21 W

Welser, Marcus, 96 08 01 M Vienna, 96 12 16 Werdenstein, Johannes Georgius von, 960603 Wilius, Aelius Franciscus van der (Wiele), 96 04 17 William V the Pious, duke of Bavaria, 96 08 01 M William of Bloys, Lord of Treslong, 960416S - sons, 96 04 16 S Willemaers, Leonard, 96 09 16 Wiltius, Henricus (van Wilt), 96 01 10 B, 96 03 16 BUR1, 96 10 02 BR, 96 10 19 Windius, Josephus, 96 12 13-16 Winghius, Antonius, +961126 - brother Hieronymus, 96 08 14, 96 11 26 Witendel(l)ius, Petrus Cornelius, 96 01 10 B, 960630 Woverius Hamburgensis, Johannes, +960110W - father Nicolas, 96 01 10 W - ed. Apollinaris Sidonius 96 01 10 W, 96 04 16 D - ed. Petronius, Satyricon 96 01 10 W, 96 10 02 BR Woverius Antverpiensis, Johannes, +96 07 22, +96 11 10 W Würzburg, 96 06 03, 96 09 24 SE

Xenophon, - cit. Oec. 7,25 96 05 07 Ximenes, André or Emmanuel, 96 05 06 U

Ysenbaert, cf. Aenobarbus

Zeeland, 96 04 16 S Zevendonk, Dionysius a, 96 09 16 Zülpich, 96 02 15