Indigenous Ways of Knowing in Counseling: Theory, Research, and Practice [1st ed.] 9783030331764, 9783030331788

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International and Cultural Psychology Series Editor: Anthony J. Marsella, Ph.D.

Lisa Grayshield Ramon Del Castillo  Editors

Indigenous Ways of Knowing in Counseling Theory, Research, and Practice

International and Cultural Psychology Series editor Anthony J. Marsella, Professor Emeritus, University of Hawaii, GA, USA

Explores problems and challenges to mental health, psychosocial wellbeing, human growth and development, and human welfare that are emerging from our contemporary global context. It advances in psychological knowledge regarding the nature and consequences of the many social, cultural, economic, political, and environmental events and forces that affect individuals and communities throughout the world. The series covers areas like therapy, assessment, organizational psychology, community psychology, gender, child development, and specific disorders. In addition, it addresses major global challenges such as poverty, peace, urbanization, modernization, refugees, and migration. The series acknowledges the multidisciplinary, multisectoral, and multicultural nature of the global context of our lives, and publishes books that reflect this reality. Publish your next book in this series! Send your manuscript to Series Editor: Anthony J. Marsella, marsella@ hawaii.edu. More information about this series at http://www.springer.com/series/6089

Lisa Grayshield  •  Ramon Del Castillo Editors

Indigenous Ways of Knowing in Counseling Theory, Research, and Practice

Editors Lisa Grayshield Washoe Tribe of Nevada and California Carson City, NV, USA

Ramon Del Castillo Chicana/o Studies Metropolitan State University of Denver Denver, CO, USA

ISSN 1571-5507     ISSN 2197-7984 (electronic) International and Cultural Psychology ISBN 978-3-030-33176-4    ISBN 978-3-030-33178-8 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-33178-8 © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are reserved by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Springer imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

Contents

  1 Introduction����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������    1 Ramon Del Castillo   2 IWOK Epistemology in Counseling Praxis ������������������������������������������    7 Lisa Grayshield, Marilyn Begay, and Laura L. Luna   3 An Introduction to Indigenous Ways of Knowing: A Blackfeet Perspective������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   35 Donald D. Pepion   4 From Training to Practice: The Experiences of Native American Psychologists Who Have Maintained Their Indigenous Knowledge������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   51 Marilyn Begay   5 Wisdom of the Elders: A Return to the Sacred Is the Wave of the Future ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������   81 Laura L. Luna and Lisa Grayshield   6 Traditional Healing Practices in Curanderismo ����������������������������������  103 Ramon Del Castillo, Ivelisse Torres Fernandez, and Laura L. Luna   7 Healing From Generations of Trauma and the California Mental Health Services Act ��������������������������������������������������������������������  129 Art Martinez and Brittney Wolfe   8 Native2Native Mentoring: We Bring Our Ancestors With Us ������������  153 Kee J. E. Straits, Melinda A. García, and Steven P. Verney   9 Native Foods and Practices Supporting Infant Brain Development ��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  179 Rubi Orozco

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Contents

10 (Re)Claiming Indigenous Heritage: Bringing Forward Tribal Theory ������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  199 Laura L. Luna 11 Conclusion������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  223 Lisa Grayshield and Ramon Del Castillo Index������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������  225

About the Co-Editors/Authors

The chapters of this text represent numerous life ways and experiences from a plethora of cultural traditions, therefore, we, the Co-Editors, felt it critical in the advancement of Indigenous Ways of Knowing (IWOK) to provide background information on the authors. It is obvious from our vantage as Indigenous academics, researchers and authors that IWOK is becoming a viable and practical paradigm in the academy across numerous fields of study. We chose to include information about the contributors to this text because we felt it important to provide an understanding of where our authors are coming from in their writings. Therefore, we asked them to provide a statement including anything they wished to share about themselves. We additionally chose not to “edit” the statements for consistency in person, grammar or structure in honor of their unique vantages. Ramon  Del Castillo  is currently Professor and Chair of the Chicana/o Studies (CHS) Department at Metropolitan State University of Denver and past Chair of the Master’s Program of Nonprofit Management (MNM) at Regis University. Dr. Del Castillo is a human rights activist and an educator who defines the world as his classroom and whose work centers around themes such as cultural activism and social justice. As a student of Paulo Freire, he utilizes liberatory education methods, critical thinking, dialogue, and gracious/sacred space as tools to facilitate praxis in his classrooms. He has been teaching at MSU Denver since 1984, with 12 years of experience teaching in the Sociology Department and 2 decades in the CHS Department including the following classes: Introduction to Chicana/o Studies; Mexico/Chicano Politics; Chicana/o Mental Health Perspectives; Social Justice and Activism in the Chicana/o Community; and the capstone class, Research Experience in Chicana/o Studies. Dr. Del Castillo’s research includes Chicana/o health issues, with several publications on curanderismo, an indigenous and holistic approach to healing, which includes but is not limited to: Indigenous Ways of Knowing in Psychological vii

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Counseling: Theory, Research and Practice (current publication); Cultural Rituals: Healing from an Indigenous Perspective, In The Applied Anthropologist. Volume 35, Number 2, 2015: ISSN: 0882–4894; The despedida for Diana Velazquez, curandera: in The Applied Anthropologist. Volume 35, Number 2, 2015. ISSN: 0882–4894; Curanderismo as Decolonization Therapy: The Acceptance of Mestizaje as a Remedio, in Proceedings of the National Association of Chicana/o Studies Annual Conference: Chicago, IL. http://scholarworks.sjus.edu/naccs/2012/Proceedings7 As a published poet, his books include: Tales from a Michoacano, Broken Concrete, From the Corazon of a Bato Loco, and When the Owl Can’t See at Night. Chile Colorado, a CD with three local poets is used in the Chicana/o Studies Department’s curriculum at Metropolitan State University of Denver. El Alma de la Raza curriculum, used in Denver Public Schools, includes a unit on Dr. Del Castillo’s poetry. For the last 2 decades, Dr. Del Castillo’s work has appeared in a variety of magazines and books including but not limited to: TumbleWords: Writers Reading the West; Cantos Al Sexto Sol: An Anthology of Aztlanahuac Writing; Cool Salsa, Encyclopedia Chicana; and Yellow Medicine Review: A Journal of Indigenous Literature, Art and Thought. His book entitled Quetzales Are Not Extinct was published in 2016. Dr. Del Castillo was a past columnist for the Rocky Mountain News and a current columnist for El Semanario: the Weekly Issue, addressing critical social, cultural, and economic issues in the community. He volunteers his time as an activist scholar in the community, dealing with public policy issues that have adverse effects on families and youth. Dr. Del Castillo has provided organizational development to nonprofits for over 3 decades assisting groups in strategic planning, cultural competency, problem-solving, and conflict resolution. Dr. Del Castillo is called upon to facilitate courageous conversations as organizations seek out solutions for pervasive problems that need to be addressed. As one of the co-founders of the Cesar Chavez Peace and Justice Committee of Denver, Dr. Del Castillo has provided leadership in coordinating the annual peace march that pays homage to one of this country’s twentieth-century leaders including the name change of the park in North Denver to Cesar E. Chavez Park. His activism for the last 4 decades includes membership in several social justice and human rights organizations including the United Mexican American Student (UMAS) Organization at the University of Northern Colorado, Al Frente de Lucha, National Association of Chicana/o Studies, Hispanics of Colorado, Third World Poets, Chicano Mental Health Association, Hispanics of Colorado, Colorado Latino Forum, and the Black Brown Unity Council. Dr. Del Castillo’s awards include the Richard T.  Castro Memorial Community Service Award (1994) for multicultural mental health program innovation; NEWSED Cinco de Mayo Civil Rights Award (1995); State Division of Civil Rights Martin Luther King Jr. Humanitarian Award (1998); the “Spirit of Tlatelolco Award” (2005); National Latina/o Student Law Association Award for his contributions to humanitarianism (2005); Cesar Chavez Peace and Justice Committee’s Founders Award (2008); LARASA Rodolfo “Corky” Gonzales Civil Rights Award (2009); Labor Council for Latin American Advancement (LACLA) Cesar Chavez Award (2012); Metropolitan State University’s Dr. Martin Luther King Peace Award (2013); Lena Archuleta

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Education Award (2014); CHAC 2013 Life Work Achievement Award; Cesar Chavez Hall of Fame Award (2014), Denver Public Library; 2015 induction into Wisdom Keepers: Los Compadres Network, Jerry Tello, Oakland, California; 2016 Champions of Change Award: Liberatory Education, Escuela Tlatelolco; and 2016 National Association of Chicana/o Studies Community Award for 15 years of work in the Cesar Chavez march and celebration. Lisa  Grayshield, Ph.D.  hunga meh’heshi’– Washiw dah’mo’mo’, di’ gum di’yah, Dr. Lisa Grayshield  – leh’leh’ wel mel ti’ gum tah’nu’. I am a member of the Washoe Tribe of Nevada and California. My parents are Clenta and Frank Grayshield; my grandparents on my mother’s side are Gladys and Joe Essary, and on my father’s side they are Louise Jackson and George [Doggie] Holmes. I want to recognize all my relations, mi’lew di’yea’yeh’low. I especially want to recognize my three beautiful daughters, the sons they brought into my life, my grandchildren, and all the generations that are yet to come. It is an honor to walk this earth with all of you. My father once told me that I am the end result of all the choices that were made by those that came before me; essentially, I am all of those that have come before me, plus the experiences that are unique to my specific life journey. As I pay honor to all my relations in the proper Native way by naming my parents, my Grandparents and sometimes even my great Grandparents, I am reminded that I come from many Nations of people, most of whom I know little about. My Mother recently completed her genealogy and found that she was more then 50% Scottish Irish, so this means I am 25%–the same as my Washoe blood quantum, according to my Certificate of Indian Blood, and not including the other Nations of Paiute and Quchan that also make up my Fathers Blood lines. It has always made since to me that while culture and cultural survival are critical in this time of colonized minds, even more salient is the critical call to recognize that we are all Indigenous! And certainly, a return to an Indigenous way of living our lives would promote a more peaceful existence on Mother Earth for all people. This book represents my short journey as an academic researcher and professor in Counseling and Educational Psychology. The authors in this text are my colleagues, my previous students and my friends. They are all as passionate as I am to disseminate information that is critical in understanding our role as healers in today’s world, where political and social constructs are polarized and the increasing amount of destruction to the Earth has called into action every reconnection tactic we can muster. I entered the field of Counseling and Psychology because I sought to situate myself as a helper/healer of people, primarily inspired by my own experiences as a Native American person having grown up on my Tribal reservation. So for this I thank all my relatives, my family, my elders and all those who have influenced my life on the Red Road. I Graduated with my PhD in 2005 and immediately began my tenure as a professor at New Mexico State University. I spent my

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career researching, teaching, publishing and presenting at conferences about Indigenous Ways of Knowing [IWOK] as a viable paradigm in our understanding of what it means to be well. I reunited with my own Washoe cultural traditions and other Indigenously inspired ceremonial practices such as sweat lodge, Native American church, sun dance and other medicine plant ceremonies. I became a student of plants, and I learned to appreciate the nutritional, medicinal and psychological benefits of plants. I sought to introduce my counseling psychology students to an Indigenous view of health and wellness that included plants and ceremony as an integral part of the healing process. I must admit that in the beginning, this line of “research” posed some serious ethical concerns for me as a Native person and I found myself pondering the depths of my soul; not just the meaning of life in general, but the meaning of my life. In 2017, I took a sabbatical and further time for personal reasons, namely to join the plight of the water protectors at Standing Rock North Dakota, where the largest gathering of Native Americans on record occurred. I was inspired by the hundreds of thousands of people who showed up in person or threw their donations and prayers in support of clean water, and in protest of a pipeline that was making it’s way under the cannonball river. There was no returning to work after this experience, I was ready to move on from my experiences researching and raising awareness of Native and Indigenous constructs in counseling to actually living what I most truly believed in. I was entering my Grandmother stage of life, and I desired to be closer to my family; to live a more simple life close to nature; to be of service to my Tribe in any way that I can, and; to pursue my own healing practices. I want to thank you all for reading this book, it is my sincere hope that it will produce a positive result on your life, and your lifes’ work as a healer. mi’li’gi’goh beh’gi’.

About the Authors

Donald D. Pepion  teaches Native American Studies courses in the Anthropology Department at New Mexico State University. He has an extensive background in education, health, and tribal government including an appointment as President of Blackfeet Community College. As an enrolled member of the Blackfeet Indian Nation, he is a member of the following societies: Brave Dog, Rough Riders, Medicine Pipe, and Beaver Bundle. The elders of the Blackfeet Nation honored him as a leader in a war-bonnet transfer ceremony in 1985. His doctoral dissertation entitled “Learning in Blackfoot Ceremony” (2000) revealed the complex cultural processes and protocols 15 ceremonialists encounter in learning ceremony. Pepion’s recent publications include: 1) Gladstone, J., Pepion, D.  D. (2016), “Exploring traditional Indigenous leadership concepts: A spiritual foundation for Blackfeet leadership”, Sage Publications https://doi. org/10.1177/1742715016638913; 2) Pepion, D.  D. (2016) Indigenous Ways of Knowing and Quantum Science for Business Ethics, In Rosalie, G.A. (Ed.) Tribal Wisdom for Business Ethics; 3) Christman, Pepion, Bowman, & Dixon, (2015), “Native American Doctoral Students: Establishing Legitimacy in Higher Education” in Aguilera-Black Bear, D., Tippeconnic III, J. (Eds.) Voices of Resistance and Renewal: Indigenous Leadership in Education; and 4) Pepion D.  D. (2013), “Ethnography of One Family on the 1939 Badger Fisher Farm Project on the Blackfeet Indian Reservation in Montana”, Great Plains Quarterly, 33 (3), 123–140 Beginning in 2007, Dr. Pepion and Dr. Lisa Grayshield established graduate level Indigenous Ways of Knowing courses and programs of study at New Mexico State University (NMSU). Dr. Pepion initiated a Master Minor in Native American Studies (NAS) in the Anthropology Department to complement the existing interdisciplinary Undergraduate Minor in NAS. He has administered and taught courses in the 18-credit interdisciplinary Undergraduate Minor in NAS at NMSU since 2001. Dr. Pepion and Dr. Grayshield established several programs of study. Dr. Grayshield originated the following courses of study within the Counseling Education Psychology doctoral program at NMSU: C EP 529 Indigenous Counseling Theory and Practice; C EP 549 Indigenous Research Methods; C EP 559 Healing

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Trauma, Including Historical and Intergenerational; and C EP 569 Indigenous Counseling Internship. Dr. Pepion established the core courses for the Master Minor in Native American Studies (NAS) including ANTH 543 Indigenous Ways of Knowing, ANTH 541 Decolonizing Methodologies, and ANTH 455 Federal Indian Policy. One of the CEP courses is cognate with the NAS Minor in Anthropology course requirements. Melinda  A. García  is the oldest of five children born to a Panamanian mother (Panamanian Indian, European, and African descent) and Mexican–American father (Chichimec and Nahuatl descent). She has worked in the field of mental health for over 40 years with a special focus on culturally competent healing and support for life transitions across the life span. Dr. García’s experience includes working with substance abuse, domestic violence, death and dying, racism, intergenerational grief and trauma, ethnic identity issues, sexual identity issues, gay and lesbian issues, chronic and acute mental illness, spiritual emergencies, bilingual/bicultural education, community education, community healing from disasters, and strengthening children, families, the elderly, and women. Dr. García comes from a long line of (head) strong women and community-oriented people on both sides of her family. Her father was in the US Army while she was growing up. This taught her discipline but did not cure her hard headedness. To honor her elders and ancestors, she is a musician, a seamstress, a writer, an activist, and a tlamatini (Nahuatl word for teacher). Dr. García has an Indigenous person’s sense of humor which has both saved her life and gotten her into a lot of trouble with authorities. She made it through graduate school by relying on her family’s indigenous traditional values passed on by her grandmothers and great-aunts and uncles, by learning the history of her people, by participating in ceremonia, and with the help of lots of meditation and The Course in Miracles. She does not like to hear “it can’t be done,” and has repeatedly started and gotten funding for community programs. Dr. García has been married for 45 years and has a 30 year old son. Her house is a sanctuary for various rescue animals. In 2005, she reached the peak of accomplishments: a Blue Ribbon at the NM State Fair! She is deeply grateful to all of her teachers and her family for their teachings. She currently works in an independent, post-colonial practice in Albuquerque, NM. Marilyn Begay  Psychology has always been a part of my life starting from when I herded sheep and goats with my grandmother at a very young (4). I heard stories of the long walk and how the US government killed, raped and forced my family to Hweeldi, Fort Sumners, New Mexico and held us hostage POWs for four years. More than half of the Dine’ people were murdered. I heard stories of the killings, and the movements created to help us surive. I know how my family struggled and how they sustained themselves. I have seen the strength of the culture, language, stories, and songs. As a mental health specialists on the reservation, I know about the damage of alcoholism, abuse, and the ongoing trauma embedded into the systems of care on the reservation. I know how the systems have worked to control how

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psychology is practiced on the reservation, and how it is limited. I have seen the politics of where I worked, and the influence of the American Psychological Association, and the State licensing board. Some Tribal administration force white ways of helping people on the reservations, which I have to say is pathetic and unethical. The control the State and State Insurance companies have on how they see psychology counseling services to be provided to Native people. My academic journey has created trauma for me. I went there to look for answers to help my people but found it to be a circus so to speak. There is too much emphasis in characterizing, labeling, narrowing, dissecting, minimizing, generalizing, racial profiling, etc. I do not encourage any Natives to go to a white university to get a PhD. Look around for a good school that specializes in IWOK. I am passionate about relearning and using my ancestors knowledge of health and well-being. I utilize the herbal medicines as food. I cut out anything sold from the stores. We are growing our own veggies and fruits. We use oils and plants for washing. I practice cleansing everyday, detoxifying myself to be physically in tune. I work more than 40 hours a week. I have my 8–5 job in the Corrections as a Mental Health Coordinator, I perform and facilitate holistic healing ceremonies in my community and outside the local communities, I teach IWOK and Western psychology with UNM branch, I participate in ceremonies. I consult and teach traditional knowledge. I am a mom, a grandma, a sister, and a daughter. I have great connections with healers. I am passionate about improving the well-being and identity of all people. Laura L. Luna, Ph.D.  My name is Laura Liliana Luna and I was born and raised in California. I grew up in San Bernardino to a Chicano father and a Mexican mother. My father was a teacher and my mother stayed home to raise us until my parents divorced at age 10. I am the eldest of 3, I have one brother and one sister who both have children. I grew up Catholic speaking primarily Spanish at home and at school until 5th grade when I was immersed completely into the Gifted and Talented Education (GATE) program which required me to speak English only. My dream at that age, was to become a psychologist and help people. Being so close to first-generation in this country and lacking the social and financial capital to know better, I had no idea what that would entail. I just knew I wanted the knowledge to support the healing of others. My early education years were relatively easy academically but when my parents divorced I faced many emotional challenges which affected my academics for several years. In spite of many obstacles, I did make it to college to complete my B.A. and M.A. in Psychology with the support of the various TRIO programs available at the time and in 2008 I entered my doctorate program in Counseling Psychology at New Mexico State University. During my time in New Mexico a great door opened up for me to more deeply understand healing outside the ivory tower of academia. While my training taught me about the field of Counseling and Psychology, I also learned the limitations of psychology to support the healing process of those most in need, not only impoverished populations, disenfranchised, marginalized, but those of us who have Indigenous heritage (consciously or not) and suffer the impact of colonization and historical trauma.

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I was fortunate that immediately after completing my doctorate internship at Santa Ana College, I was picked up as an emergency hire in the Office of Disability Support Services at California State University, Fullerton in the role of Learning Disability/Mental Health Specialist. After 4 years in that position and no opportunities to advance into a tenure-track position, I was laid off and sent on my way. At the same time, I started teaching a class at California State University, San Bernardino (my alma mater) in the Department of Psychology as an Adjunct Professor where I currently work part-time. My passion is in serving and supporting the transformation of others. My way of life has shifted since I have immersed myself in the remembrance of my Indigenous heritage. Ceremony is a way of life for me and I honor the directions around me, North, South, East, West, above and below me. I have experienced significant healing as a result of this process and am grateful for the people, communities, ceremonies that have entered my life and embraced me as a Xicana. I am also a Reiki practitioner and creating an IWOK approach to Reiki that will further support communities to experience healing. To the readers of this text, I wish for you to continue to grow and transform as a person, and to seek transformation and well being of your communities; to be inspired to reclaim your own heritage, as you are Indigenous to some land somewhere. I hope you are inspired to reinvigorate your own ceremonies as a way to reconnect with the spaces around you, the Earth who nourishes us, the Sun and Sky who give us strength, light and guidance, the elders who have become before us and set their prayers down for us to be here, the medicines that help us heal and offer us protection, the energies that help us see clearly, a vision for a good future, and the ones who help us shed away the things that no longer serve us, in this way we learn to honor life, we remember to hold it sacred—as we are only here a short time and as We ARE, ALL in this together. We are all connected, interdependent and interconnected with all the BEINGS on the planet, Texcalipoca, Espejo ahumado, Smoking Mirror. Seguimos Adelante, Tiahui! Ruby Rosco  (Rubi Orozco Santos) lives and works in the US–Mexico border as a health educator and poet promoting ancestral food traditions and wellness. She began her relationship with traditional Mexican food under the care of her grandmother, Amelia Nájera Ibarra. She supplemented her learning with an undergraduate degree in Health Science from the University of Texas at El Paso and a graduate degree in Public Health from the University of California, Berkeley. Rubi began her training to root out and unlearn internalized colonial systems at La Mujer Obrera in El Paso, Texas. There, she learned that to truly decolonize one’s diet, one must work in community; she coordinates the organization’s Proyecto Verde, an ancestral foodways community organizing project in the Chamizal neighborhood that honors and builds on the knowledge of neighborhood elders. In 2018, Rubi released a collection of poems inspired by the history of nixtamalization and its practice in the borderland; titled Inventos Míos, it won the 2019 Tejas Poetry Book Award from the National Association of Chicana/o Studies. Her food-related writing has appeared in Mexico’s La Jornada, and she was named an Agent of Change by the Christian Science Monitor. Rubi is currently working on a manuscript on first foods for babies

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featuring a feeding schedule that centers Mesoamerican ingredients, which she first shared at the 2015 Indigenous Foods Symposium convened by the Native American Culinary Association. Art Martinez, Ph.D.,  a member of the Chumash Nation, brings a strong melding of professional and traditional knowledge. He received his doctoral degree in Clinical Psychology from International College in Los Angeles, CA, and a master’s degree, bachelor’s degree and a special emphasis credential in Native Studies from the CA State Universities Humboldt and Sonoma. Dr. Martinez has over 35 years of experience in focused delivery of clinical and forensic services to children/families surviving the effects of child abuse and other forms of trauma. As a national consultant to DHHS, Dr. Martinez served as a technical expert for the regulation, development, evaluation, and education to tribal services needs. He aided in the development of initiatives for child sexual abuse treatment, substance abuse prevention and treatment, adolescent treatment centers, and 638 tribal contracting processes. Dr. Martinez served as a Clinton administration appointee on the National Advisory Councils for SAMHSA and the Centers for Mental Health Services. Dr. Martinez has served in a technical expert capacity to assist governmental agencies and localities in bringing definition, process, and fruition to the overall mission to raise the physical, mental, social, and spiritual health of diverse families and children. Brittney Wolfe  Psychotherapist Restoring Lives Project and Life Support Behavioral Institute I am native New Mexican from Albuquerque. I was born Biligáana given to the Tó´áhani. I was born half white from my maternal side and half Dine from my paternal side. Given that I am half white and half Dine this is the extent of my knowledge from my father’s side. My father’s side of the family makes up the water clans, and I was born Brittnie Lee Tohdacheeny. Tohdacheeny means bitter water. My mother is from Ohio, and my father from New Mexico. My parents met in New Mexico after my mother moved there following her dad, my grandfather while he was on a missionary to New Mexico. He told me the story of how he fell in love with the sky and felt it was a “hidden treasure” Growing up, I felt the inter-generational trauma of my people, not only my fathers from years of aftermath of the genocide, but my mothers from alcoholism and mental illness. One trauma brought on by the people of the other. This led me to growing up without my father. As a single mother recovering from years of abuse, I was often neglected as a child. I went to school to escape the pain in my life, and thus I achieved good grades. It was a place where I learned how to be accepted by adults in my life. As a teenager, this acceptance turned from the adult people in my life to the teens in my life. As a teen I felt broken and hurt. I got into trouble often and dropped out of high-school. I got my education in the juvenile justice system, and it is there I received my G.E.D at 16. My life at this point seemed to be a repeating story of so many family members. It is here that I also learned about going to college. From time to time people from the community college came to speak about what it would

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be like to get a higher education. I often lay awake many nights re-reading the brochures and material, daydreaming of all my hopes to one day not live as I had been living. I knew that if I could overcome this one day, in life I would want to help others. I always felt a need to help others, and thus I strived to not only heal my family but heal all the hurting people I crossed paths with as a child. It was innate. As a child, there were often hurting people that came in and out of our life, people who would drink with my mother. There were so many parties and my mother always needed to have these people around her. The same way these people needed her. It was a way to distract them of their hurt. I would study them, and conversate with them, and they would tell me all of the pain and trauma they went through in life. I look back and realize that even as a child I was counseling. During my college years, I had come to the realization that I could not have kids. Me and my husband tried and tried and it was apparent that I would never bear children. I felt like my life would never be what I wanted so much in life, and that was to have a family of my own; a family in which I could call my own; a family to break the inter-generational trauma. In the midst of all my pain, I one day, after 4 years of trying to bear children found out I was pregnant. All my prayers had come true. Or so I thought. During one of my sonograms the technician had found that my child had hydrocephalus. A condition caused by the cerebral spinal fluid not being able to drain. The accumulation of build-up of water on the brain was going to cause my child to have developmental delays, and I quickly found my joy and happiness smothered out by this nightmare. I was in my 4th year of college at the University of New Mexico, and at that point almost dropped out of school, but I didn’t. I decided that I would push and persevere and raise my child. I had prayed for this child for so long, but was God playing a joke on me? Maybe there was no God I thought. I had my child, and named her Tiffanie, and graduated a year later with my bachelor’s degree in Psychology. The first couple years of her life was a struggle. I would sleep at the hospital with my child and then walk across the campus to class. I remember going to a final right after my daughter had brain surgery. There were not 2 things I wanted more in life than to get a college degree and have my very own family to love and cherish. Soon thereafter, I found myself at New Mexico State University where I studied Counseling as a grad student. It was during this time I had 2 more kids. A girl named Mary, and a boy 15 months later named Gabriel. I laugh with my graduating class, because I was pregnant the entire duration of grad school, but I was so happy to start my own family, and to also be the first to graduate from college. I graduated in 2016, 5 days after Gabriel’s birth. I finally accomplished the 2 biggest hurdles of my life–graduating college and having my very own family. Today, I look back on my life and wonder in amazement at how so many obstacles were in my way, but I never gave up. Today, I look back at my biggest achievements, and wonder how I could have never guessed what was to come. Today, I live with my husband and 3 kids in Highlands Ranch, Colorado, and I work as a psychotherapist working with children and families in Colorado Springs, Colorado. I work with children and families who are just like I was inflicted with pain and trauma. I also work with a company called Life Support Behavioral Institute offering thera-

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peutic visits for families in need of social services. I am proud to say that my children do not have to live the cycle of trauma and I get to help other families break theirs. In writing this book, I was examining the way in which inter-generational trauma had preceded my life and the life of my parents and their parents. It was a time in my life when I was persevering and not letting my trauma dictate who I would one day become, and with this I write this book for you who come before me and after me with the greatest hope that you too can break the inter-generational cycle of trauma and live your hopes and dreams. Ivelisse Torres Fernandez  is an Associate Professor in the Counseling Psychology Program at the Carlos Albizu University in San Juan, Puerto Rico. Previously, she worked at the Counseling and Educational Psychology Department at New Mexico State University. She received her doctoral degree in School Psychology from The University of Iowa in 2003. In addition, she holds two master’s degrees, one in Counseling and another in School Psychology from the Interamerican University of Puerto Rico, San German campus. Prior to beginning her academic career, Dr. Torres Fernandez worked as a school psychologist, therapist, and Chief Psychologist for Research and Training at the Sarah A.  Reed Children’s Center in Erie, Pennsylvania. Dr. Torres Fernández’s research interests include multiculturalism, social justice, bilingual supervision, mental health in the borderlands (Mexico– United States), socioemotional learning, resilience, and child and adolescent mental health. Most recently, she has become interested in studying the psychological impact of migration as well as indigenous and traditional healing practices. Her teaching interests include group counseling, child and adolescent counseling, multicultural counseling, supervision, and professional issues. Dr. Torres Fernandez’s work has appeared in the Journal for Creativity in Mental Health, Interamerican Journal of Psychology, Journal of Latinos and Education, Evaluation for Effective Intervention, Latino/a Psychology Today, Universitas Psychologica, and Journal of Humanistic Counseling among others. Kee  J.  E.  Straits, Ph.D.,  is a mother, wife, mentor, community member, and Indigenous Latina woman (Quechua, born in Perú). She completed her academic training as a psychologist at Utah State University, with a specialization in working with Native American and Latino children, families and communities. She is currently the owner of Tinkuy Life Community (TLC) Transformations, LLC. Dedicated to health equity, she provides consultation with Native American and immigrant Latino communities in New Mexico to develop culturally centered behavioral health services and substance abuse prevention programs. She has provided therapy for the past 13 years to children, adults and families affected by trauma, substance abuse, violence, and cultural disconnection. Other professional services she provides include program evaluation an research, facilitation of organizational or community visioning and change processes, and trainings and workshops on cultural humility, youth mental health, professional ethics, and historical/systemic relationships that frame wellness. She is an advocate of Native-centered community-led change, and published the Guiding Principles for Engaging in Research with Native American

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Communities to support these efforts nationally. Although she has received various professional awards for scholarly works, her greatest honors have been community recognition: a 2011 “Loving Service” awardee by the Native Health Initiative and her family’s nomination for the 2015 Health Family of the Year award for “consistent efforts to create a strong, health family.” Personally, Dr. Straits has been immersed in the urban Native community of Albuquerque and strives to maintain cultural ties to her homeland in Perú. She owes her rich personal and professional life to the many mentors who have shown her how to connect, re-connect and maintain a balance of spirit in doing and being. Thus, she dedicates herself to providing mentorship, whether through national professional organizations such as the Society of Indian Psychologists, or local community mentoring of underrepresented minorities entering mental health fields through her collaborations with El Puente de Encuentros and Centro Sávila in Albuquerque. She sees how the traditional activities, ceremonies, values and social circles provide mentoring and support to youth and adults who carry the burden of living on the margins of multiple worlds. For this reason, she works alongside her husband to make the space for traditional mentoring such as maintaining a sweat lodge on her land. She is blessed to have her heart and home in Albuquerque, New Mexico, with her husband who is Diné, her daughter, and their many animals. Steven P. Verney, Ph.D.,  is an Alaska Native (Tsimshian) Associate Professor in the department of Psychology at the University of New Mexico (UNM). He completed his academic training as a clinical psychologist at the San Diego State University / University of California at San Diego (SDSU/UCSD) Joint Doctoral Program in Clinical Psychology. After joining the UNM faculty, he was awarded a fellowship in the Native Elder Research Center at the University of Colorado (S. Manson, Principle Investigator) where he was trained in conducting health and aging research with Native communities. Further, he became a Senior Fellow with the Robert Wood Johnson Foundation Center for Health Policy at UNM (now the Center for Health Policy at UNM). He continues to strive to increase diversity awareness and training within the UNM Department of Psychology. Soon after joining UNM, he developed the department’s Diversity Organization (DO!), a UNM chartered student organization whose mission includes providing support for underrepresented students in the doctoral training program and fostering diversity awareness in clinical, teaching, and research training. He also co-developed the Cultural Counseling Center, a supervisory clinic under the department’s psychology training clinic. This clinic provides clinical supervision and consulting services to students working with diverse populations. Dr. Verney’s overarching philosophy is that culture counts. Culture is infused in all of our beings influencing how we think, feel, and behave. His research has evolved into a mental health disparities focus, especially in the American Indian and Alaska Native populations. Research interests include the role of culture in cognition and cognitive assessment including sociocultural factors such as education (both the level and quality of education), language (bilingualism), and acculturation/cultural adaptation processes. While working with a National Institute of Aging-funded study investigating cerebrovascular disease in older

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American Indians (D. Buchwald, Principal Investigator), he developed a cognitive intervention utilizing culturally aligned rhythm and timing exercises for American Indians evidencing cognitive impairment. He is currently one of the Principle Investigators for UNM Health Disparities Center, funded by the National Institute of Minority Health and Health Disparities Center of Excellence at UNM, the Transdisciplinary Research, Equity and Engagement (TREE) Center for Advancing Behavioral Health. This center’s efforts are to reduce behavioral health disparities in the American Indian, Latinx, rural, and other underserved populations in New Mexico. Our foundation is based on community based participatory research efforts with an understanding that communities experiencing behavioral health inequitities have endured a long history of historical trauma. Dr. Verney continues to learn about integrating psychology with public health and public policy. Dr. Verney is a member of the Tsimshian tribe (Raven Clan) located in Southeast Alaska. He also has ancestry in the Makah tribe in Northwestern Washington. While he is geographically distanced, he cherishes ties to his culture and homeland and looks forward to frequent trips to the Pacific Northwest. He has been uncovering more of his ancestors’ journey including boarding school trauma at Carlisle Indian Boarding School. It is from this worldview that he works towards alleviating inequities experienced in our Native peoples and communities including mental and physical health and educational inequities.

Chapter 1

Introduction Ramon Del Castillo

Confronting the Master Narrative is always a daunting task, especially since theoretical assumptions about truth and the nature and existence of human beings are imbedded into the epistemology and structures of white privilege. In the strict scientific approach to truth and predictability, Native and Indigenous thought and culture have been systematically shoved to the bottom, assuming that what they offer has no value while the Master Narrative somehow is speaking truth. In the field of mental health, social work, psychiatry, and psychology any paradigm shifts are forced to begin their work with an inherent assumption that what already exists is truth; therefore, anything that confronts this truth is viewed as dialectic, its opposite, an untruth. Some critics refer to this as psychiatric imperialism. From the point of view of western paradigms of psychiatry, psychology, counseling and the like, enormous amounts of capital have been utilized to maintain control of institutionalized care. Indigenous Ways of Knowing (IWOK) presents an epistemology whose origins emanate from ancient earth based traditions but have been effectively omitted from our current reductionistic views of scientific rigor; but for the authors of this book it is essential in becoming a true and authentic healer. In Chap. 2, Dr. Lisa Grayshield, Dr. Marilyn Begay and, Dr. Laura Luna, begin their collective journey by offering an alternative perspective to the field of research methodology and epistemology with a foundation of IWOK that attests to existence on this earth dating back to time immemorial. The creation of knowledge, or rather the recreation of knowledge [IWOK] for addressing the challenges we face as individuals and as a society in general can be a human endeavor through the recognition that we are truly, all one, rather than just the uncovering of limited truths through a system of scientific rigor that fails to recognize our innate connection to all life on the planet. Perhaps, our experience is knowledge that needs to be codified and R. Del Castillo (*) Chicana/o Studies, Metropolitan State University of Denver, Denver, CO, USA e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 L. Grayshield, R. Del Castillo (eds.), Indigenous Ways of Knowing in Counseling, International and Cultural Psychology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-33178-8_1

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shared with others. An Indigenous perspective of life is based on harmony with Mother Nature, versus the value of mastery of the universe where man is master over all. Native and Indigenous people see Mother Earth as a living organism, to be respected, revered and taken care of. Anything short of this is viewed as a misunderstanding of the universe with all of its beauty and magnificence. Human beings became the caretakers of the earth with an unspoken, solemn promise that cooperation would breed longevity and the good life. When IWOK is the underlying epistemology in the healing fields, it requires that we acknowledge our [human] impact on others including land, water and air, however, in a world of gross national product, this paradigm breeds contempt, especially with a belief that what is valuable is the materialism we garner in life, even at the expense of destroying Mother Earth. Journeys towards healing is measured by what material you can accumulate, even at the expense of your neighbor. From a Native perspective, the destruction of a living organisms such as Mother Earth and her rivers that provide human beings water to sustain life is considered moral decadence that will eventually destroy the world—what was put on this earth from the Great Creator. What IWOK presents are alternative perspectives to be understood, honored, and utilized while working with Native American populations, their tribes and communities, as well as for all individuals who recognize the interconnected nature of the universe. Historical knowledge told by generations of Native and Indigenous people needs to be shared with all mental health practitioners if we are to heal ourselves and Mother Earth. Failure to incorporate this history into mental health curricula is to deny the legacy of suffering and struggle that brought us here today. We have a collective responsibility to take care of each other and our Mother Earth as well. At the base of cultural conflict is the idea that values and views of the world are pitted against one another, without resolution. The premise that the collective is at least as equal, and certainly as important as the individual, goes against the grain of western thought. The individualism bred in contemporary society does not serve the cultural framework of Native Americans, or those who ascribe to an earth based philosophy of IWOK. In western thought individuals have become the center of the universe; the individual stands alone against the world to prove his or her worth to society and community. The notion that self-interest, an economic idea promoted by Adam Smith in economics, governs human dynamics is in opposition to the notion that the common good, referred to as the collective in indigenous thought. When this value is introduced into the healing fields, it causes anxiety. Authors offer critical insight into how the taking care of the collective is as equal to taking care of the individual. IWOK introduces the concept of social justice in a discipline that has historically evaded this issue. Until recently, mental health practitioners seldom talked about the relationship between mental health and social justice. Somehow, for practitioners to enter into the realm of social justice was viewed as antithetical to mental health practice; perhaps that it overshadowed free will. For oppressed populations, there has never been the exercise of free will, but rather limited choices in living life. As Shklar 1990 states, “Indifference to the misery of others and failure to take corrective action are forms of “passive injustice” all too common in our society.” Native

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American research should be rooted in a paradigm that consists of healing and social justice. Is cultural incompetency an ethical issue or a social justice issue? It is now commonly accepted that Native Americans experienced racial terrorism—a sort of individual or institutionalized approach to destroying minds, hearts and spirits. Wyatt (1994) argues that this was used as a method “to control and disempower people of color.” The essays in this book hope to provide practitioners with a deeper understanding of Native American culture, with strategies on how to effectively work with Native American clients at all levels of the counseling process. In Chap. 3, Dr. Donald Pepion, while utilizing his experience as knowledge in a Freirean perspective, “introduces the epistemology and ontology of Indigenous Ways of Knowing from a Blackfoot perspective.” Through testimonio, Pepion digs at the essence of the human condition, endowed with both natural and individual gifts used in a communal process, “emanating from the connectedness of cultural values, kinship, social norms and belief systems…elder storytelling and knowledge of the language are essential to comprehending indigenous ways of knowing.” Referring to a holistic approach, Pepion recognizes the importance of our relationships with our relatives that include the earth, cosmos and spiritual levels. He leaves us with a challenge to use modern day critical theory to discern the relativity of truth. Pepion argues that, “Academic theory is evolving as migration theory, genetics, and religion uncover new truths that reinforce what indigenous people have always known. Humanization is possible. As indigenous peoples dance behind the mask, they know transformation is a reality.” (161). In Chap. 4, Dr. Marilyn Begay guides readers into accepting the importance of tribal ancestral healing and knowledge as a means of working with natives; yet blatantly informs the readers that there is a dearth of research about the importance and effectiveness of incorporating Indigenous knowledge into counseling praxis. There is also resistance from western practitioners that students have to contend with during their respective educational journeys. Perhaps, out of fear, the power mongers refuse to accept anything that confronts the master narrative. Tribal Critical Theory emanating from indigenous practice is a tool used to question what currently exists in the field. Its epistemological foundations are in direct conflict with western notions of wellness in the helping professions. Have Native Tribes, following colonization, had control over their lives? To impose this notion into counseling without understanding the history can set up counselors working with Natives for failure. Begay challenges non-traditional healers to take off the blinders and learn IWOK. Waling in two worlds, as Begay describes it, wherein students have to find balance is challenging, stressful and at times oppressive. Familiarity with natural medicine (herbs) peacemaking and ancestral wisdom are but a few of the cultural healing substances that are absent in the western paradigm. (205). In Chap. 5, Dr. Laura Luna and Dr. Lisa Grayshield reminds us of our commitment to our sacred elders, those persons that are the “bearers of wisdom” and the transmitters of knowledge and culture to the next 7 generations. It is through story telling that Natives living in a modern society are reminded of the historical trauma that hovers over our communities, unresolved and still gnawing away at the collective conscience of native populations. The reinforcement that experience is

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knowledge used by elders to teach the next generation is critical. The long-term ramifications of colonization are explored as elders “contemplate the assaults and insults” hurled upon them leaving wounded spirits that need healing. However, hope remains, especially as indigenous healers reclaim a lost history and usher a call to action on behalf of Mother Earth. (147?) In Chap. 6, Dr. Ramon Del Castillo, Dr. Laura Luna, and Dr. Dr. Ivelisse Torres Fernandez introduce an ancient healing method referred to as, “Traditional Healing Practices in Curanderismo,” using the topical life history approach, that includes the histories of 2 curanderas and an Apache Medicine Man. One of the curanderas, Diana Velazquez, is a healer that transcended the barriers and institutionalized her practice in a mainstream mental health center. As she shares before her passing, “After hearing her cries in the womb (a cultural sign that a healer was coming into the community, the elders anxiously awaited her birth. She remembers accompanying her great grandmother and her Grandmother Chona to healing ceremonies and rituals. They were preparing her to fulfill her life’s destiny” (Del Castillo, 2014). This chapter includes a thorough literature review regarding curanderismo, with insight into the historical development of curanderismo and its holistic nature, including healing the spirit—something left out of the Western psychiatric approach. Information includes specific cultural rituals, remedios and tools used in the healing process, augmented with insight into the blending of mainstream psychiatric and curanderismo practices. (185). In Chap. 7, Dr.’s Martinez and Wolf examine and critique past mental health practices towards the Native American population. The authors mention the 2002 California Mental Health Services Act intended to incorporate culturally competent services into the system. Authors also latch onto Critical Race Theory as an analytical tool to examine their findings. They also encourage mental health practitioners to utilize this theory to create a deeper consciousness of the past. As authors contend, “The experience of trauma in Native communities continues to exist.” A key element expanded upon in this chapter is spirituality as endemic to successful treatment for Natives. As authors reiterate, “American Indian clients presenting to counseling often come with a sense of shattered and broken psychic foundation.” Preparation for the healing journey is difficult for clients. However, the greatest challenge according to the authors is “measuring and analyzing traditional healing methods using the scientific nature of the process embedded in Western ideology.” Is there an intersection between indigenous and the western system of healing? (170) In Chap. 8, Dr. J.E.  Straight, and her co-authors Melinda Garcia and Steven Verney share the voices of participants inter-acting at a Society of Indian Psychologists presented at its 24th Annual Conference. Authors reiterate a need for higher education pundits to incorporate indigenous knowledge and cultural attributes into its higher education curricula in order to properly serve indigenous communities that continue to suffer from the lack of relevant treatment methodologies—in other words higher education programs are also not equipped to produce effective healers. Additionally, authors state that although mentors are used in the higher education programs, they are often ill–equipped to mentor the students properly.

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They challenge the system to broaden the definition of “mentor” and the various and sundry skills associated with mentoring natives properly. Authors argue that students not only enter programs with wounded spirits, they also experience trauma in the programs. Mentors do not necessarily have a critical understanding of issues such as historical trauma; therefore cannot intervene properly to address issues that can ostensibly become barriers to matriculation towards graduation. (177). In Chap. 9, Dr. Rubi Orozco in “Native Foods and Practices Supporting Infant Brain Development takes readers to an often unattended aspect of healing, arguing that, “Poor nutrition has been identified as a threat to the development of the central nervous system starting as early in the prenatal period (Shonkhoff & Phillips, 2000). She stresses the importance for mental health professionals to “understand the role of high quality nutrition and nurturing stimulation in utero and infancy because these practices foster optimal brain development, preventing mental health problems in adulthood.” She criticizes covert aspects of colonialism via diet and how Spanish influence changed indigenous food intake. She questions the introduction of processed food to supplant healthy indigenous diets. Using a Nahua case study, she outlines the spiritual love for food and how it supported the healthy development of the total human being. She offers recommendations for healthy food consumption during a critical time in the development of infants. (157) In Chap. 10, Dr. Laura Luna in, “Reclaiming Indigenous Heritage: Bringing Forward Tribal Theory,” shares an amazing auto-testimonio regarding the toll that Western Psychological thought has on Native Americans as they encounter doctoral programs—the loss of self, undue stress, and shame are just a few of the barriers that Luna encountered in her drive to become a psychologist. As she encountered the classical “blaming the victim,” approach, she was often left unattended. It was her self-discovery that became the healing substance she needed to survive the onslaught of the massacre by the master. Using state-of-the-art methodological concepts such as auto-testimonio, conscientizacion, Mestiza consciousness and ritos de passage (rites of passage) she takes the reader on a cultural competency journey, using indigenous thought and culture as healing vehicles on a train that, if not stopped, serves as a colonialist approach to becoming a healer—destroying what is left of a spirit in turmoil. Historical and inter-generational trauma pops up as Dr. Luna struggles to reach her goal. In the end, she has found and reclaimed self. (175).

References Del Castillo. (2014). Introduction to [Return of the Corn Mothers]. Project funded by the Colorado Folk Arts Council, the Colorado Endowment for the Arts, Metropolitan State University of Denver, and Arizona State University of Museum of Anthropology. Denver, Colorado: September, 2014. ISBN#: 0–9724472–5-3. Shonkhoff, J., & Phillips, D. (Ed.) (2000). From nuerons to neighborhoods: The science of early childhood development. In Aldarondo, E. (Editor) (2012). Advancing social justice through clinical practice. New York: Routledge, Taylor and Frances Group.

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Shklar, J.N. (1990). The faces of injustice. In Aldarondo, E. (Editor) (2012). Advancing social justice through clinical practice. New York: Routledge, Taylor and Frances Group. Wyatt, G. (1994, August 14). Impact of racism on psychological functioning. Presentation made at the 102nd Psychological Convention of the American Psychological Association, Los Angeles. In Aldarondo, Etiony. (2007) Advancing social justice thorough clinical practice: Rekindling the reformist spirit in the mental health professions. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc. Publishers.

Chapter 2

IWOK Epistemology in Counseling Praxis Lisa Grayshield, Marilyn Begay, and Laura L. Luna

The intention for this chapter is to introduce the reader to constructs of counseling and healing that promotes an Indigenous Epistemology [Indigenous Ways of Knowing (IWOK)] in paradigm praxis in the helping professions. Students of counseling and psychology will benefit from this reading by reflecting deeply on the motivations and perceptual understandings they hold about what it means to be well and live life fully. Indigenous perspectives will be thoroughly discussed as viable and practical ways to understand and gage ones individual life’s processes, as well as to help them gain a greater understanding of the impact of self, one is having on a structural system such as family, community, and environment.

Introduction Indigenous Counseling is based in universal principles/truths that promote a way to think about how to live in the world and with one another in a way that extends beyond the scope of Western European thought processes. The foundational constructs of IWOK are interconnection and interdependence. In this way, nothing that exists is without impact in one direction of life’s experience or the other. The competitive nature of Western European thought processes have disregarded the precepts of Native and indigenous people, whose primary epistemological underpinnings are grounded in symbiotic relationship with nature, and with the processes of L. Grayshield (*) Washoe Tribe of Nevada and California, Carson City, NV, USA M. Begay University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, NM, USA L. L. Luna California State University, San Bernardino, San Bernardino, CA, USA © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 L. Grayshield, R. Del Castillo (eds.), Indigenous Ways of Knowing in Counseling, International and Cultural Psychology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-33178-8_2

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natural function, flow, and form. From this understanding, it is reasonable to assert that individual health and wellness are intricately interwoven into the relationships that we establish on multiple levels in our lives, those that we establish with ourselves, with others, and with the external environments with which we live. Thus, the primary underlying epistemological stance of an indigenous thought process [IWOK] in its most authentic expression is oneness with Nature, or as some have postulated, one with God. Gregory Cajete (1994) outlines the key elements of a modern education founded on Indigenous epistemologies in his book, Look To The Mountain: An Ecology of Indigenous Education. In this book, Cajete describes an Indigenized education as: “the conscious sensitizing of humans to the profound communications made by the universe about us, by the sun, the moon, and the stars, the clouds, the rain, the contours of the earth and all its living forms” (p. 22–23). Cajete further describes a rich and profound appreciation for the “revelatory presence of the divine in artistic and creative expression as flowing into the student and being natural to the educational process”. It is not much of a stretch to imagine our understanding of health and wellbeing in the helping professions to include our relationships with the natural environment as a primary indicator of wholeness, including relationships that are tied to the beginning of time and extending beyond human actions and interaction. With this understanding, “we,” as a human race, would be a catalyst to the promotion of a sustainable world for generations to come and our helping professions would be chalk full of herbalists, energy workers and healers. If the entirety of the human condition, the earth, the water, and the sky was viewed as a living breathing conscious being whose life force is intricately interwoven with one another, then concepts of balance and harmony, love, beauty, and peace would be common in the English language. Counseling psychology as an extension of this paradigm would be an intellectual pursuit to act upon the world in such a way that our grandchildren’s grandchildren would experience the natural beauty that is our land. Thus, dis-ease in physical, psychological, and emotional well-being from an IWOK epistemology would be defined by the degree and/or level of disconnect from nature (Grayshield & Mihecoby, 2010). Interconnection and Interdependence  The current social and political record of our country now clearly reveals the result of a paradigm that has outlived its’ time. No longer can we ignore the core values of our fields of study; we must take a deeper look into the academic endeavors that inform the way we pass our cultures values on to successive generations. While it has taken Western Science decades to catch up to Indigenous/Native Science, we now have ample scientific evidence to support claims of interconnection and interdependence on multiple levels of individual and collective health. The interconnected and interdependent nature of IWOK holds firm to the fact that all things are connected and impact one another in a way that either brings balance and harmony, or disrupts it. This understanding is applied to the non-human world as well as the human world. It extends beyond race, gender, ethnicity, social class or religion. It includes all beings on the planet: the four legs, the ones that swim, the ones that fly and, the ones that crawl. It also includes the plant nations; as well as the elementals [earth, fire, water, air,]; the cosmos, and; the energies that are created through our collective consciousness.

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Interconnection and Interdependence is relevant in all relationships and in every aspect of our lives. The delusion of separateness in class, culture, values, ect. is expressed in every social and political structure in the Western world. We measure, categorize and analyze until we can rationalize a definitive diagnosis and treatment schema, and often without consideration for the numerous factors involved in the perceived outcome. The pharmaceutical industry is a prime example of this charge; given the vast and growing numbers of misdiagnosis and side effects of the medications being prescribed for “psychological dysfunction”. Interconnection seeks to follow common threads with the intention of binding them further into sustainable systems. Aspen Tree groves provide a good example with their unique ability to produce genetically identical offspring through offshoots from their root system. A grove of Aspens in the Fishlake National Forest in Utah, has been recognized as the largest living organism in the world (https://www.forbes. com/sites/trevornace/2018/10/18/the-worlds-largest-organism-pando-isdying/#5ebb0eb85554). And after thousands of years of survival a team of researchers now state that the grove has been dying at an exponential rate over the past 50 years as a result of human development in the area. The most obvious lessons we see from nature with respect to our impact on it, is our own lack of depth and awareness as humans. Interdependence underlies actions in full awareness of our innate biological and spiritual connectedness. When we fail to grasp the depth of interconnection, we create non-sustainable structures that produce negative impacts. When we fail to grasp the depth of Interdependency, we act “as if you have no family”, a common Native American phrase for someone who is unconscious of their actions. Ogyen Trinley Dorje, the 17th Karmapa states in his book, Interconnected: Embracing Life in our Global Society (2017), “When our understanding of interdependence has moved from head to heart and into action, our lives become fully effective and meaningful” (p. 15). Cultural Propriety  To be in balance means to be a self-actualized and self-­ determined human being with a positive contribution to the whole group, otherwise known as cultural propriety. Cultural propriety is not only applied to individual health, it is applied to the health of the family, the community, the collective health of the planet as a whole, hence interconnection and interdependence. From this understanding it is fundamental to address the issues of imbalance that result from the destruction of life that has spun out of balance, issues of inequality, where one way of looking at the world has produced wide spread disparities in animal, plant and human life, and where destruction to Mother Earth has produced environmental disasters that are having devastating effects worldwide. Grayshield and Mihecoby (2010), we offered the following definition for a socially just counseling praxis based on Indigenous Ways of knowing: Definition Indigenous Ways of Knowing is a praxis that naturally promotes peace, justice and respect for all life on the planet. IWOK are the collective epistemologies and ontologies of Indigenous people from specific locales that have worked to promote harmony and balance in all directions of their environments: the North, South, East, West, above, below and

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L. Grayshield et al. all around. IWOK is grounded in multi-logical reasoning therefore it naturally considers all things, in all directions, in order to make decisions about how to live on the planet with one another and in promotion of love, beauty and peace for generations to come. IWOK essentially equates to the raising of consciousness from a level of cognitive behavior to one that encompasses actions upon the world to sustain it (Grayshield & Mihecoby, 2010).

Cultural Integrity  It is important to note that an Indigenous counseling praxis does not in any way seek to replicate Tribal/traditional practices for use in Western counseling settings, or by practitioners who are them-selves not representative of the respective Tribal/traditional practice being experienced. In fact, the coopting of traditional Tribal healing modalities and ceremonial practices has become a grave concern for Native peoples from whence they come, and have often ended with devastating results because the “co-opters” themselves have not received the proper training to perform them. Further concerns exist in the very fact that a Westernized mind lacks the depth of understanding that is gained through immersion in Indigenously grounded environments, and unless the “practitioner” has received proper training and passage of “rites” in a recognized community forum from the ancestral lineages from whence they came, they should not engage others in those ceremonial practices. However, it has become increasingly more common to see sweat lodge ceremonies and other traditional ceremonial practices being promoted by non-Native folks for monetary gain, and in some cases with devastating effects. The fundamental differences will be briefly touched upon throughout this manuscript. Thus, to be clear, the primary impetus underlying the promotion of IWOK as counseling praxis and in scholarship, is intended to insight a depth of thought to our current understanding of health and well-being that promotes sustainability in multiple dimensions of one’s personal life, as well as to inform their professional practice. It is not to promote pan-Indian or non-Indian practitioners of Native ceremonial practices. Additionally, and in light of the vast number of individuals who are attracted to the helping professions who do engage in these practices, it is important to determine if the facilitators are coming from an authentic lineage with proper mentorship to perform the practice they promote. If you the reader are one such individual providing “Native American” ceremonial practices for healing and have not gained the rights to do so from credible recognized healers who lineages are historically tied to the practice, please stop. It is urged, that any true student of IWOK spend significant energy pondering the deepest meaning of the constructs presented in this text. At the very heart of an IWOK epistemology is the knowing that life is a journey of cleansing and transformation, from the most basic of human needs for clean water, air, nourishment and warmth; to the fundamental knowing of one’s most inner truth as an individual expression of a whole. We are hopeful that the fields of counseling and psychology will cease to view health as an individual expression, to one representative of the environments with which we live.

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Terms Used Native American  It will become very apparent throughout this text that the term Indigenous is sometimes applied to Native Americans and sometimes being applied more liberally to include Indigenous groups all over the globe, and further inferred on a state of consciousness that is characterized by one’s innate sense of self as an extension of Nature. However, still the focus on Native American Indian people and communities is salient throughout this manuscript in demonstration of people groups that have maintained their Indigenous identity as distinct and unique groups that are recognized by federal and state governments as original people. The social and political constructs of the status of Native American people groups is not discussed in this manuscript, but merits careful attention in interpretations of collective histories that have been impacted dramatically by colonization. Indigenous  Use of the term indigenous is somatically derived. For the purpose of this text the word Indigenous refers to individuals and groups that ascribe to an earth-based existence that promotes interconnection and interdependence on multiple levels of existence (definition further provided). The focus on Native Tribal [Native American] people are salient in our ability to glean an authentic Indigenous epistemology that continues to be present in modern day society, as well as in a growing number of individuals that are seeking to live a more simple life then their technologically filled upbringing has promoted. However, in all cases the term is applied to the understanding that Earth is the Mother of all existence. Tribal  Native American and Indigenous are terms that are broadly used however, when references are made to specific individual tribal nations, the term “Tribal” will be used to distinguish generic Native/Indigenous practices and processes from more authentic traditional Tribal ones.

I WOK As A Political And Social Movement In Counseling And Psychology Indigenous Ways of Knowing (IWOK) in counseling and psychology literature is not new. In fact it has contributed significantly to Western theoretical perspectives that are currently being taught in counseling psychology programs today. However, these theories were observed, interpreted, recorded and presented from a Western European epistemological paradigm for the continuation of the current dominant paradigm and, have proven to be of little value to Native and Indigenous people whose innate understanding of life is spiritual, not material. Furthermore and even more salient in the promotion of IWOK in mainstream counseling and psychology training literature, is the recognition that the Western European paradigm is extremely limited in its ability to promote an impact on a very polarized populace,

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both Native and non-Native. The most intelligent response we as researchers from numerous backgrounds have conjured to address a Eurocentric paradigm are the multicultural and diversity movements in our fields of study that have developed over the past decades. However still, divisions are evident in the structures as reactions, and not solutions, to the challenge of training students in the helping professions to themselves to be the instruments of change. Nothing short of a paradigm shift is required in order to relocate the responsibility for change from government to individual. In this time of globalized economy and environmental destruction, the health of the people on this planet is dependent on the understanding that we are responsible! There is no more critical time then now to return to an Indigenous understanding of the world and listen to the wisdom of those who still believe that the earth is a living, breathing being in need of our attention and love. Upon suffering beyond suffering: The Red Nation shall rise again and it shall be a blessing for a sick world; a world filled with broken promises, selfishness and separations; a world longing for light again. I see a time of Seven Generations when all the colors of mankind will gather under the Sacred Tree of Life and the whole Earth will become one circle again. In that day, there will be those among the Lakota who will carry knowledge and understanding of unity among all living things and the young white ones will come to those of my people and ask for this wisdom. I salute the light within your eyes where the whole Universe dwells. For when you are at that center within you and I am that place within me, we shall be one. - Crazy Horse, Oglala Lakota Sioux (circa 1840–1877)

Water Protectors  At the time this manuscript was being written, thousands of people were gathering at the Standing Rock Indian Reservation in North Dakota, numerous federally recognized American Indian Tribes were represented as well as individuals and groups from all over the globe to speak up for clean waters. One need only take a brief tour on the web to learn about the plight of Native and non-­ Native alike who gathered at Standing Rock, North Dakota to speak on behalf of clean water. The Water Protectors as they are referring to themselves are speaking at the most fundamental level of Indigenous epistemology–Water is the life-blood of Mother Earth; Mni Wiconi (water is life). It comes as no surprise to the citizens of Standing Rock that they would find themselves in a battle to protect the very waters that they drink, the water that we all drink. A paradigm based on Gross National Product has no respect for life without monetary value. However, from an Indigenous epistemological perspective, it is inconceivable to locate an oil pipeline under the life blood of Mother Earth for money. Water is foundational to the health and wellbeing of every individual on the planet, and it is further intertwined into spiritual ritual as the substance that cleanses and heals. Water is the physical manifestation of spirit into form; we are primarily water. This fundamental understanding is so basic that it is represented in the medicine wheel along with the elementals of earth [solid]; air [etheric]; and fire [transforming]. We need no reference to validate this well known construct, as this understanding is so far reaching that science itself fails to grasp its profound

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simplicity. Any Native and Indigenous medicine doctor will confirm the importance of returning to this basic understanding and balance in their promotion of being well and healthy in the world today. It would be a huge disservice to ignore the critical role that water plays in the overall health and wellness of a community. The plight of the water protectors in the social justice movement at Standing Rock North Dakota is an example of healthy, perhaps the most healthy endeavor Indigenous and non-Indigenous people today are engaging in–to protect the water for our future generations. When we unite with this very basic understanding, we are acting from an innate desire to live life in a good way–a way that will honor Mother Earth and sustain her beauty for generations to come; this is IWOK, call it pan-Indian if you like, this way of understanding the world is embedded into the language of Indigenous people groups all over the world. Thus, for the record, and with respect for all our relations: mi’lew’di’yeah’yeh’low (Language of the Washoe Tribe of Nevada and California), and Mitakuye Oyasin (Language of the Lakota People) who make no discriminatory distinction between academic discourse and life itself, we stand in solidarity with our Grandmothers and Grandfathers; our Mothers and Fathers; our Sisters and Brothers; our children, and; our Grandchildren, and our Grandchildren’s Grandchildren. May the works that are represented in this text serve to assist with a much needed transformative process for the practice of being well that includes the promotion of Nature as a primary learning and healing modality. May issues of environmental stewardship not only become critically important in today’s world, may they be understood as important components in the promotion of a healthy life and life-style for everyone. We are grateful to be completing this manuscript at this historical juncture–2018-2019 where an increasing number of people from all over the world stand firm in solidarity and love for our Mother Earth. Standing Rock is a powerful example of modern day stewardship of our planet! Oil pipeline resistance is not new to modern day society, they have in fact been on the rise across the planet as indigenous and non-indigenous people stand up together at numerous places all over the globe. The movement at Standing Rock ignited a flame in today’s 7th Generation youth (both Native and non-Native), and remains in the hearts and minds of the hundreds of thousands of people world-wide who participated, in person, or through their prayers and donations. Stewardship often requires sacrifice in today’s world of Gross National Product (GNP); where revenue is the bottom line. And it is no surprise that more and more people are uniting with this basic understanding. It stands to reason that social and cultural activism in this time of globalized economy is critical to the change process, and to the healing process; especially were greed and ignorance prevails over stewardship and compassion. Indigenous Scholarship  The scholarship of indigenous people are privileged in this manuscript because they have an innate understanding of the social and political constructs that have effectively inhibited the value of IWOK as a primary theoretical modality in Western scientific and academic discourse. Prolific indigenous scholars have worked tirelessly to expose structural inequalities and assimilatory

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processes. They have dedicated their scholarship to creating structures that will address the real, immediate and future needs of tribal people and indigenous communities, and have further promoted Indigenous epistemologies as critical theory in a postmodern world for promoting a conscious revolution from that of colonialism to that of integration. The text could not be possible if it were not for the dedication of these authors, many of whom I sight in this text, and many more whose work continues to provide pertinent information for the understanding of wellness from an Indigenous perspective. Decolonization  Linda Tuhiwai Smith (1999), in her book “Decolonizing Methodologies; Research and Indigenous Peoples”, lays the groundwork for an Indigenous research agenda intended to address issues of justice and equality. Smith acknowledges the conditions that Indigenous communities live through, and associates these conditions to the processes that Indigenous scholars experience as they attempt to embark on their own journey as teachers, researchers and providers of relevant services to and for the larger academic community. Especially when issues arise that conflict with Indigenous/Tribal conceptions of the world (Smith, 1999). It is plausible to assert that the conditions Smith addresses in her discourse: (a) survival, (b) recovery, (c) acclimation, and (d) self-determination, provide a reasonable progression of indigenous scholarship thus far. However many indigenous scholars additionally become frustrated by the lack of depth in the processes that serve to increase vital awareness of inequality in academic discourse. Smith’s conditions effectively provide a process model for arriving at the beginning of a need for IWOK as an authentic and viable praxis in academic discourse. In a Fall 2010 article published in the Journal for Social Action (Volume 2, Number 2), titled, “Indigenous Ways of Knowing as a Philosophical Base for the Promotion of Peace and Justice in Counseling Education and Psychology”, Grayshield shares her experience as a Washoe Native American Professor in Western academia. Grayshield describes the inconsistency between the praxis of Indigenous Ways of Knowing and that of the field of counseling psychology for which she taught. She shares the stressors of having navigated the two worlds, and the significance that Indigenous perspectives can have on counseling psychology in theory, research, and practice. Grayshield describes the experiences that led her to the awareness of the “dichotomous relationship” that exists within herself as an Indigenous/Tribal person and that of a Professor of Counseling and Educational Psychology. Prolific indigenous scholar Vine Deloria Jr. (1993) stressed the importance of new insights derived from other sources while noting that the ability of scientific thinkers to move beyond their comfortable and accepted methodologies is still pending. Indigenous scholar Donald L. Fixico (2003) provides a thorough discussion of a “Natural Democracy” paradigm in his book, Call For Change: The Medicine Way of American Indian History, Ethos, & Reality. Here, Fixico introduces the idea of a “Natural Democracy of balance” as a holistic vantage of logistic thought that is socially inclusive of all things on earth, and assuming a continuum

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of time “that is forever without a beginning and without and end, like a hoop” (p.32). Fixico (2003), further demonstrates the circular and interconnected “human” quality of all things that make up what he describes as the “indigenous ethos”. “The Medicine Way is not a religion; it is a way of life. In this totality is the Medicine Way” (p. 153). Fixico (2003), further provides an in depth analysis of the functions of Native thought in a previous publication titled, The American Indian Mind In A Linear World: American Indian Studies & Traditional Knowledge”. Additionally, Gregory Cajete teams up with Don Four Arrows and Jongmin Jongmin to discuss the Indigenous ethos in their (2011) book, Critical Neurophilosophy & Indigenous Wisdom.” In this text Cajete, Four Arrows and Jongmin demonstrate the natural state of interconnection and interdependence in an in depth discussion of an Indigenous ethos from a neuroscience perspective. This is a highly recommended read for students seeking to gain a better understanding of how cultural and social perspectives are hardwired into the thought processes of the individual. Let it be stated here, as in numerous other writings, that the challenges faced by Native and Indigenous people all over the world are directly correlated with the state of environmental impact that the Earth Mother has sustained under a paradigm that regards her as a commodity to be exploited for material gain. Native people in the United States suffer staggering disproportionate disease when compared to their non-Native U. S. counterparts. This is true for Indigenous peoples of the Americas as well as those all over the world. Thus, it stands to reason after hundreds of years of assimilation practices applied to Native and Indigenous people worldwide, that we [Native and Indigenous people], continue to vehemently attest to our cultural capital as continuing to inform our worldviews. Native and Indigenous ceremonial and healing practices continue to be a growing fascination among Native and non-­ Native people as a result of their profound healing qualities. In fact, fields of study and research pertaining to the vital importance of maintaining such wisdom teachings are becoming more then faddish in this ever-changing global society. Counter cultures are on the rise consisting of individuals from all walks of life who are returning to more simple life styles and seeking Native ceremonial practices such as sweat lodges and vision quests to heal their soul wounds and find visions to live by. The academic literature that informs Native American epistemology is increasingly growing. Native researchers have met and exceeded the challenge to be authentic representatives of their respective Indigenous wisdom teachings. The information provided in this text is made possible by all of those who have gone before us, and paved the way to IWOK as counseling praxis. Denzin et al. (2008) wrote the first handbook of critical and Indigenous methodologies to challenge the academy’s notion of “normal science:” with the questions that are raised about the nature of our existence, our consciousness, our knowledge production, and the ‘globalized,’ imperial future that faces all people on the planet at this historical juncture,” (p. 136). Grayshield and Mihecoby (2010) assert that Indigenous standards of practice are largely based on the relationships that we establish with each other, as well as those we establish with our surrounding environment as stewards of Mother Earth, “IWOK is simply conscious and mindful living”. In a recent text titled, Indigenous Cultures and Mental Health Counseling: Four Directions for Integration

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With Counseling Psychology, Michael Chandler (2017) discusses the epistemologies common among many Indigenous learners and looks at how these distinct “ways of knowing” or “folk epistemologies” set them apart from, and put them at a serious educational disadvantage relative to their non-Indigenous counterparts. Chandler (2017) provides a thorough argument in favor of an Indigenized research agenda in an attempt to introduce and sustain IWOK as a viable and practical vantage for validation in academic research. It is furthermore, the firm belief of the authors of this text that understanding the epistemology of Indigenous wisdom teachings and life processes will not only aid in a further understanding of how to address the challenges faced by Native and Indigenous people themselves, but it will benefit the larger Western European perspectives by reminding us that we all have an Indigenous past. And perhaps, just perhaps, the cognitive behavioral science that has resulted from psychological study will greatly be enhanced. In an essay on principled and ethical perspectives and research with North American Indian communities, Trimble (2008), postulated that before anyone can begin to apply conventional psychological principles and theories to an ethno cultural group, they must first understand its unique life ways and thought ways. Academic literature describing differing thought ways such as Native and Indigenous are plentiful across all academic subject matter including anthropology, art, education, medicine and counseling. In addition to the vast amount of information that is now available to inform a practice of counseling and psychology from an Indigenous and Native perspective is the mandate to promote diverse paradigms to address the injustice that has resulted from the indiscriminate application of theories that were intended to inform Western Eurocentric thought. One author stated it this way, “Years of hesitancy to acknowledge psychology as a cultural construction has left us with a body of knowledge and a spectrum of practices that are scientifically inaccurate and professionally prejudicial when applied indiscriminately to ethnic and racial minorities in the West and to non-Western people across the world,” (Marsella, 1998; Marsella & Pedersen, 2004; as stated in Marsella 2009). Marsella (2009), contended that “North American and Western European psychology, with its roots and attachments to logical positivism and Western “Enlightenment” thinking, is a cultural construction,” in and of itself with a commitment to: “(1) Individuality – The individual is the focus of behavior. Determinants of behavior reside in the individual’s brain/mind, and interventions must be at this level rather than the broader societal context; (2) Reductionism – Small, tangible units of study that yield well to controlled experimentation are favored; (3) Experiment-based Empiricism – An emphasis on experiments with controls and experiment group number of diverse historical, cultural, and intellectual forces in North America and Europe that shaped values, thought, and behavior We contend that Individuality is indeed a construct of Indigenous health and being well when the individual adheres to the underlying stance of interconnection and interdependence in the broader societal context. We further contend that Reductionism is greatly limited in its ability to draw any authentic conclusions save its intent to “control”. All information gleaned from reductionist research regimes

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are driven by the epistemological underpinnings of the scientific method, which is inherently Western. Likewise, Experiment-based Empiricism has yet to provide the antidote for expelling a depth of understanding in application and interpretation of results that promotes a positive impact on all. The authors cited throughout this text are all proponents of IWOK epistemology. The vast majority of them are themselves Native and Indigenous people who strive to contribute to their fields’ cache of research literature as Native and Indigenous people. We are indebted to their contributions.

Philosophical Underpinnings Of IWOK Tribal Critical Race Theory  It is important to recognize that Indigenous scholarship is always cognizant of the criticisms that have effectively worked to exploit Indigenous people and their tribal/traditional practices for the purpose of Western European consumption (Tuhiwai-Smith, 1999). Therefore, a theoretical framework of Tribal Critical Race Theory (TribalCrit; Brayboy, 2005) is assumed at the social and political dimensions of understanding. TribalCrit provides a way to think about the complicated relationship between American Indians’ liminality as both racial and legal/political groups and as individuals in Western society. While the basic constructs of an Indigenous Counseling Model are of primary concern in promoting an Indigenous counseling praxis, which is the main focal of this text, a social/political understanding is foundational in gaining an in depth understanding of the epistemological underpinnings. Therefore, we highly recommend that the readers, especially non-Native readers who may not be familiar with the issues of Indigenous Peoples in the United States read Bryan Brayboy’s (2005) article entitled, “Toward a Tribal Critical Race Theory in Education”, first published in The Urban Review [Vol. 37, No.5, in December 2005 (c 2006)] and later published online (March 14, 2006). While the application of this theory was originally focused on Education, the tenets of this theory are well established in Indigenous scholarship and can easily inform the helping professions. Brayboy (2005), sums up the basic underlying premise of his theory [TribalCrit] in a discussion with his Mother where he described to her a dialogue he had with a colleague who commented on his (Brayboy’s) ability to be a good story teller as opposed to being a “good theorist” (p. 426), “My mother told me, “Baby, doesn’t she know that our stories are our theories? And she thinks she’s smarter than you because she can’t tell stories?” Brayboy’s Mother effectively unraveled the Western European academic endeavor by relocating the epistemological paradigms of our theories back to our own stories, as opposed to the theoretical constructs devised to limit their meaning. In brief, and as a derivative of Critical Race Theory (CRT) which emphasizes that race is endemic to society, TribalCrit further recognizes that colonization is endemic to society. Therefore TribalCrit recognizes nine tenets as follows: (1) Colonization is endemic to society; (2) U.S. policies toward Indigenous peoples are

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rooted in imperialism, White supremacy, and a desire for material gain; (3) Indigenous occupy a liminal space that accounts for both the political and racialized natures of our identities; (4) Indigenous people have a desire to obtain and forge tribal sovereignty, tribal autonomy, self-determination, and self-identification; (5) The concepts of culture, knowledge, and power take on a new meaning when examined through an Indigenous lens; (6) Governmental policies and educational policies toward Indigenous peoples are intimately linked around the problematic goal of assimilation; (7) Tribal philosophies, beliefs, customs, traditions, and visions for the future are central to understanding the lived realities of Indigenous peoples, but they also illustrate the differences and adaptability among individuals and groups; (8) Stories are not separate from theory; they make up theory and are, therefore, real and legitimate sources of data and ways of being, and; (9) Theory and practice are connected in deep and explicit ways such that scholars must work towards social change” (p. 429–430). Colonization in academic discourse refers to the promotion of Western European/ American thought processes including its’ precepts, the production and validation of its systems of knowledge, and the social/political power structures that dominate present-day society. TribalCrit is included here simply to inform the processes that have worked to preclude IWOK as a primary investigative modality of academic discourse. Battise (2002) stated that “Eurocentric thinkers dismissed Indigenous knowledge in the same way they dismissed any social-political cultural life they did not understand; they found it to be unsystematic and incapable of meeting the productivity needs of the modern world” (p. 430 in Brayboy, 2005). While it is not the intent of this document to challenge the “Western Paradigm”, it is important to direct attention to an expanded conceptualization of life in order to address the challenges that we face in our individual lives, our families, communities and ultimately, our world. Indigenous Paradigm & Western Paradigm  Table 1 was developed out of a class discussion on the epistemological underpinnings of IWOK in comparison to that of the more familiar dominant paradigm that is grounded in principles of gross national product (GNP). Epistemology is defined as the study of knowledge and justified belief. It is about issues having to do with the creation and dissemination of knowledge in particular areas of inquiry. It begs the questions: what are the necessary and sufficient conditions of knowledge? What are its sources? What is its structure? what are its limits? How are we to understand the concept of justification internal or external to one’s own mind? Table 1 follows along the very basic understanding of the human psyche in terms of underlying belief systems [epistemology] beginning with an understanding of the Earth; “The Earth is our Mother and our teacher to be loved and respected”. The contrasting view is drawn from assumptions made from a belief system that does not share this understanding; “The Earth is a commodity for man to exploit for his own gain”. Successive constructs are identified to generalize the belief system around the human mind, the emotions, the spirit, what true knowledge is, and the

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Table 1 IWOK Epistemology–Indigenous Paradigm & Western Paradigm, (Grayshield & Mihecoby, 2010)

meaning of life. The conclusions drawn from this class discussion privileged an Indigenous understanding of human existence. With this understanding, it is not too much of a stretch of the imagination to assert that a practice of health that is grounded in IWOK epistemology would produce an impact on our global environment that would promote a new model of consciousness that is not informed through the lens of colonialism as McKinley and Brayboy (2006) asserts in Tribal Critical Race Theory. Rather the underlying paradigm would be driven by the desire to integrate in order to decipher how to most effectively care for [sustain] our Earth Mother, and herein lies the primary construct of IWOK as praxis. Indigenous Ways of Knowing (IWOK) have served as a cornerstone for environmental platforms addressing the challenges of global climate change and eco-­ sustainability, and is receiving increased attention in a variety of academic disciplines such as anthropology, sociology and psychology (Denzin, Lincoln, Tuhiwai Smith, 2008). Chief Seattle stated the basic philosophical stance underlying Indigenous Ways of Knowing (IWOK) in his response to the U. S. governments’ demand for ownership of the land in the 1850 treaty negotiations, “This we know, that all things are connected like the blood that unites us. We did not weave the web of life we are merely a strand in it–whatever we do to the web, we do to ourselves,” (Jeffers,

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1991). This statement reflects the contribution of IWOK by acknowledging the interconnectedness of all things. It could be concluded that an IWOK paradigm in counseling includes a healthy and active social justice agenda. Liberation Psychology  Concurrently, Martin-Baro’ (1987), in his literary account of a liberation psychology, outlined the constructs necessary for “oppressed” people to become agents of their own history. He assigns three urgent tasks in the process of freeing the mind to be able to think outside the current colonial power structures. The three tasks include: (1) the recovery of historical memory; (2) de-ideologizing everyday experience and social reality; and (3) utilizing the virtues of the people. All three tasks require direct engagement by the people and for the people. Adopting an Indigenous conception of the world provides the backdrop for real change to occur. IWOK re-invigorates our relationship with nature and natural processes as a primary indicator of health and well-ness. It is reasonable to assert that change will occur when we recognize our connections to the earth, the plants, the animals, and the cosmos and to one another. We are all in need of clean air, water, shelter and good nutrition. Di’gum’hi’ki’ungaw hu yah–we are all in this together (Language of the Washoe Tribe of Nevada and California). Cultural Propriety  Critical to any discussion on how to best help people reach desired levels of self-actualization [optimal physical, mental and emotional self-­ determination] are the attitudes, values and belief systems we hold about what it means to be well. The academic literature conclusively defines the health of an individual in terms of their individual; physical, psychological and emotional well-­being, and their communal; cultural heritage, family status, and availability of resources, environments etc. Constructs of “health” have been further identified and subjugated into numerous diagnoses’ and treatment schemata for which “mental health” researchers have further categorized; devised theories for, and fashioned rubrics with which to measure. And rather than producing an evolutionary progression of good health, it appears that research has succeeded in digressing into an increasingly chaotic matrix of inter-misconnections. One need not look far to conceive this charge, as the highway of research, diagnoses, and treatment centers have crossed and recrossed numerous times permeating every city, town and community across the globe. In a 1960 paper presented at the Symposium on Values, at the Academy of Psychoanalysis in New  York City, Abraham Maslow reported that a biologist recently announced, “I have discovered the missing link between the anthropoid apes and civilized men. It’s us!” (Maslow, 1968). Science has yet to devise a measurable depiction of the pathology that results from submersion in Western society save their conception of environmental impact intermingled with their propensity to “resolve” it. This cycle perpetuates the hermeneutic trance of an “advanced technological society”. Perhaps the “answers” to the challenges faced by the increasing percentages of bi-polar, depression, diabetes, ADHD, etc.… are not in the mere diagnosis and treatment thereof, but rather in the focal of perception of what we intend to achieve. Moreover, the degree to which we can help others achieve desired levels of self-actualization and self-determination is wholly dependent on our ability to provide a mirror whereby one can recognize them selves once again.

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Understanding IWOK As Counseling Theory Self-Actualization and Self-Determination  If there were “goals” [Aims] in an IWOK counseling praxis, it would be to assist the “relative” in regaining balance whereby self-actualization and self-determination can take its natural and intended course in service of cultural proprietorship. We use the designation relative as opposed to “client” to further demonstrate the interconnected aspects of IWOK when applied to counseling. According to Wikipedia (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Self-actualization), self-­ actualization refers to the desire for self-fulfillment, namely, to the tendency to become actualized in ones potentially. The term “self-determination” has been associated with the right of nations to self-determine as with government-to-government relationships between federal and state governments, and federally recognized Native American Indian Tribes with respect to sovereignty rights. However, it is applied here as a construct of Self-Determination Theory (SDT) (http://selfdeterminationtheory.org), a theory of motivation that is concerned with supporting our natural or intrinsic tendencies to behave in effective and healthy ways. In tandem, these two constructs promote the fulfillment of ones highest expression as a member of a collective hence cultural propriety. The concept of self-actualization as a construct of well-being was first introduced into the field of counseling by Abraham Maslow in the 1950’s. Self-­ actualization is depicted at the top of Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs pyramid diagram, just under the tip, which is “Transcendence”. According to Maslow (1962) self-actualization described the fundamental belief of humanistic psychology, which is that people are innately good and that mental and social problems result from deviations from this natural tendency. Interesting enough, Maslow’s diagram which emerged from his work with Blackfoot people, has been challenged by Native scholars such as University of Alberta professor Cindy Blackstock, a member of the Gitksan First Nation (lincolnmichel.wordpress.com) contended in her understanding of Maslow’s diagram that “first of all, the triangle is not a triangle, it’s a tipi, and the tipis in the Blackfoot (tradition) always went up and reached up to the skies.” Another difference noted by Blackstock is that “self-actualization is at the base of the tipi, not at the top where Maslow placed it.” In the Blackfoot belief, self-­ actualization is the foundation on which community actualization is built (see the diagram). There is no “self” in self-actualization, because in the true essence of the concept according to Blackfoot tradition, one’s self, actualizes as a member of a community, the so-called, “self” is therefore interconnected and interdependent within a larger structure. The highest form that a Blackfoot can attain is not transcendence as Maslow proposes in his model, it is cultural perpetuity, what Blackstock explained is known by her Gitksan people as “the breath of life” (lincolnmichel. wordpress.com). The primary difference in Maslow’s depiction of Blackfoot values, and Blackstock’s is one of epistemology. Maslow’s triangle promotes a linear progression through life that narrows as one journeys through life. This depiction is inherently Western. Blackstock’s correction to Maslow’s hierarchy of needs places the emphasis back on the fact that the experience of life itself is divine, and one that

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is present in our lives from birth. In other words, the experience of life is not a linear progression, is it an experience of the present moment; we are not seeking the breath of life as is suggested in Maslow’s diagram, rather, we are the breath of life. Thus, it is plausible to state for the purposes of understanding IWOK as counseling praxis, that self-actualization is an experience of our breath in each moment of our lives. In literality, it is the understanding of our own unique contribution as an individual in a collective society.

Healing  Indigenous Ways of Knowing promotes ancient wisdom teachings as a foundation for the promotion of wellness. Healing is the common principle of counseling when perceived through the lens of Indigenous/Tribal people. Healing presumes that one is working on the positive or generative side of one’s vibration, which leads to balance in all areas of one’s life, as opposed to the negative or degenerative, which produces physical, psychological, emotional and spiritual dis-ease. Native American communities are prime examples of what happens when a distinct group of people become separated from who they have always believed themselves to be, and attempted; as was imposed, to integrate into dominant Western society. It is not the intention of this chapter to reiterate the disproportionate ills that exist in Native America, you will read plenty of that in successive chapters. However it is the intention of this book to propose to you that the Indigenous way of understanding the world has benefits relevant to the helping professions. The term healing is used as opposed to counseling to distinguish a Western conception of helping [as in a counseling paradigm] from that of an indigenous paradigm which discusses the ease of dis-ease in terms of healing them. Healing is taking place when one is in a state of re-generation as opposed to de-generation. It does not mean that an individual that is healing [re-generating], or considered

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healed [in a state of generation] is transcending all life’s challenges, it does indicate however, that one is in a state of meeting those challenges from a place of harmony and wholeness; they are engaging progresses of self-actualization and self-­ determination, thus resuming their individual journey to live, love, and grow as a viable member of a collective reaching cultural proprietorship. As events of crisis emerge in the collective, e.g. the risk of oil spills impacting the Standing Rock Sioux and millions of people downstream, therefore, the individual must respond because to not, is an act of violence against ones very self. Thus, social justice endeavors are critical in this age of global economy and world politics and in the overall health of an individual as a member of a collective. Exemplifying this interconnection, the growing social activists groups that are gathering for different causes, such as the movement that gained momentum at the Standing Rock Indian Reservation, are providing a strong message to the world. This message endeavors to speak loudly and clearly that not everyone is asleep to the hum of technology, to the mesmerizing storylines fed through mass media, to the intoxicating nature of power, drugs, and food, or to countless other distractions. The prophesized Seventh Generation is galvanizing and leading a global movement toward sustainable living. Their charge in this critical period of history is to insight regenerative processes in environmental agency towards echo sustainability–as steward of Mother Earth. In the words of one young [7th generation] leader in the movement at Standing Rock: Standing Rock has changed the world, it has awakened an aspect of our spirits that has been dampened for a long time in the collective consciousness. It has rekindled our connection to the earth and nature as a divine part of our world. It has brought us out of our complacency and reminded the people of our capacity. Standing rock has helped many to acknowledge not only the histories of our ancestors but brought our awareness to the long-term future of the next seven generations. Our culture has become distracted by immediate comforts and shortterm greed. Living outside in the elements has helped us to build more of an intimacy with the planet we rely on. Standing our ground in the face of the government and corporations which are on a destructive path has reinforced our conviction that we have to be the change we want to see. We have to step out of our comfort zone if we want to make things different, it requires action and sacrifice. We have come together across so many lines of division for that which is common to us all, our survival and need for water and the earth. This union of all people in the face of powers that appear to have impunity helps us to fortify our ability to cause consequences to seemingly invincible forces. We pray that all people awake and understand that the choice is up to us and that profit is not the most valuable resource. The connections made here and lessons learned have inspired millions and we will continue working for this cause beyond North Dakota. We realize that the time is now and the people are us, for that is what changes the course of history. (Lolly Bee, facebook post on 12-11-2016).

Indigenous Ways Of Knowing In Practice The purpose for this section is to provide pertinent information in consideration of “counseling” that is directed at helping Native and Indigenous people. The information provided here has been written about and mobilized for centuries in helping programs, but not adequately validated by the larger academic and “professional” counseling and psychology community. There are currently numerous programs and

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models of care in practice that have been utilized in various community settings where Indigenously minded people have served. Thus far, this manuscript has only provided the back drop for understanding the philosophy underlying their praxis and the critical need to seek out and provide justification for such programs and models of care that have Indigenous roots. It is in fact appropriate to sight honor and respect to these programs for their role in promoting Indigenous practices in their schema. Many of the programs that have surfaced over the past decades have done so out of a desire to heal and help others heal from the dis-eases contracted as a result of abandoning our earth based Indigenous practices. And the vast majority of these programs are not depicted in academic training programs and certainly not addressed in standards based scientific curriculum. So, for the record, we want to acknowledge the amazing work that is currently being done off the record by healers, herbalists, body workers, yoga teachers, nutritionists, musicians, and all whose primary intention is healing others. Numerous individuals who feel a call to use their time and resources to serve humanity but have no affiliation with the academy or the certificate and licensure programs developed and maintained by it. And in many cases, they have no set fees, or procedures that must be met before one can receive services, one simply asks and receives according to the measure of their investment, monetary or otherwise. Healing and Healer  Since becoming a “healer” is extremely diverse and is applied broadly from numerous traditions, it is important to define who healer is. From a Western perspective, a healer can be anyone from a medical doctor, massage therapist, to a Reiki/Qi Gong practitioner. However, from an indigenous perspective, healers’ include those who work through the use of medicinal plants and ceremonial practices. From a purely Native American Indian [tribal] perspective a “healer” or “medicine doctor” is one who has a clear lineage of teachings from their culture of origin that includes specific rituals for calling in and consulting spirits, and an understanding of medicinal plants handed down from generations of knowledge. For the purposes of this text, we continue to apply a broad lens to the term healer as one who has special abilities to assist individuals toward cultural proprietorship; a healer in an IWOK counseling orientation is defined as a facilitator of the regenerative process. Not to confuse the distinction from traditional (tribally specific) medicine doctors/people, and ceremonial leaders who are in a category of their own as a highly specialized and honored group of individuals deserving of our utmost reverence for the wisdom teachings that they alone embody. Westernized mainstream training programs are now the standard for training service providers and establishing by-laws that govern the mental health professions in the United States, and fast becoming the standards that inform other countries training programs as well. This process makes for slow transmission of knowledge, and is held fast to the Gross National Product paradigm of a Western Europeanized educational system. It is therefore important to recognize the thousands of “non-­ licensed” practitioners who have participated in the promotion of programs that are, indeed, indigenously based programs. Many of these individuals are Native and Indigenous people who have generously shared their wisdom teachings, teachings that were passed down to them through the channels of their own lineages.

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Indigenous Wellness  There are far too many programs to give proper honor and respect to in their contribution to the formation of a viable and practical IWOK paradigm from which to provide appropriate services to Native and Indigenous people. If these programs come to your Native service areas and you have the opportunity to attend, it is recommended that you do so, they are valuable resources and have much experience training individuals to address issues of historical and intergenerational trauma in Native and non-Native communities where colonization has had a great impact. One such resource is the Native Wellness Institute (NWI). The NWI was founded in 2000 by a knowledgeable and dedicated group of Native individuals, including tribal leaders, academics and spiritual leaders committed to making a positive difference in Indian country. The mission of NWI states that it “exists to promote the well-being of Native people through programs and trainings that embrace the teachings and traditions of our ancestors” (https://www.nativewellness. com/about.html). The NWI provides a program called GONA–Gathering of Native Americans. The GONA curriculum was developed specifically for Native couples, people, and communities with the primary intention of fostering healthy relationships toward balance of the mind, body, and spirit. GONA is a series of activities that are culturally grounded through collaboration with the program outline, and the cultural values of the communities it is serving. Another very important resource is the Center for Native Child and Family Resilience (CNCFR) https://cncfr.jbsinternational.com/. As a part of the Children’s Bureau, CNCFR was designed to raise awareness of Tribally engaged prevention and intervention efforts that are initiated by the people themselves. The Center was founded by Native people, for Native people (and non-Native associates) who themselves are addressing the issues faced in their communities through information sharing and by establishing viable and sustainable solutions to those issues. The primary impetus of the CNCFR is to partner with Indian Tribes in examination of solutions for healing ongoing family trauma persisting in the aftermath of the numerous historical injuries shared by many Tribal communities, including the break-up of Indian families and child removal. The web page for the CNCFR is full of valuable information to inform the direction of healing in communities where healing trauma, historical and otherwise is being addressed. Numerous Native people are involved in a collaboration effort to establish Native programs that work including initiatives to assist with securing funding sources and research for the programs. We would hope that the information presented here might inspire the reader to engage their own search for meaningful resources in searching for viable healing and helping modalities that support the sustainability of unique tribal and indigenous lineages. Or inspire a search for more information on the ancient wisdom teachings of the local Indigenous people intended to gain a deeper understanding of the earth, its people, and the wisdom teachings that were derived over thousands of years of observations. Being Well To be well, indicates that one has reached a level of self-actualization and self-determination toward recognition of increased awareness of one’s impact on the environments that one is engaged; being well includes human to human relationships as well as the relationships we establish with ourselves and the

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surrounding environments with which we live. The perceived impact is a by-product of experiences gained on the journey of life, or over multiple lives. It matters not what others think or judge as normal, it matters only what the perceiver is perceiving, because therein lies the motivation for the perceived reality. When stories of lived experiences become static perceived realities such as with experiences of traumatic events, the result is a soul wound that festers over time. If the soul wound is not appropriately addressed, it is passed on in successive generations. Thus, attention to historical and intergenerational trauma is important in gaining a full understanding of where a people come from in order to more effectively serve them. Historical and Intergenerational Trauma Historical and intergenerational trauma is thoroughly addressed in successive chapters. The purpose for alluding to this element of dis-ease here, is to convey that while trauma has received notable attention in recent literature, it is only now being recognized as a significant factor in addressing numerous ills such as alcoholism; diabetes; depression, etc.. From an Indigenous perspective, to be well is to be in balance and harmony with one’s self and ones surrounding environments [self-­ actualized and self-determined toward cultural proprietorship] and anything that detracts from this underlying principle of wellness is dis-ease. Dis-ease in reference to being well from an IWOK counseling paradigm refers to disconnect from our-­ selves inner most knowing of self, as an expression of the divine or spirit. In Western Ways of Knowing (WWK), diagnosis and treatment planning are standardized modalities for addressing problems presented by clients. Psychology research has a long history of conceptualizing these determinants in terms of static constructs that equate to the need for increased coping mechanisms with which to build resilience. In an Indigenous conception of the world [epistemology], all behavior is determinant of self-actualization and self-determination. Self-­ actualization (in the sense of autonomy) does not mean transcendence of all human problems, it does however paradoxically make more possible the transcendence of self, into higher levels of self-knowing from which to make more authentic choices about how to be in the world, with ourselves, and with one another. Self-actualization refers to one’s ability to live authentically, and self-determination refers to one’s ability to determine for themselves, the direction of their lives as contributing members of a collective hence cultural propriety.

IWOK’s Seven Theoretical Constructs Applied to Counseling IWOK in counseling proposes that individual health and well-ness are intricately intertwined with the natural universe. Many Native and Indigenous people continue to adhere to the commonly held belief that the earth is our Mother, and living in

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balance and harmony with her natural cycles will sustain our lives and the lives of our children for generations to come. A deep and profound understanding of this construct is necessary in the healing process. We would challenge students of IWOK to consider deeply their relationship with nature and the natural environment. We would further encourage them to engage a spiritual understanding of life from a Native/Indigenous tradition, if not their own. Disclaimer  Differences in wisdom teachings around the world vary quite dramatically among Indigenous groups. However, symbolism with respect to similarities of Indigenous wisdom teachings are even more profound. What we are proposing here is not a static model for replication and interpretation, it is rather a multiplicity of analogy in an attempt to demonstrate the multidimensional and multifaceted constructs of an Indigenous thought process. A medicine wheel framework applied to counseling and psychology provides the necessary constructs to begin the healing process. Keeping in mind that the primary “goal” in an IWOK counseling paradigm as stated above is Self-actualization and Self-determination toward the regaining of balance whereby self-actualization and self-determination can take its natural and intended course. Additionally important is the distinction between counseling and healing. Counseling as a form of therapy that assists the “client” in their ability to live “normal” and satisfying lives. Whereas, healing, as an Indigenous [IWOK] construct assists the relative [client] in regaining the interconnected and interdependent nature of existence and seeks to promote balance at deep and interpersonal levels towards one’s highest expression as a steward of Mother Earth.

Bopp and Bopp, 1984

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Medicine wheels have been a part of Indigenous Native cultures since time immemorial. Four and seven directions symbolism representing complex visions of the cosmos and a holistic view of growth and healing is common in Tribal cultures (Bopp, Bopp, Brown, & Lane, 1984) and have been reproduced in numerous endeavors in an attempt to present holistic constructs. One need only conduct a brief internet search to discover the numerous depictions of the medicine wheel that have been adopted and promoted as models for health and well-being by health and healing organizations all over the world. Raul Quiñones Rosado (2007) contends that “the medicine wheel provides the foundation of a worldview that is significantly broader, deeper and more relevant to our present reality than contemporary models of health, well-being and development, whether mainstream or alternative (Bopp and Bopp, 2001, as stated in Quiñones Rosado, 2007, p. 34).” The Lakota Medicine Wheel is a primary example of a directions model that informs the Lakota people and millions of others that have adopted IWOK as a foundational framework for wholeness and well-being. Quiñones (2007) provides an excellent summary of the medicine wheel, integral theory and social identity development as a path toward transformation, development and harmonious well-­ being, in his book, Consciousness-in-Action: Toward an Integral Psychology of Liberation & Transformation. A community leader, activist and psychologist in Puerto Rico, Quiñones Rosado (2007) pulls work from the Four World’s Development Project, (Bopp & Bopp, 1984/1989) expanding and synthesizing on the work of others including Ken Wilber’s Integral Theory and critical race theory among others to create a functional model of liberation and transformation. Adopting and integrating work from various scholars, Dr. Rosado explains the value and wisdom of the medicine wheel and how it supports our understanding for living well, in balance and harmony while facing various levels of oppression. In each quadrant is an aspect of the self in relation to the world around us with consciousness and will honed in at the center as the motivational driving force that pushes us into action. There is a plethora of writings centered around medicine wheel teachings and this manuscript alone could not possibly do justice to the various constructs that are represented. One such model depicts the medicine wheel and the various dimensions embedded within it as many concentric circles layered within and on top of each other relating to the four sacred or cardinal directions, North, South, East and West, representing concepts that equate to a holistic understanding of the physical, mental, emotional and spiritual dimensions (Quiñones Rosado, 2007). The physical dimension is the self-image, how we view ourselves including our physical health. The mental dimension connects to the individual’s self concept, politics and ideas, ideologies, and economic sustainability. The emotional dimension is associated with self-love, our feelings, and the social dimensional aspects of life. The spiritual dimension are associated with our since of connectedness to others and the culturally laden values that we learn through our religious practices and ceremonies–not to be confused with religion itself. The internal dimensions are the personal (mental, emotional, physical, spiritual) while the outer dimensions are the collective (social, cultural, political and economic). An Indigenous model is ever-moving and shifting, spiraling in motion as our communities change and evolve.

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Another depiction of the medicine wheel is introduced as part of an integral theory indicating that there are a “set of four interrelated circles, hoops or wholes, each one divided into four parts. These circles represent: the person; the family or clan; the community; and the wider world. Each person, according to this model” (Rosado, 2007) “has the potential to develop capacities in all four interrelated areas of their life”. According to Bopp, Bopp and Lane (1985) our will or volition allows us to move toward self-­actualization or to develop ourselves fully as human beings. This is guided by vision, which is pushed forward by our elders and their ancestral wisdom teachings.

The Medicine Wheel: Volition and Vision (Bopp and Bopp, 2001, p. 35)

The constructs depicted in Dr. Rosado’s model are slightly different than the description below however all may be interchangeable and vary depending on Indigenous perspectives and/or tribal affiliation.

Seven Theoretical Constructs to Being Well Four Healing Domains  IWOK insists that we conceive of our health holistically, and as an extension of the environments with which we live. The following depiction of a Seven Directions Theoretical Model [Four Healing Domains and Three Indicators of Being Well] will provide a gross analogy of a directional framework that can be applied to our work as counselors and healers. The Seven Theoretical

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Constructs, outlined briefly here, are intended to provide a framework for action, not a static model of health. They require that we shift our concept of self into a state of conscious awareness on seven (or more) levels of foundational existence to include Four Healing Domains: (1) the Northern direction, which is representative of the physical domain and the elemental earth; (2) the Eastern direction, which is representative of the cognitive [mental] domain and the elemental air; (3) the Southern direction, representing the emotional or soul domain, and the elemental fire, and; (4) the Western direction representing the spiritual domain and the cleansing elemental–water. In counseling, the four Healing Domains offer the primary working constructs for attaining learning and growing as human beings on this earth. Attention to the physical body [Northern Healing Domain] insists that we address issues of physical health; what we eat, how we play, and how we feel. Attention to the cognitive, or mind [Eastern Healing Domain] requires that we pay attention to the direction of our thoughts. There is much research to substantiate the notion that our thoughts are the driving force behind our perceived realities. Neuroscience concludes that we can change the direction of our thoughts when they are producing negative impacts in our lives through retraining our brains using techniques such as breath work, exercise, meditation, mind mapping, and eating good healthy brain foods. Attention to the Emotions [Southern Direction] provides information about our ability self-regulate. In the absence of good self-regulation skills, one may need to address issues of trauma that impact the ability to live satisfying and healthy lives. It is in this direction that one often gets stuck and simple talk therapy will not alleviate the reoccurring emotional states that ensue. One may need to step onto the Red Road, or Spirit Path, referring to the journey of healing and helping others to find their way. There are many paths from numerous walks of life that describe the Red Road journey including medicine doctor, road-man, shaman, pastor, priest, sun dancer, herbalists, currenderria, yogi, reki practitioner, and even counselors and psychologists when they see their role as healers. Many individuals if not all come into the helping professions because they themselves feel a deep inner calling to help, and this depth comes from our own ability to realize our own healed self. Attention to the Spirit [Western Direction] has many meanings depending on ones cultural orientation. However it is clear from research that when individuals have a defined way to connect to spirit, be it church or sweat lodge, priest or shaman, they have less challenges then those who have no frame of reference for their belief systems except to insist that they don’t believe in anything–which in and of itself, is valid. Much can be said about the Spirit way, however it is very personal and respect is the best response to any all ways that bring peace and understanding to ones life. Indicators of Being Well  The final three directions are referenced as Indicators of Being Well; they are (5) Above, (6) Below, and (7) All Around. These indicators direct our attention to our own inner processes with respect to our understanding

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and awareness of our personal sense of well being: Direction (5) Above includes the relationships we have with our spiritual understandings of life. This includes our form of belief/religion and value structure. Spirituality from an Indigenous perspective is not separate from who we are as humans, in fact spirit is the life force energies that give and direct all of life. Having a form of spiritual connection with rituals and ceremonies are a good indicator of spiritual well being; (6) Below represents our connection with the earth [Mother Earth]. This includes the way that we interact with Nature, and the time we spend appreciating it’s diverse beauty, and giving thanks for all that is provided to us by our Earth, and; (7) All Around, the heart beat as a symbol of strength and health is a good indicator of true connection with self. When one is grounded, having, considered all things in all directions in order to make decisions about how to live and be in the world in a good way, then one has reached self-actualization. When ones actions produce overall good feelings and are derived out of a desire to be present with themselves, their families and their communities then their lives result in cultural propriety. The Four Healing Domains provide the scaffolding for addressing the needs of the relative being served. Individuals are encouraged to explore the constructs of the medicine wheel as they apply to their own lives prior to applying it to the lives of others. The Three Indicators of Being Well provide the constructs for determining improved physical, mental, emotional functioning, and spiritual connectedness. All seven together provide a scaffolding for conceptualizing IWOK as it is applied to the praxis of counseling. In full application of these 7-Directions [4 Healing Domains; 3 Indicators of being-well] in counseling are the resulting effects of increased self-actualization and self-determination. As an important distinction in application of a medicine wheel/seven directions framework are the understanding that all directions work in tandem, the idea that one can exist in a specific state is not without the understanding that all others are equal participants, is nonexistent. Additionally, the numerous constructs to be applied to the Four Domains of Healing and the Three Indicators of Being Well are more arbitrary then they are static. A healer will work from numerous vantages because they understand deeply the interconnected nature of the energy systems of the body, mind, soul and spirit, and how they influence the functioning of the physical and psychological self. The depiction of the directions and their meaning as it is presented here in no way covers the vast amount of information that is present in our understanding of living in a good and right way–which translates into living in a meaningful way where our overall persona is self-actualized, self-determined and grounded in this earth plane. Likewise, the meaning assigned to each direction provides a contrast of holistic constructs with which to organize how to think about health and healing. A directional understanding of life in this way provides a multidimensional perspective that inherently places the individual in the center relocating the responsibility for being well on the individuals’ own unique journey through life.

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Conclusion Inherent in an IWOK paradigm to being well is the understanding that all life is interconnected and interdependent; it is incomprehensible to assert that the life conditions of one group of people on one side of the world does not impact the life conditions of another on the other side of the world. It behooves us all to close our eyes to this fact, or to the information that exists to support a change in paradigm, might suggest a change in life style and value system on a personal level. In this technological age of innovation, we have yet to devise the system that will unite the worlds’ minds to the importance of taking care of our Mother Earth. Native and Indigenous people all over the world continue to represent the importance of oneness with the environments with which we live. Native and primitive skills camps are popping up everywhere and many young people are opting out of mainstream living structures and electing to live simpler lives. Off grid living, solar power and natural building, has become increasingly more popular in recent years. Likewise, Indigenous ceremonial practices are becoming increasingly popular with the younger generations. Native American Church ceremonies are attended by all ethnic groups, and often filled to capacity, especially when non-Natives are allowed to attend. Native American sweat lodges can be found in every city of America and beyond, and has become the most widely co-opted ceremonial practice on the planet. Colleges and universities are offering course work in Indigenous Ways of Knowing in all fields of study; there is a certificate that be obtained in Curranderismo from the University of New Mexico. Alternative schools have surfaced to teach Indigenous healing practices and primitive skills. Additionally salient is the focus on health and nutrition. Eating organic and local is becoming increasingly popular in addition to the recent craze for Indigenous foods and super foods, which offer well above the average nutritional content of foods in the Standard American Diet (SAD). In recent years Food Sovereignty has become a new endeavor for Tribes who are seeking true Sovereignty from the ills contracted through Western food sources and medicines. A return to a traditional diet and natural medicines is becoming increasing popular among our seventh generation Native and Indigenous intellectuals who now have enough information to ascertain the destruction that has resulted from mass Westernized food sources. This all to assert that there is a resurgence of information to sight in the validation of a return to Indigenous Ways of Knowing, in a modern world. Movements across the globe have voiced their support for cleaning our water and air, for reforesting our planet, and transferring our dependency on oil to more eco friendly and sustainable transport. The philosophical foundations of IWOK applied to the methodological constructs of academic disciplines have the potential for transformative and sustainable change in human behavior. In this age of globalization and capitalism, the next generation is looking for answers to their future, not further commentary on injustice. The field of counseling psychology would do well to yield its cognitive behavioral science to one that addresses the needs of the masses at a level of consciousness.

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The helping profession can become one that is relevant to worldwide global peace, unity and solidarity for generations to come. Di’gum hi’ki’ungaw hu yah’. (We are all in this together-Language of the Washoe Tribe of Nevada and California)

References Bopp, J., Bopp, M., Brown, L., Phil, L. Jr. (1984). The sacred tree: reflections on Native American spirituality. Lotus Light Publications. Twin Lakes WI. Bopp, M., Bopp, J., & Lane, P. (1985). The sacred tree. Twin Lakes, WI: Lotus Light Publications. Brayboy, B. M. J. (2005). Toward a tribal critical race theory in education. The Urban Review, 37(5), pp. 425–446. Cajete, G. (1994). Look to the mountain: An ecology of Indigenous education. Skyland, NC: Kivaki Press. Chandler, M. (2017). Cultures in collision: “Higher” education and the clash between Indigenous and Non-Indigenous “Ways of Knowing”. In L. S. Stewart, R. Moodley, & A. Hyatt (Eds.), Indigenous cultures and mental health counselling: Four directions for integration with counselling psychology. New York, NY/London, UK: Taylor & Francis Group. Deloria, V., Jr. (1993). If you think about it, you will see that it is true. Noetic Sciences Review, 27, 62–71. Denzin, N. K., Lincoln, Y. S., & Tuhiwai Smith, L. (2008). Handbook of critical and Indigenous methodologies. Los Angeles, CA/London, UK/New Delhi, DL/Singapore: Sage. Fixico, D. (2003). The American Indian mind in a linear world. New York, NY: Routledge. Grayshield, L., & Mihecoby A. (2010) Indigenous ways of knowing as a philosophical base for the promotion of peace and justice in counseling education and psychology. Journal for Social Action in Counseling Psychology, 2(2). Jeffers, S. (1991). Brother eagle, sister sky: A message from Chief Seattle. New  York, NY: Dial Books. Marsella, A. J. (1998). Toward a global community psychology: meeting the needs of a changing world. American Psychologist 53, 1282–1291. Marsella, A. J. (2009). Some reflections on potential abuses of psychology’s knowledge and practices: National Academy of Psychology (NAOP) India. Psychological Studies (March 2009) 54:000–000. Marsella, A. J. & Pedersen, P. (2004). Internationalizing the counseling psychology curriculum: towards new values, competencies and directions. Counseling Psychology Quarterly 17(4). Maslow, A. H. (1962). Lessons from the Peak-Experiences. Public Lecture given June 30, 1961 at Sherwood Hall, La Jolla, California. First Published January 1, 1962 Research Article, available at: https://doi.org/10.1177/002216786200200102Article information Maslow, A. H. (1968). Some Educational Implications of the Humanistic Psychologies. Harvard Educational Review 38(4) pp. 685–696. McKinley, B., & Brayboy, J. (2006). Toward a tribal critical race theory of education. The Urban Review, 37(5), 425–446. Quiñones Rosado, R. (2007). Consciousness-in-action: Toward and integral psychology of liberation & transformation. Caguas, PR: ilé Publications. Smith, L. T. (1999). Decolonizing methodologies; research and Indigenous peoples. New York, NY: Palgrave. Trimble, J. E. (2008). Commentary: No itinerant researchers: Principled and ethical perspectives and research with North American Indian communities. Ethos, 36(3), 380–383.

Chapter 3

An Introduction to Indigenous Ways of Knowing: A Blackfeet Perspective Donald D. Pepion

In Grayshield, L., Ed., (2015), Handbook of Indigenous Ways of Knowing in Counseling, Research, Theory and Practice, Volume I, Manuscript submitted for publication.

Introduction This chapter introduces the epistemology and ontology of Indigenous ways of knowing. In order to understand the complex concepts, principles and philosophy of Indigenous worldview, much of the discussion is in the context of the Blackfeet (or Pikuni) knowledge. I share my individual experiences in learning Blackfeet (Pikuni) ceremony as a way of conceptualizing the challenges of understanding Indigenous ways of knowing. The holistic view introduces the belief of all existence being interrelated and having a life force. The chapter reviews the nature and relations of being through animate expression of power, dreams, and personification of the inanimate. The Indigenous origin narratives and oral tradition demonstrates the nature, origin, and scope of Indigenous knowledge through eons of observation and experience. The paper underscores how Indigenous philosophy emanates from the connectedness of cultural values, kinship, social norms and belief systems. The way Indigenous people preserve and protect intellectual property and sacred matters is keenly, integrated into rituals and rites of passage. Spirituality and the quantum nature of energy permeating in constant movement and patterns reveal the ontological nature of Indigenous ways of knowing. Power in places of the landscape reveals the significance of nature in understanding sacredness of knowledge. Elder storytelling and knowledge of the language are essential to comprehending Indigenous ways of knowing. In the end, Vine Deloria, Jr. (2012, p 273) calls for synthesis of all knowledge. D. D. Pepion (*) Anthropology Department, New Mexico State University, Las Cruces, NM, USA e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 L. Grayshield, R. Del Castillo (eds.), Indigenous Ways of Knowing in Counseling, International and Cultural Psychology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-33178-8_3

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The Pikuni Way An esteemed tribal elder once told me that Blackfeet knowledge is “different” from the white man’s way of knowing. The reality of the statement became evident as I pursued a master’s degree in higher education while simultaneously apprenticing ceremonial life of the Pikuni (Blackfeet). As an enrolled member of the federally recognized Blackfeet Indian Tribe of Montana, tribal elders inducted me into the ceremonial life. In learning ceremony, I encountered a block in my learning process. I felt I was not understanding the rituals and comprehending what I was supposed to be learning. The learning process entailed observing and participating in the conduct of ceremonies by the elders and ceremonialists. My induction included the proper initiation rites and rituals into a spiritual society (sodality) associated with the Pikuni (the term used by the Blackfeet to identify them) medicine pipe bundle. I made the vow related to making the lifetime commitment to a lifestyle infused with much protocol and taboos as a member of the bundle society. The Blackfeet social organization and religion is composed of social and spiritual groups somewhat like the fraternal/sorority groups of contemporary non-­ Indian society. The common procedure for obtaining information is to approach the elder medicine bundle person for individual consultation. However, one must be cautious in the process of approaching a medicine bundle holder, as there are definite protocols and taboos associated with the interaction process. Upon entering the home of the elder, I gave him a gift of food in a paper bag. As I handed it to him, I stated that I needed to ask him something about ceremony. The medicine bundle keeper then made an incense smudge of sweet pine needles placed on a live coal he had taken from the wood heater with a fireplace shovel. He blessed himself by waving the smoke around his body with his hands as he initiated prayer. The shoebox size, dirt filled wooden container sitting on the floor held the contents of the smudge. In accordance with the smudge process, the elder orally invoked spiritual assistance. After smudging myself, I told the elder that I was having a difficult time understanding the meaning of the ceremony. As he silently contemplated my situation, he asked his wife, who was nearby, to speak to my question. She told the story of Poia or Scarface. The story was about how Poia traveled to the Sun and had his face miraculously cured. At the end of the story, she told me how Poia brought back the songs and rituals for the Ookann or sun dance ceremonies. The elder then commented how the childhood Napi (first man) stories were an important part of preparing the young for the origin narratives later in life. He knew both my parents went to mission and boarding schools most of their young lives. He also commented, “I know you go to that school [college] with those folks [white people] but our ways are different”. In our Pikuni ways, I know that elders usually respond through storytelling or sharing of their experience. I also knew that many times they did not give direct

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answers or state a solution to one’s problem or situation. In the childhood Napi stories, children have to determine their individual meanings and discern an individual moral of the story. I believe the Pikuni way of knowing has a standard that elders do not provide specific remedies to individual difficulties or circumstances. Thus, the individual must interpret the story or response to fit their state of affairs or conditions. I believe this is somewhat of an existential phenomenon that acknowledges individual responsibility for one’s life choices. Therefore, an individual must do some critical thinking in order to make sense of their worldly journey. This way of not imposing solutions on others, I deem as the ultimate of freedom. On the other hand, one cannot take responsibility for the conduct of another’s life journey. After visiting with elders on my problem, I came to the realization that I was using the other society’s reason and logic to make sense of learning ceremony. Hence, I was using “those folks” knowledge rather than the Pikuni way. From the elder female, I discerned that like Poia, I was on a journey composed of many obstacles. Poia had to visit with many others along the way and pray for guidance. No one is able to tell him the direct route to his destination but he found the way. I find this akin to the idea of trusting the process. In learning Pikuni ceremony, one learns by participation and observation. Discussion with other learners or society members and visits to appropriate elder mentors reinforces the learning process. I still have difficulty articulating how I was able to make the transition from learning through reason and logic to comprehending the Pikuni way in ceremony. However, I made a conscious choice to open my mind to any possibilities and not use the analytical skills I was gaining in the white man’s higher education system. In the Eurocentric knowledge system, experts would say it is cognitively impossible as one develops new knowledge by comparing to other experiences. Nevertheless, I had some sense of the tribal way of knowing as I was born and raised on the reservation and lived in the Pikuni culture. Subsequently, my learning Pikuni ceremony preceded without the sense the hindrance I felt at previous times. After some other spiritual experiences, my learning ceremony increased and flowed together in a constructive manner. I now know that we all have spiritual experiences throughout life but we many times fail to acknowledge these kinds of occurrences. I believe our Western trained minds cause us to narrow our focus to only those things that are considered “real” and “true” by the dominant culture’s way of knowing. I now know that other cultures have different ways of creating “truth”.

Holism Introducing Indigenous ways of knowing must be approached with the realization that there are many, many, languages and cultures in North America as well as Central and South America. In fact, there are huge numbers of Indigenous languages and cultures throughout the world. Thus, one must be cautious in generalizing Indigenous ways of knowing. There is much diversity with many nuances in both

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the epistemology and ontology of Indigenous people’s knowledge. However, we do find some shared concepts, principles, and practices. One of the most important ideologies with Indigenous ways of knowing is the holistic principle that humans are a relative to all things of the earth, cosmos and spiritual spheres. This is in direct opposition to Eurocentric knowledge that humankind is the dominant universal entity in the scheme of things. In Western knowledge, the human is on the top a hierarchy that classifies all of existence. Human ability to reason places them as nearly divine beings over all earthly matters. Their religion, in most cases, gives them a soul that provides for entry into their perceived divine kingdom of afterlife. Many Indigenous groups consider afterlife as a spiritual domain that is present in another dimension.

Animate and Relatedness Another shared belief or commonality with Indigenous ways of knowing is the phenomenon of being able to communicate with animate and intimate things. However, many tribal scholars consider ALL things as animate (Little Bear, 2000; Cajete, 2000; Henderson, 2000). For example, in Pikuni knowledge there is an oral tradition narrative about Iniskim, which is a rock that communicates with a woman. In this account, the women are out gathering wood and one young female drops her bundle of firewood four times. The fourth time, she tells the others to proceed to camp and she will catch up later. The stone, lodged in a tree fork, tells her in the Pikuni language “take me I am holy”. The stone relates a description of a ceremony for eliciting the buffalo (American bison) to migrate to the cliff area for harvesting. This event occurred during the spring season when the food supply was meager for the people. The stone tells her to take it to the tribal encampment so she can communicate the ceremony, rituals, and procedures to summon the buffalo. During the ceremonial rituals of the Pikuni, the songs, dance, and pantomime of Iniskim is re-enacted in contemporary medicine bundle rites. Many tribal groups, especially in North American, consider animate and sometimes other inanimate beings as their relatives (Cajete, 2000; Henderson, 2000; Little Bear, 2000). For example, some of the Plains Indians in their prayers and supplications speak of “all my relations”. Deloria (Deloria & Wildcat, 2001a) states: The best description of Indian metaphysics was the realization that the world, and all its possible experiences, constituted a social reality, a fabric of life in which everything had the possibility of intimate knowing relationships because, ultimately, everything was related (p. 2).

There are many narrations about animate and inanimate things giving power to humans, such as a plant bestowing an individual the ability to use it as a healing herb. In most of these kinds of cases, the entity such as the healing plant, provide a specific prescription that includes a ritual process like a song and prayer. One Blackfeet herbalist pointed out that there are herbal medicines available for

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common usage, while some plants specifically confer knowledge and healing power in spiritual ways to an individual (W.  Fish, personal communication, January 4, 1982).

Energy, Personhood and Dreams In some of the Plains Indian tribes, there are entities commonly called “medicine bundles”. These bundles may contain many objects considered very sacred. The bundle has certain animal hides or pelts that wrap holy objects. The bundle ceremonies occur at particular times of the year as prescribed by the divine ways. Almost all of the holy articles have their individual origin account, a song, and dance. The bundles are revered entities. One author, Lokenesgard (1996) indicated that the Blackfeet consider their medicine bundles as personhoods with volition to share divine energy. The Blackfeet open the bundle in a very sacrosanct custom as rigorously prescribed from the genesis accounts. For each revered item in the bundle, the people follow the divinely conveyed specific ritual. In 1999, I completed my doctoral dissertation entitled “Learning in Blackfoot Ceremony”. In my study, I interviewed fifteen Blackfoot ceremonialists. My fascination related to the fact that they could conduct rituals sometimes involving hundreds of songs and precise rites lasting many hours and frequently several days. The generally recognized ceremonialists, in the study, are spiritual elders. They are members from each of the three tribal groups including the Blackfeet (Pikuni), North Piikani, and Kainai (Blood), who along with the Siksika (North Blackfoot) are called the Blackfoot Confederacy. The Blackfeet are in Montana next to the Rocky Mountains and the Canadian border. The others are located in Southern Alberta, Canada. I will share some of the things I learned in the study relative to Indigenous ways of knowing. After categorizing the responses to the question of how they learned ceremony, the first finding in my study is entitled “Learning from Visions and Dreams” (Pepion, 1999). One young man, recently handpicked by the elders, as the caretaker and master of a medicine bundle, was worried about his ability to be the main conductor of the rituals and songs associated with this sacred object. However, after sleeping by the bundle, he revealed that the songs somehow infiltrated into his being. In some way, his subconscious facilitated his ability to know the songs and prescriptive procedures associated with the rituals. He disclosed an inability to recall the songs and rituals outside the context of the ceremony. Another ceremonialist conveyed how he obtained a song and ways accompanying a long-standing conduct of actions related to the Ookann or sun dance of the Blackfeet. He talked about going into one of the tepees at the Ookann encampment to take a nap. While he slept, an old man appeared in a dream. The old man communicated that the persons performing a certain aspect of the complex rituals associated with the sun dance were perplexed and could not precisely recall specific

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protocols for the particular function. In the dream state, the old man demonstrated the procedure and song for the detailed rite. Upon awakening, the ceremonialist proceeded to the needed location and led the ritual. In another occurrence, an elder had a dream about a sweat-lodge ceremony wherein he obtained spiritual guidance to assist in singing some of the ritualistic songs. He indicated a reluctance to employ the revelation until obtaining support and affirmation by other elders. Although he felt trepidation, he eventually followed the supernatural instructions and specifications to conduct a sweat-lodge ceremony utilizing the ancient songs. From the above narrations, we can see that indigenous epistemology includes a sometimes-ontological process as a way of creating knowledge. In the epistemological part, the elder tells a story wherein the individual needs to make meaning by critically thinking about how the information applies to his/her situation. The story telling alludes to a process of learning from the childhood narrations. However, the Iniskim story communicates knowledge in a metaphysical manner to people.

 rigin Narratives, Experience/Observation O and Oral Tradition Learning the tribal origin stories is paramount in Indigenous ways of knowing. In my study, Pard indicated a person would be bewildered if they did not know the stories associated with the ceremonial rituals (Pepion, 1999, p. 91). He related that the philosophy, protocol, and language are vital to understanding. Young people learning the stories must repeat the narrative account word-for-word by the elder mentor. As the ceremonial learner hears the story in ceremony, it becomes a basis for gaining knowledge and eventual elder status to convey the origin narratives. Moreover, the origin narrative learning later contributes to synthesizing knowledge as it mediates the conduct of rituals. The ceremonial process is a Blackfoot ontology that is beyond mere heritage. Because of the extended kinship in social organization of the Blackfoot, the childhood and origin narratives become a way of life integrated with being the Niitsitapi or ‘real people’. Tribal elders speak of observing, listening and learning in the process of becoming. The process of becoming means a lifetime journey of striving for becoming a person of knowledge. Becoming a person of knowledge is always endeavoring towards being Niisitapii or Siksikaitsitapi (Blackfoot way of life). The avocation is more than ones livelihood, vocation, or talents; it is about seeking equilibrium as a way of life that integrates spirituality. The life of prayer, supplication, meditation and dreaming, and participating in rituals, liturgies and ceremony is a lifetime undertaking as an existential being. In the Blackfoot way, obtaining knowledge can be a challenging process for those living the values and customs of the overall society. One esteemed elder, Alan Pard, indicated: “Elders talk in parables (Pepion, 1999, p. 91).” In my study, one of

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the apprentices discussed some of the challenges in seeking direct assistance from an elder ceremonialist (Pepion, 1999, pp. 91–92). He related how the elder would sit, listen, and sometimes not respond. There would be moments of silence and contemplation. The elder may respond with a story or start a seemingly irrelevant discussion. The learner would leave in a perplexed state of mind, questioning to himself as to what had occurred. After a few days of reflection, the apprentice learner was able to make sense of the consultation and discern the answer to his inquiry. However, he indicated the elder would sometimes invite him back for later consultations. The Eurocentric society criticizes oral tradition, as a methodology that does not convey valid and reliable knowledge. One Pikuni tribal elder, Reggie Crowshoe, explained how the story of Poia includes documentation by cultural material of the holy objects that are ritually “transferred” each time the Ookann ceremonies are enacted (Pepion, 1999, pp. 88, 90). Poia brought the male side of the ceremony that includes the men’s sun dance necklace, bracelet and crow tail feather. On the women’s side, Woman-who-married-a-star came back after traveling to the cosmos with the female sun dance headdress. These objects are associated with specific rituals and songs related to the Ookann ceremony. The rite conveys the objects, songs, and rituals to the principal female and her male helper who are integral to the Ookann ceremonies. This solemnization conducts a sacrosanct ritual in the privacy of a tepee during the beginning of the communal Ookann. It gives the principal female and her helper (a male spouse or relative) the entitlement to conduct the transmission ceremony to the succeeding female and helper at a future time. The female makes the vow as the primary person who commits to the life of solemnity, abstention, fasting and prayer a year before and during the Ookann. Thus, we see oral tradition intimately infused with exacting narration, song, and rituals prescribed with unwavering procedure and protocol. The cultural material validates the narrative and sustains reliability through the conduct of ceremonial procedures.

Protecting Intellectual Knowledge The Pikuni have a ritualistic way of transmitting knowledge and cultural material. The process entails a rite of transfer or pommaksiistsi; (Pepion, 2008; Bastien, 2004). The ritual includes smudge (incense), prayer, and kinetics (hand/body movements). It may include narration, song, dance and specific objects. The rite of transfer protects the integrity of the knowledge as the process maintains a meticulous accuracy. Elders are adamant that the rite of transfer is specifically re-enacted and recited exactly as given in the creation, origin, or genesis accounts. The rite of passage through a rigorous and time-tested process sustains and confirms continuation of consistent and reliable knowledge. Like many tribes, the Pikuni rite of transfer provides the honor, privilege, and the entitlement to certain realms of knowledge. Until sanctioned elders initiate one through proper ritual it is improper and taboo to converse or undertake any

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ceremonial function. For example, in the sweat lodge ceremony, one is progressively, initiated into almost all aspects of this hallowed activity. The successive consecrations include obtaining the rocks and willows and constructing the lodge. It may take years for one to earn the entitlement to carry out the sacred functions associated with the actions, songs, and conduct of the ceremony. The above example of how knowledge is preserved and protected is simplistic when compared to the complexities of the Ookann and medicine bundle ceremonies. There are aspects of Indigenous ways of knowing considered sacred. The Pikuni elders caution young people about frivolously enacting ceremony or committing ritual acts without proper sanction. The power and sacredness of some knowledge requires protection and safeguarding. Improper use can cause harm and create imbalance in the universe. Indigenous ways of knowing is contextual. Certain songs and ritual are exclusive to particular ceremonies. Specific sodality members can only discuss some knowledge and information in specified situations. As we see above, some knowledge is sacred and powerful; it insures protection from abuse and upholds appropriate conduct. This is like the overall populace protecting the abuse of nuclear energy so it does not destroy humanity. Thus, we see levels of knowledge are relative to certain segments of the culture in order to sustain and protect intellectual property and inviolability.

Philosophy As with many cultures, the philosophy of the people originates from the genesis narratives into a belief system that accounts for their existence. One of the symbols to explain the dynamics of being is the circle. This icon represents the connectedness and universality of all things. All things are moving in the circle and transforming yet maintaining continuity. The circle of the sun and moon revolving and emitting energy is a representation of a universal and shared life force. Several tribal elders and Native scholars (Bopp, Bopp, Brown, & Lane, 1984) collaborated to explain and symbolically depict the Native belief system. They used some of the shared aspects of Natives of North American such as the significance of the number four for cardinal directions to elucidate Native knowledge. Common quadrants included such things the following: (a) infancy, childhood, adulthood, and elder status; (b) the four seasons; (c) the four cardinal directions: North, East, South, and West; and (d) the physical, mental, emotional and spiritual in the nature of being human. The importance of maintaining equilibrium within and without these quadrants is fundamental to the nature of being. Striving for harmonic accord is principle to the nature of existence. Although not all indigenous people share the specificity of this philosophy, the cosmological functioning has some general commonalities. In examining how Indigenous knowledge develops, Little Bear (2000) acknowledges some basic tenets derive from social and cultural values. As with many cultures, he relates how cultural values derive from the philosophy of the people.

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Values are the standards by which cultures determine what is meaningful and important. Values are also an aspect of ethics, which is the sense of what is right or wrong. Thus, social norms include such things as Natives respecting all things. The shared belief of Indigenous ways of knowing includes respecting all things. Respecting all of existence is in concert the principle of maintaining equilibrium. The continuation of existence depends on the presence of all to sustain and perpetuate the interactive dynamics of the circle. Disrespect causes disharmony. As indicated in many of the genesis accounts, the progression of life has evolved from discord within the elements of existence. Thus, dissonance creates harm and negative energy that manifests in cataclysmic world events. Likewise, individual irresponsibility to the commonality may cause illness and discord within individuals, family, and cultural group. Ritual and ceremony permeates Indigenous ways of knowing. The holistic view of a dynamic structure requires responsible action to maintain the equilibrium. As indicated above, one of the Blackfoot elders explained ceremony is a reenactment of the geneses (Pepion, 1999, p. 83). Native rituals and ceremony are ways in which Indigenous people supplicate for harmonic equilibrium. Little Bear (Arizona State University, 2011) denotes ceremony is a static act that calls for perpetuation of a dynamic universe. Archambault (1996) provides an example of disequilibrium in individual Natives. She articulates how differences between values inherent in Indigenous ways of knowing and the dominant society can be a source of cultural conflict. She relates how the prevailing society values the individual while most Native worldviews regard the social/cultural group as more important. The idea of collectivism where all contribute to the common well-being of the society is a prevalent factor. Consequently, social values are important to maintaining universal relationships. They are significant in maintaining individual and social accord. Morrison (1994) affirms cultural dissonance when he identifies the differences in Native American and Western worldviews. Non-Natives believe that Native American culture and religion is incomplete and primitive nonsense. Native Americans integrate culture, beliefs and spirituality into a way of being that strives for balance and harmony. While the non-Native society believes in the superiority of their own culture, the Native American maintains an open mindedness about other cultures. As the Western cultures still attempt to impose their way of life on others, the Native American ritual actions aim for balance, cooperation and mutual interdependence.

Flux, Patterns, and Spirituality In Indigenous ways of knowing, one of the shared principles is that everything has movement. This coincides with all things being animate. Everything has a life force or energy that permeates their inter-being while at the same time interconnected externally to other existences. The interconnected force equates to string theory in

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physical science as affirmed by one tribal professional Native American (F. Correa, personal communication, October 19, 2004). Scientists are studying the movement of gravitational waves from space creating a ripple effect near earth (Green, 2015). Although, there is debate about the concepts of string theory and gravitational relativity, it conceptualizes the principles of interaction inherent in the connectedness and dynamics of existence in indigenous ways of knowing. Leroy Little Bear and others use chaos theory to posit the dynamics of materialsim in Native ontology. He states “In Aboriginal philosophy, existence consists of energy. All things are animate, imbued with spirit, and in constant motion (Little Bear, 2000, p. 77).” Both Henderson (2000) and Cajete (2000) agree with this premise. Henderson shares the term “flux” with Little Bear to describe living forces that permeate Native worldview. Not only are all things connected but also, they are in constant motion. Thus, all things are alive and animate. Indigenous people had this knowledge long before science discovered the atom. Schoolchildren learn about the movement within an atom that consists of protons and electrons. Common knowledge science now reveals even nano particles of almost an infinitesimal, immeasurable size are also a part of the atomic scheme. Cajete (2000) advances the idea of chaos theory of everything fluctuating to create a pervasive momentum in the natural world. As an example, he puts forward the “ebb and flow” concept of a quantum force moving in the universe as well as in the human brain. We all know about the synapses and chemical reactions in the brain related to the physical and mental process inherent in thinking and body functions. In physics, the movement of matter creates energy from the subatomic level (Rohmann, 1999). Thus, radiation is the energy force created from the action of particles. Therefore, in the Native way of knowing, a pervasive spirit, energy force or power is present in all things. In addition to the intrinsic relationship of things, Cajete (2000) relates there are patterns within the movement. The patterns consist of matters such as changing seasons and cosmological movement of the sun, moon, stars and planets. Indigenous people learned from observation and experience for eons. They observed the patters of nature such as the movement of animals in the seasons and growth of plants. The movement and changing of the cosmos such as stars, planets, moon and sun are central to Native knowledge. Although there is movement or flux there are patterns that reflect a certain amount of predictability. As a metaphor involving flux and patterns, the Blackfeet Kanattsoomitai or Crazy Dog society (sodality) is an interesting phenomenon. When the Crazy Dogs or Brave Dogs (as named in the other Blackfoot Tribes) dance, some other dog societies join in. As the members dance, they seemingly move about in a random fashion. Some individuals are dancing in small circles as all the members move as a group in a sun-wise or clock direction. The attire of the male and female dancers also seems random. Some may be wearing traditionally tanned buckskin clothing; some may have the old Hudson Bay blanket coats while others may be in contemporary attire. However, each member of the society has a hand rattle and sometimes a blanket folded over one arm. As they dance, they are making growling, howling, and sometimes barking sounds. There are four or more individuals drumming and

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singing with hand drums as they stand and walk about as a group while outside of the circle of dancers. The beat is a two-two in an almost bouncy rhythm. Careful observance reveals one or two people of the dancers with a stick about three-feet long. The other dancers seem to move in avoidance of these stick holders. In addition, two other dancers seem to merit avoidance. These two may have bearskin fur armbands and/or a headband with bearskin ears. The overall group of dancers moves about in a clockwise concentric circle. Early on, one observes two individuals riding horses around the circle of dancers. These horse riders are pushing the group from the outside into the circle. In observing the above dance of the Crazy Dog Society, it appears to be quite chaotic. Nevertheless, there are patterns apparent within and about the circle. The patterns also have a contradictory aspect of dancers trying to escape certain members but also at the same time pushed into a cluster. Simultaneously, the individual dancers almost scuffle with each other. This creates a pulsating concentric circle that is constantly diminishing and expanding while the whole group is revolving in a large loop. The dance of the Crazy Dogs provides a representation for patterns with a chaotic system of knowledge. The society has many rituals, taboos, privileges, and protocols. The society derives from a traditional dog story from ancient times. In the past, the society served a military and police function. They also serve vital functions in the Ookann ceremonies. Again, one sees the integration of elements within the culture that interact to create a way of knowing. The dance of the Pikuni Crazy Dogs is a metaphor for the flux and patterns in Indigenous ways of knowing. As with many indigenous groups, in the ritual of dance, the individual transforms into the spiritual being. The dogs, bears, and animate object of the stick become that which it represents. As Campbell (2001) states, “Thou art that” meaning the person is dog or bear. Contrary to Campbell, the transformation is real rather than a representation. Cajete (2000) affirms the spirit is in all that exists.

Power in Places and Respecting All Things In discussing Indigenous way of knowing, I believe it is important to impart the connection of power existing in the landscape. Indigenous people learned from their environment though observation and experience. Since, everything has a spirit and knowledge stemming from other beings though a spiritual process of communication, physical location is significant. Esteemed scholar Vine Deloria, Jr. conveys the importance of “power in places” (Deloria & Wildcat, 2001b, p. 21). Thus, there are certain places in the landscape considered sacred. Many of the places are locations affiliated with origin narratives where ancestors experienced meaningful events. Cajete (2000) states, “Thus, the various origin stories known throughout the world can be traced to a particular people living in a particular place” (p.  37). The old stories remind us that knowledge also emanates from a place of power.

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For the Blackfoot Nations, Ninastako or Chief Mountain is a place where the thunder beings brought the medicine pipe to the peoples (Grinnell, 1962). The medicine pipe is the primary object in one of the medicine bundles. Of course, there are origin stories that relate how many things came to be in the Pikuni way. Many of the physical places in the traditional territory of the Blackfoot Nations relate to the narratives of history, culture, and spirituality. There are three large buttes erupting out of the prairie about forty-five miles below the Rocky Mountains. The Blackfeet have several stories that relate to the history, culture, and spirituality of the people in this area. One story relates to a time when the earthly beasts were larger and ate people. Dinosaur remains exist in the Sweet Grass Hills area. Thus, these narrations beg many questions about the ancient past. A few years ago, a Mississippian period (culture groups along the Mississippi River in about 750–1350 A.D.) mask was uncovered in one of the caves in at Sweet Grass Hills (R. Hopkins, personal communication, 1996). The object remains in a government safe in Billings Montana. The object is an anomaly. Archeologists and other experts have no idea how it got there. Blackfeet elders advised the federal land officials to bury it. Their advice is for people to not to dig or disturb anything of the earth. The Blackfeet elders would not reveal any knowledge relative to the mask. The concepts and knowledges associated with the term power are illusive to the other society. The term power in the Indigenous way includes energy and spirit that may be helpful or hurtful. The manifestation of an energy spirit may or may not reveal itself. It depends on many factors such as human intention, degree of respect, and openness to potentiality. Influencing aspects in the affective realm include prayerfulness, ambivalence, non-caring or uncaring, callousness or maliciousness, arrogance and other positive or negative matters. Of course, cultures living in only the cognitive realm can rationalize any thought, feeling or act associated with things like power in places. The idea of respect for power in places is associated with the Indigenous philosophy of valuing all of existence. The manifestation of respect is inclusive in physical, mental, emotional and spiritual ways. Many Indigenous people initiate almost any endeavor using incense with prayer or meditation. This kind of act has multidimensional aspects such as supplication, cleansing, intentionality, and safeguarding. As with many cultures, the Blackfeet make a spiritual offering before encountering sacred places. Many times the offering includes a gift of tobacco or other substance relative to the particular cultures way of knowing. The manifestation of respecting all of existence happens in many ways with different cultures. In the Pikuni way, one makes an offering before taking anything from the earth such as flora or fauna for consumption or ritual or meeting practical needs such as cutting tepee poles. Again, the philosophy and way of knowing through chronicles and creation narratives guide and communicate consequences of actions. Moreover, the offering entreats pardon and supplicates the continuation not only of the particular but all of existence. It is an appeal for the maintenance and equilibrium of the dynamic universe.

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Hence, it is important to leave the Mississippian masks alone. One does not disturb power in places without consequences. It is good that the international hikers returned the masks to the appropriate authorities. It is also good that the Bureau of Land Management officials consulted with the Blackfeet elders. However, it leaves the government officials in a quandary of what to do with the masks.

Elder Knowledge In most indigenous cultures, elders or seniors play an important role in teaching and learning. Anthropologists and others have long known that the social organization is important to learning about other cultures. In many cultures, kinship infuses with other aspects of the lived experience such as religion, economy, material culture and so forth. Elders are mentors and teachers that pass on the knowledge through narration and storytelling. In the extended family system, the grandparents usually tell the childhood origin stories to their grandchildren. During adolescent or beginning adulthood, the elder will narrate some of the genesis stories that relate how knowledge came to be. The ceremonial elders (spiritual leaders) may also narrate the genesis stories in a way that relates to the coming about of ritual knowledge. It is important to know that the term elders are not just senior people. In most tribes, elders are recognized individuals who bear wisdom related to the history and culture of the people. Elders may also be spiritual leaders identified as participating in the religions aspects of the culture. Thus, some elders may be younger than the common person seeking knowledge or information. One elder matriarch of the tribe would tell her children and grandchild to watch for certain wild geese that would return to the nearby creek at a certain time of the year. In studies of wild migrating birds, some male and females pair for life and annually return to specific locations. Sometimes grandparents will perceive a certain grandchild has having special gifts or abilities. These children called maanipookai or grandma’s baby. These children accompany their grandparents to ceremonies. The child is encouraged to observe and learn the rituals. In my study, some of the ceremonialists expressed their distraught, as a child, of having to attend the events. As adult ceremonialists, they realized that listening and learning was an important process that helped them to understand the Pikuni ways. It is also common knowledge that parents and grandparents bring the grandchildren to social and ceremonial events to learn about the culture. Obtaining knowledge by observation and experience ingrains children into ethos of Indigenous ways of knowing.

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Language One of the most significant aspects of Indigenous ways of knowing is language. Anthropologists know that in order to understand a culture one must learn the language. Many contemporary anthropologists tend to concentrate on one language group if they are working and studying an Indigenous culture. Language is associated with how people think and make meaning. In order to understand how Indigenous people create knowledge, one must live in the language. The lived experience is essential to learn a culture’s way of being. This does not mean one cannot learn about other cultures. Nevertheless, many believe that the level of understanding is limited if one is not familiar with the language. Those who study languages and culture may argue the level of comprehension is limited for those do not live in the language and culture. It is certainly something that Indigenous people themselves discuss. In my tribe, there are those who take different positions regarding the ability to learn such things as ceremony without thorough knowledge of the language. Others believe it is possible to learn ceremony without a high level of language proficiency. For Indigenous people and those studying the ways of being and knowing, the level of aptitude in language is an important issue. The level of language ability affects many matters related to knowledge and culture. One of the most significant issues is the effects of colonization and oppression. In the USA, it became government policy to assimilate and Christianize Indians. In the mid-1800s, the federal government provided funding to various church denominations to civilize and Christianize the Indians (appropriations to church denominations was stopped in the late 1800). Almost simultaneously, the government established residential or boarding schools to take children from Indian homes and indoctrinate them into the language and culture of the controlling non-Indian society. In the mission and boarding schools, use of language and anything associated with culture was forbidden and severely punished. Consequently, many Indigenous groups have launched language programs of their own or integrated into the school systems. Even with these kinds of challenges, Indigenous people are maintaining and recovering their language, culture and ways of knowing. In many Indigenous groups, the knowledge was secretly and covertly preserved and protected.

A Synthesis of Isolated Knowledges It is important to remind us as Deloria (2012) reveals Native metaphysics is a reality based on Indigenous people experiencing their existence. Thus, Native reality is tangible as space and time exists as in the presence of experience. This differentiates with non-Native knowledge and religion that separates the temporal and the spatial. The nature of being in Native knowledge is always in the here and now.

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Deloria makes a case for science and religion to integrate Indigenous ways of knowing into a synthesis of knowledge that acknowledges all peoples experiences. Of course, this would mean science and religion of overall society would have to abandon some of their steadfast ways of defining matters of truth and embrace other possibilities. The confounding, encumbrance inherent in Eurocentric perception of owning truth parallels with Linda Tuhiwai Smith’s (2012) discussion on the need for Indigenous ways to un-discipline the disciplined. She exposes how the West, in the colonization process, gained ‘positional authority’ to oversee all knowledge and culture. The Western enlightenment period created disciplines of knowledge or ‘regimes of truth’ to control knowledge. “[Academic] disciplinary boundaries insulates and enables disciplines to develop independently (70)” indicates Smith. This narrow envelope protects and detaches the disciplines of Western knowledge from responsibility for the isolation and nullifying other knowledges. A shared synthesis of knowledge has an inclusiveness of heretofore unknowns existing in Indigenous knowledge. As a caveat, Deloria (2012) does not espouse that either Western knowledge, religion, or Native experience is somehow better. It acknowledges other ways of knowing that creates a shared reality for all people. The point here is not to advocate anything other than the fact that Indigenous way of knowing has high-level philosophy and epistemology. It takes the myth out of metaphysics or at least redefines it.

Conclusion Aspects of quantum physics, the periodic table, and relativity all contain some of the principles concepts, and beliefs of Indigenous ways of knowing. Yet critical theory reminds us that social, political, and economic power controls knowledge and truth. Indigenous people continue to suffer the effects of oppression and colonization. Yet Indigenous people are liberating themselves and their knowledge. As one Native scholar says, stories are our theory and practice. The UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples conveys aboriginal peoples quest for the sovereignty and the knowledge they have always had. Academic theory is evolving as migration theory, genetics, and religion uncover new truths that reinforce what Indigenous people have always known. Humanization is possible. As indigenous people dance behind the mask, they know transformation is a reality.

References Arizona State University (Libraries  – Video). (2011). Native science and western science: Possibilities for a powerful collaboration. Retrieved from https://archive.org/details/ NativeScienceAndWesternSciencePossibilitiesForAPowerfulCollaboration.

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Archambault, A. (1996). Understanding and healing of historical trauma: A Native American perspective. In Healing historical trauma: Developing culturally appropriate victim services for Native American victims of crime (pp.  1–12). U.S.  Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Office for Victims of Crime. Retrieved from https://www.ncjrs.gov/pdffiles1/ Digitization/165909NCJRS.pdf Bastien, B. (2004). Blackfoot was of knowing (p. 118). Calgary, AB: University of Calgary. Bopp, J., Bopp, M., Brown, L., & Lane, P., Jr. (1984). The sacred tree. Lethbridge, AB: Four Worlds International Institute. Cajete, G. (2000). Native science: Natural laws of interdependence (pp. 64–66, 16–19). Santa Fe, NM: Clear Light Publishers. Campbell, J. (2001). Thou art that: transforming religious metaphor (p. xii). Novato, CA: New World Library. Deloria, V., Jr., & Wildcat, D. (2001a). American Indian metaphysics. In V. Deloria & D. Wildcat (Eds.), Power and place: Indian education in America (pp.  1–6). Golden, CO: Fulcrum Resources. Deloria, V., Jr., & Wildcat, D. (2001b). Power and place equal personality. In V.  Deloria & D. Wildcat (Eds.), Power and place: Indian education in America (pp. 21–28). Golden, CO: Fulcrum Resources. Deloria, V. Jr. (2012). The metaphysics of modern existence (pp. 1–8). Golden, CO: Fulcrum Press. (Original work published in 1979 by Harper & Row, Publishers, Inc.) Deloria, V. Jr., & Wildcat, D. (2001). Power and place: Indian education in America. Golden, CO: Fulcrum Resources. 1–6, 21–39, 41–46. Green, B. (2015). October. Gravity’s muse. Smithsonian, 21–24, 92. Grinnell, G. B. (1962). Blackfoot lodge tales: The story of a prairie people (pp. 113–116). Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press. Henderson, S. (2000). Ayukpachi: Empowering aboriginal thought. In M. Battiste (Ed.), Reclaiming Indigenous voice and vision (pp. 248–278). Toronto, ON: UBC Press. Little Bear, L. (2000). Jagged worldviews colliding. In M. Battiste (Ed.), Reclaiming Indigenous voice and vision (pp. 77–85). Toronto, ON: UBC Press. Lokenesgard, K. H. (1996). Medicine bundle persons: Blackfoot ontology and the study of Native American religion (Unpublished master thesis, pp. 120–121, 120–149). Phoenix, AZ: Arizona State University. Morrison, K. M. (1994). Native American religions: Creating through cosmic give-and-take. In D.  Champagne (Ed.), Native America: Portrait of the peoples (pp.  441–474). Detroit, MI: Visible Ink Press. Pepion, D. D. (1999). Learning from visions and dreams. In Blackfoot ceremony: A qualitative study of learning (Doctoral dissertation, pp. 73–81). Ann Arbor, MI: Bell & Howell Information and Learning Company. Pepion, D. D. (2008). Rite of transfer in Pikuni ceremony: A dynamic learning process. Proceedings from: Intersecting Interests: Tribal Knowledge and Research Communities, (Conference Articles, pp. 9–17). Missoula, MT: University of Montana. Retrieved from http://iers.umt.edu/ docs/intersectinginterestsdocs/Intersecting%20Interests%20Compendium%20Final.pdf Rohmann, C. (1999). A world of ideas: A dictionary of important theories, concepts, beliefs and thinkers (pp. 326–328). New York, NY: Ballantine Books. Smith, L.T. (2012). Decolonizing methodologies: Research and Indigenous peoples (pp. 61–88). (Second Edition). London, UK: Zed Books Ltd. (Original work published in 1999).

Chapter 4

From Training to Practice: The Experiences of Native American Psychologists Who Have Maintained Their Indigenous Knowledge Marilyn Begay

Introduction As a Native American student of psychology I pondered the deep changes needed to provide relevant training for Natives, especially regarding the development of their professional identity as psychologists. How do Native psychologists think about integrating Western psychology, and how much of it, if any, can they integrate? What does this process of obtaining a degree in Western psychology teach us as Native American people who are continually fighting seeking, recover and obtain justice for our ways of life and culture? As the stories unfold in this writing, I encountered beautiful people who held on to their traditional tribal ways as they incorporated Western ways of psychology into the work that they do in their own communities, in other tribal communities, and with diverse populations. They integrated the unique teachings from their elders into a beautiful new philosophy of working with their tribal ways. As medicine people, they learned to travel well between their spiritual settings and their work settings. They are very present and have not allowed their Western psychology teachings to become a barrier. They all learned to develop their own integrated holistic healing method in which they hold in their left hand the teachings of their Indigenous elders, and in their right hand, the teachings from their Western education. Their personal and historical challenges of western education in counseling and psychology do not dictate their present moments but have served to help them understand their relatives’ (aka clients) challenges. This study raised some major concerns in how mental health workers are under-trained to work with the Native popultions and how Native students have been marginalized by some training institutions and health systems continue who continue to engage in substandard unethical services. M. Begay (*) University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, NM, USA © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 L. Grayshield, R. Del Castillo (eds.), Indigenous Ways of Knowing in Counseling, International and Cultural Psychology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-33178-8_4

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Native Spirituality This study emphasizes the significance of the spiritual nature of Native people and their strong connection to the past, the present, and the future for cultural survival. Navajo people attribute mental and physical health problems to spiritual disconnectedness. As a hand trembler and traditional Navajo healer, I help people get re-­ centered. For example, depression and anxiety are viewed as imbalances of energy force around the body that have been off centered by negative forces as with death or other forms of physical and psychological barriers. When someone falls into depression, an ordained crystal gazer or hand trembler may be asked to talk with the spirits of the earth, the sky, the moon, the sun, the stars, and other deities (Deloria, 1999). The information is then interpreted and certain ceremonies prescribed to intervene on behalf of the relative (aka client). In this way, “treatment” becomes a spiritual quest. When training programs do not allow Native people to incorporate spirituality—which is deeply embedded in their worldviews—into their training, they are rejecting the true essence of a Native person’s being. In this study, the Native psychologists who worked on or near their reservations found comfort when they were able to be themselves and use their spiritual knowledge. Some tried working in mainstream white universities and found that it was not for them. After completing their training programs, they chose to work in areas that accepted their cultural beliefs, identities, and customs. This research provides knowledge to those who wish to understand the experiences of Native psychologists as they provide services within their own communities and in other settings. Indigenous knowledge includes spiritual connection and a natural way of interpreting the cosmos, the world, and all other relations such as with animals and plants (Grayshield & Mihecoby, 2010; Walker, 1974; Robbins, Hong, & Jennings, 2011; Swinomish Tribal Community, 1991). This study conveys the voices of four Native American psychologists. Who have a deep connection to their traditional spiritual ways and are trained in mainstream, APA-approved psychology programs. Many Native people who pursue advanced degrees in counseling psychology do so with the hope that they will be able to apply their knowledge to help their people, or provide services to the larger community as Natives (Elliot, 2010). However, few Natives enter the field, and those who do typically complete their fieldwork experience off the reservations (Benson, 2003; Elliot, 2010). They often maintain a separate, “dual” identity throughout their programs as a result of having few or no role models to assist them with the respectful and appropriate integration of their tribal/ traditional knowledge into their understanding of how to provide culturally congruent services (Elliot, 2010; Moodley & West, 2005). There is much knowledge to be gained from tribal people, and if training programs and state licensing boards are interested in benefiting from this perspective, they must become diligent in recruiting their services and knowledge from Indigenous scholars. When such programs encourage, support, and even urge Native people to return to their traditional understanding of the world and to apply that understanding to culturally congruent methodology, everyone benefits (Johnston, 2002).

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Introduction to This Research In the Counseling Psychologist, LaFromboise, Trimble, and Mohatt (1990) outlined three general tasks for training programs with respect to Native/tribal populations: (a) facilitate greater access for Native clients to receive “traditional treatments,” (b) recommend the practice of modes of psychotherapy that are more theoretically consonant with Native traditions, and (c) promote the integration of traditional healing methods with these modes of psychotherapy to ensure a progressive reconstruction of the counseling endeavor. However, the field is sorely lacking in research to substantiate the incorporation of Indigenous knowledge into training programs, primarily because there are so few Native and Indigenous people pursuing academic careers in this area of research. The field is additionally lacking in professionally trained counselors to meet the overwhelming mental health needs of Native people and have largely failed to effectively serve them (Benson, 2003; McCabe, 2007). This research reports on the experiences’ of four (4) Native psychologists who continue to practice their cultural traditions, and who received degrees in mainstream Western training psychology programs. It is hoped that the information presented in this research will provide a greater understanding of how to better serve Native American students in their psychology and counseling training programs, and in the fields’ ability to create effective culturally based mental health services.

Research Method and Questions This research follows a qualitative phenomenology, and grounded methodology. Qualitative phenomenology studies have been used to capture the voices of Native people in research, and grounded method provides the latitude to allow the process to inform the research as it progresses. Qualitative methodology is inductive, emerging, and shaped by the analysis of the data (Creswell, 2007). In this kind of research, historical process is recognized, current situation is acknowledged, and the future is planned according to Native American needs for systemic changes in training, practice, and research. As I read the writings of Native people, I find that their processes are very similar to my own. As a student of counseling psychology, I did not find the curriculum confusing; what was confusing was the curriculum paradigm that I was required to demonstrate mastery in. Some authors have concluded that current Western counseling approaches do not include skills that are necessary to provide favorable treatment outcomes for Native American clients. Recommendations for a new paradigm to address the unique psychological symptoms that result from oppression and genocide have been suggested (Duran & Duran, 1995; Gone, 2006; Grayshield & Mihecoby, 2010). It makes sense that if treatment is not working for Native people, then we must ask why we continue to train counselors to provide the same faulty services.

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It is reasonable to suggest that Native people themselves would have some of the answers needed to make training of student's into psychology more effective providers for with Native clients. Weaver’s (2000) study of Native professionals trained in psychology, social work, and nursing discusses some of the problems experienced in training. He concludes that Native Americans encountered problems in training without sensitivity to cultural background, lack of cultural content, stereotyping, and racism. This study sought to determine to what extent the counseling psychology curriculum is congruent with Native professionals’ tribal identities, and how they currently view their experiences as practicing professionals. The following research questions were addressed: 1. What were the participants’ primary motives in choosing to study psychology and counseling? 2. What challenges with respect to cultural differences did they encounter in the curriculum of their respective university training programs, and how did they negotiate those differences? 3. What were the experiences of these Native American counseling psychologists as they transitioned from their psychology training programs to practice? Did they feel prepared to meet the needs of their Native and non-Native clients? 4. In their current practices, does tribal culture inform their perceptions of counseling and the techniques and methods they employ? 5. What are their experiences with diverse (Native and non-Native) clients? How do they manage and use different counseling/healing methods? 6. What suggestions do they have for university training programs that prepare Native American people to practice counseling? What should be done to increase multicultural competencies for non-Native counselors to work with Native people and Native populations?

Research Results 1. What were the participants’ primary motives in choosing to study the field of counseling and psychology? All participants expressed a very deep concern for their Native communities as a primary motive for choosing to study counseling and psychology. They talked about the need for a deeper understanding of Native people and their culture in order to provide relevant and culturally competent services. They discussed in detail a need to understand historical trauma, Post-­ Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) and the challenges they experienced in their own lives and the lives of their families and their communities. They all expressed a desire to provide relevant services to their people and to learn what Western education had to offer. They all talked about their motives in terms of traditional values and a desire to see the people heal: • “I have always watched and have been a part of people healing, and as I watched and experienced and felt so much pain in our people and listened to the

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g­ enerations long ago, I just know and watch—I mean look at us, we are just suffering, what is it going to take? What will it take for us to be powerful as individuals, as families, as a community as a tribe, as a nation? What will it take for us to become, for us to arrive?” • “My motive for choosing this field was to primarily learn more about what happens to family when there is the death of a parent; my mother lost her mother, she was raised by her grandma when she was two, and my father lost his father when he was two, and he was raised by his aunties, and that sense of loss permeated their lives, and I think created issues of abandonment and neglect, and even substance abuse and addictions—issues that came into the family based on historical trauma; my family fortunately had primarily spiritual strength and a good deal of resiliency.” 2. What challenges with respect to cultural differences did they encounter in the curriculum of their respective university training programs, and how did they negotiate those differences? Cultural differences between Indigenous psychology and Western psychology were vast. All four participants discussed in detail the differing worldviews in terms of conflict. They all seemed to recognize that a deep chasm separated the two worldviews, and the only appropriate way to address them was through further knowledge of the role of culture, and by providing relevant course work on Native and Indigenous healing and ways of being. All participants expressed difficulties adjusting to the differing worldviews and so held vehemently to their spiritual and cultural identity to remain balanced throughout their Western university training programs: • “Psychology was built upon from a very individualistic perspective and because it never was really viewed from a collective form of treatment intervention it came from values of the mainstream culture, that it really did not fit the other ethnic minorities values and behaviors that are acceptable behaviors which are the values of family, the values of relationships, the values of doing things together rather than from an individualistic perspective so that’s the difference that I see the American psychology values where it came from and there is many theories that we have learned and we have our own cultural theories how things are from Native American perspective.” • “It was really hard because they wanted you to think like them, to act like them, believe what they believe, and often it was in direct conflict with how I was raised; so graduate school was for me a very long difficult process; most of my colleagues were male, most of them were single; they had no sense of extended family and family obligations—going home for ceremonies, going home for holidays, going home when someone got sick. There was no diversity course; there were very few if any diverse faculty and even fewer diverse students, and those of us that were there became family to each other because we had to survive. The challenges in the curriculum were tremendous as a student.” • “There is a lot of labeling in American Psychology there is a lot of explaining in Native American Psychology. Native American psychology is not reductionist. I think American Psychology is reductionist.”

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• “There is a very clear difference, but the difference is not that one is better than the other, actually it is the differences from one another. Native psychology comes from solutions; they come from us; they come from within you—always going to be better; it isn’t just therapy, same is true with culture; you are going to be better with solutions that come from within the culture; we’re at the point where we are going to be better at solutions to Native problems and that is empowering.” • “The world is changing, people are beginning to recognize that we need to really understand culture and become culturally competent. What that really means is cultural implications of treatment of the ways things are done in the communities and it’s very different than the mainstream culture psychology but I believe that now they are catching up and that’s why as we say today or said, the ethical guidelines need to change to make sure that our values and cultural nuances are heard and that they be included the ethical guidelines related to spirituality mother earth, father sky who we pray to.” • “In my doctoral work I was able to document or to highlight some of the traditional health approaches that were being used in health clinic at the time within California was fortunate in that way, I was able to take a more naturalistic approach and a qualitative approach, my Master’s thesis was in Indian child welfare issues that was a passion of mine so I was able to document some psychological issues led to set up as a frame work to the child Indian welfare issues we face today.” • “I have always been involved in our culture. I didn’t understand that was culture, I thought it was just that we prayed a lot since I was very young.” • “I was very very alone; I felt so alone I prayed a lot; I prayed to grandma, grandpa; I would pray with my uncles and aunts and uncles—some of them already crossed over—I felt so alone. I felt that much of our world was not included, it feels like in graduate school particularly I feel like there was no place for us; it just felt like that the books were written not the way we think, not the way we talk; I learned it, I can do it pretty well. To us life is a prayer; we are spiritual beings.” 3. What were the experiences of these Native American counseling psychologists as they transitioned from their psychology training programs to practice? Did they feel prepared to meet the needs of their Native and non-Native clients? The Native psychologists discussed their experiences transitioning from their training programs to practice in terms of the numerous experiences they gained through involvement with Native based projects throughout their tenure as a student, and immediately following their graduation. They further stated that some of the difficulties they experienced transitioning were the awareness that they had much still to learn with respect to their own tribal/Indigenous ways especially in returning to their Native tribal communities: • “I have served at the university as a faculty, I was head of marriage family counseling program, I was head of the counseling psychology program for some time, I sat on many many National Boards, academia is important because it moves the field forward, but the work that we do in our community is more important,

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we can’t forget that, whenever one gets in the way of the other I have to go with the community because it’s very easy to lose selves among the academia development of knowledge. The community becomes the academic community and the Native community becomes the college based Native community which is ok but you lose that grounding you have our own community to be a support you have to stay grounded it’s very important, I have done some of that work that is not important to me it doesn’t give back to the community necessarily I [am] more interested in giving back to the community, when you are involved in the academic culture you are involved with that culture, that is why we learn to walk in both worlds, but if that is going to be your fulltime involvement then where is your other world? You don’t have it when you come back later.” • “Western Europeans dominated, they reduced it reduced it and they homogenized it homogenized and it is not a one size fits all in this life, there is no place for that, it feels like in graduate school particularly I feel like there was no place for us, it just I felt like that the books were written not the way we think, not the way we talk, I learned it, I can do it pretty well. To us life is a prayer. We are spiritual beings but a physical journey that is what we believed, we communicate with the spiritual dimension in everyday life and how to interpret schizophrenia among us but in is interpreted very differently; we include ceremonies.” • “I didn’t speak up a whole lot in class because I was the only Native there and then when I moved when I transferred to XXX they had Native American support project so there was several Native American students there that was probably the most comfortable I have been in school in my entire life and I learned so much there I learned how to be a Native American Psychologist and not just being a psychologist and trying to figure how to translate that into our culture, a wonderful mentor was there, XXX what an amazing woman! And she really helped that transition. I think I got through it with the help of a wonderful mentor I was very very lucky because I have seen other people who just not do that very well in that transition and really get lost trying to figure out who they are. I think sometimes it has to do with who they thought they were in the beginning; did they really get who they were from the beginning? But that was tough, I think that I was very fortunate I went to a good school I had an excellent internship.” 4. In their current practices, does tribal culture inform their perceptions of counseling and the techniques and methods they employ? Native psychologists’ understand first hand that cultural practices are very important in understanding the mental health needs of the people they worked with. They discussed the use of their own culture in assisting themselves with a greater understanding. They encouraged their clients to also look deeply into their respective cultures to find strength and answers to the challenges they faced. Some discussed the use of herbs such as sage and cedar, also, songs, prayers and ceremony, but they did not speak of this in terms of “method”. Some discussed the importance of ceremony, but most stated that they kept that separate from their actual work environments. Participants referred to their cultural understanding of life [epistemology], as guiding their understanding more than the actual use of tribal cultural practices.

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They often referred to healing in their references of helping and told stories that denoted a deep spiritual connection and a need to understand one’s self from a holistic vantage: • As a psychologist I use those values (culture), those values guides the skills that I have as a psychologist, it is the skill I have as a psychologist are skills which is the way I see it, those are the values and principles that guide those skills and those are very important, Native people have a hard time connecting with counselors, therapist, psychologist due to the fact that maybe they see the person has good skills therapeutically but they are not connecting to them on a level of one heart to one heart, they are not feeling the underlining principals of culture they have as strength and so as Native people many times. There are many people that come to us for pain, various illnesses or confusions sometimes to focus on the problem is not always helpful so what we do is find the strength within them which is always strength of culture so we build upon that strength of culture we build on that foundation and sometimes that is very simple in order to connect to foundation they reach a certain level of that safety, I would ask what is your family known for? How would your elders see the problem? People see their own solutions very easily and then they are able to say that is my solution then my problems is I can’t find the strength to do that I can’t find it within me so in therapy we are going to work on is to find that strength, so now we are doing something therapeutic but it engages with their foundation of culture.” • “I think we under estimate the human spirit and its ability to heal but we also over estimate and its ability to heal as well there is a place where people arrive and they are tired and they are done and that is where their mind rest, who was sick they needed healing they would be at our house sometimes months at a time I would stay with my grandmother and that was what healing was and so that’s what I saw healing as and then that person would be gone and then someone else would come live with us for a while, so someone goes down to see the medicine woman that’s kind of how that went I watched healing as I grew up.” • “I feel like we are all from the earth; we all are equally connected to all that is; we are all close in our belief; there is no origin, there is no end, there is just now; it’s what we call the circle of life. It’s a circle there’s no beginning and there is no end. There is transformation, and change is a constant part of life. I do believe in relativity, it is very much a part of our belief. Certain things are relative; we believe in positive energy; we believe also the experience to believe who we are not. Without death there is no life without sickness there is no wellness; without ugly there is not beauty; without sorrow there is no joy; so part of our teaching is that the positive and the negative is part of the essential element of life.” • “American Psychology that is so vastly different they just look at one part of that maybe two parts of that, the emotional and the physical, and what about the mental, cognitive, and spiritual what about those aspects? I think by paying attention to all those things that is it’s not like you bring your culture into it but that’s knowledge, that’s what it is acknowledge that it is more than the physical and emotional because by paying attention to that by being respectful and be

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aware of that, bring that to the session. Your water is just as powerful just as much medicine as the water that the client brings in relative. I really hesitate to say client that really bothers me and I do that because I am talking about psychology so I say client I say patient or we often say that’s a relative a person that comes into a session we say that’s our relative and when they bring that water in when they bring that fire that they hold inside of them the wind that they share with us when they bring those four elements in they bring themselves in and we bring the same thing and hopefully we learn to resonate and through that resonation there is healing and that’s kind of how I think of therapy I think that you either figure out how to do that or you charge a lot of money and you give advice.” • “I keep the practice separate psychology even though it is guided by culture, most of our ceremonies are done either in a sweat or round house or someone’s home, it is just better to have it that way.” 5. What are their experiences with diverse (Native and non-Native) clients? How do they manage and use different counseling/healing methods? The Native psychologists did not refer to any specific counseling “methods” they used with their clients. Similar to the responses they provided in the above question number six, they discussed extensively how they understood people and the challenges they faced as human beings from their cultural context, and encouraged their clients to think in a different way when addressing their own health and healing: • “As a psychologist I use those values those values guides the skills that I have as psychologist it’s the skills I have as a psychologist are skills which is the way I see it those are the values and principles that guide those skills and those are very important. I believe in serving our Native people because many times you’ll find Native people have a hard time connecting with counselors, therapist, psychologist due to the fact that maybe they see the person has good skills therapeutically but they are connecting to them on a level of one heart to one heart. They are not feeling the underlying principals of culture that they have as a strength and so as Native people many times what we find is that because we have been put down a lot probably throughout our lives then we take that as their looking down on us. But they may or may not be looking down on us but we have only one way of interpreting that so I think it is an important part of what I do. That’s all I do is follow what my elders taught me. There are many therapies that speak to those things but you have to look hard because it is, it’s all hard to find in the English language. You really have to look in the two leaves to find it but it’s really something that when I had the advantage having to learn from elders listen a lot as a young kid and so when I learned things from psychology different approaches I always have a couple of thoughts. One of them is that was what they (White Universities) were talking about so that’s what my elders were talking about so I kind of get it then the other thing I have to say is if this is something that is evidence based and it works it probably always worked so we probably had a version of that. What I found out so just because someone in the 1920s or whenever 1950s decides to put their name on it that doesn’t mean that it didn’t exist before.

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It existed because obviously they got the idea from somewhere. Same thing is true with pharmacology and medicine too. Those medicines existed before they just honed them down and made them stronger. And it seems in many way most of the medicine we used today are Native medicines that we had before and were used for different reasons so that’s important because it is important to know that sometimes when there is someone who needs psychotropic medications that we shouldn’t be afraid of them we just should understand them.” • “The position that I have in both my family and in my work is one of healer and teach it, it’s not easy to always keep a distinction between my role in the family and my role in work because it tends to overlap to some degree so family members will come to me with worries and problems and issues and I have to work hard to help in ways that are meaningful and relevant that also bring in the knowledge and skills that I have learned from the western academic perspective and know that some things is beyond what I know is when I need to refer to someone with specialties and know when where the boundaries as best as I can know. When it is just too much for me, because I am getting older, and I can only do so much, those are tensions that happen just with some of the roles I have both with family and work. Mainstream psychology has made some changes I started in psychology over 30 years I came to XX for graduate school. I got my degree from the University of XX and then I came here for graduate school for clinical and community psychology. When I came it was very different model it was a research model it was pretty difficult always it was really hard because they wanted you to think like them, to act like them, believe what they believe and often it was in direct conflict with how I was raised so graduate school was for me a very long difficult process it took me 5 years to get a Masters and 5 years to get my doctorate degree. It was 10 years going to school and working. I think we get stuck on the different methodologies and you think am I doing this correctly or am I not doing it correctly I think that you need to be who you are as a person and be true to yourself and be a good listener and to acknowledge and ask questions and move forward to me I am an eclectic person meaning that can I use and whatever treatment methodology comes to me whatever works for the client. I don’t have to be a cognitive behavioral therapist or I don’ t have to be a rational emotive therapist it is just there is too many theories and philosophies out there, but you need to be who you are a listener, ask questions, if you make a plan if there is something you need to do with a consumer then you do it.” • “People come to us because we are relatives, we are traditional. We stay really really busy, all of us in the Behavioral Health department. All [of] us are traditional, a couple are also Christian and so that’s not complicated for the community. I love for people to have choices and they do here. We still have heart aches. We have a lot of suicides. We had two more this week, there is aspects I dislike as psychologist. We are going to do whatever we are going to do, now what psychologist would do what I do? They are going to ask me to come and smudge the body and sing some songs, some ceremony and all that stuff I am coming as a psychologist identify who every else who is at risk identify who introduce some prevention and talk to some family but I also come in as a

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c­ eremonial person. I have been treating a lot of people and yeah because of that so its integrated really easily with our colleagues the doctors I have been acting chief medical doctor for 3 years so selected by the doctors also acting the CEO for 2 ½ years. I have been a psychologist. I feel that we are held with respect and esteem and by non-Indians too, it kind of use to be either or and it doesn’t, it’s not that we try to be pleasing or anything just be ourselves.” • “I gauge how I listen to people, first of all if I am listening to a majority culture person I much better prepared to do that now that I was before cause I worked in the majority culture and I understand a little bit about what that looks like, I understand a little more. When I am listening to someone who is Native I have to pay attention to how acculturated they are and maybe some people who are very acculturated and some who are simply not, they have been raised in majority culture, and that is what they know. But I do believe that you return, no matter how you believe, you return to where you were raised. You return to that, return to who it is that you are, so my culture, and my perception of counseling, and the techniques depend on how acculturated someone is, so I really vary those. I adjust to who it is that I am speaking to, or what first of all am I listening too. I have two tools that I lean on, I could give it on paper and pencil but I have it in my head and basically its spirituality and religiosity. I want to know where some background about who they are what they think about healing why are they in counseling what have they tried so far?” 6. What suggestions do they have for university training programs that prepare Native American people to practice counseling? What should be done to increase multicultural competencies for non-Native counselors to work with Native people and Native populations? The Native psychologists in this study discussed a need for enhanced training in university training programs when working with Native people and Native communities. They advocated for community-based programs and internships; for culturally relevant research practices; and for cultural sensitivity training for faculty and peers in order to better understand Native people and the Indigenous paradigm. Again spirituality was discussed as an important component in counseling and psychology for Native people, and advocated for increased flexibility to allow for an Indigenous worldview. They further advocated for more Native faculty, “more than one to avoid the token Indian” (P4): • “They actually go out into the community, and they have internships where they serve the community and begin to learn about it, kind of a novel approach. They say college does not have everything we need to know, go to the communities and learn everything you need to learn”; “—if we truly want to know when we are being successful—is when we create a healing or caring community; that there are few evidence-based practices that would ever measure that, even think of measuring that, because you can’t; it’s too dynamic; but in many of our Native communities that is when we know things are working; there are many things that work; it’s just that it has not been researched by measuring them; it’s better to just do it then to measure it.”

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• “I would say that we all have to work hard in our training program, in our practicum sites, our internships, to make people aware of the need, to be flexible and accommodating to our students and our clients in ways that are culturally sensitive. We have what you call a diversity community forum. We invite people from all the communities to come and teach us; it is very different from the community. We have to be true scholars, true practitioners. We have to be open to learn. We have to learn from everybody.” • “Life is a prayer. We are spiritual beings, but a physical journey; that is what we believe. We communicate with that spiritual dimension, not just within our ceremony but what we do with every day. How to interpret schizophrenia? Among us it’s interpreted very differently. We have a lot of different interpretations of a lot of things, even in terms of mental illness and stuff. [I}Spent a year at the university to get program started until XXX got there so that was the first. We have been trying for years to get programs to train Indian psychologists. XXX died so they decided to get it funded. We had the program approved several years. I am glad for that; I feel the world has room for Native people who speak, participate, and inform, same as the missionaries who came among us, so I tell them [college students]. It makes sense to follow your heart and follow your dream; you keep it, whatever it is you keep it; you don’t have to answer to anybody but life itself. We believe in choices. We are not coercive like the dominant society in raising their children in all, and yet we have values; we have respect for elders, different things to protect the little ones too. It’s been very meaningful, and what I dreamed all those years I am glad that I stuck with it and committed to help people, but not just that—also help modify systems and make it more possible for others to follow; it still feels really lonely for you, but it is not as lonely and you know it could be done and others have done it and you know of them; there was just a few of us the year I came through. • “I do a lot of work with the National Council of Schools and psychology programs; it’s a national organization that teaches from practitioner scholar and really celebrates diversity, so I am the chairperson for a conference in XXX and XXX in XXX, and it is a social justice conference; it is a piece of the that is how to create justice, fairness, and access in resources, both health mental health, all resources to create more equities in our communities, so that is a lot of work.” • “to hire women of color in particular because we’re still underrepresented in academia, and to work on behalf of the underserved populations, gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgendered—all ethnic racial communities, disabilities, spiritual and religious communities, diversity in the broadest way. I want us to celebrate and to work toward equity.” • “Make sure you hire Native instructors who have really done it and they know what they are talking about. They [universities] don’t value the grass roots people who are actually in the trenches working as Native people. Our culture isn’t out there; we need to be here [reservation]. You need more than one to avoid the token Indian. You can’t cover every spiritual aspect of someone’s basic belief system, but you can give them some really nice basic foundational stuff that are people-based or earth-based, object-based. What does that look like? What is

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their way of thinking? What are their ways of learning? Auditory learning process, circular learning, not linear. Respect their cultural spiritual needs. I believe that you return no matter who you believe. You return where you been raised, you return to who you are.” • “My belief was that when this majority culture came that, when they dominated us we learn as much as we can from them so that we can understand who they are and not necessarily blend with them but coexist with them in a way to not annihilate us but allow us to live and maintain ourselves an identity.”

Themes Arising From the Participant Responses Numerous “themes” could be gleaned from this research. The participants all used similar words and terms when describing their experiences as Native psychologists and the often dichotomous relationship between Native and Western ways. It was difficult to pin point specific themes because the responses were always similar, but different; they used similar words in description, but those words often held very different meanings. The themes that were identified in the following commentary were finally agreed upon after extensive analysis of the data. It is important to note that the themes changed forms several times, and that many more could be easily gleaned, and those that were identified could easily and reasonably be restructured depending on the vantage of the reader. After an extensive analysis of the data, four themes were finally identified. The first theme was perhaps the most common among all the participants in their discussions throughout the interview process–(1) Ceremonial, Spiritual and Cultural Values as a Way of Life. A second theme emerged with respect to tribal teachings and the application of knowledge in the helping/healing process throughout the commentary–(2) The Meaning of Being a Healer Which Includes Community Work and Addressing Historical Trauma. A third theme was identified as participants relayed their experiences as academics and as Native tribal people in academia–(3) Western Research Method as Inadequate in Addressing Native Issues. A fourth theme was finally identified after much anguish with regard to assigning specific constructs to Indigenous Ways of Knowing that included numerous constructs of cultural teachings and how this was applied in the participants respective communities and practices–(4) Ancestral Knowledge, the Importance of Elders’ Teachings, Native Language and Herbs. 1. Ceremonial Spiritual and Cultural Values as a Way of Life The participants clearly revealed that culture and spirituality are inseparable. They discussed often their reliance on spirituality, culture, and ceremony in their own lives and the continued strength it continues to provide. This was clearly the most salient theme, however, it was extremely difficult to separate specific meaning because each participant had their own unique tribal ways that informed their life processes.

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• “I have been involved in our culture, I didn’t understand that was culture, I thought it was just that we prayed a lot since I was young. I was fortunate enough to be asked to be a helper in many of our ceremonies, so I draw upon that strength.” • “Spirituality is just all the way around; it is not like going to church. It is what is, just being alive every day and doing the work; just a lot of cultural teachings that make me who I am today and it makes my life easier because my parents set that path for us.” P3 said, “To us life is a prayer; we are spiritual beings…” He further said, “We have strict cultural values and laws. I go up on a hill as a young man to create a vision and to make a dream, and I started doing that at 14 and I just stayed with that way. For us it’s the sweat lodge, pipe, Sundance, seven ceremonies to go with that.” • “all people are spiritual beings” he further demonstrated this when he conveyed that life is “…energy that comes together to form matter, so in that sense, we are connected to what is and isn’t, because the physical world is consisted of energy, and as spiritual beings we can’t know ourselves except to become physical beings, so we become physical beings to create the experience.” • “I never went to a doctor. I haven’t really been in a hospital or a clinic setting until I was older. I think we had a lot of tea and a lot of medicine protected us. My grandma’s altar was always out and we always knew how to behave. I grew up steeped in my culture, knowing what my culture was. I do know what my culture is. I know I am a Native person. I was fortunate that I could blend both my grandmother’s ways because they were very similar. They were both from XXX. They had a sweat lodge, a medicine room. There was ceremonial on both sides. They were different but somehow brought it together. They did the same things, focus on healing and staying in balance, making sure we understood what our bodies needed, what our minds needed, and what our thoughts needed in order to be able to handle whatever it is that comes our way. I am traditional.” • “There is just now; it’s what we call the circle of life. We believe in justice, we believe in positive energy. We believe also the experience to believe who we are; without death there is not life, without sickness there is not wellness, without ugly there is essential part of life, positive and negative; what we call nothing is something, energy is there, no one is beyond that … equal access to the earth, to the sun, to the sky, and all that is, are all part of it.” Native psychologists clearly conveyed that culture and spirituality are inseparable and have been their underlying strength in their work and education. While some were outspoken of whom they were, others were not. One participant seemed to be careful about further elaborating on what they met about culture in their life, and I did not probe because there is a common understanding among Native people who are traditionalists, that if the information is not shared openly, it may be forbidden and a second inquiry would be rude. 2. The Meaning of Being a Healer Which Includes Community Work and Addressing Historical Trauma A second theme that was identified, which related to the first was– (2) The Meaning of Being a Healer Which Includes

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­ ommunity Work and Addressing Historical Trauma. All respondents discussed C their work in terms of healing, working with the community, and addressing historical trauma. Again this commentary was weaved throughout the responses and any one of the terms used to describe this theme (Healer, community, historical trauma) could have easily been divided into its’ own themes, however much of the meaning would be lost because the respondents come from differing tribal cultures and often apply different meanings to the same terms. Healing was always discussed along with commentary on historical trauma, Post Traumatic Stress Disorder, and other similar terms. Healing dialogue included words like energy, balance, ancestors, death, ceremony, culture, and spirituality. All participants discussed their exposure to Indigenous healing ways as starting at a young age and continuing into adult life. I used different quotes then that of the above in an attempt to stave redundancy, but the evidence to support the above theme could easily have been applied to this theme. • “the fact that I am a psychologist is good because I am able to enjoy having a career that means I can actually help in our communities and hopefully be important to part of someone’s well-being, initiate and lead certain ceremonies, singing for the people and praying for the people; we will come together, have various ceremonies that we have within our people from singing to sweats; there is different ways you have to help one another; I do tend to try to keep things separate though.” • “We were Indian Catholic because we did both and we looked at our life primarily as built upon sacrifices of our ancestors; we acknowledge the spiritual trauma, the soul wound, that has impacted our family in terms of addiction, early death in the families; we embrace all of it with a very present orientation.” • “My grandpa died; by then my uncle took me up the hill, I could tell he was really happy that I continued those ways; like I said my family has the medicine where we move energy, I had that; that was a part of the gift too; I didn’t know what to do with it because I did not want to be a medicine man; I thought that I would ruin it; I took life [in combat]; medicine people don’t take life.” • “My grandmother on my mother’s side was a healer, still is a healer I am sure; she has passed over; she did a lot of herbs, she grew a lot of her own herbs, she gathered medicine; my grandmother on my father’s side, my hands, and we had teas growing up; I never went to doctor; I haven’t really been in a hospital or a clinic setting until I was older; I think we had a lot of tea and a lot of medicine protected us; my grandma’s altar was always out and we always knew how to behave; I think I grew up steeped in my culture, knowing what my culture was; I do know what my culture is, I know I am a Native person, and I was fortunate that I could blend both my grandmothers’ ways because they were very similar; they were both from XXX; they had a sweat lodge, a medicine room; there was a ceremonial on both sides and they were both—they were different but somehow brought together they did the same thing, focus on healing and staying in balance, making sure we understood what our bodies needed and what our minds

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needed, our thoughts needed, in order to be able to handle whatever it is that comes our way. I am traditional, I think that’s what people will call it. • As a director of the suicide and crisis program here my job is to pull in all the resources that we have on the reservation and somehow establish a continuum of care that doesn’t have huge gaping holes in it, which every reservation has. I have several communities that I am involved with. I am involved with my own spiritual community, the people that I consider my family in ceremony, and in the ceremony that I participate in and, depending on what it is I have, people that I depend on. I have medicine people that I work with whom I think are very important, and they work with me, I work with them. I think community is a collaborative effort to help not just one person, but an entire group of people to move through events.” • “I am able to enjoy having a career that means I can actually help in our communities and hopefully be important to part of someone’s well-being, initiate and lead certain ceremonies”. P2 discussed their work in terms of helping numerous “underserved populations” including gay, lesbian, bisexual and transgendered. Community involvement was the most salient “healing” work they referred to in their work. Healing is community work as well as individual. Only one participant referred to the concept of “medicine man” stating that he did not want to carry on that work because he thought he would mess it up. I did not take this to mean that he did or did not do this work, his dialogue indicated that he did, that it was in his family lineage.” Numerous terms were used to describe the healing work that the participants engaged in from traditional medicine ways to community events and participation in ceremonies. All participants discussed the importance of cultural values and the role they have in helping/healing their communities. Some participants referenced their work with providing teaching to the community such as with this statement “so the position that I have in both my family and in my work is one of healer and teacher.” Words such as ceremony, spirituality, healing, and medicine were used often. Each participant discussed these terms in different ways indicating varying levels of involvement. It may appear a far stretch for some to connect community work with healing, but this is what the data revealed regarding this topic--- healing is synonymous with community work in Native thought processes. Even when individual work is engaged, community is important because ultimately, it is the community that one’s life impacts and is a part of. In Native thought there is no individual, only “we”. This was evident in the participants’ responses to questions about their healing work. 3. Addressing Native Issues from a Cultural Perspective; Western Research Method as Inadequate in Addressing Native Issues Another theme that was often weaved throughout the interview questions was the commentary on a need to better understand Native people and Native and the issues they face as separate cultural entities. This theme could be conveyed in numerous ways, but the respondents clearly found a lack in the Western academic paradigm with respect

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to relevance to Native issues. While I wanted to state this theme in terms of Cultural Strength to highlight the positive aspects of Native culture in addressing Native issues, more often than not the common theme throughout the dialogue indicated a lack of understanding in Western discourse. Cultural differences between Indigenous ways of knowing how to help people and Western psychology method can pose some very unique challenges. The participants shared their stories of challenge, especially where cultural teachings and Western teaching did not agree. All participants acknowledged that the “answers” to the challenges Native people have faced in life must be addressed from a cultural context. And, all participants discussed the need to provide diversity training in their respective positions: • “Native psychology comes from solutions; they come from us; they come from within you—always going to be better; it isn’t just therapy, same is true with culture; you are going to be better with solutions that come from within the culture….” He further conveyed that “we as Native people now have the resources to address our own challenges, and therefore we have hope that things will begin to change for Native American people, we’re at the point where we are going to be better at solutions to Native problems and that is empowering. Additionally, with respect to evidenced-based practices—if we truly want to know when we are being successful—is when we create a healing or caring community; there are few evidence-based practices that would ever measure that, even think of measuring that, because you can’t; it’s too dynamic; but in many of our Native communities that is when we know things are working; there are many things that work; it’s just that it has not been researched by measuring them; it’s better to just do it then to measure it.” • “I was amazed how much problem I had just to provide a safe culturally responsive space just for my clients, but I was able to do it; I had to educate my colleagues; I had to educate a lot of people; I had to do it because we thought the sprinklers would go off because we were violating the fire standards; I had to educate them about what sage is, what cedar is, and what sweet grass is so often.” • “Big differences between American psychology and Native American psychology were most distant when I first came out here for graduate school; now I teach diversity courses; I teach Indigenous perspectives on healing; it is an elective course I taught here; I taught a diversity health course; it includes a wide range of looking at health from various perspective around the world. I moved to XXX, to a very different model of training, that we are practitioner scholars; it is different from the scientific-practitioner that I was; so the practitioner scholar focuses on the people practitioner first.” • “When I came it was a different model; it was a research model; it was pretty difficult always; it was really hard because they wanted you to think like them, to act like them, believe what they believe, and often it was in direct conflict with how I was raised; so graduate school was for me a very long difficult process; most of my colleagues were male, most of them were single; they had no sense of extended family and family obligations—going home for ceremonies, going

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home for holidays, going home when someone got sick; there were no diversity course; there were very few if any diverse faculty and even fewer diverse students, and those of us that were there became family to each other because we had to survive. The challenges in the curriculum were tremendous. • We negotiated pretty successfully—I mean a lot of the way we lived, it was not politically correct by today’s standard; but we kept more languages on this continent than what exists anywhere Western Europeans dominated; they reduced it reduced it and reduced it; they homogenized it homogenized it homogenized it, and it is not a one-size-fits-all in this life; there is no place for that; it feels like in graduate school particularly I feel like there was no place for us; it just felt like that the books were written not the way we think, not the way we talk; I learned it, I can do it pretty well. To us life is a prayer; we are spiritual beings, but a physical journey that is what we believed I was; we have, we communicate with that spiritual dimension not just within our ceremony, but what we do with everyday life; one of those things is how to interpret schizophrenia among us, but it’s interpreted very differently, so we have a lot of different interpretations of a lot of things, even in terms of mental illness and stuff. In graduate school I felt that same kind of isolation; I felt like I was a prostitute. I don’t want to demean a man or woman who makes a living. I felt like I was prostituting myself in order to get a degree and come back and work with my own people, and I would learn all the stuff I learned and would have translated inside my head, I am not going to be able to use this. This really is not science and behavior. Its stuff that people make up; its okay, I mean it’s not bad, but we already have a way, we already have an understanding, we already have relationships and connections. I am going to work in that frame; so I was translating everything even though I spoke well by then, although I still dreamed in Indian.” • “I think in the mainstream when you are ill then you are less than, then you are damaged, then you are this and you are that; if you are ill then there’s a place for you; there is a reason that it’s happening; there’s a service for you to do this or that; if you are old and disabled then you work with children or this or that, do this. I think in majority culture there is a lot of judgment placed on whether you are whole, if you are operating on all cylinders and if you are not. I think it is a very linear concept and obviously we don’t have that in our culture; our culture is not linear, thinking is not linear. Everything is not linear, it’s not a linear. My belief was that when this majority culture came that, when they dominated us we learn as much as we can from them so that we can understand who they are and not necessarily blend with them but coexist with them in a way to not annihilate us but allow us to live and maintain ourselves an identity.” 4. Ancestral Knowledge, the Importance of Elders’ Teachings, Native Language and Herbs The Importance of Elders’ Teachings, Ancestral Knowledge, and Native language was weaved throughout the responses. The following commentary from the data is the most salient points made about elder’s teachings from each of the participants: • “That’s all I do is follow what my elders taught me.”

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• “The 13th Indigenous grandmothers; they’re in the Counsel of Indigenous Grandmothers; they believe in their ancestral prayer, peacemaking, and healing, and they represent this is the way of the eagle and the way of the condor. The way of the condor is the way of the South American, and what they say is the prophecies are fulfilled in them. It is now time for the two ways to come together and for them to help protect the Indigenous people and the earth. All the people of the earth, so the grandmothers are calling for saving the earth, for the saving the people and the children of the earth, so their work is really, really critical important work.” • “I pray a lot. My grandpa died; then came my uncle who would take me up the hill; he would carry my stuff back down; I could tell he was really happy that I continued those ways; like I said my family has the medicine where we move energy; I had that, that was part of gift too. Uncle says we did not speak of ceremony because we did not want to lose energy of that prayer. We would only sing a song, speak in the ceremony so that energy would be what it was, how it came to us for who ever dreamed it. I would say, don’t be dreamer, be a dream keeper. All of our ceremonies were once dreams, dreams to keep as a people, dreams proved to the selves. In our family we would have a medicine that is called [Native language used here] a movement of energy to help people mobilize energy in a positive way.” • “My grandmother on my mother’s side was a healer, still is a healer, I am sure; she has passed over. She did a lot of herbs. She grew a lot of her own herbs. She gathered medicine. My grandmother on my father’s side healed with her hands. She was very powerful with her hands and we drank teas growing up. I never went to [a] doctor. I never went to a majority doctor until I was about 21 years old. I think counseling is healing, that is the art of healing by reflections. It is a process. There are times when I say to myself, you need to go sweat. You need to talk to a medicine man. You need to remember to smudge. Be careful of your water. Those words are beautiful and your water becomes beautiful. I think that as we are counseling people, accept our water that water sprays from your mouth, emanates from your body water, emanates so there’s that process of making sure that you take care of yourself.” • “Modern medicine and modern psychology, they have only been around for 150 years, and we have been around for a long time; at another 150 years they might not be here, and if we give all of our power to that we will be weakened; we won’t know how to take care of ourselves anymore.” • “The dominate society uses pill medicine. To us this doesn’t have a stronger energy because they were made in a laboratory; in a processing place and stuff because it doesn’t come from the earth it has been modified though time. I prefer our own medicine. I just finished a past my post-doctoral Master’s degree in pharmacology and it was very disturbing to learn what medication really does to our bodies and we just past it out like candy and it is just wrong and we somehow think that this is the magic bullet and it isn’t and sometimes it speeds the process up or it helps us have some false sense of happiness and false sense of something that going on but it’s another reality that really doesn’t exist within us it’s a false

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reality and we’re killing ourselves with medication, it’s a poison for the most part.” Additionally, while Native language was not discussed by all the participants as a source of strength it was well understood in reference to culture that Native language is important because it encompasses’ culture in way that cannot be translated into English. The majority of the participants did not acknowledge speaking their tribal languages fluently, but they all understood its importance in understanding cultural teachings.

Summary of Findings All participants expressed a very deep concern for their Native communities as a primary motive for choosing to study counseling and psychology. They talked about the need for a deeper understanding of Native people and their culture in order to provide relevant and culturally competent services. They discussed in detail a need to understand historical trauma, Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) and the challenges they experienced in their own lives and the lives of their families and their communities. They all expressed a desire to provide relevant services to their people and to learn what Western education had to offer. They all talked about their motives in terms of traditional values and a desire to see the people heal. Cultural differences between Indigenous psychology and Western psychology were vast. All four participants discussed in detail the differing worldviews in terms of conflict. They all seemed to recognize that a deep chasm separated the two worldviews, and the only appropriate way to address them was through further knowledge of the role of culture, and by providing relevant course work on Native and Indigenous healing and ways of being. All participants expressed difficulties adjusting to the differing worldviews and so held vehemently to their spiritual and cultural identity to remain balanced throughout their Western university training programs. The Native psychologists in this research discussed their experiences transitioning from their training programs to practice in terms of the numerous experiences they gained through involvement with Native based projects throughout their tenure as a student, and immediately following their graduation. They further stated that some of the difficulties they experienced transitioning were the awareness that they had much still to learn with respect to their own tribal/Indigenous ways, especially in returning to their Native tribal communities. Some described this transition as learning to walk in two worlds. Two of the participants described their transitions in a positive way as a result of the many community involvement experiences they gained as students. Native psychologists’ understand first hand that cultural practices are very important in understanding the mental health needs of the people they worked with. They discussed the use of their own culture in assisting themselves with a greater understanding. They encouraged their clients to also look deeply into their

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respective cultures to find strength and answers to the challenges they faced. Some discussed the use of herbs such as sage and cedar, also, songs, prayers and ceremony, but they did not speak of this in terms of “method.” Some discussed the importance of ceremony, but most stated that they kept that separate from their actual work environments. Participants referred to their cultural understanding of life [epistemology], as guiding their understanding more than the actual use of tribal cultural practices. They often referred to healing in their references of helping and told stories that denoted a deep spiritual connection and a need to understand one’s self from a holistic vantage. The Native psychologists did not refer to any specific counseling “methods” they used with their clients. Similar to the responses they provided in the above question number six, they discussed extensively how they understood people and the challenges they faced as human beings from their cultural context, and encouraged their clients to think in a different way when addressing their own health and healing. The Native psychologists in this study discussed a need for enhanced training in university training programs when working with Native people and Native communities. They advocated for community-based programs and internships; for culturally relevant research practices; and for cultural sensitivity training for faculty and peers in order to better understand Native people and the Indigenous paradigm. Again spirituality was discussed as an important component in counseling and psychology for Native people, and advocated for increased flexibility to allow for an Indigenous worldview. They further advocated for more Native faculty, “more than one to avoid the token Indian” (P4).

Conclusion From this data it is clear to me that people in the field of counseling and psychology who are Native American are distinct in their epistemological stance. They all spoke of coming from very strong cultural and spiritual backgrounds. They all understand their respective cultures as having the most important contribution to their overall growth and development as psychologists, and especially as helpers and as healers in their communities and in the larger community. As students and as professional psychologists, they were all involved in some way with community projects to bring culture back to Native people and other diverse people because they understood firsthand the impact that dominant society has had on their people. They discussed in great depth a grave need for Western education and research to change to reflect the health of a community through a greater incorporation of culture. They all discussed the importance of their culture in terms of language, spirituality, soul wounds, holistic healing and ancestral knowledge that was handed down through the generations. The themes are in no way listed in order of importance, they are all equally important and encompass the essence of what it means to be a Traditional Native psychologists in modern society.

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I would like to state that I am extremely grateful for the beautiful stories and information [data] that I was gifted from these four Native American psychologists for which this research represents. I also want to mention that in my pursuit for participants, I talked with numerous other Native people in the field of counseling psychology and while I was unable to include their information in this dissertation, I want to acknowledge that from my discussions with them, they would also agree with the themes that emerged from this research.

Counseling Psychology Versus Indigenous Psychology From the data presented in this phenomenological study, the training that Native psychologists received in both counseling and related psychology programs was beneficial, but not adequate for them to work with Indigenous people in a competent way. This finding supports the need for specialized training. As Weaver (2000) stressed in her qualitative study, American Indians in the helping professions have to balance their education and their culture. Education is valued when it assists them in addressing the needs of their people and community; is culturally based (comes from within the communities); is in consideration of spiritual and cultural values; and contributes to cultural continuation as opposed to assimilation practices common in Western education. After the Native psychologists completed their respective university training programs, they found that they needed much more training from the elders and spiritual leaders in their tribes. They received their real earth-­ based education in their respective communities by asking questions and attending ceremonies. They all discovered (while some may have already known) that there must be a resurgence of Indigenous knowledge if they are to survive as a unique cultural entity into the future. They all found that university training programs needed further training themselves if they are to become viable sources for information in helping Native tribal communities to thrive as tribal communities (Trimble & Thurman, 2002). The challenges that the Native psychologists faced in Western university training programs were consistent with the literature and subsequent studies on Native students. McNeil et al.’s (1999) study on culturally related anxiety and ethnic identity is consistent with the findings of this research. The participants often found themselves anxious in their ability to fit into the dominant culture paradigm in academia. McNeil ET. al. contended that the fear-related problems among American Indian and Alaska Natives included ethnic, societal, and cultural abuses causing intergenerational posttraumatic stress disorder and general (trait) anxiety. The participants of this current research also found this to be the case. It was at times challenging for them to balance being Native in some training settings. It was very perplexing for them to go through training and try and be heard when they wanted to express what they thought about what they were learning. It was hard for them to be themselves. LaFromboise, (1999) found that Native students feel that attending college is against their culture and they often experienced racism. The participants of this research

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experienced this as well in the stories they told about how other students and staff made offensive remarks about being or acting too “Indian.” It was already painful to be away from their families who really need them and wanted them to come home. All the Native psychologists in this study seem to understand human nature from their holistic perspective of nature and the connections among all the living, nonliving, and spiritual guides. This was consistent with the literature on Native epistemology such as was advocated by prolific Native researcher Vine Deloria (1999) who contended that Native insight is not a linear and methodological praxis, rather, insight comes from intuition, dreams, visions and communication with other living things. A healer has to know about human and traditional human development teachings and how to use sacred elements to help the relatives in need. Johnson (2006) discussed the use of a medicine wheel to integrate Native American culture into treatment as stated in the literature review. This was consistent with the holistic method employed by many of the Native psychologists in this research as well. Whether the two ways may coexist in the office or outside of the office seems to depend on where the healer/psychologist places them. The cultural values of Western psychology are more dominant in the office because the psychologists still have to diagnose and do a treatment plans to meet the requirements of mental health centers. None-the-less, all the participants discussed the use of spiritual practices and ways of knowing in their work with the people. Many of the Native psychologists that I interviewed sing, smudge, and use sweat lodge to get an individual re-centered, blessed, and encouraged. This places a great responsibility on themselves to stay balanced in mind, body, soul and spirit. Some healers may heal an individual just by being present because they have that healing spirit in them and around them. There were more examples, but for the confidentiality of the respondents, information is withheld. Healing is not individualistic, there is no cookbook recipe or consistent methodology to follow. Healing is community, spiritually and culturally based. Each individual brings their own spirit along with elder’s teachings, ceremonial insight and ways of interacting that have been long established in their tribal communities. The respondents recognize that Western psychology has its strengths, but they stressed that its teachings cannot be rigid if it is to be useful or positive, or be an asset to the mental health of Native people and all people in general. Medicine people are ordained by an elder or other respected medicine person who has themselves committed their lives to helping people become centered. They know when a person is ready to change their lives over to a healing mode. They are prepared and given the tools through specific kinds of ceremony. In this ceremony the holy people or spiritual guides make evident the ways of their medicine and how to live. It can be a very strict way of life. They are acknowledged by the community, and the community holds them in high regard. The psychologists have a commitment to the community. Not everyone can become a practitioner; they have to be reared or be born into it. Native psychologists are doing important work at administrative policy levels and making changes in the system to make mental health services more culturally relevant for their people back home.

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Native Psychology: More Complex and More Dynamic Numerous complexities exist when working with Native people in training programs and as clients. The participants in this research are from different regions and some are of mixed heritage, they speak different languages and have different cultural teachings. Native people today are from numerous tribal heritages. However, they are connected by similar colonization experiences and experiences of oppression and marginalization from the dominant society with which they find themselves a part. They do, however, all seem to be in agreement about acceptable methodology and the need for better and more culturally relevant training for Native psychologists and services provided to Native people. One very common theme that was interwoven throughout my interactions with the participants were the epistemological understandings that underlie the true difference between the Western and Native world view of helping; that of counseling and that of healing. For the purposes of this research, healing and counseling was often used interchangeably, but it is important to make the distinction here for the reader. The distinction many not have been obvious because the researcher and research participants shared a common collective experience that resulted in cultural loss and trauma by the U. S. government. Therefore, there is a deep understanding that the system that Natives now find themselves a part of is culturally different then what they were taught–this may not have been discussed thoroughly because it is a common understanding. Native psychologists all expressed a desire to bridge this difference, to utilize their Westernized education to truly help their people from the perspective of culture. Counseling is always discussed in terms of diagnosis and treatment plans. The counseling paradigm is an “evidenced based” practice; based on Western European scientific method. Diagnosis often fails to recognize the underlying emotional status of the individual who is always a reflection of the community with which they are a part. Duran and Duran (1995) described the trauma that Native people experience in terms of Post Colonial Stress Disorder (PCSD); a “form of ongoing trauma” resulting from forced acculturation whereby Indigenous/Tribal people are under “constant and extreme pressure to assimilate the life world of the perpetrators of their Holocaust” (p.32). The participants often discussed the challenges they faced being “Indian” in a Westernized institution and studying in a field that is yet to recognize their tribal heritages as viable sources for understanding mental health. They all recognized historical trauma as accounting for numerous ills experienced by themselves, their families and their communities. Additionally, they gave common examples of having to validate their cultural practices and educate their constituents about Native people and Native ways of viewing the world. All participants stated that the “answers” to the challenges that Native people face must come from within their culture; the answers are within themselves. From the Native perspective there is no diagnoses’ or treatment. The point is not to diagnose, therefore holding a negative construct stagnant. By naming the “problem” and then building a relationship with it through our further understanding and

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treatment of it. The point in healing is to realize your greatest potential, in this way all “problems” are important in understanding the path with which one is to journey through life. Healing directs energies toward reaching wholeness on numerous levels, but most importantly, on a spiritual level. Counseling does not encompass spirituality and often fails to recognize behaviors as evidence of soul wounding (Duran, 2006). For example a person may be treated for Alcoholism without addressing the underlying soul wound that led them to it, which could be historical trauma.

Challenges to the Context of Place The Native psychologists in this research all discussed a desire to provide relevant services to Native people, yet many of them were not allowed to do their practice work on reservations because the services on reservations lacked the APA qualifications to be approved as viable internship sights. Thus, they lost valuable time and knowledge that had to be gained after their respective programs. They did, however, achieve important milestones in their own personal learning and their licensures allowed them to help make important changes in the programs with which they did serve. They were very aware that the geographical places where people live have a big influence on the dynamics of the community. To the extent that they were knowledgeable about their own traditional ways, many of them chose to be in or close to their home communities to be close to the medicine people there. After they completed their training programs, they almost felt guilty and wanted to maintain a low profile and not be seen as materialistic, based on the rewards of making money with their degrees, such as the clothes they wore, the homes they lived in, the cars they drove, and even their educated use of language. Some elders believe that Native students go off the reservation and come back with new things, new ways, and new culture. Sometimes this new culture can be offensive and disrespectful to the tribal values. Native psychologists know this, and reintegration into their communities can bring a culture clash. There was a connection to the people within the geographical place. The people have deep ties to their land. Generations after generations they may have lived there and participated in ceremonies at sacred places. There is always a home for Native people within their sacred mountains and sacred places. Regardless, they have found a place and a way to keep a connection to their culture and spiritual ways outside their homelands by creating a familiar community amongst themselves, often with the help of a caring Native university professor. This walking between two opposite cultures helped them become stronger and more knowledgeable, especially about how to talk, and bridge the gaps that create chasms between the two worlds for themselves and others.

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Implications and Recommendations for Further Research Throughout the course of this research I have come to understand that the integration of Native and Indigenous Knowledge into Western psychology is only accomplished when a Tribal person themselves applies their learning in a culturally relevant way. They themselves are the experts because they themselves hold the experience of being tribal people, who have had the privilege of cultural teachings, in addition to having walked the road of a Western education. The real question should have been how have they evolved and what needs to change in the system of mental health care to promote Native values as a way to health and well-being for all people. In further reflecting on the data produced from this research, I came to understand that the field of counseling psychology itself is immersed in culture. Cultural implications of treatment, suggests that treatment itself has cultural implications. And, reasonably, one would assume that those implications are derived from the culture that promotes the treatment. In the case of counseling psychology, it has been commonly assessed as deriving from white, male, Western European dominant culture. Thus, it is reasonable to assert that if cultural competence in counseling psychology is going to be met in any effective manner for Native people, then Native people themselves must lead the way. From this research, I would say that this is exactly what is happening. Thus, it is hoped that one primary implication that will come from this research will be to impress upon the field how important traditional Native people are in the field of counseling psychology. I cannot say loud enough how important it is to recruit, retain, and encourage Native people into the field so that it will continue to grow beyond its limited worldview and practice of counseling psychology. As a further implication of this research, it is hoped that Native people will feel empowered to be themselves and continue to promote their own Native and indigenous values and ways of being, not just for their own self-actualization, but for the benefit of the larger counseling and psychology communities. It is hoped that everyone will continue to advocate for ethical guidelines and state licensing boards that allow for more flexibility in the way counseling and psychology is taught, practiced and researched in consideration for Native and Indigenous ways of knowing and being. The questions that were applied to this research were developed from my understanding at the time, from my position as a doctoral student of counseling psychology. I sought to understand how to help the system understand the Native and Indigenous paradigm. What I have come to realize now is that the system itself is a cultural entity, and that if the two are to co-exist together, then we must be honest with each other about our experiences in order to promote positive change. The challenges that I faced as a doctoral student in a counseling psychology training program mimics many of the responses gathered here in this research. I was marginalized, not because I did not understand what I was being taught, rather because of the way I thought. I understood the Western paradigm, I simply did not see how it

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was relevant for many Native people that I would be working with as a counseling psychologist; it was not that I did not understand, it was that I was not understood and therefore felt disrespected. As I was in my learning process, it was expected that all my responses, whether from assignments or in practice, would reflect the dominant cultures values. I became isolated and only a few of my fellow Ph.D. colleagues reached out to me. I had to retake classes and counseling practicum. In one class, I was instructed to follow a script of questions that was provided to me to do an intake. I was told that if I did not follow that script, I would not be ready to continue into the stage of counseling practicum. This caused trauma in my learning process because when a script is followed, a natural flow of energy is not reached, and so my heart could not be engaged. This is what Duran and Duran (1995) referred to in his description of Post Colonial Stress Disorder as described above. This held me up for several years and prolonged my training until a Native Indigenous professor came on board. She advocated for me and I was able to do my training with the Navajo people on the reservation from practicum to internship. Thus, again I echo my statement above, as an implication for this research, I hope that the field will recognize the importance of Native faculty who themselves are from Native tribal communities and whose experiences will further aid in bridging the gap between two very different worldviews. Also the field needs to also understand that if Native people are to be helped from the praxis of counseling psychology, Native people themselves must lead the way.

Conclusion This study addressed training institutions’ cultural competencies with respect to preparing Native American people to become counselors and psychologists. Native American traditional teachings and processes have largely been left out of the literature regarding Native health. Cultural competencies in psychotherapy with Native American clients need to be validated by the clients’ consciousness and belief systems. The therapeutic encounter is currently characterized through a Western model. Training institutions and non-Native Therapists working with Native populations need to understand that many Native Americans’ spiritual practices are part of daily life and are deeply intertwined with cosmological spiritual nature, especially if the clients identify themselves as traditional or Indigenous. However, some parts of the reservation life of Native Americans have adopted other forms of organized faith as a result of colonization and so all generalizations should be made with much caution. One of the most salient points that resulted from this research, and from which the academy should pay close attention to is the relevance of the practice of counseling psychology on people from different cultures other than the one that created the academic system–Unless the research is derived from those that it is intended to be applied to, its applicability to diverse populations is always limited. Additionally, problems of racism need to be dealt with at the training level and also at the

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practicing level. The incorporation of Indigenous knowledge into mainstream psychology seems like an uphill battle because, as this study indicates, racism against minority people groups still needs to be understood by mainstream culture. It is important that Native psychologists be encouraged to begin a dialogue about these important issues and to develop new theories and approaches to psychotherapy that includes cultural paradigms. The methodology used in university counseling training programs primarily focus on the symptoms and problems of an individual and fail to understand the holistic worldview of Indigenous thinkers who often understand their “dysfunction” in terms of loss. Indigenous people may perceive disorders as spiritual issues related to past and contemporary traumas (Duran, 2006). A movement has begun among Native American professionals in numerous fields to revive Indigenous knowledge across Native American communities for their continued survival as unique tribal groups (Brayboy, 2005). When I set out on my quest for understanding of why I am doing this study, I started with a vision, and now, I end with that vision. To follow the vision of the continuity of life on mother earth and father sky is the greatest command on this earth. Peace, harmony, love, birth, old age, happiness, and protection may resonate in you and around you, ahead of you and behind you, above you and underneath you, hozho nahas lii.

References Benson, E. (2003). Psychology in Indian country. Monitor on Psychology: A Publication of the American Psychological Association, 34(6), 56–58. Brayboy, B. M. J. (2005). Toward a tribal critical race theory in education. The Urban Review, 37(5), 425–446. Creswell, J. W. (2007). Qualitative inquiry and research design: Choosing among five approaches (Second ed.). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Deloria, V., Jr. (1999). Singing for a Spirit: A portrait of Dakota Sioux. Santa Fe, NM: Clear Light. Duran, E. (2006). Healing the soul wound: Counseling with American Indians and other native peoples. New York, NY/London, UK: Teachers College Press. Duran, E., & Duran, B. (1995). Native American postcolonial psychology. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Elliot, S. A. (2010). Walking the worlds: The experiences of Native psychologists in their doctoral training and practice (Doctoral dissertation, Walden University). Fielding Graduate University: ProQuest. Gone, J. P. (2006). Research reservations: Response and responsibility in an American Indian community. American Journal of Community Psychology, 37(3–4), 333–340. Grayshield, L., & Mihecoby, A. (2010). Indigenous ways of knowing as a philosophical base for the promotion of peace and justice in counseling education and psychology. Journal for Social Action in Counseling Psychology, 2(2), 1–16. Johnston, S.  L. (2002). Native American traditional and alternative medicine. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science. American Academy of Political and Social Science: Sage Publication downloaded at http://ann.sagepub.com on February 28, 2008

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Johnson, K.  L. (2006). An innovative healing model: Empowering urban Native Americans (Chapter 10). In T. M. Witko (Ed.), Mental health care for Urban Indians: Clinical insights from Native practitioners. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. LaFromboise, T. D., Heyle, A. M., & Ozer, E. J. (1999). Changing and diverse roles of women in American Indian culture. In L.  A. Peplau (Ed.), Gender, culture, and ethnicity: Current research about women and men. Mountain View, CA: Mayfield Publishing. LaFromboise, T. D., Trimble, J. E., & Mohatt, G. V. (1990). Counseling intervention and American Indian tradition: An integrative approach. Counseling Psychologist, 18(4), 628–654. McCabe, G. H. (2007). The healing path: A culture and community-derived indigenous therapy model. Psychotherapy: Theory, Research, Practice, Training, 44(2), 148–160. McNeil, D. W., Kee, M., & Zvolensky, M. J. (1999). Cultural related anxiety and ethnic identity in Navajo college students. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 5(1), 56–64. Moodley, R., & West, W. (2005). Integrating traditional healing practices into counseling and psychotherapy. Thousand Oaks, CA/London, UK: Sage Publications. Robbins, R., Hong, J., & Jennings, A. M. (2011). In the pause and listening to the little people: A folk healer’s journey. The Counseling Psychologist, 40(1), 93–132. Swinomish Tribal Community. (1991). A gathering of wisdoms: Tribal mental health: A cultural perspective. Washington, DC: Swinomish Tribal Mental Health Project. Trimble, J.  E., & Jumper-Thurman, P. (2002). Ethnocultural considerations and strategies for providing counseling services to Native American Indians. In P. B. Pedersen, J. G. Fraguns, W.  J. Lonner, & J.  E. Tribble (Eds.), Counseling across cultures (Fifth ed., pp.  53–91). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Walker, F. (1974). Bridging a cultural gap for patient care. Military Medicine, 139, 26–29. Weaver, H.  N. (2000). Balancing culture and professional education: American Indians/Alaska Natives and the helping professions. Journal of American Indian Education, 39(3), 1–18.

Chapter 5

Wisdom of the Elders: A Return to the Sacred Is the Wave of the Future Laura L. Luna and Lisa Grayshield

The ones that matter most, are the children. Lakota Proverb.

Overview Included in this INTRODUCTION is a section titled Paradigm Shift. The intention for this section is to provide an understanding of the epistemology and ontology of Indigenous people. Also included in this introduction is a section referencing a few of the environmental issues that are salient to our times, Mother Earth Needs Our Help. Additionally included in this Introduction is a statement of position headed as the Authors Note. This section is intended to provide additional understandings of the conclusions drawn from this reflective writing. Following this is a section describing the sources of information titled, Sources of Reflection. After the Introduction, a discussion of the original research will be provided as INTERVIEWS WITH ELEVEN NATIVE AMERICAN ELDERS. Included in this section is an Indigenous Research Critical Dialogue, along with a description of the Research Questions & Theoretical Paradigm. Then a discussion of the themes that emerged intermingled with commentary from Indigenous and Native elders across social media. Finally, CONCLUDING REMARKS will be provided.

L. L. Luna (*) California State University, San Bernardino, CA, USA L. Grayshield Washoe Tribe of Nevada and California, Carson City, NV, USA © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 L. Grayshield, R. Del Castillo (eds.), Indigenous Ways of Knowing in Counseling, International and Cultural Psychology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-33178-8_5

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Introduction Elders in Indigenous communities are held in high regard for the wisdom they hold and the experiences they share, yet their voices are often silenced through the atrocities of colonization, and; by the shifts in cultural values from a purely earth based existence to the current modern technological society we now live in. However, through the dissemination of information via the internet and social media, global transmission of information on Native American and Indigenous Ways of Knowing (IWOK) have ignited a wave of counterculture spirituality. Crazy Horse, Oglala Lakota Sioux (circa 1840–1877) stated it this way: The Red Nation shall rise again and it shall be a blessing for a sick world; a world filled with broken promises, selfishness and separations; a world longing for light again. I see a time of Seven Generations when all the colors of mankind will gather under the Sacred Tree of Life and the whole Earth will become one circle again. In that day, there will be those among the Lakota who will carry knowledge and understanding of unity among all living things and the young white ones will come to those of my people and ask for this wisdom. I salute the light within your eyes where the whole Universe dwells. For when you are at that center within you and I am that place within me, we shall be one. Crazy Horse, (circa 1840-1877).

The time of seventh generation is now, and we are honored to privilege the voices of Native and Indigenous elders in this chapter.

Paradigm Shift The intention for this section is to provide an understanding of the epistemology and ontology of Indigenous people groups with respect to the dominant Western European one that underlies the social and political structures prevalent in American society today. This distinction is critical in understanding the deeper meanings behind the words of the Indigenous Elders whose voices are represented in this study. Fixico (2003) thoroughly discusses the difference in thought processes of Indigenous people with respect to Western society, in his book, American Mind in a Linear World. Michael Bergin (2017) from the Waterfront Institute of Technology provides a definition from the perspective of carrying out social research. Bergin (2017) asserts that Ontology refers to “what sort of things exist in the social world including assumptions about the form and nature of that social reality.” Epistemology is concerned with the nature of knowledge and ways of knowing and learning about social reality (Bergin, 2017). It is clear that there is an ever-present relationship between historical trauma and the experiences of Indigenous populations across the globe. The Gross National Product (GNP) values [epistemology] of the western world have negatively impacted every corner of the planet forcing Indigenous communities to assimilate, relocate or be exterminated. The GNP is in direct conflict with Indigenous Ways of Knowing (IWOK) [epistemology] and Native elders from all continents are con-

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cerned. The Indigenous elders cited in this research are calling for nothing short of a paradigm shift, from Western values of consumerism [GNP] to a more Indigenous [IWOK] understanding of the world where nature provides the most salient information to our lives. Indigenous people from everywhere are witnessing the destructive behavior of the Western world with its numerous inventions and innovations designed to promote a shallow existence without consideration for sacred natural creation. Lakota elder and spiritual teacher Steven Bluehorse summarized the Indigenous perspective this way “the Earth Mother can only handle so much, and in the spiritual way of our people we were taught to respect and honor Mother Earth, we have a phrase, Mitakuye Oyasin which means all my relations. When we say this, we mean we come from Mother Earth, all of us, each and every one of us. Mother Earth is very important to take care of, if we don’t take care of Mother Earth today, we won’t have a future for our children tomorrow” (Ben Bar, 2016). We found that Indigenous elders from all over the world consistently expressed the importance of returning to traditional ways of living where caring for our land and water is central to our existence. The Western paradigm has failed to recognize the Earth as a living being and Indigenous people all over the world are speaking up in order to help humanity avoid total planetary and human destruction.

Mother Earth Needs Our Help Environmental issues are at the forefront of Indigenous activism. Even as this manuscript is being written, thousands of fires are raging across the world’s largest rainforest–the Amazon rainforest in Brazil. According to the New  York Times, recent budget cuts, staff reductions, political interference and a weakening of environmental regulations have left Brazil without adequate resources to address the environmental disasters (Londoño & Casado, 2019). Elder Raimundo Mura from the Mura tribe is one of the hundreds of thousands of Indigenous people being affected by the devastation. He admonished the Brazilian government for the destruction being caused by the intentional fires to the lives of the trees in an emotional disclosure during an interview with national news “they all needed to live, each in their own place” (Jones, 2006). The Amazon rainforest has been referred to as the ‘Lungs of the Planet’ because it produces more than 20% of the world’s oxygen. Additionally, the Amazon is home to approximately ten million species of animals, plants and insects. The Indigenous elders of the Amazon know how important the trees are to the planet. In connection to the message of Indigenous elders, and heeeding their call, the Indigenous movement lead by youth is exponentially growing. In response to the Amazonian fires and destruction of the rainforest by capitalistic motives, Brazilian girls and women stood strong in a striking demonstration. In their alarming concern for the preservation of the Amazonian rainforest and to take a stand against the injustices and discrimination experienced by Indigenous people and the violence that women specifically are experiencing,  young women took a

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stance, with their faces painted, wearing their traditional headdresses, and specifically painting their hands red. Red painted hands has become a global symbol representing the lifeblood of the Earth, the destruction of the planet and the perserverance of the people. A deep message of love, power, strength, honor, culture and s­ pirituality is rising across the globe with movements such as this one (Hurtes, 2019).  Yet, increasingly distressing is the fact that after thousands of years, the largest known living organism in the world is perishing–a grove of Aspens in the Fishlake National Forest in Utah is dying at an exponential rate as a result of human development. The 106-acre Aspen grove at Fishlake has gained fame as a tourist destination and symbol of sustainability and interconnectedness. Paul Rogers, an ecology professor at Utah State University and director of the Western Aspen Alliance concluded that “We’re sort of in an emergency situation in terms of the next five to 10 years.” He contends that the grove is on the brink of collapse, “It’s dying from within,” (Alberty, 2017). What science is just “discovering” through scientific study and the use of sophisticated technology, Indigenous elders have known since time immemorial– the Trees give us oxygen, they are the elders of the plant nations and they are integral to our existence as a planet. It is inconceivable to destroy the worlds’ oldest living beings for money. The significance of places around the world are still known to Indigenous peoples. When a place has been identified as sacred, from the indigenous vantage, it is left alone except for special ceremonies and prayer. Sacred spaces are not to be desecrated by tourism, recreation and monetary gain as is being done to the Aspens at Fishlake. Native and Indigenous people do not build monuments and churches to demonstrate their devotion to a god, those places are given by the creator and it is our responsibility to care for them and protect them from such desecration. The elders in this study clearly exemplified this knowing in the many messages they are delivering across social media. While we did not intend this manuscript to be an environmental call to action, it is apparent that the elders’ interviewed and those we followed on social media are doing just that–calling the world to act on behalf of our natural resources. Another struggle is taking place on the largest of the Hawaiian islands–Hawaii where TMT International Observatory seeks to construct a giant 1.4 Billion dollar 30-meter telescope on a volcano known as Maunakea, also called the Ring of Shrines by the Hawaiian people and known as a sacred place to pray (Tveten, 2019). TMT has already constructed 13 telescopes on this sight, and now the Hawaiian people are taking a stand on behalf of their sacred “Mauna”, they refuse to allow their place of prayer to be a laboratory for science. At 14 thousand feet Maunakea is the tallest point in the world as measured from the base of the ocean, and is known as the best place in the world for the study of astronomy. According to Hawaiian tradition, Maunakea is the meeting point between the universe and the earth below. Maunakea is known by the Hawaiian people as the Ring of Shrines and a sacred place of prayer. The Hawaiians are no longer agreeable to the destruction that has been taking place on their sacred lands and are determined to stop the construction. It is yet to be known whether the Hawaiian government will side with the Indigenous Hawaiian people or the company seeking to construct their telescope.

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The recent Mni Wiconi movement that started at Standing Rock North Dakota is another prime example of this clash of values where thousands of people gathered in 2016/2017 to stop the construction of an oil pipeline on Lakota sacred lands. This was the largest environmental gathering of Native and non-Native people in the US to date coming together on behalf of clean water. The Water Protectors as they are referring to themselves are speaking at the most fundamental level of Indigenous epistemology–Water is the life-blood of Mother Earth; Mni Wiconi (water is life, Lakota language). A paradigm based on GNP has no respect for life without monetary value. Water is foundational to the health and wellbeing of every being on the planet, and it is further intertwined into spiritual ritual as the substance that cleanses and heals. Water is the physical manifestation of spirit into form; we are primarily water. This fundamental understanding is so basic that it is represented in the medicine wheel along with the elementals of earth [solid]; air [etheric]; and fire [transforming]. We need no reference to validate this well known construct, as this understanding is so far reaching that science itself fails to grasp its profound simplicity. The dichotomy that exists in epistemology from IWOK to GNP indicates that social justice endeavors will persist as evidence of Indigenous presence on this planet grows. Today, we are flooded with images on social media of children and families of migrants, in cages, mistreated, dying of diseases for failure to provide basic hygiene and access to clean water, food, medical support. This process of separation, annihilation and dehumanization of people groups in general so that capitalistic Western society can continue to profit is unconscionable. Boarding schools, reservations, detention centers all serve as concentration camps, as are prisons, holding cells, holding rooms, and even “federally funded foster care.” We are living tragic and traumatic times again, it is most common to hear about shootings at schools, at clinics, in shopping centers in all countries of the world. Just this week on the news we have heard about children and parents dying in the detention centers held across the Mexican borders (El Salvadoran Father Dies in Migrant CBP Custody, 2019). Trauma is ongoing as world wide environmental destruction and basic human rights are threatened in support of monetary gain. If we are not alarmed, we should be. We are witnessing the unfathomable treatment of the world’s most vulnerable populations–children, elderly and those who are sick. Worldwide news continues to report a gross lack of humanitarian responsibility as thousands of migrating families enter the United States and other countries seeking asylum from the tyranny of their countries’ political leaders. In this process many are detained, questioned, and held as “prisoners” in “detention centers.” The journey is challenging to the say the least and torturous and deadly at worst. Most atrocious, we see history being replayed, as children are separated from their parents and being placed in “detention centers” and denied basic human rights on the Mexican borders. (e.g https://www.democracynow.org/2019/7/10/john_carlos_frey_immigration_detention_conditions). As conscious people, we cannot deny the atrocities that Indigenous and other earth based communities face on an ongoing and daily basis for the wealth of a few.

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It is heart wrenching to witness the bleak level of hatred and dehumanization that leads people to engage in violence against others; against life of people, animals, and nature. Is history repeating itself, or are we simply living the tumultuous path of the mighty dollar? In August of 2010, a gathering of Haudenosaunee (Iroquois) elder women in the Mohawk Nation Territory at Akwesasne joined with other Indigenous women to create a global message addressing the various environmental and human injustices around the world. At the top of their agenda was an appeal for consideration of our Mother Earth: “As indigenous people, our lives are intertwined with the natural world … we are dependent upon her for our sustenance, interdependent upon one another for the fulfillment of our lives and interconnected with one another spirituality and ethically” (Rodriguez, 2017). The most powerful strength of Indigenous cultures around the world comes from the understanding that we are all interconnected and interrelated. This knowing leads us to take care of ourselves and take care of each other. Truly, it is with great honor and with mixed feelings that we author this chapter highlighting the voices of Indigenous elders. Honor, because, we continue to see that we can do no justice to the foundational work of the Native elders who came before us and laid a very rich and profound foundation of social justice activism and making a significant impact on the lives of many of us today. It is with mixed feelings because we are so excited to bring forward this seminal work and yet we have so much more to do to make a transformational shift in the consciousness of people who are in positions of power. It is important to note that the intent of this manuscript is not to take a political stand on environmental issues, as we mean no disrespect to anyone’s views however, it would be a misrepresentation of Native and Indigenous values if we did not. The elders sighted in this manuscript all agree, that we are at a pivotal time in which we must come together as one human tribe to care for the Earth, our Mother. The terms Native, American Indian, Tribal and Indigenous will be used throughout this chapter in reference to people groups who subscribe to an earth based philosophy. The terms ‘Indigenous” and “Native” includes a broad category of earth based people. American Indian and Tribal reference specific groups of people whose Tribal identity is recognized as a political designation as well as a cultural one.

Authors Note Laura L. Luna, Ph.D  The Native American and Indigenous elders in my life, have taught me what it means to honor life; the sacred directions; the basic elements of existence; our connection to spirit and to all living beings on the planet and beyond. I grew up Catholic, largely removed from my Mexican tribal connections. However, my mother taught me to respect my elders, to listen and pay attention to what they say. I was taught how to pray and give gratitude for what we have, that which sustains us; the earth, the water, the air and fire. While I did not fully understand the implications of these very basic teachings in my childhood, I did come to respect

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them in my 20’s as I attended a variety of Indigenous ceremonies, and entered a process of remembering my own indigenous spirit; that which is inside of me and connects me to the beginning of time. Indigenous teachings resonate in my being as universal consciousness–a consciousness that understands the interconnection and interdependence of all life on the planet be it man or beast.) While I hold different identities, identifying as Xicana, and using an “X” instead of “Ch” suggests that I am acknowledging my Indigenous heritage while recognizing that my Indigenous identity has been forcibly deleted from my close ancestors and that I am also revitalizing my ancestors. Yet this identity forces me in between spaces, the borderlands, described by Indigenous author, Gloria Anzaldúa (1987) the borderlands is a continual space of in-between, because I am born in the United States of Mexican-­ Indigenous parents, and yet not born to a specific Native land that is recognized in this country, it is a painful experience for many of us, that don’t have a home. Hence, we hold this interconnected relationship we have with those who are able and know to identify as Native American or American Indian in the United States. We connect in that we too, have been displaced from our land, stripped of our language and culture, left to genocide and annihilation. Yet, like me, many of us are coming back to our culture as we are pushed into our healing process, as the only way for us to heal from the trauma that lives inside of us. The words of the elders in this manuscript provide hope that while historical environmental and humanitarian atrocities abound, so does the knowing that “di’gum’ hi’ki’ungaw hu yah’, (we are all in this together). Dr. Grayshield  I grew up on an Indian reservation, having lived my life with the understanding that we (American Indians) are the original people of the land. Throughout my life, I maintained a deep respect for Elders as the wisdom keepers of our people. I participated in cultural events, social justice advocacy and language renewal endeavors. We (Washoe) have very few original speakers of our language alive today, but those who do speak, are the elders. It is well understood throughout Indian Country that Language is culture, and tribes all over the globe are engaged in language renewal programs in order to maintain their unique identities as original people. Therefore it is with much reverence that I bring forth the voices of those that have gone before me in order to gain a better understanding of how to live life in a good and right way. In the course of conducting the original research with the eleven Native American elders, we engaged a western paradigm of research and scientific method. Like good students of the western academy, we identified and defined the “problem”, in this case, it is historical trauma. After a thorough reexamination and much critical deliberation of the information produced from this research, we had to face a stark realization, namely that we are catalysts to the continuation of trauma in Native communities, because we spoke of it. I have since come to the understanding that when we focus on the negative, we create that, likewise when we focus on the positive, we create that as well. Perhaps had I been more aware of the values of my own people, I would have defined the solution as opposed to the problem, but I was only

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beginning to bridge the gap in my own understanding of Western and Indigenous paradigm because I am not a fluent speaker of my language. Therefore, I start this chapter with an apology to the elders that participated in this initial research. My sincere apology for the role I played in continuing the consciousness of trauma. It is my hope that the words they spoke as they told their stories be honored and respected for the medicine of understanding and healing they bring. And further more, may the experiences of those who have gone before us be heard as we move forward and create a better way for our future generations.

Sources of Reflection This current chapter is a reflexive piece based on the original article published in the Journal of Mental Health Counseling (2015), titled Understanding and Healing Historical Trauma: The Perspectives of Native American Elders (Grayshield et al., 2015). Additionally included in the conclusions drawn from the original research are the voices of other Native Elders who share their insights and knowledge across social media. We were surprised and delighted with the incredible amount of information that is being shared by Native and Indigenous people, especially elders. After revisiting the data from this research and then viewing numerous online videos, the message of Indigenous elders across the world is clear; in order to restore our health as Native/Indigenous people of the land we must restore our cultural practices, our tribal languages, our ceremonies, and our role as stewards of Mother Earth. And not just as Indigenous tribal people, but as a human race. We might even be so bold as to assert that the Indigenous perspectives shared in this chapter stands to serve as a call to action–a mandate to speak up on behalf of the environment and basic human rights for all. As we do this, we will continue to honor the earth-our Mother, the wisdom of our Native and Indigenous elders, the suffering they continue to endure, and most importantly, move forward with the possibility of a better future for all. In the process of writing this paper, we listened to a multitude of videos on social media including the voices of, The 13 Grandmothers, representing 13 separate Indigenous groups; the Kogi Indians from the Sierra Nevada of Colombia; Wixáritari from the Sierra Madre Occidental of México. The Lakota, Navajo, Washoe, Zuni, Hopi elders, and so many more. We hold their stories in our hearts as sacred gifts of wisdom. We have come to understand that Indigenous wisdom is universal wisdom; the knowing that what we do to the least of us, we do to ourselves. At the heart of Indigenous ideology is the understanding that we are all connected. We are continually amazed by the similarities in Indigenous spiritual rituals around the world. The symbolism involved in ceremonial ritual almost always demonstrates the ancient knowing that we are connected by and around the elementals of Earth, Fire, Water and Air. This includes the basic understanding that we are to honor those who came before us; to live in a way that respects all our relatives, including the plant and animal nations, and; to make way for those who will come after us, our future gen-

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erations. Indigenous knowledge respects the nurturance provided by Mother Earth, and regards our role as stewards of the Earth as vital and sacred. Indigenous activist, Nobel Peace Prize winner (2007), two time presidential candidate in Guatemala and elder, Rigoberta Menchú posted on Facebook an image of a woman standing in the ocean surrounded by garbage, holding the trash she could in her arms with this quote “I can’t do all the good the planet needs. But the planet needs all the good I can offer.” She further stated, “The Mayas, our grandparents, always said; every human being occupies a small piece of time. Time itself is much longer, and because of this, they always said that we must care for this Earth while we are on it because it will be part of our children and the children of our grandchildren. They know that life is short and that it can end so soon…” (Indians.org).

Interviews With Eleven Native American Elders Indigenous Research Critical Dialogue In the initial stages of our research process, we engaged numerous conversations about our experiences in the academic system. We thoroughly discussed the implications of doing research with Native people from a Western scientific perspective and carefully considered the research tools and methods that we would employ along with instilling culturally appropriate processes for listening and hearing (Denzin, Lincoln, & Tuhiwai Smith, 2008). We considered the words of other Native individuals whose research also posed challenges with respect to cultural appropriation, and application of research. Linda Tuhiwai Smith (1999) provides the foundation for an Indigenous research agenda to address issues of justice and equality. Smith acknowledged the conditions that Indigenous communities live through: survival, recovery, acclimation, and self- determination. She additionally associates these conditions to the processes that Indigenous scholars experience as they attempt to embark on their own journey as researchers and reporters of relevant information from which to inform the larger academic community, especially when issues arise that conflict with Indigenous/Tribal conceptions of the world. We considered that what we were asking of these eleven elders could easily fall under any one of Smith’s conditions: survival, was present in the very fact that these elders were willing to share their stories; recovery, because they understood that the assimilative practices imposed by the United States governmental structures were not supportive of remaining uniquely Indigenous/tribal and the people must regain their cultural and traditional teachings; acclimation, because in the attempt to acclimate to western ways, the indigenous/Native spirit remains and continues to regain composure as we learn to live in this modern age, and; self-determination, because we persist in our understanding that A Return to the Sacred, is the Wave of the Future. We further considered the words of Martín-Baró (1994) who outlined the constructs of a liberation psychology maintaining that oppressed people become agents

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of their own history. We considered his three urgent tasks for freeing the mind to be able to think outside the current colonial power structures: (1) the recovery of historical memory; (2) de-ideologizing everyday experience and social reality; and (3) utilizing the virtues of the people. All three tasks require direct engagement by the people and for the people. It is no longer acceptable to assume that the answers to the challenges posed for the next generation regarding how to best live in this world will be found among the same systems that created them. The challenges concern the dichotomy between Indigenous and colonial mentality; Indigenous ways of knowing and Western scientific research (Grayshield & Mihecoby, 2010). It is the task of Indigenous academics to affirm and activate the holistic paradigm of Indigenous knowledge to reveal the wealth and richness of Indigenous languages, worldviews, teachings and experiences (Battiste & Semeganis, 2002). This critical dialogue allowed us the opportunity to express our thoughts and feelings as we engaged our research with the understanding that our experiences as academics researching Native peoples’ was inherently compounded by trauma. The Indigenous Research process we engaged utterly connected us to this research as the conversations appropriately addressed a Western model of research in its attempts to accurately relay an Indigenous message. We believe that this is what the elders were talking about when they repeatedly commented on the need to reconnect with our traditional earth-based cultures in order to heal. We are grateful that these eleven elders were willing to share their stories with us. Similar to the voices of the elders that we encountered on social media, these eleven wisdom keepers, had much to say about the impact of historical and on-going trauma, and most importantly, what we need to do to heal it.

Research Questions & Theoretical Paradigm We conducted this research from an Indigenous Ways of Knowing (IWOK) and Tribal Critical Race Theory lens allowing us to position an Indigenous worldview throughout the research process. Utilizing what has come to be known as a phenomenological qualitative research design. Phenomenology is a category of Western scientific research that focuses on the inquiry into the experiences of an individual. From an IWOK perspective one cannot “heal” trauma by focusing on the creation and impact of it. Healing from an IWOK vantage occurs as one finds their way back to their own unique knowing of self as a member of a community. To be well from IWOK perspective indicates that one is functioning on the positive or generative side of one’s being [striving to live in a good and right way], which leads to balance in all areas of one’s life, as opposed to the negative or degenerative, which produces physical, psychological, emotional and spiritual dis-ease. It does not mean that an individual who is healing [re-generating], or considered healed [in a state of generation] is transcending all life’s challenges, rather it indicates that one is in a state of meeting those challenges from a place of harmony and wholeness; they are engaging progresses of self-actualization and self-determination, thus resuming

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their individual journey to live, love, and grow as a viable member of a community. Thus, healing from trauma, as these eleven elders were asked to discuss, is regarded as a community wide construct. This was understood as the elders shared their experiences. They understood the interconnected and interdependent nature of their tribal/ traditional practices where everyone participated in the health and wellness of the whole group. We sought to understand and make sense of the lived experiences of Native American elders and their view on historical trauma, what it is, how to heal from it and this is what we learned: The following questions were addressed in this research: (1) What were their experiences and understanding of historical trauma; (2) How is historical trauma affecting their families and communities today, and; (3) What recommendations did they have about how to help heal historical trauma? Question I: Understanding Historical Trauma The first question revealed three themes: (1) traumatic historical events continue to be present in the lives of Native people and their communities, (2) the impact of boarding schools have produced a sort of intergenerational indigenous counter culture that finds itself caught in between two worlds, and; (3) internalized oppression manifests itself in the forms of physical, psychological and emotional turmoil. Question II: Current Impact of Historical Trauma The following four themes emerged regarding the current impact of historical trauma: (a) alcoholism and other substance abuse, including food; (b) loss of culture and language; (c) community discord as a symptom of historical trauma; and (d) technology and the younger generation. Question III: Recommendations for Healing Four themes emerged in the dialogues regarding the participant’s recommendations for healing historical trauma: (a) focus on the positive; (b) awareness and education; (c) return to cultural and spiritual ways of life, and (d) language learning. The following information summarizes three data sources with respect to the findings of this study, (1) the Initial (2015) research study titled, “Understanding and Healing Historical Trauma: The Perspectives of Native American Elders” that was published in the Journal of Mental Health Counseling, 37(4), 295–307; (2) On-line media including YouTube, TedTalks and pod casts, and; (3) Our, researchers’ critical dialogue after a second examination of the data and how it reflects what other Indigenous and Native Elders’ across social media are conveying. A note of caution: the topics discussed are interrelated, and while we attempted the typical linear format to appease the western scientific value of this research, we additionally honored the interconnections of the experiences to take precedence and thus allowed the structure to accommodate. Another caution, while we provided citations for some of the quotes gleaned from social media, we found that much of the information posted is only available for a short time. However, more information is posted daily and those interested in further commentary are encouraged to do their own research.

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Question I: Understanding Historical Trauma  Historical events including violence, genocide, removing Indigenous people from their homelands, forcibly placing Indian children in boarding schools, and starvation continue to be a primary source of pain in the lives of Native people resulting in on-going and continuous forms of trauma. Bonnie and Eduardo Duran (1995) discuss the term soul wound to describe the deeply entrenched and intangible effects of Historical trauma. They additionally coined the phrase Post Colonial Stress Disorder (PCSD) to describe the generationally cumulative effects resulting from forced acculturation whereby Native people are under “constant and extreme pressure to assimilate the life world of the perpetrators of their Holocaust” (p.32). The elders in this research clearly understood the impact of historical trauma in their own lives as well as in the lives of their successive generations. A primary traumatic event that continues to be of concern to the elders in this research as well as for those across social media is the destructive behaviors of those whose primary interest is monetary gain without regard for Mother Earth. This has been a real concern for Indigenous tribes around the globe and is referenced here in terms of globalized trauma. Indigenous people continue to “fight” against the structural oppression brought on by capitalism [Gross National Product (GNP)], where the interests of corporations seeking increased wealth takes precedence over basic human rights to clean, water, air and land. And where unconscious individuals are overusing precious minerals, and other resources (e.g. oil, water, plants, ocean life, telescopes, technologies, wires, etc.) to maintain an ever faster paced economic stature. Individuals who utilize resources without regard for the processes that brought them, or the destruction caused by their packaging, transport and sales, are clearly not operating from an Indigenous perspective. Additionally traumatizing was the impact of reservation life, boarding schools, commodity food programs, and the institution of western medical services. In April 2018 Indian Health Services (IHS) reported that American Indian and Alaska Natives have experienced lower health status compared with other Americans. The IHS stated “lower life expectancy and the disproportionate disease burden exist perhaps because of inadequate education, disproportionate poverty, discrimination in the delivery of health services and cultural differences” (2018, April). In addition, they go on to state that “diseases of the heart, malignant neoplasm, unintentional injuries, and diabetes are leading causes of American Indian and Alaska Native deaths” (2009–2011 as reported in April 2018). Russell Means, a member of the Oglala Sioux Nation compared U.S.  Indian boarding schools with concentration camps (Jaguar Bird, 2018). And indeed, the elders in this study described the boarding schools as a powerful weapon designed to exert domination, assimilation and even annihilation of Indigenous people over-­ all. Boarding schools did not “civilize” Indian people as intended, rather they brought numerous challenges to family and community that continue to this day. One elder stated the following: “I remember they would have us stand on a little box, and we had this sign on us that they put around our neck. I guess it said ‘I’m a dumb Indian because I can’t speak English.” One Native American elder stated it this way, “They are taught to hate themselves, in the schools, they, would not allow

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you to speak in ####, they turned us against each other, even our own tribal members, they say that our ways are wicked, that’s worshiping the devil”. A deep soul wound was cut into the spirits of Indigenous peoples when this system was implemented. One Native American elder referenced a well-known quote to describe the boarding school experiences, “Kill the Indian and save the man. That’s what these boarding schools were made for.” This elder was referring to Army officer Richard Henry Pratt, who created the Carlisle Indian School, the first (off-reservation) Indian boarding school. “Kill the Indian Save the Man” was his famous quote in reference to his model of cultural immersion and assimilation that was adopted for use at other government schools. Kill the Indian, Save the Man: The Genocidal Impact of American Indian Residential Schools is a 2004 book by American writer Ward Churchill. Churchill traces the history of the United States and Canadian governments establishment of Indian boarding schools and residential schools, where Native American children were forced to attend in order to encourage their study of English, conversion to Christianity, and assimilation to the majority culture. The boarding schools were operated into the 1980s. Because the schools often prohibited students from using their Native languages and practicing their own cultures, Churchill considers them to have been genocidal in intent . Many personal stories of boarding school abuse were shared, however out of respect, these dark experiences will not be retold here. One Native elder talked about “alien people coming and disrespecting the land”. The reference to “alien people” brought on nods of approval and further stories of epistemological value structures, where one way of thinking about our Earth is in direct conflict with the dominant one. Hence, the concept of oppression as defined by Dr. Raul Quiñones Rosado, in his book, Consciousness in Action: Toward an Integral Psychology of Liberation and Transformation is a formula of power + prejudice = oppression (Rosado, 2007). As the values of a capitalistic world take precedence, those with wealth hold the power, which coupled with prejudices becomes the formula for oppression. Internalized oppression results from the prejudice that holds the life of one person over the life of another. For example, recent news reported of a monument being dedicated to Chief Standing Bear of the Ponca Nation. The story describes Standing Bear’s struggles and journeys across the nation to bury his son in his homelands, during the late 1800’s where disease, starvation and land removal was experienced by the Native peoples inhabiting the land. In his journey, he and many others were arrested in what resulted in a lawsuit against the government, in the case of Standing Bear vs. Crook, 1879 here the U.S. Attorney argued that “Standing Bear was neither a citizen nor a person and as such, did not have standing to sue the government” (Brockell, 2019). Effectively, internalized oppression as described by Bonnie and Eduardo Duran in their salient book Native American Post Colonial Psychology (1995) is present in the daily stressors of Western life ways such as the challenges that come with “keeping up with the Jones”, but having inadequate resources to do it. Accordingly, Post Colonial Stress Disorder (PCSD) plagues’ the lives of Native and Indigenous people who are continuously subjected to the lifeway’s of their oppressors, and whose

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ancestral ways are becoming exponentially more distant in their lives as the younger generations become lost in distraction of the most recent western technological ­fixations and life styles, and increasingly further separated from their traditional Tribal/cultural customs and languages. The Elders in our study made a clear connection between Western lifestyles, food sources and medicines, and the illnesses they are currently experiencing. For example, two elders asserted “we need to change the way we eat also because it is making us sick,” “and the medicines at the clinic make us even worse sometimes.” Upon hearing these comments, I [Grayshield] thought of a comment my father (a retired Indian Health Service worker) once said regarding our use of the government commodity food program. He said that commodity food is the “second genocide of Native people.” He said it blindsided us with its blocks of orange cheese, canned spam, high fructose corn syrup and high nitrate canned goods. He said that Native people are always going to eat what the creator provides–even if it comes in boxes on trucks. We now see the results of consuming government issued commodity foods and fast food, as Native American people suffer from higher incidents of diabetes, obesity, high blood pressure and on and on compared with their non-Native counterparts. To substantiate this notion, another elder remembered hearing stories from older generations regarding their health and diet habits, “everything they ate was natural, there was no chemicals in there, and they got a lot of exercise and they prayed for it and they gave thanks for it. It was a stark difference when the government started sending in commodities to the reservations, before colonizer contact, the people were hunters and gatherers and ate foods seasonally depending on what was available”. Some of the elders talked about how it was important to be eating more fish from the lake, eating nuts, seeds and berries offered in the wild by Mother Earth. Question II: Current Impact of Historical Trauma  In order to cope with the deep soul wounds experienced through historical traumatic events many turned to alcohol and drugs. Several stories of alcohol and drugs destroying the lives of family members were shared throughout the research, but we also chose not to tell those stories out of respect. It is well documented that Native communities struggle with use of drugs and alcohol with a particularly high prevalence on reservations. There is also research elucidating the path for wellness for First Nations people. For example, Maria Yellow Horse Braveheart (e.g. 2003; 2011) has documented the relationship between historical trauma and substance abuse and how to provide culturally competent mental health services for Lakota people. This research has been pivotal in providing clearer guidelines and considerations for mental health service providers in general, with attention to nuances between different tribes and their lived experiences. It was clearly marked by our research participants that there was massive destruction and loss met with violence and substances. One elder stated “that’s all I remember in my younger youth, nothing but violence, sexual abuse, all those things go with alcoholism.” These elders expressed a clear understanding of the direct relationship between cultural loss and substance use. One elder shared that  “hopelessness takes over because the sorrow is just too much to breathe in.

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Life becomes about surviving.” The field of psychology has well established that abuse or adverse childhood experiences increases our risk for decreased longevity of life, increase in violence, increase in heart conditions and other physical diseases, increases in drug and alcohol abuse (e.g. McKelvey, Selig, &Whiteside-­ Mansell, 2017). The themes resulting from this research overlap across all categories. However, loss of culture and language was referenced throughout the research as a tragedy, and as the avenue for remembering who we are. Much was conveyed by these eleven elders regarding the loss of culture and language. One elder spoke of the inability of the younger generations to understand the traditional ways of the people because they never learned to speak their language. In every instance where language was discussed, it was clear that language holds the keys to cultural survival. When an entire community of people is in a state of hopelessness and despair, conflict with self and others prevails, especially without necessary support structures in place. The removal of Indian children from their families to attend boarding schools brought a whole host of challenges resulting in community discord. Children sent off to boarding schools at a young age did not bond with their parents and grandparents, they did not speak their languages and they were intentionally re-­socialized to assimilate into Western life styles and ways. Thus, successive generations of Native children were subjected to a world of inner conflict. “We lived in two worlds, when we were at school, we learned the white mans ways and we tried to be good that way, but when we came home we didn’t know how to be because we forgot”. The disconnection and cultural loss experienced by these elders as children created dis-ease and dis-harmony in their later years. “….and we didn’t know how to relate to our parents and grandparents, we even got sick and we had to go to the clinic because we didn’t know how to treat the sicknesses that we had”. “We didn’t live the way our parents lived, and we didn’tknow how that would impact our children. “they’re fat because they don’t use up their energy running around…when the kids start liking the White man’s food, [they] will get the white man’s diseases, and that’s really true.” These elders expressed their concerns for the younger generations to return to a traditional way of life, yet with the onset of the internet and mass social media, it is unlikely that the youth of the day will refrain from their involvement with technology. Todays Indigenous youth have no knowledge of a world without technology. A world where face to face interactions are unnecessary because interacting with the interface of our cellular devices, tablets, and computers produces faster results. Question III:  Recommendations for Healing Historical Trauma  To heal historical trauma, the elders suggest that we need to focus on the positive. One native elder who returned from an inpatient care facility for alcohol and drug treatment stated it this way, “All the things you learned before you came here [were] all negative. Now you have to learn the right way. You gotta learn how to love life. Not fear life”. Alcoholism, suicide, domestic violence and the like are serious problems in Native American communities, especially when compared to their non-Native counterparts. However a change in perspective indicates that Native American and Indigenous movements are breathing new life into our awareness of how we impact

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the world on a global scale. As with the Mni Wiconi (water is life) movement that started at Standing Rock North Dakota; the current protest at Maunakea in Hawaii, and; the numerous tribes in the Amazon rainforest fighting against the usurpation of their lands, Native and Indigenous people world wide are standing in solidarity for the preservation of the Earth and all her resources. These are healthy movements demonstrating the strength and power of Indigenous Ways of Knowing across the globe. The elders in this research asserted the need for educational opportunities to direct our attention on how to most effectively help ourselves, heal our bodies and minds, and re-learn our traditional ways of life. Education regarding the impact of the Standard American Diet (SAD) is needed in Indigenous communities. A return to traditional foods may not be entirely possible however, we do have enough information to begin discussing what an indigenous diet looks like in our modern world. Traditional foods were thoroughly discussed with respect to a much needed change in nutritional understanding. In our travels into the jungles of South America over a short ten-year time period (2009–2019 respectively) we noticed dramatic shifts in food consumption from the natural abundance of coconuts and corn sold on the streets of small villages to processed packaged foods. It is a sure way to annihilation for Indigenous people to adopt the SAD as it will inevitably result in increased risk for health problems. One elder stated in response to the current western diet that “everything they ate was natural, there was no chemical in there, and they got a lot of exercise and they prayed for it and gave thanks for it.” Again, history continues to be replayed across the globe, as Western ideologies of gross national product take over. The people whose nature is to live in balance with nature, the elements, the land, the spiritual self, are the most hurt by Westernization as their spiritual responsibilities absolve in the pleasure of ease, comfort, packaged food, alcohol, drugs and loss of culture. Grand Mayan elder, Wandering Wolf recorded the following message left by his elders “They always thought of their children, not as the Western world thinks of the present, ‘now there is gold here, we have to extract.’ They never thought of what this could cause, and now this great environmental contamination” (Shift of Heages, 2009). The Mayans connected with galactic star systems to resonate harmonic vibrations that would align our planet and guide our lives (Argüelles, 1987). Their deep understanding that there was a galactic code to be connected with the genetic code is now a scientific fascination. While perhaps difficult to fathom, taking Native Science as a relevant truth that is based on relational reality, is a way of understanding the world that is real and valid. Elders are the key to education with wisdom for sustaining life into the future. Listening to our Elders share their wisdom is like listening to the vibrations of the Earth and the Ocean. Gregory Cajete (1994) outlines the key elements of a modern education founded on Indigenous epistemologies in his book, Look To The Mountain: An Ecology of Indigenous Education. In this book, Cajete describes an Indigenized education as: “the conscious sensitizing of humans to the profound communications made by the universe about us, by the sun, the moon, and the stars, the clouds, the rain, the contours of the earth and all its living forms” (p. 22–23). Cajete further

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describes a rich and profound appreciation for the “revelatory presence of the divine in artistic and creative expression as flowing into the student and being natural to the educational process”. Many Indigenous and Native elders continue to see themselves as carriers of the ancient wisdom of their ancestors who always directed attention to the reverence of nature. One man stated that going into ceremony was the only thing that helped him in the end. Hopi Elder – Thomas Banyacya, Sr. (1909–1999) relayed this message from his ancestors: this area, the Hopi were led into by ancient people, our four sacred mountains is the spiritual center, the heart of Mother earth, so they say we must leave it in natural state, because if we rip up this earth, from all around the world for money, job and good time, and just rip it up, but if we leave this Four Corners area in natural state that the great spirit made, just leave it that way, and hold it by prayer, fast, ritual, ceremony every month to keep this land and life in balance for not only here, for around the world and that is what Hopi trying to hold onto now and other Native people–to perform their ceremonies so this world will go on. You can’t have one invention that can stop rain, when it really coming down, or earthquake, or tornado, hurricane, when it comes, that invention of white man, can’t stop it, it has to come from the heart of spiritual people who know what to sing and how to perform a ceremony and other things, and that will keep us in balance.

Likewise, Arhuaco Mamos of the Kogi Indians who reside in the Sierra Madres relayed at a 2011 conference supported  by the Columbia Foundation for Global Humanity (http://www.f4gh.org/home) that “according to the philosophical teachings of our ancestors, the Sierra is relevant because it mirrors the spiritual and energetic fields of the earth”. The Kogi’ understand it as the heart of the world, and see their rituals and ways of life as protecting nature for all beings all over the planet. They see themselves as part of an integral system whose primary way of life is ritual in recognition of the natural cycles and elementals [earth, air, fire and water). Language learning is regarded as the highest aspirations of Indigenous people today. Since the themes of this research repeat themselves throughout, it is important to note the significance of Indigenous and Native American cultural teachings and languages. One elder stated it this way: “We need to turn it around, we lost our language because they forbade us to speak it in school, and some of us did not get to come home except for holiday; now we need have a place where we don’t speak English, just Washoe, that’s why we need an immersion school, to re-instill our language.” Language renewal efforts are central to cultural revitalization, which according to these elders is how we heal. Native elders all agree that we simply cannot ignore the fact that trauma continues to this day in numerous forms, from food to education. And it would be a grave disservice to ignore what is happening in our world on a global front. In our attempt to glean out only the elders that spoke on Indigenous Ways, we could not ignore the numerous videos’ posted to draw attention to hundreds, even thousands of violent acts against Indigenous and Native people world wide. We continually had to remind each other that the purpose for this manuscript is to share wisdom and not address on-going traumatic events, of which there are numerous. It was often times difficult to remember the elders teachings to focus on the positive and to lead with prayer

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because as we navigated the process of completing this manuscript, we both noticed the signs of trauma reactions in our bodies. From feeling overwhelmed with hopelessness at the numerous events against the lives of Indigenous communities to overwhelmed with joy, love and perseverance at witnessing first hand the powerful movements that have spread worldwide in the last several years. Another recent example is the selling of sacred lands in Nayarit, Mexico without permission from the Wixáritari people, who are Indigenous Earthkeepers and carriers of ancient wisdom (see https://www.telesurenglish.net/news/Wixarika-MexicoDenounce-Illegal- Sale-Sacred-Island-20180218-0008.html). Hence, in this area of Mexico, silver mining companies are endangering the sacred way of life of the Wixarika people (Hollander, 2017). All over the world, we witness Indigenous people fighting to protect the land and the ancient way of life. One of the 11 elder’s said it this way, with grave emotion and reflection regarding the “white people coming in and disrespecting the earth,” “digging everything up, tearing the trees down, muddying the waters,…and shooting everything…putting fences up.” Native actor, musician, poet and author Chief Dan George (1899-???), of the Tsleil-Waututh Nation, in the District of North Vancouver, British Columbia, Canada said the following: “Time evolves and comes to a place where it renews again, there is first a purification, then comes a time of renewal. We were told that we would see America come and go, in a since America is dying from within because they forgot the instructions of how to live on Earth. (https://www.youtube. com/watch?v=g7cylfQtkDg, retrieved 8/28/2019)”. The message of the indigenous elders in this study was clear. We must act now to clean our water ways, clear our air, and take our rightful place as stewards of Mother Earth. We are grateful to the eleven elders in the original research and for all the information shared across social media. It is our sincere hope that their word sparks an interest in further inquiry into Indigenous Ways of Knowing as a way of life.

Concluding Remarks In reflecting on the significance of this original research along with the messages provided by other Native American and Indigenous elders all over the world we found that they [we] are all saying the same things. Native American Elders are urging a return to the understanding that earth is the nurturer of all life–she is our Mother, a living breathing being in need of our care and attention. The fast paced life of the western world has wreaked havoc on Native and Indigenous people world wide, and continues to threaten their ways of life. Resources such as nutritious, non-­ toxic food sources free of chemical additives, rancid oils and sugar; adequate shelter in clean environments free from pollutants; access to clean water, and; relevant education are scarce on Indian reservations. The elders in this research demonstrate a clear understanding of the challenges brought on by westernization. Their message was clear, “a return to the sacred is the wave of the future.” They further asserted that in order to heal from the on-going traumas of western life ways, we

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must engage our own traditional cultural ways, reconnect with the land and take our responsibility as stewards of the earth. An IWOK paradigm is becoming increasingly popular in this age of political upheaval and environmental destruction. People from all walks of life are leaving the cities to live closer to nature. Primitive skills gatherings and alternative lifestyles are additionally growing in popularity. One need only take a brief tour on the internet to survey the numerous primitive skills gathering and schools of herbalism, and messages being disseminated by Native and Indigenous Elders. This is only the beginning of the critical time of purification and renewal that is underway. We are urged to continue to learn how to utilize the resources of the Earth with respect. We are urged to listen to the Indigenous elders all over the world, advocating for the life of the Earth Mother. We are urged to action with consciousness for the impact we are making on this planet and for our future generations. This manuscript only represents a very small amount of the information that is now available to ascertain the importance of Native and Indigenous Elders’ teachings. Elders have and will continue to speak up on behalf of the Earth Mother because this is where true healing begins. We will end with a quote from Iakoiane Wakerahkats:teh, Clan Mother of the Mohawk Nation: My indigenous grandmothers stood upon the ocean cliffs when the first wave of European saltwater men hit the shores of our sacred Turtle Island. For twenty-one thousand moons my people have watched their adolescent behavior wreak havoc across our beautiful and pristine earth. In my peoples’ language, we call her Ieti’nisten:ha Ohon:tsa. In times of mindless play and risky behaviors, we sat and shared our wisdom about being too wasteful, our leaders warned saltwater men to tread lightly in her presence. Saltwater men mocked the words of the Noble Red Men. Now that saltwater man is maturing, he is beginning to reflect upon his selfish choices. Earth Mother has been patient as all mothers are. The time has come for her to correct his behavior; in stern warnings we hear her voice across the land as environmental casualties take place around the earth. Clearly she is saying, “Clean up your mess, my salt water son.” In gentle echoes across vast mountaintops Ieti’nisten:ha Ohon:tsa calls forward her saltwater son: “Come here my son, stand in front of me, come closer, hang your head and place your ear upon my heart. Hear it beating, hear the many prayers I have prayed for you, taste the tears that fell from my eyes when I feared for you, touch the scars where my heart broke for you, smell the blood that gave life to you. Close your eyes and see the sacred door through which you entered your life and know that no matter what you have done, my heart still loves you. “Lift your head, gaze into the eyes of your Earth Mother and tell me that you’re ready to make your amends. Throw your arms around me and say you’re sorry for the pain that you have caused me. Be humble in your request. Throw out your masculine ego, your greed, and your self-serving agenda. Fall upon your knees in front of me and ask for my pity. Even the wild beast of the forest knows how to humble himself in the presence of an Earth Mother, for I am the very breath that all living things breathe. “My saltwater son, I prepare you for your condolence. I remove from you the burden of your choices. I wipe away your tears with the softness of a fawn’s hide, so that you can see clearly my beauty; with an eagle feather I remove the dust from your ears so you can hear the wisdom in my words, my son with the life-giving power from the springs of the earth I give sacred water to you, drink, clear your throat so you can now speak as a man with honor. There is no more time for foolish play. I give you instructions: Without hast go to all corners of the earth and echo this call. I bestow upon you a duty to carry a message from your Earth Mother. Call all indigenous mothers of the earth–past, present, and future–to a land of convergence. A land that still runs clear with sweet water from the mountain tops, a land that

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still holds my pristine beauty. It is here that mothers and grandmothers of the earth will usher in a time of tremendous earthly renewal. It has always been your job to honor and protect women. That is why I gave you strength–go quickly for you cannot fail in the delivery of my calling; if you do, the heart of your mother, will stop beating.

References Alberty, A. (2017). Utah’s Pando aspen grove is the most massive living thing known on Earth. It may die soon. The Salt Lake Tribune. On-line publication, November 14, 2017. Anzaldúa, G. (1987). Borderlands La Frontera: The new mestiza (3rd ed.). San Francisco, CA: Aunt Lute Books. Argüelles, J. (1987). The Mayan factor: Path beyond technology. Santa Fe, NM: Bear & Company. Battiste, M., & Semeganis, H. (2002). First thoughts on first nation’s citizenship: Issues in education. In Y. Hébert (Ed.), Citizenship in transformation in Canada. Toronto, ON: University of Toronto Press. Ben Bar (2016, February 12). The human effect. Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch ?v=o6zg3mxxbdg&t=3428s Brockell, G. (2019, September 20). The Civil Rights Leader ‘almost nobody knows about’ gets a statue in the U.S.  Capitol. The Washington Post. Retrieved from https://www. washingtonpost.com/history/2019/09/20/civil-rights-leader-almost-nobody-knowsabout-gets-statue-us-capitol/ Bergin Michael, (2017) Online post https://www.researchgate.net/post/ Can_someone_explain_the_ontology_and_epistemology_in_simple_way Cajete, G. (1994). Look to the mountain: An ecology of Indigenous education. Skyland, NC: Kivaki Press. Denzin, N. K., Lincoln, Y. S., & Tuhiwai Smith, L. (2008). Handbook of critical and indigenous methodologies. Los Angeles, CA/London, UK/New Delhi, DL/Singapore: Sage. Duran, E. (1995). Healing the soul wound: Counseling with American Indian and other native peoples. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Duran, E., & Duran, B. (1995). Native American postcolonial psychology. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. El Salvadoran Father Dies in Migrant CBP Custody. (2019, August). Democracy Now Headline News. Retrieved from https://www.democracynow.org/2019/8/5/headlines/el_salvadoran_ migrant_father_dies_in_cbp_custody.[if !supportLineBreakNewLine][endif] Fixico, D. (2003). The American Indian mind in a linear world. New York, NY: Routledge. Foundation for Global Humanity. (2011). (http://www.f4gh.org/home) “The Dawn of a New Time” gathering. Valledupar, Colombia in August of 2011. Grayshield L., & Mihecoby A. (2010). (Eds. Sloan, T & Toporek, R.). Indigenous ways of knowing as a philosophical base for the promotion of peace and justice in counseling education and psychology. Journal for Social Action in Counseling Psychology., (volume, page numbers). Grayshield, L., Rutherford, J., Salazar, S., Mihecoby, A., & Luna, L. (2015). Understanding and healing historical trauma: The perspectives of Native American elders. Journal of Mental Health Counseling, 37(4), 295–307. Hollander, K. (2017, May 30). Battle in the Mexican Desert: Silver mining against Peyote and Indigenous spirituality. Ecologist: The Journal for the Post-Industrial Age. Retrieved from https://theecologist.org/2017/may/30/ battle-mexican-desert-silver-mining-against- peyote-and-indigenous-spirituality. Hurtes, S. (2019, August 21). Inside the Indigenous Fight to Save the Amazon Rainforest. Dazed Digital. Retrieved from https://www.dazeddigital.com/politics/article/45703/1/the-fight-tosave-the-amazon-rainforest-youth-activist-protest?fbclid=IwAR2SynMH3uXPJiFmoeabg144 0R1nZ6ceVA_9mVEbaHQLRAiS8DqzSax8l8Q

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Jaguar Bird. (2018, December 2). Being Indigenous and A.I.M. Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6mhqoEofHzg Jones, D. (2006). The persistence of American Indian health disparities. American Journal of Public Health, 96(12), 2122–2134. Londoño, E. & Casado, L. (2019, August 30). With Amazon on fire, environmental officials in revolt against Bolsonaro. The New  York Times. Retrieved from https://www.nytimes. com/2019/08/28/world/americas/amazon-fires-brazil.html Martín-Baró, I. (1994). In A.  Aron & S.  Corne (Eds.), Writings for a Liberation Psychology. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. McKelvey, L. M., Selig, J. P., & Whiteside-Mansell, L. (2017). Foundations for screening adverse childhood experiences: Exploring patterns of exposure through infancy and toddlerhood. Child Abuse & Neglect, 70, 112–121. Rosado, R. Q. (2007). Consciousness-in-action: Toward an integral psychology of Liberation & Transformation. Caguas, PR: Ilé Publications. Rodriguez, J. (2017). A clan mothers call: Reconstructing Haudenosaunee cultural memory. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. Shift of Heages. (2009, December 2). Seeding Mayan Knowledge & Wisdom-South America. Retrieved from https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZY7UtYBUFHc Smith, L. T. (1999). Decolonizing methodologies; research and Indigenous peoples. New York, NY: Palgrave. Tveten, J. (2019, August 29). Coorporate Media Does Mauna Kea a Grave Disservice. Truth Dig: Drilling Beneath The Headlines. Retrieved from https://www.truthdig.com/articles/ what-the-mauna-kea-protectors-fight-is-really-about/ Yellow Horse Brave Heart, M. (2003). The historical trauma response among natives and its relationship with substance abuse: A Lakota illustration. Journal of Psychoactive Drugs, 35(1), 7–13. Yellow Horse Brave Heart, M. (2011). Historical trauma among indigenous peoples of the Americas: Concepts, research and clinical considerations. Journal of Psychoactive Drugs, 43(4), 282–290.

Chapter 6

Traditional Healing Practices in Curanderismo Ramon Del Castillo, Ivelisse Torres Fernandez, and Laura L. Luna

Traditional healing practices such as Curanderismo, are rooted in an Indigenous worldview of healing in which it is understood that the mind and body do not operate outside of the spirit rather all are intertwined in their relation to well-being and health (e.g. Maduro, 1983). Indigenous epistemology suggests that one must be in harmony with nature, the sacred, and in good relation with others in order to stay well. Whereas illness falls on a person when there is a break from harmonious relationships and when the Curandera/o is needed (Arias, 2004). As the world continues to advance in technology and information and knowledge is shared across time and space, Indigenous healing practices are sought after by people everywhere; however, it is with caution that we proceed because Western practitioners are not advised to take on Indigenous practices rather work collaboratively with Indigenous practitioners in a holistic treatment approach. However, there are many cases in which mental and physical health professionals seek after experiences that enhance their own spiritual growth, and hence they have entered spaces in which Indigenous healers, medicine men, shamans, curandero/as, begin to share their knowledge about healing (Serpent and the Sun: Tales of an Aztec Apprentice, 2009). The purpose of this chapter is to bring forth Curanderismo as a viable treatment for a variety of ailments for Latina/o communities. It is the recommendation of the authors to mental and physical health practitioners to work collaboratively with known traditional healers and to make space in their minds for the possibility that Curanderismo and other Indigenous healing modalities are culturally responsive R. Del Castillo (*) Chicana/o Studies, Metropolitan State University of Denver, Denver, CO, USA e-mail: [email protected] I. T. Fernandez Carlos Albizu University, San Juan, PR, USA L. L. Luna California State University, San Bernardino, San Bernardino, CA, USA © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 L. Grayshield, R. Del Castillo (eds.), Indigenous Ways of Knowing in Counseling, International and Cultural Psychology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-33178-8_6

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and appropriate treatments for Indigenous heritage peoples. We will provide case studies as examples of how a mental health clinic worked with a Curandera to support the curing of the people whose needs were not fully addressed with a purely Western ideology and philosophy for treatment. The chapter will be augmented with qualitative research of an Apache Medicine Man/Curandero who worked at the clinic as a clinical supervisor and another healer that also worked with community residents, but not particularly within a formal mental health center; but more in private practice.

Healing Across Borderlands The need for culturally and linguistically responsive services has been widely discussed in the literature. Most of this literature has centered on the need for development of multicultural counseling competencies and increasing social justice advocacy efforts. Even though multiculturalism and social justice have become a driving force in the counseling field there is much work that needs to attention in order to address “prescriptive” or “one-size-fits-all” approaches when working with underprivileged or minority groups (Organista, 2007). For example, although Latinas/os as a cultural group share some values such as familismo or respeto, the way in which these values manifest are different across Latino/a groups. Moreover, the historical, political, and social context coupled with various levels of forced acculturation and the varied geographic locations in which Latinas/os reside, changes the way in which the values, attitudes, and beliefs manifest. Latinas/os living in the borderlands present with very distinct needs and characteristics that go beyond examining traditional Latino values, culture, or norms (Hernández-Wolfe, 2013; Torres, O’Connor, Mejia, Camacho, & Long, 2011). Thus, the need to differentiate between treatment approaches and services and how we conceptualize mental health issues are not only critical but also ethically imperative. Furthermore, beyond physical or geographic borders, Latinos/as continue to experience challenges due to the impact of the utilization and access of the Western medical system either for mental or physical health treatment (Hernández-Wolfe, 2013; Organista, 2007). Although much of the scientific literature calls for the provision of services that acknowledges the specific nuances of these populations, there is a pervasive tendency in the field to utilize Western/Euro-centric treatment models (Torres-Rivera & Torres Fernandez, 2015). This is particularly problematic because these models are very individualistic; thus, denying the specific social, political, cultural context that impact client’s experiences and wellbeing. Therefore, this chapter aims to provide an overview of traditional healing methods and indigenous approaches when working with Latinas/os who are continuously on the Borderlands, not only physically; but psychically, culturally and spiritually. It is these author’s assertions that reclaiming indigenous roots and the use of traditional healing methods may be better suited to address the mental health needs of these oppressed and marginalized

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communities (Zavaleta & Salinas, 2009). This chapter will provide a case example of how a Curandera’s healing practices were integrated into the structure of a mental health clinic in Denver, Colorado. As previously mentioned two other healers’ practices are included as supportive evidence of the effectiveness of Curanderismo. La Curandera, Diana Velazquez nationally addressed a variety of healthcare organizations as well as provide specialty treatment for some clientele. She assisted in building a bridge, emphasizing the possibility of work that mental and physical health providers can provide in collaborating when treating Latinas/os in a culturally sensitive manner, addressing the needs of the whole person while considering their social and cultural experiences.

 ental Health in the Borderlands: Prevalence of Mental M Health Disorders The correlation between mental health and ethnicity has been widely documented. The literature indicates that individuals from ethnic minorities are more likely to present a mental disorder than their White counterparts present (UDHHS, 2008). Within the Latino community, studies have found that as the length of time living in the US increases, the levels of mental health distress also increase (Cook, Alegria, Lin, & Guo, 2009). Furthermore, Latino immigrants are often at risk to develop mental disorders due to the stressors related to the migration experience. These maladies include historical trauma, low education level, low socio- economic status, limited English proficiency, limited access and/or trust in the health care system, stress associated with acculturation, as well as separation from their nuclear families (Arbona et al., 2010). Moreover, when comparing reports on feelings of sadness, hopelessness, and worthlessness, observations correlate that Latinos tend to report higher levels compared to Non-Hispanic Whites (USDHHS, 2012). In addition, ethnic minorities are more likely to perceive the experience of racial discrimination, which also significantly correlates with the development of mental disorders within the Latino population. The development of a major depressive disorder is more prevalent when perceiving discrimination (Chou, Asnaani, & Holfman, 2012). Within borderland communities, 17.4% of the population suffer from depressive disorders (Martin et al., 2013). Along the US-Mexico border, there are diverse factors that adversely impact the mental health of the community. Among them, poverty, which has been associated with lack of health insurance and limited treatment access. Other factors include access to drugs, violence and immigration (Flores & Kaplan, 2009). Drug trafficking has been documented as a serious issue among borderland communities, with easy access to drugs, the probability of individuals developing alcohol and substance use is higher (Flores & Kaplan, 2009). Another important mental health concern in the borderlands is suicide. Suicide is the tenth cause of death in the US while some border states have reported to have higher suicide rates (Hoyert & Jiaquan, 2012).

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In recent years, there is an increase in the number of individuals who suffer trauma symptoms. There is a relationship between the escalation of drug usage and drug related violence in Mexico (Mendoza, 2011). During this time, many borderland communities witnessed bodies hanging from bridges, massacres, kidnappings, extortions, and shootings (Torres-Fernandez, et al., 2012). This is problematic as further research indicates a positive correlation between diverse mental health disorders (e.g. depression, anxiety, somatic symptoms) and exposure to traumatic events (World Health Organization, 2013).

Barriers to Care As previously discussed, the prevalence of mental health disorders among the borderland communities has been widely documented. With this increased need for services come multiple barriers that limit access to such needed services. Some of the barriers documented by the literature include poverty, immigration status, lack of medical insurance, language barriers, lack of bilingual health providers, and cultural stigma related to mental health (Aguilera & Lopez, 2008). According to these authors, poverty has been associated with a higher risk of psychological distress and the development of a mental disorder. Research estimates that those suffering from poverty are 2–3 times more likely to suffer from a mental illness (National Alliance on Mental Illness [NAMI], 2009; USDHHS, 2008). Moreover, individuals with low incomes are more likely to present depression, lack health insurance, and have difficulty affording medical services (USDHHS, 2012). The vagaries of immigration into the United States impacts the mental health of borderland communities. Immigrants are more likely to have difficulty getting a job and negotiating higher salaries due to their limited English proficiency (Dodson, Albelda, Salas, & Mtshall, 2012). Moreover, having a low paying job also increases the probabilities of being uninsured, which also reflects on limited access to mental health care. Among the low-income population in the US, Latinos account for 76% of uninsured individuals, the highest among ethnic minority groups; and when comparing border and non-border populations, those who live in the border region are also more likely to report not having medical insurance (Martin et al., 2013). Lastly, Latinos in general are more likely to lack medical insurance, and report delays when receiving services as well as poor quality of health care (Aguilera & Lopez, 2008). Within borderlands communities, Spanish-speaking minorities are one of the largest groups; language is an important barrier to receive medical services. Reports indicate that half of Spanish speakers tend to report difficulties to communicate in English, which is an important barrier to receive the appropriate medical services, because of misunderstandings between the health care provider and the patient (Lewis-Fernandez, Das, Alfonso, Weissman, & Olfson, 2005). The authors noted that some of these miscommunication problems include patient’s lack of understanding medical conditions and/or medical terminology and how to receive and continue treatment. Besides the language barrier, the lack of cultural competencies

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can lead to the misdiagnosis of Latino clients (NAMI, 2009). Due to low education, many low-income Latinos in the border tend to describe their symptoms in non-­ medical or formal terms, which at times impede the process of receiving adequate services (Lewis-Fernandez, et al., 2005). With regards to mental health services, the border region is considered as a high mental health disparity area (Martin et  al., 2013) and to complicate matters, the number of mental health professionals who provide bilingual services is limited (NAMI, 2009). Cultural stigma and the lack of possessing help seeking behaviors negatively impacts access to quality care. For example, Latinos are more likely to seek mental health services from their church, priest, or pastor, compared to an appropriate mental health center (Akincigil et al., 2012). Reports indicate that they are more likely to report limited knowledge about mental health symptoms and how to obtain services (Aguilar-Gaxiola et al., 2002). Additionally, when receiving mental health services, there exists shame, which prevents individuals from seeking mental health services (USDHHS, 2008). Access to care and mental health by border populations is difficult to receive.

History and Roots of Curanderismo Curandera Avila & Parker (1999) tells the story about how the roots of curanderismo with its many manifestations traveled with Africans that eventually became slaves, forcibly taken from their ancestral lands and brought into America and Mexico during the fifteenth through the seventeenth Century. Historically, the philosophy of curanderismo derives from classical Greek and Roman theories and practices, mingled with indigenous Indian scientific concepts and rituals of Indian/ Mexican people. There are strong similarities between African and Mexican ideologies for healing that are well documented (Avila & Parker 1999; Zavaleta & Salinas, 2009). Avila and Parker (1999) elaborate, “Curanderismo is an earthy, grounded health-care system that seeks to keep all of the elements of our being in balance. Curanderos believe that human beings—along with animals, plants, minerals, water, earth, air and fire—are a part of the living earth system (Arias, 2004). Illness occurs when one does not live in harmony with all aspects of self and nature” (Ibid, p. 19). In studying Amuzgo Indians in Oaxaca, Cartwright (2007) ethnographically documents current use of Indigenous treatments for various ailments such as coraje, mal de ojo, and nervios utilized within this Indian community. Amuzgo Indians conceptualize illnesses as constantly moving and changing, interrelated and connected, and living within the body memories of the people. Spirituality has been at the core of African and Native Indigenous healing systems. Indigenous healers were aware of how alienation of the soul from the body caused fright, emotional discomfort, susto, soul loss, wounded spirits and a variety of maladies treated by both indigenous systems as cultures were dismantled and communities suffered loss and degradation (e.g. Ojelade, McCray, Meyers, & Ashby, 2014; Zavaleta & Salinas, 2009). From a more contemporary perspective, Trotter and Chavira (1980) have

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identified at least six major influences relative to the use of curanderismo. These anthropologists support Avila’s contention that curanderismo includes early Arabic medicine and health practices, Judeo-Christian religious beliefs, symbols, and rituals including occultism and witchcraft. Native American herbal lore and health practices from modern beliefs about spiritualism and psychic phenomena and scientific medicine are also part of the influences (Ibid, 1981). The practice of curanderismo is sanctioned by the work the curandero/a performs in the community contrasted with western medical practitioners who get permission to practice medicine via formal institutions. Trotter and Chavira (1980) present a tri-level structure in curanderismo including the material, the spiritual, and the mental. However, not all curanderos/as practice at all three levels. The material level is the most commonly used, work at the mental level argue the authors is highly unusual. Western practitioners haves reinvigorated Curanderismo as western practitioners seek out alternative methods of holistic treatment, venturing into ancient, folkloric and holistic healing to complement and/or supplant current forms of healing. Western medicine and practitioners have much to learn from Indigenous healing practices and belief systems and recent investigations suggest the interest for incorporating indigenous healing traditions within psychotherapy (e.g. Ojelade, McCray, Meyes, & Ashby, 2014). As Torres and Sawyer (2005) states, “It should be pointed out, however, that modern Western medicine itself has only recently emerged from eons of ignorance and poor practices—only a few lifetimes ago, basic hygienic practices in hospitals and surgeries to prevent the spread of infections, and the use of anesthesia as a way to ensure that surgery patients would lie still for delicate procedures, had yet to be introduced to Western medicine” (p. 5).

 pistemological Foundations of Curanderismo: The Role E of the Curandero/a Avila & Parker (1999) in Woman Who Glows in the Dark: A Curandera Reveals Traditional Aztec Secrets of Physical and Spiritual Health state that “Curanderismo treats problems that are recognized as illnesses in Western medicine, as well as many that aren’t” (p. 41). Authors provide an extensive analysis of the misconceptions that western practitioners have created because of the linguistic and cultural differences that exist between the two groups and issues with translating concepts from one language to another that often cause misunderstanding. Patients that have been treated by western psychiatry realize the limitations of the western system; therefore, gravitate to indigenous healers (Avila & Parker, 1999). One theory of cultural illness that has been researched (Kiev, 1968; Madsen, 1964a; Trotter & Chavira, 1980) sees illness as an imbalance. Many curanderos/as believe that in order to maintain health, there must be a balance between hot and cold qualities. An example of this metaphor would be the intake of hot and cold

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food simultaneously. Additionally, excessive emotional turmoil imbalances the humors in the body and causes illness. Avila & Parker, mentored by those who possess the “greatest medicine,” teach how “we should form proper, balanced relationships with ourselves, our partners, our community, and our universe…To them, the balance and movement of energies, both human and divine, is very sacred, and a good part of their practice of the spiritual hinges around this idea” (p.33). Living in harmony with mothernature is essential to being healthy and whole as a person. The Hippocratic theory with a foundation of mixture of hot and cold causing illness, postulated that the human body is in a state of health contained balanced quantities of the four “humors” (phlegm, blood, black bile, and yellow bile. Furthermore, it postulated that a disproportion of hot and cold essences can be reflected in illness (Clark, 1973, p. 164; Avila & Parker, 1999). It now exists as a current theoretical framework of many curanderos/as. Lucero translates the Spanish term curandera into a healer or curer, which stems from the Spanish verb curar, to cure. As a general practitioner, who has the gift (don), (This should not be confused with the Spanish title given to nobility), the role of the curandera/o is to assist the patients in the healing processes who suffer from a variety of physical and psychological maladies (Lucero, 1981; Arias, 2004; de las Heras Salord, 2014). There are a variety healing specialists that include the following: sobadora (massager and people who treat sprains and strained muscles), yerbero (herbalist), medica (a medical healer), partera (midwife), and bruja (witch). Señoras are known for their abilities to intervene in mild ailments. As well, curanderas/os are known for their work in manipulating the supernatural and physical world. La Curandera Total has the ability to perform all the aforementioned functions. Romano (1965) presents evidence that there is hierarchy within the structure of healers. Trotter and Chavira’s (1980) research indicates that there are overlaps and specialization as well as regional differences, which essentially translate into respect for healer’s abilities within specific communities. In either case, stratification according to healing abilities exists. This lays the foundation for respect among healers who possess varying degrees and knowledge of culturally relevant healing methods. Studies have shown that the majority of curanderas/os are highly religious and/ or spiritual people (Alegria et al., 1977; Clark, 1973; Kiev, 1968; Madsen, 1964a). The aforementioned authors present evidence that the majority of healers come from a strict Catholic background. Others state that the indigenous healer comes from a tradition of healing that has been in cultural existence for centuries. Avila & Parker (1999) states that she has treated clients from a variety of class and cultural backgrounds. Curanderas/os usually practice a culturally specific form of family therapy. They are always in consultation with family members in order to establish diagnosis and healing techniques that are used. At times, the rituals asked of the patients include various members of the nuclear and extended family as participants, depending on the malady being treated (Clark, 1973; Kiev, 1968; Madsen, 1964b). The curandera/o

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treats the family as a unit, rather than just individuals, which includes rituals wherein family member participate collectively (e.g. Arias, 2004; de las Heras Salord, 2014). Curanderas/os believe they have acquired a “divine power from God,” that allows them to be used as instruments of healing. Others believe that “this divine power comes from a vision, a calling, or a dream” (Lucero, 1981, p. 6). In the final analysis, the curandero/a performs the functional role as “balancer or restorer to homeostasis”. Through various maladies causing an imbalance, the curandera/o performs rituals, prayers, incantations, and an assortment of culturally specific remedies that assists the client in becoming whole and balanced again (e.g. Arias, 2004; de las Heras Salord, 2014). As opposed to western psychiatry, where spiritual work is triaged to persons of the cloth to perform or for anti-psychotic medication to be used, in utilizing curanderismo as a mental health healing perspective, spirituality plays an integral role in the healing process of a curandera’s client. In her research with Diana Velazquez, Lucero quotes la curandera as stating that: A frail spirituality paves the way to further breakdown, emotionally, and physically. A healthy spirituality, in essence, can cultivate a more balanced wellbeing, which creates a greater resilience to every day stresses and changes in life. On the other hand, a break in harmony, particularly in spirituality, fosters an inability to cope with problems of life changes; therefore, an imbalance and susceptibility to illness occurs (Lucero 1981, p. 19).

La Practica Diana Velazquez: La Curandera Total Diana Guevara Velazquez was born in Lockhart, Texas on March 11, 1939. She is the eldest child in her family and has two stepbrothers from father’s previous marriage. She was born into a family of women healers and was destined to fulfill this role at birth. Her great-grandmother Petra and Grandmother Chona were strong healers in their respective communities. Her grandmother died while giving a curación (the healing), fighting off evil spirits. Diana Guevara began practicing curanderismo at the age of eight. Within her abilities and through the counseling, mentoring and guidance of her grandmother, she began to perform healing rituals with barrio women. Velazquez earned her “credentials” when the community acclaimed her skilled effective healing practices. Essentially, the credentials earned by a “Curandera Total” are earned by her/his reputation in the community and an informal training curriculum extrapolated from its sociocultural subsystem. A curandera’s reputation flourishes based on the actual work accomplished. This is in contrast to modem society where one cannot inherit the right to practice medicine; the person must first certify theoretical competence (Kurtz and Chalfant, 1984, p. 144).

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Diana was initially hired as a secretary at El Centro de las Familias, a bilingual, bicultural mental health clinic located in southwest Denver and created during the mental health movement after the passage of the Mental Health Act of 1965. Her “professional career” in a formal mental health center is interesting, as she stated, The team was staffing families that had been admitted into the clinic. This was considered general supervision. In one particular case, feedback about intervention mental health strategies were given to the assigned mental health therapist. My role was to take notes. However, I felt compelled to intervene. When she finished her assessment, the team leader asked her how she knew what to do. She retorted, ‘I am a curandera. I have been working with our people for a long time.” (Velazquez, Interview, 23, July, 1993).

After joining Centro de las Familias, Diana’s work was recognized, appreciated, and validated by both the institution and the community. One of the functions that she performed for the total mental health center was as an in service provider/ trainer. Through historical oral tradition, the community came to know of her presence at the clinic as referrals began to come in.

Cultural Diagnostics and Treatment Methods Diana utilizes cultural diagnostics in order to determine her client’s emotional and spiritual imbalance. This provides the basis for building an effective treatment plan suited for each individual’s holistic and mental health needs. She draws from her cultural background when diagnosing her patients. Some of her diagnostics include cultural maladies such as trisia, “that she defines as tristeza (depression) that goes not only from the body but into your soul.” It appears that this particular diagnosis describes categorically what western psychologists call depression or perhaps melancholia, except that it manifests itself in the spirit and the soul as well. Beyond the textbook definition, Diana added, But tirisia means that down to the very core of your soul there is this sadness…this deep depression. So I also see people with this. The other thing that I see is a lot of men who carry a lot of guilt and are exhibiting it through bad luck or illness that they can’t diagnose. Guilt such as having killed somebody, having incested their daughter or sister, and even guilt of having come to the United States from Mexico, promising to support their mothers and fathers, and not following through whether it’s because they can’t afford it or it’s because they have given money to women or whomever it is…they have that feeling. So they come in exhibiting symptoms of what you might call a hex (Velazquez, Interview, 23 July, 1993).

Diana treats men with these types of psychological and spiritual problems by the use of cultural rituals, prayer and self-empowerment. She believes that she is a vessel, given power to heal by God, and that she uses this power to transmit energy and healing back into her clients. Her techniques are culturally specific laden with the values inherent in indigenous, Chicana/o and Mexicana/o cultures. Her insight and ability to “know” her clients is a factor that assists her in moving through the core of ambiguity, to diagnosing and treating the client. She uses very direct approaches

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in dealing with clients that essentially place her in a position of respect with them. Psychologically she uses a blend of common sense with a variety of methods that are culturally responsive. Velazquez treats other cultural diagnostics. Mal de ojo, or evil eye, is a common occurrence in the Mexican American community. Generally, it is associated with children (Madsen, 1964a; Kiev, 1968; Rubel, 1978). Curanderas/os believe that mal de ojo has a supernatural or magical origin. It is further ascertained that certain people possess “a very strong or hot vision capable of harming another person.” If a person with this powerful vision happens to desire or admire a person for any reason a supernatural force is projected onto that person who then becomes ill” (Lucero, p. 36, 1981). Noted researcher Ari Kiev ultimately suggests that mal de ojo “is an expression of guilt and anxiety being projected onto another person (usually a stranger)” (Kiev, 1968 p. 1067). According to Diana, “children are more susceptible to this illness because of their lack of social interaction skills and are not aware of transmitted energy, positive or negative,” (Lucero, 1981, p. 37). Treatment for a client once it is diagnosed is a simple touch by the person projecting the energy.

Tools of the Trade Salt is a very significant tool used by Diana. In its very essence, it is viewed as a pure element. Diana sees it as a precious commodity, “in ancient times, they didn’t pay with coins, they paid with salt. It comes from the sea, and it’s natural. It helps people “to ground better” (Velazquez, Interview, 23 July, 1993). She uses it with clients and expects them to bathe in it. It is combined with the use of other elements such as candles and prayers in a well-designed ritual. Embedded within treatment methods is numerology. Numbers such as 7 and 21 usually coincide with the moon’s place in the universe (Ibid). Candles are used to embellish the treatment process. Diana described the following: Well, first of all, in my practices, I have always used color, heat and light. Candles represent all of the above. I think all three from a color to a candle. I get a color, I can get the heat, I can get the light, and then the saint is thrown in for good measure. So the significance is that, if you are a Catholic person, which most of my clients are, they are very attached to praying to the saints. I am aware of what saint is good for what. San Ramon, believe it or not, is good for something. San Ramon is the saint that people claim to, that women claim to, when their husbands are starting to stray from the family home (Velazquez, Interview, 23 July, 1993).

Diana states that she is familiar with many religions and uses appropriate cultural and religious symbols in dealing with each client individually. She utilizes a person’s religion as an important element in treatment. She believes that contemporary religion like Catholicism has lost some of its cultural value. For example, mysticism, learned by clients from the Catholic Church, is highly valued in the treatment

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process. Diana believes that Chicanos/Mexicanos have lost something in the modem Catholic Church; a sense of the unknown is lost. Many times patients seek out rituals, designed with a specific purpose in mind, only to discover that the mystique has been obliterated. It is no longer practiced due to the changing structure of the church. As Diana states, “nuns who used to be dressed in mystic black, are now dressed like the rest of us. Mysticism has been lost” (Ibid). Oils are also an integral element used in treatment. Diana believes that oil is very sacred. “It was what Jesus Christ used for anointing, for healing” (Ibid). Diana’s knowledge of the various oils available allow her to prepare individual oil blends, based on the needs of the individual clients as part of the treatment process, augmented by the use of traditional rituals to complete a process. Eggs are also used because they represent innocence. According to Diana: “Eggs are very ritualistic for us because they represent new life, rebirth, they are pure. They have never been touched by human hands. And if you really look at Easter, why do we have Easter eggs? Because it represents [the] resurrection. So we use eggs internally and externally, and we use them to cleanse the body, and to cure empacho. Empacho is a folk illness. Eggs are used in the diagnostic procedures and to treat it (Velazquez, Interview, 23 July, 1993). Different colored ribbons can be used to signify particular moods of the human condition. Sometimes Diana will tie knots in the ribbons in order to remind clients that protection is near. She explained in further detail the significance of knots. I use ribbons a lot (sic) I tie seven knots in a row, then I go along with the patient and say, ‘OK, this knot is for your son, or this knot is for that neighbor that doesn’t love you, and this knot is for God to bless you, and this knot is for God to prosper you, and this knot’….Each of the knots is named and blessed. Whenever that person feels threatened, then what they do…or scared in a business situation…at school, or wherever, but they feel a fear, then what they do is they take their hand and put it in one of the knots, and I tell them to take a deep breath and become centered again (Velazquez, Interview, 23 July, 1993).

Part of the philosophy of curanderismo is being in touch with the universe. Diana times many of her rituals to coincide with the position of the moon and the stars. She blends and mixes many of her teas and herbs at specific times. She uses quasia (bark) “depending on the situation, whether it is a man or a woman and what the need is, will set it out early in the morning from certain hours to certain hours, and if it is for a man I will put it out at night, and usually whenever the moon cycle of his birth is” (Ibid). Diana describes her practice as holistic medicine. She believes that everything that is used for healing is God given. Included in this system are the use of modem physicians, nurses, and other types of healers. There is never hesitancy to refer clients to doctors when she feels that she is unable to do a patient any good; or when, in fact, that patient has a particular disease that she cannot treat. She, at times, will design rituals that act as incentives for clients to seek out treatment from their physicians (Ibid). Diana plays multiple roles as a curandera. As a holistic healer she deals with the spiritual aspect of a person. This is not general practice used by psychiatrists in this country. This is usually reserved for priests and other clergy. Therefore, as a holistic healer, she often times is seen as a spiritual healer. Diana’s descriptions included

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many occasions where actual religious persons from various denominations contacted her because someone in their particular parish was embrujado/a (bewitched). She responds by doing consultative services via the community mental health center. Her other complimentary roles include medica, psychotherapist and herbalist. As a curandera, Diana gets involved in the personal spiritual lives of her clients. She attends rosaries, funerals and other cultural and religious functions with her clients. This adds credibility to her status and reinforces the notion that she cares about her clients, providing her entrance into the family structure. Generally, the Mexican family structure is private and highly valued. Anyone admitted into the “business of the family,” has to be a special person. From the perspective of the Mexican family, Velazquez’ reputation and her interaction with the family on a personal level allows for this penetration to occur. The importance of the family is central to the existence of the Mexican-American culture. Family allegiance, loyalty, and obligation are primary values adhered to in this cultural system. To step outside of these prescribed boundaries is considered disloyalty. Curanderismo “provides a mechanism to avoid or relieve situations involving conflict between Mexican and American values”. Diana blends the Western view of medical practice, based on the relationship of the physician to the client, with a culturally specific role as determined by Indian, Mexicano, and Chicana/o cultures. This multicultural process allows patients of diverse acculturation levels to have their cultural role expectations of what a “doctor” does fulfilled as well as having their Indian, Mexican, and Chicana/o culturally specific expectations met. It does not cause patients anxiety as they enter Diana’s treatment process. In many instances, Diana combines Western methods of healing with culturally specific ones. This allows those individuals who are acculturated to get their diverse needs met. She describes one instance where a client refused to take psychiatric medication because she was “not loca (crazy).” Through the blending of rituals designed by Diana, the client agreed to take the tea mixed with the psychiatric medication. That client’s ritualistic needs were met, and she also took the antipsychotic medication (Velazquez, Interview, 23 July, 1993).

Tools of the Trade: Gloria Pacheco Gloria Pacheco Cordova defines curanderismo as “a practice of healing. Curar…means to cure…derismo is a practice of curing or healing. And I would like to add that the practice of spiritual healing” (Cordova, Interview, 14 September, 1997). She is very adamant about adding the spiritual dimension to her definition. Gloria remembers a time that she applied curanderismo with her Uncle Tony, who had been diagnosed as having dementia. He was very depressed. He was seated at Gloria’s grandmother’s home during a family reunion. Gloria recalls:

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I started to work on his head, and limpias that I do. In the limpias that I do, I use my hands just as a cleansing. I trust my intuition and I kind of go deep within the body and find what’s there in a spiritual sense…This is not something you could see with a physical light. But you could see it with a spiritual light. And I started to use my hands on his head and somehow it just all came out here…right here… Whatever was there all came out, and he cried and he felt better (Ibid).

Gloria’s uncle eventually had surgery at St. Joseph’s Hospital about six months or a year after this episode. Doctors discovered a tumor and it was extracted. However, Gloria believes that her pre-surgical approach was an important spiritual event that needed to take place. Her uncle responded affirmatively and was fine after the surgery. According to Gloria, her aunt and uncle “have been people that have influenced my path in the healing journey” (Ibid). They were people who believed in the naturalness of things. Her grandfather, who lived to be 85 years of age, influenced her regarding the many preservatives that were used in food. Her experiences had been with organic gardening and natural methods of healing. According to Gloria, he lived a healthy life. He once stated to her, “estas cosas que estan poniendo en la comida es que los esta matando la gente…antes no avia cancer ni avia esta enfermedad y esto (things that they put in the food are killing us… Before there was no cancer or this sickness or that one” (Cordova, Interview, 14 September, 1997). With respect to spirituality, Gloria stated that the methods of curanderismo involve entering into a non-ordinary state of consciousness. She defines this as an altered state of consciousness or transtate. She further indicated that some people might refer to that as a transtate of consciousness, or the ability to enter into the body through a non-physical means. (Avila & Parker, 1999, p. 81–2) refers to this type of healer as an espiritualista. Cordova recalls a treatment where one of her elderly clients was in pain. She explained: This lady had pain in her lower back and pains in her legs. It went down into her legs and she was becoming very immobilized, very depressed, and basically I asked her to participate with me in the healing process. She laid down and I used music to enter the altered state of consciousness…I put on some soft beautiful music to help her relax and to help induce the altered state with transtate. Then I scanned her body, and then I asked her exactly where it hurts. I placed my hand right there. Then I worked with her and that’s very important that the client has to believe in the healing process and the curandera has to believe also. You got to work with one mind. It’s part of the dynamics of healing, in my opinion, you have to enter into one mind, into a unified state of consciousness with the client…I placed my hand there on her back and asked, ‘what do you see?’ She saw a very black energy. I said what needs to happen with it. It needs to get out. She also saw somebody sticking pins in her, right there. For a while, she grieved. She cried. She acknowledged a lot of feelings of fear, a lot of feelings of anger, a lot of feelings of threat an intrusion on her body. She then I said, ‘are you ready to let go?’….and this is what I usually do. ‘Are you ready to let it go?’ ‘Yes, I am. Then, let me have it’ Then I just use my hands and I saw this thing myself that she’s reporting and what I’m seeing and usually see is something black. It’s a foreign energy in the body. It’s usually black. And then, she said, “I’m ready to let it go.’ And she was. And she did and I just extracted it just threw it out. And it’s not something done with a physical sense, that’s what I mean by spiritual. It takes entering a non-ordinary consciousness (Ibid).

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Gloria believes that it is essential to harmonize with the mind-set of the person who has come in for treatment. She describes listening as a very crucial aspect of the process. She stated that most of her patients are of the Catholic religion. Gloria’s further connection with the religious aspect of curanderismo has been with the veneration of the saints, a practice in Catholicism. She mentioned San Antonio as her favorite saint. Her description of him was the following, “He’s of miracles…and he’s done miracles in my life, in my family’s life, and he’s just really, really special to me” (Cordova, Interview, 14 September, 1997). She stated that a very cultural and significant piece of someone’s healing is that person’s connection with a particular saint. About 75% of her clients have a Catholic background, usually gravitating to her because of her usage of prayer to the saints in the healing process (Ibid). Gloria does not believe that there are conflicts between curanderismo and the Catholic Church. She described her issue with the Catholic Church as one of patriarchy. Her belief is that too much power is given to the priest. Her prediction is that after the Year 2000, there are going to be significant changes within the structure of the Catholic Church. She has also managed to transport her healing techniques into other religious denominations and cultures. Cordova has no biases towards working with anyone. As she stated, “The only way I would not treat them is if they did not have anything that was not workable. But I don’t believe that people do not have something that is not workable. I believe that when they enter that door, they’re already in a healing process…I have one of my best friends whose atheist and he is a jewel. He is one of the most spiritual people I know” (Cordova, Interview, 14 September, 1997). Although Gloria does not have any conflicts with the Catholic Church, she has never received any referrals from any of their churches. As she stated, “about the only thing I’ve had is like from the state hospitals. I’ve had calls, or from another therapist, but not from the clergy” (Ibid). One has to wonder if she practiced within the confines of a formal institution if things might be different.

Blending Curanderismo and Western Psychiatry Gloria believes that curanderismo and western psychology have a lot to offer each other. However, she feels that there are a lot of differences that need to be understood before someone embarks on a journey to be a cross-cultural healer. She further believes that in order to appreciate curanderismo mainstream practitioners have to, as she stated, “get out of our traditional everyday mind-sets that ordinary reality. We need to accept that realty is much broader than we experience most of the time and that there is a spiritual dimension of reality and that curanderismo comes from that place” (Cordova, Interview, 14 September, 1997). She quickly points out those western systems approaches lack the cultural knowledge that is necessary to work with Latino clients. According to Cordova, one must understand the role that culture plays in the healing process. She feels that the

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Latino culture is full of symbolism that needs to be understood in order to apply treatment effectively. As she stated; Well I think there is a relationship (between curanderismo and western psychotherapy) in that curanderismo is a healing art as well as psychotherapy is a healing art. And the difference is that…well both are healing practices…I think the two could work together. They don’t have to be separate healing practices. My training is in behavioral, psychodynamic and humanistic therapies. And I honor that training. However, I lacked the cultural sensitivity training in western psychology (Ibid).

She feels that traditional psychiatry has a bias towards curanderismo. She feels that it is viewed as “magical thinking” (Ibid). As part of her training for a Master’s Degree, Gloria encountered what appears to be a very sensitive and knowledgeable professor. This professor seems to have influenced her substantially. In one encounter with this professor, Gloria remembers: She says you see that light burning across the street? And I said, ‘yes.’ And she said there’s a lot of books in there right?…yes…and a lot of research right?…yep…and a lot of garrero (garbage)? I said I don’t know what you mean. She said, you know bad research, biased stuff, you know… I am going to tell you something Gloria Cordova, ‘no mas del amor ye es respecto sana.’ And that was it. And that was the whole foundation of my practice. Love and respect heal and traditional psychology could train me in methodologies in certain theories and techniques and methods, but the love and the respecto and familia…we have to understand family dynamics in the Latino culture (Ibid).

In general, Gloria feels that there is something sorely missing in western systems training curriculum. In further discussion she indicated that this type of training lacked an understanding of cultural differences. It was exacerbated by a lack of knowledge on how to use cultural dynamics in a treatment setting. As she stated, “I did not get non-traditional (from western systems perspective) training and I always had a conflict with that when I was going to school (college). And I’d like to state that. There’s something missing in that educational process. There is something missing. That is what I got from my grandpa, tio and tia”(Cordova, Interview, 14 September, 1997). She has learned how to incorporate her mainstream training with her curanderismo techniques. As she stated, “I have married the two, I guess the traditional psychology and the spiritual psychology by just letting myself be who I am.” She further elaborated that fear can be a cause for mistrust between the two systems. As she stated, “after all, one is in power, the other is not. “(Ibid). In general, Gloria believes that power and politics have a lot to do with the acceptance of curanderismo as a viable form mental health treatment; particularly in a formalized mental health setting.

Rituals Gloria believes that ritual is very important in the process of practicing curanderismo. According to her view of this phenomenon, “ritual adds meaning to the experience,” (Cordova, Interview, 14 September, 1997). At times, she uses ritual to help

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clients find lost parts of themselves, lost through failure to practice what they truly believe. As part of her repertoire of techniques, she uses candles with clients. One of her favorites is a candle referred to as “sagrado corazon de Cristo (sacred heart of Jesus candle)” (Ibid). From her perspective, that candle reminds clients that they need God in their life, a power greater than ourselves. At times, the candle awakens a client’s faith. The light symbolizes an awakening to faith. As she stated, “quite often I light candles for my clients and I really believe that when you get to a real pure place within yourself to your own center, to God within, and you make your requests known, I really believe that it shoots straight into the heart of God like and arrow and He hears us” (Ibid). Gloria sees prayer as a fundamental aspect to the healing process. As she stated, “prayer with good intention and pure intention is important” (Ibid). Gloria described a concept referred to as una promesa (a promise) that many of her clients make, especially when they are in crisis. She defined it as an act of ritual gratitude, as she stated, “When people become too ingrato (unappreciative)” (Ibid). From a sociological perspective, Gloria stated that we have become very separated in our own communities, not knowing our neighbors. Relationships are floundering and people are no longer connected. A promesa helps a person reconnect to the community. She eloquently stated, The promesa is for the person to go out into the community and to give back what they received…the act of giving and I think we have to get back into that….the act of giving and sharing the brotherhood, the communal values, not only the healing itself, but the healing of community. We have to extend it way beyond ourselves and into our communities. Curanderismo is a very powerful practice for healing the communities (Ibid).

Gloria believes that for genuine appreciation to occur between the two systems, as she stated, “we need to get out of our traditional everyday mind sets that ordinary reality and we need to accept that reality is much broader than we experience most of the time. There is a place for a spiritual dimension of reality. Curanderismo comes from that place. It is a spiritual place where we practice that there are other forces involved” (Ibid). She feels that the power of God is down played in western systems. She believes that the power of God needs to be added into western systems in order to make it more effective. As she stated: “Nobody enters that door because I have a protecion (protection) on that door; nobody comes through to drain the sacred energy of God in anyway. Now modem traditional psychology would say, well gee, that sounds real grandiose. We don’t call it grandiose. We call it God. And when clients come in they’re already in the healing process and they’re ready” (Cordova, Interview, 14 September, 1997). In general, Gloria Cordova uses religious symbols as an everyday practice with her mental health clients. She feels that the two will not ever complement each other completely until there is true acceptance by western systems practitioners.

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Case Study Gloria related a story about a woman who had come in to see her who was suffering from gastroid intestinal problems. She had been to several doctors and psychologists, but to no avail. The woman relayed a story having been told by the other professionals that she was hallucinating. According to Cordova’s analysis, this lady’s belief system had been trampled upon. She had a vision that she had seen Our Lady of Guadalupe. As the story goes; La Virgen de Guadalupe was giving her this ball of blue, some blue ball. She didn’t know what it was and that she was trying to figure it out. Why did she keep bringing this to me? She kept having this dream. She kept having this vision that she had been told she’s hallucinating. So I just listened to her real hard. I asked her to lie on the couch and she did. I turned the music on and just asked her to breathe and started to induce an altered state of consciousness….I used my hands to do a little barrida (sweeping), a cleansing. She started to cry. She said, ‘La Virgen is coming to me right now.’ La Virgen is bringing a blue ball of light. The blue ball of light transformed into a mantel. It totally covered her body. She felt safe and secure and she remembered how her 17 year old son had been shot in a hunting accident many years before, accidentally by his father. The fact that her husband had shot him caused her a lot of rage. She had repressed it. She was holding it in her body and it was showing up in physiological symptoms….La Virgen was giving her a healing. The psychiatrist had said it was a hallucination (Cordova, Interview, 14 September, 1997).

In the final analysis, curanderismo respects that kind of thinking. According to Cordova in this particular case, the mainstream psychiatrist was not respecting the symbolism of the woman. Faith and ritual were also combined in this particular treatment process. Gloria described it as a psycho-spiritual intervention that had been used to address the symptoms of this client. Respeto (respect) and familia are critical cultural variables that always need to be considered when working with Latino clients. Cordova further believes that a therapist must be able to apply four dimensions of healing with Latino clients: physical; psychological; emotional; and spiritual. As she stated, “when you look at the spiritual, you cover them all” (Cordova, Interview, 14 September, 1997). Tapping into the faith, reveals a lot about the Latino client. Gloria has not ventured into a formal agency with her art simply because she feels the system is not ready for it. As well, she believes that, “there is a bias in traditional psychiatry” (Ibid). When western healers encounter someone who has had a vision, it is automatically labeled as a hallucination. She also believes that there is rigidity in accepting differences, particularly cultural differences. Gloria describes curanderismo as a “friendly model” of treatment. During one of the interviews, she made reference to a newspaper article that had recently been written about curanderismo. According to Gloria the contents of the article had this to say; Now traditional psychiatry says that you’ve got to be objective and you’ve got to be kinda like a peer. I think it kind of gives that message. But not with Latino clients. I think you’ve got to be friendly. Because if they are going to trust you, they better be able to approach you. But if you are sitting on an ivory tower. Forget it. That is what they get turned off with. They feel like they are looked down at. I think a lot of therapists and clinicians are afraid of differences. And when a client talks about a vision…about the Virgin Mary… she is hallucinating” (Cordova, Interview, 14 September, 1997).

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Gloria believes that part of the process of understanding this healing philosophy is to begin to appreciate it. Curanderismo needs to be respected. She also believes that courses relative to the many types of healers and cultural differences that exist need to be offered at the university level. Gloria Cordova has not practiced curanderismo in a formal institutionalized setting. Although, mainstream practitioners have sought her out for advice, the system has not embraced her in the same way that Diana Velazquez has been embraced.

Dr. Ernesto Alvarado Ernesto Alvarado is the proud descendent of Mexican/Indian parents. His mother’s raíces (roots) are from Michoacán, Mexico. He also stated that he has a vein of Spanish from his mother’s side, her last name being of Portuguese descendants. His father was 100% Gavilian Mexican-Apache, from the State of Coahuila, Mexico. The family eventually settled in Fort Lupton, Colorado. Ernesto attended Fort Lupton schools where he received a public education for twelve years. His travels have taken him to healing ceremonies ranging from Seattle, Washington to Guatemala to Peru in las Americas. Professionally, Dr. Alvarado has an extensive background in community mental health. He is considered one of the foremost catalysts in the field of Chicana/o mental health in the State of Colorado. His experience includes involvement in all aspects of community mental health including but not limited to mental health treatment, management and supervision, and administration. While acting as the Team Manager at Centro de las Familias, a specialty clinic currently under the auspices of the Southwest Denver Community Mental Health Center (which is now the Mental Health Corporation of Denver later on the Mental Health Corporation of Denver, he was formally introduced to study the philosophy and art of curanderismo. He began his formal work as a practitioner shortly thereafter. One of his mentors was Diana Velazquez, a curandera who, prior to her passing, was the Team Manager of Centro de las Familias. Although, he has not practiced curanderismo in a formal institution, he is one of the persons responsible for laying the groundwork for introducing the philosophy of curanderismo into the mental health system in the State of Colorado (Alvarado, Interview, 27 August, 1997). Ernesto sees the role of the healer as a way of life. He has been given the title of shaman and in his view, “Shamanism is the ancient tradition of healing practiced within the family or the tribe. It is this spontaneous generosity of spirit that marks a true healer (Freke, p. 118). According to Alvarado, healers came from tribal societies where everyone was equal. He remembers being identified by his peers to play certain roles that others did not want to play. He stated, “I believe it’s a role inherited in the structure of the Indian tribal role” (Alvarado, Interview, 27 August, 1997). As a result of these experiences, he was attracted to the professional roles of social work, mental health and psychology. During his upbringing, he saw himself as the identified person whose responsibility was to be the caretaker of the family. Alvarado

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strongly believes that mental illness is caused by the breakdown of the family; a time and place when family members are not around to take care of the mentally ill person. The realization that he was playing the role of healer was not immediately identified introspectively. He stated, “People saw qualities of leadership that I didn’t realize. I didn’t realize it until very recently I was just trying to live this thing called life. It was my peers that came to me and asked me about attending ceremonies,” (Interview, Alvarado, 27 August, 1997). Anglo society would have never accepted Alvarado’s internalization of this role twenty years ago. He experienced mixed feelings about exporting curanderismo out of the barrio into a formal community mental health center. The lessons of life have taught him that it is now time to share the gifts that healers possess with the rest of the community. He stated, “My point of view would have been, keep it in the barrios. Keep it as a mentorship thing. That is where it belongs. Then I learned that we have a right to practice our traditional ways of healing in a university setting. We have a right to learn our culture” (Ibid). As he stated, “We’ve got to learn from the spirits how to live in peace with each other. When we do we become a family of sharing,” (Freke, p. 122). He has now formed the opinion that the practice of curanderismo is a right.

Reconciling Western Psychiatry and Curanderismo While on his journey, Dr. Alvarado was motivated to obtain the terminal degree in psychology. As a graduate student, he attempted to understand the Western methods of mental health, while at the same time, trying to make sense out of what he needed to do with his cultural knowledge and what constituted a true healer. He struggled with many issues during this period in his life. As he shared, “Trying to deal with subconscious anger and discrimination was difficult. Many of the persons I went to school with, Chicanos and Native Americans and Blacks became leaders in our communities. Our whole purpose or function was to strive to improve the lives of our peers in the low-income communities in contrast to others whose motive was to climb to get ahead” (Interview, Alvarado, 27 August, 1997). His graduate work in the fields of psychiatry, psychology and mental health has had an impact on his life. His motivation to obtain the Doctor of Philosophy in Educational Psychology was driven by a need to prove something to himself more than anyone. He realized that part of his journey was to explore other systems of mental health care, which also led him to his current path of being a curandero. He stated, “I am not going to be defined by society….I could be a truck driver and a healer; I can be pretty much who I want and be a healer. But if its societies definition, most Ph.D.’s in sight are not healers” (Ibid). Ernesto is critical of the current practice of mental health practitioners. In his opinion, most modem healers fear being associated with something out of the norm of western healing practices especially something like curanderismo. He argues that they fear the loss of credibility. This causes them to be ashamed of their own culture

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and hence adopt the view of western healers in what works for Latino clients. Caught in a dichotomy, he stated, “My tribal peers recognize my healing abilities without the Doctor of Philosophy. My western peers recognize me because of my Ph.D.” (Ibid). Dealing in both systems has opened healing opportunities for him. There were many individuals that played key roles in the development of Ernesto’s life. However, he believes that the spirits have also guided him. He stated, “I know there are spirits because I have been blessed with very strong guides or mentors from the spirit world that are more significant than some of the human beings who have touched my life (Alvarado, 27 August, 1997). Dr. Alvarado also pays respect to the role models that assisted him in his journey to becoming a healer. He mentioned Diana Velazquez, a renowned healer that resides in this state, as an important mentor in his life. When he first encountered Diana Velazquez, his instinct guided him to take action in terms of initiating a curanderismo program at Centro de las Familias. This was the determining factor that made him realize that it was time to take curanderismo into a formal institution. He is also quick to mention individuals who have not been idolized, but rather common people who really cared about their communities who also contributed to his development. He stated that these individuals gave him, “items from the spirit world that allowed him to find comfort and peace…re-learning what a wonderful connection we have with Mother Earth” (Ibid). He refers to himself as a “calli.” He defined this concept as coming from an ancient society of healers that trained others and kept people at the spiritual door. When asked to define curanderismo, Dr. Alvarado stated; Curanderismo needs to be understood in a cultural context. Curanderismo means people who heal. There are many titles and definitions, such as cantadores (chanters). You know there are of course derogatory terms that speak to the same people, devil worshippers, voodoo, devils, black magic, witch doctors…there could be other negative connotations…Every society performs functions to keep the family, clan and tribe healthy…including religion, psychology and physical health (Interview, (Alvarado, 27 August 1997).

Ernesto’s journey to becoming a curandero began in 1977. At this time in his life, he began to work with other groups. “Trying to figure out the spiritual world from a different perspective” (Ibid). He trained with both Chicano and Native American healers. The training with the Native American groups eventually led to his recognition as a “bona fide healer,” from the elders. He states that in many camps, he is allowed to sit with the elders as a healer formally recognized, with the associated rites that come with this status. On the extended journey to becoming an experienced curandero, he began to learn the process of connecting with the spirit world. He stated that he realized the spirits, in the animals, rocks and the trees.“ He further stated that, “some cultures might call him crazy. However, I don’t think I am super crazy, because I would not be able to work in the capacities that I work in every day. So I think it is a separate reality that others aren’t allowed to see and practice and that others are free to see and practice” (Interview, Alvarado, 27 August, 1997).

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In order to reach a level of self-realization, he has had to come overcome many fears. He stated that “others are afraid to see and practice” (Ibid).

Tools and Techniques of the Trade When Dr. Alvarado first began his journey as a healer, he thought he would be “engaged in ritual and exorcisms and all of those magnificent Castañeda experiences” (Alvarado, Interview, 27 August, 1997). However, when everything is said and done that kind of work is maybe one percent of curanderismo. Dr. Alvarado practices curanderismo every day of this life. It may mean caring for a little creature or a real live human being. In his vision of healing, he sees animalitos (small animals) as extension of the universe, with a responsibility to care for each other. Part of his philosophy is “teaching as we go along” (Ibid). He is critical of the medical model of mental health treatment as well as the profession in general. One of his issues stems with the process of diagnostics as part of the western healing system. There are also other issues that he mentioned, for example he stated; As society advanced, the natural healers were replaced with pay for profit motives, professionalism and certification. The practice of taking care of families changed…The minute you use labels and people who use the medical model [and] don’t really understand the medical model itself they become a part of it and don’t separate. Curanderos just know that someone needs help and they try to give it to them. It doesn’t matter what form it takes, we just try to help somebody and if it means connecting with their family, then getting somebody to take responsibility for their own. This analysis, it means creating a climate of respect and a climate for healing to take place. It does not create a dependency. Curanderos believe in kindness and helping each other. In essence, they help others help themselves (Alvarado, Interview, 27 August, 1997).

Ernesto believes that family members are integral parts of the healing process. He mentioned that members of the compadrazco (co-parenting system) are also used in working with families. In general, he sees all humans as part of a family who have been separated by evil spirits. He stated, “People help themselves and so even in applying some of the traditional healing arts, we teach people as we go along, share the responsibility for the health with all the members of the family. When we don’t have them, the key person is the healer. Again, it’s the notion of giving the people not only the responsibility but the richness of connecting with your own good health. That can’t happen through a controlling second party” (Ibid). He described the concept of “mandas promesas (promises)” as a healing journey, associated it with pilgrimages to sacred soil. Mandas are spiritual journeys to visit a traditional Catholic Church. Essentially, this culturally specific method deals with bargaining with your God, or higher spirit. When a person is seeking out some form of good in life, he/she makes a promise that if his/her request is made; then, the promise will be kept. Rafaela Castro (2001) states, “in religious practices a manda is interpreted as a promise or contract made with a saint, Virgin Mary, or God”

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(p. 152). Mandas and juramentos or ritual promises are closely related, emanating from worldviews about human beings as constant sinners; therefore needing to sacrifice. These rituals are often viewed as forms of folk Catholicism. There have been priests who view this practice as quaint and superstitious; particularly those unfamiliar with the shibboleths of Mexican rural cultures and mores; “They are of the opinion that juramentos and mandas are associated with folk religion and not the modern doctrine of the church” (Garcia and Gonzalez, p. 10). However, this has not stopped its practice. In some spiritual way, the practice of making mandas acknowledges the indigenous heritage of those making them. Dr. Alvarado described the ritual of an Indian sweat as a cleansing process. It is a time not only to clean the impurities from the body, but build relationships with others that were participating in the ritual. During the sweat ceremony, “amidst a cultural context, the group can bond closer together, talk about stresses in their lives, and relieve some of the everyday tensions” (Alvarado, Interview, 27 August, 1997). It is within these cultural structures that support for each other is built. He further described it as a form of “caring and love” (Ibid). Many of his current colleagues are now taking vision quests and sweats where group bonding and socialization takes place. Dr. Alvarado stated that support is established as participants engage in dialogue and healing. Massage is another tool of the trade. He described it as a technique to “make people feel good.” In his view, the touching of one human being to another transfers the energy used to assist in the healing process. He describes part of his role as a responsibility to take care of the family and the community. He argues that this role has been displaced by what he terms a “profit motive by western healers” (Ibid). He stated, “As society advanced, the natural healers were displaced with pay for profit motives, professionalism and certification. It seems that mental illness is the lack of family members who once played those roles. When the eldest sister refuses to play the role of the caretaker of the family, when the oldest brother refuses the respectful role of keeping the family glued together, then, you have pathology” (Ibid). His belief that Mother Earth provides human beings with natural medicine has guided him to learn about teas and herbs. They are incorporated into healing processes and ceremonies. During those healing processes and ceremonies, thanks are given and permission is asked to work with the naturalness of Mother Earth to complete a particular healing ceremony. Dr. Alvarado believes that there is positive energy in all human beings and that the one of the functions of the healer is to utilize that energy to remain healthy. Channeling that electrical energy into positive experiences are important as he engages with other human beings. At times, he shared, “There are many healing types. Frightened spirits, captured by the devils, for example in witchcraft. Some of it is bogus. But it still exists in the mind of the person. The notion of the devil was imposed upon us by Europeans. These have become unchallenged pathologies and mythologies. The belief of the devil has been institutionalized” (Alvarado, Interview, 27 August, 1997). Other materials used in his healing practices include candles, prayer and ritual. While utilizing rituals, it is important to respect the beliefs that clients have, incorporating them into the treatment process.

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Possessing a terminal degree in the field of psychology adds another dimension to his analysis of alternative forms of healing. However, it also can be conflictual. For example, traditional healers are not paid in actual dollars. At times, food is given to the healer in return for assisting a family or community member who is struggling with an issue. Since cost is associated with community mental health, it has been difficult for indigenous healers to engage in these types of systems. He stated that even using the word client implies “a paid relationship” (Ibid). Dr. Alvarado is critical of the field of Western healing while simultaneously giving credit where it is due. In his opinion, there is distance between the western healer and the person who is seeking out assistance. In his view, community mental health has tried to “gain a comer on the market. Therefore, for many years, traditional healers stood away from community mental health. Their healing methods were more communal or socialistic,” (Alvarado, Interview, 27 August, 1997). Dr. Alvarado operates in both worlds, the world of the curandero and the world of western systems healers. He does not believe that there is any contradiction in performing in both worlds. However, he does not necessarily see compatibility either. As he stated: We have a right to learn from our healers how we can best work with people. There can be a professional degree. There is nothing contradictory. It’s a valid treatment approach. It’s a valid treatment intervention. It’s not even an intervention. It’s a way of living and you can’t separate that from us. You can’t take it and turn it into a pathology which is the medical model …I’m seeing more and more people that are where I was 20 years ago. They are trained in traditional mental health and psychology, but find it is not applicable and beginning to take the path to sweats and vision quests. They are beginning to say, you know, there is a false perception that healers of the human types have to be virgin architects, you know it phony. It’s a bunch of bologna. It’s movies and fairly, tales, when, in fact, there are healers of all types (Ibid).

He stated that there is a complementarity between modem psychiatry and curanderismo but with limitations. When asked he stated, “At the basic intervention level.. Buy in the hierarchy of agencies and HMO’s… no. Because profit and management become primary and just the terminology, the term client implies relationship. And it changes the relationship…If a primo (cousin) is in trouble on at 5 o’ clock in the morning. It’s a whole different perception…The mental health system stops at 5 o’clock (Alvarado, Interview, 27 August, 1997). Dr. Alvarado understands western systems approaches but is leery about how they function.

Analysis and Conclusions Curanderismo is an Indigenous healing tradition that has been utilized for hundreds of years and continues to be used within tribal and non-tribal communities (e.g. Arias, 2004; Cartwright, 2007). As communities and cultural traditions change, transmute and evolve curanderismo forms and shifts with the needs of the people. In spite of the history and impact of colonization and oppression, Curanderas/os

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integrate aspects of Catholic Christian traditions and beliefs, European and Indian/ Mexican and African epistemology and philosophy in their healing rituals, prayers, and treatment approaches. Curandero/as do what they know by experience and ancestral knowledge what works and is effective (e.g. Hendrickson, 2014). Curanderas/os work with the individuals within their own cultural upbringings, respecting where they are at and where they need to go in order to heal. Contradiction does not exist between those who come in for a healing and the forces of acculturation they have experienced, causing them to change. Complete syncretism is seldom achieved; therefore, the complete annihilation of a person’s spirit does not happen. Curanderas/os can retrieve and assist a person in healing even if the essence of the person’s soul has been traumatized and hidden from the self. This paper illustrates the authentic viability of Curanderismo to coexist within a mental health setting providing a holistic and effective culturally responsive treatment for Latino/a clients. While it is not recommended for mental health practitioners to practice Indigenous healing modalities, it is recommended for western practitioners to engage and collaborate with the community they are serving. A deeper understanding and awareness of the ways in which communities heal is critical if we are to truly support healing in a holistic and complete manner. Mental health professionals are urged to continue to meet their client where they are and pose the questions around harmony, balance, and their relationships with nature to gain a deeper understanding of the level of healing needed for individuals and their corresponding micro and macro communities. Liu, Lawson-Te Aho and Rata (2014) suggest creating a social space, “an intersubjective matrix of psychological distances based on social and physical reality that provides a framework constraining how people are influence by one another “ (p. 149). Creating spaces for dialogue and critical conscious awareness and empowerment to explore the multi-­dimensional aspects of identity, to support a treatment modality that is culturally responsive, are important. Further creating spaces for Curanderas/os within mental health settings would create opportunities for deeper healings within these settings. Moreover allowing for the promotion of visibility, cultural responsiveness and a deep understanding of Mexican/Indigenous cultural values and epistemologies. In particular, for communities living within Borderlands, whether they be geographic, psychic or cultural, Curanderismo and Indigenous healing modalities may allow for a deeper form of healing and restoration to the people.

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Lucero, A. (1981). A profile of a Curandera and her Curandera-treated clients: The Southwest Denver community mental health center. Pullman, WA: Washington State University, Department of Sociology. Madsen, W. (1964a). Mexican-Americans of South Texas (2nd ed.). New York, NY: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston. Madsen, W. (1964b). Value conflicts and folk psychotherapy. In A. Kiev (Ed.), Magic, faith and healing (pp. 420–444). New York, NY: Free Press. Maduro, R. (1983). Curanderismo and Latino views of disease and curing. In Cross-cultural. medicine. Western Journal of Medicine, 139, 868–874. Martin, A. B., Torres, M., Vyavaharkar, M., Chen, Z., Towne, S., & Probst, J. C. (2013). Rural border health chartbook. Columbia, SC: South Carolina Rural Health Research Center. Mendoza, H. E. (2011, December 10). Cinco años de Guerra, 60 mil muertos. Proceso. Retrieved from http://www.proceso.com.mx/?p=290774 National Alliance on Mental Illness (2009). Latino community mental health fact sheet. Retrieved from www.nami.org/Content/NavigatorMenu/Find_Support/Multicultural_Support/Annual_ Minority_Mental_Healthcare_Symposia_Latino_MH06.pdf. Ojelade, I. I., McCray, K., Meyers, J., & Ashby, J. (2014). Use of indigenous African healing practices as a mental health intervention. Journal of Black Psychology, 40(6), 491–519. Organista, K. C. (2007). Solving Latino psychosocial and health problems: Theory, practice, and populations. New Jersey, NJ: Wiley. Romano, O.  I. (1965). Charismatic medicine, folk-healing, and folk sainthood. American Anthropologist, 67, 1151–1173. Rubel, A.  J. (1978). The epidemiology of a folk illness: susto in Hispanic America. In R.  A. Martinez (Ed.), Hispanic Culture and Health Care: Fact, Fiction, and Folklore. Saint Louis, MO: The C.V. Mosby Company. Torres, E., & Sawyer, T. L. (2005). Curandero: A Life in Mexican Folk Healing. USA: University of New Mexico Press. Torres, H.  L., O’Conor, A., Mejia, C., Camacho, Y., & Long, A. (2011). The American dream: Racism towards Latino/as in the U.S. and the experience of trauma symptoms. Interamerican Journal of Psychology, 45(3), 363–368. Torres Fernandez, I., Rios, G. O., James, A. L., Martinez, A., & Bravo, A. (2012). Cruzando fronteras: Addressing trauma and grief in children impacted by the violence in the US-Mexico border. Revista Interamericana de Psicologia/Interamerican Journal of. Psychology, 46(3), 425–434. Torres-Rivera, E., & Torres Fernandez, I. (2015). Tools of oppression and control in counseling: Making the invisible, visible. Revista Griot, 8(1), 119–127. Trotter, R. T., & Chavira, J. A. (1980). Curanderismo: An emic theoretical perspective of Mexican-­ American Folk Medicine. Medical Anthropology, 4(4), 423–487. United States Department of Health and Human Services, The Office of Minority Health (2008). What is mental health?. Retrieved from http://minorityhealth.hhs.gov/templates/browse. aspx?lvl=3&lvlid=81. United States Department of Health and Human Services, National Center for Health Statistics (2012). Health, United States, 2011: with special feature on socioeconomic status and health (DHHS publication no. 2012-1232). Retrieved from http://www.cdc.gov/nchs/data/hus/ hus11.pdf. United States Department of Health and Human Services, The Office of Minority Health (2012). Mental health and Hispanics. Retrieved from http://minorityhealth.hhs.gov/templates/content. aspx?lvl=3&lvlID=9&ID=6477. Velazquez, D. (23 July 1993 and 30 June 1997). Interviews by author, tape recordings, Denver, CO. World Health Organization (2013). Gender and women’s mental health. Retrieved from http:// www.who.int/mental_health/prevention/genderwomen/en/. Zavaleta, A., & Salinas, A., Jr. (2009). Curandero conversations: El Niño Fidencio, Shamanism and healing traditions of the borderlands. Bloomington, IN: Authorhouse: The University of Texas at Brownville.

Chapter 7

Healing From Generations of Trauma and the California Mental Health Services Act Art Martinez and Brittney Wolfe

Introduction Mental health services have typically been underutilized by American Indians (Duran, 2006; Gone, 2010). The prevailing factor responsible for this trend has been ineffective and culturally inappropriate treatment systems. (Begay, 2013; Brave Heart, 2003; Duran, 2006; Gone, 2009; and Goodkind et al., 2012). A primary argument for ineffective treatment is the salient fact that the systems responsible for the traumas, are also leading the treatment for it. Today however, many American Indian [Native] people have achieved PHD’s and license’s to serve as mental health providers. They have gained the status afforded any western trained psychologist, counselor, social worker or the like in addition to having their own unique experiences as Native individuals with a wealth of traditional knowledge from which to draw from. The majority of Native mental health professionals return to their own communities and/or to other American Indian communities in rural and urban regions after completing their degree programs to offer their services. They are valuable resources because they understand firsthand the issues that are salient to the experiences of their relatives. The primary purpose for this chapter is to provide information gained from the experience of one such Native Psychologist–Dr. Art Martinez of the Chumash tribe as reported by Native American (then) masters student of counseling psychology Brittney Wolfe, MA. Navajo. Eurocentric diagnosis and treatment approaches in mental health practices are ineffective and have proven alienating, assimilative, and contradictory to Native peoples’ way of life (Gone, 2009). Westernized, non-Native treatment schemas can effectively traumatize Native “clients” when service providers have not been A. Martinez, PhD (*) · B. Wolfe Center for Native Child and Family Resilience, Tribal Law & Policy Institute, Carson City, NV, USA e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 L. Grayshield, R. Del Castillo (eds.), Indigenous Ways of Knowing in Counseling, International and Cultural Psychology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-33178-8_7

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informed of the impacts of historical trauma and the differences that exist between Westernized and Indigenous worldviews. The literature supports a strength based treatment model that builds upon the cultural strengths of Native people. In order to understand this population, it is critical for practitioners to gain a well-rounded understanding of their history, their beliefs, customs, and unique traditions, in addition to the effect that colonization has had on American Indian identity and well-­ being. This chapter focuses on the impact of colonization and policy on American Indian people in California.

Background California is home to the largest population of American Indian/Alaskan Natives (AI/AN) in the United States. Nearly 800,000 people identify as Native, and there are currently 107 federally recognized Tribes within the State (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services Indian Health Service, 2011). Currently, about 8% of California’s population, which accounts for more than two million adults who are affected by potentially disabling mental illnesses every year (Mental Health Services Oversight & Accountability Commission). Significantly increasing trends in substance use and mental health issues have initiated ongoing efforts to provide effective solutions and treatments for American Indians. Natives face unique challenges resulting in underutilization of mental health services, primarily because western mental health workers are not trained in the specific needs of this population, but other factors have also accounted for the loss of effective treatments. In 1968, the state of California closed its psychiatric hospitals with the promise that funds would be saved to provide community-based care and treatment for those with mental illnesses (Mental Health Associate of San Francisco). This promise was never kept, and community-based care programs remained under-­ funded and provided little to no treatment for its residents. The programs received an additional blow when funding through Medicaid made significant cuts as well. More recently in 2004, several interested parties, including former California State Assembly member Darell Steinberg, mental health community partners, and the Mental Health Association, came together to push forward efforts to mend this broken promise by introducing Proposition 63, the Mental Health Services Act (MHSA) (Mental Health Associate of San Francisco, 2003). California Mental Health Services Act  In November 2004, the passage of Proposition 63; otherwise known as the Mental Health Services Act (MHSA), provided many opportunities to the California Department of Mental Health for increased funding for personnel and resources to support county mental health programs. The proposition also provided support to monitor progress toward statewide goals for children, transition age youth, adults, older adults and families. Proposition 63 was initiated with the hope that the current mental health service system would become culturally competent by working with and providing adequate care for

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underserved and vulnerable populations in California such as for people who are impoverished, those with disabilities, the uninsured, and those who were geographically isolated. The MHSA sought to address and provide effective treatment for ethnic and racial minorities (U.S. Davis Center for Reducing Health Disparities). Voters for the proposition enacted a 1% tax on millionaires. Funds have been allocated to programs as Workforce Education & Training, Community Services & Support, Capital Facilities and Technological Needs, Prevention and Early Intervention, and Innovation (Mental Health Services Oversight & Accountability Commission). Some of the behavioral health efforts provided by Proposition 63 have focused on providing effective treatment programs specifically aimed at the unique experiences and needs of the American Indian population. These experiences include losses due to colonization, and the effects of these losses; these types of losses account for a majority of the mental health disparities among Native people. Mental health services now focus more on prevention and intervention of mental health concerns by building a community of care and reconnecting families and communities while providing appropriate and effective treatment based on cultural norms and holistic care. Tribal Critical Race Theory  When working with Native people it is important to understand the political/social influences that have impacted Native communities over time. Brayboy (2006) outlined 9 tenets of Tribal Critical Race Theory (TribalCrit), all of which are important for mental health providers to understand when working with American Indian individuals, because all Native tribes/individuals have been subject to colonial brutality and subjugation, resulting in historical and intergenerational trauma as a part of their collective experiences. The nine tenets of TribalCrit are summarized as follows: 1 . Colonization is endemic to society 2. U.S. policies toward Indigenous peoples are rooted in imperialism, White supremacy, and a desire for material gain. 3. Indigenous peoples occupy a liminal space that accounts for both the political and racialized natures of our identities. 4. Indigenous peoples have a desire to obtain and forge tribal sovereignty, tribal autonomy, self-determination, and self-identification. 5. The concepts of culture, knowledge, and power take on new meaning when examined through an Indigenous lens. 6. Governmental policies and educational policies toward Indigenous peoples are intimately linked around the problematic goal of assimilation. 7. Tribal philosophies, beliefs, customs, traditions, and visions for the future are central to understanding the lived realities of Indigenous peoples, but they also illustrate the differences and adaptability among individuals and groups. 8. Stories are not separate from theory; they make up theory and are, therefore, real and legitimate sources of data and ways of being. 9. Theory and practice are connected in deep and explicit ways such that scholars must work towards social change.

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It is crucial that mental health providers know and understand Tribal Critical Race Theory, because it emphasizes how the life experiences of Native people have contributed to their current circumstances. Understanding this intersection between the political status of American Indian tribes with respect to their current social status as marginalized people is important in gaining a deeper understanding of the issues they face today. The eighth tenet of TribalCrit specifically states that Native stories are not separate from theory, and that they are in fact legitimate sources of data. One of the richest sources for obtaining that data is through the stories of tribal elders because they understand firsthand “who we are, and who we are meant to be”. The stories of Native people are intertwined with the political status they were subjected to as wards of the U.S. government. Thus, they are often difficult for non-Native individuals whose historical memories are often reflections of historical accounts of free land and religious freedom. Vine Deloria, Jr. (1994) provides a thorough depiction of the intersection between Native beliefs and political/Christian values in its justification on Native people and communities, A highly recommended read.

How We Are Meant to Be Understanding how we are meant to be requires that one engage a deep reflective and learning process. In Western psychological discourse, the pathway to change lies within the thought processes of the individual. Native individuals view problems as arising from deep within, and as in the case with mental health issues, may indicate a separation from cultural and traditional ways of knowing ones self. Appropriate treatment involves more than simply changing the thought processes, it is holistic involving the physical, mental, emotional and spiritual health of the individual (Duran, 2006; Gone, 2009; Gone, 2010; Grayshield & Mihecoby, 2010, and Goodkind et al., 2012). Furthermore, the journey to wellness is not one traveled by the individual alone, but is one that encompasses the individual’s family, and community. American Indian people typically adhere to collectivistic values, which promote the welfare and well-being of the whole community over that of the individual. Native individuals seeking mental health treatment most often understand themselves as extensions of their family and community. Changing negative behaviors for the benefit of family and community is an acceptable motivation for treatment. Who We Are; Stories of History and Tradition  American Indian societies have a rich history and traditional culture that informs who they are and how they are to be. These stories of tradition are passed down from generation to generation. One such story is that of the Bird Songs, which depicts the creation of human beings. While the significance of the  Birdsongs vary depending on tribal traditions, they are ancient and wide spread among many nations. The Bird Songs have been noted in tribes from the Havasupai and Hualapai in the Grand Canyon of Arizona, to the Cocopas in Northern Mexico, and the Kumeyaay in Southern California, to name only a few (Jaskoski, 1989). These songs depict history of 20,000 or more years,

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comprising customs that defined the roles that individuals held with each other and with nature. These customs allowed the people to represent their family, community, and their tribe in accordance with the natural universe. Not acting in accordance with traditional ways and customs results in shame for the whole family. It was important for people to behave in ways that made their family proud through demonstrations of generosity and wisdom. Tribal traditional stories maintained structure and peace. In keeping with these traditions Native people were raised in a strict agreement of respect for their family and community elders. This representation of honor and respect allows the individual to see issues in the context of their effect on the survival and efficacy of the family and community. Effectively, motivation for change becomes a responsibility by the individual to the whole community. University training programs promote theories that are based on scientific evidence which is empirically derived, standardized and in promotion of western values. However the stories that Native American people tell are in fact their theories and deeper meanings contain valuable information about who we are and who we are meant to be. Brayboy (2006) concluded that our stories are our theories. It is important for mental health providers to listen carefully and not get caught up interpreting information through western theoretical paradigms. The Importance of Elders  Tribal elders understand “who we are”, and “who we are meant to be” because they are most familiar with the traditions of the people. Tribal elders are revered for the experiences they have come through and the knowledge they possess as wisdom keepers of the tribe. They are also most familiar with the effects that historical trauma has had on their lives, the lives of their family members and on their communities. Grayshield’s et  al. (2015) found that Native elders are well versed on the impacts of trauma in their families and their communities, and; they acknowledge unequivocally that culture, language and traditional practices are key components in their healing process. It is crucial that mental health providers take time to learn the history of the people they serve and listen carefully to the actual accounts of their lives as reflected in their stories. One elder stated, “When we experience injuries to the spirit, it impacts how we relate to our family and to others in the world, to our children, and to our communities.” Thus, community wide healing must take precedence over individual counseling and therapy processes. If the client is not situated in their family and community, it could be a sign that they have lost their way of being, and who they are meant to be. In order to find their way back, they often need the guidance of an elder or respected Native mentor to help them reconnect. Tribal Language  Language is a tool that expresses the ways and customs of one’s culture and cultural context, or worldview. Language is a powerful tool for reconnection and for understanding who and how we are meant to be. The concepts that are expressed through tribal Native languages are place specific and always speak to the importance of interconnection, interdependence, generosity and community responsibility. In this way there were no need for jails or prisons, when one deviated from these ideas, they were no longer a part of the community and were subject to

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banishment. It is expected that the actions of the individual will demonstrate positive community engagement and a simple, subtle expression can go a long way. For example, the phrase “this is not our way” may contain messages that express disapproval in an individual’s behavior thus bringing shame to themselves and their family members. The expression “do what you want” may indicate a lack of hope in the individual’s behavior as being out of alignment with community values. Individuals who overindulge in illicit substances often become oblivious to the subtle communication nuances until they become aware of the impact of their substance use on their family. They often fail to be involved with traditional ceremonial practices and community events until they are able to experience the shame of their negative impact. Native language loss is a result of colonization, ongoing trauma experiences, and an overall loss of identity and wellness for an American Indian person. The most salient factor in defining “who we are meant to be” is through tribal traditional languages. Loss of tribal language essentially equates to the loss of Native customs and traditions. One elder stated it this way, “Through our language we learn our customs, all of our social events you know, what we used to do a long time ago, what we ate, where we went” (Grayshield et al., 2015). It is through tribal language that stories of who we are, and how we are meant to be are transmitted through the generations. Without ones unique tribal language, this becomes lost. Today, many Native people have been separated from their tribal communities, either threw adoption, boarding school, relocation or other means which places them in a situation where they have no access to their traditional language speakers. In this case it will be important that they learn about what opportunities are available to them to reconnect to other Native individuals. The waves of cultural insults and assaults have produced a complex array of issues with respect to Native tribal identity that pose numerous challenges working with this population. It is critical that no assumptions with respect to ones identity be made, but that mental health professionals place themselves in a learning position along with the Native individual they are working with to explore what a healthy Native identity is.

Waves of Cultural Insults and Assaults Colonization  Waves of cultural insults and assaults are a part of every American Indian tribe in the US and beyond. Twenty-one Spanish missions were established, from 1769 until about 1833 with the sole purpose of colonizing Natives on the Pacific coast of North America. The mission system brought many new cultural and religious ideas to California, including the systematic oppression of American Indians through slavery, prostitution, hunting of Indians for bounty and disease. It is reported that 300,000 Native people inhabited California prior to the missions, and by 1834 only 20,000 remained (History.com, 2017). The California missions continue to be celebrated in California public school resulting in internalized oppression that continues to this day.

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The 1850 Act for the Government Protection of California Indians effectively encouraged further abuses of California Indians. This Act allowed Justices of the Peace jurisdiction over all cases related to Indians and further restricted their ability to appeal any wrongs they perceived (Johnston-Dodds, 2002). This Act stated that “in no case [could] a white man be convicted of any offense on an Indian”. This Act further allowed punishment (including death) to any Indian individual, tribe or village who offended a white person without process. These laws further facilitated the removal of Indians from their traditional lands; separating children from their families; indenturing Indians, including children, to Whites for labor and prostitution; prohibited them from giving “evidence in favor of, or against, any white person. The 1850 Act was only one in a series of government policies designed to encourage the elimination of California Indians. For more detailed information on laws and policies pertaining to California Indians see “Early California Laws and Policies Related to California Indians” by Kimberly Johnston-Dodds (2002). The atrocities enacted upon American Indians continued long after the 1850 Act. In 1897 the Las Angeles Herald published an article titled “Value of Indian Scalp” (California Digital Newspaper Collection, 2008–2019). This article discusses the bounty paid for scalps as a part of the “Indian war expenditure”. The hunting of Natives for bounty solved two problems: (1.) it gave new comers to California a job and, (2.) it removed American Indians from their traditional home lands to make way for new European settlements. Many Native people were removed from their tribes by force, and many faced “long walks” dying from fatigue, and starvation, and many more were weakened by the diseases the Europeans brought with them (Brave Heart & DeBruryn, 1998). Military and colonialist expansion policies were on the rise at this time. Relocation Legislation  The implementation of policies that govern the assimilation of American Indian people into mainstream culture continues to this day. One such policy that promoted forced acculturation with the rationalization of good will is the 1950s policy with the U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA). This policy sponsored relocation legislation intended to remove Native people from their reservations and into large urban centers for the purpose of vocational training and job placement in mainstream economy (Cobb & Fowler, 2007). This policy separated thousands of Native people from their families, their tribal communities and their cultural ways of life. Policies such as these worked to continue the oppression American Indian people experienced and often resulted in depression, anxiety, guilt, internalized oppression, and feelings of inadequacy in parenting roles (Walls & Whitbeck, 2012). Boarding Schools  Beginning in the late nineteenth century American Indian children were forced to leave their families and attend government or church operated boarding schools. The first boarding school for American Indian children was founded by U.S. military officer, Captain Richard Henry Pratt (1879) in Carlisle Pennsylvania and known as the States Indian Industrial School. This was viewed as a progressive and necessary move in keeping with the U.S. constitutional

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r­ esponsibility to educate it’s first nations people. Many white Americans at this time believed that rapid assimilation into dominant European culture was the only hope of survival for Native people. The Carlisle Indian School became the model for successive boarding schools all over the U.S. including private boarding schools sponsored by religious denominations. From 1879 until 1918, over 10,000 Native American children from 140 tribes attended Carlisle, and numerous more attended other boarding schools spread throughout the U.S. Many Native Americans remember being forced as children to leave their families, give up their indigenous cultures, languages, religious and spiritual beliefs, and even their names, thus experiencing untold psychological damage to generations of Native people. According to Robbins et  al. (2006) the children were given English names; forced to cut their hair and wear uniforms; they were made to march in military style; attend religious services; humiliated for being Indian, forbidden to speak their Native languages, and; in many instances they were physically and sexually abused. These schools had a bad effect on the self-esteem of Indian students, they were not accepted as white, but made to behave in acceptable European fashion (Robbins et al., 2006). Children as young as three years old were forced to attend government sanctioned boarding schools. Children were often beaten for speaking their Native language, and many never returned to their families, having died from diseases, and homesickness. The message sent from these schools implied that American Indian people were racially inferior, and incapable of taking care of their own children (Brave Heart & DeBruryn, 1998; and Walls & Whitbeck, 2012). Adams (1995) stated that, the credo of these schools set by educational policies was “kill the Indian, save the man.” The schools’ mission was to do away with the traditional American Indian beliefs, customs and traditions while robbing them of their traditional homelands. In 1928, Lewis Meriam published a U.S. sanctioned report on “The Problem of Indian Administration” (1928). This report compiled information discussing the state of Indian affairs, including a survey of their education, their medical activities, their property rights, and their general economic condition. The report noted that the most fundamental need in Indian education is a change in point of view from that of the assimilation agenda to a more humane system of education that includes the family and culture of the children. The report stated that the schools are distinctly below the accepted social and educational standards of city school systems and teachers lacked acceptable credentials and qualifications. Many Indian boarding schools continue to operate today however, recent advocacy efforts have provided for more humane practices. However still, if these schools are to be truly relevant, more Native teachers and administrators are needed to ensure that Indian children are provided for in a manor that is congruent with Indian identity and culture. In the school year of 2007–2008, the Bureau of Indian Education (BIE) reported that there were 183 Bureau-funded elementary, and secondary boarding schools located on 64 reservations in 23 states serving approximately 42,000 students. Of these, 58 are BIE-operated, and 125 are tribally operated under BIE contracts or grants. Literature

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taken from Robbinson-Zanatu and Majel-Dixon (1996); Lacroix (1994); and Spring (2001) have suggested that these boarding schools were put in place to forcibly integrate  Native people, they do not value Native traditions compared to current tribal community schools. Boarding schools compared to tribal schools do not attempt to understand Native communities, culture, and learning styles; and thus, Anglo-American racism continues to exist in boarding schools through the continued replacement of dominant culture values over tribal values and culture (Robbins et al., 2006). Language loss as a result of attendance at Indian boarding schools continues to impact Native people. Many attendees were punished, beaten and shamed for speaking their tribal languages and the resulting marginalization of Native culture has been transmitted through the generations. One elder discussed why the parents and grandparents of many children did not teach their language to their children and grandchildren, it was because they “suffered for speaking their own languages”, another described an experience at a BIA boarding school, “I remember they would have us stand on a little box, and we had this sign on us that they put around our neck. I guess it said ‘I’m a dumb Indian, because I can’t speak English” (Grayshield et al., 2015). Native students that attend boarding schools today continue to report feelings of inferiority and fear (Robbins et al., 2006). These feelings are often connected with having felt abandoned, neglected, or disrespected by boarding school staff and teachers (Robbins et al., 2006). Feelings of fear, low self-esteem, and inadequacy promote continued victimization, and in many instances Native people will begin to identify with the dominant culture (Marcuse, 1964). Many of the children attending these boarding schools today tell stories of knowing that they are Indian, but not knowing what that means. They report that the school teaches them little tribal language, history, music, and literature. They are forced to attend church even though it is not their Native belief, or custom (Robbins et al., 2006). It is important to understand the impact that boarding schools have had on American Indians because many of our American Indian relatives today have issues surrounding the mistrust of what was supposed to be a service of safety and this mistrust, resentment, and anger is often generalized to all human service workers, including those in the mental health profession. While forced removal of Native children to attend boarding schools is no longer a threat, until the passage of the Indian Child Welfare Act in 1978 removing Native children from their families by social service agencies was a common practice. The Indian Child Welfare Act of 1978 was put in place to protect American Indian families (Johnson, 1981; and MacEachron & Gustavsson, 2005). As many as 1  in 3 Native children in California alone were removed from their families prior to 1978, virtually no Native family, or community was untouched by this practice. Furthermore, 85% of these children were placed in non-Native homes (Gustavsson, 2005). The Indian Child Welfare Act of 1978 (ICWA) (Pub.L. 95–608, 92 Stat. 3069) was enacted into Federal law to govern jurisdiction over the removal of Native children from their families in custody, foster care and adoption cases. Essentially, it gave tribal governments exclusive jurisdiction over children who reside on, or are

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domiciled on reservations and concurrent, but presumptive jurisdiction over foster care placements for Native children who do not live on reservations. Prior to ICWA enactment, as many as 25–35% of all Native children were forcibly removed from intact American Indian families, including from their extended family networks, and placed in predominantly non-Native homes, which had no relation to their tribal cultures (Johnson, 1999). The tribes said that such removal demonstrated a grave lack of understanding by social service workers of the role that extended families had in tribal culture, and that the removal of the children threatened tribal survival. Louis La Rose (Winnebago Tribe of Nebraska) testified that the “cruelest trick that the white man has ever done to Indian children is to take them into adoption court, erase all of their records and send them off to some nebulous family … residing in a white community and he goes back to the reservation and he has absolutely no idea who his relatives are, and they effectively make him a non-person and I think … they destroy him” (Wilkinson, 2005).

Criminal Justice/Injustice in Indian Country Jamaal Bell (2010) a writer for the Huffington Post wrote a blog commenting on how the War on Drugs policy put more black males in the criminal justice system since slavery in 1850. He further commented on the fact that since this policy, more than 60% of the people in prison identify as being racial or ethnic minorities. This trend includes the American Indian population. The incarceration rate for Natives is 38% higher than the national average (Bell, 2010; Sarabi, 2001; Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2001). Sarabi (2001) further states that “there are an estimated 62,000 American Indians under correctional supervision, accounting for over 4% of the American Indian adult population.” This is significantly higher when compared to that of Whites (2%) and Asian adults (1%), while African American adults account for 10%. In 1997, nearly half of the Natives under correctional supervision were confined in prisons or jails, compared to a third the larger population nationwide (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2001; Sarabi, 2001). American Indians accounted for 1.5% of Federal case filings in the U.S. district courts in 1997, which equates to 854 Natives, half of which were related to violent offenses. 9% for murder and 20% for rape (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2001; Sarabi, 2001). A 1999 report by the Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) on American Indians and crime found that in 1997, Native arrest rates for violence among youth were about the same as rates of arrests for violence among White youth, but that the rates of violent crimes committed for White adults were lower when compared to that of violent crimes committed by Native adults. In addition, BJS found that in 1997 arrest rates among American Indians for alcohol-related offenses (driving under the influence, liquor law violations, and public drunkenness) was more than double when compared to all other races, however the drug arrest rates remained lower than the national average. On average, in 1997, 2000 per 100,000 American Indians over

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the age of 18 were serving probation sentences, which is about half the rate found among African Americans (Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2001). The Bureau of Justice Statistics (2001) went on to find that in the same year (1997), 16,000 Natives were held in local jails, a rate of 1083 per 100,000 adults, which account for the highest of any racial group. These statistics go back 20  years, but not much has changed in more recent findings. The rates of crime committed by Native people has been documented as being proportionately high given that American Indians account for only 1% of the population. Native people are treated unfairly in the criminal justice system, they serve longer probation and parole terms; longer jail and prison sentences and experience higher rates of arrests indicating that racial profiling is a factor. In an article written by Sarabi (2001) a case of racial profiling was described. “Rep. Ken Peterson (R-Billings), related the experiences of his adopted son, who is three-quarters Crow and Blackfeet, with Billings-area law enforcement officers. “I can tell you in Billings he’s been discriminated against because he’s an Indian.’ He said his son was stopped more than once by the Highway Patrol for speeding, pulled out of the car, slammed up against it and handcuffed. “The first thing they’d say is, “We think you fit the description of a suspect.’ And he was not driving a “rez” car but a $35,000 Volvo.” In an article written by Bell (2010) the struggle of ex-offenders is astonishing. Ex-offenders, thought to be rehabilitated are not able to thrive once in the community do to discrimination and lack of resources. Ex-offenders often struggle to find housing, transportation, and basic health care upon release from prison (Bell, 2010). Often they are not eligible for public assistance, and experience difficulty finding employment due to stigma and discrimination. When employment is found, a large portion, if not 100 percent of their wages are garnished for cost of imprisonment, court, and legal fees (Bell, 2010). With the American Indian population already suffering the burden of alienation and lack of resources, committing a crime only further adds to the experience of discrimination, alienation and subjugation creating a snowball effect of challenging circumstances. In the mid-1800s the United States entered into 18 treaties with American Indian tribes in California resulting in the assignment of large tracks of land for reservations. However, once gold was “discovered” in California in 1848, these treaties went unattended and efforts to “exterminate” the indigenous population resulted in mass homelessness for Native populations. In 1887, the passage of the General Allotment Act further assaulted Native people by allowing non-natives to take residence in the little bit of land that the Indians had. By 1905, the public got notice of the 18 un-ratified treaties that were kept sealed until then and Congress was pushed to pass legislation that required small pieces of land be returned to the homeless Natives of California (Brave Heart and DeBruryn, 1998). The Homeless California Indian Act was enacted to provide plots of land to address the widespread homelessness of California Indians resulting in small pieces of land called Rancheria’s. However, the Rancheria’s were not adequate to support the majority of Native people and homelessness for Native people continues to this day. Subsequently,

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incidents of violence have become prevalent in Native populations. According the the Bureau of Justice Statistics (2001) Native men and women are victimized at a rate of 52.3 per 1000. This is twice as high as the rate reported by Hispanics (27.9 per 1000); Whites (26.5 per 1000) and one-half times that of African-Americans (34.1 per 1000). Natives and were found to be six times more likely to be victims of violent crimes compared to their Asian-Americans counterparts. These statistics are representative of hate crimes, which is violence targeted towards an individual solely because they belong to a certain racial and ethnic group. The experience of trauma in Native communities continues to exist. In 2000 the Bureau of Justice Statistics reported that hate crimes in general began to decrease, and this was true for the American Indian population as well. However, as time went on, and the statistics began to decrease for all populations, American Indians experienced an increase in violent crimes and to this day the American Indian population accounts for the majority of hate crimes between all nationalities (Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics, 2015) Including the ongoing problem of missing and murdered Native women which has now become a national problem. Violence Against Native Women and Girls  In 2008 the Violence against Women Act reported that Native women were victims of Intimate Partner violence at rates of 39%, higher than all other nationalities (Larkin & Luppino-Esposito, 2012). On reservations the incidence of violence towards Native women by non-Native partners is particularly concerning, because the laws on reservations effectively protected non-Native violent offenders (Larkin & Luppino-Esposito, 2012). Reservations have their own tribal police, their own tribal court systems and their own tribal law enforcement system. However these systems do not allow tribal law enforcement the power to arrest, or charge a person with a crime who is nonNative. This means that reservations can be safe havens for perpetrators of violent crimes who are non-Native. The Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) initiated in 2012, allowed reservation officials the ability to prosecute a non-Native offender that committed a violent act against a Native woman, but the clause failed. This clause was highly debated, as politicians in Washington were denying American Indian people living on reservations the ability to prosecute non-Native individuals who commit crimes. In 2013 with the inauguration of the 113th Congress, came the push for the reauthorization of the VAWA.  The reauthorization passed the Senate on February 12, 2013 and on February 28, 2013 Obama signed VAWA 2013 into law on March 7, 2013. However, this bill only protects American Indian women involved in dating or domestic partner violence and does not protect Native people in general from crimes perpetrated against them from non-Native individuals. A recent (November, 2019) executive order was signed by President Trump to establish a task force to address the rash of violence against missing and murdered AIAN including women and children. The initiative proposes to invest $1.5 million to hire specialized coordinators in the offices of 11 U.S. attorneys to create protocols for a more coordinated response to the disproportionate violence against

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indigenous people. It is considered that if the bills is approved in the Senate it will require the Justice Department to create standardized guidelines for responding to cases of missing and murdered Native American women, and would mandate that statistics on missing and murdered Native American women to be reported to Congress each year. Native American women experience some of the highest rates of domestic violence and murder in the country according to the National Crime Information Center, over 5700 American Indian and Alaska Native women and girls were reported missing as of 2016 but only a small percentage of those cases were logged with the Department of Justice. Bachman, Zaykowski, Kallmyer, Poteyeva and Lanier (2008) found that 84% of Native American women experience violence in their lifetime, and in some tribal communities they are 10 times more likely to be murdered than the national average. But violence against Native women is not limited to reservations. A report by the Urban Indian Health Institute (UIHI) found that there have been 506 cases of missing and murdered Native American women and girls in 71 cities across the U.S. since 2010. However, this data is almost certainly an undercount — UIHI identified 153 cases that did not exist in law enforcement records (Echo-Hawk, 2017).

Health Disparities in Indian Country Health disparities among Native American populations are significant in comparison to their non-Native counterparts. A recent (2019) fact sheet published by Indian Health Service (IHS) revealed that American Indian and Alaska Native (AIAN) people experience lower life expectancy and disproportionate instances of disease because of “inadequate education, disproportionate poverty, discrimination in the delivery of health services, and cultural differences. Life expectancy for Native people born today, according to IHS (2019), live 5.5 years less than all other races in the U.S. (73.0–78.5 years, respectively). They continue to die at higher rates than their non-Native counterparts in many categories of health, including chronic liver disease and cirrhosis, diabetes mellitus, unintentional injuries, assault/homicide, intentional self-harm/suicide, and chronic lower respiratory diseases (IHS, 2019). Diabetes was virtually nonexistent among Native populations until the middle part of the twentieth century. However, in recent decades it has become an epidemic in Native American tribes (Sievers & Fisher, 1985). In 1987, there were at least 72,000 Native Americans in the United States diagnosed with diabetes (Newman et al., 1990). While it seems reasonable to credit a genetic predisposition, the role of environmental factors especially government issued commodity foods, is most likely the primary culprit in the dramatic increase. Recent statistics report staggering disparities in numerous health related diseases. The following table is published by IHS (2019) and relates to AIAN compared to all other races in the U.S. from 2009–2011:(Age-adjusted mortality rates per 100,000 population)

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Mortality Disparity Rates

All Causes Diseases of the heart (Heart disease) Malignant neoplasm (cancer) Accidents (unintentional injuries)a Diabetes mellitus (diabetes) Alcohol-induced Chronic lower respiratory diseases Cerebrovascular diseases (stroke) Chronic liver disease and cirrhosis Influenza and pneumonia Drug-induced Nephritis, nephrotic syndrome (kidney disease) Intentional self-harm (suicide) Alzheimer’s disease Septicemia Assault (homicide) Essential hypertension diseases

AI/AN rate 2009–2011 999.1 194.7

U.S. all races rate – 2010 747.0 179.1

Ratio: AI/AN to U.S. all races 1.3 1.1

178.4 93.7 66.0 50.0 46.6 43.6 42.9 26.6 23.4 22.4

172.8 38.0 20.8 7.6 42.2 39.1 9.4 15.1 15.3 15.3

1.0 2.5 3.2 6.6 1.1 1.1 4.6 1.8 1.5 1.5

20.4 18.3 17.3 11.4 9.0

12.1 25.1 10.6 5.4 8.0

1.7 0.7 1.6 2.1 1.1

Unintentional injuries include motor vehicle crashes Note: Rates are adjusted to compensate for misreporting of American Indian and Alaska Native race on state death certificates. American Indian and Alaska Native age-adjusted death rate columns present data for the 3-year period specified. U.S. All Races columns present data for a one-­ year period. Rates are based on American Indian and Alaska Native alone; 2010 census with bridged-race categories

a

While genetic predisposition has been sighted as an underlying cause, other more salient explanations are apparent including lower socioeconomic status, educational levels, employment levels and most noted is the drastic difference in the traditional way of life and that of the Western mainstream systems. During a normal day of hunting and gathering, pre-reservation Indians expended approximately 4000 calories a day, while eating a high fiber, low fat diet. After the reservation system went into effect, Indians were no longer able to hunt or gather food, instead, government issued commodity food led to poor eating habits, which led to diseases such as diabetes and kidney disease.

Intergenerational, Historical and On-Going Trauma Native people have collectively experienced the loss of who they are and who they are meant to be as a result of colonization and ongoing trauma experience which compounds intergenerationally. Forced acculturation and assimilation practices and

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policies include violence, murder, and forcible migration and removal of American Indian children from their families (Brave Heart & DeBruryn, 1998). Ongoing traumatic experiences and cultural insults fuel the fire of this disparity and become the catalyst for the eroding of the American Indian cultural heritage. Duran and Duran (1995) held that “these policies remain to be the root cause of the current structural contexts of extreme poverty and isolation still seen today on reservations”. “Historical trauma (HT) is cumulative emotional and psychological wounding, over the lifespan and across generations, emanating from massive group trauma experiences” (Brave Heart et al., 2011). It wasn’t until the past few decades that researchers have compared the American Indian experience to that of the Jewish Holocaust victims whose experience of genocide is well documented. Numerous scholars have compared theses experiences including Berger (1988); Brave Heart-Jordan (1995); Brave Heart and DeBruryn (1998); Fogelman (1991); and Fogelman and Savran (1980) have all outlined similarities of the genocide experienced by Jewish Holocaust survivors, and American Indians. The genocide experienced by American Indians and Jewish Holocaust survivors was compounded by religious prosecution; federal policies of extermination, and; the inability to mourn over the massive group trauma they had endured (Brave Heart & DeBruryn, 1998). As a result of the traumatic experiences of colonization, Native people continue to rank higher in health disparities than any other racial group in the United States (Brave Heart et  al., 2011). Bonnie and Eduardo Duran (1995) wrote about Post Colonial Stress Disorder (PCSD) as a form of Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) to describe the generationally cumulative effects of the Native American experience. PCSD is a “form of ongoing trauma” resulting from forced acculturation whereby Indigenous/Tribal people are under “constant and extreme pressure to assimilate the life world of the perpetrators of the Holocaust” (Duran & Duran, p. 32). As a result of past and present trauma, American Indians face numerous emotional challenges including anger, suicide, substance abuse, collective trauma exposure, interpersonal losses, and unresolved grief that are related to problems within the lifespan and across generations (Brave Heart et  al., 2011; Brave Heart & DeBruryn, 1998; and Walls & Whitbeck, 2012). Emotional challenges are the underlying culprit in numerous other physiological challenges that result from substance use and poor nutrition. The effects of trauma cause the individual to have a perspective on life that is hopeless. As trauma takes its toll on one generation, the effects compound in successive generations (Braveheart et al., 2011; Brave Heart & DeBruryn, 1998; Duran, 2006; Gone, 2009; Goodkind et  al., 2012; and Walls & Whitbeck, 2012). The ability to heal, and be well easily becomes lost with every generation further perpetuating victimization and continuing the cycle of dis-­ function and disease. Post Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD)  Incidence of trauma among Natives has been well documented in literature (Bassett, Buchwald, & Manson, 2014; Beals et al., 2005; Manson et al., 2005; Robin et al., 1997; and Robin, Chester & Goldman, 1996). Findings indicated that American Indians as a racial group have a higher risk

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of experiencing traumatic life events and developing PTSD than any other nationality in the U.S. Risk factors include exposure to substance abuse, existing psychiatric disorders in caregivers, child and/or adult sexual abuse, parental depression, alcoholism, violence, education below high school, and combat experience (Bassett, Buchwald, & Manson, 2014). In a study conducted by Whitbeck et al. (2004) historical loss and grief was connected to the prevalence of substance abuse in Native communities. Furthermore, Beals et  al. (2005), Manson et  al. (2005), and Robin et al. (1997), all concluded that incidence of chronic trauma exposure including a high prevalence of DSM-V disorders were found among large samples of American Indian adults living on reservations (Brave Heart et al., 2011). The root cause of PTSD seems to stem from historical loss and grief, and the inability to grieve these loses paving a path to subsequent trauma exposure. Post-trauma symptoms include alcoholism, drug abuse, obsessive thinking, compulsive behavior, rigid negativity, anger, and depression and more (Brave Heart, 2003; Brave Heart et al., 2011; Brave Heart & DeBruryn, 1998; and Whitbeck et al., 2004). While the symptoms are identified and “treated”, the underlying issue of historical and on-going trauma is often left unaddressed. It is likely that mental health practitioners are ill equipped to address issues of historical and intergenerational trauma because they are not versed on Native [tribal specified] spirituality which is a primary ingredient in wellness for Indigenous people (Duran, 2006 and Whitbeck et al., 2004). According to Duran (2006), alcohol and drugs contain a spirit that is both aware and intelligent. This spirit acts as a filler to mask the true spirit of the individual who is often in search of release from the pain of trauma that pervades their life experiences. The individual is then subject to the torrent of western diagnosis and treatment schema which is often ineffective in treating the underlying cause and addressing the individual at a cultural and spiritual dimension. Duran (2006) contends that the spirit of the substance entices the spirit of the individual, and by the time the individual realizes this interaction is taking place, a deal has been made and the individual is already addicted. Therefore, the options of cultural healing become hijacked as exhibited in a lack of will or power to break the addiction unless proper remediation has been made. Remediation from this kind of addiction is possible through ceremonial practices that originate from the individuals specific tribe, or from an Indigenous medicine doctor who is well versed in healing trauma. It is however important to warn any non-Native western practitioner to resist the draw to themselves to become “shamans” and Indian medicine doctors. While this may be impressive and helpful to non-Native individuals, it can be damaging to Native people. Mental health practitioners who serve Native populations should take the time to become familiar with the availability of traditional tribal services and refrain from offering “healing” services themselves unless they have received specific rites to do so from well know and respected Native [tribal] medicine people. Non-Native practitioners can however be positive advocates as their clients seek their own healing and ceremonial practices.

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Reaching Wellness Building Trust  Relationship is the most salient factor when working with Native people who utilize mental health services regardless of whether they have come of their own accord, or if they were court or medically mandated. Trust must be fostered throughout the helping process from intake to completion of services, the relationship that is established with a Native individual is the most salient factor in determining progress in treatment. Assessment of a Native individual receiving mental health services includes an assessment of family history; their cultural/tribal identity; their understanding of historical trauma, and; how they position themselves within their family. Not all Native people acknowledge the trauma from previous generations as contributing to their own life experiences, and many ascribe to dominant culture values making no claim to Native spirituality. It is however unlikely that they have not been impacted in one-way or another by historical trauma. If one is receiving mental health services as a Native individual, the issue of not recognizing the horrendous circumstances that their elders have come through, could indicate that Native identity is not recognized as a salient factor in regaining wellness. This is not to assert that all Native people have trauma, rather, it is to understand the fact that trauma is a part of Native history, and by acknowledging this fact, one gains an appreciation and respect for the struggles and resiliency of their lineages. Thus recognizing that an avenue for healing is already mapped out within the cultural teachings of their tribal communities. Protective Factors  Protective factors include the individuals’ connection to their community elders; knowledge and participation in their tribal cultural activities; their ceremonial practices, and; if they do not know their tribal language, having some access to their tribal traditional language is a protective factor. If the individual is not connected to the elders in their community, they may be disconnected to the primary source of knowledge in that community, and this is a potential risk factor. Elders in Native communities are regarded as important to the historical memory and cultural wisdom of the people, they may be the only people in Native communities today that were original speakers of their tribal languages. Knowing one’s Native language and having a sense of cultural identity provides the individual with a sense of who they are, and who they are meant to be–this is a primary protective factor. Participation in ceremonial practices and cultural traditions is also a primary protective factor in the healing process (Duran, 2006; Gone, 2009; Gone, 2010; Goodkind et al., 2012; and Whitbeck et al., 2004). Being familiar with tribally specific cultural traditions allows the individual to connect with their spirituality, and fosters a sense of wellbeing. Having support from family and community provides much support in the journey to becoming well, without this support system in place Native individuals become displaced and become lost in a world that is challenging to navigate. Native identity can be a complex and often controversial topic for many individuals who were raised away from their tribal communities. Native identity

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includes an array of constructs including race, ethnicity, cultural identity, tribal identity, acculturation, enculturation, bicultural identity, multicultural identity, or other forms of identity including gender and social status. Therefore it is important to explore, along with the individual being served, the aspects of their identity that determine their Native identity. There is no right or wrong identity constructs in this exploration, the purpose here is to promote deeper self-reflection and awareness. A non-Native service provider can be instrumental in supporting a Native individual in their search, and should remain in a listening and supportive role without offering their own solutions. The temptation to impose ideals of Indigenous identity should always be held in check. Native communities today have worked hard to reinvigorate their tribal traditions. Many communities now have language revitalization programs and provide cultural teaching programs to encourage the people to return to traditional food sources, plant gathering and traditional activities. These are important endeavors in Native communities and the common understanding is that when Native people return to their traditional ways of life (even as we live in this modern world) they are engaging the pathways to healing. Healing for Native people is not an individual goal, it is a community wide endeavor that includes culture, language and participation in community events. The imposition of a world that is based on hierarchical structure and material gain has produced challenges for Indigenous people that breads disharmony. It is important to remember who we are meant to be in light of the challenges we face as Indigenous people in a modern world. Native societies traditionally existed without police or prisons. A world based on community responsibility and generosity realizes that we are all in this together; no one should ever be without because they do not have money. The following statement by John Lame Deer circulated across social media: Before our white brothers came to civilize us we had no jails. Therefore we had no criminals. You can’t have criminals without a jail. We had no locks or keys, and so we had no thieves. If a man was so poor that he had no horse, tipi or blanket, someone gave him these things. We were to uncivilized to set much value on personal belongings. We wanted to have things only in order to give them away. We had no money, and therefore a man’s worth couldn’t be measured by it. We had no written law, no attorneys or politicians, therefore we couldn’t cheat. We really were in a bad way before the white man came, and I don’t know how we managed to get along without these basic things which, we are told, are absolutely necessary to make a civilized society. Retrieved on 11-9, 2019

Native beliefs systems are grounded in earth based philosophies that acknowledge the creator as providing all that is needed to live well on the earth. For Native people the work that is before us today includes not only healing from the waves of assaults and insults [trauma], but; additionally includes negotiating the on-going traumas of navigating a world that is entirely different then that of our ancestors, with the added task of recapturing the authenticity of our tribal cultural belief systems. If it appears a romantic depiction of Native life ways to assert that balance and harmony was always present in Native societies prior to western contact, this is not the case. Certainly Native communities had their share of social and political challenges, as all communities do. What is salient in Lame Deer’s statement is the assertion of a

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difference in epistemology from a society based on laws and consequences to one that requires reflection of heart with respect to the impact that results from one’s actions. It is not the intention of this writing to place blame, rather to address trauma resulting from a clash of values between Western and Indigenous Ways of Knowing. Ceremony  If ceremonial practices are available to an individual seeking help, it is highly advised that they participate, learn some songs, and at least, sit quietly on the earth. Reconnecting with nature will add much to an individuals’ wellbeing. This is well understood by Native psychologists, however non-Native service providers must take the time to learn about the communities they serve, and engage a process of unlearning what they have learned about mental health in Western university training programs. It is not enough to have read a few books and have taken a class on Native Americans’. Establishing positive collaborative relationships with Native individuals includes that non-Native service providers address their own issues of privilege and endeavor to gain an authentic understanding of the challenges involved with building trust. Non-Native service providers can be powerful advocates for Native communities by redirecting “therapy” toward cultural engagement. Spiritual awakenings are common in Native societies as intricate to the journey of life. Trauma, both historical and on-going, separates an individual from this basic understanding; that life is a journey and all obstacles to engaging this journey can serve as catalysts in finding the right path to walk–each his own individual journey of life. By the time a Native individual has reached mental health service agencies, they have already noted a breakdown or absence of spirituality in their lives. Spirituality in the Indigenous sense is not bound to a specified religion or church, rather it lies deep within the individuals’ core being and directs them in all aspects of life. A spiritual understanding of life is tied to one’s connection to the Creator, and a deep respect for all of creation. Spirituality will be different for every Native as expressed through traditional ceremonial practices and languages, and further impacted by the degree of acculturation, geographic region, family structure, religious influence, and tribally specific traditions (Garrett & Pichette, 2000; La-Fromboise et al., 1993). Anger Remediation  Anger remediation is additionally important in the helping process because much of what is conveyed in ones inability to find peace in their lives stems from unresolved issues surrounding trauma often resulting in anger. Anger remediation is not about having anger management skills, is about recognizing within oneself repressed energy structures that contribute to a lack of self-­ regulation. Mental health providers can assist by educating the individual in their ability to redirect anger and release it in a healthy and productive way. It is reasonable that Native people would experience anger in light of the wrongs they have suffered. Healthy and responsible ways to expend that energy includes involvement in issues that recognize destructive practices that have compromised the earths’ vital resources such as land, water, access to healthy food sources, and quality of life. Social justice activism is a healthy endeavor for Indigenous people, it builds personal and community strength. It is important, and crucial that mental health providers be aware of the local issues that impact American Indians’ traditional

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homelands. It is also important they understand that Native people place high value on tribal membership, community, and culture rather than personal achievements, social or financial status, or acquired possessions (Garrett et al., 2014). This may be difficult to understand for a mental health provider who is not familiar with Native beliefs, and customs. They may want to build the personal strength of their clients without being aware that their personal strength is tied to land, culture, community and family. Cultural Empowerment  Cultural empowerment is a strength-based approach that is critical to the healing process for Native people. Solutions to challenges should always begin with a foundation of cultural empowerment. Assessing an individuals’ level of involvement with their culture is the foundation of Indigenous mental health services. When asked what cultural empowerment looks like, Robbins et al. (2006) found that Native people all agree that it includes the use of tribal language; security in knowing tribal ways of being; using peyote as part of ceremonial practices (for some, not all); attending Sundance and sweat lodge (for some, not all); living in a accordance to the natural rhythms of nature rather than in a calculated manner, and; appreciating sacred sites, not built of bricks and mortar. Engagement in ceremonial practices first requires sobriety. Alcohol and other illicit substances have played a major role in separating Native people from their cultural and ceremonial ways of life. Prior to engagement in any ceremonial and cultural activity, one must be sober. Without sobriety, the individual will be unable to connect with themselves and their community on a spiritual level. While under the influence of substances, it is difficult for the individual to have a right state of mind, and make sound judgments. Education  Educating the individual about the dynamics of oppression and it’s role in the promotion of mental and physical health can free them from their internal self-defeat and promote further exploration into who they are from a strength based vantage. By identifying their feelings, and understanding why they feel the way they do, one can begin to empower themselves by re-harnessing the angry energy into productivity, creativity, and motivation that can bring about positive change. Mental health, and human service providers who understand the importance of culture are helping them to rebuild their communities and families. Trust is built when mental health providers take the time necessary to learn what bias’s they might hold about Native people, and work to reframe negative stereo types into an authentic understanding of Native of culture. When mental health professionals work along side the community to address cultural regeneration projects and social justice issues, they become part of the solution and gain a respected position within the community. The expression, “the hurt of one, is the hurt of all”, and “the honor of one, is the honor of all” (Harold Belmont, Tribal Elder), describes the understanding that we are all in this together. Traditional Healing Practices  Traditional healing practices are an option, however in most cases an individual should find their own way to them. And, having done so, this offers a good place to open a discussion on the insights and reflections

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gained in the experience. Traditional healing practices as a part of mental health services should only be practiced by Native individuals who have received the rights to do so from their specific tribal lineages. The coopting of Native indigenous healing practices has caused concern in recent decades and much caution should be exercised in their promotion. However, Indigenous healing models and approaches have been proposed in the literature and have proven promising in their implementation. The efficacy of adopting an Indigenous model of well-being has recently been documented. In a study conducted by Gone (2013) on bridging the gap of evidence based treatment (EBT) with Indigenous healing methods, criteria for diagnosis was created to specifically address the unique experiences and needs of Native peoples. To date, Indigenous and Native healing practices are not recognized within the mental health field, and in order to do so, proper diagnostic criteria and treatment for Historical Trauma is needed (Gone, 2013). However, given the complexities of Indigenous belief systems along with the vast differences in historical accounts of trauma, a model or framework for practices must be created and recreated continually by individuals in the communities with which they serve. Reasonably, if healing from trauma is tied to engagement in tribal and cultural belief systems, then proper diagnostic criteria and treatment schema must also include community members as partners in its creation. Further considerations include requirements of Evidence Based Practice as a rigorous process designed to demonstrate scientific validity in keeping with mental health professionals promise of providing effective treatment. Indigenous and Native healing practices, on-the-other-hand promote decolonization (Duran, 2006). “Decolonization is the intentional, collective, and reflective self-examination undertaken by formerly colonized peoples that results in shared remedial action” (Gone, 2013). The goal of decolonization is to gain back power and control form Western government, and this includes tribal administration of therapeutic services (Gone, 2013). Until the gap between Evidence Based Practice and Traditional Healing methods can be bridged, it is crucial that mental health providers remain learners of cultural resilience constructs and never make generalizations to all their Native “clients”. Research has shown that adopting traditional healing into the metal health field has provided an unprecedented journey of healing never seen before within this population (Gone, 2012). Through traditional healing practices, many Native people have begun to reclaim their indigenous heritage, and enter a process of decolonization. However still much of the success in implementation of traditional healing practices in mental health services is by Native providers, who in many instances are members of the communities with which they serve.

Conclusion American Indian population has suffered immense trauma throughout U.S. history, and many of the effects of this trauma are continuous and ongoing. The effects of colonization continue to be reverberated, and exacerbated through many

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governmental policies that emphasize the continuation of assimilation efforts. Rooted in the experiences of European people, the theories provided in mainstream university training programs often do not fit with the unique customs and beliefs of Native people. Research and mental health providers are now beginning to understand the concept of historical and intergenerational trauma as it relates to the Native American experience, and Native people themselves have forged significant ground in providing information that is both theoretically sound and culturally relevant to Native peoples’ experiences. The helping professions have much to gain from Native individuals who enter social science fields, and more should be done to promote their recruitment and academic processes as valuable resources in the fields ability to meet the needs of Native and Indigenous people.

References Adams, D. W. (1995). Education for extinction, American Indians and the boarding school experience 1875–1928. Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas. American Indian/Alaska Native Behavioral Health Briefing Book (2011). U.S.  Department of Health and Human Services Indian Health Service. Retrieved from: http://www.ihs.gov/dbh/ includes/themes/newihstheme/display_objects/documents/AIANBHBriefingBook.pdf Bachman, R., Zaykowski, H., Kallmyer, R., Poteyeva, M., Lanier, C. (2008). Violence against American Indian and Alaska native women and the criminal justice response: What is Known. U.S.  Department of Justice. Document No.: 22369, Date Received: August 2008, Award Number: 1705–219. Bassett, D., Buchwald, D., & Manson, S. (2014). Posttraumatic stress disorder and symptoms among American Indians and Alaska Natives: A review of the literature. Social Psychiatry and Psychiatric Epidemiology, 49(3), 417–433. https://doi.org/10.1007/s00127-013-0759-y Beals, J., Novins, D., Whitesell, N., Spicer, P., Mitchell, C., Manson, S., & AI-SUPERPFP Team. (2005). Prevalence of mental disorders & utilization of mental health services in two American Indian reservation populations: Mental health disparities in a national context. American Journal of Psychiatry, 162, 1723–1732. Begay, M. (2013). From training to practice: The experiences of Native American psychologists who have maintained their indigenous knowledge. Doctoral Dissertation. Las Cruces, NM: New Mexico State University. Bell, J. (2010). Mass incarceration: A destroyer of people of color and their communities. The Huffington Post. Retrieved from: http://www.huffingtonpost.com/jamaal-bell/mass-incarceration-a-dest_b_578854.html Berger, L. (1988). The long term psychological consequences of the Holocaust on survivors and their offspring. In R. L. Braham (Ed.), The psychological perspectives of the Holocaust and of its aftermath (pp. 175–221). New York, NY: Columbia University Press. Brave Heart, M. Y. H. (2003). The historical trauma response among natives and its relationship with substance abuse: A Lakota illustration. Journal of Psychoactive Drugs, 35(1), 7–13. Brave Heart, M. Y. H., & DeBruryn. (1998). The American Holocaust: Healing historical unresolved grief. Journal of the National Center, 8(2), 56–78. Heart, B., et al. (2011). Historical trauma among Indigenous peoples of the Americas: Concepts, research, and clinical considerations. Journal of Psychoactive Drugs, 43(4), 282–290. https:// doi.org/10.1080/02791072.2011.628913 Brave Heart-Jordan, M.  Y. H. (1995). The return to the sacred path: Healing from historical trauma and historical unresolved grief among the Lakota2. Northampton, MA: Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation. Smith College.

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Brave Heart-Jordan, M., & DeBruyn, L. M. (1995). So she may walk in balance: Integrating the impact of historical trauma in the treatment of Native American Indian women. In Adleman & G. Enguidanos (Eds.), Racism in the lives of women: Testimony, theory, and guides to anti-­ racist practice (pp. 345–368). New York, NY: Haworth Press. Brayboy, B. M. J. (2006). Toward a tribal critical race theory in education. The Urban Review, 37(5), 425–446. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11256-005-0018-y Cobb, D. M., & Fowler, L. (2007). Beyond red power: American Indian politics and activism since 1900. Santa Fe, NM: School for Advanced Research. Department of Justice: Bureau of Justice Statistics. (2001). Injuries from violent crime, 1992–1998 (Data file). Retrieved from http://www.bjs.gov/content/pub/ascii/ivc98.txt Department of Justice: Bureau of Justice Statistics (2015). Tribal crime data collection activities. (Data File). Retrieved from http://www.bjs.gov/index.cfm?ty=pbdetail&iid=5323. Duran, E. (2006). Healing the soul wound: Counseling with American Indians and other NativePeoples. New York, NY: Teacher’s College. Duran, E., & Duran, B. (1995). Native colonial postpsychology. New York, NY: State University Of New York Press. Echo-Hawk, A. (2017). Missing and murdered indigenous women and girls: A snapshot of data from 71 urban cities in the United States. Seattle, WA: Published by the Urban Indian Health Institute, Seattle Indian Health Board. Fogelman, E. (1991). Mourning without graves. In A. Medvene (Ed.), Storms and rainbows: The many faces of death (pp. 25–43). Washington, DC: Lewis Press. Fogelman, E., & Savran, B. (1980). Brief group therapy with offspring of Holocaust survivors: Leaders’ reactions. American Journal of Orthopsychiatry, 50(1), 96–108. Garrett, M.  T., Parrish, M., Williams, C., Grayshield, L., Portman, T.  A., Torres Rivera, E., & Maynard, E. (2014). Invited commentary: Fostering resilience among Native American youth through therapeutic intervention. Journal of Youth and Adolescence, 43(3), 470–490. https:// doi.org/10.1007/s10964-013-0020-8 Garrett, M. T., & Pichette, E. F. (2000). Red as an apple: Native American acculturation and counseling with or without reservation. Journal of Counseling and Development, 78, 3–13. Goodkind, et  al. (2012). “We’re still in a Struggle”: Dine resilience, Survival, Historical trauma, and Healing. Qualitative Health Research, 22(8), 1019–1036. https://doi. org/10.1177/104932312450324 Gone, J. P. (2009). A community-based treatment for native American historical trauma: Prospects for evidence-based practice. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 77(4), 751–762. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0015390 Gone, J.  P. (2010). Psychotherapy and traditional healing for American Indians: Exploring the prospects for therapeutic integration. The Counseling Psychologists, 38(2), 166–235. https:// doi.org/10.1177/0011000008330831 Gone, J. P. (2012) Indigenous traditional knowledge and substance abuse treatment outcomes: The problem of efficacy evaluation. The American Journal of Drug and Alcohol Abuse, 38(5), 493–497 Gone, J. P. (2013) Redressing First Nations historical trauma: Theorizing mechanisms for indigenous culture as mental health treatment. Transcultural Psychiatry, 50(5), 683–706 Grayshield, L., & Mihecoby, A. (2010). Indigenous ways of knowing as a philosophical base for the promotion of peace and justice in counseling education and psychology. Journal for Social Action in Counseling and Psychology, 2, 1–16. Grayshield, L., Rutherford, J.  J., Salazar, S.  B., Mihecoby, A.  L., & Luna, L.  L. (2015). Understanding and healing historical trauma: The perspectives of Native American elders. Journal of Mental Health Counseling, 37, 295–307. https://doi.org/10.17744/mehc.37.4.02. History.com Editors Website (2017). California Missions. Website URL https://www.history. com/topics/religion/california-missions. Access Date November 30, 2019. Publisher A&E Television Networks. Last Updated August 21, 2018.

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Indian Health Service (2019). Fact sheet. The federal health program for American Indians and Alaska Natives. October 2019. Jaskoski, H. (1989). Bird songs of Southern California: An interview with Paul Apodaca. Studies in American Indian literatures. Series 2, Vol. 1, No. 3/4 (Winter 1989), pp. 1–11. Published by: University of Nebraska Press. https://www.jstor.org/stable/20736374 Johnson, B.  B. (1981). The Indian child welfare act of 1978: Implications for practice. Child Welfare, 60(7), 435–446. Johnston-Dodds, K. (2002). Early California Laws and Policies related to California Indians. California research Bureau, Prepared at the request of Senator John L. Burton, President Pro Tempore. California State Library, September 2002. Johnson, T. R. (1999) “The state and the American Indian: Who Gets the Indian Child?”, Wicazo Sa Review. 14 (1): 197–214 (University of Minnesota Press). Lacroix, D. A. (1994). Indian boarding school daughters coming home: Survival stories as oral histories of Native American women. Dissertation abstracts international, Section A: Humanities & Social sciences, 54(12-A), 4609. LaFromboise, T. D., Coleman, H. L. K., & Gerton, J. (1993). Psychological impact of biculturalism: Evidence and theory. Psychological Bulletin, 114, 395–412. Larkin, J. J., & Luppino-Esposito, J. (2012). The violence against women act, Federal Criminal Jurisdiction, and Indian tribal courts. BYU Journal of Public Law, 27(1), 1–40. MacEachron, A. E., & Gustavsson, N. (2005). Contemporary policy challenges for Indian child welfare. Journal of Poverty, 9(2), 43–62. https://doi.org/10.1300/J134v09n02•03 Manson, S., Beals, J., Klein, S., Croy, C., & AI-SUPERPFP Team. (2005). Social epidemiology of trauma among 2 American Indian reservation populations. American Journal of Public Health, 95(5), 851–859. Marcuse, H. (1964). One-dimensional man. Boston, MA: Beacon Press. Newman, J. M., Marfin, A. A., Eggers, P. W., & Helgerson, S. D. (1990). End State Renal Disease among Native Americans, 1983–86. American Journal of Public Health, 80(3), 318–319. [PMC free article] [PubMed] Robin, R.  W., Chester, B., & Goldman, D. (1996). Cumulative trauma and PTSD in American Indian communities. In A.  J. Marsella, M.  J. Friedman, E.  T. Gerrity, & R.  M. Scurfield (Eds.), Ethnocultural aspects of posttraumatic stress disorder. Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Robin, R., Chester, B., Rasumussen, J., Jaranson, J., & Goldman, D. (1997). Factors influencing utilization of mental health & substance abuse services by American Indian men and women. Psychiatric Services, 48, 826–832. Robbins, et  al. (2006). Colonial instillations in American Indian boarding school students. Educational Foundations, v20 n3–4 (p69–88). Fullerton, CA: California State University. Robbinson-Zanatu, C., & Majel-Dixon, J. (1996). Parent Voices: American Indian relationships with schools. Journal of American Indian Education, 36(1), 33–54. Sievers, M.L., and Fisher, J.R. (1985). Diabetes in North American Indians. Pp. XI. 1-20  in Diabetes in America. NIH Publication No. 85-1468. Bethesda, MD: U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. Sarabi, B. (2001). The Ironhouse: Native Americans and Prision. In Partenrship for safety and justice. Retrieved from: www.safetyandjustice.org/node/319 Spring, J. (2001). The American school, 1664–2000. Boston, MA: McGraw-Hill. Walls, M. L., & Whitbeck, L. B. (2012). The intergenerational effects of relocation policies on indigenous families. Journal of Family Issues, 33(9), 1272–1293. https://doi.org/10.117 7/0192513X12447178 Whitbeck, et  al. (2004). Discrimination, historical loss and enculturation: Culturally specific risk and resiliency factors for alcohol abuse among Indians. Journal of Studies on Alcohol. Department of Sociology, University of Nebraska-Lincoln, 65(4), 409–418. Wilkinson, C.  F. (2005). Blood struggle: The rise of modern Indian nations (pp.  258–260). New York, NY: W.W. Norton & Co..

Chapter 8

Native2Native Mentoring: We Bring Our Ancestors With Us Kee J. E. Straits, Melinda A. García, and Steven P. Verney

Introduction American Indians/Alaska Natives (AIAN)1 experience disproportionate rates of mental health conditions (American Psychiatric Association, 2010), yet continue to be critically underserved. The shortage of Native mental health professionals, lack of culturally appropriate interventions, and mistrust of healthcare contribute to disparities (American Psychiatric Association, 2010). Native Americans have the potential to more effectively and ethically serve Native communities than non-­

1  The U.S. government, including the U.S.  Census Bureau, defines American Indians or Alaska Natives (AIANs) as individuals who have ancestry with any of the original peoples of North, Central, and South America and who maintain tribal affiliation or community attachment (Office of Management and Budget, 1997). In this chapter, in addition to using AIANs, we will use the term “Native” as a general term to refer to those individuals who identify with the Native culture.

This chapter is the result of an inter-active session on Native Mentoring presented by the authors at the 24th Annual Conference of the Society of Indian Psychologists (SIP) held in June of 2011 at Utah State University in Logan, Utah. The generosity of the great minds and hearts of SIP participants who offered their ideas fill the pages of this chapter. Not too long ago this chapter would not have been possible given that there were no Native professionals in psychology to mentor Native students in the field. We give thanks for those pioneers who paved the way for current Native students and we dedicate this chapter to them. K. J. E. Straits (*) TLC Transformations, LLC, Albuquerque, NM, USA M. A. García Independent Clinical and Community Psychology Practice, Albuquerque, NM, USA S. P. Verney Department of Psychology, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque, NM, USA © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 L. Grayshield, R. Del Castillo (eds.), Indigenous Ways of Knowing in Counseling, International and Cultural Psychology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-33178-8_8

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Natives (Elliott, 2011; Simons, 2012), yet Native Americans are grossly underrepresented in all the mental health professions (Gray and Carter, 2012). These data suggest that one of the ways to reduce disparities would be to grow the leadership ladder2 of Native American mental health providers. Mentoring Native students into mental health professions is crucial if we are to appropriately serve Native populations and strengthen Native communities (Walters et al., 2018). According to 2010  U.S. census data (U.S.  Census Bureau, 2012), American Indians and Alaska Natives who reported this racial category alone account for 0.9% (2.9 million) of the U.S. population, and AIANs who report this racial category alone or in combination with another racial category account for 1.7% (5.3 million) of the U.S. population. However, AIANs are underrepresented in mental health professions compared to the larger U.S. AIAN populations. Fig. 1 presents the percentage of AIANs along with other racial/ethnic groups in the mental health professions of psychologists (0.3%), counselors (0.8%), and social workers (0.6%) compared to their respective percentage of the U.S. population. While many of the AIAN mental health professionals are likely to prioritize returning to serve their own or other Native communities, much of their practice is likely to include other populations. Further, as some AIANs pursue academic or research oriented career paths, they may be placed in urban areas that have a lower AIAN concentration. Therefore, the numbers of AIAN mental health professionals serving AIAN communities are grossly disproportionate to the numbers and needs of the larger AIAN populations. This means that either non-Native professionals serve the disproportionate need of Native communities, or conversely, that Native communities at risk for high rates of mental health conditions experience large rates of unmet mental health needs. Given the low numbers of Native faculty in mental health programs, it is likely that the non-Native professionals may not be well trained in multicultural competencies let alone in competencies related to AIAN populations. The numbers represented in Fig. 1 likely represent an overestimate of the AIAN workforce actually working with the AIAN population. After a brief review of the literature, this chapter will explore three types of challenges that impact successful mentoring of Native Americans into psychology: (1) the bridging of Native and academic cultures; (2) the environments and preferred orientations of academic programs; and (3) supervision and mentoring relationships. We will provide recommendations to strengthen the effectiveness and cultural relevance of mentoring for Native Americans in psychology. Although we primarily address the experiences of Native students in psychology graduate programs, we are acutely aware of the need for adequate mentoring of Native mental health professionals all the way up the leadership ladder, from high school to seasoned professionals in academic, research, and clinical settings. 2  We use “leadership ladder” in place of “mentorship pipeline” given recently acquired negative connotations of the word “pipeline” for many Native peoples as a result of multi-billion dollar oil corporations such as Energy Transfer Partners eroding Native rights to land and clean water by building oil pipelines without recognition of tribal sovereignty and appropriate tribal consultation.

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9.1 Multiple/ Other Race

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Fig. 1  Clinicians by type in comparison to U.S. Population by Race and Hispanic Origin Note: Combined data from U.S. D.H.H.S (2013) and U.S. Census Bureau (2012)

We asked the participants at the Society of Indian Psychologist (SIP) Annual Conference (Straits and Garcia, 2011) to share with us and each other their experiences in the following areas: (1) specific examples of challenging or negative mentorship or supervision experiences in graduate school, internship and post-doc settings as well as the context of the incident; (2) descriptions of how the incidents were or were not handled; (3) their current reflections on those incidents. The group responses helped us to address the following questions for this chapter: • What are the challenges in mentorship relationships for Native American mentees in the field of psychology? • To what degree do historical and current traumas experienced by Native communities affect mentoring relationships and in what ways? • Considering mentorship and supervision needs, how can training programs more successfully recruit and retain Native students and faculty? In addition to shaping the chapter, SIP member responses are integrated throughout.

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Literature Review Mentorship Both the literature and conventional wisdom have much to say about the positive impact of mentoring. Yet, we know from personal and professional experience that mentoring is not always positive. The literature suggests several specific barriers to effectively mentoring Native American students in academic or research settings, including a history of mistrust, the lack of culturally relevant mentoring, misperceptions or miscommunications, and ineffective support in bridging academic and cultural worldviews and identities (Henly, Struthers, Dahlen, Ide, Patchell & Hotzclaw, 2006; Walters & Simoni, 2009). The literature on mentoring Indigenous students is meager. Some inferences may be drawn from the research about mentoring people of color, which is also sparse. Chan, Yeh & Krumboltz (2015) defined mentorship as, “a one-to-one relationship between a more experienced member (mentor) and a less experienced member (protégé) that is aimed to promote the professional and personal growth of the protégé through coaching, support, and guidance.” Furthermore, Chan et al. (2015) found that two of the essential ingredients for success, emerging from interviews with ethnic minority psychology students, was the importance of relationality between mentor and protégée (tight bonds) and the significance and deliberate inclusion of protégée contexts, such as the protégée’s family and community and the “sociopolitical forces” that impact the mentor – protégée dyad. Mentorship has been identified as a crucial feature for successfully supporting Native trainees through higher education programs (Barcus & Crowley, 2012; Elliott, 2011; Geddes, 2005; Gray & Carter, 2012; Yager et al., 2007). Gray and Carter (2012) describe building a team of Native researchers, stating that senior team members fulfill multiple roles including mentor, mother, and grandmother and the team becomes a family or community “where interests, ideas, and struggles are nurtured” in response to the loss of family and cultural familiarity that Native students sustain when coming into higher education. Barcus and Crowley (2012) define mentoring from a Native perspective, clarifying that, “elders have mentored young people throughout time,” and emphasizing the importance of the relationship. They also differentiate between “being” a mentor, where one is fully engaged in mentoring from a heart level and as a core identity, and “doing” mentoring, where one engages in a momentary or temporary action that would be defined as an act of mentoring. The distinction between the “doing” and “being” forms of mentoring captures a notable difference between Western and Indigenous perspectives of mentoring. Although there is more literature on psychotherapy supervision for ethnic minority students, as well as same-race and cross-race supervisory dyads (Constantine & Sue, 2007; Geddes, 2005; Goode-Cross, 2011), we make a clear division between supervision and mentorship. Supervision generally refers to a specific professional realm, such as in psychotherapy training. The supervisory role may have well-­ defined professional duties, responsibilities, and training goals. Further, a ­supervisor

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always has explicit positional power over the supervisee; whereas a mentor may or may not have positional power. We define a mentor as someone who will use relational influence and may mentor across any area seen as pertinent to a mentee’s overall professional development. The roles are not exclusionary, but one cannot assume that one role implies the other. Simply because faculty supervise a Native student does not automatically make them a mentor for that student. The literature on same-race and cross-race professional mentorships is more limited. In one of a handful of articles on mentoring Native students, Waitzkin et al. (2006) reflected on the successes of a mentorship program developed for AIAN mental health trainees, noting that AIAN mentees frequently reported an enhanced experience with same-ethnic mentors. Same-gender or same-race matches enhanced mentees’ sense of support and commonality of experience. In particular, female mentees reported that they were able to obtain useful perspectives on balancing careers and family life from female mentors. Matches that involved a close sharing of common research interests led to enhanced perceived quality of the mentorship relationships (Waitzkin et al., 2006). Reasons for unsuccessful matches included incompatibility of schedules, geographic distance, and personality differences (Waitzkin et al., 2006). A qualitative study by Sewell (2008) on same-race and cross-race mentorships for 17 African American professional protégés and their mentors demonstrated that racial matching influenced mentor-mentee interactions, content, and the degree of felt support. Members in same-race relationships tended to use discretion around disclosing the relationship to external parties, demonstrated a high degree of psychosocial support and commitment towards one another, and exchanged messages about the importance of giving back. Cross-race relationships mainly reflected a high degree of instrumental (goal-directed) career support rather than developmental (relationship-­ directed) career support. Members of cross-race dyads maintained different perspectives about organizational phenomena based on race, had varying degrees of engagement in conversations about race, found commonalities with which to identify, and learned to control their emotions (Sewell, 2008). There is little to no reflection in the literature regarding ineffective mentoring and its potential impacts. Chan, Yeh & Krumboltz (2015) shared a quote from one ethnic minority graduate student’s negative experience with a mentor: “I really struggled just to connect with him, and I had a lot of anger toward him” (pp. 5–6). Chan et al. used this quote to illustrate the importance of building and experiencing trust in the mentorship dyad, while also indirectly referencing how trust is impacted by historical and current social and cultural factors. SIP participants alluded to the more intense pain and disillusionment associated with Native-to-Native dyads when mentors were not effective. Similar to findings by Ortiz-Walters & Gilson (2005) of greater satisfaction and perceived support by ethnic minority mentees matched with ethnic minority mentors, SIP Participants also recognized the exceptionally positive and powerful relationships when Native-to-Native mentoring worked well. Altogether, the research and personal experiences suggest that Native mentors may have unique opportunities to connect at profound levels with their mentees and explore racial/cultural issues as they relate to professional development, if the

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Native mentor is willing and skilled both as a mentor (“doing” and “being”) and in culturally humble approaches to creating a trusting relationship. Some research also provides ideas regarding the particular challenges AIAN students face to which mentors might need to be especially attuned and responsive. Challenges for Native students in higher education in general and mental health fields specifically include: language barriers and identity crisis or diffusion (White & Lowenthal, 2011), learning challenges ranging from paradigmatic to neurobiological (Elliott, 2011), cultural conflict (Delpit, 1995; Elliott, 2011), and culture shock (Simons, 2012). In an extremely perceptive article, Chamorro (2004) noted that Latino students’ professional development might include premature responsibility, role reversal, and isolation within their department. This dynamic is present when Latino students are singular among graduate students in their departments, when they are asked to represent the Latino point of view in their classes, and when they do not see Latinos in faculty positions in their department. Such a process reenacts the syndrome of the parentified child in dysfunctional families. This happens when the department does not take responsibility to provide the expertise to teach and support ethnic minority students. Instead of support when they are struggling with their own vulnerability in the process of learning new skills, Native students are expected to educate other students, faculty and supervisors. This dynamic and sense of fending for themselves when it comes to mentoring was described by SIP participants when recalling their own experiences.

Past and Contemporary Traumas The present-day realities of individuals with Native heritage is greatly influenced by the historical context and experiences of Native peoples in the United States. In order to have a discussion of mentoring and forming relationships between mentor and protégée, the sociopolitical and ecological impacts of this history are critical elements to consider. Historical trauma is one well-documented impact of historical events such as widespread disease, wars, massacres, forced relocation, boarding schools, and governmental policies to eradicate American Indians. The term historical trauma refers to the cumulative emotional and psychological wounds over the lifespan and across generations, subsequent to massive group trauma (Braveheart, 1998). A key feature of historical trauma theory is that the psychological and emotional consequences of the trauma experience are transmitted to subsequent generations through physiological, environmental and social pathways resulting in an intergenerational cycle of trauma response (Sotero, 2006). Historical trauma may seem to be an invisible entity with roots buried deep thus making it difficult to assess its current effects on Native individuals walking the educational and professional path in psychology. Yet, Helms, Nicolas, & Green (2012) hypothesize that racism and ethno-violence, including exposure to microaggressions and vicarious experiences, may elicit immediate or delayed current trauma responses if they elicit personal or group-level memories of past trauma. In the experience of the authors,

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the body is the keeper of individual history and inherits the memories, beliefs and behaviors of our ancestors, along with our spiritual lineage. When we suppress or forget our personal and collective past, we cork up a very turbulent energy. Historical amnesia creates internal pressure and external conflict, anchoring us to the very thing we wish to avoid: repeating history. This experience has been described by Geronimus (2006) in her research with Black women and described as “weathering” or high-effort persistant coping that has profound effects on health. Higher prevalence rates of mental and behavioral health issues in Native communities are associated with historical traumatic events enacted on entire tribal bodies, as well as ongoing systemic and structural racism contributing to current traumas (Whitbeck, et al., 2009). Thus, many Native students enter their training programs having witnessed the effects of historical trauma in their own communities, and experiencing the effects as members of their communities. Two recent studies independently found that a common motivating drive for Native students to pursue the mental health field is an altruistic desire to return to their community to serve their people (Elliott, 2011; Simons, 2012). They leave their communities seeking higher education in order to gain tools that they hope will prove useful in improving their community’s future, overcome the intergenerational trauma and current stress inherent in living in a race-conscious society that stigmatizes and disadvantages Native people. Understanding experiences in the past and their impact on the lives and contexts of Native students and their mentors today, although an important foundation, is still insufficient to adequately mentor. Given that the vast majority of academia plays out in a non-Native, higher socioeconomic, dominant culture bubble, superficial information about Native American history prevail and facilitate the belief that these scenarios of colonization are in the past. However, it is imperative for mentors of Native students to recognize the ongoing influences of historical events as well as ongoing present-day traumas, micro-aggressions, marginalization, stigmatization and profound ignorance about Native people that make up Native realities. Present-­ day examples include the continued ground contamination of Native communities from uranium spills on par to Chernobyl, chronic and severe underfunding of health services for Native peoples that results in astonishingly high morbidity rates among patients dependent upon the Indian Health Service, the deliberate disregard of Native sovereignty and rights to clean water by large oil corporations that perpetuate Standing Rock and massive human rights violations in 2016, the continued excessive removal of Native children from their communities in disregard of the Indian Child Welfare Act, and inhumane incarceration and separation of children from Indigenous families on the U.S.-Mexico border, to name but a few (CNAY, 2018). The cultural mind-set and experiences of Native Americans versus the culture of academia with a contextual understanding of historical and current traumas is not attended to in the research. Addressing this issue is crucial in the retention of Native graduate students and the promotion of Native junior faculty. We will discuss issues to be aware of when mentoring a Native student or early professional. The issues and suggestions we offer apply beyond the ivory walls of academia into the field.

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Those who hope to mentor Native trainees successfully will need to be prepared to address several issues that are of particular importance for Native mentees and be able to engage in a more Native centered style of mentoring. A qualitative study with 10 Native American doctoral level psychologists reported that the everyday balancing act between Native and academic worlds during their training elicited daily experiences of historical trauma (Elliott, 2011). Yager et al. (2007) emphasized the importance of strong mentoring that recognizes the influence of historical trauma and social injustices when developing a program for ethnic minority trainees in mental health. We wholeheartedly agree and suggest that strong mentoring also recognizes the influence of ongoing present-day traumatic events as well as the daily experience of living as the target in a racist society.

Challenges in Mentorship of Native American Mentees I ssues of Cultural Incongruence: Native Culture vs. Academic Culture People Do Not Know What They Do Not Know  SIP members pointed out that there are key aspects of mentoring that may not be captured in any written format. Thus, the first issue for mentors to recognize is that you do not know what you don’t know. For many non-Native professors, mentors, or professionals in contact with Native students, the actual history, contexts, cultures and experiences of Native people in higher education and the professional world are not known. Understanding how Native people are embedded in their history, culture and context is imperative for providing appropriate mentoring support to help Native people. Traditional Native students encounter a severe lack of knowledge and understanding among the professors and staff in most institutions of higher education regarding the integral aspects of traditional practices and beliefs, such as ceremonies, in a student’s life. Traditional Native practices are not integral within academia, and there are too few traditional Native faculty or staff to impact the general cultural environment. One SIP member provided the example of his friend, a very traditional Native individual who participated in ceremonies and retained a strong accent. He was frequently ignored when he spoke during classes or with professors. The historical knowledge he brought was considered to be less valuable than the knowledge of non-Natives about his culture as recorded in Western research journals. He quietly dropped out of his graduate program. Similar situations during psychology graduate school training and education have been reported in response to the lack of fit of American Psychological Association ethical codes of conduct when considering Native trainees (García & Tehee, 2014). Losses Walking in the Door  Graduate training is a great privilege as well as an enormous challenge embarked upon by most of us only after a great deal of consideration. The training gained in a graduate program results in a change in personal and professional identity. SIP members noted that the academic culture does not

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consider that Native students risk many losses by engaging in graduate training. Those losses may include: the loss of their role within their tribal community; ­emotional distance from their base of support; geographical distance and climate difference from their community; a struggle with a lack of understanding from their family or community for the decision to pursue graduate training; lack of access to their spiritual base; and financial as well as support group loss. In the case of graduate schools who instill a strong professional identity such as medicine, law, or psychology, Native students may struggle with the question: How much of my culture do I have to give up in order to complete this program? Historically, the formal education of young Native people has signified a loss to the Native community from which they come. The young person may lose their Native language, cultural knowledge, role and respect. S/he is unable to directly contribute to the spiritual, cultural, physical wellbeing of the community, as they would have if they had not been removed. It is not unusual for many Native families and communities to continue to maintain their scepticism regarding the relative value of a Native member’s choice to pursue graduate school. Native families and communities still carry their own historical trauma of having children forcefully taken far away to boarding schools. In many cases, those children were forced to relinquish their culture in order to survive in the schools. This was a deep and painful loss for the children, the families and the communities. Thus, some Native graduate students lose status, trust, or outward support that must be earned back after they obtain their hard-won degree. Institutions of higher education struggle to attract and retain Native students who are not willing to deal with such a strong division and lack of support for students’ Native ways and sense of being in the world. More Native students might be attracted and retained by increasing the degree to which they can be their whole selves within the academic setting, and by providing these supports outside of the program. For example, a collaboration between Arizona State University, the Santa Fe Leadership Institute, and 19 Pueblo tribal communities aimed to tackle the dearth of Native American doctoral candidates and the need for strong Indigenous leaders with both Western and traditional education. Drs. Sumida Huaman and Brayboy (2017) developed a Pueblo Indian doctoral program in Justice Studies that has graduated a cohort of 10 every year since 2015. In the process, they created an Indigenous model of higher education that ensures doctoral students remain in their home communities throughout their studies, pursue dissertations directly related to the needs of their communities, and develop policy papers that Pueblo stakeholders can review and implement. This model situates higher education in the home communities of Native students (professors travel out or use videoconferencing), orients the curricula and student graduation requirements to benefit local and international tribal communities, and relies on Indigenous faculty, mentors and collaborators (Sumida, 2018). Levels of Acculturation and Enculturation  The different levels of experience and involvement with one’s Native culture and traditions, including language fluency and knowledge of traditions, impact the student’s experience and acculturation to academic culture. Their own identification as Native, as well as the way that

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others perceive their ethnic and racial identity will contribute to their sense of belonging. Regardless of where a Native individual is at in their personal level of acculturation and enculturation, we are all impacted by the historical experiences that we claim by our Indigenous ancestry and our relationship with non-Indigenous cultures. Traditional Native students encounter a severe lack of knowledge and understanding among the professors and staff in most institutions of higher education regarding the integral aspects of traditional practices and beliefs, such as ceremonies, in a student’s life. Traditional Native practices are not integral within academia, and there are too few traditional Native faculty or staff to impact the general cultural environment. Some students may already be fluently bicultural and are able to navigate effectively between their primary culture of origin and Western academia, and thus, transition more easily into an academic or professional setting. Even so, they benefit from mentoring that continues to further their growth and adeptness in traditional as well as professional practices and the harmonious balance of both. Other students may have little awareness of the traditions and culture of their heritage, and thus may easily adapt to academic or professional expectations with little differentiation from non-Native peers. Conversely, some of these students may struggle with the lack of a strong cultural identity and may benefit from mentoring that includes assistance in developing a stronger cultural identity along with the consolidation of a professional identity. This is especially true when students in this group are expected to serve as spokespersons for their cultural group. Some students are strongly enculturated within their traditional heritage and this grounding may lend them the strength to navigate the foreign academic or professional cultural expectations. Other strongly enculturated students may encounter disorientation, alienation, overt prejudice, micro-aggressions, and continual conflict that they do not understand and is not acknowledged in academic or professional settings. Competent mentoring for these students would need to include strong support and advocacy as well as coaching to acquire different skill sets in a way that they can integrate into an intact cultural base leading to fluency in both cultures. Mentors must be prepared to explore the nuances and interactions of culture and ethnic identity within the academic environment. “We” vs. “I”  Higher education in the U.S. is marked by a distinct culture within Western values. SIP members often refer to this as the “academic culture.” SIP members noted that one unspoken aspect of academic culture is the expectation for students to be oriented to individualistic goals and achievements, or an “I” orientation. Examples of the “I” orientation include: gathering personal accolades (e.g. first authorship on publications and presentations, awards); individual research agendas; and the development of personal academic skills or talents. Academic culture is characterized by tacit assumptions (regardless of possible stated expectations to the contrary) that students prioritize the pursuit of higher education over family, community, and other non-academic social ties or obligations.

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This highly individualistic orientation conflicts with the values instilled in many Native students from birth that prioritizes family and community ties, or a “We” orientation. Native students operating from a “We” orientation are more likely to engage in their academic programs with a more communal approach. Examples of the “We” orientation include: deferring to their home community’s requests for what to study; demands from the home community to take time off to be involved in community “doings” or ceremony; offering to return home in the evenings to mentor and parent younger siblings or relatives rather than pursue individual academic projects; or collaborate with other Native and ethnic minority peers to ensure everyone’s success at the risk of their own individual achievement. Culture Shock  Given that students must have already successfully negotiated undergraduate programs in order to be accepted into graduate programs, many graduate programs may not believe that this is a concern. However, many Native students do not enter graduate school directly following undergraduate programs. Many have recently come from spending several months to years in their Native communities. Returning to the distinct culture of graduate school can generate culture shock. Differences that can contribute to culture shock include: the “I” vs. “We” orientation mentioned above, different foods, different hours, inability to find others with common interests, as well as different verbal and nonverbal communication styles (e.g. language, greetings, expectations). In addition to the stress that comes with living in a new place with demanding academic expectations, a Native student may be exerting extra effort to understand motives behind confusing events or trying to form friendships with non-Native peers who do not easily understand the Native student’s perspectives. Signs of culture shock include withdrawal, loneliness, helplessness, longing for home and friends, weight gain, sleep disturbance, difficulty thinking clearly, and other physiological symptoms. Sadness and depression may be a part of culture shock. These symptoms are similar to responses to any significant transition that places the person under significant stress over an extended period. Fear of Confronting Cultural Models and Beliefs  Graduate education in psychology usually requires that students examine assumptions about human development, behavior and mental health. Native students may struggle with the tension between learning new, “evidenced based” models of behavior, cognition, and physiology that may or may not make sense in their world view (Henrich, Heine, Norenzayan, 2010) and examining their traditional cultures for fear of diluting or dismantling them. At the same time, they do not have the status power to confront the models and beliefs presented in psychology and academia when they conflict with traditional teachings or knowledge. Few psychology graduate departments provide Native students with the skills to balance this tension. Native students may also learn that what is considered “traditional” in their home community has been influenced by the colonization process. They need competent mentoring to address the fear that if they start questioning their culture, it will dissolve and they will be left with nothing. For example, they may experience deep confusion when examin-

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ing what about traditional cultures oppresses women, GLBTQ people, or even the academically inclined; or how tribal infighting contributes to community poverty. Few academic programs are prepared to teach Native students the skills to address these fears. In addition, academic programs are ill-equipped to accept legitimate arguments from traditional perspectives countering Western methods, values or findings. As pointed out by Gurven (2018), Western science currently excludes socioecological, cultural and historical contexts which contributes to limited generalizability and stunts scientific thought. As much as students fear confronting their traditional beliefs, their position of lesser power within the culture of academia renders invisible the institution’s fear of confrontation. Falling Behind Working for the “We”  Native students and professionals operating from a “We” orientation often struggle to keep up with non-Native peers in academic contexts. They may bring the “We” into every endeavor, when their non-­ Native peers are more likely to have the cultural expectation of focusing on just the “I”. Examples of falling behind working for the “We” may be easily found in the different approaches to research chosen by many Native professionals and their subsequent difficulty in moving into tenured positions at academic institutions. For example, Community Based Participatory Research (CBPR) is attractive to many emerging Native researchers in contrast to experimental research approaches favored by Western research journals. CBPR lends itself to a “we” approach by building collaborative relationships with the community to be studied before the study is ever carried out. The CBPR method can take years to develop a trusting relationship with a community and then to develop a research agenda (Collins et al., 2018). Once data has been collected, analyzed, and disseminated, first authorship (and data ownership) is given to community members. A “we” based research process that takes years to develop and results in few publications with one’s name as first author does not make for a quick climb up the academic ladder. The “I” approach of experimental research focuses on answering a researcher-­ driven question resulting in publications with first authorship. The “I” approach assumes that a greater number of these types of publications indicate greater psychologist knowledge and efficacy. This approach is directly rewarded in the way departments grant tenure. For Native academics who engage in randomized control trials, examples of pressures from the “we” orientation includes: being sought out by under-served ethnic minority graduate students from across the department to be on their committee; being asked to serve as the ethnic minority representative in an overwhelming number of university-wide or departmental committees; and pulling along our ancestors, extended families, and communities in every forward step of our work. SIP members reported that Native academics additionally have to justify the validity of the “we” orientation to departments entrenched in the “I” orientation. Native-Centered Mentorship  The idea of a mentor in both academic and Native settings can be described as a wise and trusted person who teaches or coaches the mentee to realize their full potential professionally. In academic culture, mentoring

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helps the mentee to become successful within the “I” paradigm. In many Native cultures mentoring includes having a relationship with the mentee similar to being a trusted, older family member, an auntie or an uncle. In many Native cultures, mentoring is holistic and includes advocacy, physical, emotional and spiritual self-­ care issues as well as the development of the mind and career. Connection, caring, and advocacy are important aspects of mentoring Native students. In order to be able to provide this level of mentoring for a Native student, faculty need to take the time to get to know the students well individually. Unless time is spent on solid relationship building, the Native student will not have trust in their mentor or feel well supported; and the mentor will not have a good idea what the mentee’s needs are outside the classroom. SIP members noted that their most important mentors were those with whom they had “a connection from the heart”. This does not mean that there are no boundaries between Native mentors and mentees. It means that the boundaries look different. Create Family and Community Supports  Extended family and close community members often function as protective factors for many Native people. This support can be lost when they enter graduate school. A mentor can help her/himself and the Native mentee by understanding that “it takes a village” to provide adequate supports; the task may otherwise be an impossible burden for one mentor. Connecting the Native trainee to larger networks of support is often effective. Some of the supports may be more practical and instrumental (e.g. student support services for study techniques, guidance in finding a part-time job, facilitating access to additional professional opportunities). Other supports may be more relevant to assisting the student in re-building cultural community connections on or near the campus (e.g. American Indian, multicultural or first generation student groups; sweat lodge circles or ceremonial dance groups). Connecting with outside mentors (a traditional elder, an IHS clinician in the community where the student hopes to practice, a skilled community clinician) is important because the academic mentor cannot be expected to be skilled in all areas. Ultimately, caring support and cultural understanding that nurtures the student’s spiritual and emotional self, will help the student to feel that they have become integrated into the academic or professional community. Mentor Matching  It is important to note that a Native mentor and a Native mentee may not necessarily share the same experiences just because they are both Native. Not only may they differ in their levels of acculturation and enculturation, but their experiences will vary depending on whether they are urban Indian, rural reservation Indian, rural non-reservation Indian or a Native person from outside the U.S. Also shaping experience are whether the mentors and mentees are enrolled members of federally recognized tribes, non-enrolled members, or from Native communities that are not federally recognized. Ethnic matching between a Native mentee and a potential mentor may be more or less important depending on where the mentee is at in her/his ethnic identity development, which includes understanding the different factors and experiences that shape Native American identity development.

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Issues Within the Academic Program Neglect  Developing infrastructure, activities, and program norms that nurture more supportive environments would invariably positively impact all students, and is a necessity for any program that has as one of its aims to attract and retain Native students. It is unethical and neglectful to accept a Native student into one’s program without appropriately addressing their unique needs. It is similarly inappropriate to expect the Native student’s mentor or academic supervisor to carry the entire burden of advocacy, support, education, self-reflection, and change when many of the barriers encountered by Native students stem from systemic and societal factors. In order to challenge and change the perpetuation of negative historical experiences, support and mentoring of Native students must also come from changes in program culture. The Culture of the Program  In recognition of the challenges as well as the potential losses experienced by Native students when entering graduate programs, it would benefit student retention if departments regularly evaluated the organizational culture within their programs, and their degree of multicultural awareness and competencies in training. This would include input from Native students and mentors of Native students to provide feedback on aspects of the program that enhance student sense of belonging, support, and success, as well as aspects that inhibit success. One example across programs would be the general competitive atmosphere (although this varies among programs) and the focus on “I” perspectives, rather than acceptance and accommodation for “We” perspectives. Financial Aid  Native students often attend graduate school away from their own communities. This means they do not have housing support from family and travel home is expensive and time-consuming. Unless the student receives full financial aid, they do not have the family resources to address their financial needs. Attending graduate school away from their home community also means Native students are not likely to have a network to help them find work to supplement their financial aid. Additionally, when financial need necessitates their employment while also engaged in higher education, they are at a significant disadvantage relative to peers without financial need who can take on a full course load unburdened by heavy work hours and additional work responsibilities. Access to Indigenous Cultures  The different and often contrasting values between academic/professional and Native environments and the constant negotiation of multiple cultures can be mentally and emotionally exhausting. Native trainees have much less access to their family and community environments which previously surrounded them with cultural validation, insight and understanding. Programs that assist in maintaining access may provide more flexibility to students to return to their homes more frequently or for longer periods, increase access to Native mentors,

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provide opportunities for engagement in more accessible Native communities (e.g. Native student groups, Indian centers), or create “foster” cultures within the program that reinforce and validate Native experiences. The Culture of the Environment  Another SIP member recollected being embarrassed by peers for putting her laundry out to dry in the sun when this was not considered “appropriate” within the cultural norms of the academic world that infiltrated beyond the walls of the university to her own apartment. It is not just the experiences within academic walls, but the environment to which Native students transplant in order to gain their higher education credentials that may increase stress and create challenges not encountered by mainstream students. If academic programs want to retain Native students, they need to also be aware of the fuller environment they ask Native students to step into. More effective mentoring happens when mentors are aware of these challenges, and can help Native mentees connect to needed social, emotional, and cultural supports both within and immediately surrounding the academic setting. Tokenism, Stereotypes & Window Dressing  Students from all ethnic minority backgrounds are acutely aware of and affected by being “the only raisin in the bowl of oatmeal,” or the only student of color amongst numerous white students, faculty, and staff. This is especially true when that status is accompanied by the exceedingly tired clichés, “We have advertised for minority faculty, but none apply,” and, “Our program is just not attractive to minority faculty because of our (fill in the blank).” Many SIP members related experiences of being the only Native person in their department and fielding questions relating to stereotypes of Natives. These experiences belong to a type of racism called microaggressions (Constantine, 2007;  Constantine & Sue, 2007; Constantine, Smith, Rodington & Owens, 2008; Wang, Leu & Shoda, 2011). “Racial microaggressions are brief and commonplace daily verbal, behavioral, or environmental indignities, whether intentional or unintentional, that communicate hostile, derogatory, or negative racial slights and insults toward people of color. Perpetrators of microaggressions are often unaware that they engage in such communications when they interact with racial/ethnic minorities” (Sue et al., 2007, p. 271).This situation is a micro-trauma that repeats daily when there is a lack of competent mentoring for those students in how to negotiate that environment. As Sue et  al., (2007) reported, micro-aggressions have a serious negative effect on the recipient both emotionally and physically. The students were admitted into the program because they are bright and talented. Students can tell when they are part of a window dressing effort, a token, or when the department does not fulfill the diversity talk in the catalogue. Placing the minority student in the position of having to teach both faculty and other students about their culture and needs is unethical (they were not hired to teach) and undermines the experience of learning and succeeding in a graduate environment. Supervision and mentoring can help to facilitate the development and strengthening of resilience or it can contribute to reinforcing historical trauma and alienation.

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WEIRD vs. “Universal” Psychology  Leading scientific journals and university textbooks routinely publish research findings claiming to generalize to “humans” or “people” based on research done entirely with WEIRD (White, Educated, Industrialized, Rich, Democratic) populations, particularly college undergraduates. (Henrich, Heine & Norenzayam, 2010). In their groundbreaking article, Henrich et al.(2010) found this particularly applicable to the areas of: visual perception, fairness and cooperation in economic decision-making, folk biological reasoning, spatial cognition, anti-social punishment and cooperation, independent and interdependent self-concepts, positive self-views, motivations to conform, personal choice, analytic versus holistic reasoning, and moral reasoning. Native students who do not come from a WEIRD background may have difficulty integrating what they learn in graduate school into a psychology that makes sense for themselves and their communities. Gurven (2018) expressed that the future of psychology may be found in expanding the narrow view created by over-utilizing populations from homogenous contexts (e.g. college students), even within wealthy industrialized countries by increasing deliberate sampling among rural poor and other non-­ WEIRD subpopulations. If psychology were to take this recommendation to heart, then Native students would be in a unique position to contribute to scientific advancement by integrating richer perspectives of context, history and socio-­ ecological environment that goes beyond WEIRD. Coming Up To Speed  When a department decides that it will recruit and retain Native students, it is imperative that the faculty be educated regarding specific issues, experiences, and needs unique to Native students. This training should include the skills on how to mentor Native students to ensure their success. Infrastructure should be developed to allow Native students the opportunity to talk with and connect to other Native students, across departmental lines if necessary. Peer mentoring is an effective way of providing support, a sense of belonging, and a sense of community despite the isolating experiences. Students would do well to learn how to make themselves available for mentoring. One student gave the example of studying at a central place in the department where both faculty and students passed through frequently. Her strategic studying opened opportunities for mentoring from faculty passing through. They would take an interest in her, seeing her consistent effort and application to the material and would stop to talk with her. She would also gain from peer mentoring with students who walked through. If students can learn to be conscientious of their spoken and nonverbal efforts in different situations, they will be more likely to connect with appropriate mentors. Faculty training in multicultural anti-bias constructs and practices of teaching, counseling and mentoring are needed steps to help Native students set themselves up for success in the academic culture. This type of training would have positive consequences for students from many diverse groups, including low-income and first generation White students. Training regarding micro-aggressions and how to negotiate difficult dialogues successfully benefits everyone.

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Provide Time and Support for Translation of What Is Being Taught to a Native Worldview and Language  Academic and professional cultures can be very distinct from Native cultural ways of thinking or perceiving. Delayed responses in class, minimal verbal participation, overdue written assignments, poor test-taking, or temporary withdrawal from active participation within the program may all be signs of a student struggling to translate concepts and experiences into Native thought, and then reformulating personal ideas into language that can be understood by peers and professors. Some aspects may never be successfully translated. Programs are often unaware that this process is occurring and may take time for a student to learn and quicken the translation process, while other students may never seem to struggle. Mentoring at Higher Levels Within the Academic Program  Native professionals are critically needed in academic programs to mentor a new generation of undergraduate and graduate students. Further, Native faculty are critically needed to advance a variety of academic agendas such as: conduct culturally appropriate research with Native and other underserved communities; inform academic and community-partnered policies; work towards social justice issues at all levels (local, regional, national, international); and guide all graduate students and non-Native faculty in cultural competencies for practice and research. However, Native faculty at higher levels in academia are sparse and are likely to be the only Native faculty in their departments. Only a small percentage of Native faculty may be found on the larger academic campus. Indeed, departments may have only a small percentage of racial/ethnic faculty at all. Thus, many Native faculty find that they themselves continue to need mentoring and support in order to survive in the traditional academic environment, advance in their careers, and have a deeper and broader impact on the academic culture. The traditional academic tenure process consists of a myriad of hoops and milestones, both written and unwritten, to advance from Assistant to Associate and finally to Full Professor. While the tenure criteria may vary across different university settings, intense pressure is placed on all faculty in general. Native faculty have the additional challenge of navigating the system deeply entrenched in the predominant White culture as detailed in the above sections (Jacobson, 2012). Universities often place a significantly greater emphasis on research than on teaching or service work. Thus, peer-reviewed journal publications in high-impact journals and national-level grants (i.e., National Institutes of Health, National Science Foundation) are the currency of academia. Teaching and mentoring undergraduate students, and providing service work focused on community partnerships becomes a lessor priority in this system. This process, steeped in U.S. and Western European values and worldviews, may appear confusing, daunting, alien, and incredibly stressful to many Native faculty. Mentoring is needed to navigate all levels of the academic culture and tenure process. Assistant Professor Native faculty often find themselves facing the threat of not advancing through a mid-tenure review or the Tenure and Promotion to Associate

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Professor. Two areas of expertise for mentorship of Native faculty are needed, to assist in the advancement in the traditional academic environment, and to assist in the process of surviving and navigating this system as a Native faculty. First, mentors are needed in the areas of research, teaching, and service work. A research mentor is needed to assist the new Native faculty member establish a line of research including setting up a research lab with new research projects, beginning to advise graduate students, and most importantly, publishing articles quickly. Often senior level researchers who have the most knowledge and experience are the best source of research mentorship; however, most senior level researchers in academia belong to the White majority with little knowledge and awareness of Native culture and sociopolitical history, or even more generally, of critical influences shaping those people from underrepresented and diverse backgrounds. Further, many faculty who come from the dominant culture were not well trained in multicultural competencies and may hold a predominant Universalist and empirically supported treatment worldview. That is, they believe that all humans are alike, culture is a secondary or tertiary consideration, and treatment interventions should be based on an accumulation of published research findings. Thus, culturally appropriate research based on community engaged research approaches, health disparities, and Native or other diverse, underrepresented populations focused research is of lesser value in the traditional academic environ. Similarly, new Native faculty may need mentorship in the teaching realms of academia. Many new faculty may have had little opportunity to teach in their graduate training and find that they quickly need to develop new courses upon arrival at the institution. Further, racial/ethnic minority faculty are often called-upon to teach the culturally oriented classes at the undergraduate level including cross-cultural or cultural psychology and multicultural counseling courses at both the undergraduate and graduate levels regardless of the new faculty’s training in such topics. Such courses are often more difficult to teach and manage when the class consists largely of White majority students than other traditional courses of psychology and counseling (Venner & Verney, 2015). Therefore, Native faculty may have increased pressures in teaching than other faculty. Student course reviews and senior faculty teaching reviews are usually incorporated in the tenure packet and are critically important in professional advancement. Native faculty would likely move more quickly up the leadership ladder with the mentorship of established academic instructors; however, these mentors are likely to be of White majority background with little experience of teaching multicultural topics. Finally, service responsibilities required for tenure usually center on departmental committee work. More advanced department mentors may be helpful in understanding the departmental political alliances and power nuances that may occur in department meetings. Most faculty find the tenure process to be a stressful experience. Native faculty may have additional stress paralleling the Native student process outlined above in being immersed into a new cultural system and lacking support and resources for maintaining one’s Native culture. Thus, having a Native faculty mentor who knows the academic environment and tenure process is critical for successful navigation of the academic system. Further, stressful life experiences are best managed when one

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has a balance in other areas of life, including family, friends, and a cultural base. A Native faculty mentor can best augment the academic mentors above through assisting the new Native faculty with a cultural balance.

Issues Within Supervision or Mentoring Support for Mentors and Those Who Designate Mentors  It is a mistake to assume that professionals (Native or non-Native) know how to mentor, and particularly, that they know how to mentor Native students. New professionals may not have had experiences of good mentoring that would serve as models for their own early mentoring attempts. As described at the beginning of this article, we have only recently arrived at a point where we have seasoned Native professionals in a position to mentor other Native students; although many of them did not have the luxury of a doctoral level Native mentor in mental health. Little has been written about the influence of historical and intergenerational experiences of trauma on Native professionals’ academic and mentoring experiences and how that invisible hand may have further shaped how Native professionals mentor Native trainees, both positively and negatively. Non-Native professionals may enact micro-aggressions and unwittingly trigger traumatic experiences on their Native mentees in their ignorance, in addition to the effects of poor mentoring. A second common mistake is to assume that one mentor can provide all of the training and supervision that a student will need. This creates an impossible burden for one mentor, contributing to early burnout for the mentor and the student. It is imperative that programs do not rely on one mentor for all Native students, but that the program ensures availability of multiples mentors (e.g. mentorship at different levels, sponsors, advisors, advocates, guardians, role models, coaches) to meet different needs. Programs can also support students by educating them on the need for various mentors and facilitate connections. Ethics and Historical Trauma  Mentors in the field of psychology have certain ethical obligations to which they are beholden. For example, Native students who collaborate on research and publications must be given appropriate credit as co-­ authors. In the SIP participants’ comments both Native and non-Native students had experienced being inappropriately excluded despite their significant contributions. Students have little avenue or power to obtain redress for their concerns. Adhering to ethical practices holds even more significance for Native people given their historical experiences with educational institutions, research, and other Western entities. Unethical acts in the present serve to perpetuate negative historical experiences, while ethical interactions help to restore trust and positive relationships. Re-Entry to the “Real World”  Higher education is a transformational experience in which students are trained in a particular way of thinking and acting based on values held by the profession in which the student is being trained. Most students

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achieve some level of biculturalism through this process, but do not realize how profound the training would be in its transformative effects. Home communities may have stereotyped assumptions about tribal members who come back from years of education, informed by historical experiences. Home communities may have strong responses towards the outward transformations. Educational achievement often triggers changes in roles, expectations, and responsibilities within one’s tribal community. Each community may have a different response to the return of its tribal member. The response may involve ceremony, embrace, and joy as well as challenging, questioning, and rejecting. For urban Indians, their degree may provide them access to positions where they can represent Natives, but other Natives may challenge her/his right to speak on their behalf. Some urban Indians may not have had access to receive mentorship, neither from traditional elders, nor from Native professionals. For urban Indians who aspire to return to serve Native communities, a different mentoring approach may be needed. Mentors who can help Native mentees to explore the multiple meanings and true impact of having an advanced degree will greatly increase the Native mentee’s resilience.

Summary: We Bring Our Ancestors With Us We went to the SIP membership with questions about mentoring Natives into psychology for many reasons. We strive to increase the number of Natives in mental health fields as one instrumental way of increasing health equity in our communities. We come to this field hoping to return to our communities empowered with knowledge and skills that will help us to lift our relatives into greater well-being. Yet, we know from our own experiences, from the experiences of those Native trailblazers who have gone before us, and from those who have just begun their professional journey that we all face incredible challenges that make us question whether the sacrifice is too great. Some of our Native peers have felt the losses outweighed the gains and have sought other paths. Those of us who have made it through with our PhDs and our licenses do not come out unscathed, but often bear scars of our losses and micro-aggressions (e.g. being called ‘too Native’, taking longer to complete our degrees, “rocking the boat,” being questioned by our own communities about our ‘education,’ being shamed among our academic peers, not being ‘Native’ enough). We ask ourselves why education must continue to be so traumatizing for our peoples, except that we have not previously in our history had a voice in determining the kind of advanced training necessary in this field to serve our people. In order to heal from our own historical and current traumas, it is necessary to break the unspoken generational energetic (spiritual) contracts in order to exit from cycles of suffering. We assert that mentoring a Native American mentee is distinct from mentoring non-Natives given our continued marginalized status, and the sociopolitical and historical background of our current status which includes a history of trauma enacted

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on Native Americans as peoples. If we want to change mental health disparities for Native communities, it is imperative to train more Natives into mental health fields, but in doing so, we need to know how to train in a way that will not continue to enact trauma and that will retain Native Americans in the field. All mentors who work with Native American mentees will be better mentors if they are aware of and act sensitively to some of the issues raised herein and infrequently discussed in current supervision or mentoring literature. Native American professional mentors have unique obligations, exceptional potential, and extra challenges for which they could benefit from increased departmental or organizational support. To our SIP colleagues and allies, we call upon your own words that, “All of us have the responsibility to teach.” We add that we all have the responsibility to learn and be open to learning. The traumas endured by our ancestors can be carried on through generations, but so can their strengths. As we carry their knowledge and actions with us, so will our future generations carry our knowledge and actions, passed on through our mentorship. We now have a number of Native PhDs who are at various levels of mentoring and being mentored. In order to advance health for Native communities, we must foster a different paradigm that integrates an Indigenous mentorship system of nurturing both within the ivy walls and beyond into our traditional perspective of education that encompasses intergenerational support and kinship across all developmental levels and settings. Cross-cultural and cross-racial mentors may make a stronger initial connection with similar research or clinical interests, and may be able to play a greater role in instrumental support than their Native peers, although the willing and skilled non-­ Native mentor may also find great connection in meaningful dialogues on racial/ cultural issues. The literature calls for developing stable mentorships and mentoring programs for Native students entering the field (Walters & Simoni, 2009; Jackson et al., 2003).

Recommendations Recommendations for effective mentoring with Native trainees in the literature is limited. At least one other source, Waitzkin et al. (2006), supports our primary recommendation to take into consideration the impact of historical trauma and discrimination on Native students’ experience of higher education and Native professionals’ experiences at any point in their professional development. In addition, more general recommendations for mentoring ethnic minorities by Chamorro (2004) are pertinent to Native trainees: (a) faculty needs to be educated about the potential strain of expecting ethnic minority students to teach others about their culture, and have the faculty become partners in learning about students’ culture; (b) institutional support for mentoring is essential in order to decrease burn-out for the few ethnic minority faculty; and (c) the creation of same-ethnic supports such as finding someone in the community willing to mentor and the development of same-­ ethnic research or clinical teams.

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Based on results from the discussion with Native psychologists and psychology students, we offer several recommendations for enhancing mentorship with Native mentees. Our recommendations for Mentors and Programs/Departments/Organizations include: 1. Improve leadership ladders to support Native professionals at every level. Mentoring should not shame us for our own traumatizing experiences historically and ongoing within academic settings. Native professionals who mentor other Native professionals and students would benefit from being mentored themselves. Often, Native professionals have more responsibilities and obligations placed on them because of their “minority” status, as well as their own will to serve the “we” rather than just the “I”. Having structures in place for leadership ladder mentoring would offer Native professionals greater support to sustain their own careers. This, in turn would positively impact their ability to provide support for their Native mentees. 2. Create mentoring networks. Native and non-Native mentors would benefit from having a network of support in place for themselves and their students. Some mentors may not know how to work with Native students. If they have a network, they will be able to both consult with the network and refer the student if appropriate. 3. Develop mentorship skillsets. Create opportunities and formats for understanding the components of mentoring and developing the skillsets needed. This could be done through ongoing training and dialogue. 4. Balance kinship and ethical boundaries of working with a Native student. Mentoring a Native student/ early professional may mean investing more heart and spending more time listening and supporting at a personal level. If this is not experienced as a conflict at some point, then the heart aspect of mentorship has not been fully explored. Yet, there are still limits to the mentoring relationship that must be respected for the well-being of mentor and mentee. The mentor cannot be a therapist. If a Native mentee struggles with extensive emotional/ psychological issues impacting their functioning in several life areas, mentoring will not be sufficient. 5. Educate Native high school students about the culture of higher education. We recognize that success for Native students in higher education necessitates initiating supports prior to entrance into higher education. Thus, we recommend educating Native high school students to prepare them for the culture of higher education. By providing Native youth the tools and supports in high school, they will be able to develop and maintain their core identities as Native people in the face of challenges to that identity encountered through higher education. 6. Prepare undergraduate students for graduate school and obstacles. Students would benefit from having preparation for the needs and demands that will be placed on them in higher education from a cultural perspective, knowing the potential obstacles prior, and developing appropriate skillsets to deal with cultural conflicts (e.g. bicultural skills).

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7. Make explicit the implicit cultural codes of academic/professional environments. Native mentees might benefit from support to understand the hidden cultural codes of the training program, department, and academic setting. Proactively address the “culture shock” that all minority students, including Native students, encounter upon entering the academic culture. This includes supporting their successful navigation of the unspoken environment so that they avoid departmental/organizational power politics. 8. Actively create collaborative/collective learning environments. It is well-known that higher education is a competitive environment. This is made clear prior to “acceptance” into programs through the rigorous application process, and remains an inherent aspect of academia. Native students could benefit from having faculty, mentors and others in positions of power challenge this environment and work towards the creation of more collaborative/collective norms. This approach is not only beneficial to Native students, but all students. Shifting the paradigm to raising everyone to success, rather than having some winners at the expense of the majority who lose, strengthens all of us. 9. Provide access to self-care. All mental health professionals are obligated by our work to lead others in appropriate self-care, which means that our best tool is our own example. Ethnic minority mental health professionals may experience greater historical and current trauma, discrimination, and socioeconomic barriers. They also often work with a greater number of ethnic minority clients who experience similar stressors. Thus, they may be at greater risk for re-­ traumatization. Given the additional stressors and triggers to which Native students and professionals may be exposed with limited access to traditional supports, adequate self-care is a critical component of successful retention and training. Self-care should not be considered a personal development issues, but should be integrated into the formal curriculum and informal academic or professional environment if one expects to adequately support Native mentees. 10. Share the stories and experiences that are not currently provided in the literature. Some felt that any current information that is shared in professional literature becomes “white-washed” which furthers the lack of knowledge so that people do not even know what they do not know. Our SIP membership also provided recommendations for the steps that the Society of Indian Psychologists could take in order to support Native mentees in psychology across the country. These steps would be beneficial for any professional organization mentoring Natives into health fields and include: 1. Grow and monitor the mentorship ladder. SIP has the infrastructure and expertise within its membership to assist in offering education, support, and monitoring to mentors of its members, as well as Native mentees. 2. Provide a Clearing House for mentoring information. Mentoring is an evidence based practice that we know can be effective. Also from the literature, we recognize that Native students/early professionals may have less access to informal and formal mentoring opportunities. When mentoring does happen, there is no information on mentoring issues specific to Native Americans that may help to strengthen

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mentoring success. Only recently have we had enough Native professionals in psychology to begin mentoring Native mentees, with the assumption that Native mentors will naturally be good mentors. This may be a false assumption given the likelihood that Native mentees may benefit from specific approaches to mentoring, and Native individuals in the position of being a mentor may have never been exposed to mentoring opportunities themselves from which to learn. Native and non-Native mentors could inadvertently perpetuate negative historical experiences. It is recommended that SIP become a clearinghouse for mentoring information. 3 . Develop media on the SIP website to encourage mentees in overcoming discrimination, loss, and traumas they may encounter on their professional path. Another suggestion for supporting and mentoring Native students is via the use of media and social networking. Native people who have been through higher education recognize that it can be a traumatic and brutal assimilation experience for many non-Native students, and this effect is often exponentially greater for Native students given the additional layer of historical experiences and associations with higher education and Western culture that come into play. Native students may benefit from connecting to Native professionals who have successfully completed their education and have found ways to integrate Native and professional lifeways harmoniously. Messages that inspire hope for the future are potential ways of effectively using media to support our aspiring Native psychologists.

References American Psychiatric Association (2010). Mental health disparities: American Indians and Alaska Natives [Fact sheet]. Retrieved from http://www.integration.samhsa.gov/workforce/mental_ health_disparities_american_indian_and_alaskan_natives.pdf. Barcus, C.  G., & Crowley, S.  L. (2012). Training ethnic minority graduate students in a White man’s program: Don’t get bucked off! Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development, 40(2), 70–81. https://doi.org/10.1002/j.2161-1912.2012.00007.x Brave Heart-Jordan, M. Y. H. (1998). The return to the sacred path: Healing the historical trauma and historical unresolved grief response among the Lakota through a psychoeducational group intervention. Smith College Studies in Social Work, 68(3), 287–304. Census Bureau, U.  S. (2012). The American Indian and Alaska native population: 2010. Washington, DC: U.S. Government Printing Office. Center for Native American Youth. (2018). Generation Indigenous: The state of Native youth 2018, state of Native youth report. Washington, D.C.: Center for Native American Youth at The Aspen Institute. Chamorro, R. (2004). Mentoring the parentified child: The professional development of the Latina/o psychologist. Journal of Hispanic Higher Education, 3(1), 64–72. Chan, A. W., Yeh, C. J., & Krumboltz, J. D. (2015, June 8). Mentoring ethnic minority counseling and clinical psychology students: A multicultural, ecological, and relational model. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 62, 592–607. Collins, S. E., Clifasefi, S. L., Stanton, J., LEAP Advisory Board, Straits, K. J. E., Gil-Kashiwabara, E., … Duran, B.  M. (2018). Community-based participatory research (CBPR): Towards ­equitable involvement of community in psychology research. American Psychologist, 73(7), 884–898.

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Constantine, M. (2007). Racial microaggressions against African American clients in cross-racial counseling relationships. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 54, 1–16. Constantine, M., & Sue, D. (2007). Perceptions of racial microaggressions among black supervisees in cross-racial dyads. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 54, 142–153. Constantine, M., Smith, L., Redington, R.  M., & Owens, D. (2008). Racial microaggressions against black counseling and counseling psychology faculty: A central challenge in the multicultural counseling movement. Journal of Counseling and Development, 86, 348–355. Delpit, L. (1995). Other people’s children: Cultural conflict in the classroom. New York, NY: The New Press. Elliott, S.  A. (2011). Walking the worlds: The experience of native psychologists in their doctoral training and practice. (71), ProQuest Information & Learning, US. Retrieved from http:// libproxy.unm.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=psyh &AN=2011-99120-155&login.asp&site=ehost-live&scope=site Available from EBSCOhost psych database. García, M.A. & Tehee, M. (2014). Society of Indian Psychologists Commentary on the American Psychological Association’s (APA) Ethical Principles of Psychologists and Code of Conduct. Retrieved from http://www.aiansip.org/ Geddes, J. L. (2005). Good supervision as experienced by advanced American Indian doctoral students: A phenomenological study. (65), ProQuest Information & Learning, US. Retrieved from http://libproxy.unm.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=tru e&db=psyh&AN=2005-99006-363&login.asp&site=ehost-live&scope=site Available from EBSCOhost psych database. Geronimus, A.  T., Hicken, M., Keene, D., & Bound, J. (2006). “Weathering” and age patterns of allostatic load scores among blacks and whites in the United States. American Journal of Public Health, 96(5), 826–833. Goode-Cross, D. T. (2011). “Those who learn have a responsibility to teach”: Black therapists’ experiences supervising Black therapist trainees. Training and Education in Professional Psychology, 5(2), 73–80. Gray, J. S., & Carter, P. M. (2012). Growing our own: Building a Native research team. Journal of Psychoactive Drugs, 44(2), 160–165. https://doi.org/10.1080/02791072.2012.684632 Gurven, M.  D. (2018). Broadening horizons: Sample diversity and socioecological theory are essential to the future of psychological science. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America, 115(45), 11420–11427. https://doi.org/10.1073/ pnas.1720433115 Helms, J.  E., Nicolas, G., & Green, C.  E. (2012). Racism and ethno violence as trauma: Enhancing professional and research training. Traumatology, 18(1), 65–74. https://doi. org/10.1177/1534765610396728 Henly, S. J., Struthers, R., Dahlen, B. K., Ide, B., Patchell, B., & Hotzclaw, B. J. (2006). Research careers for American Indian/Alaska Native nurses: Pathway to elimination of health disparities. American Journal of Public Health, 96, 606–611. Henrich, J., Heine, S. J., & Norenzayan, A. (2010). The weirdest people in the world? Behavioral Brain Science, 33, 61–83. discussion 83–135. Jackson, A. P., Smith, S. A., & Hill, C. L. (2003). Academic persistence among native American college students. Journal of College Student Development, 44(4), 548–565. Jacobson, M. (2012). Breaking silence, building solutions: The role of social justice group work in the retention of faculty of color. Social Work with Groups: A Journal of Community and Clinical Practice, 35(3), 267–286. https://doi.org/10.1080/01609513.2011.642265. Office of Management and Budget. (1997). Revisions to the standards for the classification of federal data on race and ethnicity. Retrieved from http://www.whitehouse.gov/omb/ fedreg_1997standards/ Ortiz-Walters, R., & Gilson, L. L. (2005). Mentoring in academia: An examination of the experiences of protégés of color. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 67(3), 459–475. Sewell, J. (2008). Mentors Black and White: Examining the developmental relationships of African American professional women protégés. Dissertation Abstracts International: Section B: The Sciences and Engineering, 68(9-B), 6393.

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Simons, D. R. (2012). Native American students: Perceptions of lived experiences attending a small predominantly white university in the Upper Midwest. (72), ProQuest Information & Learning, US.  Retrieved from http://libproxy.unm.edu/login?url=http://search.ebscohost.com/login. aspx?direct=true&db=psyh&AN=2012-99011-144&login.asp&site=ehost-live&scope=site Available from EBSCOhost psych database. Sotero, M. (2006). A conceptual model of historical trauma: Implications for public health practice and research. Journal of Health Disparities Research and Practice, 1(1), 93–108. Straits, K.J.E. & Garcia, M.A. (2011, June). Indian2Indian mentorships in the context of Historical Trauma. Interactive presentation at the annual Society of Indian Psychologists Conference and Retreat, Logan, UT. Sue, D. W., Capodilupo, C. M., Torino, G. C., Bucceri, J. M., Holder, A. M. B., Nadal, K. L., & Esquilin, M. (2007). Racial microaggressions in everyday life: Implications for clinical practice. American Psychologist, 62(4), 271–286. Sumida Huaman, E. (2018). Indigenous teachers and learners: Higher education and social justice. Anthropology & Education Quarterly, 49(2), 201–209. Sumida Huaman, E., & Brayboy, B. (2017). Indigenous peoples and academe: Building learning spaces through innovative educational practice. In E. Sumida Huaman & B. Brayboy (Eds.), Indigenous innovations in higher education: Local knowledge and critical research. Sense: Rotterdam. U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. (2013). The U.S. Health Workforce Chartbook. Rockville, MD: Health Resources and Services Administration, National Center for Health Workforce Analysis. Venner, K. L., & Verney, S. P. (2015). Motivational interviewing: Reduce student reluctance and increase engagement in learning multicultural concepts. Professional Psychology: Research and Practice, 46(2), 116–123. Waitzkin, H., Yager, J., Parker, T., & Duran, B. (2006). Mentoring partnerships for minority faculty and graduate students in mental health services research. Academic Psychiatry, 30(3), 205–217. Walters, K. L., & Simoni, J. M. (2009). Decolonizing strategies for mentoring American Indians and Alaska Natives in HIV and mental health research. American Journal of Public Health, 99(Suppl. 1), s71–s76. Walters, K. L., Johnson-Jennings, M., Stroud, S., Rasmus, S., Charles, B., Simeon, J., et al. (2018). Growing from our roots: Strategies for developing culturally grounded health promotion interventions in American Indian, Alaska Native, and Native Hawaiian communities. Prevention Science (online). Wang, J., Leu, J., & Shoda, Y. (2011). When the seemingly innocuous “stings”: Racial microaggressions and their emotional consequences. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 37(12), 1666–1678. Whitbeck, L. B., Walls, M. L., Johnson, K. D., Morrisseau, A. D., & McDougall, C. M. (2009). Depressed affect and historical loss among North American indigenous adolescents. American Indian and Alaska Native Mental Health Research, 16(3), 16–41. White, J. W., & Lowenthal, P. R. (2011). Academic discourse and the formation of an academic identity: Minority college students and the hidden curriculum. Review of Higher Education, 34(2), 1–47. Yager, J., Waitzkin, H., Parker, T., & Duran, B. (2007). Educating, training, and mentoring minority faculty and other trainees in mental health services research. Academic Psychiatry, 31(2), 146–151.

Chapter 9

Native Foods and Practices Supporting Infant Brain Development Rubi Orozco

Introduction Mental health professionals working with Native communities have a unique opportunity to reaffirm and support indigenous practices – particularly decolonized feeding practices  – that support infant brain development from the perinatal stage through toddlerhood and beyond. Proper nutrition plays a key role in optimal development during this sensitive timeframe, as does a constant, nurturing adult relationship that mitigates stress and models its management. This chapter encourages a decolonized approach to infant feeding and childrearing and includes a Nahua case study exploring traditional foods and practices that can support infant brain development. It concludes with a discussion meant to activate mental health workers interested in supporting indigenous ways of knowing as they relate to infant feeding and childrearing for optimal brain development.

Infant Brain Development: Challenges and Opportunities Optimum brain development in utero and infancy lays the foundation for a robust neurological system for the remainder of life; because it occurs so fast, it represents both a challenge and an opportunity to support a healthy future for our future generations. Although much of the research and interventions supporting early brain development are focused on the ages of 0 to 3, it is worth acknowledging that some scholars have deemed the “0 to 3” focus as too limited a parameter for intervention because it starts too late and ends too soon, suggesting that brain development be

R. Orozco, MPH (*) Tradiciones Sanas, El Paso, TX, USA © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 L. Grayshield, R. Del Castillo (eds.), Indigenous Ways of Knowing in Counseling, International and Cultural Psychology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-33178-8_9

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considered from the perinatal stage and beyond toddlerhood (Shonkoff & Phillips, 2000). The brain begins to develop by 5 weeks after conception, and grows rapidly during infancy, reaching its adult level synaptic density by preschool age; synaptic density refers to the number of synapses per unit of cortical tissue (Nyaradi et al., 2013; Bruer, J., 1999). Nyaradi and colleagues (2013) provide a detailed account of brain development: By 5 weeks after conception in humans, the anterior-posterior and dorsal-ventral axes of the neural tube have already developed … the cortical plate and some inter-neuronal connections form from 8 to 16 weeks of gestation … [from] 24 weeks of gestation until the perinatal period, the neurons in the cortical plate diet and are replaced by more mature cortical neurons. During this time, significant refinement in neural connections take place. From 34 weeks post-conception until 2 years of age, peak synapse development, and significant brain growth occurs.

The brain goes from 25% of its adult weight at birth to 80% of its adult weight at the age of 2 (Nyaradi et al., 2013; Dekaban & Sadwosky, 1978). It will reach 90% of its weight between the ages of 4 and 6 (Dekaban & Sadwosky, 1978). Poor nutrition has been identified as a threat to the development of the central nervous system starting early in the prenatal period (Shonkoff & Phillips, 2000). “Brain development is faster in the early years of life compared to the rest of the body, which make it more vulnerable to dietary deficiencies” (Nyaradi et al., 2013). For example, a deficiency in folic acid as early as 3  weeks after conception can cause irreparable changes in brain formation and function. This is considered a critical period in utero; it is a time when the brain is most vulnerable and specific interventions are most likely to support its proper development (Ibid). It is important that mental health professionals understand the role of high-­ quality nutrition and nurturing stimulation in utero and infancy because these practices foster optimal brain development, preventing mental health problems in adulthood. “The development of the brain in the early years is a key factor affecting risks of physical and mental health problems in adult life. Effective intervention in early childhood reduces risks and is therefore likely to improve the overall health of populations” (McCain, Mustard, & Shanker, 2007). Key Nutrients for Optimal Brain Development During Infancy The developing brain benefits from an overall healthy diet, but some nutrients appear to be especially important at different points in its growth. Georgieff (2007) provides a thorough study of these nutrients, their effects on precise parts of the brain anatomy, as well as effects of nutrient deficiencies, identifying the nutritional areas of particular importance. Below is a summary of the primary nutritional needs of the developing brain: iron, long chain polyunsaturated fatty acids, proteinenergy, and zinc. Copper, folate, and choline are additional nutrients that warrant mentioning.

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Iron An iron deficiency “alters myelination, monoamine neurotransmitter synthesis, and hippocampal energy metabolism in the neonatal period” (Georgieff, 2007). Iron is especially necessary for the fetus during the third trimester, and its deficit can have structural, chemical, and behavioral effects. Human studies demonstrate that infants with iron deficiency suffer from poor neurodevelopment, impaired auditory recognition memory processing, and a higher rate of abnormal neurologic reflexes (Grantham-McGregor & Ani, 2001). Long-term health effects of iron deficiency in infancy have also been documented (Lozoff et al., 2006). Long Chain Polyunsaturated Fatty Acids The importance of long chain polyunsaturated fatty acids (LCPUFAs) cannot be overstated. In fact, it is believed that the human brain evolved over the last two million years due to the proper ratio of Omega 3 and Omega 6 LCPUF in the brain as Homo Sapiens accessed fish and seafood in lakes and oceans. According to Nyaradi et al. (2013), the evolutionary advances achieved by the contributions of LCPPUFAs include tool making and the development of language. These ‘good fats,’ as they are sometimes called, are key in both the form and function of the brain. “Of the human brain’s dry weight, 60% is comprised of lipids, of which 20% are docosahexaenoic acid (DHA; which is an omega-3 fatty acid) and arachidonic acid (AA; an omega-6 fatty acid). These represent the two core fatty acids found in gray matter” (Ibid). Nyardi and colleagues (Ibid) go on to provide an impressive summary of the literature listing the virtues of these fatty acids: [LCPUFAs] are not only the basic components of neuronal membranes, but they modulate membrane fluidity and volume and thereby influence receptor and enzyme activities in addition to affecting ion channels. Essential fatty acids are also precursors for active mediators that play a key role in inflammation and immune reaction. They promote neuronal and dendritic spine growth and synaptic membrane synthesis, and hence influence signal processing, and neural transmission. In addition, essential fatty acids regulate gene expression in the brain … [LCPUFAs] are critical for brain development and function.

In the last 150 years, the human diet has begun to suffer a deficiency in omega-3 fatty acids and overabundance of omega-6 fatty acids, an imbalance in LCPUFA ratio in the brain that may have health and developmental implications (Simopoulos, 1999; Simopoulos, 2008). A lack of long chain polyunsaturated fatty acids, specifically DHA, can impact “synaptogenesis, membrane function, and, potentially, myelination” (Georgieff, 2007). Protein-Energy According to Georgieff (2007), deficiency in protein-energy creates, “both global deficits…and area-specific effects on the hippocampus and the cortex.” Brain size can be reduced. This type of malnutrition can result in damage of verbal and visual recognition memory systems.

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Zinc Insufficient intake of zinc has resulted in fetuses showing, “decreased fetal movement and heart rate variability, which is suggestive of altered autonomic nervous system stability” (Georgieff, 2007). Altered hippocampal function has been observed in infants born to zinc-deficient mothers. Other Nutrients: Copper, Folate and Choline Copper plays a role in neurotransmitter synthesis, neuronal and glial energy metabolism, and antioxidant activity; its deficiency can impact the cerebellum resulting in “long term effects on motor function, balance, and coordination” (Georgieff, 2007). Folate and choline affect neural stem cell proliferation and differentiation, decrease apoptosis, alter DNA biosynthesis, and play important roles in neurotransmitter synthesis. Folate and choline deficiency may alter gene transcription (Nyaradi et al., 2013) (Table 1). Stress and Infant Brain Development Along with nutrition, stress can impact the developing infant’s neurological system in her own body in the short term and for generations to come. “Epigenetics proposes a control system of ‘switches’ that turn genes on or off – and suggests that experiences, like nutrition and stress, can control these switches and cause heritable effects in humans” (McCain, Mustard, & Shanker, 2007). Stress can either be growth promoting or damaging for development, depending on the type of stress and its duration. Three types of stress exist: “positive stress,” “tolerable stress,” and “toxic stress.” Positive stress relates to small, brief changes in vitals (heart rate, blood pressure) or mild elevations in cortisol or cytokine levels; it can be caused by common childhood experiences such as dealing with frustration, meeting new people, and coping with discipline (The Science of Early Childhood Development, 2007). “Positive stress is an important and necessary aspect of healthy development and occurs in the context of stable and supportive relationships, which help to bring levels of cortisol and other stress hormones back within a normal range and assist Table 1  Nutrients that promote optimal brain development in utero and infancy Nutrient Protein-energy Long-chain polyunsaturated fatty acids Iron Zinc

Action in brain development Cell proliferation and cell differentiation Synaptogenesis, Myelin Myelin, Monoamine synthesis, Neuronal and glial energy metabolism DNA synthesis, Neurotransmitter release

(Georgieff, 2007; Nyaradi et al., 2013)

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the child to develop a sense of mastery and self-control” (Ibid). Tolerable stress is associated with experiences that could damage brain development but are relieved by supportive relationships that assist the child with coping and in doing so return the body’s vitals and stress hormone levels back to baseline. Toxic stress is tolerable stress minus the supportive relationships that would assist the child with coping, and its impact can reach well into adulthood. The essential feature of toxic stress is the absence of consistent, supportive relationships to help the child cope and thereby bring the physiological response to threat back to baseline. In such circumstances, persistent elevations of stress hormones and altered levels of key brain chemicals produce an internal physiological state that disrupts the architecture of the developing brain and can lead to difficulties in learning, memory, and self-regulation … [Children] who experience toxic stress in early childhood may develop a lifetime of greater susceptibility to stress-related physical illness (such as cardiovascular disease, hypertension, and diabetes) as well as mental health problems (such as depression, anxiety disorders, and substance abuse). They are also more likely to exhibit health-damaging behaviors and adult lifestyles that undermine well-being. (Ibid)

According to the same report, some causes of toxic stress include extreme poverty combined with “continuous family chaos, recurrent physical or emotional abuse, chronic neglect, severe and enduring maternal depression, persistent parental substance abuse, or repeated exposure to violence in the community or within the family.”

The Modern Food System and Need for a Decolonized Approach Colonialism is not always overtly violent. Its more pernicious policies eradicate indigenous systems methodically over time, sometimes providing the spurious sense of choice or even, of progress. The food system is one such example. Before the European invasion, the Mesoamerican diet resembled what food scholars refer to as the Mediterranean diet: it was rich in a variety of fruits, vegetables, wild greens, seeds, nuts, and legumes. A greater variety of plant foods existed in the Americas compared to Europe. Oils – such as chia or peanut oil – if consumed at all were consumed cold, as we now know they should be to preserve their nutritional benefits. The technique of frying food in oil was not practiced. Animal protein was used as a supplement to an already balanced diet. When hunting and foraging were successful, the animals consumed tended to be small game, fish, and insects. The Spanish altered Mesoamerican foodways in many ways. One was the direct outlawing of indigenous foods such as chia and amaranth – with punishment for the cultivation of the latter ranging from a minimum of mutilation to a maximum of death. The Spanish also introduced larger animals for use as food, the use of frying as a cooking technique, and the use of wheat. With colonization, there also arrived a new cultural stigma around traditional food. One such example is the notion that beans and foraged leafy greens are ‘poor people’s food,’ and the daily consumption of meat as a sign of opulence. This belief

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is still prevalent in Mesoamerica. Similarly, the consumption of bread came to be a sign of assimilation. As anthropologist Oscar Lewis (1960) noted in his analysis of a Nahua village during the 1930s–1950s, “eating white bread made of wheat flour is of particular interest … bread is considered a very desirable food, and the social and economic status of a family is often judged in terms of the amount of bread it consumes.” By changing the landscape of food choices (e.g., some former staples no longer available) and the cultural context in which people make those choices (stigma, criminalization), as well as introducing new, less wholesome practices (e.g., frying foods, white bread, large animals with greater amounts of saturated fats), colonization set the diet of Native people on a treacherous course towards ill health. Similarly, the advent of processed foods in the early part of the twentieth century laid the foundation for the Standard American Diet. It parallels colonization in some regards. The Farm Bill is the key legislation governing food in the United States, including food subsidies that determine the choices of foods on our local grocers’ shelves; yet, most Native people and people of color have not historically had the ability to shape the Farm Bill. Modern versions of the cultural stigmas of ‘peasant’ versus ‘well-to-do’ foods of colonization are also visible. For example, access to convenience foods such as TV dinners and fast food restaurants came to be seen as a desired luxury and a sign of middle-class comfort. Corporations are placing patents on their genetically modified seeds, making it a crime to save these seeds from season to season, even when these seeds contaminate non-GM fields. At the same time, access to heirloom seeds is in danger of diminishing. The current food system, the breeding ground of the Standard American Diet, is not serving immigrant and Native communities – from the inner city to the reservations. Perhaps not surprisingly, the impact of this system on human health can be seen in early infancy. We know all too well that obesity is a risk factor for health outcomes such as high blood pressure, cardiovascular disease, stroke, and Type 2 Diabetes. In the United States, the highest prevalence of childhood obesity is among Native American children; and, excessive weight gain in Native American children starts before their second birthday (Horodynski, Calcatera, & Carpenter, 2012). Health professionals have been known to advise early introduction of solid foods to Native American and low-income families, despite the recommendation  by the American Academy of Pediatrics that infants be exclusively breastfed or formula fed for the first 4 to 6 monthos of life (Ibid). Introducing solids before 6 months interferes with infant feeding self-regulation, which can lead to inappropriate growth patterns over time, and potentially lead to childhood obesity. What does it mean to decolonize our diet? It is an intentional return to the inherently healthful food and cooking practices of our ancestors within the context of modern life – in ways that are practical, realistic, and sustainable. As Esquibel and Calvo (2013) state in their manifesto on the topic, “While we are committed to reclaiming knowledge about our ancestral foods, including pre-contact food history, we are not calling for any kind of ‘purist’ ideology nor do we necessarily desire to entirely recreate a diet for a previous era. We understand that all cultures are living and evolving.” What follows is a case study used to exemplify how a decolonized

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approach to diet, specifically in utero and early infancy, can promote optimal brain development.

 raditional Foods and Practices That Promote Healthy Brain T Development During Infancy – A Nahua Case Study The recent movement among public health, anthropology, culinary professionals, and community organizers to decolonize the diet underscores both the need and openness in communities to return to the inherently healthful culinary traditions of their indigenous ancestors. What does this decolonized diet look like for infants? And how does this approach promote optimal brain development? A Nahua case study explores these questions. According to the Codex Florentino, before the European invasion, Nahua women’s food-related duties included gathering vegetables and firewood, preparing food, grinding corn and cacao, assisting in the fields and in the home garden, and looking over the sociological and biological development of children, including feeding them (Rodriguez-Shadow, 2000). In regards to childrearing, Fray José de Acosta wrote, “Nothing has surprised me more or seemed to me more worthy of praise and memory than the care and order in raising their children, taken by the Mexicans. Indeed, it would be difficult to find a nation which, at its noblest, should have been more diligent in this regard…” (Shein, 1992). For a human being in infancy, each milestone is a step away from mother’s womb towards more autonomy. When it comes to feeding, the introduction of solid foods is a practice that awakens the digestive system and prepares the body for eventual weaning. Then, as now, Nahua women were thoughtful about feeding infants (and postpartum women) foods that were easily digested; in some regions, this means avoiding ‘cold’ foods, though this does not refer to temperature, rather to the nature of food. However, there is no agreement on what foods are considered cold or hot; no definitive list exists. Three foods of the Nahua tradition stand out as especially suitable for inclusion in a schedule of first foods for babies – particularly in light of the information on brain development we know today. These are spirulina, amaranth, and chia. They will be discussed next, preceded by a Nahua perspective on the universal traditional food: breastmilk. Breastmilk In the Nahua tradition, breastfeeding occurred on demand (not on schedules) for a minimum of 18 months and usually lasted from 3 to 4 years; if a mother was unable to breastfeed due to illness, breastmilk was donated by another lactating mother (Lewis, 1960; Shein, 1992). Alonso de Zorita reported, “‘They are friends to their

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children, and raise them with such love that women, so as not to become pregnant while still breast-feeding, excuse themselves as much as possible from intercourse with their husbands; if they are widowed and are left with a child they are breast-­ feeding, they do not re-marry until they finish raising him; not to do so is seen as a great treason” (Shein, 1992). Breastmilk is the ultimate superfood. It contains a variety of factors ranging from amino acids, hormones, fats and carbohydrates that are believed to positively affect neurodevelopment, specifically: choline, insulin-like growth factor 1, long-chain polyunsaturated fatty acids, nerve growth factor, and oligosaccharides which serve in neurotransmitter synthesis, neuronal growth and differentiation, visual acuity, and neuronal cell-to-cell to communication (Institute of Medicine, 2004). Despite their value in situations in which breastfeeding is not possible, infant formulas consistently fall short from a nutritional standpoint. The poly-unsaturated fatty acids found in human milk are more easily absorbed by infants; they are more bioavailable than the vegetable oils found in infant formulas. And while these types of fats (particularly DHA and ARA) play key functions in healthy development, simply adding them to formula has resulted in inconsistent effects, most likely because, “these compounds do not work alone; rather the matrix of human milk includes general growth factors and specific growth factors that …[likely]… work in concert with each other” (Institute of Medicine, 2004). Modern science is just beginning to appreciate the multiple benefits of extended breastfeeding. For example, the combination of breastmilk and baby’s saliva creates an increased protection against opportunistic pathogens such as Staphylococcus aureus and Salmonella spp (Al-Sheri et  al., 2015). There are also emotional and psychological benefits that are just beginning to be understood. From ages 0 to 6 months, baby should ideally be fed exclusively with breastmilk. Breastfeeding should continue beyond six months as solid foods begin to be introduced. Breastfeeding mothers should regularly eat fermented foods to promote healthy gut microbiome for both herself and baby. It is important to note that breastfeeding requires abundant community and political support. Spirulina Spirulina is a micro-algae that was consumed on a daily basis by the people of the valley of Mexico before the European invasion (Fig. 1). Its Nahuatl names are tecuitatl or tecuitate, meaning ‘rock excrement,’ and cocolin, meaning ‘water viscosity’ (Garcia Rivas, 2010). In those times, spirulina was harvested at the surface of freshwater lakes and set to dry in the sun and consumed as dry patties. Nutritionally, spirulina is an abundant powerhouse. It contains vast amounts of iron – 10 grams of spirulina contains about 5.8 milligrams of iron. Adding even a small amount of spirulina to infant foods can easily meet the recommendations for daily iron intake for healthy individuals established by the Institute of Medicine for babies 7–12 months (11 mg), 1–3 years (7 mg), and beyond. Spirulina is also

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Fig. 1  Spirulina (Florentine Codex)

extremely high in protein – with 57 grams of protein for every 100 grams of spirulina (for comparison, 100 grams of beef contains 17 grams of protein) (USDA, 2019). Spirulina is also a rich source of polyunsaturated fatty acids, specifically GLA – not counting breastmilk, spirulina is the highest source of GLA found in nature (Pitchford, 1993). Research on the nutritional benefits of spirulina is ongoing. It was recently found to decrease anemia and improve weight gain among malnourished children (Simpore et al., 2005). Perhaps most importantly, spirulina’s cellular structure makes it exceptionally easy to digest (Pitchford, 1993). From the Nahua perspective, this makes spirulina an essential food for the neurodevelopment of infants that should be included both in the diet of breastfeeding mothers as well as offered to babies when the introduction of solid foods begins. Consuming spirulina requires some thoughtfulness. First, it should be combined with foods that contain vitamin C in order to facilitate the absorption of iron in the body. Secondly, spirulina should not be heated, though it can be sprinkled onto a serving of warm food. Lastly, although food sources of iron do not pose risk of overdose, spirulina should not be eaten excessively. Adding it to the diet a few days a week should suffice. For example, it can be sprinkled on plain mango puree, or added to a smoothie containing orange juice and/or berries, which can also be frozen as teething pops. Spirulina is being actively studied and showing promise for a variety of health outcomes (Karkos et al., 2011). However, this wondrous Aztec food requires a word of caution. Spirulina has been documented to boost the immune system. For this reason, health professionals suggest that it should not be consumed by individuals with autoimmune illnesses (Lee & Werth, 2004; Mount Sinai, 2019). Also, because spirulina is a robust source of all amino acids including phenylalanine, it should not be consumed by people with the metabolic condition phenylketonuria (PKU) (Penn State Hershey 2003). Spirulina has not yet been studied in Western medicine as a food or supplement for infants and children, and the Icahn School of Medicine at Mount Sinai suggests talking with one’s doctor before feeding it to children.

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Amaranth Prior to the European invasion, amaranth was consumed on a daily basis by many indigenous peoples. Known as in Nahuatl as huautli, amaranth (Fig. 2) is one of the seven pillars of the Mesoamerican diet – a staple in every home garden and kitchen, along with beans, corn, squash, tomato, chili and chia (Aceves, 2012). Oral tradition states that amaranth was a key food of the indigenous warrior class – its small grain travels well and can be ground into a rich, sustaining porridge. Its greens contain more iron than spinach, and its seeds contain more calcium than cow’s milk, while also being rich in magnesium, which facilitates calcium absorption in the body (Pitchford, 1993; USDA, 2019). The puffed seed was also a feature of a spiritual ceremony in which amaranth and honey figurines were set at the altar and later eaten; because of its similarity to the ceremony of the Eucharist, this ceremony was deemed as heresy by the Spanish. For these reasons, amaranth cultivation was outlawed by the Spanish as part of its military and religious strategy. Violation of this law was punishable by mutilation or death (Cardona, 2007). By several accounts, this mutilation was the severing of the hand (Gaitán, 2017; Garzo Montalvo & Zandi, n.d.). As a result, widespread amaranth cultivation and consumption diminished (Cardona, 2007). Because of its digestibility, amaranth is an ideal first grain. It is rich in protein, containing 13–18 grams of protein for every 100 grams of grain. Both seed and greens are high in calcium, with a content of 114 mg and 159 mg of calcium per 100

Fig. 2  Amaranth (Florentine Codex)

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grams, respectively. It also boasts a high iron content per 100 grams of seeds (15 mg) and greens (26.7 mg) (Cardona, 2007; Pitchford, 1993). In recent study in Kenya, Macharia-Mutie and colleagues (2013) found that adding amaranth grain to maize porridge decreased iron deficiency among preschool children. Amaranth grain can be ground into a flour using a food processor or small electric mill, such as a coffee grinder. If a coffee grinder is used, it should be used exclusively for amaranth grain and other mild foods; utilizing a coffee grinder in which coffee is ground will result in coffee-tasting amaranth. The flour can then be boiled with water to make a thin porridge as a first ‘cereal’ for baby around the age of 6 or 7 months. Eventually, natural flavors such as cinnamon, vanilla extract, or orange peel can be added. Amaranth greens can be cooked and pureed, either alone or added to purees with foods containing vitamin C, such as squash, to facilitate iron absorption. Chia Known as chían in Nahuatl (Fig. 3), this tiny mucilaginous seed was also a key food of the warrior class. Its use was also banned during the Spanish invasion. When soaked in water, chia releases a mucilage that is rich in omega-3 fatty acids. In fact, it is one of a few plant sources of omega-3 fatty acids. It is a rich source of protein

Fig. 3  Chia (Florentine Codex)

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(17 grams of protein per 100 grams of seed), iron (7.7 mg per 100 grams); and most impressively, calcium (631 mg per 100 grams). It is also rich in magnesium, which facilitates calcium absorption into the body. And it contains more antioxidants than blueberries. Because of its nutritional virtues and digestibility, chia can safely be introduced to babies around the sixth or seventh month of life. Like spirulina, it can be added to smoothies and teething pops. Amaranth, Chia, & Spirulina: Summary of Their Nutritional Promise Spirulina, amaranth, and chia are all wonderfully suited to support neurological development during infancy. While they represent good sources of energy, protein, iron and minerals, these foods also provide LCPUFAs, which are of major importance. Children and adults typically do not intake sufficient omega-3 fatty acids from foods (Nyaradi et  al., 2013). These three indigenous foods are also good sources of folate, choline, and copper. Spirulina (100 grams) contains 93.75–105 micrograms of folate, 65.98  mg of choline, and 6.07  mg of copper. Amaranth (100 grams) contains 49 micrograms of folate and some (.78 mg) copper. In fact, pregnant and breastfeeding women should consume all three to assist with the brain development of their child as part of an overall diet that is rich in whole foods (Table 2). Because these foods are gentle on the digestive system, they honor the Nahua tradition of feeding infants and postpartum women easily digestible foods.

Table 2  Indigenous sources of  nutrients that promote optimal brain development in utero and infancy Nutrient Protein-energy

Long-chain polyunsaturated fatty acids

Iron

Zinc

Traditional food source (amount per 100 grams) Amaranth (13–18 grams) Spirulina (57 grams) Chia (17 grams) Spirulina (2.8 grams) Chia (23.67 grams) Amaranth grain (1.68 grams) Amaranth green (26.7 mg) Amaranth grain (15 mg) Spirulina (28–58 mg) Chia (7.7 mg) Amaranth grain (2.87 mg) Amaranth leaves (0.90 mg) Chia (4.58 mg) Spirulina (2.0 mg)

(Georgieff, 2007; Nyaradi et  al., 2013; Pitchford, 1993; Diraman, Koru, & Dibeklioglu, 2009; Ayerza, 1995; U.S. Department of Agriculture, 2019)

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Other Nahua Practices Supporting Brain Development While proper nutrition plays an immense role in brain development in utero and infancy, other practices can also serve to nourish infants during these critical times. For example, having a pregnant woman draw symmetrical figures during the 169th day of pregnancy is said to help her child achieve the integration of “reason (logic, quantification, sequencing) with … knowing (intuition, artistic sense, wisdom” (Aceves, 2012). Pregnant women were supported by women around her, all of whom served as doulas with knowledge about proper diet and physical health (Rodriguez-Shadow, 2000). Some women had access to sweat lodge during pregnancy and labor. At birth, the tradition of the huehuetlatolli (wise words, or elders’ discourses) was practiced, when the midwife would speak to the child about his or her life on earth and interdependence with his or her community. In these speeches, children were called ‘precious feathers,’ ‘precious jade,’ or other amorous words (Fig. 4). After giving birth, traditional Nahua women observe a 30- to 40-day period of rest and replenishment. Special care is placed in nourishing the woman with nutritious foods, healing vaginal tissue with sitz baths and vaginal steam baths, and using a rebozo (wrap) to both bind her physical body and ceremoniously heal emotional spaces that may have opened during birth. Women are encouraged to breastfeed, and social norms support their efforts. Babies are wrapped in the rebozo close to their mother. They breastfeed until the age of 3 or 4. Before the European invasion, mothers were able to continue nurturing a close bond with their children beyond infancy. Both boys and girls lived under the mother’s full care until the age of 4. After that, they enrolled in schools.

Fig. 4  Woman speaks to infant (Florentine Codex)

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In conjunction, these practices stemming from ancestral Nahua Indigenous Ways of Knowing create a loving, symbiotic relationship between the child, the women, and the community – one in which a sense of belonging, reverence, and duty are continuously reinforced. Viewed with today’s lens of neurodevelopmental research, it is clear that these elements provided children with consistent adult relationships, social support for mothers, and positive stress – all of which support optimal development. Perhaps then it is not surprising that colonial descriptions of indigenous peoples of what is currently Mexico included “their faces are beautiful and graceful, both the men’s and the women’s, and in their childhood they are very cute of very good features and very happy” (Viesca Treviño, 2000).

Discussion The time is now to help secure a culture of infant feeding that supports the overall health of infants and future generations. Professionals and government agencies hailing from outside indigenous communities have established a horrific track record, and though they may be well meaning, they will not be the agents of change in our communities. It’s up to communities themselves to reaffirm and elevate the knowledge of their ancestors and place those teachings on their modern menus. When Native mothers seek health advice, they seek someone they can trust: someone who they see as from their community, of Native lineage, or someone who understands and values Native culture (Horodynski, Calcatera, & Carpenter, 2012). Mental health professionals who understand this are well suited to work with communities to identify and support traditional infant feeding and childrearing practices, reaffirming Traditional Ways of Knowing that foster optimal brain development. There is no wrong way to feed a baby if they are being fed whole foods; the most recent understanding suggests that the only foods babies under one year of age should not eat are honey and cow’s milk. Communities are unique; regional foods are varied. It is up to communities to determine how best to reclaim their traditional knowledge. Below are a few starting areas, with questions and ideas to activate mental health professionals into action. Involve Elders Mental health professionals who have established trust with indigenous communities have the opportunity to highlight and reaffirm familial resiliency practices and traditions surrounding infant feeding and childrearing. It is important that elders voice their wisdom on these traditions for the generations that are eager to learn. Echoing the call of Esquibel and Calvo (2013), “We call on people of all ethnicities to connect with their elders now to recover the vital cultural knowledge we need to survive. We need to reclaim our ancestors’ wisdom. What foods did they eat? How

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was food prepared? What herbs and plants did they use for medicine? How did they conduct their ceremonies?” Discuss the Modern Food System Similarly, it is important to discuss the modern food system and the Standard American Diet as not only our current reality but as an effort to colonize our communities’ economies, health, and culture. “As promotoras, we teach the dangers of the Standard American Diet, especially the devastating effects of GMOs, high fructose corn syrup, white flour, white sugar, factory-farmed meats, and other processed factory foods …[that]… produce dependencies and additions that sap our energy and our life force” (Ibid). Community members can discuss how the ways food is grown, traded, bought, sold, and even discarded have changed in the last 100 years in our communities. Viewing films such as Food, Inc., or Forks Over Knives, can help trigger some discussion. More importantly, community members can link to the growing movement of Native people reclaiming our food traditions.  While indigenous foods are seen as a trend by some in the culinary field, on-the-ground community advocates and organizations have continually practiced, reclaimed, and stewarded traditions; some examples include the Native Foods Symposium held by the Native American Culinary Association, the nutritional recovery program and indigenous skills cultivation at Café Gozhóó, and the work of the Native American Food Sovereignty Alliance. Lastly, it is necessary to discuss the advent of infant foods and formula and analyze their history with our communities. Support Breastfeeding Mental health workers can help families establish an honoring space for breastfeeding by asking the questions, “What are our breastfeeding traditions? How can we encourage Native mothers who are breastfeeding or planning on breastfeeding?” Families can establish their own agreements on this. For example, breastfeeding mothers should receive moral support for their effort at home. They should be offered plenty of water, food, and opportunities to rest. Working mothers who breastfeed should receive relief in other areas of their life so they can make time to pump and nourish themselves; for example, other family members can offer to help with cooking or childcare while she pumps and eats a good meal. Breastfeeding is acknowledged in anthropological literature as a sacrifice that women made for the health of their babies. It is critical to note, however, that the social norms supported them through it. In modern times, some women lack the information (e.g., benefits of breastfeeding), sociopolitical support (e.g., maternity leave), or social support (e.g., assistance with latching) needed to breastfeed and must rely on formula to nourish their babies.

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Choose Native Foods Rather Than Processed Foods Here, some guiding questions for discussion may be: What are the native foods of our tradition? How can we incorporate them in our baby’s feeding schedule in a way that is realistic and practical? Who in our community has experience with making baby food with the ingredients of our culture and how can we learn from them? How do we discourage feeding babies processed foods with high fructose corn syrup, hydrogenated oils, or genetically modified ingredients in a way that does not shame parents for the choices that are forced upon them by the current food system? Communities can work together to integrate native foods into baby’s feeding schedule. At home, we can ask elders about ancestral ways of preparing baby food, and practice the lessons they impart. In the community, restaurants and community kitchens can be asked to offer indigenous baby foods on their menu, without added sugar or salt. Families and culinary leaders can work on new recipes that integrate traditional ingredients using cooking methods or systems that are practical for modern life. To contextualize infant feeding, it may be necessary to review the coordinated marketing effort during the mid-twentieth century that pushed formula and packaged baby food into Native kitchens. Applying Indigenous Ways Within Western Systems Third generation herbalist Doña Vicenta from the village of Amatlán de Quetzalcoatl in Morelos, Mexico, stated: “Ours is an empirical knowledge” (Villalba Anaya, 2008). Indeed, Indigenous Ways of Knowing are thousands of years in the making. Today, as mental health and public health professionals maintaining, activating, practicing, and promoting ancestral wisdoms in current societal structures, we necessarily operate under the auspices of our professions, often with licensures and very specific scopes. For example, I am a public health educator – I am not a dietitian or a mental health counselor. I cannot prescribe diets or behavioral health treatments. Similarly, I am a trained prenatal yoga instructor; I can help pregnant people find relief from pregnancy-related physical discomforts, but I cannot make diagnoses or provide medical advice. We must walk with integrity as we promote ancestral foodways in the communities we serve. As Western science continues to document the benefits of ancestral foods and foodways, we must hold steadfast to the truth in Doña Vicenta’s words: indigenous ancestors fine-tuned wisdoms for countless generations. It behooves us first as human beings to practice in our own personal, familial, and community life, the foodways that we seek to promote. We will then be able to share from our own experience. If we are working in communities with practices unfamiliar to our own, we must find those most knowledgeable and amplify their experience. We must be honest in our disclaimers. Our indigenous ancestors thrived for millennia with their foods and foodways, yet as health professionals we have to advise the communities we serve to ask their doctor before feeding their children any new foods (or, in the case of spirulina, foods that are now considered supplements).

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Medical doctors may not be familiar with native foods, their histories, or their nutritional virtues. These conversations will help to inform them. Doña Vicenta herself often read medical journals and explained to her students when western medicine and ancestral wisdoms disagreed – the reasons, misunderstandings, and miscommunications. This balanced approach will be increasingly important. These are the spaces and dialogues we will undoubtedly navigate as we reclaim and restore indigenous foodways.

Conclusion The perinatal and infancy period provide opportunities to foster optimal brain development both through nutrition and nurturing stimulation. Poor nutrition and stress can negatively impact brain development during these sensitive timeframes. Our ancestral foods are still our greatest allies. Let’s give thanks to them by knowing them, eating them, growing them, and being their stewards. Ideally, our food choices should be nestled in the context of a fair food system: food grown with respect for earth and farmer, safeguarding of traditional growing practices, prepared and shared with family and community. While the foods themselves will nourish our biological body, our traditional foodways will nourish our relations with each other and with the earth. Feeding babies real food of their native traditions is a way to activate ancestral knowledge and protect that legacy for the physical and cultural health of future generations. “The best early child development interventions take place in comprehensive, integrated programs that combine nurturing and care, nutrition and stimulation. They focus on the whole child and involve families and communities. They begin early, preferably during pregnancy, and are sustained through primary school” (McCain, Mustard, & Shanker, 2007). Mental health professionals have the opportunity to play a key role in reaffirming Indigenous Ways of Knowing in the mental health field by promoting the use of native foods for infant brain development and in turn involving families, especially elders, in multigenerational discussions about health, culture, and resilience.

References Aceves, C. (2012). Nine seasons: Beyond 2012, a manual of ancient Aztec and Maya wisdom. San Marcos, TX: Indigenous Cultures Institute. Al-Shehri, A.  S., Knox, C.  L., Liley, H.  G., Cowley, D.  M., Write, J.  R., Henman, M.  G., … Duley, J.  A. (2015). Breastmilk-saliva interactions boost innate immunity by regulating the oral microbiome in early infancy. PLoS One, 10(9), e0135047. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal. pone.0135047 Ayerza, R. (1995). Oil content and fatty acid composition of chia (Salvia hispanica L.) from five northwestern locations in Argentina. Journal of the American Oil Chemists’ Society, 72(9), 1079–1081.

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Bruer, J. (1999). Neural connections: Some you use, some you lose. Phi Delta Kappan, 81(4), 264–277. Cardona, G. (2007). Delicias Vegetarianas de México. Mexico City: Editorial Pax México. Dekaban, A. S., & Sadwosky, D. (1978). Changes in brain weights during the span of human life: Relation of brain weights to body heights and body weights. Annals of Neurology, 4, 345–356. Diraman, H., Koru, E., & Dibeklioglu, H. (2009). Fatty acid profile of Spirulina Plantesis used as a food Supplement. The Israeli Journal of Aquaculture – Bamidgeh, 61(2), 134–142. Esquibel, C., & Calvo, L. (2013). Decolonize your diet: A manifesto. Nineteen Sixty Nine: An Ethnic Studies Journal, 2(1), 1–5. Gaitán, M.E. (2017). Foodsof the Americas: Amaranth, the Outlaw Grain. [Blog post]. Retrieved from: https://medium.com/@cholaconcello/foods-of-the-americas-amaranththe-outlaw-grain-946957d9e51 Garcia Rivas, H. (2010). Cocina prehispánica mexicana. Mexico, DF: Editorial Panorama. Garzo Montalvo, M.F., & Zandi, H. (n.d.). The modern/colonial food system in a paradigm of war. Retrieved from Planting Justice website: http://plantingjustice.org/resources/ food-justice-research/the-moderncolonial-food-system-in-a-paradigm-of-war Georgieff, M. K. (2007). Nutrition and the developing brain: Nutrient priorities and measurement. American Journal of Clinical Nutrition, 85(2), 614S–620S. Grantham-McGregor, S., & Ani, C. (2001). A review of studies on the effect of iron deficiency on cognitive development in children. Journal of Nutrition, 131(2S-2), 649S–666S. https://doi. org/10.1093/jn/131.2.649S Penn State Hershey. (2003). Spirulina. Milton S. Hershey Medical Center. Retrieved from: http:// pennstatehershey.adam.com/content.aspx?productId=107&pid=33&gid=000327 Horodynski, M. A., Calcatera, M., & Carpenter, A. (2012). Infant feeding practices: Perceptions of native American mothers and health paraprofesisonals. Health Education Journal, 71, 327. Institute of Medicine. (2004). Infant formula: Evaluating the safety of new ingredients. Committee on the evaluation of the addition of ingredients new to infant formula. Food and nutrition board. Retrieved from National Academies Press website: http://www.nap.edu/catalog/100935.html Karkos, P. D., Leong, S. C., Karkos, C. D., Sivajii, N., & Assimakopoulos, D. A. (2011). Spirulina in clinical practice: Evidence-based human applications. Evidence-Based Complementary and Alternative Medicine, 2011, 531053. https://doi.org/10.1093/ecam/nen058 Lee, A. N., & Werth, V. P. (2004). Activation of autoimmunity following use of immunostimulatory herbal supplements. Archives of Dermatology, 1240(6), 723–727. https://doi.org/10.1001/ archdem.140.6.723 Lewis, O. (1960). Tepoztlan: Village in Mexico. New York, NY: Hold, Rinehart, and Winston. Lozoff, B., Beard, J., Connor, J., Felt, B., Georgieff, M., & Schallert, T. (2006). Long-lasting neural and behavioral effects of Iron deficiency in infancy. Nutrition Review, 64(5 Pt 2), S34–S91. https://doi.org/10.1301/nr2006.may.S34-S43 Macharia-Mutie, C. W., Omusundi, A. M., Mwai, J. M., Mwangi, A. M., & Brouwer, I. D. (2013). Simulation of the effect of maize porridge fortified with grain amaranth or micronutrient powder containing NaFeEDTA on iron intake and status in Kenyan children. Public Health Nutrition, 16(9), 1605–1613. McCain, M. N., Mustard, J. F., & Shanker, S. (2007). Early years study 2: Putting science into action. Toronto, ON: Council for Early Child Development. Retrieved from: http://earlylearning.ubc.ca/media/publications/early_years_study_2.pdf Nyaradi, A., Li, J., Hickling, S., Foster, J., & Oddy, W. H. (2013). The role of nutrition in children’s neurocognitive development, from pregnancy through childhood. Frontiers in Human Neuroscience, 7, 1–16. https://doi.org/10.3389/fnhum.2013.00097 Pitchford, P. (1993). Healing with whole foods: Oriental traditions and modern nutrition. Berkeley, CA: North Atlantic Books. Rodriguez-Shadow, M.  J. (2000). La mujer Azteca. Mexico City: Universidad Autónoma del Estado de México. Shein, M. (1992). The Precolombian child. Culver City, CA: Labyrinthos.

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Shonkoff, J.P., & Phillips, D.A. (2000). From neurons to neighborhoods: The science of early childhood. Development. National Academy of Sciences. Committee on Integrating the Science of Early Childhood. Development, Board on Children, Youth, and Families. Retrieved from National Academies Press website: https://www.nap.edu/read/9824/chapter/1 Simopoulos, A. P. (1999). Essential fatty acids in health and chronic disease. The American Journal of Clinical Nutrition, 70(3), 560S–569S. Simopoulos, A. P. (2008). The importance of the omega-6/omega-3 fatty acid ratio in cardiovascular disease and other chronic diseases. Experimental Biology and Medicine, 233(6), 674–688. Simpore, J., Zongo, F., Kabore, F., Dansou, D., Bere, A., Nikiema, J. B., … Musumeci, S. (2005). Nutrition rehabilitation of HIV-infected and HIV-negative undernourished children utilizing spirulina. Annals of Nutrition Metabolism, 49(6), 373–380. Mount Sinai. (2019). Spirulina. Retrieved from Icahn School of Medicine at Mount Sinai website: https://www.mountsinai.org/health-library/supplement/spirulina The Science of Early Childhood Development. (2007). National Scientific Council on the Developing Child. Retrieved from: http://www.developingchild.net U.S.  Department of Agriculture. (2019). FoodData Central. Agricultural Research Service. fdc. nal.usda.gov. Viesca Treviño, C. (2000). Medicina prehispánica de México. Mexico City: Editorial Panorama. Villalba Anaya. V. (2008, March 8). Uses of herbs of Amatlán, Morelos. Workshop Series, Amatlán, Morelos, México.

Chapter 10

(Re)Claiming Indigenous Heritage: Bringing Forward Tribal Theory Laura L. Luna

At a young age I had my sight on becoming a psychologist. At the time, I did not know exactly what this would entail, I only read that it was a way to help people feel better. From the time I was very young, I knew that my purpose in life was to help people heal. Western Medicine however, did not appeal to me because I was raised in a family culture that never relied on medical doctors. We had our own home remedies, including yerbas1, velas2 and prayers, which kept us healthy and away from the need of western medicine. Yet, my early exposure to two books titled The Unquiet Dead and You Have Been Here Before written by Edith Fiore, a psychologist who treated people using hypnotherapy left me inspired and enthusiastic about the healing possibilities in the field of psychology. I was impressed with the transformational impact and positive growth reported by the patients in these books. In my mind, I concluded that psychology was the option, though I was inquisitive about other areas, such as law and justice, I set my heart on the helping field. As a young girl I was very observant and curious about how the mind worked and how people behaved so it seemed to fit that I pursued psychology. I followed my dreams toward attaining a Ph.D. and achieved it with support from my community as well as Federal TRIO programs (Upward Bound, Educational Opportunity Program and the McNair Scholar’s Program) that provided funding, mentorship and advisement to first generation, low-income and underrepresented students. You could say that I am a result of all the social justice activism that took place during the Linden B. Johnson’s presidency in the early 1960’s known as his “War on Poverty.” The

 Yerbas means herbs in Spanish.  Velas means candles in Spanish.

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intention of this legislation was to help end poverty in the United States. It was part of a larger legislative reform program, known as the Great Society, that Johnson hoped would make the United States a more equitable and just country (Cooley, 2014). So in this respect it was successful, because here I am. Now, after having attained my childhood dream of becoming a psychologist and as I reflect back on the academic opportunities I was given, and on my personal experiences navigating educational systems, it is clear to me that psychology, in the Western academy is sorely lacking. Well-being is not simply about personal psychological stability, it is in fact more about balance with nature, with the elements; and our ability to maintain harmonious relationships with all life on the planet. This is not something I learned through my Western education, it is wisdom that lives inside of me and is transmitted through generations. It is what Indigenous peoples have known for centuries, and Western science is just recently beginning to uncover. Only this way of knowing, also, known among Indigenous Academics who grapple with the same epistemological constructs, as “Indigenous Ways of Knowing, [IWOK]. However, Indigenous epistemology, is not addressed in Western University academic discourse (except by Native professors, if a college is lucky enough to have one) as important ways to understand how to be well in the world. This chapter speaks of self-empowerment, of taking back or talking back, to bring forward an Indigenous theoretical framework for identity development within the helping professions (e.g. Brown & Strega, 2005). I can do no justice to the prolific work of Gloria Anzaldúa other than to put forward a theory within the field of Counseling and Psychology that made sense to me as an Indigenous person and scholar. Gloria Anzaldúa, who really needs no introduction for most Chicanos/as who know the literature, has identified herself in her work; a Chicana activist, prolific writer and author, teacher, lesbian, English professor, Nepantlera, has allowed me to find myself in literature and empowered me to continue to voice my story. I acknowledge that many authors that contributed to a rigorous analysis of Anzaldúa’s work and elaborated the theory beyond the scope of what is found here (e.g. Moraga, 2011, Keating, 2005). I also realize that no one theory is truly complete as we seek to understand and transform ourselves and the world around us (Quiñones Rosado, 2010) into a more equitable and supportive environment for all people. Yet, the work of Indigenous authors and critical race theorists have paved the way for me to write this auto-historia. They have highlighted the importance of a space in which one may experience a process of consciousness raising, conscientización, a place in which reflective dialogue may exist allowing individuals and groups within oppressed communities to critically think about our role in society (Brown & Strega, 2005; Freire, 1981; Martín-Baró, 1994; Tuhiwai Smith, 1999; Watkins & Shulman, 2008) to take back our cuento (Anzaldúa, 2015). Through identifying language that communicates our experiences, whether through images, movement, dance, art, writing, verbal communication, interaction and/or relatedness, that which allows us to define our lived reality (Brown & Strega, 2005; Freire, 1981, 2008; Watkins & Shulman, 2008). To take up space, creating liminal spaces; to heal and imagine the possibility of a better world, taking action for the greater good

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within the community, larger society, and beyond (Quiñones Rosado, 2007; Watkins & Shulman, 2008). We engage this process,  always with consideration for our future generations and the Earth, stars, cosmos and beyond. I hold much gratitude for those who have come before me lighting the way for our journeys here to this point in space and time.

Mestiza Consciousness: A Tribal Theory Here, I am bringing forward Mestiza Consciousness utilizing it to examine my own development in my process of conscientización or consciousness-raising and as a way to reclaim my own Indigenous heritage to tell my story, auto-historia and position a reflective praxis weaving myself into this narrative opposing traditional western-­scientific writing (Moraga, 2011). Mestiza epistemology is grounded in an Indigenous framework (e.g. Anzaldúa, 1987; 2015). Indigenous Ways of Knowing understands the interdependent and interconnected ways of being, that we are all related (e.g. Duran & Duran, 1995). The body, mind, spirit and soul are ever connected, intertwined and interdependent with the surrounding environment (Cajete, 2000; Duran & Duran, 1995; Grayshield & Micheoby, 2010). The spiritual aspects are considered always a part of the healing process and we cannot peer to the mind or body without also taking a close examination of the spiritual components of the self (e.g. Anzaldúa, 2015; Berila, 2016; Duran & Duran, 1995). We understand that there are multiple ways of seeing ourselves and seeing the world depending on where we are in our life, our experiences, and the lessons that must be learned in this lifetime as well as our position in the world and in society, our cultural values, our beliefs and attitudes. How we perceive ourselves and the world around us shapes our lives and our identities, our understanding of our self (Anzaldúa, 2015; Bopp, Bopp, Brown & Lane, 1984). The work of many critical race theorists has reverberated for me and assisted my thought process to situate myself within an institutionalized system of oppression. I am grateful for their wisdom and the insights that have allowed me to further my own ability to understand the deeper issues of self-realization in a primarily Westernized field of practice.

Testimonios/Narratives Storytelling provides a way to share who we are and pass down wisdom from one generation to another, historically an oral tradition. Our storytellers, are also scribers, they come to life in theatre, in art, writing, speaking out and standing up; in this movement I write my story, to give myself a voice after feeling frozen. An Indigenous theoretical paradigm allows space to open up about my experiences, validating my beliefs, and my history to put myself back together again after being torn apart by Western eyes, colonized ways and oppressive thoughts and actions (Anzaldúa,

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2015; Moraga, 2011; Tuhiwai Smith, 1999). The process is painstaking and transformational continually shifting and shaping me as I move through life and experience my self. There is pain in growth. As the seed bursts, it suffers, and on the other side is life birthing forward from a seed in the Earth. As I am engaging in these activities I am also continuing to learn and reflect on what it means to identify as an Indingeous woman, as a Xicana (Castillo, 1995) and to also play with the impact of self-identifying in such a powerful way. Furthermore, I am dedicated to the engagement in social justice practices that would empower disadvantaged communities and peoples to find and highlight their voice finding ways to advocate for themselves, as well as for their personal and community needs, particularly for women (e.g. Quiñones Rosado, 2010; Saldivar-Hull, 2000). Ana Castillo (1995) elaborates on the identity concept of Xicana and I embraced it as a way to signify a deeper aspect of myself that has been denied for hundreds of years. Using an “X” instead of “Ch” signifies an acknowledgment to the fact that I am Indigenous. It is a way to take myself back. I am a human being of Mexican heritage, U.S. born, Spanish speaking, English speaking, light skinned, straight, able bodied, unmarried, lower class, educated, educator, Xicana, social justice advocate, healer, psychologist, middle class, Reiki practitioner, Yoga Teacher, Native, Mexican, Mexicah, colonizer-colonized. The most powerful thing we can do is to name ourselves (Isasi-Diaz, 1989; 2002). It is an interesting position, Californian Xicana living in New Mexico. For a moment, in my California bubble, I had forgotten that racism existed, I forgot what it was to be in-between. Many have written now about this borderland, this in-­ between space we live in. This is not a new story or a new experience, yet valid to express. When I go to Mexico, I am a gringa, but in the United States I have always been Mexican;  in California, I am Raza, Chicana, or Xicana. In New Mexico, I became Hispanic and then later more Indian than not. When there are so many crossroads within one body, we find ourselves pulled in all directions at once. We question and inquire. What group do I belong to? Where do I fit in? Are these experiences what psychologists call an identity crisis? Perhaps that viewpoint is true. But what is truth? Does this mean that there is a static construct that determines a healthy identity? At which point do I, an ethnic minority womyn, have the power to define my own reality? The memories and experiences of historical and intergenerational trauma, suffocating my body and mind at every turn, stored in every cell in my body.  When this palpable expression of trauma is not tolerated, witnessed, or acnowledged, we can only determine a problem, the deficit model.

Los Siete Ritos Del Pasaje De Conocimiento I will describe the seven rites of passage or ritos de pasage toward the path of conocimiento (understanding or more deeply a knowing) as theorized by Gloria Anzaldúa addressing my identity process at the cognitive, emotional, spiritual, and physical levels. Los siete ritos of passage on the path to conocimiento are: the jolt; nepantla;

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coatlicue; crossing over, letting go of paralysis; making meaning; new narrative is shared and tested; spiritual activism. The rites or steps are not linear, there is no time frame or limit; as we take one step forward on the path of conocimiento, we can take steps back or jump forward and backward and anywhere in between. We form circles, and spirals, we trail and weave in and out from all directions (e.g. Quiñones Rosado, 2010; Bopp, Bopp, Brown & Lane, 1984). Indigenous framework visions, that we are multi-dimensional complex human beings, fluid and flexible and our perceptions change as we move through developmental stages and changes in life, as we age and experience life; as we critically think about and reflect on ourselves (e.g. Bopp, Bopp, Brown & Lane, 1984). The seven steps or rites of passage toward reflective consciousness are ways in which one may dive into the process of conscientización from a Mestiza consciousness epistemology, a tribal theory of awareness (Anzaldúa, 1987; 2015).

Primeros Ritos Entrelazados: The Jolty Nepantla The psyche is challenged to examine current beliefs, attitudes, and values and forced into shifting toward new ways of perceiving the world. El primer paso, the first rite of passage in reflective consciousness is marked by a jolt; it is something that “moves you or propels you into the second stage of Nepantla” (Elenes, 2013 p. 4). I have had numerous jolts that have effectively changed my perception of myself and my life and how I am living it. Again and again, I find myself here, jolted, shocked into awareness, into awakeness, pushed into Nepantla, in between spaces. And the second rite of passage on the path of conocimiento, the concept in Mestiza consciousness of Nepantla. These two rites are intertwined, entrelazados, interconnected, braided together; I am jolted, I am immediately pushed into Nepantla, “The Nahuatl word for an in-between state, nepantla is that uncertain terrain one crosses when moving from one place to another; when changing from one class, race, sexual position to another; when traveling from the present identity, into a new identity” (Anzaldúa, 2015, p. 56). Nepantla means in the middle, it is the place of being in-between, the place of transitions, and difference. Some of us are continuous Nepantleras and the middle place feeling never seems to fade away so we feel jolted constantly. A state of Nepantla may also be experienced in liminal spaces which occur when ascribed roles are suspended and community members relate in a sacred space of consciousness that lets go of our identities while acknowledging our commonalities as humans (see Watkins & Shulman, 2008). There is often a way in which I do not quite fit in here or there. My very family is an example of this, being Xicana, the paternal and maternal sides of my family collide. Just as the European and Indigenous blood runs through my veins, I am a walking contradiction. I have grown comfortable in this middle space yet I still have moments when I wish I could just fit neatly into a box, a group, a one single community. Can I just check one box? I realize that who I am is this blend, this mixture, this coming together of multiple and colliding cultures.

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Making Sense of the World  I needed to understand that the history of Xicanas (Castillo, 1995) and Mexican people in this country was and is one of violence, domination and colonization as well as revolution, fortaleza, liberation, remembrance and healing (e.g. Acuña, 2004). At the same time, I have learned that most of what is written in history books are lies of deception and illusion (e.g. Billingslea & Stockel, 2007) told from the perspectives of the colonizers. Still, the relationship between Mexico and United States intersects in my body, my lived experience, in my DNA. The truth lives in my body. As Mexicanas, we share history with North American Indians yet we often feel separate and disconnected from our Indigenous roots and history; being a result of denial, colonization, assimilation, acculturation and internalized oppression. My teachings in American history taught me about Christopher Columbus and his discovery of the Americas in 1492; then to 1776, United States Independence. Later, not in school, I learned about the Mayan and Azteca calendarios from which has come substantial and advanced wisdom and scientific knowledge about the cosmic universe, about how we came to be, who we are and how the world works (e.g. Gilbert & Cotterell, 1995; Valdez & Paredes, n.d.). I continually reflect on these lessons and how they all came to be. Recently, I went to Spain and saw Columbus’ grave revered in a gothic cathedral in Sevilla. I felt some kind of way, as my ceremonial relatives say; uneasy. I learned the real history of Columbus’ arrival in books like, A People’s History of the United States by Howard Zinn. Even before this, I always had a feeling something wasn’t right in the history classes I took throughout my education. I remember being shown the Disney movie Pocahontas in my history course in high school. It was the only college prep course I ever took because I wanted an easy class, as opposed to being in honors as all my other courses. I remember thinking that it wasn’t right to be shown a Disney movie in a high school history course. It was definetely an easy class for me while also triggering an inkling of rage. At this time, I was not fully connected with my Indigenous heritage. Then again, aren’t Mexicans Native? In my doctoral training, my difference was highlighted as I struggled to understand my place in an oppressive system, and that I too was becoming indoctrinated to become an oppressor, socialized to maintain the structure of an oppressive system based on white supremacy, while the violent history of my ancestors is continually denied–I continue in it. The struggle is real as the current political climate in 2018 has created a space of fear in which families are separated from each other under the guise of “homeland security,” yet violence prevails for many communities of color and other subordinated communities that are critically marginalized and terrorized to fear. People are torn apart and more trauma prevails at the hands of government officials in which (im)migrant and refugees families are (re)traumatized  (e.g. Goodman & Chomsky, 2018). Still, I benefit from it and I maintain and support it. In my work as an employee of the educational institution I support the status quo and the assimilation and colonization of the people. The news quietly shies away from the fact that hundreds and thousands of young children of migrant parents were separated from their parents and some still not reunited with their families. A headline from the Washington Post from August 31, 2018 states the following:

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“Still Separated: Nearly 500 migrant children taken from their parents remain in U.S. custody” (Bump, 2018). Who is to be held accountable for the trauma that these experiences are causing both the children and their families? The impact of the United States governmental decisions that have resulted in the death and terror of many woman and children who are in the fight of life to survive. In Gaza, children are starving and people helping (e.g. medics) being killed by snipers (Goodman & Chomsky, 2018). We see this as the fight on terrorism pushed forward by our dependence on oil and power. I benefit because I sit quietly in my chair, in my home, in the safety of my walls while people are dying and suffering. I gratefully earn my paycheck teaching at the institution on subjects that were founded on the Western epistemologies grounded in the idea that Eurocentric ideologies are the norm, true and correct. In the very fact that I am a member of this society, I contribute, yet I am aware that the structure I support is oppressive; a paradox that I negotiate daily. I am jolted again landing in Nepantla. Nepantlera. Nepantleando. Sometimes we have to face the gruesome to see the beauty; reminds me of how the beautiful lotus flower blooms from muddy waters. Life does continue and we blossom in our wisdom to live in a world of challenges, birthing new ways of viewing ourselves to survive. We are resilient. Eventually we may get to move beyond survival and be well. Interrelated and Interconnected  Ritos de pasaje, la vida. En ceremonia. Recordando. Reclamando. I recall, always feeling caught in the middle. Between English and Spanish, between my mother and my father; her side or his side; immigrants and U.S. born, Chicano/as or American, those with and those without. Paralyzed by the violence that pervaded in my life, or that which ensued in between my father’s side of the family and my mothers’. It was a battle between Mexican or American, Spanish or English,  con dinero o sin dinero, land or no land, dark or light–Ni de aquí, ni de allá. My father’s side had a college education and my mother’s side did not. The differences in social class status, level of acculturation, and ethnic identity between family members,  allowed me to see what was possible with access to social capital, financial capital and the cultural capital to be paid in exchange. At least in my family. Worker spending my own blood clashes with itself. In México, I am called gringa, White, American; not a real Mexican they have told me. Sigo Neplantleando y me quedo zumbada. I am pulled and kneaded like dough. This way and that way. Flipped up and down and all around. My own family pushes and pulls me from here to there and I negotiated within and between, in silence and in rage. In the end, this is part of who I am, but not one part defines me. Expanding Understanding  As I am continually seeing things from multiple perspectives. Liminal spaces. Different levels of this in-between-space. I woke up on my way to school. I was woken up, shaken, jolted. Suddenly, I realized that we really had been oppressed for more than 500 years (e.g. Martínez, 1991; Memmi, 1965). I remembered again. There are a multitude of expanded levels of awareness to wake up to. This time, I was awoken with the songs of the sacred medicine ways. Words could never describe the beauty, love, connection that I feel around the

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fire. When I went to school, I learned to have a Western mind and to see my own culture through the eyes of the colonizer–Western ideologies. Now I was viewing a bigger picture of Westernization’s social and political intentionality which was directed at promoting consumerism [slavery] and a disconnect from our natural world, our “Indigenous Ways of Knowing” how to be and live on this earth. The first class in my doctoral program marked the start of one such awakening. It started after the fourth of July and the course was titled, “The Psychology of Multiculturalism” and was taught by a Native American female professor. The course focused on how to become a multiculturally sensitive and competent Counseling Psychologist. Her words reverberated in my head as she explained concepts that connected all things together–the Northern direction representing the earth, our physical environment; the Eastern direction, representing the mind and all things perceived by it; the Southern direction representing the emotions, how we feel; the Western direction representing the wisdom of the ages coming together. Further, the direction Below, representing our connection to Mother Earth; Above, representing our connection to the cosmos—our ancestors from the stars, and; the Center—me, where it all comes together. I noted deep spiritual and energetic communication taking place; I was waking up to what I already knew, but until then had no words for. I could feel the vibration carry deep into my being and awaken the conscious awareness of myself as, india, indígena; blood lines carry. Here I am. Smoking mirror. Tezcatlipoca. Indigenous. Mirroring. I found my Self. A part of me deep in my soul, shaken awake. The tower crumbling down, flames and fire to ashes and dust. Transformation is the only outcome possible. This critical reflection and conscientazición unearthed a feeling of resistance, deep inside my bones, anger and rage, unlocking a gateway for healing of  historical trauma. Historical trauma is defined as “cumulative emotional and psychological wounding across generations, including the lifespan, which emanates from massive group trauma” (Brave Heart, 2003; 2011). The anger is what Gloria Anzaldúa intended in her writings; for us to be awakened, made aware, moved into action, in motion, and it happened for me (Espinosa-Aguilar, 2015). I read “Pedagogy of the Oppressed” by Paulo Freire (2008), and again I was jolted. My eyes peeled and reopened to the reality of the social cultural constructs of American society. It was then that things started to make sense to me or fall apart in a way. The educational systems were designed to colonize–to civilize; to make civil, as in slavery. I reflected on how I was oppressed for being Mexican, for speaking Spanish, for being a woman, for being poor. As we grow, our place in the realm of development shifts. This shift in awareness did shake me, I “developed.” The life I once perceived would be forever different, my vantage point was twisted, shaken, and turned upside down and sideways–all ways. New Mexico Mexicans are different. They call themselves Spanish and Hispanic, not Mexican, never Mexican. Mexicans are dirty and violent, allá por el otra lado3, they

 The other side, as in the other side of the border.

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kill and they kidnap, they are drug dealers. Don’t be Mexican. I see gente4. Pueblos5. Survivors. Yet it is difficult not to internalize the oppression that permeates in our every day lives, Post Colonial Stress Disorder (PCSD) as was described by Duran & Duran, 1995. Disdain? Disgust? Discrimination? They say it can’t be proven, but every day we live it. My professor held a safe space in the classroom from which to process our reactions to topics of racism, classism, sexism, etc., she additionally connected the Indigenous epistemology [IWOK] to our understanding of these social constructs raising our awareness to the healing properties of nature and the interconnectedness of the planet to our role as social justice advocates. The material in this course jolted me into critical reflection. I read, I reflected, I grew. Ignacio Martin-Baró, Paulo Freire, and returning again to Gloria Anzaldúa’s Borderlands (1987) I began to (re) understand myself as an oppressed individual in the same breath that I had to situate myself in my role as a colonized oppressor, a Ph.D. student and psychologist in training (e.g. Villenas, 1996). Swallowing the bitter pill, a principle I learned in my Tai Chi practice. I came to understand this idea, not only as an exercise or principle, but as a way of accepting the difficult things in life; not in a fatalistic manner, rather as a way to transform and transmute the energy into a positive force that could be released back into the universe.

El Segundo Rito Mestizaje-Nepantleando ¿Quien soy Yo?  Claiming the New Mestiza is an act of rebellion; an act of (re)inventing and standing our ground (Anzaldúa, 1987; Elenes, 2013). The heritage my ancestors left me, me of mixed blood, Indigenous and Spanish, and African blood, is that of violence, of contradiction. Gloria Anzaldúa so eloquently describes the internal and external conflict; the way in which we inflict violence on ourselves, the way we internalize the projected shadows (e.g. Anzaldúa, 1987). Mexicah. Mexican. Azteca. Chichimecah. Purépecha. Indio Mexicano, trastornado Español. PhD.  Yes, ¿AFricano tambien? Ojos de miel y tez blanca. ¿Y tu mamá? Pos es de Michoacán. ¿Y tu papá? Pos, el es de acá, pero mis abuelos son de Zacatecas y Jalisco. I almost forgot. I have to explain, put myself in context, qualify it. But I am born here and my parents over there. I am a human, not an alien. Casi olvide, que tengo sangre India. Are you Native? Well, I am Mexican. Yea, that’s Native. I qualify again. You are Mexican, but are you Native? Mexicans are Native. Are you sure? What is your tribe? Forgotten. Conquested so well, that even we forgot who we are. Got no card, no proof, no blood quantum counts. California was Mexico, now it’s just America. Where is America? Is not Beyond the narrow con Gente means people.  Pueblo means communities.

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sciousness of the United States of America. We traveled freely, back and forth. No borders. We walked across them. Look inside my heart. You will see an Indigenous heart. What color is that? Red, red heart. We all bleed red. In Latin America, I am a gringa, and in the United States I am Latina, Hispanic or Mexican. In California, I am raza, Chicana, or Xicana. In New Mexico, I became Hispanic and then later more Indian than not. In some spaces I am White or Persian or Arabic. When there are so many crossroads within one body, we find ourselves pulled in all directions at once. I continue to find myself in blurred spaces, on continuums, in middle spaces, in between spaces. Nepantlera for life. My grandparents were from Zacatecas, Jalisco, and Michoacán. All but one are gone now. I am 1.5 generation Xicana, born and raised in Southern California, to a Mexican mother and a Chicano father. I am 1.5 generation college student because my father earned a college degree, and my mother emigrated from Mexico at 15 years old. I am light skinned and may pass as White, when I see my reflection, I see Mexican; I see Indigenous; I see woman; and human. I am a daughter, a sister, a tía, a friend, and many other things, but most of all I am human and caretaker of this Earth Mother we live on. I acknowledge my privilege as a light skin, able-­ bodied, straight, and well educated woman; in my heart however, my mind and my spirit, I am Indigenous. I have come to the realization that much of my inability to engage Western ideologies is because I am an Indigenous thinker. I see the world through mexica-indian eyes. My education has transposed my social status from lower to middle class, yet the structure of the system that is in place, has not afforded me job security. A lay off brought me back down below the poverty line. Imposter [Impostora]. Budget cuts, the struggle to pay off educational loans, rent that is insurmountable in Southern California and my initial socio-economic status, keeps me living pay check to paycheck. My childhood dream did not take into consideration my position in society. How could it? I was living behind the veil, following the capitalistic model that was set before me. I am what I always was and always will Be. Human. Earth caretaker. Indigenous. Mexica. Colonized, our identities lost in the wind of the past though living in the cellular memory of my heart. While I have been misplaced from my land, considered alien in both lands, all one piece, I am forever in between. Across borders my ancestors (im)migrated. I am forever in between. It was no coincidence that I was drawn to the land of enchantment in New Mexico for my doctoral program. There I reconnected with the Earth and ceremony found me. When I look back at my childhood now, and my family, I see the impact of the trauma in my life. Growing up sheltered in some ways, protected me, naïve to the pain that surrounded me yet it manifested in my way of communicating and relating with others. I would cry whenever someone spoke with me in a harsh tone or criticized me in any way. This was the impact of trauma. As an adolescent and young adult, I veered far from my goals and found solace in substances that injured my soul and spirit while temporarily easing my suffering. In spite of all that, I managed to complete my master’s degree while working full time to support myself and then making it into three doctorate programs. Out of the three programs I was accepted to, I chose the closest to home in New Mexico. To undo the trauma of my life, the historical trauma that

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lived in my cells, the violence I endured as a child and the pain I caused myself, I was found by ancestral heritage—by Indigenous ceremony and ritual that healed my spirit and soul in more ways that I can spell. They say that the medicine ways find us. I see the truth in that for me and my family. I grew up Catholic but inside of me I always felt there was something more natural, something essential that I could not grasp but I could feel was there. Through my connection with healing ceremonies, I have unearthed the deepest layers of myself and I continually find more realms to uncover. I went into ceremony without knowing that I had been there before. I realized my ancestors had prayed for me long ago. The sacred heartbeat sounded, an elk hide drum, a gourd rattle, and I remembered. I transformed, I flew, elevating, entering realms of awareness that would expand and stretch me in ways I am still discovering. Recovering from the trauma in my own life and the historical and intergenerational trauma that lives in my cellular memory. The ceremonies allowed me to begin to heal the deep soul wounds that emanated from my being. An ancient light inside of me was ignited and I remembered. Haciendo memorias. Recordando. Mi linage. My years spent in New Mexico earning my doctoral degree allowed me to explore deeply transformative healing experiences. Not inside the walls of academia; rather sitting close to the fire and feeling the rhythmical vibration of the drum singing in my heart. These experiences would open me up to an inevitable acknowledgement of my Native ancestry and a connection to rich spiritual traditions that have forever changed my life and that of my familia. Medicine ways are in my blood, in my lineage. No longer can this truth be denied. It is my truth. The space of being in-between has been one that I have come to find comfort in and it is the most familiar to me. This does not make it easy or pleasurable, but it is my life. Chicana theorists have written extensively about this in-betweeness of feeling that one is a part of the United States, yet not; feeling a part of Mexico, yet not; feeling that we must somehow belong to both, and neither at the same time; never neatly fitting into any one box or category, but always feeling the pressure to choose (e.g. Anzaldúa & Keating, 2002; Keating, 2005; Villenas, 1996). This feeling continues to exist, as when I travel to Mexico, I am referred to as gringa, and in the United States, being of Mexican heritage, still considered a second-class citizen along with the larger Mexican population in this country where the majority continue the struggle, earning lower wages than their non-Mexican counterparts; to address human rights issues including decent working conditions in various sectors (i.e. agricultural and clothing industries). Privileged behind my light skin, grasp of the English language and having my Spanish home language, I feel as though I am constantly in-between; still lost my Indigenous tongue. Today, I find myself in between spaces of academic settings, as a Faculty Counselor, a lecturer, in a temporary position not tenure-track; and now an adjunct professor working part-time between two campuses after being laid off yet told I am just not being reappointed; not laid off. I presumed that becoming a psychologist and earning a Ph.D. would provide me job security. I quickly learned that fairness is also a matter of status and positioning.

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The statistics are astounding. In 2016, out of the 177,867 people who earned a doctoral degree, 11,766 were Hispanic (7.5%) out of which 6653 (7.8%) were female compared to 107,108 Whites total (68.5%) and 56,840 White females (66.1%) (Digest of Education Statistics, 2017). Out of the total 177,867, who earned a doctoral degree in 2016, only 808 were American Indian/Alaska Native. In 2014, the year I earned my doctoral degree, 178,548 people earned a doctorate degree and 10,665 were Hispanic (6.8%) out of which 5877 were female (7.0%). The same year, there were 861 (.6%) American Indian/Alaska Native Ph.D. graduates out of which 496 were female (.6%). This compared with 110,157 Whites total (69.3%) and 56, 783 White females (67.8%) (Digest of Education Statistics, 2017). Furthermore, when examining the California State University system, the percentages of “minorities” hired in full-time tenure track and lecturer positions is astonishing. In 2017, the total of “minorities” in full-time tenure track positions was 3,601 out of which 1,741 were female compared with 6,168 White out of which 1,741 were female. In 2011 in the University of California system, 77% of ranked professors were White compared with 3% African American, 1% American Indian, 4% Chicano/Latino and 15% Asian American (University of California, 2013). Regardless of my status within the institution, whether part time or adjunct or consultant, independent contractor, my work with my students continues to widen my kaleidoscope of knowledge and understanding—there is a fluid exchange of information as I see it. We are after all, All in this together.

El Tercer Rito De Pasage Diving Into the State of Coatlicue  This rite of passage encompasses another break, there’s a falling apart and arise feelings of “hopelessness, distress and maybe even a paralysis of sorts that make it hard to act.” (Anzaldúa, 2015)–perhaps it is even the most difficult part of this journey and this process of conscientización. Dying and rebirthing; getting dismembered and put back together again. The experience of Ph.D. training changed me. Collecting the pieces of my soul that were ripped out of me lead me to exhaustion and burnout. I did die a metaphorical death, leaving behind the old broken parts of my spirit and soul to find a new life birth within me. “The Coatlicue State: Coatlicue da luz a todo y a todo Devora. Ella es el monstruo que se trago todos los seres vivientes y los astros, es el monstruo que se traga tal sol cada tarde y le da luz cada mañana. Coatlicue is a rupture in our everyday world. As the Earth, she opens and swallows us, plunging us into the underworld where the soul resides, allowing us to dwell in darkness” (Anzaldúa, 1987, p. 68). Coatlicue and the symbolism behind  her  image and representation helped me to understand my experience as a mixed-blood-heritage woman living in the United States. My body is a borderland. I was taken apart and put back together again. The realization of my lived reality and seeing it for what it was, for what it is broke me

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into a million pieces. I felt a deep suffering, a depression; grieving, a deep pain inside of me that could only be calmed with the sound of the sacred drum, the sound of the hum in the song. Yes, I was in distress at the realities I came to more fully understand, the realities that we are living as people of color, as Native people in this country. The  lost tribe, who is denied tribal lineage and recognition. We are trained to believe that denying who we are will allow us to be free to move in Western society, so we deny any connection to being Indian History recounts similar histories of indigenous people all over the planet being colonized by some ­political regime under the guise of political and religious upheaval and war. I cry at the images of women and children in Gaza murdered and starving. Their suffering is my suffering as we are connected in this larger web of life. Just last weekend 11 Jewish people murdered at Synagogue in Pittsburgh. The hatred against differentness prevails in our times and the Earth cries as we hurt each other and ourselves. Yesterday, a former military man with post-traumatic stress disorder killed himself and 11 people at a dance club in Thousand Oaks, California. What leads humans to enter this level of despair and suffering? How do we truly help the people heal from their deep anguish? We have to reflect on these events. This is also who we are. I knew that racism and discrimination existed because I had witnessed my mother experience “it” throughout my childhood but it seemed like a distant memory until I began my doctoral education in New Mexico. I once again (re)membered that racism existed and also began to learn language that could articulate the experience of not only racism, but also the intersectionality of multiple forms of oppression as it relates to a multiplicity of political and social experiences as a woman of color in this world. During my time in New Mexico, I (re)experienced the pain and suffering of being a part of a system that was not designed for me as well as experiencing a lack of support and understanding from the faculty who professed a space of multiculturalism, openness and cultural sensitivity. I could not “see” how this was happening and I literally became physically sick, developing a gluten-allergy, becoming overweight, experiencing depression and anxiety, as well as the rising of deep feelings of anger and resentment. I was in a state of shock and trauma because it was incomprehensible to believe that I was experiencing what many Chicana feminists had written about, to be considered difficult, angry, over-emotional, and to be marginalized not only by White faculty but also other Latino/a graduate students (e.g. Espinosa-Aguilar, 2015) because I simply could not agree that what I was learning as a doctoral student, a psychologist in training, could possibly contain information that would provide a well-rounded understanding of how to help people evolve into healthy individuals. I knew there was more to be learned, more than this westernized academic system could teach. I simply could not accept a structure of learning that professed critical knowledge of helping without consideration for the epistemological limitations inherently embedded in it. I arrived at this moment in my education, to the space of Coatlicue, the space of transitions, of pain, of awakening to the dark side, a metaphorical death one could say, in order to move through into a (re) birthing, a new way of perceiving the world. I felt toxic, everything hurt, agonizing so much that I almost left my doctorate program and had good reasons to do so. In

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the end, my focus and drive toward completion pushed me through the pain and moved me into the next stage in which I focused myself to move out of this stickiness and hopelessness; feeling stuck. When I was earning my doctoral degree, one of my professors believed that I was going through an identity crisis. At the time I got so mad. They thought I did not know who I was, and that I was trying to figure it out through involvement in Native and Indigenous ceremonial practices, which became a priority in my journey through the self and toward a greater awareness of self [self-actualization]. Perhaps it was partially true, but when I looked at myself and my identity of myself, I have always known who I am. The difference was I just stopped trying to fit in, and instead I embraced  aspects  of my identity that clashed with the status quo  (e.g. Comas-Diaz, 2001). It was in a state of Coatlicue (Moraga & Anzaldúa, 1983). Do I finally get a chance to redefine myself? This was a time in my life, the moment where my entire life had been turned upside down and I was for the first time seeing the world through decolonized eyes. ReAwakened. Deconstructing my reality, my social identities and my relationship with the educational system, one of the largest monster oppressors, the one living inside of me. I was ostracized from my peers and my professors looked at me as though I was broken. Perhaps it is true that I was broken—but this was the case when I arrived and it was during this time that I was actively putting myself back together again, in Coatlicue. Ultimately I was searching for connection and understanding; a space to voice my experience, a space to dialogue about my experience and have the opportunity to further my conscious awareness (Martín-Baró, 1994) regarding my lived reality. However, instead of getting this through my doctorate education, I was surprised to see not only my faculty avoid making eye contact with me in the hallways, but also my peers of color further marginalizing me by excluding me out of conversations research projects, presentations and activities. I learned to be comfortable with the discomfort because I had to survive, because this is my heritage; this is who I am. I revert back to gratitude. I am so thankful for the work of Chicana writers and authors and especially Gloria Anzaldúa’s Borderlands/La Frontera: The New Mestiza, because when I finally came across her writing as an undergraduate, I could finally take a breath of relatedness and understanding. I found comfort in the fact that we are still here, and still fighting, en la lucha. With our words and our pens we can still fight. We do have a voice. I have a voice. It took courage for authors to write so honestly, so real that it hurts. Yet here I am, bringing forward my story and writing out my pain. The isolation I experienced left me feeling disillusioned with the educational system, with my doctorate education, and a sadness that I could not deeply connect with fellow peers of my own ethnic background. As I have reflected on my doctoral experience and being in New Mexico, I comprehend now that racism is indeed institutionalized across universities and within educational systems, and of course beyond these places. I also realized that my peers had internalized their oppression and could only work to fit into the system or assimilate or acculturate. It was as if the degree of conformity was directly related to the degree of success one was able to experience in this structure. For me, in a continual state of resistance, I could not

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give in and instead, I embraced my Indigeneity and dove into a deep spiritual awakening. In overcoming the challenges I experienced, I was so fortunate that I came to (Re)claim my Indigeneity, and in the richness of New Mexico culture and American Indian presence. I found a home with others whose lives brought them full-circle, through Western education and life style constructs laden with standardization and conformity, into a deeper level of awareness from a physical, cognitive, emotional and, spiritual vantage. I embraced a new way of being, a new kind of normal–one that allowed my inner spirit to blossom and grow. Toward the end of my schooling, I was well into Indigenous Ways of Knowing how to recognize the incongruence that leads to dependency on Western life ways, its food sources, social activities, and other distractions that separate a true sense of interconnection and interdependence with Mother Earth. I was at last, able to grasp what I had forgotten through my involvement in Native and Indigenous ceremonial practices, songs, rituals and cleansings. I found the thread of Indigenous knowledge that ran through my own Mestiza lineages. Remembering the natural way in which we lit velas at home and prayed homage to the Virgen de Guadalupe, using herbs and natural remedies, what I later found was called Curanderismo. I did not have a name for the things we did naturally but when I was welcomed to learn and practice healing ceremonies from ancient Indigenous ways of Knowing, I made that connection and had an understanding.

El Cuarto Rito Crossing Over  Individuals seek ways to act and initiate the process to leave behind paralysis and despair. Spiritual practices such as ceremony, prayer and meditation as well as; practices aimed at healing the physical body such as improved diet and exercise; in addition to practices designed to improve neurological functioning have allowed me, daily to look forward, to keep moving forward, tiahui, onward. Understanding that there is a higher power and wisdom beyond, and that power, lives in me. I am still here. I wish I could say I am beyond this stage, but as I see myself, I am in all stages at once. I am not over Nepantla, I am not over Coatlicue, I am weaving in and out of realms of conscious awareness of my lived reality within the systemic and institutionalized structures established before I arrived in this physical form. I am here in the spaces within academia, where I lack job security and my voice is silenced by the thunders of a system built on white supremacy, built on the backs, sweat, tears and blood of my ancestors. The focus is on the gross-national-product, capitalism and consumerism and the words, “we don’t have funding for that” ring in my ears. Where I also worry that even in writing these words I will be marginalized and pushed further into silence. Yet, as I reflect, I realize that I do have power, I know I am not who I was before, yet who am I really? Continually shifting and reshaping. I design and claim my Self.

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Rite of Passage  After returning from Standing Rock North Dakota (2016–2017), where I stood in solidarity with thousands of others in protection of clean waters, I had another of these moments. I went back to Coatlicue. Depressed, distressed and hopeless. When I heard there was yet another oil spill; broken promises behind a veil of safety. The Earth cries as we suck the life blood out of her. She is a living breathing being. Our Mother–always giving and nourishing. Some of us take her for granted, or do not believe that she is alive and breathing. I spent two weeks in Standing Rock as a Water Protector standing against the Dakota Access Pipeline (DAPL) for the rights of the people of the Earth to have clean water. I traveled there in the middle of a blizzard, when people told me not to go, “it is too dangerous.” My heart drew me there and I could not bare to stay home; during the holidays, leaving my family behind. From California to New Mexico where I met up with one of my spiritual/ceremonial sisters and her daughter. We drove through the night, to Colorado and all the way to Standing Rock North Dakota, between snow, rain and ice, we made it. We arrived there late at night, to be welcomed by my dear sister friend; smoking teepees and tents, fires lit, snow covered grounds, and the scent of vibrance, of poder (power or strength), a fierceness I will always remember; I was only going for a day and left 2 weeks later. During the coldest time of the Dakota winter, I stayed and I prayed. I witnessed the pride of the people, I witnessed the pain and suffering of those who had been there holding it down for months and months. I witnessed a fast-spiraling microcosm of what Indigenous peoples live every day. I could never do justice to what I witnessed. All I could do was witness– hold space and be present. Be ready. In service. As I endured the coldest days of winter, to a -40F temperature, for a chica from Southern California, that cold is especially brutal. I was at Standing Rock in the dead white of winter, I was not paralyzed, I was moved in prayer and inspiration for the youth who were and are the roots of this movement. A young Lakota man, 13 years old, deeply knowing the importance of standing up for the water, telling me, that I am Indigenous. Anguished myself by my own denial of my Indigeneity and to be validated by a young man I never met before. The remembrance of this moment brings me to tears. Still, I have a voice and I have knowledge, I have thoughts and feelings that can be transformed into the power of words and prayers.

El Quinto Rito Making Meaning  One explores different meanings and attempts to create new forms of thinking-integration (medicines, tools, deeper understanding of self). When I get here I should know. When I get comfortable, earning my salary, doing my daily routine, buying my groceries in plastic containers, filling up my car with gasoline, I get comfortable and for moments, my memory goes blank. I forget the pain of suffering that we all live in, the sweet bliss of ignorance and I make no new meanings. I accept my privilege and my benefits. I am rudely awakened again, when I sit with my students and I hear their stories and struggles of dealing with mental illness,

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homelessness, abusive relationships, apathy, self-loathing, symptoms of distress, unable to cope with life and at the same time resilient in their endeavors. When I see the news story that Flint Michigan children and families still live without access to clean water in the United States. When I hear another oil spill happened again, somewhere in the world, in North Dakota, anywhere, in the oceans. I see images of our ocean relatives drowning in the enormous amounts of plastic we consume, single-­use, and throw away. And in 32 years, the plastic in the ocean will outweigh the fish (Davos, 2016). What world are we living in? I really don’t know how to make meaning from this. I cradle myself in the comfort of writers like Anzaldúa and Rev. Angel Kyodo Williams and Thihn Nat Hanh. I relish in meditation and yoga and making efforts to listen and be present to my screaming mind and body that says, none of this is right. Paralyzed again because I also do not have the skills to solve these problems. I am here still, trying to make meaning from the endless suffering in the world. The ceremonies resulting in the beginning of my healing process, from educational injustices; ancestral and historical trauma and; the ability to now be in a space where I may empower others to survive and thrive beyond the grips of colonialism and subjugation that is inherently situated in academic and industrialized settings.

El Sexto Y Séptimo Rito New Narrative Is Shared and Tested and Spiritual Activism  Community of people that are on the same spiritual journey that support each other on the path toward awakening and enlightenment & Stage 7: is spiritual activism and is a space for cooperation, negotiation of conflict and difference and building alliances with others (Anzaldúa, 1987; Elenes, 2013). Di’gum hi’ki’ ungaw hu yah, (we are all in this together) a sentiment I often hear from my Washoe relatives. At the deepest level of understanding to know that we are truly connected is to know that harm to another is harm to self. En lack esh I put these together because I am still in this space of trying to create a new narrative, I have allies yet I have not been able to have the really important conversation that will move us into cooperation. This is where I am beginning to form and develop. I am 36  years old, I have a Ph.D. in Counseling Psychology and I am unequipped yet I know I have the ability to create. It was difficult to tell my students in the classroom, I graduated with a Ph.D. without the skills to truly help others. I am still learning those, after my training. The training is just a stepping stone. That’s what I said as I went through each degree. In the end, they are all stepping stones, to my life. My way of testing a narrative is to write this story. I cannot continue to be paralyzed by my own mind and my ego-centric worries about my job, or my car, or my career when we have much larger concerns in the world. I worry that there will be no humans left on this planet because the planet will protect itself and we will be left to extinction at the mercy of natural disasters that may happen as a result

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of our destruction. I am concerned about the beings in the ocean ingesting plastic, as we find them washed up on the shore with plastic wrapping their intestines. My heart aches and I wish I could do more. My biggest weapon are my prayers. As I walked down the shore on Newport Beach, I prayed and sent Reiki to all the water beings and surrounding plant life. With tears falling down my cheeks, I prayed for their safety, for their health, wellness and harmony. I asked forgiveness for the ways in which we destroy them. As I sat down contemplating my words, just past the shore, not far from where I floated and swam in the water. There they were. Dolphins. I saw this as an affirmation, they heard my prayers. Perhaps after I write this, I will be able to test it, I will hear the results. As I have tested what are new narratives to me, I am marginalized and scrutinized. My ancestors died and laid their bodies down in much worse circumstances and now I am here. What can I do to honor their lives and efforts, their prayers for me and my life? I cannot remain frozen in fear. I must move into action, transformation ignited by the power of love, compassion and forgiveness. I take pride in my commitment to personal growth and self-development and I strongly believe this is critical particularly as a mental health professional but also as a human being on this earth. I continuously make efforts to engage in reflective processes and activities that allow me the opportunity to grow as a person and professional. I have participated in multiple silent meditation retreats including yoga, Vippassana and other forms of meditation, indigenous healing ceremonies; I have worked with medicinal plant medicines in South America, Mexico and United States. All these practices alter my state of conscious awareness and help me to further my self-understanding, my compassion, my relationship and interrelatedness with the Earth Mother and within the cosmic universe, my ability to support the healing process of others.

Recommendations for Educators It is here that I take back my Voice and utilize this space to reach out to the educational community and provide suggestions for how to create a more holistic space within education, one that would value and embrace multiple ways of seeing the world and support students in critically thinking about their lived experience, in addition to supporting their engagement in social justice activism toward liberation and transformative change. It is not enough to accept a diverse group of students into higher education programs without also being ready to hold the space necessary for students to process their understanding of the information presented from their own epistemological stance. It is quite “normal” to experience anger, and to express that anger and intense emotion in the classroom and with faculty, but if faculty are not themselves able to hold that space and assist students in processing through the heavy emotions, we are leaving behind and training students who are injured; we are doing a disservice to student and the community. This is where institutional racism is entrenched and must be challenged. This is of importance for the

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training of therapists, in a Counseling Psychology program, it is critical for students to develop a healthy way of being, particularly for those in helping professions. As I went through my educational journey, I experienced many obstacles that may have easily strayed me down a different road. We can see that Latinos still fare behind same age counterparts in educational attainment. When I co-led a psycho-­educational process group with eighth graders in a middle school, they shared about bullying by other girls in the form of passive aggressive out casting behaviors (in grouping and out grouping), gossiping; they spoke of racism experienced from their teachers. An attitude of no one cares what I think or where I am from so why bother? I know that feeling. When asked about their ethnic identity, they all referred to themselves as Mexican, yes, in New Mexico. Truly, the space to process their experiences was so important that I understand this process as vital in educational spaces. Recommendation One  Education needs to include a focus on the emotional experience of their life journey. The strictly structured academic system focused on testing scores creates an emotionally disturbed, distant and disconnected adolescent and later adult. The academic rigor itself is not the challenge, children are far more aware than most adults, and more often than not, bored by the so-called curriculum of the public institutional system. But it’s not the academic work, rather the social and emotional developmental constructs that are being challenged in such a system, students need ample opportunities and space to process their experiences. Perhaps if this aspect of human development was valued, the academic curriculum would reflect more opportunities to reignite community and environmental responsibility. I did learn how to think critically and to reflect. I was marginalized when I brought up conversations about the racist practices within the educational institutional setting. Perhaps I was expecting too much from my program, but as I look back now, I realized that I had a right to request it. In fact, it was-is my human responsibility to raise awareness in a world that has become accustomed to stagnation and complacency. My experiences may have been more positive, had my professors known how to hold space for me to reflect and dialogue regarding my lived experience. At minimum, acknowledge that we are operating within a racist system. Validation of the reality that we live in the academic setting. This would have helped me to feel empowered rather than marginalized. Recommendation Two  Make self-care central to becoming an effective helping professional. In the helping professions, we often talk about engaging in self-care activities and often make these types of recommendations for stress reduction strategies. Less often however, do we actually take the time to put these constructs into real practice. I think it’s a disservice to tell our clients to do something we have never done. In order to be present for our students, educators must make the time to be still within themselves. In order to understand cultural differences within your students, taking the time to understand your own cultural background and blind spots; taking the time to truly witness student experiences and processes by continually embodying uncomfortable spaces. In order to support students of color, allowing and creat-

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ing the spaces for critical and reflective dialogue to occur is important. If white faculty are not able to hold these spaces for students of color, they are themselves not equipped to support any student of color and should therefore defer or consult with others who do, or just be transparent and ask the student what they need. Learning is relational and transactional. Recommendation Three  Do not take others where you are not willing to go or have not been. I challenge my students to be in uncomfortable spaces. In this space of darkness and unknown they grow. The soil is tilled, I plant seeds in hopes that they will one day grow. As therapists, we want people to change. People come to us because they need a change. As students, we need space to not only be challenged but nourished, sown and supported. Educators need to be aware of where they are asking their students to go and make sure they take the time to go there first. I often attend diversity trainings. I challenge myself to speak in public when each time I dread it. Even as I stand at the front of a class of 135 students, I find ways to engage my students. Experiment and try new things. Do not shy away from taking the path of the unknown because it is in this space that we grow and transform and can ever more deeply deepen our self-knowing. Recommendation Four  Compassionate actions and active listening to what students are sharing and what they are not sharing. I find myself teaching as an adjunct professor and constantly battling between academic standards and protecting the profession and experiencing compassion for the lived reality of my students. I am embracing multiple ways of learning, and multiple ways of approaching teaching. I have found that there can be medicine in the sacred circles we create as students and teachers. When I lecture at my students, I see them from a deficit model, I see their flaws, their disengagement, their lack of involvement and interaction with the material. When I actively engage with my students and recognize the transactional flow of information between them and myself, when I move the chairs and spend time in a circle, I see their passions, their hopes, their dreams; their need to be heard and acknowledged and the strengthening of their voices. Medicine is the sacred circle. We see that we are all connected and interdependent, di’gum hi’ki’ ungaw huyah’.

Conclusion I conclude with an understanding that writing can be a reflective art for healing and transformation. It took me almost 10 years to write this paper and still I feel that it is not finished. It has come to take a life of its own and I realize that it is still a work in progress because I am a work in progress. I shift and reshape entering and weaving through all the rites of passage at once and one at a time and again; I twist and turn. Each time, I come at life and my experience from a new vantage point. Raising consciousness or conscientización, is not a static process, it is in motion as our e-motions and they must keep moving; a balancing act. I close with gratitude for

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those who have come before me and those who will come after me. I thank my sisters who hold me up when I have needed it the most and reflected both the beauty and the shadow side of me allowing me to embrace all the divine aspects of myself. I thank Creation and Creator for allowing me to come to this point of my life, coming into my power as all the things that I am—a part of this larger cosmic universe, the stars as my divinity, the earth as my skin, the wind as my breath, the fire as my heart, the water as my blood; life. My life and breath are a gift from creation. My education and writing this narrative is a privilege that I do not take lightly. My connection to the elements and the world around me live deep in my cellular memory and in my heart. I carry it as a responsibility to care for the Earth in as many ways as I can. By writing this chapter, my hope is that other helping professionals will consider an analysis of themselves in all directions as they seek to transform the lives of others. It is our own life that must first be transmuted if we are to truly help others. I hope that Counseling and Psychology programs will consider allowing space for more dialogue and authentic self-reflection. Tiahui. Because I, mestiza, Continually walk out of one culture. And into another, Because I am in all cultures at the same time, Alma entre does mundos, tres, cuatro, Me zumba la cabeza con lo contradictorio, Estoy norteada por todas las voces que me hablan. Simultáneamente. (Anzaldúa, 1987; 2007 p. 99)

References Acuña, R. (2004). Occupied America: A history of Chicanos (5th ed.). New York, NY: Pearson Longman. Anzaldúa, G. (1987). Borderlands/La Frontera: The new mestiza. San Francisco, CA: Aunt Lute Books. Anzaldúa, G. (2015). Light in the Dark/Luz en lo Oscuro: Rewriting Identity, Spirituality, Reality. Durham, NC/London, UK: Duke University Press. Anzaldúa, G., & Keating, A. (2002). This bridge we call home: Radical vision for transformation. Great Britain, GB: Routledge. Berila, B. (2016). Integrating mindfulness into anti-oppression pedagogy: Social justice in higher education. New York, NY: Routledge. Billingslea, W., & Stockel, H.  H. (2007). Lost cultures: The Aztecs. Mexico City, MX: Teotl Publihsing. Bopp, J., Bopp, M., Brown, L., & Lane, P. J. (1984). The sacred tree. Twin Lakes, WI: Lotus Light Publications. Brave Heart, M. Y. H. (2003). The historical trauma response among natives and its relationship with substance abuse: A Lakota illustration. Journal of Psychoactive Drugs, 35(1), 7–13.

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Chapter 11

Conclusion Lisa Grayshield and Ramon Del Castillo

Healing journeys never end, especially as Indigenous persons continue to be subjected to the long term effects of colonialism—including historical and intergenerational trauma--that lingers on in the collective consciousness of indigenous groups. What does happen is that a human being can take control of his/her own agency and recover the spiritual and cultural aspects of healing that have been dismantled by an insensitive system unfamiliar with the cultural shibboleth of groups that are different—therefore, treated as inferior. The authors in this manuscript have all embraced this part of their respective journeys, they have stepped into their healing space, and unveiled the many pangs and micro-aggressions that were encountered during their sacred journeys. They have humbly shared parts these experiences in this textbook augmented with their original research. IWOK offers cultural knowledge, rites of passage, spiritual healing, remedios, and many cross cultural lessons that can become part of one’s tool kit to be used for healing when the time is appropriate. IWOK offers a cultural and spiritual path to healing that is not yet fully understood by mainstream psychology and psychiatry— hoping that progressive mainstream healers and those that have been subjected to a western approach to psychological intervention will step back and learn from their relatives. Balance and harmony are key elements to a successful healing journey-­ there are no experts save the self in achieving wellness. From a holistic approach, healers must also continue to heal and protect Mother Earth from the devastation and continued maltreatment because she is the one that holds the medicines we use to heal our ailments, to guide our spiritual ceremonies, to nurture our bodies and to L. Grayshield (*) Washoe Tribe of Nevada and California, Carson City, NV, USA e-mail: [email protected] R. Del Castillo (*) Chicana/o Studies, Metropolitan State University of Denver, Denver, CO, USA e-mail: [email protected] © Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 L. Grayshield, R. Del Castillo (eds.), Indigenous Ways of Knowing in Counseling, International and Cultural Psychology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-33178-8_11

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house our fragile human bodies. Failure to include Mother Earth in the healing process will always lead to more unconscious and destructive behaviors. There are still many other cultural lessons and stories that are needed in order to understand IWOK. Many fields of study both ancient and new have much to offer by way of understanding the physical, psychological and spiritual connections that inform our well being. At a closer look, western science has effectively come full circle in it’s understanding of how to be well. While it has taken decades for WWK to catch up to IWOK, we can conclude from a Western paradigm that, when one walks barefoot on the earth they become grounded; when one becomes intimate with their food sources-eating local and organic, they overcome numerous ills caused by the overuse of processed and toxic food sources; when they focus their thoughts on positive feelings and emotions, they gain control over the negative circumstances of their lives; when they cultivate self-love, they become loving human beings; when they engage ceremonial practices, they overcome trauma. The benefits of returning to IWOK are numerous and varied depending on the individual, but the fact remains that our health and well being is dependent on the knowing that we are all in this together. The chapters within this manuscript are of critical importance, not simply because of the information that is contained within them. They are critical because of the epistemology with which they are written. The authors and contributors are all adamant proponents of Indigenous Ways of Knowing (IWOK). Their desire to inform a healing paradigm comes from their own personal experiences as Native and Indigenous people who are educated and conscious of the destruction that ensues as a result of a Western Way of Knowing (WWK) otherwise charged in this manuscript as the Gross National Product (GNP). It is our sincere hope that IWOK in the helping professions continues to be viewed as a viable and practical means for addressing the issues that we face together as a collective; issues such as clean water and air, respect for nature, and spiritual freedom. We additionally hope that IWOK becomes the underlying impetus that informs our pursuit for knowledge, and certainly our application of it. We further contend that every individual is Indigenous. Deep within the psyche of every human on the planet is a knowing that the Earth is our Mother, our nurturer, and deserving of our utmost care and respect. At some place within the DNA of every human being is a knowing that we all come from a small sustainable living community where cooperation and communion is paramount in our existence. To remain disconnected from our “IWOK” is to remain unconscious of this fact. Di’gum hi’ki’ungaw hu’yah’. We are all in this together!

Index

A Academic culture, 164 Academic program, 169–171 culture of program, 166 culture of the environment, 167 financial aid, 166 indigenous cultures, 166 Native students, 168 native worldview and language, 169 neglect, 166 stereotypes, 167 tokenism, 167 WEIRD vs. “Universal” psychology, 168 window dressing, 167 African and Native Indigenous healing systems, 107 Amaranth grain, 188–190 American Indian and Alaska Native (AIAN), 130, 140, 141, 153, 154, 157, 158 Anger remediation, 147, 148 Anxiety, 52 B Balanced approach, 195 Bearers of wisdom, 3 Blackfeet Knowledge, 36 Blackfeet perspective epistemology and ontology, 35 Holism animate and relatedness, 38 Central and South America, 37 diversity, 37 elder knowledge, 47 energy, personhood and dreams, 39, 40

flux, patterns and spirituality, 43–45 human ability, 38 language, 48 oral tradition, 40, 41 origin narratives, experience/ observation, 40, 41 philosophy, 42, 43 positional authority, 49 power, 45–47 protecting intellectual knowledge, 41, 42 science and religion, 49 synthesis of knowledge, 49 temporal and spatial, 48 learning, 35 observation and experience, 35 Pikuni Way, 36, 37 spirituality and quantum nature, 35 Blackfoot Confederacy, 39 “Blaming the victim” approach, 5 Breastfeeding, 193 Breastmilk, 185, 186 Building trust, 145 Bundle society, 36 Bureau of Indian Education (BIE), 136 Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS), 138 C California Mental Health Services Act, 4 Cantadores (chanters), 122 Center for Native Child and Family Resilience (CNCFR), 25 Chaos theory, 44 Chia seeds, 189, 190

© Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2020 L. Grayshield, R. Del Castillo (eds.), Indigenous Ways of Knowing in Counseling, International and Cultural Psychology, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-33178-8

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Index

226 Colonialism, 223 Colonization, 18 Community Based Participatory Research (CBPR), 164 Compadrazco (co-parenting system), 123 Consciousness raising (conscientización), 200, 201, 203, 210, 218 Consciousness-in-Action: Toward an Integral Psychology of Liberation & Transformation, 28 Counseling Psychology program, 76, 217 Counseling psychology vs. indigenous psychology, 72, 73 Counseling theory healing, 22, 23 self-actualization, 21, 22 self-determination, 21, 22 Criminal justice system, 138 Critical Race Theory, 4 Crossing over, 213–214 Cross-race relationships, 157 Cultural conflict, 2 Cultural differences, 55, 56, 70 Cultural empowerment, 148 Cultural implications, 76 Cultural insults and assaults boarding schools, 135–138 colonization, 134, 135 relocation legislation, 135 Cultural integrity, 10 Culturally competent services, 54, 70 Cultural propriety, 9, 10, 20 Cultural values, 3, 35, 42, 201 Curanderismo, 213 barriers to care, 106–107 community mental health, 120, 121 cultural diagnostics and treatment, 111–112 epistemological foundations, 108–110 healing, 104–105 Indigenous healing modalities, 126 Indigenous healing tradition, 125 La Curandera total, 110–111 lady’s belief system, 119–120 Latino/a clients, 126 mental health system, 120 rituals, 117–118 roots, 107–108 Shamanism, 120 techniques, 123–125 tools, 112–116 western psychiatry, 121–123 western psychology, 116–117

D Decolonization academic discourse, 14 academic literature, 15, 16 academy’s notion, 15 cognitive behavioral science, 16 counseling psychology, 14, 16 cultural and social perspectives, 15 cultural construction, 16 dichotomous relationship, 14 ethnic and racial minorities, 16 experiment-based empiricism, 16, 17 folk epistemologies, 16 indigenous ethos, 15 individuality, 16 interconnection, 16 interdependence, 16 justice and equality, 14 larger academic community, 14 Native and non-Native people, 15 Natural Democracy paradigm, 14 reductionism, 16 state of environmental impact, 15 ways of knowing, 16 Decolonized approach, 179, 183–185 Decolonized feeding practices, 179 Decolonizing Methodologies; Research and Indigenous Peoples, 14 Depression, 52 Direct approaches, 111 Dominate society, 69 E Education, 72, 148 Elders, 3, 4 Evidence based treatment (EBT), 149 F Federal TRIO programs, 199 Four World’s Development Project, 28 G Gathering of Native Americans (GONA), 25 Generations of trauma California Mental Health Services Act, 130, 131 colonization, 130 criminal justice/injustice, 138–141 history and tradition, 132, 133 importance of elders, 133

Index language, 133, 134 traditional knowledge, 129 Tribal Critical Race Theory, 131, 132 Gross National Product (GNP), 12, 13, 18, 82, 224 H Health disparities, 170, 173 AIAN, 141 anger remediation, 147, 148 building trust, 145 ceremony, 147 cultural empowerment, 148 education, 148 HT, 142–144 intergenerational trauma, 142–144 mortality disparity rates, 142 Native beliefs systems, 146 Native communities, 146 Native identity, 145, 146 Native societies, 146 ongoing trauma, 142–144 traditional healing practices, 148, 149 Hippocratic theory, 109 Historical trauma (HT), 82, 87, 130, 133, 143, 145, 149, 158–161, 167, 173, 206 healing, 91, 95–98 impact, 91, 94–95 understanding, 91–94 Holistic approach, 223 Holistic treatment approach, 103 “Homeland security”, 204 Hypnotherapy, 199 I “I” approach, 164 Indian Child Welfare Act (ICWA), 137, 159 Indian Health Services (IHS), 92, 141 Indigenous approaches, 104 Indigenous Counseling, 7, 10, 17 Indigenous epistemology, 85, 96, 103, 200, 207 academic training programs, 24 being well, 25, 26 colonization, 18 community settings, 24 counseling psychology, 8 counseling theory (see Counseling theory) cultural integrity, 10 cultural orientation, 30 cultural propriety, 9, 10, 20

227 disclaimer differences, 27 earth-based existence, 11 emotional dimension, 28 emotions, 30 Four Healing Domains, 30, 31 healing and healer, 24 healing process, 27 health and well-being, 8 historical and intergenerational trauma, 26 humanity, 24 Indicators of Being Well, 30, 31 individual health and wellness, 8 interconnection, 7–9 interdependence, 7–9 internal dimensions, 28 liberation psychology, 20 living breathing conscious, 8 medicine wheel, 28, 29 mental dimension, 28 modern education, 8 Native American, 11 physical dimension, 28 political and social movement counseling psychology programs, 11 decolonization (see Decolonization) globalized economy and environmental destruction, 12 indigenous scholarship, 13 Native and non-Native, 12 water protectors, 12, 13 Red Road journey, 30 self-actualization, 27 self-determination, 27 spiritual dimension, 28 Three Indicators of Being Well, 31 Tribal Critical Race Theory, 17, 18 universal principles/truths, 7 wellness, 25 Western European, 7 vs. Western Paradigm, 18–20 Indigenous healing methods, 149 Indigenous people, 82, 83 Indigenous practices, 103, 179 Indigenous scholarship, 13 Indigenous Ways of Knowing (IWOK), 1, 82, 90, 200, 201, 206, 213, 224 Indigenous worldview, 35, 90, 103 Infant brain development breastfeeding, 193 central nervous system, 180 decolonized approach, 183–185 decolonized feeding practices, 179 elders, 192

228 Infant brain development (cont.) modern food system, 193 native foods, 194 neurological system, 179 nutrients, 180–182 optimal development, 179, 192 stress, 182, 183 traditional foods (see Traditional foods) utero and infancy, 182, 190, 191 western systems, 194, 195 J Jolt and nepantla expanding understanding, 205–207 interrelated and interconnected, 205 making sense of the world, 204–205 Mestiza consciousness, 203 Judeo-Christian religious beliefs, 108 L Lady’s belief system, 119, 120 Latino community, 105 Learning from Visions and Dreams, 39 Learning in Blackfoot Ceremony, 39 Learning process, 37, 77 Liberation psychology, 20 Long chain polyunsaturated fatty acids (LCPUFAs), 181, 190 M Maunakea, 84 Medicine bundles, 39 Mental and physical health problems, 52 Mental Health Act, 111 Mental health disorders, 105–106 Mental health researchers, 20 Mental Health Services Act (MHSA), 107, 130 Mental health system, 125 Mentorship, 156 Mesoamerican diet, 188 Mestiza consciousness, 201–202 Mexican American community, 112 Microaggressions, 167 Military and religious strategy, 188 Modern food system, 193 Modern medicine and modern psychology, 69 Mother Earth, 2, 4, 223

Index N Nahua Indigenous Ways of Knowing, 192 Nahuatl (huautli), 188 National Alliance on Mental Illness (NAMI), 106 Native American communities, 22 Native American elders Indigenous elders, 98 Indigenous research critical dialogue, 89–90 IWOK, 99 Native American, 98 research questions (see Historical trauma (HT)) theoretical paradigm IWOK, 90 Tribal Critical Race Theory, 90 tribal/ traditional practices, 91 Native American Psychologists Ancestral Knowledge, 68–70 challenges, 75 counseling and psychology, 54, 55, 70, 71 counseling/healing methods, 59–61 counseling psychology vs. indigenous psychology, 72, 73 cultural differences, 55, 56 cultural practices, 74 cultural teachings, 74 culture, 71 diverse clients, 59–61 diverse populations, 51 dominant society, 74 evidenced based practice, 74 healing, 74 Herbs, 68–70 implications, 76, 77 Importance of Elders’ Teachings, 68–70 incorporation of Indigenous knowledge, 53 mental health, 74 Native and non-Native clients, 56, 57 Native communities, 61–63, 71 Native language, 68–70 Native people, 61–63, 71 participant responses addressing native issues, cultural perspective, 66–68 ceremonial spiritual and cultural values, 63, 64 community work and addressing historical trauma, 65, 66 interview process, 63 recommendations, 76, 77 research method and questions, 53, 54

Index research reports, experiences, 53 spiritual settings, 51 spirituality, 52 training programs, 53, 74 tribal communities, 51 tribal culture inform, 57–59 Western education, 51 Western psychology, 51 work settings, 51 Native culture vs. academic culture acculturation and enculturation, 161, 162 culture shock, 163 falling behind working for the “We”, 164 family and community supports, 165 fear of confronting cultural models and beliefs, 163, 164 mentor matching, 165 native-centered mentorship, 164, 165 walking, door, 160, 161 “We” vs. “I”, 162, 163 Native foods, 194, 195 Native mentoring AIAN, 153 health disparities, 173 mentorship, 156–158 past and contemporary traumas, 158–160 recommendations mentors and programs/departments/ organizations, 174–175 natives into health fields, 175–176 training, 155, 156, 159, 160, 166, 168, 170–172, 174, 175 Native people, 52–54 Native professionals in psychology, 176 Native psychologists, 174, 176 Native spirituality, 52 Native tribal communities, 70 Native Wellness Institute (NWI), 25 Natural Democracy of balance, 14 Natural Democracy paradigm, 14 O Optimal development, 179, 192 Organic gardening and natural methods, 115 P Paradigm shift, 82–83 Path of conocimiento, 202 Phenomenological study, 72 Phenylketonuria (PKU), 187

229 Post colonial stress disorder (PCSD), 77, 92, 93, 143, 207 Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), 54, 70, 143 “Prescriptive”/“one-size-fits-all” approaches, 104 Pre-surgical approach, 115 R “Reclaiming Indigenous Heritage: Bringing Forward Tribal Theory”, 5 Recommendations for educators, 216–218 Rite of passage, 214 S Santa Fe Leadership Institute, 161 Self-empowerment, 200 Seven Directions Theoretical Model, 29 Seven rites of passage (ritos de pasage), 202 Seven Theoretical Constructs, 29–30 Seventh generation, 82 Shamanism, 120 Social justice, 2, 3, 23 Society of Indian Psychologist (SIP), 4, 155, 175 Spanish-speaking minorities, 106 Spirituality, 107, 110 Spirulina, 186, 187, 190 Standard American Diet (SAD), 96 Standing Rock Indian Reservation in North Dakota, 12 State of Coatlicue, 210–213 Strength-based approach, 148 Stress reduction strategies, 217 Supervision/mentoring ethics and HT, 171 mentors and designate mentors, 171 re-entry to the “real world”, 171, 172 T Testimonios/narratives, 201, 202 Traditional academic tenure process, 169 Traditional foods, 179, 183, 195 amaranth, 188–190 breastmilk, 185, 186 chia, 189, 190 spirulina, 186, 187, 190 Traditional healing practices, 4, 148, 149, 213, see Curanderismo Treatment approach, 104, 125

230 Tribal Critical Race Theory, 3, 17, 18, 90, 131, 132 Tristeza (depression), 111 U University training programs, 61–63, 72 Urban Indian Health Institute (UIHI), 141 U.S. Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA), 135 V Violence Against Women Act (VAWA), 140, 141 W “War on Poverty”, 199 Water protectors, 12, 13 Western approach, 223 Western medical system, 104 Western methods, 114, 121

Index Western psychiatric approach, 4 Western systems approaches, 116, 125 Western Way of Knowing (WWK), 26, 224 Wisdom of the elders American Indians, 87 Indigenous communities, 82 Indigenous elders, 86 language and culture, 87 Mother Earth environmental issues, 83 floods, 85 indigenous people, 86 Indigenous peoples, 84 IWOK to GNP, 85 Lungs of the Planet, 83 Mni Wiconi movement, 85 Ring of Shrines, 84 Tribal identity, 86 Native American, 86 seventh generation, 82 sources of reflection, 88–89 Western and Indigenous paradigm, 88