Institutions and Societies for Teaching, Research and Popularisation English; French: Proceedings of the XXth International Congress of History of Science (Liège, 20-26 July 1997) Vol. XIX 2503514138, 9782503514130

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INSTITUTIONS AND SOCIETIES FOR TEACHING, RESEARCH AND POPULARISAT ION

DE DIVERSIS ARTIBUS COLLECTION DE TRAVAUX

COLLECTION OF STUDIES

DEL' ACADEMIE INTERNATIONALE

FROM THE INTERNATIONAL ACADEMY

D'HISTOIRE DES SCIENCES

OF THE HISTORY OF SCIENCE

DIRECTION EDITORS

EMMANUEL

ROBERT

POULLE

HALLEUX

TOME 62 (N.S. 25)

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BREPOLS

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PROCEEDINGS OF THE XXth INTERNATIONAL CONGRESS OF HISTORY OF SCIENCE (Liege, 20-26 July 1997)

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VOLUMEXIX

INSTITUTIONS AND SOCIETIES FOR TEACHING, RESEARCH AND POPULARISATION Edited by

Andree DESPY-MEYER

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BREPOLS

The XXth International Congress of History of Science was organized by the Belgian National Committee for Logic, History and Philosophy of Science with the support of : ICSU Ministere de la Politique scientifique Academie Royale de Belgique Koninklijke Academie van Belgie FNRS

Chambre de Commerce et d'Industrie de la Ville de Liege Club liegeois des Exportateurs Cockerill Sambre Group Credit Communal FWO Derouaux Ordina sprl Communaute franc;:aise de Belgique Disteel Cold s.a. Region Wallonne Etilux s.a. Service des Affaires culturelles de la Ville Fabrimetal Liege - Luxembourg de Liege Generale Bank n.v. Service de l'Enseignement de la Ville Generale de Banque s.a. de Liege Interbrew Universite de Liege L'Esperance Commerciale Comite Sluse asbl Maison de la Metallurgie et de l'Industrie Federation du Tourisme de la Province de Liege de Liege Office des Produits wallons College Saint-Louis Peeters Institut d'Enseignement superieur Peket de Houyeu "Les Rivageois" Petrofina Rescolie Academic Press Sabena Agora-Beranger SNCB APRIL Societe chimique Prayon Rupel Banque Nationale de Belgique SPE Zone Sud Carlson Wagonlit Travel TEC Liege - Verviers Incentive Travel House Vulcain Industries

© 2002 Brepols Publishers n.v., Turnhout, Belgium

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher. D/2002/0095/58 ISBN 2-503-51413-8 Printed in the E.U. on acid-free paper

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Introduction ...................................................................................................... 9 Andree DESPY-MEYER

Part one TEACHING INSTITUTIONS

Defining places of experiment in late 17th century Leiden ........................... 13 Gerhard WIESENFELDT The Renaissance of science and technology in l 8th century Spain ...................................................................................... 23 Javier GOICOLEA ZALA The Development of astronomy, physics and mathematics at Jagellonian University in the last two centuries on the background of historical ch/anges in Cracow .................................................................... 35 Bronislaw SREDNIAWA Institutions of geography in Estonia, I71h-201h centuries ............................. .41 Ott KURS and Erki T AMMIKSAAR La Ensefianza de la nautica en Bilbao entre 1847 y 1869 ........................... 61 Itsaso IBANEZ Laimi Leidenius, the "first lady" of the University of Helsinki ................. 75 Anto LEIKOLA Chemists at the BASF between 1865 and 1900: an example for the German Ph.D. problem ............................................................................ 81 Michael ROTH Techniques d'origine coloniale et recherche scientifique au Bresil : une progression en parallele au x1xe siecle ................................. 89 Wilson SCHMIDT et Pascal BYE Marche vers la creation de l'Institut National pour l'Etude Agronomique du Congo Belge .................................................................... 105 WemoMENGE The Kaiser-Wilhelm-Gesellschaft and the career chances for female scientists between 1911and1945 ................................................... 111 Annette VOGT

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

The Educational paths and career choices of chemists in Britain, 1918-1943 ................................................................................... 125 Robin MACKIE Underground universities. Teaching chemistry during the war and occupation in Poland, 1939-1945 ......................................................... 135 Krystyna KABZINSKA

Part two LEARNED SOCIETIES

" The Royall Society in Miniture " : Thomas Yeoman and the Northampton Philosophical Society ............................................................ 143 David L. BATES Portuguese sources of History of Science in the l 81h century. The instrumental meteorological observations ............................................ 153 Maria de Fatima NUNES 19th century industrial societies : scientific and technological dissemination and encouragement of entrepreneurial activity .................... 161 Ana Maria CARDOSO DE MATOS Des espaces au service d'un projet : les Hotels de la Societe d'Encouragemen t pour l'Industrie nationale et leurs fonctions au x1xe siecle (1801-1914) .......................................................................... 175 Serge BENOIT et Daniel BLOUIN Organization and activity of Academic and Technical Committees of Marine Ministry in Russia in l 91h - beginning 20th centuries ................ 193 Elena V. SOBOLEVA and Alexander V. SOLDATOV Ukrainian scientific societies of 191h century and development of microbiology ............................................................................................ 199 Svetlana RUDAYA Institutionnalisation et professionnalisation de la science en Algerie : le cas des naturalistes coloniaux ................................................................. 207 Yamina BETTAHAR The Canadian Learned Societies in the l 91h century .................................. 229 Clelia PIGHETTI Women in scientific and technical associations (1930-1997) ..................... 237 Eva Katalin V AMOS The foreign influence in the emergence of the Mexican Mathematical Society : the Spanish case ............................................................................ 257 Galo RUIZ-SOTO and Pablo ROSELL-GONZALEZ

Part three DIFFUSION AND POPULARIZATIO N OF KNOWLEDGE

The Birth of Philosophical Transactions : Henry Oldenburg and the market for " Philosophical communication " ........................................ 265 Iordan A VRAMOV

INSTITUTIONS AND SOCIETIES FOR TEACHING Fray Martin Sarmiento (1695-1772) : una figura preclara de la ciencia,en Espana en el siglo xvm ......................................................... 271 Mari ALVAREZ LIRES Sparking off public science : the popularization of electricity in Germany (1740-1790), enlightenment or entertainment? ....................... 289 Oliver HOCHADEL The popularisation of science in Portugal in the eighteenth century: The Encyclopaedic Journal (Jornal Enciclopedico) .................... 295 Fernando Jose EGIDIO REIS Presencias cientifico-tecnicas extranjeras en los Extractos (1771-1793) de la Real Sociedad Bascongada de Amigos del Pa(s ................................ 307 Jose LLOMBART Popularisierung und Wissenchaftssprache. Die " Chemie .. .in Liebigs Munde wird sie sprachgewaltig ... " ................. 317 Regine ZOTT Les expositions universelles comme mecanismes de la mondialisation de la science : la participation de l' Amerique latine dans les expositions parisiennes de la deuxieme moitie du XIXe siecle ..... 329 Leoncio L6PEZ-0C6N CABRERA Exchange and documentation : the book as a means of international communication among scientists ........................................... 337 Eckhardt FUCHS Mujer y ciencia en Mexico : participaci6n y productividad ....................... 349 Virginia LOPEZ VILLEGAS

Contributors .................................................................................................. 359

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INTRODUCTION

Andree DESPY-MEYER

Dans le cadre d'un Symposium international portant sur l'histoire des sciences, il etait fondamental d'accorder !'importance qu'il convenait a celles que l'on appelle generalement "les institutions scientifiques ", qu'il s'agisse de departements universitaires, de societes scientifiques autonomes ou d'initiatives de personnalites particulieres. En effet, les contributions diverses que l' on trouvera dans le present volume illustrent parfaitement le rOle qu' ant joue ces differentes institutions dans le developpement de l' ensemble des mouvements scientifiques depuis le xvne siecle jusqu'a nos jours, que l'on songe aux mouvements de pensee a caractere plutot philosophique ou bien au developpement particulierement significatif de certaines sciences specifiques comme les mathematiques, la physique, l' astronomie, la chimie, ou encore de progres techniques dans le domaine des sciences appliquees. Les contributions que l' on pourra lire ici couvrent essentiellement les divers mouvements scientifiques dans l'Europe toute entiere car il est particulierement important d' observer que, si plusieurs articles concement diverses activites scientifiques en Europe occidentale, il en est d' autres qui illustrent le developpement de la pensee et de la recherche dans l'Europe orientale et dans les deux Ameriques. Dans un ensemble tel que celui qui est presente ici, il etait inevitable que des lacunes apparaissent : soit pour certains pays, soit pour certaines disciplines particulieres. Mais il n' empeche : cet ensemble devrait conduire a de nouvelles reflexions, qu' il s' agisse d' approfondir pour certains pays des recherches qui ant ete entamees dans d'autres; qu'il s'agisse de la confrontation des resultats auxquels ant conduit des enquetes menees a propos de telle ou telle discipline scientifique. De surcroit, cette reunion offrait un avantage supplementaire et inestimable, celui de permettre a des chercheurs de pays et d'horizons divers de se rencontrer a la fois sur le plan humain et sur le plan scientifique. Il y avait fa, dans le chef des organisateurs de ce Symposium, I' affirmation d'une esperance verita-

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ble, celle de promouvoir une reelle recherche internationale et coordonnee, si faire se peut, pour mesurer au mieux les progres que diverses sciences ont dils a ces institutions scientifiques. Jene peux terminer cette Introduction sans evoquer les contributions qui ont traite de la place des femmes dans le monde scientifique, comment au fil des annees et avec beaucoup de perseverance, elles sont parvenues a etre admises et reconnues au sein des centres de recherche et des institutions d'enseignement superieur ainsi que des associations scientifiques specifiques a l'une ou I' autre des disciplines qui avaient leur preference, a savoir la chimie, la biochimie, la physique. Les resultats obtenus dans les differentes enquetes qui ont ete menees montrent I' importance qualitative et quantitative de leurs travaux lesquels ne sont pas toujours recompenses comme ils le devraient, les postes de direction restant souvent aux mains de leurs seuls collegues masculins. Toutefois quelques exceptions derogent a la regle et c'est le cas de Laimi Leidenius, premiere femme a enseigner a la Faculte de mectecine de l'Universite d'Helsinki des 1925. Mais !'auteur se plait a nous rappeler combien la Finlande se situait au ctebut du xxe siecle a la pointe des democraties europeennes, ayant accorde deja en 1906 aux femmes le droit d'etre electrices et eligibles au Parlement de leur pays.

PART ONE

TEACHING INSTITUTIONS

DEFINING PLACES OF EXPERIMENT IN LATE 17th CENTURY LEIDEN

Gerhard WIESENFELDT

Dus veragt den Anatomis den Chymist, deese als besitters van geheimen veragten de Practicijns, den Philosoof kittelt zig met diepsinnige redeneeringe &c. en dus onderling verdeelt, broeijen voort een menigtal van Sectens, voor welke meer gestreden weerd, als 't beyvoeren der waarheiden, en alzao vervalt men weder tot nieuwe verslaaving aan Meesters-lessen 1. These words written by the physician Jacob Roman in 1696 form a complaint about the state of experimental science at a university where the process formerly known as the Scientific Revolution had already happened. Twenty seven years earlier, Leiden university had established a chemical laboratory, six years later a physical theatre ; the Theatrum Anatomicum had an even longer tradition. But the experimental places at Leiden were not striving in harmony in pursuit of useful knowledge, instead there were ongoing conflicts over the role of the different places. In this talk, I want to analyse the conflicts between two of those institutions, the chemical laboratory and the physical theatre. The fact that both were set up so early indicates the high status experimental sciences had at Leiden. It also indicates the ability of early modem universities to integrate new sciences into their curricula - a process in which Leiden served as a role model for a large number of other universities.

The conflicts between the chemical laboratory and the Theatrum Physicum were essentially about the definitions of the sciences that were represented by both institutions. What status should they have ? Should they be auxiliaries for other disciplines or sciences in their own right ? Were they philosophy ? And 1. J. le Mort, Licht der Natuurkunde, Aangestoken tot den Opbouw der ware Genees-Konst, Steunende op vertoogbare gronden van Onderrvindinge en Reden. Nevens de Brief-Wisseling over het zelve, Uytgegeven door de Heer J. Roman, Amsterdam, 1696, 241.

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what were the ends of experimentation : practical application, foundation of certain knowledge, or moral edification? All professors working in the fields of chemistry and physics had to address these questions when they wanted to achieve a stronger position for the discipline. I want to follow their main line of arguments, starting with the foundation of the chemical laboratory. THE FOUNDATION OF THE CHEMICAL LABORATORY

The chemical laboratory had been established after an initiative of the professor of clinical medicine, Franciscus de Le Boe Sylvius, who already held private lectures on chemistry in his own laboratory2 . In 1668 the curators of the university decided : "As to the perfection of the medical faculty there is still want of a chemical laboratory, by which the students can be trained in chemical operations and experiences, so this meeting has resolved to search for someone, who will be able to establish such a chemical laboratory and to teach the natural operations by means of chemistry " 3 . This position was filled with the Utrecht lecturer Carel de Maets, who was at the same time given the right to hold lectures as well as disputations on chemistry. De Maets began lecturing in August of 1669 and employed a servant at the expense of the university. His work seems to have been successful, as in the following year it became necessary to enlarge the laboratory and de Maets was promoted to extraordinary professor of medicine. He received an annual salary of 400 guilders and a budget of 250 guilders for expenditures 4 . In 1672, he was rewarded with an ordinary professorship. This time, however, his promotion was not without difficulties. By his own request, de Maets became a member of the philosophical faculty 5 . The obvious reason for this move was that de Maets hoped to achieve a more independent position for chemistry, which until then had been regarded as an auxiliary discipline for the education of medical students. The philosophical faculty was outraged, especially after it became known that de Maets was also allowed to preside over doctoral disputations, a right hitherto reserved for the professors of philosophy 2. On the institutional history of the chemical laboratory see : W.P. Jorissen, Het chemisch (thans anorganisch chemisch) der universiteit te Leiden van 1859-1909 en de chemische laboratoria dier universiteit v66r dat tijdvak en hen, die er in doceerden, Leiden, 1909, 9-31 and J.W. van Spronsen, "The Beginning of Chemistry", in T.H. Lunsingh Scheurleer and G.H.M. Posthumus Meyjes (eds), Leiden University in the Seventeenth Century. An Exchange of Learning, Leiden, 1975, 329-343. 3. P.C. Molhuysen, Brannen tot de geschiedenis der Leidsche Universiteit, vol. 3, Den Haag, 1913-1924, 227f. 4. Idem, 241-247. 5. University Library Leiden, MS AC 108.

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and mathematics. But despite their protests the university curators maintained their decision and de Maets became full member of the faculty 6 . The continuing resistance of the philosophers over more than half a year implies that it was not only the manner of the appointment that they criticized but also the subject that they considered unsuitable for their faculty. CARTESIAN CRISIS AND THE THEATRUM PHYS/CUM

Yet, these quarrels were soon overshadowed by renewed controversies over the philosophy of Rene Descartes, which had arisen in the wake of the national crisis of 1672 aroused by the disastrous war against England and France that brought William the Third and the conservative Orangist party into power and increased pressure on the Cartesians within the university 7 . The first casualty was Theodor Craanen, whose continuing assaults on orthodox theologians lead to his relegation from the philosophical to the medical faculty and a cut in his salary. This brought the other Cartesian professor of philosophy, Burchard de Volder, into a difficult position. In his attempt to steer Cartesianism away from the dangerous areas of theological debate and public uproar, he found the model of the Royal Society very appealing, travelled to England in 1674 and returned with the idea of introducing experimental philosophy to Leiden. He asked the curators " if following the example of foreign academies and illustrious schools at this university the truth and certainty of the theses and doctrines presented to the students in the physica theoretica could be taught and proved by experiments " 8 . But this time, de Maets objected. He argued that there already was a laboratory for experimental lectures, for which there was an annual budget, which had a servant and which was very popular among students, in short, if there was physica experimentalis to be taught at Leiden it should be done by himself in the chemical laboratory9 . The curators resolved the matter by granting the right to teach physica experimentalis to both professors. De Maets received a pay rise of 200 guilders and an extra 100 guilders per year for the acquisition of instruments. For de Volder, however, the curators decided to buy a house for 2.500 guilders, which was to become the new Theatrum physicum. Furthermore, he was given 400 guilders for the purchase of instruments, a sum that de Volder quietly aug6. P.C. Molhuysen, Brannen tot de geschiedenis der Leidsche Universiteit, vol. 3, op. cit., 266269. 7. On the history of Cartesianism at Leiden see: T.A. MacGahagan, Cartesianism in the Netherlands, 1639-1676; The New Science and the Counter-Reformation, Philadelphia, 1976 and A.C. De Hoog, Some Currents of Thought in Dutch Natural Philosophy, 1675-1720, Oxford, 1974, 1121. 8. P.C. Molhuysen, Brannen tot de geschiedenis der Leidsche Universiteit, vol. 3, op. cit., 298. 9. University Library Leiden, MS AC 108.

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mented to over 900 and which over the years became nearly as high as 4.000 guilders 10 . In his lectures de Volder on the whole adopted Boyle's programme of experimental natural philosophy 11 . The central instrument was an air-pump built by Samuel van Musschenbroek after a design by Robert Hooke and many of the experiments shown had been taken out of Boyle's New Experiments PhysicoMechanicall. His theoretical views were favourably considered, too, although besides Boyle Torricelli, Pascal, and, of course, Descartes also made there way into the physical theatre. What de Volder was careful not to introduce, however, was any reference to religious matters. Instead of this, de Volder drew upon the example of anatomy as an experimental tradition, which had a central place in the representation of learned knowledge at Leiden as well as an institution of morality, where the vanity of human striving was demonstrated to the public by the dissection of carefully chosen corpses 12 . De Volder followed this model both in the design of the Theatrum physicum as in the course of his lectures, in which he frequently used the topic of the necessity of air for respiration to show the usefulness of his experiments for medicine and to remind his audience of their own mortality. De Volder was soon rivalled by his colleague Wolford Senguerd, whose lectures on philosophy had been publicly attacked by Cartesians and who in consequence began to lecture on experimental philosophy. Senguerd constructed his own air-pump and used it for private lectures, for which he was rewarded with a salary increase. But while de Volder used experiments to show that the new science was by no means interfering in theological disputes, Senguerd wanted to show by means of experiment that natural philosophy and orthodox theology were in perfect harmony. In his textbook Philosophia naturalis, he adopted an eclectic philosophy, in which he followed Descartes in many issues, but strictly opposed any kind of reasoning with first principles 13 . Senguerd's attempt to harmonize Calvinism 10. P.C. Molhuysen, Brannen tot de geschiedenis der Leidsche Universiteit, vol. 3, op. cit., 30 If. and University Library Leiden, MS AC 88-91. On the history of the Theatrum physicum see : A.C. De Hoag, Some Currents of Thought in Dutch Natural Philosophy, 1675-1720, op. cit., 138154; C. de Pater, "Experimental Physics", in T.H. Lunsingh Scheurleer, G.H.M. Posthumus Meyjes (eds), Leiden University in the Seventeenth Century. An Exchange of Learning, op. cit., 309-327, while E.G. Ruestow, Physics at Seventeenth and Eighteenth-Century Leiden : Philosophy and the New Science in the University, Den Haag, 1973 provides little insight. II. British Library MS Sloane 1292, ff. 78-141: Experimenta philosophica naturalia de Kaldo; cf A.C. De Hoag, Some Currents of Thought in Dutch Natural Philosophy, 1675-1720, op. cit., 194-239. 12. CJ T.H. Lunsingh Scheurleer, "Un amphitheatre d'anatomie moralisee ",in T.H. Lunsingh Scheurleer, G.H.M. Posthumus Meyjes (eds), Leiden University in the Seventeenth Century. An Exchange of Learning, op. cit., 217-277 and J.C.C. Rupp," Matters of Life and Death: The Social and Cultural Conditions of the Rise of Anatomical Theatres, with Special Reference to Seventeenth Century Holland", History of Science, 28 (1990), 263-287. 13. W. Senguerd, Philosophia Natura/is, quatuor partibus primarias corporum species, affectiones, differentias, productiones, mutationes, et interitus, exhibens, Leiden, 1680. A second, enlarged edition appeared in 1685.

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and New Philosophy can be seen in his description of the vacuum. Although a large part of the Philosophia naturalis deals with pneumatical experiments, the vacuum is only mentioned in one small section, and then only to ask, if the existence of the vacuum is in conflict with Christian faith. In this respect Senguerd argues that there is not only no conflict, but that the existence of the vacuum, as demonstrated by his experiments, is an argument for the existence of God, because a vacuum could only arise, when matter was annihilated. And just like the creation of matter, this could only be done by God himself14 . But Senguerd would not leave his air-pump to be solely useful for theological purposes. Just like de Volder, he tried to find practical applications in the field of medicine. Among other things, Senguerd invented cupping glasses that could be partly evacuated and did not have to be heated before application 15 . It is striking that in this early period of physical experimentalism at Leiden, both philosophers tried to combine moral or religious usefulness of their discipline with practical applications. When the curators had granted both de Volder and de Maets the right to teach Physica experimentalis, the decision had in fact been a defeat for de Maets. For his argument had been that he could do the same job as de Volder only cheaper, whereas the curators decided to spend a lot of money to get a representational place of the new science at Leiden. Nonetheless, in the university calendar, de Maets announced that he would " teach and demonstrate chemistry, directed partly around the preparations of medicaments ( ... ) partly around rare physical experiments " 16 . But his publications consist mainly in the description of chemical processes and recipes for pharmaceutical purposes and the inventory of the laboratory shows no instruments that would not be part of a lecture course on chemistry and pharmacy for students of medicine 17 . 14. W. Senguerd, Philosophia Natura/is, quatuor partibus primarias corporum species, affectiones, dif.ferentias, productiones, mutationes, et interitus, exhibens, 1685 edition, 153f. 15. W. Senguerd, Inquisitiones experimentales. Quibus, Praeter particularia nonnulla Phaenomena, atmosphaerici aeris Natura Explicatius traditur, Partium ejus Constitutio, Figura, Elasticitas, Prefiio, Operandi modus, Effecta, etc ... , Adjectae sunt Ephemerides. Nastri Ai!ris Conditionem, ejusque Vicissitudines quae singulis obtinuere diebus ... Editio secunda, prioire plusquam altera parte auctior, Leiden, 1699, 62. 16. P.C. Molhuysen, Brannen tot de geschiedenis der Leidsche Universiteit, vol. 3, op. cit., 273*. 17. The only book that was published under his name is: C.de Maets, Prodromus chymiae rationalis, Leiden, 1684. The anonymously published Chymia Rationalis, Rationibus Philosophicus, observationibus Medicis, debitis Dosibus, etc. illustrata ... Accedit praxis Chymiatricae rationalis, Leiden, 1687, has been attributed to him, while all eight editions of Christopher Love Morley's, Collectanea chymica Leydensia, id est, Maetsiana et le Mortiana; trium Chymiae Professorum Leidensius opus, quingentis et amplius processibus adornatum ; omnibus et medicis, et chymicis et pharmacopoeis utilissimum, ordine alphabeticum. Co/legit, digessit, edidit, Christoph. Love Morley, 1st ed., Leiden, 1684, were published without his authorization. For the inventory of the chemical laboratory made after de Maets' death see P.C. Molhuysen, Brannen tot de geschiedenis der Leidsche Universiteit, vol. 4, op. cit., 23f.

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In 1679, de Maets asked the curators to be transferred back to the medical faculty, most likely for financial reasons 18 . THE CARTESIAN CHEMISTRY OF JACOB LE MORT

While evidence on de Maets remains scarce, more can be found in the works of his successor Jacob Le Mort, whose appointment to the chair of chemistry took twelve years. In the meantime, Le Mort published a number of books, in which he tried to justify chemistry as an academic discipline 19 . For Le Mort, chemistry could be divided into four parts, one of which was "purely physical, namely to show the truth clearer not only by observation (which often deceives us), but by true experiences and repeated operations than could be done by fundamental reasoning " 20 . This Physica Practica as he called it, had been developed by Francis Bacon and Robert Boyle. Le Mort regarded this part of chemistry to be philosophy and vice versa. His own chemistry was largely an attempt to incorporate Cartesian principles of motion into the interpretation of chemical processes. At the same time, his position in the university was unstable. In 1690 the curators had appointed him to prefect of the chemical laboratory without giving him a salary 21 . The academic senate tried to prohibit him from publicly announcing his lectures 22 ; the medical faculty wanted to abandon the chair of chemistry altogether23 . Although the curators did not want to do without the chair, Le Mort warned them that he would stop lecturing, if they would not give him a better position. In 1697, the curators finally appointed him to ordinary professor of chemistry 24 , subject to the confirmation by the high curator, William of Orange, the Dutch Stadholder. This confirmation took some time, in fact, it never came, although the curators repeatedly asked for it. The reasons for William's refusal might partly have been financial, as he was careful not to spend too much money on the university and often delayed 18. P.C. Molhuysen, Brannen tot de geschiedenis der Leidsche Universiteit, vol. 3, op. cit., 341. 19. On le Mort's programmatic writings see: C. Meinel," De praestantia et utilitate Chemiae. Selbstdarstellung einer jungen Disziplin im Spiegel ihres programmatischen Schrifttums '', Sudhoffs Archiv, 65 (1985), 366-389 and idem," Die Chemie an den Universitaten des 18. Jahrhunderts- lnstitutionalisierungsstufen und konzeptioneller Wandel", Academia Analecta. Mededelingen van de Koninklijke Academie voor Wetenschappen, Letteren en Schone Kunsten van Belgie, Klasse der Wetenschappen, 48 (1986), 37-57. 20. J. le Mort, Chymia Medico-Physica, Rationibus & Experimentis Instructa. Brevi et facili via, Pracessus Spagyricos rite & Artificiose ad finem perducendi, normam exhibens. Cui annexa est, Metallurgia Contracta, Succinctam Metallorum tractationem demonstrans, Leiden, 1684. 21. P.C. Molhuysen, Brannen tot de geschiedenis der Leidsche Universiteit, vol. 4, op. cit., 72. 22. Idem, 84f. and 96. 23. P.C. Molhuysen, Brannen tot de geschiedenis der Leidsche Universiteit, vol. 4, op. cit., 105. 24. Idem, 151-158.

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appointments for some time. But Le Mort's case is the only one where he did not appoint at all, so there must have been other reasons. The somewhat unusual and by and large non-academic background of Le Mort might have caused the opposition of the medical faculty, but it is highly unlikely that it should have motivated the Stadholder to act against the curators. It seems likely that William had the chance to refuse the appointment because of renewed conflicts within the university. In 1696, Le Mort had published a book under the title Chymiae verae nobilitas et utilitas 25 , in which he tried to redefine the role of chemistry. Mainly he elaborated his established programme of applying Cartesian principles of matter and motion to chemistry. But then he argued that this kind of chemistry was the basis for gaining certain knowledge in medicine, as physiological processes should be explained that way. Le Mort was thus aiming at chemistry not merely being an auxiliary science, which should teach pharmaceutical recipes to students, but a science about the fundamental principles of medicine. This claim was criticized by de Volder. Over the years, he had grown sceptical about the values of experimental science, and even more about the use of reasoning with first principles a la Descartes. In search of a new basis of certain knowledge, de Volder had turned to mathematics and had publicly spoken for the application of mathematics to philosophy. In 1697, at the time of Le Mort's appointment to the chair of chemistry, de Volder had been rector of the university. A few weeks after the curator's decision, de Volder used his inaugural address for a fierce attack on those who wanted to apply philosophical principles to medicine26 . Those learned men, he argued, had much too high an opinion of philosophy 27 . The kind of a priori reasoning of Cartesian philosophy could only be applied to metaphysics and was by no means to be extended to physics or medicine. According to de Volder, a particularly bad principle that did not explain anything and caused serious errors had been the chemical principle of fermentation as used by de Le Boe Sylvius. But the contemporary Cartesian physicians were not much better28 . If there was a true and certain foundation of science and medicine, it had to lie in the application of mathematics29. Although, de Volder's attack was not only directed against him, no stronger criticism of Le Mort's chemistry could have come out of the university and it could not have had a more prominent place. So if the Stadholder 25. J. le Mort, Chymiae Verae Nobilitas & Utilitas, in Physica Corpusculari, Theoria Medica, ejusque Materia et Signis, Ad majorem perfectionem deducendis. Comprehendens opera ejus omnia, hucusque typis commissa. Quibus seorsim excusa Collectanea, Maetsiana & Marcgraviana, Bibliopolae Subjunxerunt, Leiden, 1696. 26. B. de Volder, Oratio de rationis viribus, et usu in scientiis, Leiden, 1698. 27. Idem, 15. 28. B. de Volder, Oratio de rationis viribus, et usu in scientiis, op. cit., 22. 29. Idem, 3lf.

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wanted a reason for not appointing Le Mort, de Volder had provided him with it. Le Mort reacted by admitting that the application of chemistry to medicine had produced some errors but they had been corrected by there followers 30 . Moreover, he granted that mathematics would be most useful when applied to some parts of medicine. But in most cases there were too many variations and human bodies were much too different from each other to develop mathematical laws about it. In those cases reasoning from philosophical principles like those of Descartes was necessary and had of course to be guided by experiments. Le Mort finally reached his chair after the death of William of Orange. Even before a memorial oration for the late Stadholder was held at Leiden, the curators appointed Le Mort to ordinary professor of chemistry31 . THE BOERHAAVIAN SYNTHESIS

A synthesis of the different positions on the role of chemistry and experimental physics at Leiden was produced by Herman Boerhaave in the second decade of the Eighteenth century. Like de Volder, he used academic orations to elaborate his ideas and he argued that the application of mathematics was necessary to gain true and certain knowledge, whereas the development of first principles had proven erroneous in philosophy, chemistry and medicine. Unlike de Volder, Boerhaave declared Newtonian philosophy to be the example all other sciences should follow 32 . As to experimental philosophy, it had to be a science of both moral and religious value, teaching the wonders of God's nature through humble and moderate philosophers. Here, first principles were not only erroneous but also immoral as it was self-conceit when those philosophers proudly applauded to their own intellectual powers 33 . While this borrows from the rhetoric of de Volder and Senguerd, Boerhaave differed from both his teachers when it came to practical applications. For Boerhaave it was the task of chemistry and not of experimental philosophy to produce useful knowledge. Chemistry, according to Boerhaave, was most useful for medicine and philosophy, as it enabled students and learned men to obtain a refined insight into the secrets of nature and 30. J. le Mort, Fundamenta nov-antiqua theoriae medicae ad naturae opera revocata. Superstructa fluido corporum exercitio, humanam machinam afficienti. Chymiae nobilioris, hoe est, physicae antiquae experientia suffulta, Leiden, 1700, 69-73. 31. P.C. Molhuysen, Brannen tot de geschiedenis der Leidsche Universiteit, vol. 4, op. cit., 197. 32. On Boerhaave and his orations see: G.A. Lindeboom, Herman Boerhaave: The Man and his Work, London, 1968 and Boerhaave's Orations, Translated with Introduction and Notes by Elze Kegel-Brinkgreve and Antonie M. Luyendijk-Elshout, Leiden, 1983. 33. H. Boerhaave, " Discourse on the Achievement of Certainty in Physics (Sermo academicus de comparando certo in physicis) ", Boerhaave's Orations, op. cit., 149-179, esp. 155.

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medicine, an argument which makes chemistry at the same time an auxiliary discipline and a fundamental science34 . Though criticizing Le Mort's philosophical position, Boerhaave agreed with him that chemistry had proven to be able to correct its own errors through careful application of the experimental method. Regarding its methods and its object, Boerhaave held chemistry to be more a part of philosophy than of medicine though not to be tied with the religious and moral connotations that characterized experimental philosophy. DEFINITIONS, PERSONALITIES, AND INSTITUTIONS

It might seem that Boerhaave's definition of the place of chemistry within the university as part of philosophy should have produced as much controversy as Le Mort's. But we must not forget that in the early modem university it was not only important what was defined, but also who defined and in which position he was. Boerhaave, student of Senguerd and de Volder, doctor of philosophy, professor of botany and clinical medicine, could give chemistry a place near philosophy without provoking controversy, the academic outsider Le Mort could not. The same holds for experimental philosophy : The Cartesian de Volder had to stay clear of any religious questions, the orthodox Calvinist Senguerd did not. So the establishment of experimental places depended on personal integrity as well as the need of the early modem university to develop adequate representations of the new sciences. How successful this establishment has been in the case of Leiden, can be seen from title-pages of inaugural disputations in the early 1720s35 . On these we see representations of the four faculties, the medical faculty symbolized by a chemical furnace, the philosophical by an air-pump. So both experimental places were finally distinguished by faculty, object, and instrumentation, after 50 years of continuing redefinitions.

34. H. Boerhaave, "Discourse on Chemistry Purging itself of its own Errors. (Dissertatio de chemia suos errores expurgante) '', Zoe. cit., 188-213, esp. 205 and 211. 35. Such a title-page can be found in G.A. Lindeboom, Herman Boerhaave: The Man and his Work, op. cit., plate v.

THE RENAISSANCE OF SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY IN 18thcENTURY SPAIN

Javier GOICOLEA ZALA

Science and technology in Spain attains an extraordinary growth during the sixteenth century. This is based, above all, on its enormous territorial expansion and its economic boom. To the studies undertaken by different characters, we must add the manuscript by a yet unknown author, bearing the title " The twenty-one books of the devices and machines " 1, which is considered as the first written treaty of hydraulic engineering. But not only theoretical studies were undertaken in that century, the public works were numerous and of great importance. Actually, only during the times of Felipe II, the following architects and engineers who worked in Spain may be mentioned : Juan de Herrera, Juan Bautista de Toledo, Juan y Rodrigo Gil de Hontafi6n, Francisco Villalpando, Antonio Egas, Juanelo Turriano, Govanni Francesco Sitoni, The Antonelli Brothers, Bedel, Francisco Becerra, Vandelvira, and many others. During the following century, the outlook is discouraging, due mainly, to the neglect by the kings of any policy which would favour education. And if this were not enough, other reasons may be added : the scorn of the mechanical and manual arts by the aristocracy and middle class, and lastly the majority of the teachers in the universities were opposed to scientific innovations coming from Europe. Thus, it may be said that the l 71h century is a century of individual actions. In the public works of that century, the road repairs are dominant and together with them those of bridges. To name some examples : Zulema in Alcala de Henares, San Martin in Bilbao, the one in Zaragoza, the one in Salamanca, and the one in Cordoba, San Martin in Toledo, and the roman bridge in Merida. Some were also built such as El Mar in Valencia, Garaicejo above Almonte and Brines above Urquiola. I. The Juanelo Turriano Foundation has published this very year a facsimile edition of this important manuscript with its corresponding transcription both in Spanish and English.

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Since the last years of the l 7th century, a scientific renaissance arises in Spain. In the last third of this century, under the reign of the last king of the Austrian dynasty, Carlos II, and undoubtedly due to the decay of some institutions which previously had a great influence upon scientific life, a systematic assimilation of European science happened in Spain, breaking the old rules and giving rise to a scientific movement called novato?. This movement propagated throughout Spain, mainly by means of cultural gatherings, which generally took place in houses belonging to members of the aristocracy who acted as patrons of science, outstanding among them is Juan Jose de Austria. In some cases, only the scientists took part in the meetings without anyone to support them. In this context, it is worth mentioning the Fundaci6n del Colegio de San Telma in Sevilla in 1681. In all these associations the modern scientific ideas propagated with a pre-illustration character. It must be pointed out that this renewal did not affect all the sciences and technologies to the same extent, because some theories, in Astronomy or Physics for instance, could be subject to the persecution by the Inquisition 3 . Pedro Bernardo Villarreat de Berriz and Benito Feijoo are two of the most distinctive representatives of the novatores. Nevertheless the latter developed his scientific activity somewhat later than the rest of them. 2. Among the representatives of the " new " scientific movement that developed in Spain at the end of the 18 th century, the following scientists may be named : Mathematics : Sebastian Izquierdo, Hugo de Omerique and Juan de Caramuel. Astronomy : Vicente Mut. Physics : Isaac Cardoso and Juan Bautista Corachan. Chemistry : Matias Garcia, Gaspar Bravo de Sobremonte and Crisostomo Martinez. Metallurgy : Bartolome de Medina, Carlos Corzo and Pedro Bernardo Villareal de Berriz. Architecture : Teodoro Ardemans, also interested in technology since he wrote Description in the mines of Almaden, 1718, and a Treatise of Construction, 1719. 3. J.M. Lopez Pinero, La lntroducci6n de la ciencia modema en Espana, Barcelona, 1969, has located 356 works which were published under the reign of Carlos II, and has classified them in the following way : Medicine: 115 books. Mathematics : 42 books. Iatrochemistry (including those written in favour and against it) : 36 books. Geography : 32 books. Astrology and almanacs : 27 books. Pharmacy: 21 books. Astronomy : 17 books. Military engineering: 15 books. Alchemy and doctrines of the like: 13 books. Physics and natural philosophy : 12 books. Navigation: 10 books. Natural history (excluding medicine and pharmacy): 6 books. Minerometallurgy : 4 books. Civil engineering: 3 books. Veterinary : 3 books.

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(1669-1740)

Pedro Bernardo Villarreal de Berriz was born in Mondragon (Basque Country) in 16694 . He switched between his public job as a major and the administration of his properties. He directed the exploration of his foundries, reconstructed some of its buildings, such as mills and foundries, he also built several hydraulic dams with scheme arches and buttresses, this being his most outstanding contribution to engineering of his epoch, and it was not surpassed until the l 91h century. He was quite fond of mathematics and nautical sciences, reading the most important treatises of his time 5 . He was a man open to the European cultural streams. In 1736, he published a book titled Maquinas hydraulicas de molinos, y herrerfas y gobierno de los arboles y montes de Vizcaya, which contains theories and calculations for flows. He organized in his house of Lequeitio, a city with an important fishing harbour in the Basque country, cultural gatherings in which not only the daily problems were commented, but also the scientific progresses which were taking place in Europe. BENITO JERONIMO FEIJOO

(1676-1764)

The Benedictine Benito Jeronimo Feijoo y Montenegro was born in Cas de Miro (Orense) in 1676. He studied in Salamanca, becoming a member of the King's council and a university professor, through examination, of the Scripture and Theology for forty years in the University of Oviedo, where he died in 1764. He established a new method for teaching, based in brevity, clarity, and the comparison of the principles of different scholars. He was a very prolific author, writing a great deal of essays which he grouped in the eight volumes for the Teatro critico universal between 1727 and 1739 and in the five volumes for Cartas eruditas which he did between 1742 4. This character has been studied in depth by E. Ruiz de Azua, Pedro Bernardo Villareal de Berriz (1669-1740), Semblanza de un vasco precursor, Madrid, 1990. 5. E. Ruiz de Azua, Pedro Bernardo Villareal de Berriz (1669-1740), Semblanza de un vasco precursor, op. cit., shows an inventory of books which were kept in his private library, a great amount of scientific studies may be found in it, the following may be highlighted : P. Zaragoza, Arithmetica Universal que comprehende el arte menor, y maior. Algebra vulgar y especiosa, Valencia, 1669; J. Perez de Moya, Tratado de Mathematicas, en que se contienen cosas de arithmetica, geometria, cosmografia y philosophia natural, Alcala de Henares, 1573; G. Blonde! S. Aubin, Trigonometrie geometrique, astronomique et maritime, Havre de Grace, 1718; G. Fournier, Hydrographie contenant la theorie et la pratique de toutes les parties de la navigation, Paris, 1667; G. Galileo, Dialogo di Galileo Galilei Linceo matematico sopraordianrio dello studio di Pisa, Firenze, 1632 ; F. Commandino, Pappi Alexandrini mathematicae collectiones, Bologna, 1660.

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and 1760. He realised serious analysis dealing with very diverse subjects : theology, philosophy, music, history, medicine, geography, but his greatest contribution to modem science was in the field of physics. Feijoo endeavoured to make compatible the zeal for knowledge and reasoning with the catholic faith. He found inspiration in logic and experience. He criticized with equal strength the credulity of the people and the practice of certain learned men. During the l 8th century, his work was divulged bearing a great influence on the learned Spaniards. SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY IN

181h CENTURY SPAIN

The death of the last king of the Austrian dynasty in 1700 caused the war of Succession, between those who favoured the dynasty of the Bourbons, embodied by the prince Felipe, and those who were loyal to the archduke Carlos Hapsburg, ending with the victory of the former and the institution of the Bourbon dynasty. The new dynasty carried out profound reformations of different nature : administrative political reforms, and cultural reforms, which reached their highest point under the reign of Carlos III, since with this monarch the illustrated projects are pushed with a greater intensity. As it has already been pointed out, during the first part of the l 8th century, it became evident that the universities were unable to get up to date in the new scientific findings that were taking place in Europe at the time. Two more reasons may be added exams, if a certain amount of money was previously paid. All these things made absenteeism among students frequent, as well as among teachers. In view of this situation, the reforms that were tried to be undertaken, must be understood. These reforms revolved around the following points : The state control of the universities, the rationalisation of study plans, the selection of teachers based on their qualification, and the elimination of the monopolies of Chairs in the Upper Schools. In line with this is the Study Plan for the University of Sevilla realised by Pablo Olavide in 1768, which is considered as the first modem university reform, its intention was to make the scholastic spirit disappear, and to make the state the manager of the University. In 1786 Royal decree was promulgated with the following key points : 1. The number of Universities was decreased. 2. The post of " Royal Censor" was created. 3. The provision of Chairs was reformed, removing the monopolies of Upper Schools. 4. The duration of the Chairs was homogenized (thus all were for life, or temporary, depending on the epoch). 5. The studies done in private centers were not recognized, making it impossible to validate them in the public universities.

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6. The study plans in all the universities were ratified, and textbooks were required. The renewal of the University of Salamanca in which those who drove the liberal Constitution of Cadiz in 1812 studied was particularly important. Different Academies were created with the purpose of contributing to the progress of science and literature. They were similar to those which already existed in Europe, but specially to those in France. Thus, in 1713, the Academia Espaiiola de la Lengua was founded, in 1738, that of history, and in 1757, the Academia de Nobles Artes de San Fernando which were official initiatives. At the same time, but privately designed, the Academia Medico Quirurgica, and the Academia de Ciencias Eclesiaticas de San Isidro, etc., were conceived. At the same time, in order to fight the isolation from the rest of Europe, instead of forbidding to study outside of Spain, as it had been done during the past centuries, scholarships were given by an order from Felipe v in 1718 to become educated in sciences abroad. The main scientific characters in Spain at that moment enjoyed them, and it was with the same intention that several institutions drafted foreign intellectuals and technicians. Scientific and technical knowledge was divulged equally, through different meetings which gave rise on the one hand to the tertulias - cultural gatherings - and on the other to the creation of scientific institutions with the clear purpose to innovate. Of these it is worth to mention the following : El seminario de Nobles in Madrid, the /nstituto Asturiano of Gij6n, the Junta de Comercio in Barcelona and the different Sociedades Econ6micas de Amigos del Pais, among all of them we shall take some time in the first one founded and which still survives : The Real Sociedad Bascongada de los Amigos del Pais. THE REAL SOCIEDAD BASCONGADA DE LOS AMIGOS DEL PAfS

This learned society was created in 1764 by Xavier Maria de Munive e Idiaquez, Count of Pefiaftorida, from the cultural gatherings that mostly took place in his Palace Insausti de Azcoitia (Basque country). In these gatherings, which had already become established in 1748, the gentlemen and priests of the place met. From that date, the activities were perfectly ruled according to the different days of the week. Mondays were dedicated to mathematics, Tuesdays to physics, Wednesdays to history and to the reading of the works that had been translated by those who assisted, on Thursdays and Sundays a small concert took place, Fridays were destined to geography and finally on Saturdays current events were commented. In the general meeting for the preparation of the Real Sociedad Bascongada de los Amigos del Pais which took place in Vergara the 7th of February 1765,

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a long speech was given which indicated all the subjects that the Real Sociedad Bascongada de los Amigos del Pais wished to cultivate6 . The statutes of 1765 reflect that the goals of the Society are the study of mathematics, experimental physics, history, eloquence and poetry and in the weekly meetings which took place every month agriculture, rural economy and commerce should be dealt with. To facilitate the realization of these studies, they were grouped in four commissions in the statutes of 1774. Agriculture, and rural economy ; sciences and useful arts (which comprised mathematics, physics, hydraulic architecture, machinery, metallurgy, chemistry and mineralogy) ; industry and commerce (comprising studies on fishing, mining, mills, and a wide diversity of factories), and history, politics and buenas tetras (which included geography, literature and law). THE REAL SEMINARIO PATRIOT/CO BASCONGADO

Nowadays it is better known by the name of Seminario de Vergara, due to the fact that it was founded in this city. From its creation, it was closely tied to the Real Sociedad Bascongada de los Amigos del Pais, because in the meetings of the Sociedad in 1767 arose the idea to create a Seminario Patri6tico. Its constitution dates from 1774, but it was not until two years later that its study plans were approved, and it began to work as provisory Escuela Patri6tica. Among its goals besides providing the general notions of a good education as the rest of the schools, was to be a workshop to educate the pupils in professional studies of an immediate utility for the country. Its success was important and was manifest specially in the number of students, which rose to 42 from the initial 15 in less than a year. King Carlos III, through the Royal Document dated the 26th of March 1774, approved the concession of two chairs with their respective economic endowment, one for chemistry and the other one for mineralogy, which were the first of these specialities established in Spain. Its most notable teachers were : Joaqufn de Lezana, he was named viceprincipal, co-operating in the religious instruction and the discipline of the students; Jeronimo Mas, teacher for Mathematics, subject which included arithmetic, algebra, geometry, trigonometry, statics, hydrostatic, sphere and elements of astronomy. He elaborated a study plan which included the main advances that were being done in Europe in this science ; Franc;ois de Chava6. There were the following subjects : "Mathematics which are first among all the sciences [ ... ] Geometry, the soul of all sciences [ ... ] The Civil Architecture [ ... ] the Hydraulic [ ... ] the Machinery [ ... ]Physics which is an object to be considered among the sciences [ ... ]The agriculture [ ... ]The Natural History[ ... ] The Medicine and Surgery [... ].The Fine Letters, which make our society of a different kind and embrace History, The Politics, and all kinds of Literature [ ... ] The Fine Arts which also have a place in the Society. The Poetry [ ... ]The Music[ ... ] and finally Sculpture, Painting and the rest of the arts will have an equal entry in our Society ".

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neau, teacher of French language and physics. His program for the latter subject encompassed the study of the matter and the bodies, the movement, mechanics, the air, the sound, the light, the fire, the electricity and the physical astronomy following Newton's ideas ; Louis Joseph Proust, who developed a great labour of investigation, together with his teaching activity in chemistry, which mainly consisted in the analysis of cobalt, and he also took part in the elaboration of a mineralogical map of Spain. Nevertheless, he soon left Vergara going first to the Colegio de Artillerfa of Segovia, and later to Paris, where he was admitted in the Academy of Sciences ; Fausto de Elhuyar, who was pensioned from the year 1777 to 1782 as Mineralogy pupil in Freiberg (Saxony), from there he inspected the mines in that country and also the ones in Bohemia and Hungary. From 1782 to 1785, he gave classes of mineralogy and metallurgy, and in the laboratories of the Real Seminario, he isolated for the first time, together with his brother Juan Jose, wolfram, of which they are considered the discoverers. They also contributed with a method to attain the malleability of platinum. Nicolas Andres Tunborg, who substituted Elhuyar in the mineralogy chair, was born in Lima (Sweden) studying in Upsala. He performed an inventory of the physics and mineralogy cabinet, which he considered better than that of Upsala, but in those days was mostly abandoned. MATHEMATICS IN THE

l81h CENTURY

The renewal for this science came with the institution of the new cultural institutions, such as the Academy of Mathematics in Barcelona which was reestablished by Felipe v in 1720 and renewed in the years 1751, 1769, 1771 and 1774, and with the novator movement, with Tomas Vicente Tosca (1651-1773) as his main representative, with his monumental work in nine volumes entitled Compendia Mathematica, which represented the knowledge previous to Newton. An outstanding learned man in mathematics was Benito Bails (1730-1797). When he was eighteen, he obtained the chair of moral Philosophy in Perpignan, which he left for the University of Tolosa, to study theology and mathematics. From there, when he was 24, he went to Paris to study at the orders of the Marquis of Condorcet and d' Alembert, among others. Between 1779 and 1787 he published a monumental work in eleven thick volumes entitled Elementos de Matematica 7 . This work had a quick success which showed in the great number of editions that were made of it, and in the fact of it being declared a compulsory textbook in all the academies of fine arts and drawing, and in other teaching institutions such as the Military Academy of Mathemat7. Each volume is dedicated to the following disciplines : arithmetic, algebra, conic sections, dynamics and static's, hydrodynamics, optics, elements of astronomy, physical astronomy, civil architecture, hydraulic architecture, and the tables of logarithms.

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JAVIER GOICOLEA ZALA

ics in Barcelona and the School of Mathematics of the Real Sociedad Econ6mica Aragonesa de Amigos del Pais in Zaragoza. Finally Benito Bails was appointed Director of Mathematics of the Real Academia de Bellas Artes de San Fernando. He occupied this post until his death, even though his health, both physical and mental, was very precarious in his last years. THE SCIENTIFIC EXPEDITIONS

During the l81h century, the Spanish crown favored a series of scientific expeditions, which were headed for diverse places in the " new " and " old " worlds in order to broaden the scientific and technical knowledge. The scientific expeditions acquired a great importance during the reigns of Carlos III and Carlos IV. The first was the one undertaken by Jorge Juan and Antonio de Uloa and was directed by the Frenchman La Condamine, which had as its principal objective to measure the degree of the meridian as it passed through Peru, and thus solve old disputes about the shape of the earth. We must remind that Jorge Juan, professor in the Academy of Guardamarinas in Cadiz, had become known as a firm defender of Newton's theories. Jorge Juan and Uloa presented the king their Noticias Secretas de America which proposed certain economic measures and policies for these lands. Of all the rest, the most important were the ones done by Jose Celestino y Mutis (1732-1808) who visited the kingdom of New Granada to examine its botany ; Hipolito Ruiz y Lopez (17 54-1816) who travelled through Peni and Chile studying the flora of both countries ; the expedition by Alejandro Malaspina (1754-1810) and Jose Bustamante (1759-1825) respectively at the command of the corvettes Descubierta and Atrevida which sailed around the globe for six years visiting the main Spanish possessions, with several naturalists on board, and lastly it is worth to mention the one done by Alejandro von Humboldt through South America. THE PUBLIC WORKS POLICY

The Spaniards of the l 81h century were aware that the delay which they suffered in agriculture, the factories and the commerce was due mostly to the lack of communication between the different provinces. The Spanish routes until the beginning of the l 81h century were heirs on one side of the roads open by the romans, and on the other of those used by the Mesta and the nomadic shepherding. The need to complete and improve them had already been realised since the beginning of the century, and for that purpose instructions were given to the corregidores of the Counsel of Castilla, but the scarcity of resources after the war of Sucesion and the brief reign of Fernando VI in which it was only determined that a map of each province should be drawn, in it the necessities of infrastructures should be presented

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(roads, canals, bridges, etc.). This caused a delay in the beginning of the works until the reign of Carlos III. Thus under the government of the Marquess of Ensenada, the road which united Madrid and La Coruiia. In 1761 the road which united Madrid and La Coruna was built. In 1761 a Royal decree was issued in order that the caminos reales were made straight and solid to facilitate the commerce between the provinces, starting by those in Andalucia, Cataluiia, Galicia, Valencia. Nevertheless the works did not begin until four years later. The speed of the execution was extremely slow and after seven years only the stretch between Madrid and Aranjuez had been finished in the road to Andalucia, 17 kilometers of the road to Cataluna had been paved and, in the road to Galicia the run from Santiago de Compostela to La Coruna. The rapid exhaustion of the economic resources brought as a consequence a change in the way to proceed. For almost a decade the projects to make new roads were abandoned, and the restoration of the old roads was encouraged. The only camino real which continued to be built, was that of Valencia and with an amazing result, in 1773 the road was open between Ocana and Valencia and a total of 232 bridges had been built, both big and small. The works on other caminos reales were retaken in 1778 and in nine years, four thousand kilometers were finished, counting those of new creation and the restoration of the old ones. In the second half of the l 81h century, there is an idea about building navigation channels as an alternative to ground communications. The goal pursued was to unite through a net of channels the seas around the Iberian peninsula : the Cantabrico, the Atlantic and the Mediterranean. The result was however much more limited and the Channel Imperial de Aragon, and the Channel of Castilla were the only ones to be built. The project for the first, although its origins go back to the times of Carlos I, was approved in 1768, and the works started then, in 1784, the channel arrived to Zaragoza, and four years later, the works were said to be finished. Agustfn de Betancourt said about it : " The channel of Aragon is without a doubt, the greatest work of its kind ever undertaken by Spaniards". On the other side, the channel of Castilla, after the preparatory works which were entrusted to Carlos Lemaur in 1751, began to be built in 1751 and were said to be finished in 1791, after having built a length of 125 kilometers. Along with them, it must be pointed out that also other small works were done such as the channel of Lorca or the canalization of the Mino, and others stayed as mere projects. The channel of Guadarrama which was projected with the objective of joining the basins of the Tajo and the Guadalquivir from the already mentioned Carlos Lemaur in his last years, which was abandoned after the collapse of the dam of Gasco in 1799. Two of the most innovative ideas which appeared under the reign of Carlos were, on one side, the creation of the colonization cities, by means of them a change in commerce and industry was tried, e.g. Nuevo Baztan in the surroundings of Madrid, on the other side the colonization of vast zones in Andalucia, which were uninhabited until then. The intention was to create a III

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new prototype of rural society through the application of new agrarian and economic structures in an appropriate urban framework, in summary a new agrarian society was sought. Also, by the way, a problem of public order was attempted to be solved, because the Camino Real, joining Cadiz and Madrid, was the obliged route for the rich merchandises which came from America and were disembarked in the Andalusian port and transported to the capital of the kingdom, were the object of numerous assaults from the highwaymen as they passed the Sierra Morena and also the deserted plains. The first towns in the Sierra Morena were created near La Carolina and they were called Femandina, La Isabela, Navas de Tolosa, Ocho Casas and Vista Alegre. Later on, the colonization spread to the province of Cordoba, where other towns were built8 . To populate these and other towns, colonists were sought for, in Europe (in Germany, Switzerland and the Netherlands mainly). Those who came turned to be a great failure, because they were not prepared to work in the harsh conditions that were offered. All these towns built from scratch, were governed by a series of laws which were grouped in the so-called Fuero of the new towns which was approved in 1767. The result of this colonizing policy was a success because on the one hand a great amount of land began to be cultivated, which was until then abandoned, and on the other hand the objective of making the Camino Real from Cadiz to Madrid less dangerous was attained. Due to the new liberal rules which were promulgated in 1765, the commerce with America from that year on, notably increased, because the monopolies of Sevilla and Cadiz to deal directly with those lands were cancelled. Also the ships which were then being built were of a great tonnage. For these reasons, the main Spanish ports had to undertake a series of works to update and extend their outdated installations, which were useless for the new reality. Even two new ports were built, one in Los Alfaques, in the mouth of the river Ebro, and another one in Almeria. All these works had an economic and urban impact in the port-cities. AGUSTIN DE BETANCOURT Y MOLINA

The summit of the scientific activity at the end of the l8 1h century and its following decay are perfectly shown in the life and activities of the canarian Agustin de Betancourt. In October 1778 he was a student in the Reales Estudios de San Isidro in Madrid where he learnt algebra, geometry, trigonometry, mechanics, mathematics analysis and differential and integral calculus, and drawing in the Real Academia de Bellas Artes de San Fernando. In 1783, he received the assignment, from the minister Floridablanca to make report on the mercury mines in Almaden, a metal of a great importance 8. La Carlota, Los Algarbes, Arrecife, Baniaga, Chica Carlota, Fuencubierta, El Garabato, Monte Alto, La Paz, Las Pinedas, Quintana and Rinconcillo.

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in obtaining gold. These mines were frequently visited by different kinds of experts. Betancourt produced three memoirs. He describes in them many things, ranging from the machines for draining water during the frequents floods to the method for weighing and packaging the mercury. He was assigned to perform a study on the development of the works for the Canal Imperial de Aragon. The report was quite favourable and filled with the most interesting remarks. In 1784, he went to France, to study in the Ecole des Pants et Chaussees in Paris. He conducted a group of Spanish stipendiaries who concentrated their efforts in the study of hydraulics, mechanics, and in the construction of roads and bridges. They are later assigned the realization of the Real Gabinete de Maquinas gathering a great collection of plans, drawings, models, and memoirs of them. Its premises were located in the Palace of Buen Retiro in Madrid, disappearing after the war with Napoleon. Betancourt presented to the Royal Academy of Sciences of France in 1789 a report on a steam machine of double effect9 , based on the same principles as that built by Watt the previous year in England, showing its advantages. This machine was widely used in France. Other reports were presented after this one to the same institution, such as the Memoire sur un nouveau systeme de navigation interieure. The French engineer Chappe erected the first towers for his optic telegraph in 1794, between Paris and Lille. There was a very slow telegraph needing encrypted coding. In 1797, Betancourt and his friend the clock-maker Abraham Luis Breguet produced the Memoire sur un nouveau telegraphe et quelques idees sur la langue telegraphique. The French minister of internal affairs asked for a report on this new model to the Royal Academy of Sciences comparing it with that of Chappe. The report was quite flattering, pointing out that this telegraph meets to a degree difficult to surpass or even to attain all the qualities which can assure ease, speed and accuracy in the communication, economy in the installation and maintenance of the machines. In spite of this report, this telegraph was never built in France due to the opposition of Chappe who occupied the post of Chief of Telegraphs. It was received better in Spain and a line was erected joining Madrid and Cadiz. As a general inspector of roads and channels, he visited and later reported on the breaking of the dam of Puentes in Lorca (Murcia) which happened in 1802. In this place, there had been a dam around the middle of the previous century with a maximum height of 22.7 metres, but it collapsed due to a flood of the river Gualentin. In 1785, the works were resumed in order to build two dams on the same river (called de Puentes and de Valdeinfiemo), designed by 9. This memoir has been studied in depth by F.J. Goicolea Zala, "Memoria de Betancourt sobre la maquina de vapor de doble efecto" in Betancourt (ed.), Los inicios de la ingenieria moderna, 1996, 111-114.

34

JAVIER GOICOLEA ZALA

Geronimo Martinez de Lara, and in 1788 they were almost finished. The dam of de Puentes reservoir was the highest in Europe at the time, measuring 50 metres from the foundations to the top. In 1802, due to heavy rains, it collapsed causing the death of over 600 people. Also from this post, Betancourt promotes studies of the lnspecci6n General de Caminos y Canales, himself being also the organiser. His goal was the teaching of mechanics and hydraulic architecture and all the necessary applications for the construction of roads, bridges and channels, and other works and anything in particular which is connected with them. The next year it became the Escuela de Caminos y Canales. After several disagreements with Manuel Godoy in 1807, and being requested by the tsar, he went to Russia, where he stayed until his death in 1824. Betancourt also left traces of his impressing work as an engineer in his new country, the most outstanding works are the horse riding room in Moscow (with a span of 40 metres), the school for civil engineering in Saint Petersburg, the fair of Nizhni N6vgorod, etc. JOSE MARIA DE LANZ

He studied in Spain in the Seminario de Vergara and joined the Spanish navy 10 . In 1783 he produced a report on the so called century plant, a fibre of a great importance in the making of rigging for the navy. He also took part in several scientific commissions inside the navy. In the winter of 1790, he met Betancourt in Paris. He disobeyed orders and remained in Paris, for this reason he was expelled from the navy. In 1802, Betancourt gave him a chair in the recently founded Escuela de Caminos y Canales, making important contributions to its organization. From that year until 1808, both scientists co-operated closely and, in that year, his book Essai sur la composition des Machines came to light published under the auspices of the Polytechnic school of Paris. This book was widely accepted throughout Europe, as shown by a second edition in 1819. In 1820 it was translated to English, being republished two years later, in 1829 it was published in German, and in 1840, a third edition came out in French. This book shows that Lanz was more than an outstanding mathematician. With the invasion of Spain by the French, Lanz occupied several posts in the Bonaparte administration, which brought him to exile once the war of independence was over, dying far from Spain in the year 1839.

10. The Foundation Juanelo Turriano is finalizing an in depth study of this important scientist.

THE DEVELOPMENT OF ASTRONOMY, PHYSICS AND MATHEMATICS AT JAGELLONIAN UNIVERSITY IN THE LAST TWO CENTURIES ON THE BACKGROUND OF HISTORICAL CHANGES IN CRACOW

Bronislaw SREDNIAw A

The development of science depends in a very high degree on the political and social relations in the community. The progress of experimental sciences, especially of exact sciences depends also on economic conditions. We shall attempt to illustrate this dependence with the example of the history of exact sciences of Jagellonian University in Cracow in the last two centuries, during which eventful political, social and economical changes took place, namely the loss of Poland's independence in last years of the 18th century for more than a hundred years, the persistence of the identity of the nation which was divided by the occupying powers : Russia, Austria and Prussia, the regaining of Poland's independence after the First World War and the losses in the Second World War. THE LAST YEARS OF INDEPENDENT POLAND IN THE l 81h CENTURY AND THE PERIOD OF NAPOLEONIC WARS The University of Cracow was founded in 1364 by the king Casimir the Great. It had the period of splendour in 16th century, then its role and importance decreased in 17th century and its decline followed in the first half of the 1Sth century, together with the decline of the level of intellectual life in Poland at that time. But in the 1760s, the attempts of the revival of the intellectual life in Poland began and increased in the following years. In 1773 the Commission of the National Education was founded with the aim of reforming education in Poland. This Commission was active until 1794. One of its achievements was the reform of the University of Cracow 1 in the I. T. Piech, "Zarys historii katedr fizyki Uniwersytetu Jagielloriskiego '', Studia z dziej6w katedr Wydzialu Matematyki, Fizyki i Chemii Uniwersytetu Jagiellonskiego, Krakow, 1965, 223-270.

36

BRONISLAW SREDNIAWA

years 1777-17862 , performed by Hugo Kollqtay. In these years besides the already existing chair of astronomy, the chair of physics was founded and the existing chair of mathematics was divided into two chairs, of higher and of lower mathematics 3 . Also the astronomical observatory in Cracow was then founded by the most outstanding Polish scientist of that time, astronomer and mathematician Jan Sniadecki. In the 1790s the proposals of transferring the University of Cracow to Warsaw appeared, but thanks to Sniadecki's firm intervention, this threat was not avoided. After the loss of independence in 1795, Cracow was occupied successively from 1796-1809 by Prussia and Austria. Both occupants were hostily disposed to the University and tried to perform its germanization. In the years 18091815 Cracow belonged to the Warsaw Duchy; at that time the Polish character of the University was restored. THE CRACOW REPUBLIC YEARS, 1815-1846 According to the decision of the Vienna Congress, the small Cracow Republic was created in 1815, embodying Cracow and neighbouring regions. The Cracow Republic was not an independent territory, Austria, Russia and Prussia exerted strong influence on its inner relations. The pressure of absolute Austrian monarchy was particularly strong. Austrian authorities intended to transform the University into a typical Austrian academic school and to germanize it4 . In the years 1821, 1823 and 1833, Austrians carried out three reorganizations of the University, which limited gradually its autonomy and Polish character. For exact sciences, the most unfavourable regulation consisted in joining, in 1833, the chairs of astronomy and higher mathematics into one chair. This union lasted until 1903 and hindered considerably the development of both disciplines at the University. But, in spite of unfavourable conditions, teaching and research were developed5. Professor of higher mathematics and after 1833 of lower mathematics, Karol Hube published 10 original mathematical papers. In 1825, the Viennese astronomer Maximilian Weisse arrived to Cracow and took over the chair of astronomy and higher mathematics and led it until 1861. His main work, done with the mathematician Jan Steczkowski, was the elaboration of the compre2. E. Rybka, Zarys historii astronomii w Uniwersytecie Jagiellofzskim, I.e. 13-60. 3. J. Dianni, Studium matematyki na Uniwersytecie Jagiellofzskim do polowy XIX wieku, Krakow, 1963. 4. H. Barycz, Alma Mater Iagellonica, Krakow, 1958, 405 str., see 237-290. 5. B. Sredniawa, "Zeszyty Naukowe U.J. ", Prace Fizyczne, 24 (1985), 1-238, in English; see Ch. 2.

THE DEVELOPMENT OF ASTRONOMY, PHYSICS AND MATHEMATICS

37

hensive atlas of stars used commonly until the end of the 19th century. The physicist Roman Markiewicz began to organize the physical laboratory. His successor Stefan Kuczynski, who led the chair of physics in the years 18381888, organized an advanced physical laboratory and performed scientific work in experimental physics. 1846. 1846-1870

ANNEXATION OF CRACOW BY AUSTRIA IN THE FATE OF THE UNIVERSITY IN THE YEARS

In 1846 the uprising against Austria broke out in Cracow. When it was defeated by Austrian army, Cracow Republic was incorporated into the Austrian province Galizia.

Repressive action, which followed then, threatened to the existence of the University, which Austrian authorities intended to liquidate. But the energetic efforts of the administration of the University removed the threat of liquidation, but could not prevent the tendency of its germanization. In the course of several next years there followed alternatively the periods of repression and germanization and years of detente and liberalization, in which the University regained a more Polish character6 . But the University administration in Cracow, as well as Polish politicians at the parliament in Vienna continued the struggle for autonomy and for the Polish character of the University. These efforts began to give positive results. In 1856 the University gained partial autonomy. Another important fact consisted in the introduction at the University of the habilitation procedure in 1861. Habilitation secured the possibility of introducing the own young scientists to the University. THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE UNIVERSITY DURING THE PERIOD OF LIBERAL ADMINISTRATION IN AUSTRIA, 1870-1918

In 1866 Austria was defeated in the war against Prussia. Facing the grave post-war political situation and the decentralizing tendencies in his monarchy, emperor Franz Joseph granted limited autonomy to the provinces of his empire. He allowed to use national languages in the administration, jurisdiction and educational system. This stimulated the University to perform full repolonization, which was achieved in 18707 . In new, more liberal conditions the University began to develop quickly and soon it became the all - Polish university, employing professors who came to Cracow from all Polish territories. Also students arrived there from all parts of the divided country. But Austrian central administration was not interested in the intensive development of the 6. J. Kras, Zycie umyslowe w Krakowie w latach 1848-1870, Krakow, 259 str., see 30-78. 7. K. Perkowska, Ksztaltowanie sifzespolu naukowego w Uniwersytecie Jagiellonskim (18601920), Wrodaw, 1975.

38

BRONISLAW SREDNIAWA

University and retarded it by financial restrictions and by retarding the creation of new chairs and nominations of professors. In spite of these obstacles, the exact sciences developed considerably at the University 8 . The chair of theoretical physics was founded in 1772. In 1883 the professor of physics Zygmunt Wroblewski and professor of chemistry Karol Olszewski liquefied oxygen and nitrogen. It was the outstanding success of Cracow physics. It initiated in Cracow research in cryogenics, which was continued during almost 60 years by Wroblewski, Olszewski and their successors, physicist August Witkowski, chemist Tadeusz Estreicher and others until the outbreak of the Second World War. The work of Wladyslaw Natanson in the years 1890-1933 and Marian Smoluchowski in theoretical physics was also important. Natanson formulated the principles of the thermodynamics of irreversible processes, the statistics of indistinguishable particles and obtained remarkable results in optics. Smoluchowski, who was active in Cracow in the years 1913-1917 was one of the important founders of the theory of fluctuations. His work contributed in the essential way to the acceptation of the atomistic theory in science and to the understanding of the limits of validity of the second law of thermodynamics. The astronomer Rudzki worked in seismology. Ludwik Birkenmajer developed research in history of science, especially on the Copernican epoch. Mathematicians Stanislaw Zaremba and Kazimierz Zurawski founded Cracow schools of differential equations, and of differential geometry. THE INTER-WAR PERIOD,

1918-1939

In 1918 Poland regained independence. The University continued its normal activity 9 . Since the Polish Republic was not a rich State, the means designed for science were limited and they did not permit to organize big laboratories. Therefore theoretical branches of exact sciences were more intensively cultivated, and such experimental research was developed, which was not very expensive. In those years Cracow professors participated in the political life of the country. To their most spectacular actions were the protest against the imprisonment of the deputies of the opposition in 1930 and the protest against the limitation of the autonomy of the universities in the thirties. THE TRAGIC YEARS OF THE SECOND WORLD WAR,

1939-1945

The years 1939-1945 were for the University the most tragic ones in its whole history 10 . Some days after the outbreak of the war German troops occu8. B. Sredniawa, "Zeszyty Naukowe U.J. ", op. cit., Ch. 3 ; T. Piech, "Zarys historii katedr fizyk:i Uniwersytetu Jagielloriskiego ", op. cit. 9. B. Sredniawa, Monographies of The History of Science and Technology, 51 (1971), 127-148. 10. Ne cedat Academia, in M. and A. Zan;;ba (eds), Krakow.

THE DEVELOPMENT OF ASTRONOMY, PHYSICS AND MATHEMATICS

39

pied Cracow 11 . On October 26, 1939 the Germans established on the part of occupied Polish territories the civil administration named Generalgouvernement with Cracow as its "capital" (the other Polish territories were incorporated into the German "Third Reich ") 12 . Soon the brutal action against the University followed, called Sonderaktion Krakau. On November 6th the authorities of the occupants convoked the assembly of professors and University staff. The 180 members of this assembly, including 155 professors and assistants of the University and 17 professors of the Cracow Mining Academy, were arrested and sent to the concentration camp of Sachsenhausen. The majority of them were released in February and March 1940. In Sachsenhausen ten professors died and five of them died immediately after their return to Cracow. During the German occupation further imprisonments and executions followed. Personal losses of the University during the occupation amounted to 11 % of the University staff, among them 43 professors, 18 docents and 15 assistants. The scientific laboratories and the property of the University were destroyed, devastated or robbed. The Universities and all Polish academic and secondary schools under German occupation were liquidated. But, in spite of the conditions of the terror, the professors and assistants took up a secret scientific and didactic activity. Initially professors, assistants and advanced students took part in it; from 1942 the secret studies were organized for young people, who wanted to study, of course in the limited range, adapted to the conditions of the Nazi terror. About 1.000 young people studied in the years 1942-1945 at this secret University. The astronomical Observatory belonged to the few not liquidated University institutions. Astronomers had therefore possibilities for work. The University's physical laboratory was completely destroyed. The mathematical library was transferred to the Jagellonian Library, which was accessible only for Germans as Staatsbibliothek. Physicists and mathematicians performed secret scientific work on theoretical problems. They published their results after the war. POST-WAR YEARS AFTER

1945

Cracow was liberated from German occupation in January 1945. A few days later University authorities began the open activity in the conditions of the still lasting war. The first years after the war were devoted mainly to the education of students and the reconstruction of laboratories, before the scientific work could be initiated. 11. S. Gawtmlc• .C% 1 ' Mlacellaneoua

Ch•m.•B~hem.•Mk:roblo­

logy.,. Tolicotogy 2,2% EnYifoment•I Chi.

(PHlk:klH•WHte W1l1ra•Pollutlon) 8,8% Ml1cellan.ou1 Ind•. (Food•Agtlc.•fertUltett)

2.•%

Pharmac1utkal Ind. 5,2%

Anefytlcel Chem. (ClaHko1l•ln1trumental) 21,5%

Petrol•utn lrid. (Lubrk:1nl1•Corro1lon)

'·'"" Orgenle Chem.

1r1.11•01•A11hher) 14,7%

Teachlng of Cheml•lf'I 1,.C%

Phyalcaf • lnorgenk: Che1n. (Radk>c:h. •Colloid Ch.)

10.5%

8. Distribution, according to topics, of papers with women authors published in the Hungarian Chemical Journal (1947-1994) 28 .

28. Compiled by the author from the volumes of Magyar Kemikusok Lapja (Hungarian Chemical Journal), 1947-1994.

THE FOREIGN INFLUENCE IN THE EMERGENCE OF THE MEXICAN MATHEMATICAL SOCIETY: THE SPANISH CASE

Galo Rurz-SOT0 1 and Pablo ROSELL-GONZALEZ2

The parallelism in the creation of scientific societies in the world since the last century is very clear. In Europe, mathematical societies were founded, such as that of Moscow (1864), London (1865), La Societe Mathematique de France (1872), Il Circolo Matematico di Palermo (1884), while the Sociedad Matematica Espafiola was founded in 1911. Generally speaking, the goals of these associations were basically the same : publishing specialized periodicals and gathering the members of the national mathematical community in order to improve the discipline with the development of two central figures, namely, the research and the formation of new researchers. As a very special case we have the Sociedad Matematica Espafiola, this association was formed under the protection of the Asociaci6n Espafiola para el Progreso de las Ciencias, with an intellectual independence but not a monetary one and resembling La Societe Mathematique de France, which was founded following the British example. In America, the first mathematical association was found-ed just two years before the end of the century : the American Mathematical Society, formerly " The New York Mathematical Club '', which was fundamental in the creation of mathematical societies in Latin America. We consider that the foundation of a national mathematical society is, in some way, the culmination of the process of the settlement of the mathematics in that national context. And this is because in spite of the emergence of research and teaching centres, these would be completely uncommunicated, and this lack of communication could be saved with the creation of a national association. 1. Founded by project IN-400995, DGAPA, UNAM. I would like to thank the Universite de Liege for the grant offered to me. 2. Founded by project IN-400995. DGAPA, UNAM.

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GALO RUIZ-SOTO and PABLO ROSELL-GONZALEZ

However, the institutionalization of mathematics 3 in Mexico had to wait even longer ; half a century later, we can speak of a mathematical structure well defined in the country. Nevertheless, we can certainly say that in the 19th century there was an intellectual void due to the political, economic and social situations in Mexico, which obtained its independence from Spain at the beginning of the 191h century and this situation lead to instabilities, even intellectual ones, because the National University was closed for such a long time. But we can already speak about the creation of specialized mathematical chairs in Mexico in the l 71h century, even before those created in Europe, such as the British one. THE NEW INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF MATHEMATICS IN MEXICO

The reopening of the National University 4 in 1910 allowed the retaking of the scientific tradition lost in the l 91h century. The education model adopted by Justo Sierra was the German one, Wilhelm von Humboldt's model, with elements of Comte's positivism but not totally framed in it; he knew that the autonomy of universities was not only for political aspects but for the free cultivation of knowledge as well as for the sake of science. It was then that the conditions for the rebirth of mathematics in Mexico were given. At that time, the development of mathematics in Mexico was very slow, there was no official support for the development of the discipline because " mathematics only had reason to exist when needed by engineering " 5 ; and this tendency was kept for such a long time. Even that at the Escuela Nacional Preparatoria [National Preparatory School] there were courses of arithmetic, geometry, algebra and trigonometry, it was commonly believed that the study of superior mathematics was only the extension of lessons already studied. They believed that the highest level that mathematics could reach was the infinitesimal calculus and the analytic geometry. In 1924, an agreement of the Minister of Education was published, establishing the fundamental disciplines for the University. The settlement of " bachelor degrees on applied sciences formed by short and rigorously practical courses " 6 was required. But this situation was no more sustainable : with all the courses given at the School of Higher Studies (which in 1925 became the Faculty of Philosophy and Literature) and the pressure from the academic staff, the creation of re3. By this term we are referring to the creation of a mathematical curriculum in the universities as well as the foundation of both research and docent institutions. 4. In this paper, we are only considering the case of the Universidad Nacional Aut6noma de Mexico [National Autonomous University of Mexico], because it has always been the most important university in Mexico and also because almost all the people who participated in the foundation of the Mexican Mathematical Society, were involved in it. 5. A. Napoles Gandara, "La enseiianza superior y la investigaci6n matematica en los liltimos cuarenta aiios ", Memoria del Congreso Cientifico Mexicano, t. I, Mexico, 1953, 221. 6. CESU, Fonda EAE/FFyL, Caja 6, Exp. llO, Fol. 3298.

THE EMERGENCE OF THE MEXICAN MATHEMATICAL SOCIETY

259

search and teaching centres on exact sciences turned out to be necessary. In 1930 the Sciences Department of the Faculty of Philosophy was founded. The influence of foreigners was very important for the development of mathematics in Mexico. The first professional mathematician who went to Mexico was Dirk Jan Struik, who offered lectures on Riemmanian Geometry and Probability Calculus. When the lnstituto de Matematicas [Mathematics Institute], founded in 1942, was well established, this influence was still important. During the same year, Birkhoff went to Mexico attending the Astrophysical Congress held at Puebla and the opening of the Tonantzintla's Astrophysical Observatory. As guest researcher at the Instituto de Matematicas, he developed his own Gravitation Theory with Carlos Graef and Alberto Barajas as assistants. Solomon Lefschetz went to Mexico for the first time in 1943 and since then, he helped many Mexicans to visit Princeton in order to accomplish their graduate studies. Dr. Paul Reece Rider from the Washington University at Saint Louis Missouri arrived to Mexico in 1942, as an exchange professor commissioned by the Latin-American Division of the State Department of the United States of America and by the Pan-American Agreement signed at Buenos Aires, Argentina in 1936. He was one of the main participants in the First National Congress of Mathematics and, in 1943, he also participated in the Foundation of the Mexican Mathematical Society, representing both the American Mathematical Society and the Mathematical Association of America. THE FOUNDATION OF THE MEXICAN MATHEMATICAL SOCIETY

At the end of 1942 the members of the Instituto de Matematicas, in agreement with the government of the Coahuila province, decided to organize the First National Congress of Mathematics in the city of Saltillo, where the festivities of the 75th anniversary of the Ateneo Fuente high-school were in preparation. The aim of the organization of the meeting was to help the teaching in the whole country, because out of Mexico City it was very deficient ; also, it was in honor of Sir Isaac Newton in the third centennial of his birth. This congress took place from 2 to 7 November, and 42 people attended. One of the meeting's conclusions was the unanimous approval of the initiative for the creation of a national mathematical association, with the " main purposes of maintaining the interest for mathematical research and endeavouring to unite teachers of exact sciences, the Mexican professionals and intellectuals, and to make them co-operate in order to achieve the development of this science in our country " 7 . During the closing ceremony, the Permanent Committee of the First Congress of Mathematics was created ; this committee for7. "Origen de la Sociedad Matematica Mexicana ", Boletin de la Sociedad Matemdtica Mexicana, 1 (1943), 3.

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GALO RUIZ-SOTO and PABLO ROSELL-GONZALEZ

mulated a project of statutes, such as the promotion of the liking for mathematics and its spreading, the supporting of research in the whole country, the improvement of its teaching, the publishing of mathematical periodicals and books, the organization of meetings and the contribution for the approaching of people involved in related areas, among other purposes. The notice for the foundation of this mathematical association was published on June 20, 1942, and on June 30, in a ceremony celebrated at the Salon de Actos of the Palacio de Minerfa in Mexico City, 131 people assisted and the Sociedad Matematica Mexicana [Mexican Mathematical Society] was finally founded. THE SPANISH EXILE

In 1939, the first Spanish intellectuals arrived to Mexico seeking asylum. Undoubtedly, they contributed to the development of the sciences as well as almost all the disciplines in Mexico. At their arrival, President Lazaro Cardenas created the Casa de Espana [Spain House], nowadays known as Colegio de Mexico [Mexico College], which was founded as a research centre specially for them. Their influence began, generally speaking, with their lectures at the universities. Also, one of the most important contributions was Ciencia [Science], a journal created in 1940 with Ignacio Bolivar as the editor and a very specialized and prestigious editorial board whose members were scientists of all Latin-America. It was very important and there was not any other comparable journal in Latin-America nor in Spain. Among those Spanish intellectuals who arrived to Mexico, four of them were prominent to mathematics because they signed the constitutive bylaws of the SMM, namely, Blas Cabrera y Felipe, Juan David Garcia Bacca, Pedro Carrasco Garrorena and Marcelo Santal6 Sors. The last one was the only mathematician involved in the Foundation of the SMM. Nevertheless, none of the mathematicians that went to Mexico were very important. Few of them, were involved in any activity related to research in mathematics and instead of that, they were involved teachers at institutions such as the Colegio Madrid, Instituto Luis Vives (both of these schools were founded by Spanish refugees), and the National Preparatory School among others. They also published many mathematics text books for all levels that are currently used at schools and universities. The most important group of mathematicians went to Argentina instead of Mexico, probably due to the great influence that Julio Rey Pastor had in mathematics in Spain. Since 1936 Rey Pastor spent six months in Madrid and the other six months of the year in Buenos Aires. So, since 1939 when the Spanish exile began, Rey Pastor's group of disciples followed him to Argentina, and this group was probably the most relevant.

THE EMERGENCE OF THE MEXICAN MATHEMATICAL SOCIETY

261

BLAS CABRERA Y FELIPE

He was probably the most important Spanish physicist. He left Spain in 1939 and then he went to France. There he developed his main research work. He finally arrived to Mexico in 1942 with a great curriculum but " if Blas Cabrera had been in better health conditions and he had lived some more years, surely his influence on the physics research in Mexico would be very great " 8 ; he died in 1945. He visited Mexico for the first time in 1926 with Fernando de los Rfos inaugurating the university exchange works of the Hispanic-Mexican Institute. In 1943, he became a professor at the FC and he also was the Researcher's Chief of the Physics Institute and he co-ordinated the Measures Laboratory. He took part in the first national congress of physics and mathematics ; at the next one, he participated as special guest. When Francisco Bolivar died, he became the Editor of Ciencia, a charge that he left at his own death in 1945. JuAN DA YID GARCIA BACCA

He left Spain in 1939 arriving to Ecuador to accomplish the first step of his own exile. In 1942 he arrived to Mexico and became a professor at the Faculty of Philosophy and Literature (FFyL). In October 1943, he offered some lectures on mathematical logic, an event organized by the FC and the Colegio de Mexico. "His deep knowledge and domain of the classic languages not only helped him for his own research but to initiate and to train many students in this discipline " 9 . In 1946 he founded and directed the Greek Classical Studies Seminar at the FFyL. He also gave courses of metaphysics and philosophical philology. Since February 1, 1948, he obtained a license without any pay liberating of his courses but, during that period, no one could replace him : he was irreplaceable. Since that year he began his third step in the exile in Venezuela and he never returned to Mexico. During his stay in Mexico, he worked in translations of Greek classical texts. He developed this aspect for two reasons, one of them was the existent relationship between the classics and his own work, while the other was to make these texts accessible to the Spanish speaking audience ; such is the case of Euclid's Elements translated directly form the Greek and this is relevant because it is the first (partial) edition made in Latin-America. 8. J.M. Lozano, "La ffsica y !as matematicas ", Cincuenta aiios del exilio espaiiol en la UNAM, Mexico, 1991, 144. 9. R. Homeffer, "Juan David Garcia Bacca", Setenta aiios de la Faculdad de Filosoffa y Letras, Mexico D.F., 1994, 358.

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GALO RUIZ-SOTO and PABLO ROSELL-GONZALEZ PEDRO CARRASCO GARRORENA

He arrived in Mexico in 1939. It is probably the Spanish scientist who helped most in the development of the science in Mexico. He dedicated most of his life to education ; he offered courses at the PC and the FFyL, as well as those that he gave at the Escuela Normal Superior [National School for Teachers], where he was courses' chief and tutor, the Escuela Superior de Ciencias Biol6gicas [Superior School of Biological Sciences], ESIA and ESIQE of the lnstituto Politecnico Nacional [National Polytechnical Institute], the Universidad Michoacana de San Nicolas Hidalgo (during the Spring University) and short courses at the Universidad de Guanajuato, he also was teacher at a preparatory level at the Preparatory School for the workers' children. He was President of the Patronage of the Luis Vives Institute and he published some books on the teaching and popularization of physics. MARCELO SANTALO SORS He was the only Spanish mathematician to participate in the foundation of the SMM, but he was not the only mathematician to arrive in Mexico. He was a great teacher at a preparatory level at institutions such as the lnstituto Luis Vives, the Colegio Madrid and the National Preparatory School. He published many books that are still used in secondary and preparatory schools as well as some papers in Ciencia. CONCLUSIONS Although the Spanish refugees were very important in the development of science in Mexico, they were not so important in the settlement of mathematics. When they arrived in Mexico, the mathematical structure was almost well established and they did not contribute in the creation of the Mathematics Institute and the Faculty of Sciences of the National University.

PART THREE

DIFFUSION AND POPULARIZATION OF KNOWLEDGE

THE BIRTH OF PHILOSOPHICAL TRANSACTIONS : HENRY OLDENBURG AND THE MARKET FOR " PHILOSOPHICAL COMMUNICATION " 1

Iordan AVRAMOV

It has often been taken for granted that first scientific journals stemmed from the newly emerged yet brisk tradition of early modem newsletters and newspapers 2 . Though true in general terms, this notion might mislead us into thinking that the process was a straightforward and even trivial one. However, a closer scrutiny of the existing evidence shows that the opposite is true : the transition from disseminating general news to disseminating news about natural philosophy was a quite complicated story. The enterprise of selling scientific knowledge on a regular basis was not at all an easy task ; on the contrary, the intended outcome and the means of achieving it were unpredictable, not to say risky in more than one way. Those who embarked on the enterprise faced considerable problems with the process of news-making, with the selection of audiences, and above all, with keeping the overall enterprise profitable enough to be worth continuing. Yet what made their life difficult makes historian's work interesting ; so, in the talk that follows I will use the case of Henry Oldenburg and his famous journal Philosophical Transactions to shed more light on this crucial moment in the history of scientific communication. By the March 1665 when the first number of Philosophical Transactions came out Oldenburg had had more than four years of service to the Royal Society as Secretary and twice as much as self-appointed " philosophical merchant ". He had built up an impressive network of correspondents that provided him with information on an almost daily basis. He, better than any other man, 1. This text was written while the autor was a postdoctoral fellow of the Royal Society and a visiting scholar at Birkbeck College, London. I am grateful to Prof. Michael Hunter for his inspiring comments on the first draft of the paper. 2. See, for example, B. Houghton, Scientific Periodicals, their historical development, characteristics and control, London, 1975, containing other references.

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knew what was going in the Republic of Letters, and knew the needs and the desires of its citizens. No wonder that all his experience taught him that a new means for the distribution of scientific knowledge had to be invented and brought into effect. The infatuation of the scientific community with the scientific news dated back to Kepler and Bacon at least, but by the time of Oldenburg the increasing stock of knowledge and the intensity of communication made him to believe that this interest spread over a much larger public than ever before. Indeed, he believed this public to be so large that it deserved to be informed by a print medium coming out as often as possible. On the other hand, Oldenburg must have realized that the market for scientific news was (and had, in fact, always been) quite restricted in comparison with the one for general news. For example, it had been always hard to convince printers to print a mathematical book, and even the best booksellers tried to avoid this sort of commodity3 . The difference could have proved to be crucial not only for the amount of the profit for the different actors involved in the enterprise, but for the very existence of the new medium, as was Oldenburg to discover after the Great Fire, when he bitterly reported on the behavior of London printers in a letter to Boyle : "And the Stationers and Printers having sustained great losses in the late fire, and not knowing how to setle and to reassume their trade, so as to make gain thereby ; do very much scruple to print any thing, except it concerne ye present affairs of the warre, and of the City : in regard whereoff, it will be very difficult to persuade them to continue ye printing of ye Transactions ... " 4 . So, general news was strong enough to survive even the hardest times of the trade, but that was not the case with" philosophical communication s". At the beginning there seemed to be an obvious way to cope with this obstacle : it might have been possible - at least in theory - to sell both kinds of news in one and the same medium. A large part of Oldenburg's intelligence consisted of a rich variety of fresh foreign political news ready to be delivered to the print. Moreover, Oldenburg had an experience in presenting this kind of information via his letters : those to Boyle, for example, were typical newsletters in which a section on political news was almost always presented. Finally, there is at least one place in Oldenburg's correspondence prior to Philosophical Transactions where he spoke about launching something quite different from the future journal. In August 1664 he wrote to Boyle: "Sir, give me leave to intreat you, that in case you should meet wth any curious persons, that would be willing to receive weekly intelligence, both of state and literary news, you would do me the favour of engaging them to me for it " 5 . 3. A. Jones, Wisdom in the Concourse, unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Cambridge, 1992, 138. 4. Oldenburg to Boyle, 16 October, 1666, in H. Oldenburg, The Correspondence of Henry Oldenburg, III, in A.R. Hall and M.B. Hall (eds), Wisconsin, London, 1966-1986, 244, 13 vols. 5. Oldenburg to Boyle, 25 August, 1664 in H. Oldenburg, The Correspondence of Henry Oldenburg, III, op. cit., 209.

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However, no matter how well-prepared and willing Oldenburg was to realize such a project, the fact of the matter was that this attractive option was difficult, if not impossible, to see through. If some sort of newsletter was in Oldenburg's plans of that time, then he must have quickly realized that he would have to confront the leading figure in the communication market, Henry Muddiman, whose famous News-letter was already enjoying big popularity and readership. Muddiman gained a flying start in the early years of the Restoration when he was placed in charge of printing government newspapers. As an officer attached to one of the Secretaries of State, he was entitled to open all domestic correspondence; moreover, he also enjoyed free postage for all letters to and from him. He utilized these resources to the utmost degree in building up his own network, and eventually this enabled him to secure himself a position far ahead of any competitor, even after he gave up his monopoly of printed news. Clearly, it would have been hard for Oldenburg to compete with a rival of this stature. Even the worse was the case of newspapers : powerful figures like Robert L'Estrange and Joseph Williamson - himself Under-Secretary of State - fought each other for the monopoly of this lucrative business ; for a German immigrant like Oldenburg to try to gain a comer of the market in these conditions was simply out of question. Indeed, later on when Oldenburg secured himself free postage of foreign letters to him via the office of Williamson, a part of the deal was that he had to send whatever fresh political news he received from abroad back to Williamson so that he could take advantage of it6 . Accordingly, whatever plans Oldenburg cherished in the summer of 1664 they quickly changed in favour of printing a monthly journal completely dedicated to philosophical communication. This meant much less profit - while L'Estrange and Williamson talked in terms of 400 pounds profit per year, Oldenburg hoped at the beginning for no more than 140 pounds - but it still sounded good enough, and in addition he was to deal with a subject he was more than familiar with. The final incentive was provided by de Sallo who ventured into printing Journal des Scavans in Paris in the beginning of January 1665 ; only two months later Oldenburg issued the first number of his own journal. Here we have to realize that Oldenburg himself deliberately imposed further restrictions on the new medium. Unlike the French journal, Philosophical Transactions was reserved for the natural philosophy only, avoiding, as Oldenburg called them: "Extracts and Abbreviats of Theological, Historico-Politicall and such like Books " 7 . That was a question of principle; the Royal Society refused to concern themselves with scholarly matters of this kind and 6. J. Sutherland, The Restoration Newspaper and its Development, Cambridge, 1986, 7 ff. 7. Oldenburg to Boyle, 6 March, 1665/6, in H. Oldenburg, The Correspondence of Henry Oldenburg, III, op. cit., 48.

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Oldenburg himself was reluctant to review such texts even when he received letters from his readers insisting on it. He might well have thought - I speculate - that this would have made the journal vulnerable to the criticism of people outside the scientific community. Linked to this was almost the complete absence of apologetic writing on behalf of the new experimental philosophy in the pages of the journal. Oldenburg behaved as if launching this completely new communication forum was an obvious thing to do. Even though there was a market for apologetic writing - witness the popularity of both Sprat's History and Glanvill's Plus Ultra Oldenburg ignored this in the new journal. This was part of his judgement as to how to achieve the best results. It is interesting to note that when in 1669 Joseph Glanvill tried to organize an association for" Philosophical Correspondence " in Somerset and intended as a first step, to print its program, he was advised by Oldenburg that the design " might as well, if not better, have been carried on without printing these propositions " 8 . Apparently, Oldenburg thought that too much justification could be counterproductive in the projects of this kind ; indeed, when the Royal Society was first criticized in public, the prime target of these critiques were the books by Sprat and Glanvill mentioned above 9 . As a matter of fact, the best text justifying publishing in the journal came from the contributors - notably, Robert Boyle - and not from Oldenburg himself10. After so many restrictions to the intended public of the journal, Oldenburg had to make sure that what was left was firmly in his grip. Therefore, Philosophical Transactions was designed to be interesting very much in the same way as the general newspapers were. Oldenburg explicitly said that he wrote for : " Curious Persons who either have not the leisure to read Voluminous Authors, or are not readily skilled in the Latine Tongue, wherein the said book is written ... " 11 . The main emphasis of the journal was on variety ; its form consisted of reports on specific topics in natural philosophy and the mechanical arts these followed one after another in a continuous flow, and nothing but everyday knowledge was necessary to comprehend them. In other words, it was a popular journal, dominated by the culture of news. Little wonder then, that we find many typical news stories on its pages. Reports on accidents, anomalies, curious creatures, freaks of nature, and ingenuous inventions were the most common component of almost any number of 8. Glanvill to Oldenburg, 17 December, 1669, in H. Oldenburg, The Correspondence of Henry Oldenburg, VI, op. cit., 372. 9. On tbe early attacks on the Royal Society see M. Hunter, Science and Society in Restoration England, Cambridge, 1981, esp. eh. 6. 10. Boyle to Oldenburg, May/June, 1666, in H. Oldenburg, The Correspondence of Henry Oldenburg, III, op. cit., 145-146. 11. Philosophical Transactions (December, 1665), 125.

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the journal. In a very short time Oldenburg provided himself with a host of correspondents - most of them from the countryside - eager to send him this kind of material, and their number grew over the time. He himself was very skilful in arranging and editing his material so to arouse his readers' excitement and appetite for news. Not only did the journal comprise a sequence of small articles ; those articles themselves were often drawn up as list of points - sometimes in the form of questions - thus easy to grasp, and easy to follow. This technique is best exemplified by the reviews of new books : in writing them Oldenburg was like a chef preparing a menu of delicious morsels for his favorite clients. Moreover, he knew how to announce a piece of news and then to promise more to follow along the same lines in the future numbers, so arousing the thrill of expectation. Finally, he often had a pen for a spicy detail brought into the narrative in order to refresh an account that had got too technical. It is important to note here that Oldenburg did not suffer a guilty conscience in building up the style of the journal. In the setting of the early Royal Society the new natural philosophy was meant to be a collective enterprise involving the compiling of experiments and observations on nature. Whenever a volcano erupted, an earthquake struck, or any other out-of-the-ordinary phenomenon occurred it was thought that nature thereby made herself plain as a matter of fact, without being forced to it by human intervention. Accordingly, it was perceived as a duty of the practitioners of the new philosophy to take advantage of the moment and " to observe diligently " the weird and unusual events. What might seem to us to be overt journalism was considered a legitimate and necessary scientific practice in the early modern period. Of course, journalism was there too; it was the other side of the coin. Consider Oldenburg's country correspondents. For people living in the countryside London was the place bulging with news ; indeed, it was called " the sea of news " in the time. The provinces were just the opposite - a desert of news, a place where events of importance rarely happened. Philosophical Transactions suddenly provided a chance for many of Oldenburg's correspondents to perceive themselves in a new, different light. Nature itself became a rich source of news, and people living away of the metropolis had a better chance to observe its everyday workings. This made them proud that they could send to London that much wanted commodity, and spurred their enthusiasm to do it over and over again. This makes us understand better why the same news was sometimes transferred both to Oldenburg and Muddiman 12. It was a happy "match" between scientific " fragments " and public news that mattered here ; " curiosity " and " rarity " were key words in the languages of both natural philosophy and journalism. 12. Childrey to Oldenburg, 17 July, 1669, in H. Oldenburg, The Correspondence of Henry Oldenburg, VI, op. cit., 135.

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Of course, the journal was not fully committed to popular news. It soon became clear to all leading scientists that Philosophical Transactions was an important public forum wherein they could publish and thereby claim priority for their discoveries and inventions. Certainly, it was never Oldenburg's intention to exclude such men from his journal. In fact, the opposite was true : he treasured any piece of advanced knowledge he received, and sought to publish it. This was much more troublesome than publishing letters of naive country reporters, but it was clearly the right thing to do to advance natural philosophy. In Oldenburg's editorial office a report on "a curious battle between a spider and a toad" happily co-existed with Martin Lister's "classification of English spiders" ; even a brief reading of Oldenburg's correspondence however will show that he was perfectly aware who of authors were on the cutting edge of scientific research. Accordingly, the number of advanced research articles grew, and in time whole issues of Philosophical Transactions were occupied by natural philosophy that must have seemed quite esoteric to a large part of its readership. Still, the popular news items did not vanish from the pages of the medium. They remained there to keep the audience attentive and enchanted. Even the leading scientists paid tribute to this style of news-making. In number 16 of the journal, for example, John Wallis published his theory of tides. This was a publication of a completely modem type, in the sense that Wallis insisted emphatically on keeping the text unprinted until it had seen through all the stages of the reviewing procedures at the Royal Society. However, it was the same man who only a couple of months previously had made a haste to report to Oldenburg in lengthy detail an accident when lightning had stricken dead some Oxford student 13 . The lure of news had its sway on everybody. A time was to come when Philosophical Transactions was to be criticized and ridiculed for its excessive infatuation with the popular. But early in the first years of the journal's existence, this blend of popular news and advanced, even technical knowledge was the peculiar editorial style that enabled Oldenburg to ensure the prosperity of his brain-child. In a sense his success was even greater than he might ever have thought possible : Philosophical Transactions not only survived its risky beginnings ; but it has lasted until the present day.

13. See for full details Wallis to Oldenburg, 12 May, 1666, in H. Oldenburg, The Correspondence of Henry Oldenburg, III, op. cit., 122-125.

FRAY MARTIN SARMIENTO

(1695-1772): UNA FIGURA PRECLARA

DE LA CIENCIA EN ESPANA EN EL SIGLO XVIII

Mari

ALv AREZ LIRES

INTRODUCCION

La poliedrica figura de Fray Martin Sarmiento, autor de una enciclopedica obra, todavfa insuficientemente conocida transcurridos mas de doscientos afios desde su muerte, es, en opinion de recientes estudios 1, uno de los mas preclaros exponentes de la Ilustraci6n en Espana y en Europa. Este desconocimiento tiene su origen en el ineditismo de sus escritos, ya que la mayor parte de las mas de treinta mil paginas de que constan se encuentran dispersas, manuscritas, en diversos archivos y bibliotecas, entre las que cabe citar, la Biblioteca Nacional (Madrid), la Biblioteca de la Real Academia de la Historia (Madrid), el Museo de Pontevedra, el Archivo Hist6rico de la Universidad de Santiago de Compostela y la colecci6n perteneciente a la duquesa de Medina-Sidonia. Fray Martin Sarmiento - Pedro Jose Garcia Balboa - naci6 en Villafranca del Bierzo, lugar al que se habia trasladado su familia, de raices gallegas, debido al trabajo de su padre, maestro-arquitecto, requerido para dirigir obras de la casa de los duques de Medina-Sidonia. Terminadas las obras, la familia regresa a Pontevedra (Galicia) 2 , ciudad en la que Sarmiento estudia con los Jesuitas, epoca de la que no guarda muy buen recuerdo, pues se queja de que le hicieron estudiar de memoria " como un papagayo " y de que tuvo que sufrir porque la ensefianza se impartia unicamente en castellano, idioma en el que le obligaban a hablar, mofandose de los nifios que, como el, solamente conodan la lengua gallega. Esta circunstancia marcara SU pensamiento respecto a la ensefianza : siempre se manifestara en contra del estudio memorfstico y de los 1. P. Allegue, A Filosofia Ilustrada de Fr. Martfn Sarmiento, Vigo, 1993 ; M. Alvarez Lires, A Ciencia no seculo XVI!!: Fr. Martin Sarmiento ( 1695-1772 ), unha figura paradigmdtica, tesis doctoral, Vigo, inedita. 2. Galicia es una region situada en el Noroeste de Espana, constitufda por cuatro provincias administrativas: A Coruiia, Lugo, Ourense y Pontevedra.

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castigos como crueldad inaceptable, propugnando ademas que la docencia se imparta en lengua matema. Ejemplo de ello, puede serlo la siguiente cita3 : "Y ya que se puso el exemplo en Novicios Gallegos debo reprehender aqui la tirania con que se les obliga a olvidar su propio idioma, y su necia tonteria de dexarse tiranizar en contra del derecho Natural solicitar directe, o indirecte que uno olvide la lengua que ha mamado con el frivolo pretexto de que se debe aprender otra distinta. Que no la hablen quando no los han de entender es cortesia natural, pero que la olviden ?, que la desprecien ?, que no la cultiven? ( ... ) esta es fatuidad que no se debe tolerar ( ... ) Y porque si es Gallego no debe conservar la Lengua Gallega ? Es por ventura incompatible con la Castellana ? Son incompatibles con un muchacho dos o tres lenguas, y el simultaneo estudio de las tres ? No diran eso los infinitos nifios que hay en Madrid los quales con otros nifios aprenden el Castellano, con su Madre el Flamenco v.g y con su Padre el Frances, y aun les sobra mucho tiempo, para jugar y retozar ? Confieso que ( ... ) hice evidencia que la lengua Gallega es muy util para entender mejor la Latina, para entender con mas propiedad, y extension la Castellana, para facilitar muchisimo el estudio de la Italiana, y Francesa ( ... ) y finalmente para manifestar que el fondo de la lengua Portuguesa pura tiene su primitivo solar en Galicia " 4 . En esta defensa del uso del gallego en la ensefianza, que Fray Martin hara extensiva a todos los ninos y nifios que lo tengan por lengua matema, formulara el problema de la diglosia5 en el sentido del perjuicio que causa al desarrollo del pensamiento y al de la percepci6n, la obligaci6n de estudiar en una lengua ajena, que no se comprende, desde las primeras edades. Tambien resulta de inestimable modemidad la idea de la utilidad del gallego para aproximarse a otros idiomas como el latfn, el portugues y el castellano, en contra de la concepci6n, vigente todavfa hoy, en amplios sectores sociales, de que la escolarizaci6n en gallego contribuye al empobrecimiento lingtifstico y cultural del alumnado. Calificara de" tiranfa ", "barbara crueldad" y otros epftetos, igualmente contundentes, la " ignorancia inaudita " de ensefiar el castellano en castellano y el latfn en latfn, a nifios que solamente conocen la lengua gallega. Curs6 Artes en el monasterio de Lerez (Pontevedra), donde conoci6 al Padre Feij6o6, que fue uno de sus primeros maestros y de quien, andando el tiempo, sera el mejor colaborador y defensor. A los quince afios, en 1710, se traslada a Madrid para tomar el habito benedictino, siendo un joven que ya se interesa 3. Hemos conservado la ortografia de Sarmiento o la de! copista correspondiente, respetando los acentos y los subrayados, una de !as caracteristicas de sus escritos. 4. Fr. Martin Sarmiento, Reflexiones sabre Archivos y otros asuntos de suma importancia, Ms. 9/5075, Biblioteca Real Academia de la Historia, fols 76-79. 5. M.A. Filgueira, "Lengua matema y educaci6n en Fr. Martin Sarmiento", Cuadernos de Estudios Gallegos, 27 (1972), 203-283. 6. M.A. Filgueira, "Lengua matema y educaci6n en Fr. Martin Sarmiento", op. cit.

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por los mas variados temas eruditos, leyendo todo cuanto se pone a su alcance, poseedor de una inmensa curiosidad y deseo de saber. En el afio 1711 viajara al monasterio de Irache (Navarra), donde cursara estudios de Filosoffa, regresando al de San Martfn de Madrid en 1714. En este ultimo monasterio vivira hasta su muerte, exceptuando los periodos en los que realiza viajes para trabajar en archivos y bibliotecas o para impartir docencia en diversos monasterios. En todos ellos leera y estudiara incansablemente, dotandose de un metodo de estudio, " de horas, autores y materias ", segun sus propias palabras. Solamente en la biblioteca de San Martfn, nuestro benedictino indica que " enrede y repase todos sus libros que pican en diez mil volumenes ". Destacaremos tambien que realiz6 tres viajes a Galicia, que le ocuparon en total unos tres afios, llevando consigo un cuademo en el que anotaba y describfa todos los lugares por los que pasaba, las inscripciones que encontraba, los vegetales con sus nombres gallegos, los nombres de los peces, conchas, mariscos, aves y otros animales. Asf mismo se ocupa de registrar todas las voces gallegas que es capaz de recoger. Cuando vuelve definitivamente a Madrid, en el afio 1756, lo hace cargado "con todos los mixtos de la Historia Natural que Dios ha criado en Galicia ", a la manera de los naturalistas de la epoca. Fruto de estos viajes son sus escritos lingufsticos y critico-botanicos, tales como Pensamientos Crftico-Botanicos y Onomastico Ethimol6gico de la Lengua Gallega, entre otros muchos. Dos seran los grandes amores de Fray Martfn Sarmiento, a saber, los libros y los viajes. De los primeros dispondra en abundancia, mientras que respecto a los segundos, tendra que consolarse leyendo libros de viajes y de expediciones cientfficas, en los que su biblioteca particular sera pr6diga, ya que su condici6n de monje de clausura le impedira convertirse en viajero incansable al estilo de los naturalistas del XVIII. Aun con esta limitaci6n, la Historia Natural sera uno de los ejes de su interes cientifico, figurando entre sus libros, la obra completa de Linneo, los tomos publicados de Buffon y un sin fin de autores antiguos y modemos. Desde 1728 corrige y forma indices de la obra del Padre Feijoo, de quien es censor por orden superior7 , dictaminando que no hay nada en contra de que se publique el Theatro Crftico Universal, obra que levant6 apasionadas polemicas y controversias, ya que en ella se hacfa una defensa de la ciencia experimental, frente al aristotelismo " interpretado por los cat6licos ", en palabras de Sarmiento, que reinaba junto al galenismo en las universidades espafiolas de la epoca. Fray Martfn se siente en la obligaci6n de defender a quien considera " maestro y sefior ", publicando, en 1732, la Demonstraci6n critico-apologetica de! Theatro Crftico Universal, que di6 a la luz el R. P. Fray Benito Ger67. Fray Martin Sarmiento fue censor de! Tribunal de la Inquisici6n, por orden superior, disponiendo de licencia, segun sus propias palabras, " para leer y espulgar libros ".

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nimo Feyj6o. Esta sera la unica obra que publique en vida, junto a algunos opusculos menores, siempre a mayor honra y gloria del Padre Feijoo. En adelante, por razones que explicaremos brevemente, el ilustre benedictino se negara a que ninguno de sus escritos pase por la imprenta. A pesar de que el fraile desea la quietud de su celda para dedicarse al estudio, su fama de hombre erudito trasciende los muros de San Martin y ha de ejercer como asesor de los reyes Felipe v y Fernando VI, recibiendo peticiones para realizar " dictamenes " sobre los mas variados temas, circunstancia que le obliga a ampliar, cada vez mas, el campo de sus conocimientos. Vive y trabaja en una inmensa celda en la que almacena siete mil quinientos volumenes, segun consta en el Catalogo de los Autores, de quienes, yo Fr. Martin Sarmiento, Benedictino, tengo, ad usum, 6 todas sus obras, 6 parte de ellas, 6 algun como suelto, y separado. En esta celda recibe a un grupo de selectos y poderosos amigos, como el duque de Medina-Sidonia, el conde de Aranda, el ministro ilustrado Campomanes, el Padre Rabago, confesor del rey, don Joseph de Armona, etc., pero tambien esta abierta para gallegos, sean estos " rusticos " o eruditos, como consta en los escritos del benedictino. Utiliza tambien ese gran espacio para almacenar los "mixtos de la Historia Natural", ademas de objetos selectos y curiosos, como un telescopio de reflexion, un microscopio de cinco lentes8 , un astrolabio, un estuche matematico, etc., realizando ademas diversos experimentos entre los que se cuenta la obtencion de hfuridos de plantas en macetas, siguiendo el sistema de Linneo y la determinacion de " gravedades espedficas ", segun la escuela newtoniana holandesa. Cuando no dispone de medios o de conocimientos suficientes, envia muestras de los materiales que quiere analizar a cientlficos relevantes de su tiempo, entre los que se cuentan Linneo, Peter van Musschenbroek, Bowles, etc., manteniendo correspondencia ademas con monjes boticarios, depositarios de una gran parte del saber medico y farmacognosico. Podria pensarse, tal vez, que la celda de Fray Martin fuese un gabinete de curiosidades, tan en boga en el siglo xvm, pero " en nuestra opinion, su caracter era el de un laboratorio en ciemes, pues consta en sus escritos la planificacion y realizacion de experimentos, aunque se queja de no poseer medios suficientes para trabajar en campos como el de la Metalurgia, otro de los centros de su erudito interes " 9 . SU OBRA

Es poco menos que imposible la tarea de analizar, en pocas lfneas, la ingente obra del benedictino pues, como figura paradigmatica de la Ilustracion, ningun tema le resulta ajeno. Su figura responde, en parte 10 alas caracteristicas 8. Regalo de! Padre Feijoo, que le indica que ya no esta en condiciones de "ver 3.tomos ". 9. M. Alvarez Lires, A Ciencia no seculo XVI!!: Fr. Martin Sarmiento ( 1695-1772), unhafigura paradigmdtica, op. cit. 10. J.A. Maravall, Estudios de la Historia del Pensamiento Espanol Siglo XVIII, Madrid, 1991.

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que Voltaire asigna al fil6sofo en du Dictionnaire philosophique : las de una figura con un saber enciclopedico que, ademas, tiene la intenci6n de reformar la sociedad en la que le toca vivir mediante la educaci6n, criticando la ignorancia, los prejufcios, los intereses espureos, etc. El philosophe de Voltaire tiene tambien la importante misi6n de divulgar los saberes, no necesariamente originales. Si examinamos la divulgaci6n con criterios actuales, podrfamos sentir la tentaci6n de desconsiderarla pero debemos tener en cuenta que la mayor parte de los pensadores de la Ilustraci6n europea la cultivaron casi en exclusiva entre ellos el propio Voltaire, siendo la excepci6n autores como Hume o Kant. Despues de estudiar la obra del insigne benedictino, opinamos que este es mucho mas que un divulgador, pues no s6lo difunde y comenta crfticamente las ideas cientfficas de su tiempo, sino que hace propuestas originales sobre temas que preocupaban a la ciencia y a la tecnica de la epoca, como la potabilizaci6n del agua del mar, la determinaci6n de la longitud, el establecimiento de una medida universal, los estudios sobre luz, color y 6ptica o la purificaci6n de la " platina ", investigando o encargando indagaciones " a gentes mas eruditas ", como ya hemos indicado. No podemos resefiar aquf la multitud de escritos del benedictino, pero sefialaremos, como obra de madurez, la monumental Obra de 660 Pliegos, que trata de Historia Natural y de todo genera de erudici6n, terminado en 1755, en la que se puede encontrar la mas diversa y documentada informaci6n sobre temas cientffico-tecnicos. Nos interesa destacar queen cualquiera de los campos que Fray Martin cultiv6, su amor a la verdad y la constante denuncia de la hipocresfa y de la falsedad son constantes. Definira al investigador, como Alethophilo - el que busca la verdad - y Autodidactus, expresiones suficientemente ilustrativas de su actitud. En su autobiograffa nos dira : " Gusto mucho de leer las verdades divinas y humanas en sus fuentes originales y puras. Y las mentiras y falsedades de impostores en sus mismos lodazales y hediondos charcos originales. Sin esta precauci6n, ninguno podra leer " sine formidine " si esta o no esta fardado de falsedades bebidas en escritos de impostores. Asf es preciso tener primero noticia exacta de ellos ; y a este fin escribir algunos pliegos inventando un remedio preservativo " 11 . Su obra, de la que se han perdido una gran cantidad de " pliegos ", es diversa, dispersa e interdisciplinar, circunstancias que si bien dificultan enormemente la investigaci6n de su contenido, constituyen, al mismo tiempo, una caudalosa fuente de informaci6n acerca de las ciencias, de las tecnicas y de otros saberes, no s6lo del siglo xvm, sino tambien acerca del nacimiento y desarrollo de la ciencia moderna, asf como de noticias de las ciencias de todos los tiempos, inclufda la ciencia oriental, sobre todo la China. Sus escritos ver11. D. Fontenla (ed.), "Vida y viajes literarios de Fray Martin Sarmiento", Bolet(n de la Cornisi6n provincial de Monurnentos de Ourense, 155 (1924), 3-65.

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san sobre cuestiones que hoy denominarfamos, Lingtifstica, Historia Natural, Qufmica, Fisica, Matematicas, Agricultura, Arquitectura, Astronomfa, Derecho, Politica, Medicina, Sociologfa y un largo etcetera. Llaman poderosamente la atencion de la persona investigadora las sorprendentes intuiciones y su intencion de profundizar en la realidad inmediata, asf coma la de abrir perspectivas para el futuro, contenidas en los mas de treinta mil folios manuscritos que se conservan. FRAY MARTIN SARMIENTO Y LA lLUSTRACION. ALGUNAS CONSTANTES DE SU PEN SAMIENTO

En lo que sigue, trataremos de poner de manifiesto que Fray Martin Sarmiento fue un ilustrado que, en muchos aspectos se adelanto a su tiempo, y que habria que incluirle entre los introductores de la ciencia modema en Espafia, pues si bien no quiso publicar su obra, la gran cantidad de dictamenes que elaboro para los poderes politicos de SU epoca, las intuiciones y propuestas concretas que en ellos se recogen, las relaciones cientfficas que mantuvo, etc., serian suficientes para contarle dentro de la mejor tradicion ilustrada europea, aun sin contar el incalculable valor de sus escritos particulares e ineditos. Aunque la Ilustracion no puede reducirse a un concepto unitario y unfvoco en los diferentes pafses europeos, ni siquiera en los grupos cultos que llevaron la iniciativa, puede esbozarse un cierto marco general. Por lo que a Espafia respecta, se acostumbra a poner como ejemplo de hombre ilustrado, partidario de la ciencia modema y luz que ilumina las tinieblas del XVIII espafiol, al Padre Feijoo, olvidando o desvalorizando la contribucion de Fray Martin. Por nuestra parte, discrepamos de estas opiniones que creemos que responden fundamentalmente a un conocimiento muy parcial de la obra de este ultimo : " El ineditismo de esta obra, asf coma opiniones contradictorias respecto a su fuerte caracter, la critica sin ambages a la sociedad de su tiempo, a la carte y a las instituciones, de la que solamente se libra el rey, su negativa a aceptar cargos, prebendas y honores, hicieron que la figura del Padre Feijoo eclipsara totalmente las contribuciones cientificas de Fray Martin Sarmiento, sin embargo, en nuestra opinion, el pensamiento cientffico y la erudicion del segundo de ellos eran mucho mas avanzadas que las del primero. La bibliografia que Sarmiento maneja esta, obviamente, micho mas actualizada que lade su maestro y amigo. Por poner algunos ejemplos significativos, Fray Martin recibfa puatualmente la obra de Linnea, que estudiaba y discutfa con algunos de los discipulos del naturalista sueco ; lefa, estudiaba, experimentaba y tenia relacion epistolar con cientfficos de la escuela newtoniana holandesa, como Musschenbroek o Boerhaave, realizando experimentos sabre " gravedades especificas " ; colecciona la obra de Buffon, posee la obra completa de Newton, hacienda propuestas originales sabre color, musica y optica, basadas en ella.

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En su biblioteca se encuentran, ademas, las colecciones completas de todas las Actas de las Academias Europeas, infinidad de libros de viajes, todas las obras inimaginables de filosoffa antigtia y modema, de matematicas, de qufmica, de historia natural, metalurgia, etc., editadas hasta 1769 (tres aiios antes de su muerte). Ademas de ser censor aprobante de la obra de Feijoo, par orden superior, esta autorizado por su maestro para aiiadir, quitar o cambiar todo lo que considere oportuno en los escritos que este publica. Si no se hubiesen quemado las cartas que Fray Martin escribio a Feijoo solo se conservan dieciocho de ellas - a lo largo de tantos afios de correspondencia, tal vez tendriamos mas elementos para fundamentar nuestras afirmaciones " 12 . El profesor Figueira13 opinaba que Fray Martin era ese hombre en la sombra que esta detras de los grandes personajes, su proveedor de libros, su defensor y su asesor. En la misma lfnea, si no se hubiese perdido la correspondencia que mantuvo con eminentes cientfficos de su epoca, sabrfamos alga mas sobre la interaccion entre su pensamiento y el de aquellos. Debemos sefialar, a modo de ejemplo, que hemos encontrado enormes similitudes entre las ideas de Sarmiento y las de su contemporaneo el eminente qufmico y medico holandes Boerhaave, a quien, dicho sea de paso, la historia de la qufmica posterior ha olvidado injustamente. Conviene expresar que debemos enmarcar las opiniones del ilustre benedictino dentro de las diferentes corrientes de pensamiento del siglo xvm en Europa y de las incontables polemicas cientfficas que se dieron, no solo a lo largo de el, sino tambien del siglo anterior, ya que las " luces ,, son herederas del siglo XVII. Opinamos con Lanson que la imagen que se daba del siglo XVIII, coma la de un epoca con mentalidad abstracta, racionalista y aprioristica, que habfa constmfdo los pilares de su pensamiento, felicidad, humanidad, razon, etc., al margen de la atencion a los hechos y de la consideracion de la experiencia, era una imagen falsificada y que la herencia cientffica del siglo xvn es una difusion adulterada del empirismo ingles. Lanson sostiene ademas que, en la version del racionalismo del xvm, el termino razon tiene el siguiente significado : " Designa una necesidad de ideas claras y coherentes que no excluyen, sino que implican en gran medida la atencion a los hechos y la consideracion de la experiencia. Porque ante todo, el racionalismo es un compromiso de examinar siempre las cosas por sf mismo y de emplear la razon propia para buscar la verdad. Ahora bien, si en ciertos dominios la evidencia se obtiene por el descubrimiento de una verdad logica que liga las consecuencias 12. M. Alvarez Lires, A Ciencia no seculo XVIII: Fr. Mart{n Sarmiento (1695-1772), unha figura paradigmatica, op. cit. 13. J. Filgueira, Fr. Martin Sarmiento ( 1695-1772), A Corufia, 1994.

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a los principios, hay otros en los que la razon no puede operar mas que recogiendo los datos de la experiencia " 14 . Otros autores como Mousnier, defienden la idea de que el XVIII fue un siglo cartesiano, expresandolo asi : " El siglo xvm se interesa mas por la intuicion y la evidencia que por el proceso especulativo ; practica la duda y echa abajo los argumentos de autoridad, tradicion, etc. ; se adhiere a la razon, metodo unico, y atribuye un caracter matematico a las verdades y leyes que la razon descubre, se interesa por aspectos cuantitativos y posee una vision mecanicista del mundo " 15 . Desde nuestro punto de vista, esta ultima opinion esta poco matizada, " puesto que considera el siglo XVIII como un todo homogeneo, sin prestar atencion a la evolucion de la posicion que describe y desconsiderando la reconversion o asimilacion de esas ideas cartesianas por la filosofia newtoniana, con la revalorizacion de la experiencia que, en la interpretacion tradicional de la filosofia cartesiana, tenia unicamente un papel comprobatorio de las hipotesis " 16 . No podemos dejar de sefialar que, hacia finales de siglo, Condillac y d' Alembert apreciaran a Descartes como matematico pero no como filosofo, y que sus obras dejaran de imprimirse. Sin embargo no faltan interpretaciones diferentes del pensamiento cientifico-filosofico de Descartes y asi Turro, en un concienzudo estudio, afirma que la intencion cartesiana no fue nunca la de construir una ffsica teorica, puramente geometrica e independiente de la realidad, sino que su proyecto atendia fundamentalmente a la experiencia, a un equilibrio entre una ciencia teorica y su aplicacion practica. La responsabilidad de la interpretacion que nos ha llegado corresponde, en su opinion, al siglo XIX, que convirtio las ideas cartesianas en su misma antftesis 17 . No es nuestra intencion, ya que excederfa los propositos de este artfculo, discutir esta interpretacion ; si la citamos es con la intencion de situar el pensamiento de Fray Martin y de combatir las calificaciones reduccionistas que de su obra se han hecho, poniendo de manifiesto las dificultades con las que se encuentra la persona que investiga cuando pretende sumergirse en un momento en el que se esta recibiendo y reconstruyendodeconstruyendo la herencia de los siglos anteriores, en el que se meclan antigiiedad y modemidad, en el que las polemicas se suceden y se confunden. Fray Martin es hijo de su tiempo y todos estos aspectos emergen de su obra. Otra cuestion que hemos de tener en cuenta es que las ciencias del siglo no eran las ciencias de nuestros dias y aunque algunas conserven los vie-

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14. G. Lanson, Le role de !'experience dans la formation de la philosophie du XVIIf' siecle en France, Paris, 1930. 15. R. Mousnier, Histoire generale des civilisations. Le xv11r siecle, Paris, 1953, 338. 16. M. Alvarez Lires, A Ciencia no seculo xvm: Fr. Martfn Sarmiento ( 1695-1772), unha figura paradigrndtica, op. cit. 17. S. Turro, Descartes. Del herrnetisrno a la nueva ciencia, Barcelona, 1985.

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jos nombres, los contenidos de estas y de aquellas no son los mismos. Para mayor dificultad, todas ellas estan atravesadas por un conjunto de consideraciones teologicas y filosoficas que hoy nos parecen totalmente ajenas a las ciencias de la naturaleza. " Por otro lado conviene dejar de lado opiniones sumarias que consideran a la Ciencia Moderna como una creacion ex nihilo, opuesta a la Ciencia Aristotelica anterior, caracterizando a la primera como una ciencia laica y empirica frente a las implicaciones filosoficas y teologicas de los siglos anteriores. Nada mas opuesto al proceso de construccion y produccion de ciencia que esta vision reduccionista. Los sabios europeos de los siglos XVI, xvn y XVIII no formaban un todo homogeneo, ni estaban sometidos a una unica tradicion prefijada - la aristotelica - sino que discutfan con bastante libertad sus opiniones, como se pone de manifiesto al estudiar sus obras " 18 . El aristotelismo comenzo a decaer mucho antes de lo que reconoce la historiografia tradicional, de tal manera que la ciencia modema no se tuvo que enfrentar directamente a el, ya que entre los siglos XIV y XVII, que son los que se se encuentran entre lo que se considera paradigma aristotelico y la ciencia modema, estan los siglos xv y XVI, que diversos autores como Metzger 19 , Turro20 y Keller21 , califican como pertenecientes al paradigma hermetistarenacentista. Desde nuestro punto de vista, en el campo en el que mas persistio el aristotelismo fue en el que hoy llamarfamos Biologfa, subsumido en la Historia Natural, disciplina omnicomprensiva hasta finales del XVIII. Sin embargo, la situacion de la ciencia en Espana era un poco diferente. Lopez Pinero senala que en el ultimo tercio del siglo XVI, el triunfo de la mentalidad contrarreformista propicio el predominio del escolasticismo y la imposicion del aislamiento ideologico, como medio de defensa contra las ideas heterodoxas. lnteraccionando esta circunstancia con el exterminio de la comunidad hispano-judea - el mas importante colectivo social desde el punto de vista del cultivo de la ciencia durante la Edad Media - hizo que " Espana no participase en ninguna de las manifestaciones maduras de la ciencia modema " 22 , aunque hubo autores, en el XVII, que realizaron aportaciones originales como Alonso Barba, autor de El arte de los metales, ampliamente traducido y difundido en Europa, Diego de Ufano, que escribio un tratado de ingenieria militar, tambien de amplia difusion o Juan Caramuel, que vivio en Bohemia y en Italia, manteniendo correspondencia con Descartes, Kircher y 18. M. Alvarez Lires, A Ciencia no seculo XVIII: Fr. Martin Sarmiento ( 1695-1772), unha figura paradigmdtica, op. cit., 159. 19. H. Metzger, Les Doctrines chimiques en France du debut du xv1r a la fin du xv11r siecle, Paris, nouveau tirage, 1969. 20. S. Turro, S. Turro, Descartes. Del hermetismo a la nueva ciencia, op. cit. 21. E.F. Keller, Reflexiones sabre genera y ciencia, Valencia, 1991. 22. J.M.L. Pinero, La introducci6n de la Ciencia Moderna en Espana, Barcelona, 1969.

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Gassendi, considerado como un gran erudito y admirado por Fray Martin Sarmiento. Si bien las nuevas ideas cientificas ya eran conocidas en la Espana del xvn, todas ellas chocaban contra muros ideologico-politicos, y asf, las medicas se enfrentaban con el galenismo-escolasticismo universitario, mientras que las ffsicas se encontraban con el obstaculo del copernicanismo, condenado por la Iglesia Catolica. A todo ello hemos de sumar la presencia del Tribunal de la Inquisicion, que no solo presegufa o procesaba por las ideas manifestadas, sino incluso por el origen judfo familiar, impidiendo la obtencion del Protomedicato, por poner un ejemplo, necesario para ejercer la profesion medica. Tal le sucedio a D. Diego de Zapata, precursor del movimiento novator preilustrado, por no poder presentar " certificado de limpieza de sangre ", mientras que su familia sufrio tortura y encarcelamiento. l Que ocurria en tiempos de Sarmiento ? El aristotelismo 23 , " interpretado por los catolicos ", como el mismo dira en la Demonstraci6n, protegido por la presencia, todavfa poderosa, de la Inquisicion - no se desmantelara definitivamente hasta 1834 - hubo de ser combatido a lo largo del XVIII con precaucion y buscando subterfugios para expresar opiniones favorables a los sistemas de Copernico, Descartes o Newton, o a determinados aspectos de ellos. Rodeos y precauciones de este estilo podemos hallar en la obra del Padre Feijoo y el la Demonstraci6n Crftico-Apologetica de Sarmiento, a la que ya nos hemos referido anteriormente. Pero aun con estas limitaciones, podemos apreciar en la obra de ambos benedictinos, sobre todo en la de Fray Martin, feroces ataques a la ignorancia y dogmatismo de los aristotelicos. Nuestro benedictino se opondra a todo principio de autoridad en lo tocante a la ciencia y, siendo censor de la Inquisicion, mantendra siempre que muchos - l todos ? - autores prohibidos deben leerse porque escriben sobre cuestiones de ciencia que no afectan a la religion.

Los textos que reproducimos a continuacion, corresponden a un escrito en el que se mofa de un impugnador del Padre Feijoo y a un fragmento de la Demonstraci6n. Se trata de textos de juventud, en los que se discute a favor de los corpusculistas y de Descartes, aunque adelantamos que nunca se adherira a ningun " sistema ", si bien pudimos observar en su obra, un acercarniento progresivo a la ciencia newtoniana-filosoffa natural, a medida que estudia las obras del sablo ingles y de las escuelas newtonianas europeas. Siempre acepto las ideas copernicanas, hallandose en sus escritos, burlas acerca de la creencia de que la tierra era el centro del universo : " ... donde vio chapucearse el sol 23. B. Farrington, Ciencia Griega, 2a ed., Barcelona, 1986, analizando la ciencia griega, manifiesta que una parte de la obra de Arist6teles responde a planteamientos experimentales, pero que los escolasticos medievales la obviaron. Asf pues, parece que Sarmiento estaba en lo cierto y que el tiempo ha venido a darle la raz6n.

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en los oceanos segun la credulidad de los antiguos, y aun de algunos vulgares de hoy " 24 . En la siguiente cita se mofa, con gran ironfa, del " miedo al vacfo " de los aristotelicos, "temerosos del vaco" : "Yo no creo que el Agua se violente y sesuba, a mayores porque los Aristotelicos lo han sofiado, o porque sean temerosos del vaco, que no se suefia lo que hoy esta evidenciado, es que sube la Agua quando el Aire en virtud de su pesantez la comprime al modo que vmd [vuesa merced], salta acia arriba quando le aprietan, o quando para que suba el vino se comprime bien la Bota, en donde se ve, que ( ... ) nunca para que no se de vacio, suba el Agua " 25 . En esta otra, deja clara su oposicion al princio de autoridad aristotelico, asi como su opinion favorable a la ciencia y al " arte " o tecnica, modemas : " Todos los Modemos desampararon, y sacudieron el yugo de las formas distintas realiter entitative de la Materia por no fundar sabre arena, y en falso. Con que en Autores Medicos, que escribieron ( ... ) antes de la multitud de Inventos Chimicos, Anatomicos, Botanicos, Medicos, Chirurgicos, etc. partos todos de la Philosophia, y Medicina Corpuscular, no hay que buscar verdad que no sea ab errore. Y contentese vmd que este latigazo no cogio solo a la Medicina, que lo mismo sucedio a la Astronomia, Geographia, Statica, Optica Arithmetica, y aun a la Historia " 26 . Por ultimo, a proposito del tema de la Eucaristfa y de la acusacion que se hace a los corpusculistas de herejes y de "algunas censuras infames ", apoya a Feijoo, pero avanza mas. El subrayado es nuestro : "Arguyen estos [los Aristotelicos], que el Systema Corpuscular Atomistico favorece a Wiclef, Hus, Calvino, etc., respondeseles que estos Herges no han sido Atomistas, sino Aristotelicos ; y que su error procedio de su Systema. En esto se confunde seguir a Aristoteles en lo que dixo, con seguir a Aristoteles corregido ya por los Catholicos. Es cierto que ningun Herege anterior a Cartesio, y Gasendo ha sido Atomista o Corpuscular 'm. Ni Feijoo ni Sarmiento surgieron por generacion espontanea en el oscuro xvm espafiol, como se trata de presentar, a veces, puesto que en los ultimos quince afios del siglo xvn existio un movimiento novator, alrededor de las " tertulias literarias " - cientificas - de Madrid, Valencia, Sevilla y Zaragoza. Los novatores tuvieron que librar un fuerte combate contra el aristotelismo y la autoridad de la Inquisicion, defendiendo la libertad de filosofar en cuestiones que no afectasen a la religion catolica. Mantuvieron una actitud antidog24. Fr. Martin Sarmiento conocia la obra de Copemico, asf como !as de Galileo y Kepler, como consta en sus citas y en el Catalogo manuscrito de su biblioteca. 25. Fr. Martin Sarmiento, Martinus contra Martinum: Defensa del discurso Medico de Feix6o contra el Dotor Lesaca, 1726, Colecci6n Davila, Biblioteca Nacional, vol. I, ms. 20374, fol. 126. 26. Idem, fol. 139. 27. Fr. Martin Sarmiento, Demonstraci6n Crftico-Apologetica del Theatro Critico Universal, que di6 a la luz el R. P. M. Fray Benito Geronimo Feyj6o .. ., 1732, 5a ed., Madrid, 1779.

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matica, opuesta a los " sistemas ", tratando de buscar la verdad, no de proclamarla. Estas son las ideas en las que se basani la obra de ambos benedictinos, pero debemos matizar que mientras que Feijoo podria representar la " primera Ilustracion " 28 , Sarmiento representarfa a la" segunda Ilustracion ", aventajandola. El pensamiento novator esta en la lfnea de la famosa frase de Voltaire aunque de forma mas moderada - referida a la libertad de pensamiento, Osez penser par vous-memes !, o de la formulacion mas tardfa de Kant, Sapere aude !, que coincide en mayor medida con la actitud intelectual de nuestro fraile, si bien su lfmite es la religion aunque a veces se acerca peligrosamente a tal lfmite, cuando afirma que para las Ciencias Naturales no necesita a Dios o que no es amigo de pedirle a Dios aquellas cosas que puede realizar por si mismo. Fr. Martin Sarmiento es un empirista convencido que, ademas, sostiene que la propia razon, acompafiada de la experiencia sensible, nadie puede suplir. Pero no sera un empirista ingenuo, al estilo de muchos de sus contemporaneos, para quienes una acumulacion de datos, procedentes de hechos observables, serfa suficiente para alcanzar el conocimiento cientifico. Sarmiento nos