Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 2: Social Crusades and the Future (Pop Music, Culture and Identity) 3030987043, 9783030987046

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POP MUSIC, CULTURE, AND IDENTITY

Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 2 Social Crusades and the Future

Edited by Abiodun Salawu · Israel A. Fadipe

Pop Music, Culture and Identity Series Editors

Stephen Clark Graduate School Humanities and Sociology University of Tokyo Bunkyo-ku, Tokyo, Japan Tristanne Connolly Department of English St Jerome’s University Waterloo, ON, Canada Jason Whittaker School of English & Journalism University of Lincoln Lincoln, Lincolnshire, UK

Pop music lasts. A form all too often assumed to be transient, commercial and mass-cultural has proved itself durable, tenacious and continually evolving. As such, it has become a crucial component in defining various forms of identity (individual and collective) as influenced by nation, class, gender and historical period. Pop Music, Culture and Identity investigates how this enhanced status shapes the iconography of celebrity, provides an ever-expanding archive for generational memory and accelerates the impact of new technologies on performing, packaging and global marketing. The series gives particular emphasis to interdisciplinary approaches that go beyond musicology and seeks to validate the informed testimony of the fan alongside academic methodologies. More information about this series at https://link.springer.com/bookseries/14537

Abiodun Salawu  •  Israel A. Fadipe Editors

Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 2 Social Crusades and the Future

Editors Abiodun Salawu Indigenous Language Media in Africa Faculty of Humanities North-West University Mafikeng, South Africa

Israel A. Fadipe Indigenous Language Media in Africa Faculty of Humanities North-West University Mafikeng, South Africa

ISSN 2634-6613     ISSN 2634-6621 (electronic) Pop Music, Culture and Identity ISBN 978-3-030-98704-6    ISBN 978-3-030-98705-3 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-98705-3 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the ­publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and ­institutional affiliations. Cover illustration: Credit: piccerella@Getty Images This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG. The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

Acknowledgements

Trying to edit books on indigenous African popular music of this nature requires several important contributions. Thus, we first and foremost salute the scholarly contributions of the authors, who not only provided the contents but also served as the reviewers of the submitted manuscripts. We equally thank them for believing in us and the patience and understanding they displayed in all the processes of the production of the books. In the same vein, we appreciate Lauriane Piette, Lina Aboujieb and Antony Sami of Palgrave Macmillan, for their great support for making publishing the books a reality. Also, we will not be ungrateful to various avenues through which we disseminated the call for papers for the books. We thank various platforms such as the South African Communication Association, the International Association for Media and Communication Research, the Nigeria Chapter of the African Council for Communication Education as well as certain mailing lists of the International Communication Association—Africa and for their great help. There are also people who have in one way or the other supported the efforts at publishing the books. We may not mention your names, but you are all the same acknowledged. This success cannot be recorded without you. Thank you all. Mafikeng, South Africa

Abiodun Salawu Israel A. Fadipe

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Contents

Part I Indigenous African Popular Music, Democracy, Politics and Social Crusade   1 1 Extra-Mundane Communication in Ayinla Omowura’s Music: Exploring Connections Between a Tool and an Agent  3 Nureni Aremu Bakenne and Israel A. Fadipe 2 The Role of Politicians in Democratizing Musical Production in Northern Nigeria 31 Umar Lawal Yusuf and Ibrahim Uba Yusuf 3 Popular Music, Political Mobilisation and Grandstanding: An Analysis of Maskandi in Legitimisation of Jacob Zuma (2008–2018) 43 Thulani Tshabangu 4 Popular Music and the Concept of the Dissident in Post-­Independence Zimbabwe 59 Trust Matsilele and Mbongeni Jonny Msimanga 5 Indigenous African Popular Music, Democracy and Politics 77 Muyanga Innocent Ziba

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6 Music and Political Protests in Africa: Analysis of Selected Fela Anikulapo-Kuti’s Songs in Nigeria 93 Kingsley Chukwuemeka Izuogu, Onyekwere Okpara, and Dennis Ugochukwu Omeonu 7 Singing Democracy and Politics in Post-Independence Zimbabwe: A Critical Discourse Analysis of Selfcensorship in Zimbabwean Indigenous TheologicalSungura Music109 Andrew Mutingwende and Ernest Jakaza 8 Indigenous African Artistes as Social Critics: A Study of Evangelist Bayo Adegboyega of Yoruba Extraction127 Clement Adeniyi Akangbe and Yemisi Omolola Ilesanmi 9 State-Minded Praise Music Culture Through Electoral Nigeria145 Garhe Osiebe 10 Beyond Mere Entertainment: Moral Reorientation in Ogundare Foyanmu’s Ijala Song-Texts163 Sunday Benjamin Adepoju 11 Nigerian Indigenous Music as an Instrument of Social Crusade and Enlightenment: An Appraisal of Selected Albums of Sikiru Ayinde Barrister, Dauda Epo Akara and Odolaye Aremu181 Waheed Ganiyu Part II Indigenous African Popular Music and Environmental Health Communication 197 12 Yorùbá Indigenous Musical Jingles on COVID-19: A Content Appraisal199 Ifeoluwa Theophilus Akinsola and Sheriff Olamide Olatunji

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13 Promotion of Food Sovereignty in Africa Through Yoruba’s Indigenous Music217 Lere Amusan 14 Mainstreaming Afro-hip-hop Music in Redressing the Spread of Infodemics on COVID-19239 Francis Amenaghawon and Abiodun Salawu Part III Indigenous African Popular Music and Gender Empowerment 257 15 Why Not Call a Spade a Spade? Unpacking Paul Matavire’s Gender Philosophy259 Umali Saidi 16 The Communicativeness of Select Nigerian Afro-hip-hop Lyrics and Sociological Perception of Women277 Unwana Samuel Akpan 17 Content and Reception of Eswatini’s Indigenous and Popular Music on Women Empowerment293 Telamisile P. Mkhatshwa and Maxwell Vusumuzi Mthembu Part IV Indigenous African Popular Music, African Youths and African Future 309 18 Ngoma Songs as Tanzanian Youths’ Third Space for Political Participation311 Daines Nicodem Sanga 19 The Future of the Indigenous African Popular Music327 Caleb Mauwa 20 The Popular Cultural Practice of Hip-Hop Among The Indigenous !Xun and Khwe Youth of Platfontein, South Africa343 Itunu Bodunrin

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21 Zimdancehall Music as Rules of Sexual Engagement361 Hugh Mangeya Part V Indigenous African Popular Music, Advanced Broadcast Technologies and the Digital Media 379 22 Tradi-Modern Musical Genres Amidst Neo-­Colonial Western Digital Recording Towards Development in Benue State381 Isaac Imo-Ter Nyam 23 The Evolution of the Roles of Producers in the Zimbabwe Recording Industry395 Weston Chimbudzi, Richard Muranda, and Wonder Maguraushe 24 Topic: Indigenous African Music Economics: Survival Strategies in the Face of Web Technologies413 Waheed Ogunjobi and Olanrewaju John Ogundeyi 25 Commodification of Music in the Digital Age: Locating Namibia’s Oviritje Popular Music Genre in the Capitalist Music Economy431 William Heuva 26 The Role of Sound Archiving of Indigenous Popular Music in the Conflict Zones of North-Eastern Nigeria447 Gideon A. Danja and Dominic James Aboi Index461

Notes on Contributors

Dominic James Aboi  is a Nigerian writer, essayist and editor with degrees from universities in Zaria, Nigeria and Cambridge, United Kingdom. His interests are in literary theory, African, African American literature and contemporary works that deal with conflict, history, genocide, minority representation and postcolonial exegesis. He has written in literary magazines, academic journals and online platforms, and he also teaches in the Department of English and Literary Studies, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria. Sunday  Benjamin  Adepoju holds a Master of Arts (MA) degree in Communication and Language Arts, University of Ibadan, Nigeria. He is a Nigerian journalist working with the African Newspapers of Nigeria (ANN) Plc, the publishers of the Tribune titles. Aside being a journalist, Adepoju is also interested in academic research. On Tribune titles, he has focused on reporting community events and devoting his strength to investigating and interpreting the Yoruba culture. He has conducted academic studies on indigenous language media, cultural aesthetics in Yoruba films, among others. He has worked as a research assistant on a number of research projects by eminent scholars of communication. His research interest lies in the aspects of media studies and applied communication, particularly cultural communication. Clement  Adeniyi  Akangbe is a senior lecturer in the Department of Library, Archival and Information Studies, University of Ibadan, Nigeria, and holds a BA (combined) Honours (1988) in Yoruba and Dramatic Arts from Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-ife, Nigeria. He obtained Master of Communication Arts (1997), Master of Arts in Yoruba (2005) and xi

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PhD in Yoruba Literature (2014), all from University of Ibadan. He also has a Diploma in publishing (1999). His specialisations are publications editing and production, textbook development and evaluation, publishing in indigenous languages and indigenous language media. He was appointed an Extraordinary Researcher in Indigenous Language Media in Africa (ILMA) by North-West University, South Africa, in 2020. Ifeoluwa Theophilus Akinsola  is a PhD student in Language Education (with Yoruba emphasis) at the Department of Arts and Social Sciences Education, University of Ibadan. He graduated with First Class Honours in Teacher Education/Yoruba and enjoyed the University of Ibadan Scholarship Scheme for his Master of Education Degree in Language Education. He has strong interest in multi-disciplinary social science researches involving language. As such, he has been publishing in reputable local and international journals since 2016 on language education, Yoruba literature and film studies as well as communication and media audience. He has also participated in many academic conferences and workshops. He is a member of the Yoruba Studies Association of Nigeria (YSAN) and the International Association of Language Educators (IALE). Unwana  Samuel  Akpan is a media scholar-practitioner with over two decades of broadcast experience. He started his career with The Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria and was deployed to The National Broadcast Academy, its training arm, after obtaining his PhD in Mass Communication. He is a lecturer in the Department of Mass Communication, University of Lagos, Akoka, Nigeria. He has been a visiting scholar in the Department of Communication, Culture and Media Studies, Howard University, Washington DC, USA, where he completed his postdoctoral research. He has publications in the form of book chapters and research articles in prominent national and international journals. He has delivered several research papers at international conferences. His classes are where research, teaching and learning interface, and he’s dedicated in making students succeed in the classroom and beyond. His research and teaching investigate and explore broadcast contents, sport communication, African communication systems, diaspora communication studies and media aesthetic. Francis  Amenaghawon holds a doctorate degree in Communication and Language Arts from the University of Ibadan, Nigeria. He is a postdoctoral fellow at the Indigenous Language Media in Africa Research Entity (ILMA), Faculty of Humanities, North-West University, Mahikeng,

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South Africa. His area of research interest includes media and conflict studies, communication research, broadcasting, indigenous media, studies in language arts and applied communication. Lere Amusan  is Professor of International Relations with special interest in food politics and policies. He has written widely both nationally and internationally in the same field. As a student of international relations, Amusan develops interest in the field of international politics of mass media; he is interested in decolonisation of media and communication. His recent publications are Political Instability in Africa (2020), co-edited with Dr. Isiaka Alani Badmus, and Contemporary Issues in Africa (2020), co-edited with Dr. Isiaka Alani Badmus. In the area of food politics, Amusan has written some articles such as SDGs 1, 2 and 5 Actualisation in the Age of Ultra-Capitalism: Likely Roles of State Intervention in South Africa (2020); Blue Economy, Brics and the Challenges of Food Security in the Western Indian Ocean (2020); Achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) One and Two Through Goal 14  in the West African States (2019), among others. Some of his chapters in books are The Globalization of Domestic Politics in Zimbabwe: 1999–2009 (2020) and Survival by Reciprocity: Zimbabwe’s Defensive Foreign Policy (2000–2009), among others. Nureni Aremu Bakenne  heads Media and Public Relations Unit at Tai Solarin University of Education, Ijagun, Ogun State, and lectures in the Department of Educational Technology of the same Institution. He holds a bachelor’s degree in Mass Communication from Olabisi Onabanjo University, Ago Iwoye, Ogun State, and Master of Science Degree in Mass Communication from the University of Lagos (UNILAG). He is also a PhD student in the School of Communication, Lagos State University (LASU), Ojo, Lagos. His research interest includes development communication, journalism and media studies, indigenous and cultural communication, public relations and advertising. His works have been published in reputable journals. He is a member of many professional bodies which include Nigerian Institute of Public Relations and Secretary of the Ogun State Chapter, Association of Communication Scholars and Professionals of Nigeria (ACSPN), APCON, NIM, BJAN, ANCABS, FIBAN and Fellow, Faculty of Secretaries and Administrators, UK. Itunu  Bodunrin is a postdoctoral research fellow at the University of Johannesburg’s School of Communication. In the last seven  years,

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Bodunrin has worked extensively with young !Xun and Khwe indigenous population in the Northern Cape Province of South Africa on issues of citizenship, identity and popular culture to understand their sense of place in a changing world and the security of their future within the South African context. Bodunrin is a member of the Rethinking Indigeneity Research Project working with the !Xun and Khwe communities since 2009. Weston  Chimbudzi is a performer, with interest on technology and African music. He is an experienced (bass, lead and rhythm) guitar player, African instruments including Nyunga nyunga and Nhare mbiras. Mr. Chimbudzi holds an honours degree in Music and Musicology from Midlands State University (MSU). He is an assistant lecturer in the Department of Music, a position he has held for three years to date. His experience in the popular music and music business traces back to more than twenty years ago when he joined the Police Band. He has participated in recording sessions at the Gramma Records. Chimbudzi has occasionally taken part in doing music recording projects, apart from live performances. His experience entails interaction with key stakeholders in popular music, producers, engineers, musicians and promoters. He leads classes in music theory and performance p ­ ractice. Mr. Chimbudzi is studying for his MPhil focusing on the recording industry. Gideon A. Danja  grew up being in love with music his whole life coming from a musical family genealogy in Borno State. He was influenced by his father, a musician and instrument manufacturer, to join the music production scene in 1999 and became known as G2 Records. For his education, he earned his bachelor’s degree in Creative Arts, from the University of Maiduguri, where he developed his passion for drawing, painting and specialized in theatre arts. In 2018, he bagged his MA in Theatre and Performing Arts, from Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, with special interest in theatrical sound design. While undertaking his postgraduate dissertation, he discovered that there are enormous untapped African indigenous sounds which can be harnessed and incorporated into stage performances, movies, music and radio drama productions. He is a DAAD PhD scholarship holder at the University of Maiduguri, Nigeria/University of Hildesheim, Germany. Israel A. Fadipe  is a postdoctoral fellow in Indigenous Language Media in Africa research entity, Faculty of Humanities, North-West University, South Africa. He specialises in communication and cultural and gender

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studies and has written articles and chapters in both local and international journals such as Ibadan Journal of Humanistic Studies, Journal of Communication and Media Research, International Journal of Communication, Muziki-Journal of Music Research in Africa, Africology: Journal of Pan-African Study, Journal of Culture and Environment, Journal of Communication and Language Arts, EJOTMAS and The Journal of Society and Media in these areas. He graduated from the Department of Communication and Language Arts, University of Ibadan, with BA in Creative Writing, MA in Popular Music and PhD in Applied and Gender Communication. Waheed  Ganiyu holds Higher National Diploma (HND) in Mass Communication from the Polytechnic, Ibadan. His quest for knowledge took him to the University of Ibadan for his first and second degrees in Communication and Language Arts. In addition to his academic qualifications, Ganiyu holds Professional Certificate/Diploma of the Nigerian Institute of Public Relations (NIPR). He is an Associate Member of Advertising Practitioners Council of Nigeria (APCON) and NIPR. He has worked as a reporter/features writer with the National Standard News Magazine. His knack for research, especially in the area of indigenous music prompted him to conduct research on musicians like Ayinla Omowura, Dauda Epo Akara, Sikiru Ayinde Barrister among others. Ganiyu is the lead consultant of GAWAD Communications Ltd. He is also a part-time lecturer at the Ibadan Campus of International Institute of Journalism. William  Heuva is Associate Professor in Communication and Media Studies in the School of Communication, North-West University (Mafikeng Campus), South Africa. His research interests include critical political economy of communication, communication (telecoms, media and ICTs) policies and regulations (laws), sociology of the media (including the ‘new media’), media and information literacy and media history. Yemisi  Omolola  Ilesanmi holds Bachelor of Education degree in Guidance and Counselling/Yoruba (2000) from University of Ibadan. She obtained master’s degree in Educational Psychology and School Counselling (2003), master’s degree in Language Education (2012), and Doctor of Philosophy (2018), all from University of Ibadan, Nigeria. A school teacher of repute, a school counsellor and a lecturer in language principles and curriculum studies, Ilesanmi’s academic interests are teaching methods and research in Yoruba cultural values.

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Kingsley Chukwuemeka Izuogu  is a journalist by training and a lecturer by “calling”. His lectureship career spans over seventeen years and traverses several institutions of higher learning in South/East Nigeria. He possesses the degrees of Bachelor of Science in Mass Communication, Master of Science in Public Relations, Master of Arts in Mass Communication and Doctor of Philosophy in Mass Communication obtained from the prestigious University of Nigeria, Nsukka. He belongs to and participates actively in the activities of several professional bodies, such as the African Council for Communication Education (ACCE), Advertising Practitioners Council of Nigeria (APCON), Nigerian Institute of Public Relations (NIPR) and so on. He has widely travelled and deeply experienced in conferences, seminars and workshops. In addition to my flair for teaching production-based courses in mass communication, he is also a prolific writer, with a plethora of publications in local and international journals. Ernest  Jakaza is a senior lecturer in the Department of English and Communication at Midlands State University, Zimbabwe. He has written an edited book entitled “Argumentation and Appraisal in Parliamentary Discourse: Advances in Linguistics and Communication Studies” (2019), a number of book chapters and journal articles with accredited publishers such as Taylor and Francis, Palgrave Macmillan, John Benjamins Publishing and IGI Global. He has presented his works at national and international conferences including LSSA/SAALA/SAALT Joint Annual Conferences, International Conference of the African Languages Association of Southern Africa (ALASA) and Rhetoric in Society 3, Lessius University, Belgium. His research interests are in discourse analysis, parliamentary discourse, media discourse, political discourse, argumentation, appraisal, syntax and semantics. Wonder Maguraushe  holds a PhD in Musicology from the University of South Africa. Maguraushe is Lecturer in Music at Midlands State University in Zimbabwe. He teaches courses in Popular Music Studies, Ethnomusicology and Music Library and Archiving at MSU’s Music Department in Zimbabwe. His research interests are in popular music, marimba and music library and archiving. He holds a master’s and bachelor’s degree from the University of Zimbabwe. He has presented papers at conferences in Wuhan, Shanghai, Durban, Pretoria, Accra, Victoria Falls and Harare on music archiving. He has eight publications in refereed journals and one in the CIMCIM Bulletin. Maguraushe is also a mbira

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performer with Zvirimudeze Mbira Ensemble and founder of Gwerubased Marimba band Rimba Resonance Vibes. Hugh Mangeya  is Lecturer in English and Communication at Midlands State University, Zimbabwe. He offers linguistics (theoretical and applied) and communication modules at both undergraduate and postgraduate levels. Major research interests lie in alternative mediation in the context of Zimbabwe’s constricted freedom of expression in sociocultural and political arenas. Working within the critical and dialogic frameworks, the researcher has interrogated how various alternative media has provided spaces for Zimbabweans to engage and speak back to power. Notable alternative mediation spaces studied by the research include graffiti (Mangeya 2013, 2014, 2015, 2018a, 2018b) and music (Mangeya 2018c). The researcher is working on a book project on how social media jokes (specifically on WhatsApp) can be used to understand how humour is critical medium for historicising significant events and attitudes in Zimbabwe. Trust  Matsilele holds a PhD in Communication Studies from the University of Johannesburg, South Africa. He is lecturing in the Journalism programme at the Cape Peninsula University of Technology. He also holds a Master of Philosophy in Journalism from Stellenbosch University. He has written articles in areas of protest and dissident cultures, social media and participatory politics and technology-­driven journalism. His recent paper is on the use of hybrid media systems in Zimbabwe’s 2018 elections. Caleb Mauwa  is a Zimbabwean Music Teacher. He has taught music at various levels in different institutions in Zimbabwe and participated in various international music conferences in Germany, South Korea, South Africa and Zimbabwe, among others. He is an experienced music consultant, composer, examiner, moderator, adjudicator and director. Mauwa is the Director of Music at Hillcrest Prep School, Zimbabwe. His academic inclinations and interests primarily are in music education and research, African music and dance, applied ethnomusicology, choreography, music technology, sacred music, music business, music therapy, music transcription, ethnographic documentation, music for peace, governance and conflict resolution, indigenous knowledge systems, chorale, gender and music, arts and folkloric festivals. He is a PhD student in Ethnomusicology at University of Kwazulu-Natal. He holds a Master of Peace and Governance,

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BA (Hons) Humanities and Social Sciences (Music and Sociology) degrees from Africa University and Diploma in Education (Music Education) from University of Zimbabwe. Telamisile  P.  Mkhatshwa  is a Fulbright alumnus who lectures at the University of Eswatini, in the Department of African Languages and Literature. She holds a Master of Arts in African Studies and a Certificate in Gender Relations in International Development, both from the University of Illinois, Urbana Champaign. She teaches African Literature, and her research interests include translation studies, African literature (oral and written), as well as the intersection of literature, development and gender. Mbongeni Jonny Msimanga  is a PhD candidate in the Department of Communication Studies at the University of Johannesburg. His research at PhD level inquires into how political satire is used to construct national identity in Zimbabwe. His research interests are in journalism studies, digital cultures, political theatre and political communication. Msimanga has lectured at Lupane State University and Catholic University in Zimbabwe. He has been a Lecturer at University of Johannesburg. Maxwell Vusumuzi Mthembu  a lecturer at the University of Eswatini, in the Department of Journalism and Mass Communication. He holds a PhD from Cardiff University (Wales) and Master of Arts in Media Studies from the University of Natal. His research interests are digital media, history of media and development communication. Richard Muranda  is an experienced performer of several African musical instruments, Nyunga nyunga mbira, drums, including western musical instruments as in guitar, keyboard and recorder. He got a BA (Ed) Music and Religious Studies Degree from Africa University, BMus Honours Degree, Music Technology University of Pretoria, MMus Music Technology, Degree University of Pretoria, and a PhD Musicology UNISA. He is a music lecturer at Midlands State University (MSU). He has presented papers in Botswana, China, Finland, South Africa, and Zimbabwe. Academic interests include instrumental performance practice, African indigenous music, popular music, digital recording, music production and live sound engineering. Muranda supervises research projects at honours and full dissertations at masters’ level. He has written ten articles in refereed journals.

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Andrew  Mutingwende is a distinguished English Language Teacher (ELT). He holds a Master of Arts in Applied English Linguistics (MAAEL), a Bachelor of Arts in English and Communication Honours (BAEH) from Midlands State University (MSU) and a Graduate Diploma in Education from Great Zimbabwe University (GZU). He was awarded Mesclothing Award for the Best Student (2004), Midlands State University Book Prize (2014) and Great Zimbabwe University Book Prize (2016). His research interests are in discourse studies, poetry, pedagogy discourse, political discourse, literary discourse, appraisal discourse and critical discourse analysis. Isaac Imo-Ter Nyam  is an expert in digital media and communication evaluations and theorisation. He is quite published and also lectures at the Department of Mass Communication, Faculty of Social Sciences, Veritas University, Abuja, Nigeria. Besides a decade-long active university lecturing and research experiences, he belongs to academic/professional bodies in Nigeria and abroad and is about defending his doctorate in digital mobile telecommunications and relative media convergences. While his favourite pastime is indiscriminate solitude and global news exposure, he generally likes getting acquainted with digital media capacities. Nyam also enjoys music and a number of other arts and designs, as well as leisure walks, aerobics exercises—including football. He also engages in philosophical-leaning discourses. Olanrewaju John Ogundeyi  is the Head of Lagos Marketing Office of Ogun State Broadcasting Corporation. He holds MSc Mass Communication from University of Lagos, Akoka, Lagos; BSc in Mass Communications from Crescent University, Abeokuta, Ogun State, and Postgraduate Diploma in Communication and General Studies, Federal University of Agriculture, Abeokuta, Ogun State. His research interest includes Marketing Communication and Advertising and Development Communication. He is a member of National Institute of Marketing, Advertising Practitioners Council of Nigeria and Chartered Institute of Loan and Risk Management. Waheed Ogunjobi  anipr, Associate, Nigerian Institute of Public Relations, was born in Abeokuta, the Ogun State capital, in the late 1970s. A graduate of mass communication is a doctoral candidate with the Lagos State University, Ojo, specializing in Development Communication. He obtained his Master of Science in Mass Communication from the University of Lagos, Akoka, having earlier bagged a Bachelor of Science in the same field

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from the Crescent University, Abeokuta, with First Class Honours. He also attended the Moshood Abiola Polytechnic, Abeokuta, finishing with Upper Credit at HND Level. Having had a stint as Assistant Editor and Reporter in a number of Nigerian national dailies, reputable magazine establishments, Ogunjobi joined the Ogun State Broadcasting Corporation in 2005 as a Sub-editor. Several of his articles have been published in national dailies in Nigeria and academic papers in reputable journals. Onyekwere  Okpara  is a Chief Lecturer at the Abia State Polytechnic, Aba, where he teaches Language and Communication. He has served as Rector, Deputy Rector and held other sensitive positions in the institution. He holds a BA Honours (English and Literature), an MA (English and Literary Studies) and an MA (Mass Communication). He is about to complete his PhD in Mass Communication. Onyekwere is an accomplished scholar who has to his credit several scholarly and incisive books and peer-reviewed articles in journals. He is a member of the editorial boards of many journals including AbiaPoly Journal of Business, Management Science and Technology. Sheriff Olamide Olatunji  holds BA (Ed) English language of Obafemi Awolowo University and master’s degree of the University of Ibadan in Language Education. He is a doctoral degree student of the Department of Arts and Social Sciences Education, University of Ibadan. He has seven years teaching experience. He has eleven publications to his credit. Olatunji has attended several conferences where he presented papers. He is a member of International Association of Language Educators (IALE). Dennis  Ugochukwu  Omeonu lectures in the Department of Mass Communication, Abia State University, Uturu. His current research interest is in Public Relations and Advertising. He has contributed and continues to contribute a number of scholarly articles to the advancement of communication education in Nigeria. He has earned a PhD in Mass Communication. Garhe  Osiebe  holds a PhD in African Studies on the topic of state-­ minded popular music genres in postcolonial Nigeria from the University of Birmingham, UK. He also holds a Business of Music certification from the Berklee College of Music, Boston, MA, USA.  He is a postdoctoral research fellow at the African Studies Centre and the International Library of African Music, Rhodes University, Grahamstown, South Africa. Osiebe

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locates his research at the intersections of politics and media in Africa and has taught multimedia, communications and journalism in universities in Nigeria, Uganda and Rwanda. Some of his earlier published works have appeared in the Journal of African Cultural Studies, Canadian Journal of African Studies, Africa Spectrum, African Studies, Postcolonial Text, The Oxford Handbook of Nigerian Politics and the Leeds African Studies Bulletin. Umali  Saidi is a senior lecturer in the Communication Skills Centre, Midlands State University, Zimbabwe. His areas of research interest are in semiotics, cultural communication, critical discourse analysis, onomastics, popular culture, cultural studies and related fields. An avid researcher in indigenous knowledge philosophies, systems, identity, belonging and social-cultural change, Saidi has written in these study fields. Abiodun Salawu  is Professor of Journalism, Communication and Media Studies and Director of the research entity Indigenous Language Media in Africa at the North-West University, South Africa. His major areas of research interest include indigenous language media, development communication, critical studies and new media. He has to his credit numerous journal articles and book chapters. He has authored a book on indigenous language media and development, edited/co-­edited five other books on African language media among others. He is rated as an established researcher by the National Research Foundation of South Africa. Daines Nicodem Sanga  is a senior lecturer in the Department of Creative Arts of the University of Dar es Salaam. Her research interest consists of indigenous music, indigenous dance, popular culture, gender and youth. She has conducted several studies in the area of popular culture, youth and gender and has already written a good number of articles and one book, all of which are available online. At present, she is conducting research on young people and the fashion they use indigenous songs to venture for denied political space. Sanga pursued her first degree at the University of Dar es Salaam, in the Department of Creative Arts formally celebrated as the Department of Fine and Performing Arts; her master’s degree in Development Studies, specialization (Children and Youth) was pursued in Holland, the Institute of the Social Studies of Erasmus University, Rotterdam located in The Hague and concluded with PhD in literature and arts at the University of Bayreuth in Germany. She has won several awards in her career as a researcher including DAAD which is sponsored

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by the Government of Germany. She is among the beneficiaries of African Humanities Programme (AHP) offered by Learned Society of America. She is also a beneficiary of research grants provided by the University of Dar es Salaam in 2019. Thulani  Tshabangu is an emerging academic who holds a PhD in Journalism from Stellenbosch University in South Africa. He is a postdoctoral fellow at North-West University research institute of Indigenous Languages Media in Africa where he researches about democracy and development communication in Africa and management and political economy of African media. His research interests are in digital journalism practice, alternative media, radical democratic theories, political economy of the media, development communication and ethnographies of media production and consumption. In the past, he has worked for various nongovernmental organisations in Zimbabwe in the area of development communications and programme monitoring and evaluation. He has also taught media and communication-­related courses at different universities in Zimbabwe. Since 2017 he has served as a reviewer for African Journalism Studies journal. He has written journal articles on the practice of development journalism and the political economy of the media in Zimbabwe. Ibrahim Uba Yusuf  lectures at the Department of Mass Communication, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Maiduguri. He is on his PhD program at the Centre for the Study and Promotion of Cultural Sustainability, University of Maiduguri. His research interest includes film and broadcasting, Islam and media and entertainment. His works have been published in  local, national and international journals and book chapters. Umar  Lawal  Yusuf lectures at the Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Maiduguri. He recently completed his PhD at the Centre for the Study and Promotion of Cultural Sustainability, University of Maiduguri and Faculty 1, University of Hildesheim. His PhD research, which got funding from DAAD, focused on “Community Perception of the Role of Civilian Joint Task Force in Resisting Boko Haram Insurgents’ Culture of Violence in Borno State, Nigeria”. Yusuf specializes in cultural sustainability, and his works have been published in  local, national and international journals of repute including book chapters.

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Muyanga Innocent Ziba  is a lecturer at the University of Livingstonia in Northern Malawi in Communications and Journalism and has authored a number of articles in peer-reviewed journals around the world. He did his first degree in Journalism at the University of Malawi, his university certificate in media management at Rhodes University and a master’s degree at Dublin City University in Ireland. He is doing his PhD at the University of Kwazulu-Natal in South Africa. Prior to joining the University of Livingstonia, he was Chief Information Officer in the Government of Malawi for a number of years. Before becoming Chief Information Officer, he was Editor of Malawi News Agency. In his private time, he edits the African Light Magazine which circulates in East and Southern Africa. He also edits the University of Livingstonia Magazine.

List of Figures

Fig. 20.1 Fig. 20.2 Fig. 20.3 Fig. 20.4

A desolate Platfontein in the daytime. Source: Thom Pierce (gift to author) 2014 © Some of the Platfontein hip-hoppers recording songs in a makeshift bedroom studio in Platfontein township. Source: Thom Pierce (gift to author) 2014 © Some members of the Blood Eye Gang performing during the National Youth Day programme organised by the SABCowned XK FM in Platfontein The BIC on stage during the Kalahari Desert festival in 2013. Source: XK FM (SABC)—gift to the author. 2013 ©

349 352 353 354

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List of Tables

Table 13.1 Table 13.2 Table 13.3 Table 18.1 Table 18.2 Table 18.3 Table 18.4 Table 24.1 Table 24.2 Table 24.3 Table 24.4 Table 24.5

Red Okra (Abelmoschusesculentus) Nutrients Composition 225 Elegede (Water Squash (Cucurbita pepe L.)) Nutrients Composition226 African Giant Snail (Achatinaachatina) Minerals Composition227 Guys with big tummies 317 I am crying 320 If they wake up 322 Let’s take care of Africa 323 Demographic characteristic of respondents 420 The advent of the web technology paralysed the indigenous music industry 421 Survival strategies for indigenous song writers, promoters and other stakeholders in the era of digitization 423 The musical website and application best employed in promoting indigenous music as well as generating revenue in the new era of music professionals 425 Suggestions for improvement (unrefined version) 426

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PART I

Indigenous African Popular Music, Democracy, Politics and Social Crusade

CHAPTER 1

Extra-Mundane Communication in Ayinla Omowura’s Music: Exploring Connections Between a Tool and an Agent Nureni Aremu Bakenne and Israel A. Fadipe

The Nature of African Extra-Mundane Communication Defining extra-mundane communication in African societies, Wilson (1987, p. 93) says it is “the mode of communication between the living and the dead, the supernatural or supreme being”. Moreover, he believes that modern forms of extra-mundane communication can be found in obituary and in memorial notices published in newspapers, magazines or on radio and television. Examining the communication capability of incantations in Igbo culture, Duru (2016) discloses that incantations lend credence by African oral traditions; words of mouth communication. It is believed that incantations are symbolic, meaningful and used as

N. A. Bakenne (*) • I. A. Fadipe Indigenous Language Media in Africa, Faculty of Humanities, North-West University, Mafikeng, South Africa e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 A. Salawu, I. A. Fadipe (eds.), Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 2, Pop Music, Culture and Identity, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-98705-3_1

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communication tools between the natural and supernatural worlds. Incantations among Africans serve different purposes: they are used for different activities such as eating, singing, dancing, cultivation, living and healing. Also, Oluga and Babalola (2012) explored the concept of drummunication among the South Western Yoruba people, Nigeria, functioning as an extra-mundane tool between them and their deities or spirits or ancestors. Oluga and Babalola (2012) further explain the functions of different types of drums like dundun, bata, igbin, gbedu, agere, ipese and so on as having different communicative functions: information, social, religious, commercial, occupational, proverbial and historical. Ushe (2015) regards African talking drums as living beings. As forms of traditional communication, talking drums are believed to connect Humans and Supreme Being. He describes extra-mundane forms of communication such as incantations, spiritual chants, prayers, sacrifices, invocations, séances, trances, hysterics or liberation of the head of society. Recounting the many functions of Upe flute in traditional Emure Ekiti, Talabi et al. (2015) specifically affirm that Upe is used for meta-physical purposes, especially for those who are in the spiritual world and that its efficacy lies in the incantation invoked in it. Madukasi et  al. (2016) see sound as a form of extra-mundane communication, linking with God; they are media of ancestor veneration and worship, and help in spirit invocation and possession in religious communication. From the submissions about extra-mundane communication above, research attention has not been focused on extra-mundane communication. Yet, studies have established the use of drums, flute, sound and words which are integral components of robust African music for communicating between the living and dead. However, Ogunniyi (2014), citing Akpabio (2007), Ibagere (1994), Mede (1998) and Oduyoye (1998), identifies two levels of extra-­mundane communication in African contexts: bottom-up and top-down. Bottom-up extra-mundane communication is said to be supernatural communication which involves human beings seeking and getting attention of supernatural forces for varied reasons, such as desire for children, marriage, favour, promotion, bountiful harvest or trying to meet spiritual requirements expected of members of the community. Some of the major means of communication between human beings and supernatural forces

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include divination, ancestral worship and feedback. Top-down extra-­ mundane communication entails supernatural beings using their agents to communicate their pleasure/displeasure, directives, orders and/or procedure to their adherents. Communication from supernatural beings comes in different forms: speech/verbal forms, signs and happenings, dreams, telepathy or coincidence and natural phenomena. The speech made by the diviners or priests of the gods during supplications or divinations is considered directly from the gods themselves and is regarded as being powerful and effective, especially after the consecration of sacrifice.

African Music: An Example of Ayinla Omowura Ayinla Omowura was one of the most famous proponents of Yoruba Apala genre of music. Born in the 1930s in Abeokuta, Nigeria, he began his professional music quite early having previously engaged in commercial driving of cabs, as an apprentice in his father’s blacksmith workshop and other menial jobs. But his reign coincided with his being signed on EMI record label in 1970, where he waxed more than 20 LP records before his sudden demise as a result of some scuffle at a beer parlour in 1980. His album launch had been regarded to a fiesta anytime, during which his grassroots fans celebrated in every joint where people enjoyed themselves (Lasisi, 2012; Adedayo, 2015). May be because of his level of education, Ayinla Omowura endeared himself to the grassroots populace and, therefore, took it upon himself in focusing on socio-economic issues that affected them the more (Egbokhare & Fadipe, 2016). On the other hand, Yoruba’s Apala music genre is a type of music genre whose ensemble consists of percussive drums (Iya-ilu, omele ilu and Akuba), Sekere (a rattle gourd) and Agidigbo (a thumb piano with four or five metal strips mounted on a resonating box) (Ajetumobi & Adepoju, 2013). It is used to perform various functions in the Yoruba society such as celebratory, religious and as an agent for social commentary. Ayinla Omowura’s style of Apala music is a fast tempo one, which Lasisi (2012) regarded as Apala sansa. Better still, the qualities in the artiste’s music are exemplified in his use of words and sounds to spew unequivocal philosophies, wisdoms, anecdotes, proverbs rooted in Yoruba worldview and cosmology displaying the connection between the living, the dead and the unborn.

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Scholars have established the fact that extra-mundane communication involves conversations between the living who are humans and the dead, ancestors, deities, supernatural beings or supreme beings. In the context of Yoruba culture, Ifa is an unequivocal deity that links natural and supernatural together and, by extension, between the other Yoruba deities and Supreme Being (Ojebode & Awonusi, 2016). This form of African communication too is said to manifest as incantation, chant, panegyric praise, libation, worship, rituals, sacrifice and so on. Mostly, its channel of communication is oral or word of mouth and can be complemented by every African communication channel as well. Therefore, the deployment of extra-mundane communication in Ayinla Omowura’s music genre is given so far the artiste uses words of mouth and sounds coming essentially from African indigenous instruments as complements. For instance, Madukasi and Onyekomelu (2019) explored how spirit possession is created through the mediating power of sound produced by beating of bell—Ogene. They describe how ritual spirits emerge as a manifestation of the group’s intrinsic power of accomplishment, adaptation and invention. It is on this note that this study explores the use of extra-mundane communication in Ayinla Omowura’s music.

Methodological and Theoretical Approach Considering the often undermined values of African music genres to the media and society at large, this study did a textual analysis of songs of Ayinla Omowura, using African extra-mundane forms (chants, incantations, panegyrics, eulogies, dirges) and levels (bottom-up and top-down) as theoretical basis for analysis. Songs which contain elements of extra-­ mundane communication in all his released albums were purposively selected. They were further transcribed and translated to Yoruba and English languages respectively for easy interpretation, with excerpts, culled to give examples in the analysis. In addition to this, thematic method of content analysis was used in all the selected songs, according to both bottom-­up and top-down.

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Forms of Extra-Mundane Communication in Ayinla Omowura’s Music Forms of extra-mundane communication in Ayinla Omowura’s music are multi-faceted and each of the layers has a tangible role to play. While describing the enthralling lyrics in Ayinla Omowura’s music, Adedayo (2020) submitted that many of the songs came to him as inspiration while he was live on stage or at party occasions. Ayinla was blessed with a voice that was almost legendary and very rare among musicians, which were his greatest forte. Hence, some of the results of extra-mundane communication in Ayinla Omowura’s music, few of which will be highlighted, are with inter-­ personal communication. Omowura’s style of singing, using these forms of communication, is, thus, appealing and capable of holding listeners’ attention. Some of the incantations, dirges, chants, panegyrics, eulogies and more, as displayed by Ayinla Omowura in his music, are analysed below: (1) Incantations Taking a look at some of the albums of Ayinla Omowura, especially those entwined with incantations, he sang them in response to evil machinations against him by his perceived enemies. This is the reason why Adedayo (2020) explains that Omowura retained expletives for anyone who designed evil against him, would not live long. For example, in Volume 2, which was released in 1971, he had spells of incantations parcelled as musical rhythms, which were targeted at those rebelling against him: (a) Orunmila, pepe pe afasai fese lo titi Pepepe Ota mi a bo s’owo iku Pepepe afasai fese lo titi, pepe Eni tori Alahinla to lo’hun mi a gboogun Iroko o ti e gbodo fo’ju di igi n la Bi eja ba wo ibu Otutu kan o gbodo mu un Bi mo se n wi, Olugbohun, won duro ti mi pelu ase l’enu Aso funfun kan ti e ri yen kii ko’hun aro.

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N. A. BAKENNE AND I. A. FADIPE

Translation Orunmila, may I live long, long may I live My enemies will die Orunmila, may I live long, long may I live Whoever that wants to go fetish because of Alahinla Iroko tree must not have a collision with big trees Fish shall never feel cold in the water As I command, so shall it be A white cloth must not resist dye.

In another of Omowura’s album, he also injected incantation in Volume 7 where he waved evil against himself: (b) Eni pe a ma te’le yip e Ni ti’le aye A ku bi aja ba se n gbo, pelu olugboro Eni pe n ma se t’emi pe A ku bi aguntan se n gbo Yobo yobo enu Mo ti beere lowo Orunmila o Won lo’ju awa o nii ri’bi B’ojo ba, yo a ka’ri aye Oke l’owo baba n gba Eyin agba, ki n m’pe la’ye.

Translation Whoever that says we won’t leave long In this world Will die like a dog, with a plank Whoever that disturbs my way Will die lie a sheep that cries I’ve consulted Orunmila They assured us that no evil will befall us As the day breaks, the light rays spread round Up higher is the Almighty The elderly, may I live long.

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As explicated in part of Vol. 3 of his album, Ayinla Omowura expressed an impossible equation of the tango between a lion and a dog. Incantation, thus, explained the rest: (c) K’ekun yan, k’aja mura lati yan Oro ree e ba mi gbo Ina o nii wo’do, ko ro’ju saye Mo fee pegede f’awon alaseju, bi oru nii s’alaso dudu Teletele, eni fun ni l’oko ro, l’oga alagbaro, o da mi lo’ju Ina o nii wo’do, ko ro’ju sa’ye Mo fe pegede f’awon alaseju, bi oru nii s’alaso dudu.

Translation Tiger tries a show of strength, dog wants to replicate Can you imagine that? Fire and fire cannot meet I want to rain incantation on the overzealous ones Definitely, it is he who employs that has total control Fire and fire cannot meet.

In Volume 18 of Omowura’s album, he used incantation to seek for interventions of a wide spectrum of helper. It goes thus: (d) Ayinla omo ba o r’eni gbekele, a te’ra mo’se eni Ebi kii pa’gun do’jo ale Agbe nii gbe’re pade Oluokun Ebi kii pa’gun do’jo ale Ayinla gba’de owo ka’ri Ewe eya lo ni ki e mi a gba ohun rere ni’le aye Ile ti e ri yen, oun lo n ba’siri oku T’omode t’agba, e wa na’wo f’Anigilage.

Translation Ayinla, if you have no one to rely on, you face your work diligently Vulture never hungers till night Agbe comes to Oluokun with gift Vulture never hungers till night Ayinla wore the crown of money By eyo leaf be joyous with me

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N. A. BAKENNE AND I. A. FADIPE

All the good things I aspire Because this earth as you see Covers the dead’s secret Both young and old Spray Anigilaje with money.

In the same album, Ayinla, thereafter, went full throttle into incantation and invocations to conjure money for his use. It is, thus, captured in the following lines: (e) Alagbafo ‘I binu omi o, Ogundabede, ba mi gbo’wo wa Eyin to la’ye se e n gbo Ogbo lo ni e mu t’emi gbo, Ni ti’le aye Ewe gbegbe, ko gbe’re temi wa mi wale Ewe ewurom lo ni ki e mu t’emi ro Ko s’omi ko se’je, ni gbure n so ninu’gbo.

Translation Launderer never forsakes water Ogundabede bring money for me Powers of this world be listening In this world Ogbo says you must obey me In this world By gbegbe leaf, bring my wealth By ewuro leaf be concerned of me Gbure leaf sprouts as it lies in bush.

(2) Eulogies Ayinla Omowura, as a mark of appreciation and love for his teeming supporters and well-wishers, derived pleasure in showering praises on them, most especially, individuals and group of socialites that derived pleasure in his genre of music. Some of these are:

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( a) Mufutau Tijani Baba Owo A track, in Volume 4, was dedicated to a famous and successful butcher in Abeokuta, Mufutau Tijani, popularly known as Baba Owo. His detractors thought this man’s source of wealth was questionable, but Ayinla Omowura used his music to further project the image of his friend and corrected the heinous impression, just as reflected in the track below: Bo se lo’wo lowo ko ti e bo s’aye lo’ju Akanni kii se robbery Maalu meji lo n du’bule fun lo’do eran L’ojumo, t’awon boys n ki’ri e Ti o nii ku egungun sanmi O ko’le kan s’Idere erebedede ni O ko’le kan s’Igbore erebedede ni Secretariat ni mo ko se’bi ni’jo mo ko re’be Akanni Tijani emi e a lo’le re o e.

Translation How he made his money was not known to anyone Akanni is never an armed robber He slaughter two rams in a day at the abattoir That his apprentices hawk He built a mansion at Idere, quite unique He built another mansion at Igbore, quite unique I thought it was a Secretariat the first time I visited there Akanni Tijani, you’ll live long to enjoy your opulence.

( b) Captain Sunday Eweje The same volume also praised a retired Army Officer, whose war achievement and military pedigree were very dear to Ayinla Omowura. Though, this praise was said to have created serious problem for this soldier in the course of his career, which made the Army authority to retire untimely. The eulogy goes inter alia: Eyi ara kan, ile t’Eweje ba n ko lowo Oun brirkila ni o wo’ko re’lu Oba lo w’ara to dara Ti a n gba ko’le olola Ma f’osi ta mi Eledumare, ara inu mi o nii gbe’nu ku si.

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Translation This is amazing, whichever house Eweje is trying to construct He and his bricklayer will firstly travel abroad for a good design To build a magnificent building May I never be wretched God, let me achieve my heart desires.

( c) Chief Lawal Omopupa Oluwo In this volume, Omowura paid a glowing tribute to a famous but notorious NURTW Chairman in Mushin, Chief Lawal Omopupa Oluwo, who was rumoured to be a member of the dreaded Ogboni secret cult. This Volume 5 gave credence to the prowess of Ogboni fraternity. He sang: Shifu Lawal Omopupa o Oluwo Apena ola Ibi ti e gb’edan si o, e ma j’edan yibe o Lawal Omopupa, Baba Kolawole, ma abo lo’do mi ni Mushin Eyi a mi’se lo’ro, a I sel’opa mi pa niyan Ore Sobo Arobiodu alaso irawo.

Translation Chief Lawal Omopupa Oluwo, the respected Apena Where Sango’s wand is kept, keep it safe Rituals is a must-do, negligence is dangerous SoboArobiodu’s friend, a man with glittering clothes.

(3) Dirge (a) Am’odemaja Bi ile aiye se je lari yen Fatai Akanni jade laiye Omi bo loju enibodi nijo yen Bolodeoku dara le Baba Busi to rele ogbo Ajagba olodu awo rele Akanni pehinda Aso lakaye lo mu wo posi

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Eegun nla lo nigbale Akanni re le E ma gbele.

Translation This is the life’s reality Fatai Akanni departed this world Everybody wept on that day For Bolodeoku that died Busi’s father who joined his ancestors Great composer that went home Akanni has left Taking wisdom garb with himself.

In this track too, Omowura tongue-lashed death; he sang deriding death thus: Iku oponu olodiaba’ra dudu hoho Ko ni’hun ra ju ko maa ju won I’ogo kiri Gbogbo oju pon ko koo ko, de’de ara re re n de’ru ba’yan.

Translation Death, horrible creature It doesn’t have any other thing than to be silencing people about His eyes are all read scarlet.

( b) Joseph Osowunmi In Volume 15 of Ayinla Omowura’s album, titled A ti D’ariyo, it paid tribute to death. He also sang dirge in honour of one of his supporters, Joseph Osowunmi. Iku n p’ẹja ninu omi O, o np’ọni lalẹ odo o, kini ka pe l’ẹṣẹ tiwọn? B’iku ba deee, kosi lawyer ti yio ṣ’ojuṣe, Motẹlẹọla o ku ilede, Joseph Oṣowunmi to kuu. B’iku ngb’owo a ba fun l’owo, b’iku ngbẹran a ba r’agbo fun. L’Abule Ọkẹ la lọ ba wọn sin’ku ọlọla o.

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Translation Fish dies in the stream, Crocodile dies in the deep, What could be their own sins? There is no room for lawyer to advocate, Moteniola be consoled of Joseph Osowunmi’s demise. If only death could be bribed we would have, If death would accept propitiation we would have appeased him. It was Oke village we went for the burial of a dignitary.

( c) Yusuf Olatunji Yusuf Olatunji was one of the veterans of Apala music of his time and was highly respected by Ayinla Omowura. His death shook the music industry and was the main reason why Ayinla Omowura, in the manner of sybaritic persuasion, called on members of the entertainment industry to mourn the Apala maestro. He, therefore, dedicated part of Volume 17 of his album to Yusuf Olatunji: Nibo ni iku ba ẹ to fi ri ẹ pa? Kiloṣe to fa ọfa le iku lọwọ? Gbere ooo! Arinnọko o d’oju ala o. Ẹni gun ẹṣin o lee ba. Ẹ o ri bi iku ṣe wo’le ọla. Alhaji Lasunmbọ mo ki ẹ o. Ba ba mṣe suuru ire akari! Ọlatunji ti gbe Goje ẹ lọ iku b’ọlaaa jẹ.

Translation Where did death meet you that he could kill you? (2ce) Why didn’t you deliver bow and arrow into death’s hands? The horse rider won’t catch up with him. Behold how death has pulled down a prosperous home. Alhaji Lasunmbo I greet you. With patience, blessings would go round! Olatunji is gone with his trademark Goje. What a ruinous death!

( d) Morenike Asabi Volume 18 also corroborated previous tracks that centred on dirge, where Ayinla Omowura praise-sung his late grandmother, who was an Obatala worshipper. He remembered the woman of virtue in the elegy below:

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Anigilaje, omo Morenike Asabi to d’olu ogbe o To fiu’le sa’so bo’ra, to d’eni ebora n ba jeun Omo Ijebu Baloye, to f’ile sa’so bo’ra Ayinla o ku ilede.

Translation Anigilaje, morenike Asabi’s son who went to the great beyond That died, that’s now eating with the demons The daughter of Ijebu Baloye, that went to the great beyond Ayinla, what a loss.

(4) Chants Ayinla Omowura could be described as a linguist par excellence. Fatuase (2015) defined chant as the iterative speaking or singing of words or sounds, often primarily on one or two main pitches called reciting tones. Chant may be considered speech, music or a heightened or stylised form of speech. Fatuase (2015) further stated the significance of chant as production of songs, drumming and dancing for a purpose: to create a memorable, befitting, energising and an invigorating stimulus for people’s enjoyment. All these descriptions are found in Ayinla Omowura’s works. To drive home his music, making it more creative, Omowura explored chants in some of his albums. They are analysed below: (a) In volume 2, Ayinla Omowura used various morphologies, which Adedayo (2020) described as potpourri of anecdotes, proverbs, swear words as well as spells of incantations parcelled as musical rhythms to attack those ganging up against him. It goes thus: Orunmila, pepe pe afasai fese lo titi Pepepe Ota mi a bo s’owo iku Eni to’ri Alahinla to l’ohun mi a gboogun Iroko o tie f’oju di’gi n la Bi eja ba wo ibu Otutu kan o gbodo mu Bi mo se n wi, Olugbohun, won duro ti’mi pelu ase l’enu Aso funfun ti e ri yen kii ko’hun aro.

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Translation Orunmila, may I live long, long may I live My enemies will die Orunmila, may I live long, long may I live Whoever that wants to go fetish because of Alahinla Iroko tree must not have a collision with big trees Fish shall never feel cold in the water As I command, so shall it be A white cloth must not resist dye.

(b) Also, in Volume 7, Ayinla, a social crusader and commentator, never relented in casting aspersion on his foreseen enemies. This track aptly captures his mood: Eni pe n ma te’le yip e Ni ti’le aye A ku bi aja ba se ngbo, pelu olugboro A ku bi aguntan se n gbo Yobo yobo enu Mo ti beere lowo Orunmila o Won l’oju awa o nii r’ibi B’ojo bay o, a ka’ri aye Oke l’owo baba n gba Eyin agba ki n m’ode waye.

Translation Whoever that says we won’t leave long in this world Will die like a dog, with a plank Whoever that disturbs my way, will die lie a sheep that cries I’ve consulted Orunmila, they assured us that no evil will befall us As the day breaks, the light rays spread round, up higher is the Almighty The elderly, may I live long, he who attacks me, shall die untimely.

(c) In Volume 8, Ayinla Omowura went into his family cognomen. He chanted:

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Emi omo Alagbede akoko Irenimogun ni mi, omo Awuse, omo Awuko gbinrin ki n to la’de Me nii ri’hun gbe ju’nu ni’le agbede Mogun luba Ojanimogun ni mi, ara ijamo, omo epo pon roro Oja n ro dede.

Translation I am the son of the first generation blacksmith The real blacksmith Nothing is wasteful before the blacksmith The believer in god of Iron The powerful.

(d) Also, in Volume 11, Omowura displayed a little bit of chant: O d’onifonfon, e sun fonfon o, ewe onifonfon e sun fonfon O d’onifonfon, e sun fonfon o, Awon ota mi, e o nii gbe’ri, fonfon l’eta sun Ewe onifonfon, e sun fonfon.

Translation It’s deep sleep; you shall sleep to stupor, It’s deep sleep; you shall sleep to stupor, My enemies, you shall never, you shall sleep to stupor You shall sleep to stupor.

(e) He went back to lap into his cognomen again. He succinctly stated this in Volume 19 and it goes thus: Ayinla de, ara Ijamon, omo epo pon roro Epo pon roro, aja n ro dede A n t’ori oja ja, oja ni ki le nse ni’kule oun Apon b’epo re o, ohun la n p’oja.

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Translation Ayinla has arrived, the believer in god of Iron The powerful The one you guard jealously, still blame you for over-protection The magnificent, kills itself subtly.

(5) Panegyrics This is a formal expression of praise which implies enthusiasm and warmth in praising a person or a thing. It suggests an elaborate but often poetic compliment. All these Ayinla Omowura did panegyrically in his album. Some of this reflected in some of his albums. The most noticeable area where a panegyric was used was in Volume 4, where he lapsed into panegyrics of Bomodeo’ku Club in Abeokuta, where he performed at their anniversary celebration. He sang thus: (a) Bomodeo’ku Club Anniversary o dun bi oyin Mo ba won de’be mo jaye ori mi Ayinla Omowura lo sere ijo yen o e.

Translation The anniversary was fun fare I was there and enjoyed myself I was the musician on stage on that day.

He continued with the panegyric of one of his friends who is a car dealer. He goes as follows: Elede fee jo’ga, ta ni fee fun la’so ro B’ori p’egberun ninu oja Ao le se ka ma mo t’eni.

Translation The pig is feeling superior No matter the number of crowd in the market place You’ll surely identify yours.

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( b) Ifelodun Lagos In another panegyric for a social Club, Ifelodun Lagos and Sagamu, Omowura sang praises of the well-to-do, who served as the pillar of support for him. He sang: Egbe Ifelodun, won yege Gbogbo won lo ti ri’hun je Yato si pako, olola ni won.

Translation Ifelodun Club member are successful people All of them are well-to-do Aside from chewing stick, they’re wealthy.

Levels of Extra-Mundane Communication in Ayinla Omowura’s Music From the above analysis, there are two categories of extra-mundane communication: top-down and bottom-up. While top-down extra-mundane communication entails supernatural beings using their agents to communicate their pleasure/displeasure, directives, orders and/or procedure to their adherents, bottom-up extra-mundane communication is the classification of supernatural communication which involves human beings seeking and getting attention of supernatural forces for sundry reasons (Nwuneli, cited by Ogunniyi, 2015).

Top-Down Extra-Mundane Communication Top-down extra-mundane communication, as opined by Ibagere (1994), is seen as a supernatural being that, through its priests/agents or signs, communicates its pleasure/displeasure, directives, orders and/or procedure to its adherents. This entails the show of supernatural abilities and capabilities. Oduyoye (1998) further posited that responses of the supernatural beings to humans do not only come in form of speech/verbal form but include signs and happenings which manifest in form of dreams, telepathy or coincidence and natural phenomena.

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Potent speech is a good form of top-down extra-mundane communication. The speech made by the diviners or priests of the gods during supplications or divinations is considered directly from the gods themselves and is regarded as being powerful and effective, especially after the consecration of sacrifice (Oduyoye, 1998). This form puts the priest into the position of gods’ or goddesses’ agent who must report the directives of the gods/goddesses to the human beings and who is to execute the procedure as instructed.

Bottom-Up Extra-Mundane Communication The bottom-up extra-mundane communication is the classification of supernatural communication which involves human beings seeking and getting attention of supernatural forces for sundry reasons (Nwuneli, cited by Mede, 1998). For instance, to seek solution to a need, such as desire for children, marriage, promotion, bountiful harvest or trying to meet spiritual requirements expected of members of the community. In the bottom-up approach, human beings are actively involved in incantations and supplications to the supernatural beings. Sometimes, it involves celebration with food during festivals as a mark of respect to the departed or even carrying sacrifice of food at midnight to road junctions: sacrifice of cock, goats, dogs and the likes (Akpabio, 2007). Hence, Ayinla Omowura also explored both top-down and bottom-up in most of his albums. These actually added cultural and traditional value to his works.

Top-Down Level of Extra-Mundane Communication Few of Top-Down Extra-mundane Communication was noticed in Ayinla Omowura’s works in this category. These are as shown below: Incantation Some of the incantations in this track (Volume 2), Orunmila served as an intermediary between Almighty God and humanity and the need for people to believe strongly in this deity, are captured by Ayinla Omowura in this volume. It goes thus:

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Orunmila, pepe pe afasai fese lo titi Pepepe Ota mi a bo s’owo iku Pepepe afasai fese lo titi, pepe Eni tori Alahinla to lo’hun mi a gboogun Iroko o ti e gbodo fo’ju di igi n la Bi eja ba wo ibu Otutu kan o gbodo fo’ju di igi n la.

Translation Orunmila, may I live long, long may I live My enemies will die Orunmila, may I live long, long may I live Whoever that wants to go fetish because of Alahinla Iroko tree must not have a collision with big trees Fish shall never feel cold in the water.

Volume 18 also exhibited the top-down approach as gods also served as intermediary between Ayinla Omowura and the Almighty. It goes thus: Alagbafo ‘I binu omi o, Ogundabede, ba mi gbo’wo wa Eyin to la’ye se e n gbo Ogbo lo ni e mu t’emi gbo, Ni ti’le aye Ewe gbegbe, ko gbe’re temi wa mi wale Ewe ewuro lo ni ki e mu t’emi ro Ko s’omi ko se’je, ni gbure n so ninu’gbo Eyin iya mi, e gbe’re wa pade mi.

Translation Launderer never forsakes water Ogundabede bring money for me Powers of this world be listening In this world Ogbo says you must obey me In this world By gbegbe leaf, bring my wealth By ewuro leaf be concerned of me Gbure leaf sprouts as it lies in bush My mothers bring me wealth.

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In this same track in Volume 18, Ayinla called on God where he used the word Allah (Muslims’ name for God) to solidify his prayers. It goes thus: Anigilaje Ayinla, b’eeyan ba pe ki nma ṣe temi, b’igbin ba ṣu a f’aya ẹ ko, b’ijapa ba ṣu a f’aya ẹ ko o.

Ma gbẹyin ma gbẹyin L’agba iledi n dun. Ma ṣẹgun ọta, ma r’ẹyin odi.

Bi iku ba pa wọn lẹwọrọ-lẹwọrọ-lẹwọrọ, Anigilaje Ayinla ọmọ Yesufu.

Ki wọn ma’ma ka temi mọ wọn, nitori wọn kii ka igi lekuloko ko mọ igi ile, wọn kii ka ẹrun mọ oun ọbẹ ni’se! Ṣango o ni ka ṣaa m’oun fun ẹbọra. A o ni gbọ’ku ẹdan, a o ni gbọ’ku irẹlẹ. Ayinla, wọn o ni gbọ’ku ẹlẹmọsọ mi o!

Translation Anigilaje Ayinla, Whoever constitutes self to an obstacle to me in life; The snail clears its faeces with own chest, The tortoise clears its faeces with own chest. The lodge’s drum sounds “I shall survive all, I shall survive all” I shall defeat enemies and survive adversaries Should death kill in droves; I Anigilaje the son of Yesufu, Shall not be numbered among the victims Because the sticks used to make scare crow is not numbered among Those meant to be taken home for firewood The sasswood fruit is not considered an ingredient for soup.

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Sango will not consider snuff as part of his deitic stuffs. The death of effigy is unheard. Humility is immortal! Ayinla, the demise of dandy me shall not be heard.

Dirge Top-down extra-mundane communication also reflected in Volume 17 of Ayinla’s song, where he pleaded with God to spare the life of his pilllar of support, in person of Akanni Omo Lakesi. He sang: Edumare, ma p’alatlehin gbogbo wa Iku ko mon p’enikan re gbajumo ni’gboro Eni bar i lo maa mu lo, Alumuntu Iku Akanni, agboju gba nu o ma se o.

Translation God, spear the lives of our supporters Death never knew the influential It takes whoever it deems fit, Alamuntu Akanni’s death, is a big blow, what a loss.

This track was also dedicated to one of Ayinla Omowura’s numerous lovers, who died untimely. A track was dedicated to him while he also called on God to grant him eternal rest. It goes as follows: Bolodeoku to lo sorun rere Eto gbehin tan se f’Akanni O larinrin nijo yen K’Oluwa o dele feni toku O lo be Akanni jade laiye O f’owo rori otiku ni Abo sun ni Dide dide o gbera ni.

Translation Bolodeoku that went to heavens The last respect given to Akanni It was eventful on that day

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The Lord be merciful to the dead Just like that Akanni departed Was he slumbering or dead? Or asleep? Wake up, wake up and rise.

The track further made a requiem of late Ayinla Omowura where he sang in a sonorous tone: A be’ku be’ku, iku l’oun o gbe’be Iku mu gbajumo, baba elere lo Josefu Baba Tajudeen, orun re Oga ninu olorin, iyen p’eyin da Iku pa’biri, abiri ti ku, iku pa’biri abiri ro’run alakeji.

Translation We entreated death repeatedly, death rejected our pleas. Death took the famous senior musician away. Tajudeen’s Father farewell! Boss among musicians, he has returned home! Death killed the fruitful, the fruitful is dead. Death killed the sterile; the sterile has gone to heaven of no return. Death got done with coconut, coconut water was spilled.

Bottom-Up Level of Extra-Mundane Communication Just like in top-down communication stated above, few of Ayinla Omowura’s works were also noticed to have fallen into this category. It is classified under the tracks below, highlighted under each type. Most songs cited were used to seek the intervention of God, the Supreme Being: Incantation A small part of Volume 18, Ebi Kii P’agun D’ale, was used by Omowura to seek prosperity from God. It goes thus:

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Amodemaja Ire ni tiwa. E he e, ha Allah, ire ni tiwa, Eni ba fẹ ṣeun iree, aaa s’ami o. K’Oluwa o dele feni toku O lo be Akanni jade laiye O f’owo rori otiku ni Abo sun ni Dide dide o gbera nle o.

Translation Goodness is ours. Eh-eh ha, Allah, goodness is ours. Whoever desire to accomplish good things should concur with “amen”! May the soul of the dead rest in peace Akanni has gone home He actually rest in peace Was he slumbering or dead, Wake up from the slumber.

Eulogy Volume 4 also praised a retired Army Officer, Captain Sunday Eweje, whose war prestige and military pedigree were very dear to Ayinla Omowura, with a special prayer to the God that Eweje will never be wretched. The eulogy goes inter alia: Eyi ara kan, ile t’Eweje ba n ko lowo Oun brirkila ni o wo’ko re’lu Oba lo w’ara to dara Ti a n gba ko’le olola Ma f’osi ta mi Eledumare, ara inu mi o nii gbe’nu ku si.

Translation This is amazing, whichever house Eweje is trying to construct He and his bricklayer will firstly travel abroad for a good design To build a magnificent building May I never be wretched God, let me achieve my heart desires.

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In Volume 18, B’ojo ori se n lo si, Ayinla Omowura eulogised his Creator, thanking Him for sparing his life. He sang thus: Mo da yen duro na, Ayinla mo dupe lowo Oluwa B’eru ba sope, Alahamdulilahi O da mi s’aye, O fun mi l’owo, Ofun mi l’omo O fi’se orin da mi l’ola, e o w obo se ke mi O ko’le ola fun mi, O tun ra car fun mi Ji’je mi’mu n be l’owo Oluwa.

Translation Let me stop from there for now, Ayinla I thank God I thank God all the way He created me, blessed me with wealth and children He endowed me with music profession, see how am blessed He built befitting house for me, with a good car Everyything in life depends on the Almighty.

Dirge Volume 17 of his album also reflected the bottom-up level of extra-­ mundane communication. Here, Ayinla Omowura called on God over the death of Amodemaja: K’Oluwa o dele feni toku O lo be Akanni jade laiye O f’owo rori otiku ni Abo sun ni Dide dide o gbera ni.

Translation May the soul of the dead rest in peace Akanni has gone home He actually rest in peace Was he slumbering or dead, Wake up from the slumber He could no longer lift his hands.

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Conclusion The textual analysis of extra-mundane communication in Ayinla Omowura’s music and lyrical contents vis-à-vis its connection between a tool and an agent has afforded us to realise why Apala music genre of the Yoruba people of the South-West Nigeria is considered as a means of communication. Apart from the fact that the analysis reveals how the artiste had taken his social responsibility, both as a tool and as an agent of communication and solidarity, especially between man and God, which was not limited to the issues of man serving as an agent between people and gods, the musician equally did a surgical and in-depth analysis of his various records that are not only germane to communication but are socially relevant and significant. In this case, Ayinla Omowura used his music as a nexus between human being and super-beings by using incarnation, spiritual chants, rituals, prayers, invocations, séances, trances and hysterics to drive his message. All these were aimed at using cultural and local aesthetics to achieve positive developments by continually re-defining cultural sensibilities. There is no doubt that issues covered by the musician under review made use of nuances which regarded Apala as moving beyond the toga of entertainment but as a veritable source of agenda for discussion among his audience in particular and the society at large. Ayinla Omowura was also able to use his music to change and correct the ills of the society by way of counselling, constructive criticism, admonition, even prayers where necessary. More importantly, the chapter established the role of traditional music in communication, especially Apala genre as an instrument of information dissemination, firstly as an agent and secondly as a tool.

References Adedayo, F. (2015, August 2). Ayinla Omowura: 35 years after. Sunday Tribune. Adedayo, F. (2020). Ayinla Omowura: Life and times of an Apala legend. Ibadan: Noirledge Publishing Limited. Akpabio, E. (2007). Attitude of audience members to Nollywood films. Nordic Journal of African Studies, 16(1). Ajetumobi, R. O., & Adepoju, A. (2013). Transforming African nations through indigenous music: A study of Haruna Ishola’s Apala music. The Social Sciences, 8, 29–33. https://doi.org/10.3923/sscience.2013.29.33

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Duru, W. (2016). The communicativeness of incantations in the traditional Igbo society. Journal of Media and Communication Studies, 8(7), 63–70. https:// doi.org/10.5897/JMCS2016.0512 Egbokhare, O., & Fadipe, I. A. (2016). The framing of political messages in Ayinla Omowura’s Song-texts. Journal of Communication and Language Arts, 7(1), 43–62. Fatuase, A. A. (2015, December). Language as Energizer: A Phono-Stylistic Analysis of Bridal Chants among the Oyo Yoruba of OF Nigeria. In International Academic Conference Proceedings. Ibagere, E. (1994). Taxonomy of African traditional modes of communication. In J. Tosanwumi & H. Ekwuazu (Eds.), Mass communication: A basic text. Lasisi, S. A. (2012). Traditional music in Nigeria: Example of Ayinla Omowura’s music. Developing Country Studies, 2(10), 108–118. Madukasi, F. C., & Onyekomelu, L. K. (2019). ‘Ogene Anuka’ The bell orchestra that invokes spirit possession among the Igbo of South-Eastern Nigeria in traditional religion: A study in ethnomusicology. International Journal of Arts and Humanities, 7(2), 428–445. Madukasi, F. C., Settler, G. F., & Okeke, N. J. (2016). Sound as a mechanism for spirit invocation and possession in IGBE cult dance: An indigenous religious movement in Aguleri Kingdom. International Journal of Humanities and Social Science, 6(10), 152–159. Mede, A. M. (1998, August). The efficacy of traditional media of communication among the Tiv people. A paper presented at applied communication seminar class to the faculty of arts, University of Ibadan, Oyo State, Nigeria. Oduyoye, M. (1998). Potent speech. In E. A. Adegbola (Ed.), Traditional religion in West Africa. Ogunniyi, D. M. (2014). Extra-mundane communication: An ethnographic study of visual symbols at Osun Osogbo Sacred Groove (pp.  1–28). Department of Communication and Language Arts University of Ibadan. Ogunniyi, M. (2015). Empowering socioeconomic development efforts in Africa through the indigenization of science, mathematics and technology education. In 23rd annual meeting of the Southern African Association for Research in Mathematics, Science and Technology Education (SAARMSTE) (pp. 20–36). Ojebode, A., & Awonusi, F. (2016). Modernisation of extra-mundane communication among IFA worshippers: A rebuttal of the neo-secularisation thesis? African Notes, 40(1&2), 68–79. Oluga, S.  O., & Babalola, H.  A. L. (2012). Drummunication: The trado-­ indigenous art of communicating with talking drums in Yorubaland. Global Journal of Human Science, Arts and Humanities, 12(11), 38–48.

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Talabi, F. O., Ogundeji, B. K., & Okioya, S. (2015). An X-ray of Upe (African Flute) in African communication system. Cultural and Linguistic Communication, 5(3), 191–198. Ushe, M. U. (2015). The talking drum: An inquiry into the reach of a traditional mode of communication. International Journal of Philosophy and Theology, 3(1), 110–117. https://doi.org/10.15640/ijpt.v3n1a15 Wilson, D. (1987). Traditional systems of communication in modern African development: An analytical viewpoint. Africa Media Review, 1(2), 87–104.

CHAPTER 2

The Role of Politicians in Democratizing Musical Production in Northern Nigeria Umar Lawal Yusuf and Ibrahim Uba Yusuf

Introduction Nigeria, being the most populous country in Africa, is a nation that had bitter experience of military dictatorship. Nigeria returned to democratic system of government in 1999. The nation has been a myriad of cultural heritage, which are sustained. Musical practice in parts of northern Nigeria is dominated and seriously controlled by religious, social and political considerations. In the past, musical performances were frequently held in the palace to entertain the Emir, and paramount rulers or chiefs (Smith, 1957, p. 1). Traditional music is used to celebrate births, marriages, circumcisions and all other important events such as sports, gaming, wrestling, coronations, worships, works and storytelling. Observably, praise singing has been embedded in Hausa music produced for the political elites in the region. The music is specifically used

U. L. Yusuf • I. U. Yusuf (*) Centre for the Study and Promotion of Cultural Sustainability, University of Maiduguri, Maiduguri, Nigeria e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 A. Salawu, I. A. Fadipe (eds.), Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 2, Pop Music, Culture and Identity, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-98705-3_2

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during electioneering campaigns to disseminate information to their teeming supporters about their manifestos and plans for the electorates when elected into specific political offices. Apart from political songs, the use of billboards, internet, social media, print media, television and radio and door-to-door campaign during electioneering campaigns has become well-established practice. Although politicians in parts of northern Nigeria utilize the above mention strategies, it is important to note that political songs have dominated the political sphere. These political songs are mostly used as signature tone for political jingles aired at various media organizations or played using mobile broadcasting during campaigns. It is also not out place to mention that politicians in the region are relying heavily on the performance and contents created by local musicians for political purposes. Politicians in parts of northern Nigeria have become interested in the music sector under the auspices of Kannywood film industry—a Hausa home video industry based in Kano State, North West Nigeria. These politicians directly or through proxy engaged in a win-win partnership with local Hausa musicians to produce contents in exchange for monetary values. Politicians from the position of the President to Councillor have dedicated musicians that sing political songs to propagate their ideals. The musicians using creativity, usually market the competence, reliability, trustworthiness of the candidate. Additionally, they de-market the opponents of their sponsors by exposing their ineptitude to the electorates. These political songs are often used to educate the public on who to vote for and the reason for voting. Relying on the power of music, artists have continued to use music as a tool of creating political awareness, effectively mobilizing the public particularly the youths who are the active participants in the general elections (Malumfashi, 2018, p. 3). Historically, there has been a long existing connection between Hausa music and politics in Nigeria. For example, in the first and second republics, musicians have contributed and played role in the political arena and their contributions have been reckoned with. During the regime of late Alhaji Shehu Shagari, the Peoples Redemption Party (PRP) used musicians to capture the minds of electorates in Northern Nigeria in different ways such as; Ba kwadayin Nairarku Muke ba Mu dai San yancin Talaka (We are not after your wealth but freedom of the masses). Another instance is the political song titled: PRP Nasarar Siyasa Tana da Amfani Garemu and many others that the politician used to disseminate their manifestos.

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Notably, this assisted the political party and the candidates to win elections in parts of the north. Salihi and Abulude (2015) posits that… [Praise singers] Hausa musicians whether for the political office seekers or other office holders have been enjoying a great deal of monetary support from the people they praise. With the political campaigns for 2019 general elections in full swing, these praise singers have intensified and remained the voice of so many contestants. What is agonising perhaps is the way and manner they put down rivals of the clients with abusive comments and non-­ challant innuendos.

What this implies is that Hausa musicians that produce contents for politicians have become resolute in this artistic sojourn. The process has been monetized by both parties and the politicians are using them as voices of reaching the electorates. As stated earlier, politicians have recognized that local music has political power in parts of northern Nigeria. The political space of the region has usually been characterized by local musicians who disseminate messages to the electorates through music. Hausa music has therefore, become a powerful tool and identity for politics in the region, political education, voter awareness, propaganda. During electioneering campaigns or after winning the election, music has proven to be one of the most reliable instruments of voter mobilization and marketing candidates for electoral victory. Tomitope (2012) posits that music and politics have long been connected. Political satire is one form of poetic device used by the people to express their grievances against political office holders. Notably, some compositions and lyrics of music are laden with political messages either for or against an important political personality in the society or its political affiliations. Current events, particularly political developments are continually encoded in popular song texts. Apart from political affiliations, composers of music have also actively participated in political discourse through their music. Musicians have brought to the fore, important social, economic and political problems bedevilling the Nigerian states. Therefore, musicians are in their own right political cum musical enigmas, held in awe by their supporters and can sway political fortunes in favour or against any politician in the society. Against this background, this chapter examines the role played by politicians in democratizing musical production in Northern Nigeria.

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Hausa Music in Northern Nigeria Hausa music has a long history in Northern Nigerian politics. Music generally transcended in religious and colonial times. The traditional Hausa music such as Kalangu, Shantu and Mandiri were in existence before the transformation of the media industry and the technology. This among many other reasons made pop music to relegate traditional music to the backdrop. However, what is worrisome is that most of the lyrics of the music have little or nothing to offer to the society and mostly contain ‘all sound and with few or no message for listeners’ (Ayakoroma, 2017). Interestingly, Fela Kuti has gradually become a model for musicians of this generation including those that specialized in Hausa music. There is an increase in the production of political Hausa music which mostly employs the use of commentaries on the political leadership, from councillor to the Presidency. Through these political music, many politicians have remained on their toes to avoid been publicly embarrassed. Based on this, it is safer to allude with what Ayakoroma (2017) assumes that music is used in emotional expressions for or against a politician. The Hausa music industry which is part of the Kannywood film industry is gradually growing and gaining momentum in the political arena. Hausa musicians tend to be on stand-by, with scripts ready to be produced on any issue affecting the society. Also called Arewa musicians, these people take sides by aligning themselves to a politician or highest bidder. Most political music emanating from the musicians in parts of northern Nigeria, are sponsored and in some occasions are produced as their noble contributions to the political aspirant. In the process of the musical composition, musicians employ praise singing. Praise singing has become a major feature of political music. Just like the praise singer found in various palaces in parts of the north, the musicians have a talent of recalling the history, lineage and major achievements of his client. The act of praise singing became more pronounced from 2007 general elections. Subsequently, praising dominated the political music produced for the political campaigns in 2011, 2015 and 2019. Hausa music in northern Nigeria is incomplete without acknowledging the likes of Dauda Kahutu Rarara, Fati Nijar, Sadiq Zazzabi and Tijjani Gandu just to mention a few. These musicians have made an indelible mark in political music in Hausa.

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Methodology and Findings The chapter analysed three political music produced during the 2019 Nigeria’s general election. The music includes Abba Gida-Gida, sakamakon Chanji, and Jadda Garko Dan Kasa Ya Rage Naka. The three music were selected purposely based on their popularity among electorates in parts of northern Nigeria. Observably, the three music have become among the most rated and played during the 2019 general elections. In the course of data analysis, in-depth individual interviews were conducted with selected politicians and the Arewa musicians that produced the selected music. The interviews were conducted through phone calls and face to face in line with the objectives of the chapter. The interview sessions lasted for at least 25–30 minutes and they were recorded. The raw data of the music and interviews were transcribed verbatim and translated into English. The Political Music in the Chapter The Transcription Translation ABBA GIDA GIDA ABBA ABBA GIDA GIDA ABBA Abba gida gida Abba Abba gida gida Abba Kowanne gida akwai Abba There is Abba in every house Abba gida gida Abba Abba gida gida Abba Ai babu gidan daba Abba There is no house without Abba Abba gida gida Abba Abba gida gida Abba Amasallaci akwai Abba There is Abba in the mosque Abba gida gida Abba Abba gida gida Abba Makarantuma akwai Abba There is Abba in the schools Abba gida gida Abba Abba gida gida Abba A kasuwannima akwai Abba There is Abba in the markets Abba gida gida Abba Abba gida gida Abba Office office akwai Abba There is Abba in the offices Abba gida gida Abba Abba gida gida Abba Ina matasa nakune Abba Where are the youth Abba is yours Abba gida gida Abba Abba gida gida Abba Zawarawa nasane Abba The commercial sex workers are his own Abba gida gida Abba Abba gida gida Abba Dalibai natakira suna Abba The students are calling out Abba Abba gida gida Abba Abba gida gida Abba

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Yankasuwa murna suke Abba The marketers are pleased saying Abba Abba gida gida Abba Abba gida gida Abba Ga manoma nasune Abba Here are the farmers have Abba Abba gida gida Abba Abba gida gida Abba Malamai naimaka addu’a Abba The scholars are praying for you Abba Abba gida gida Abba Abba gida gida Abba Sarakunanamu da martaba Abba Our royal rulers are for you Abba Abba gida gida Abba Abba gida gida Abba Ma’aikata nasan ganin Abba Civil servants want to see Abba Abba gida gida Abba Abba gida gida Abba Duk dan-halal nakane Abba Any legitimate child is yours Abba Abba gida gida Abba Abba gida gida Abba

Tijjani Gandu who is a die-hard Kwankwasiyya supporter produced this music Abba Gida-Gida specifically to market the gubernatorial candidate of the People’s Democratic Party in Kano State. The music brought to the fore the popularity of Abba Kabir Yusuf and his plans for the people of Kano if elected as the governor. The music brought the gubernatorial candidate to political limelight.  ati Niger Sakamakon Canji (The Benefit of Change) F Fati Nijar used her music Sakamakon Chanji (The Benefit of Buhari’s Change) and highlighted the dividends of democracy that benefitted Nigerians from the Buhari led administration of All Progressive Congress APC such as security, the return of abducted Chibok girls and basic infrastructures. The musician leveraged on these achievements to secure the indulgence of the electorates and to give President Muhammadu Buhari a second tenure, so as to consolidate on the gains. The Transcription Sakamakon canji na Buhari yammata na Chibok suka dawo Sakamakon canji na Buhari Mun ga dari da shida adadinsu sun dawo ba je ka ka dawo Sakamakon canji na Buhari Maza mata a dubu sha shida da an

The Translation Because of Buhari’s change Chibok girl were returned. Because of Buhari’s change We saw one hundred and six have returned but not to go back Because of Buhari’s change You have seen sixteen thousand

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kwato su gida suka dawo both men women have been evacuated Sakamakon canji na Buhari Because of Buhari’s change Yan laima suka dauke kayansu, sai Those with the umbrella took their da Buhari yazo suka dawo property, when Buhari came they returned Sakamakon canji na Buhari Because of Buhari’s change Yau Sambisa ta zama hanya in kaso Today Sambisa has a road if you kajeka kadawo want you can go and come back Sakamakon canji na Buhari Because of Buhari’s change Buhari yace Buratai rusasu zaki Buhari told Buratai to cage karka bari sui yawo the lion Sakamakon canji na Buhari Because of Buhari’s change Arewa maso gabashi na kasarmu yau People of North-east of our talakawa na’iya yawo country can move about Sakamakon canji na Buhari Because of Buhari’s change An kwato duka local govt. inda All have been reclaimed … where miyagu kekai kawo there were skirmishes Sakamakon canji na Buhari Because of Buhari’s change Da makarantu an kulle, an bude da In the past schools were closed, Buhari ya dawo they were opened when Buhari came Sakamakon canji na Buhari Because of Buhari’s change Masu gudun hijira miliyen daya One million displaced persons yanzu gidajensu sun dawo have returned homes Sakamakon canji na Buhari Because of Buhari’s change Sakamakon canji na Buhari aka Because of Buhari’s change people daina gudun Bama of Bama stopped running away

J adda Garko Dankasa Yarage Naka (Up to You to Decide) Jadda Garko’s music Dankasa Yarage Naka (Up to You to Decide) highlights the importance of choosing the right candidates during elections. The music described in details the difference between the right and the wrong candidates among the politicians. The music went further to caution the electorates on the need to be careful in electing what he described as political thieves, unpatriotic, self-centred and self-aggrandizing politicians as leaders.

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Song Transcription Song Translation Batu muke kaida halinka dan kasa We are talking about you citizen and your dau ra’ayinka. habit, choose your ideology Dan kasa ya rage naka. As a citizen it is up to you. Ni da kai ya rage namu baba dai It is up to me and you, Baba has babu ruwansa. no business Dan kasa ya rage naka. As a citizen it is up to you. Kai da ke ku yi nazari ku gane You inquire and find the answer menene amsa. Dan kasa ya rage naka. As a citizen it is up to you. In ka ga dama ka nakasta If you have put your son’s life rayuwar danka da taka. and yours in jeopardy. Dan kasa ya rage naka. As a citizen it is up to you. Ko ka je hagu ko ka tsaya a If you choose you go to the damar da ta so ka. left or stay on the right that favors you Dan kasa ya rage naka. As a citizen it is up to you. Me gaskiya da barayi cikinsu Between the honest and the wanene naka? thief which one is yours? Babu ni babu barawo. I have no business with a thief Kuri’ace ‘yancinka shawara ta The vote is your right; decision rage taka. is left to you Jahilai su suka bi su. The ignorant followed them Ba batun mu yi maka lallabi It is not a matter of managing muna rarrashinka. or enticing you. Babu ni babu barawo. I have no business with a thief Ga mararrabar hanya na bi This is the crossroad I follow tawa kaima dau taka. mine and you follow yours Jahilai su suka bi su The ignorant followed them Lokaci ya yi da kanka za kawa This is the time for you to kanka hukunci judge yourself Babu ni babu barawo. I have no business with a thief Wanda duk ya dau gaskiya ya Whoever accepts the truth saran adalci. has done justice Jahilai su suka bi su The ignorant followed them Wanda ko ya bi karya yayi wa Whoever accepts falsehood kainai ha’inci has cheated himself Babu ni babu barawo. I have no business with a thief Ka sanya PVC don hannunka Hold the PVC to judge tai alkalanci yourself

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Jahilai su suka bi su Yan takara dayawa amma halinsune yayi banbanci. Babu ni babu barawo. Akwai barayi a ciki sannan da mai halin kirki. Jahilai su suka bisu. In ka yi bincikema a ciki dawa da yaci kudin banki.

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The ignorant followed them There are many contestants but their characters are different. I have no business with a thief There are thieves among them and the good ones The ignorant followed them When you investigate many have defraud

Democratization of Music in Northern Nigeria: The Politicians’ Views on the Use of Hausa Music Most politicians interviewed attest to discussing with musicians on the production of political jingles or full-blown music as a means of campaigning. One of the politicians noted that, “hardly can you capture the attention of youths, who holds most of the votes without music”. Another politician argues that, “the youths nowadays, prefer music to anything, even schooling, they rather go to the clubs than go to school. So we utilize music and reach to them”. Another politician corroborated, “we send our message to them through music, we tell them what we will do for them through music”. The politicians interviewed acknowledged that they resorted to the use of music to reach to members of the public because it appears to be affordable, appeals to people, and an easy way of getting the electorates. This is hinged on the fact people may be too busy and may not have time to watch or listen to presidential or gubernatorial debates, but they can listen to music and hear about these politicians even while driving or doing other leisure activities. Why Musicians When asked why the politicians employ the services of musicians for political campaigns, the politicians argued that these musicians have become celebrities and public figures. They have a large followership as fans, who like their cultural contents. There is every tendency that the electorates will heed to their advice.

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One of the politicians noted that they strategize by monitoring the musician with the largest fans and those whose music is cherished by members of the public. After a careful monitoring, we commission them to compose political music for us. Another politician opined that they “patronize musicians, because, they are celebrities, people like them, especially the youths, if they sing for you, those who like them are likely to accept whoever they present as a good candidate”. Why Hausa Music The politicians were further asked why they chose to use music as a tool for campaign, there were unanimous in affirming that it is difficult to find someone who doesn’t listen to music, or not interested in listening music. One of the politicians puts it “a significant number of people loves good music; we go for those who make good music that appeal to people”. The politicians submitted that through music a politician can talk about the things he did in the past which people did not know about and which the music will help pass across to the people. One of the electorates interviewed was of the opinion “in the northern part of Nigeria where local music is more acceptable and popular than the pop music, politicians easily attract more followers because youths pay more attention to music”. Impact of Hausa Music as a Campaign Tool in Northern Nigeria Most the members interviewed were youths, students and graduates of tertiary institutions, one of the reasons for doing this is because they have access to mobile phones and the social media through which these campaigns songs are disseminated. When musicians produce this music, they are usually converted into forms that can be transferred into phones through various social media platforms, mostly Facebook and WhatsApp. It is these youths who use these platforms and android phones most of the time. Almost all the youths interviewed had these campaign songs in their phones which they were asked to play as evidence during the interview.

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Democratization of Hausa Music: The Musician’s Benefit Hausa musicians who have engaged in singing for politicians were interviewed. In an attempt to know the number of music each of them produced for politicians, revealed that on the average a musician in northern Nigeria has produced up to three-five different music for politicians in one political campaign period. The least was the person who produced only two music during specific election period. The musicians were unanimous in noting that politicians approach them directly and offer them a contract to produce a political music for them. One of the musicians submits: “Politicians commission us to sing for them and sometimes, we decided to sing on our own, but at the end, political office holders or their associates that are financially buoyant will settle us.” There have been cases the musician would approach the politician with an already produced music, if it is accepted, then it is monetized. Sometimes, the contents are modified to capture salient issues missed, or embed new messages that the clients want to be included. The musicians noted that they are politically inclined to a specific political party, a candidate and adherents of their ideology. One of them argued that, “I only produced music for aspirants or candidates of one political party”. The musicians are divided along political parties and candidates. This implies that their fans are likely to be inclined to the political party they produce music for.

Conclusion This chapter has argued that Hausa musicians that produced political music for political office seekers in parts of the north have become important stakeholders that helped in sustaining the nascent democracy in Nigeria. Importantly, the democratization of music and musicians in northern Nigeria has in its actual sense removed neutrality of business from music, as these musicians cling to a political party and do not produce music for different political opponents. Just like the politicians that cross-carpet and change loyalty from time to time, Hausa musicians also cross-carpet and change their loyalty to the highest bidder. Producing political music for politicians has become an enterprising and rewarding business. This raises the question of promoting nationalism

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or the selfish interest. It is therefore, the conclusion of this chapter that Hausa musicians produced music for financial reward, even though there are other motives attached.

References Ayakoroma, F. B. (2017). The music artist as a social critic in Nigeria’s contemporary democratic experiment: A study of selected songs of adviser Nowamagbe. National Institute for Cultural Orientation (NICO). Malumfashi, S L. (2018). The concept of poverty and its various dimensions. In Duze, M.C (Eds.), Poverty in Nigeria: Causes, Manifestation and Alleviation Strategies (pp. 178–188). London: Adonis & Abbey Publishers Ltd. Salihi, A., & Abulude, S. (2015). Nigeria: Praise singers fleecing political office seekers. Leadership News Paper Online. www.allafrica.com/stiries/2015 Smith, B.  O. (1957). Logic, thinking, and teaching. https://doi.org/10.1111/ j.1741-5446.1957.tb01200.xj Tomitope, J. S. (2012). Electioneering campaign songs and party politics in South Western Nigeria. Research Effort.

CHAPTER 3

Popular Music, Political Mobilisation and Grandstanding: An Analysis of Maskandi in Legitimisation of Jacob Zuma (2008–2018) Thulani Tshabangu

Introduction Indigenous African language music is part of the African indigenous communication system that includes drama, storytelling, proverbs and poetry. It is an aggregation of regionally, customary, culturally and ethnically constituted musical practice that is peculiar to specific places or cultures. This chapter focuses on the nexus of indigenous African language popular music, discourse and politics in post-apartheid South Africa. It argues that maskandi music played a significant role in political mobilisation, grandstanding and discursive legitimation of Zuma. Using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) as a methodological approach to deconstruct the lyrical

T. Tshabangu (*) Indigenous Language Media in Africa, Faculty of Humanities, North-West University, Mafikeng, South Africa © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 A. Salawu, I. A. Fadipe (eds.), Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 2, Pop Music, Culture and Identity, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-98705-3_3

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meanings, the study reveals four categories of discourses carried in maskandi music. The first deals with music that mobilised political support for Zuma and legitimised his bid for the presidency. The second is music that legitimised Zuma’s corruption and rape charges. The third is music that functioned as political communication for Zuma and functioned as some form of public diplomacy for South Africa. The last category deals with music that encouraged Zulu ethnic nationalism and hegemony. It is concluded that some maskandi music has become an antidemocratic vehicle that uncritically legitimatises oppression and corrupt political leadership in post-apartheid South Africa.

Music Politics in Post-apartheid South Africa South Africa is a relatively young democracy when compared to other countries in Southern Africa. It gained independence in 1994 when the apartheid system ended with a peaceful transition of power from a white minority government to a first black-led democratically elected leadership that guaranteed equality for all. During the 1980s apartheid period popular music played an important role as a medium of political communication and in the struggle to end apartheid (Durbach, 2015). Struggle songs and popular music genres of the 1980s united, motivated and comforted the black freedom fighters against racial discrimination and the oppressive apartheid government. The singing of political songs has not diminished in the post-apartheid epoch (Groenewald, 2010). Today struggle or protest music carries overt and covert political messages with the purpose of re-asserting identity and defending the social and political space as it did during the struggle years (le Roux-Kemp, 2014, p.  248). The study is concerned with how maskandi music performed by Ingane Zoma, Bhekumuzi Luthuli and Phuzekhemisi mobilised grassroots political support and discursively legitimised Jacob Zuma’s presidency during the years 2008–2018. Defining Maskandi Music The popular music industry in South Africa has various genres such as reggae, hip-hop, blues and jazz that arose in response to particular conditions and times. The most common indigenous African language music genres often sang in isiZulu include isichathamiya, mbaqanga and maskandi. Maskandi is Zulu folk music, typically played on guitar characterised in

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part by an instrumental flourish at the beginning of a song and spoken sections of Zulu praise poetry. It developed at the turn of the twentieth century by migrant workers in response to the changing dynamics of Zulu society (Olsen, 2000). Early maskandi musicians sang about events they encountered during their migration travels in search of economic fortunes. Maskandi is music by and for the rural folk; hence, it is often neglected by the South African black educated middle class. It is popular among poor marginalised blacks in isiZulu-speaking areas of KwaZuluNatal, specifically Durban (eThekwini) and Johannesburg (eGoli). Because maskandi is deeply rooted in Zulu culture, its musicians sing about everything and anything that promotes the Zulu language and culture. Maskandi artists often express their experiences of poverty, inequality, migrancy and dispossession through music, hence becoming a form of protest against systematic poverty. Maskandi also provides social commentary on a range of topical issues such as politics, gender relations and health. It is consumed in shopping malls, taxis, cultural events, political rallies and other public spaces (Titus, 2013). About Jacob Zuma Jacob Gedleyihlekisa Zuma, born in 1946  in Nkandla, KwaZulu-Natal province, is known to many of his followers by his praise names: Msholozi and Nxamalala. He joined the ruling African National Congress (ANC) at 17 and rose through the ranks to become party leader and president of the country. Being the fourth democratically elected president, Zuma served a full term from 2009 to 2014 and resigned on 14 February 2018 with less than a year before his second term was to expire. Zuma was brought up in the patriarchal traditions of the Zulu, herding cattle, engaged in stick-fighting with his peers, shooting birds in the bush and never had a formal education (Gordin, 2008). He loves to sing and his signature song in the run-up to his presidential election in 2009 was Awulethu Mshina Wami, translated to mean “bring my machine gun”. His popularity and rise to presidency in 2009 are often ascribed to his style of communication, which is more accessible to working-class and rural people. His critics accuse him of being a lusty womaniser due to his polygamous marriage and previous rape accusations. Calland (2013) says Zuma is too weak and makes too many mistakes. This criticism is befitting because Zuma has faced up to five scandals during his political career. In 1999 he faced corruption charges arising from

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the arms deal, where he and other officials are alleged to have accepted bribes from European arms manufacturers to influence the choice of weaponry bought for the country. In 2006, Zuma was put on trial for rape, but was acquitted after having proven to have had consensual sex with a family friend. In 2014, he unduly benefitted from security upgrades to his rural Nkandla residence where taxpayers’ money was used for unnecessary upgrades. In 2015, he faced yet another scandal when he hosted the then Sudanese president Omar al-Bashir at a meeting of the African Union despite an arrest warrant for al-Bashir from the International Criminal Court on charges of war crimes in the conflict in Darfur. In 2016, he faced the state capture scandal after details emerged that he was allegedly in a corrupt relationship with the Guptas—a wealthy family of Indian immigrants who built a business empire in mining, media, technology and engineering. In 2016, the opposition Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) began an impeachment process against Zuma in the National Assembly arguing that he had failed to uphold the country’s constitution, resulting in calls for his resignation. Due to growing pressure from the public and a motion of no confidence in parliament, Zuma announced his resignation on 14 February 2018, and was succeeded by the incumbent Cyril Ramaphosa. Both Zuma and maskandi music can be characterised in terms of Marxist cultural studies because they manifest deep class divisions in work, wages, housing, education and wealth. Maskandi music is counterhegemonic in the sense of class, modernity, tradition, rural against urban and Zulu culture versus the rest. Maskandi artists understand well the classism, tribalism and racism that undergird the body politics of South Africa. This makes the view of Zuma the person less important, while that of the class, ethnic and cultural movement he represents more important. Zuma epitomises, both as a lived experience and in rhetoric, the outsider insider in the hegemony of South African politics. He is an outsider insider at many levels, firstly at the ethnic level because the ANC, while diverse, has been a project of Xhosas and others, except the Zulu; and secondly at a cultural level because South Africa is largely culturally broken. Zulu’s are the only “nation” that is still strongly rooted in tradition and custom as a resistance trench to tradition. At race level Zuma represents the black man in terms of patriarchy, masculinity and sexuality. Zuma brought an uneducated Zulu male body that makes the sophistication associated with modernity and White systems a mockery.

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Research Questions RQ1. What is the role of maskandi in political mobilisation, grandstanding and legitimation? RQ2. In what ways does maskandi construct ethnic nationalism and hegemony? RQ3. To what extent can maskandi be regarded as a tool for change in society?

Discourse and Legitimation This study follows the linguistic turn in social sciences by deploying Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) as theory and method to understand the role of language contained in music lyrics in the construction of social reality and legitimation of political actors. A discourse approach to the study of music is premised on the idea that music uses language to convey messages and is therefore part of spoken discourse. The analysis of music is in part the analysis of language (Adorno & Gillespie, 1993). Van Dijk (2015, p. 466) defines CDA as “analytical research that primarily studies the way social power abuse, dominance, and inequality are enacted, reproduced, and resisted by text and talk in the social and political context”. Legitimacy is transmitted through discourse; hence, it is a social construct. Our acceptance or rejection of politicians as legitimate or illegitimate is to a large extent influenced by media discourses. Legitimation is social acceptance and recognition through which something is taken for granted. Political legitimacy is the justification to exercise political authority. It refers to the rightfulness and acceptability of political authority. Moral legitimacy is often framed in terms of who “ought” or has the “right to rule”—that is, how the exercise of power by one actor over another can be morally justified (Thomas, 2014, p. 733). When a politician is legitimate both morally and politically, it means most of their followers have certain beliefs or faith in them such that they are viewed as having justification to rule or to exercise some form of authority. Biegon (2016, p.  8) defines legitimacy discourses “as webs of meaning on the rightfulness and acceptability of a political order”. Legitimacy is a communicative act and an on-going discursive practice which is shaped by language use. Politicians play a role in the process of legitimation by

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constantly engaging in justificatory practices of their authority and acts of grandstanding. This study deals in part with grandstanding which refers to self-promotion, showing off and attention-seeking behaviour that seeks to impress others to think well of someone. Grandstanding can be likened to self-legitimation which involves strategic attempts by politicians to influence the beliefs and practices of those who are ruled (Biegon, 2016). Legitimacy is a discursively created sense of acceptance of political leadership; hence, discourses outline what is legitimate or illegitimate. Central to this study was an endeavour to evaluate discursive strategies in maskandi music that functioned to legitimise the presidency of Jacob Zuma in South Africa politically and morally.

Critical Discourse Analysis CDA is one of the methods used in the analysis of media texts. van Leeuwen (2012) proposes that music must be analysed as discourse because it is made up of language produced in a particular political, economic and socio-cultural context. CDA was used a method of analysing maskandi music discourses focusing on the text (lyrical content) and context (structural factors). The basic unit of analysis was the song further broken into small linguistic units of lyrics. Twenty maskandi songs by Bhekumuzi Luthuli, Ingane ZoMa and Phuzekhemisi were analysed. Music from these artists was purposively selected because of their political meanings and relevance to the study. The process of data transcribing involved listening to each song and writing down its original lyrics in isiZulu and then translating the lyrics into English. The translated lyrics were regarded as performed language and analysed at textual and contextual levels. The purpose of analysing the lyrics at the textual level was to determine the political values, ideologies, themes and messages conveyed by maskandi music. The contextual dimension of the analysis focused on how the lyrics were structured by the context, in particular the political events that were unfolding in South Africa. The contextual analysis was important because music can only become meaningful when interpreted within a given socio-­cultural, economic and political context. The use of CDA as theory and method enabled the researcher to gain critical insights to language use in maskandi and to explore the extent to which it perpetuated relations of power and domination in society.

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Maskandi in Political Mobilisation and Grandstanding Music is often associated with political processes as forms of protest, propaganda and resistance. Maskandi music played a propaganda role for Zuma’s election in 2009. Propaganda is the use of a variety of communication techniques including music that create an emotional appeal to accept a particular belief, opinion or political leader. The popular maskandi outfit Ingane ZoMa was at the centre of persuasive and deceitful propaganda that mobilised political support and legitimatised Zuma for presidency. Ingane ZoMa openly endorsed Zuma’s candidature by releasing campaign music for him, volunteering to perform at his campaign rallies and attending his court sessions where he faced rape and corruption charges. This endorsement heightened Zuma’s political profile and made him more popular. The first song released by Ingane ZoMa to openly campaign for Zuma was Siyaya eLimpopo released in 2007 ahead of the 52nd National Conference of the ANC held in Limpopo from 16 to 20 December 2007. The song rallies ANC delegates to denounce Mbeki, and go into the elective congress in full force to elect Zuma as the new president of the ANC. Apart from mobilising for a protest vote against Mbeki, the song suggests that Zuma was very popular and that his election as the next president of the ANC and the country was unstoppable. The Limpopo conference was significant as a precursor to the 2009 general election because Zuma was elected the new leader of the ANC, automatically poising him as the next president. In 2008, Ingane ZoMa released the album Msholozi which officially marked them as an outright Zumarite group. The album is seen a personal tribute to Zuma and carried a campaign song for him titled Msholozi— which addresses Zuma by his clan praise name. Msholozi launched Zuma’s trailblazing 2009 election campaign that featured music performances by Ingane ZoMa and acts of grandstanding by Zuma as he often appeared in campaign rallies clad in traditional attire to impress and seek moral support from his enthusiasts. Zuma projected himself as an average man, reassuring his supporters that he was like them, and therefore of value to Zulu ethnic nationalism. Msholozi called for corruption charges against Zuma to be withdrawn and mobilised for his election as president. Msholozi claims that the majority of South Africans want Zuma to be president as they don’t know the corruption charges levelled against him.

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The song uses collectivisation as a narrative device to speak on behalf of the nation. Msholozi can be construed as a manipulative and deceitful propaganda song aimed at manufacturing popular consent. The song manipulates public emotions and hides crucial details about Zuma’s corruption scandals. It employs authorisation and moral evaluation strategies to legitimatise Zuma. The discursive strategy of authorisation is manifest when the song claims that Mandela had in 1999 anointed Zuma as his successor. Moral evaluation is seen when the song states that the public doesn’t see the crimes that Zuma is alleged to have committed. Moral legitimation is extended when the song questions for how long one must be a deputy considering that Zuma had already deputised Mbeki for five years. In Msholozi, Ingane ZoMa effectively mobilised for Zuma’s presidential election in 2009 by reference to his moral integrity as a person who ought to be in power and by claiming that he was the popular choice for presidency.

Maskandi as an Antidemocratic Force: Legitimation of Zuma’s Corruption and Rape Scandals Popular music can be subversive and has the potential to challenge concentrated state power by expressing views of the downtrodden. However, it can equally be used by the state and other pro-establishment groups for ideological mobilisation and legitimation. Indigenous African language music can be great legitimisers because they are highly idiosyncratic and credible. Some maskandi music carried discourses of legitimation for Zuma by vindicating him of the rape and corruption charges he faced. Although the legitimation discourses in maskandi represented the artists’ attitudes towards Zuma’s scandals, they became an antidemocratic force considering that they were in wide circulation. A politician does not have to be good or ethical to be considered legitimate by their supporters. Despite facing scandals involving money and women, some maskandi artists rallied behind Zuma. In November 2007, Ingane ZoMa released the album Amazwi kaShaka (Shaka’s Words). The lead song Ngiyakhumbula amazwi kaShaka (I remember Shaka’s words) uses flashback and historical parallelism as a discursive strategy to legitimise Zuma for presidency. It compares Zuma to Shaka, the great Zulu king and conqueror who was assassinated by his half-brothers in 1828 over rivalry of the Zulu kingship. The song relies on Zulu mythology that Shaka in his last words warned his half-brothers that they will not rule over the Zulu kingdom because they will fight each other even after his death, suggesting that he alone was the rightful ruler

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of the kingdom. The song suggests that Zuma just like Shaka is a victim of evil scheming by rival politicians who are preventing his ascendance to the presidency by trumping endless charges against him. The song incites anarchy and civil war in the country when it declares that no one will rule over South Africa besides Zuma in a similar way as Shaka had declared that no one will rule over the Zulu kingdom at his death. The song’s incitement to anarchy and civil war in defence of Zuma is a threat to democracy and peaceful elections. In so far as the rape scandal is concerned, maskandi musicians attacked the integrity of the complainant whilst exhorting Zuma’s sexual prowess and Zulu masculinity. During the rape trial, Ingane ZoMa physically came to court to support Zuma (Groenewald, 2010). Wagqoza kabi in the 2008 Msholozi album by Ingane ZoMa has thinly veiled attacks on Khwezi, the woman who accused Zuma of rape. At a surface level, the song shames young women for flaunting their bodies before men, but when taken in context of the rape trial, it is a covert attempt to legitimise Zuma. Wagqoza kabi asks what a young woman expects when she flaunts her body, scantily dressed in front of men. The song reasons that only a sex-starved woman will flaunt her body in front of men as she will be seeking attention. When taken to refer to Zuma’s rape trial, the song describes how the sexual encounter between Zuma and Khwezi may have occurred. In his court defence, Zuma said Khwezi had visited his home, stayed overnight on her volition and they had consensual sexual intercourse. Zuma also stated that on the night of the alleged rape, Khwezi was dressed in a kanga dress that revealed her curvaceous body. Zuma interpreted her dress as an invitation to have sex, arguing that it was against Zulu culture to ignore advances of a half-naked woman. Playing into this defence narrative, Wagqoza kabi absolves Zuma of the rape by reasoning that he was seduced by a sex-starved woman. The song blames Khwezi for dressing scantily on purpose to attract Zuma. IsiZulu lyrics

English translation

Wagqoza kabi wagqoza wabheka ngasemadodeni amadoda azothini? Nina nikhuluma ngoba ningazi ukuth ngizwani Nina anazi ngayigcina nini indoda inqunu Ake ningyeke ke ngibonise abanye hlampe bona bayangthanda

Why are you flaunting your body towards men, what will they say? [male vocalist asks] [women vocalists respond] You talk because you don’t know what I’m feeling. It’s been long since I last saw a man naked. Let me flaunt my body maybe men will be interested in me

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The song fails to condemn sexual crimes against women in a country where gender-based violence is a serious cause for concern. In South Africa, women and girls are raped and killed almost daily by men such that government has intensified and accelerated efforts to achieve the elimination of all forms of violence against women and children. Despite being a female-led music outfit that broke into a male-dominated maskandi music sector, Ingane ZoMa chose to be agents of patriarchy by suggesting that Zuma was seduced by a scantily dressed Khwezi and that he acted rightly by having sex with her. Ingane ZoMa music can on this occasion be seen as an antidemocratic force that perpetuated patriarchal relations of power and domination. Zuma’s defence line during the rape trial that Khwezi had come to his room on her volition and had consensual sex with him inspired lyrics of the song Yayiyokwenzani by Bhekumuzi Luthuli in the album Inkinga nguR7 released in 2010. Yayiyokwenzani translated to “what had she gone for” absolves Zuma of the rape charges by asking why Khwezi had gone into Zuma’s bedroom in the first place. The song argues that Khwezi went into Zuma’s room because she was mesmerised by his charisma and Zulu masculinity. It endorses Zuma as a machismo politician whom young women find irresistible. The song says it is a political lie that Zuma raped Khwezi because she willingly offered herself to him. Through praise and honorifics, Zuma is portrayed as a man of many talents including sexual prowess that is an envy of his political rivalries. The praise and honorifics confer a degree of superiority and respect for Zuma. The song describes Zuma’s physical appearance, in particular his bumpy head which is separated by a fault line in the middle to create the impression that he has two heads. By describing Zuma as a person with two heads, Yayiyokwenzani creates the impression that Zuma has a doubled reasoning capacity, thereby accentuating his hegemonic masculinity traits as charming and irresistible. The song carries misogynistic attitudes towards women who are portrayed as objects and tools of political machinations. Khwezi is framed as a woman of loose morals who flaunted her body towards Zuma and even went to his bedroom for sex. She is also seen as a sneaky and manipulative bitch who was used as a honey trap to distract Zuma from the presidency. Instead of pointing out Zuma’s weakness as an unfaithful polygamist, maskandi music celebrated him as a charming Zulu statesman. Maskandi musicians were blinded by their love for Zuma and ignored the fact that he was a potentially antidemocratic and populist figure who would have little if any real political substance to offer the country.

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Maskandi artists also purported to talk for grassroots rural communities who were oblivious of Zuma’s scandals. The music often asked what, if any, were Zuma’s real scandals as all of them seemed too flimsy and trumped up. One such song that questions the authenticity of Zuma’s rape and corruption charges is by Phuzekhemisi titled Msholozi in the album Sesihlangene released in September 2007. The song uses collectivisation as a narrative device to ask on behalf of the Zulu community what Zuma had done wrong to be prosecuted by the courts. The song carries the martyrdom theme when it presents Zuma as being persecuted on behalf of the Zulu people. This inflated Zuma’s moral legitimacy to the presidency as it was thought that he was being persecuted for no reason. Maskandi artists as illustrated in this song always absolved Zuma of wrongdoings without waiting for the due process of law to take course. This on its own is seen as a threat to the rule of law and democracy. Over the years, that Zuma was in power, maskandi music especially by Ingane Zoma posed a threat to democracy through its militant lyrics that incited its followers into radical action against his political enemies. This was potentially explosive because music works directly on people’s emotions and can be a source of incitement to anarchy.

Maskandi in Political Communication and Public Diplomacy Music can be an important medium of political communication and agent of public diplomacy. Maskandi music often communicated political messages to Zuma’s perceived political rivalries and played an informal role in dispatching diplomatic messages to other political leaders in the region and internationally. The album uMalema released in 2011 by Ingane ZoMa demonstrates the role of maskandi in political communication. The purpose of the lead song Khuzani uMalema is to put into order the then ANC Youth League (ANCYL) leader Julius Malema who had disrespected Zuma and the party leadership. In the song Ingane ZoMa distinguish themselves as outright Zumarites purporting to communicate for and on behalf of Zuma. They warn Malema to stop ridiculing Zuma in public as he had done by accusing Zuma of not doing enough to help poor black South Africans and defiling T-shirts inscribed with Zuma’s image. The song uses nomination as a discursive strategy to address Malema personally and to degrade his masculinity.

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The song describes Malema as disrespectful and coming from an illmannered household which never taught him respect for elders. The attack gets personal when the song says Malema is not man enough because he never went through the traditional initiation rites to manhood. This brings to the fore contested definitions of manhood across cultures. By implication, Zuma is considered a hegemonic masculine because of his Zulu ethnicity and cultural background, while Malema is emasculated because he is of the Pedi ethnic minority. The Zulu traditional custom of “ukuqhathwa”, a practice of making young boys engage in stick fights whilst herding cattle, is used to compare Malema to Zuma. Unlike Zuma who he grew up in rural Nkandla herding cattle and engaging in stickfighting with his peers, Malema never went through this cultural rite; hence, he is said to be emasculated. Apart from the intended political vitriol targeting Malema, the song promotes ethnocentrism, in this case a strong belief that Zulu culture is supreme. The use of cultural practices to deliver messages as above confirms that maskandi music mainly articulates Zulu tradition and identity. The song’s call on Malema to end confrontations with Zuma simply because Zuma is senior in the ANC party ranks and is older than Malema promotes ageism and gerontocracy. The song’s attempt to block Malema’s criticism of Zuma is also antidemocratic as it stifles antagonistic conflictual debate that is essential for democracy. Music can be a powerful mechanism of public diplomacy especially when it carries messages intended for leaders of foreign nations. Maskandi music played an informal role in communicating messages aimed at leaders of foreign publics in the process seeking to influence the decisions and conduct of foreign governments. Public diplomacy targets the public in foreign societies and non-official groups, organisations and individuals. Unlike traditional diplomacy, which is discreet and occurs confidentially between state representatives, public diplomacy is an attempt by novices at manipulation of foreign publics in a one-way information flow (Melissen, 2005). Maskandi played an informal role in public diplomacy for Zuma and the government of South Africa. The album Obama by Ingane Zoma released in December 2008 carried at that time diplomatic messages for former Presidents Barack Obama of the United States and Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe. At the time of the release, Barack Obama had been elected as the first black president of the United States. The track Obama sends a congratulatory message to Obama for representing the black people and contributing to the realisation of King Martin Luther’s “I have a dream” speech in which he spoke about

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the need for racial equality. The track exalts Obama and Mandela for defying racism to become excellent black leaders of their countries. Whereas the track Obama is celebratory, the track “uMugabe” in the same album expresses disdain over Robert Mugabe’s despotic rule in Zimbabwe. “uMugabe” comments on the June 2008 disputed elections in Zimbabwe. It seeks to influence Mugabe to accept defeat in the elections narrowly won by opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai with 47.9 per cent of the vote against Mugabe’s 43.2 per cent. Ingane ZoMa proposes in the song that Mugabe must hand over the presidency to Tsvangirai for the sake of Zimbabweans who have suffered a lot under his reign. The song succeeds in branding Zimbabwe as a circus state whose elections are in shambles and Mugabe as a tyrant. This negative image of Zimbabwe projected through music, although taken for granted, can potentially sour diplomatic relations between nations. Another song by maskandi artist Phuzekhemisi titled “Kwelase Zimbabwe” in the album Sesihlangene released in 2007 condemns the political violence that occurred in Zimbabwe during the run-up to the 2008 harmonised elections. The 2008 elections were marred by violence allegedly orchestrated by state agents and ruling ZANU PF supporters who beat, tortured and mutilated opposition MDC activists and supporters. “Kwelase Zimbabwe” calls on Zimbabweans to take charge of their destiny by rising beyond electoral fraud and political violence. “Kwelase Zimbabwe” by Phuzekhemisi and “uMugabe” by Ingane ZoMa share common themes in that both condemned political violence that occurred in Zimbabwe during the 2008 elections and advocated for Mbeki’s intervention in the electoral dispute in his capacity as president of South Africa. This call for intervention was at odds with Mbeki’s “quiet diplomacy”—a noninterventionist stance on Zimbabwe’s internal affairs blamed for protracting Mugabe’s regime at the cost of ordinary lives. Mbeki was eventually appointed by Southern African Development Community (SADC) as mediator to the crisis, and in 2009 he oversaw the establishment of an inclusive government in Zimbabwe.

Zulu Ethnic Nationalism and Hegemony in Maskandi Popular music can be divisive by “segmenting communities by generation, class, race, ethnicity, tastes and, if less so, gender” (During, 2005, p. 124). Some maskandi music was a potent tool for a divisive ethnic nationalism and hegemony that propped up Zuma as a symbol of the rebirth of Zulu

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supremacy. For a moment Zuma revived Zulu ethnic nationalism through his appreciation of the Zulu culture, often making public appearances clad in traditional regalia and dancing to Zulu popular music. He was the symbol of the Zulu nation and pride. His rape trial also had doses of ethnic nationalism thrown into it as it was thought that Zuma, a Zulu, was being persecuted by Xhosas led by Mbeki (Mangcu, 2008). It is not surprising that some maskandi artists legitimised Zuma for presidency on ethnicity grounds because they believed his ascension was part of equalisation and rotational of power along ethnicity. “Impi yomdeni” by Ingane ZoMa in the album uMongameli Wezwe released in 2016 demonstrates how maskandi music fomented Zulu ethnic nationalism and political unity. The song comes after the 2016 municipal elections to elect district, metropolitan and local municipality councils. The elections were won by the ANC led by Zuma. The song celebrates the victory of Zuma, not of the ANC. It singles Zuma as a member of the Zulu clan who has led the ANC to victory despite efforts by politicians of other ethnic groupings to see him fail. The song thanks the people of KwaZulu-Natal for voting the ANC to ensure that Zuma is not embarrassed in the eyes of his critics. The song further commits that Zulu people will never leave Zuma in his trying times because he is part of the Zulu clan thereby agitating for ethnic nationalism and unity among the Zulu people. Zuluness is the dominant theme in the song whose objective is to cement ethnic nationalism and solidarity of the Zulu people. “Phaka Msholozi” by Bhekumuzi Luthuli in the album Isipho—The Gift released in 2011 postures Zuluness and mobilises for ethnic patronage. “Phaka Msholozi” metaphorically calls on Zuma to serve or dish out food because it’s the turn for the Zulus to eat. The song demonstrates the materialistic and opportunistic expectations that Zulu people had when Zuma was elected to the presidency. The artist purports to speak for maskandi musicians and impoverished Zulu people who for a long time have been wallowing in abject poverty. The song articulates the Zulu community’s aspirations of the Zuma presidency, at the same time bringing to the fore the concept of turn taking and nepotism that continue to bedevil most African societies. The song rationalises that it is now the turn of Zulus to feed on the national trough unwittingly advocating for Zulu ethnic patronage and corruption. Poverty, exclusion and unequal opportunities are some of the major causes of ethnic patronage in South Africa. Ethnicity by musicians or whosoever may lead to ethnic prejudice and

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conflict as various ethnic groups compete for the allocation of scare national resources and for hegemony. “Mzilikazi kaMaShobane” by Ingane ZoMa in the album uMongameli Wezwe released in 2016 indicates a desire to restore the Zulu kingdom under Zuma’s leadership by reintegrating the kindred Ndebele people in Zimbabwe. The Ndebele people were once part of the Zulu kingdom and migrated from KwaZulu-Natal in 1821 under Mzilikazi who was a military commander under Shaka of the Zulu kingdom. According to history, Mzilikazi did not pay tribute in the form of cattle to Shaka, resulting in a conflict. Mzilikazi then fled Zululand to establish a breakaway state in modern Zimbabwe in 1840. In the song Ingane ZoMa calls for the repatriation of Ndebele people to KwaZulu-Natal because they are part of the bigger Zulu kingdom. The song also condemns systematic marginalisation of Ndebele people by the Shona. Zimbabwe is experiencing tribal tensions between the Ndebele and Shona people due to the historical Gukurahundi— state-­orchestrated ethnic cleansing genocide that occurred between 1983 and 1987 targeting people of the Ndebele ethnic group in Matabeleland and Midlands provinces of the country. An estimated 20,000 people were killed in the genocide. The song express hope that Ndebele people be reintegrated with the Zulu people in KwaZulu-Natal but does not know how this could be achieved. There is hope that traditional leaders could resolve this. Mzilikazi kaMatshobane like Ngiyakhumbula amazwi kaShaka, both performed by Ingane ZoMa, refers to the Zulu kingdom. In both songs there is an attempt to juxtapose Zuma with Shaka. Zuma is portrayed as a symbol of the revival of the mighty Zulu nation. His presidency is seen as an assertion of Zulu hegemony and a preservation of Zulu identity, culture and pride.

Conclusion This chapter has demonstrated that maskandi music can sometimes be used to perpetuate dominant values, in the process becoming an enemy of progress and democracy. The analysed music was blatantly pro-Zuma and it served various political purposes for him such as mobilisation of grassroots support, grandstanding and legitimation. Maskandi was a propaganda tool for Jacob Zuma, often mediating on his behalf in political affairs and playing a role in public diplomacy. It remains unknown if some maskandi outfits such as Ingane ZoMa that distinguished themselves as outright Zumarites were paid for supporting and singing fervently about

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Zuma. Maskandi has become overtly political in post-apartheid South Africa as it uses militant lyrics to advocate for radical Zulu ethnic hegemony sometimes threatening democratic values. The chapter demonstrated the interface of indigenous African language music with politics through political mobilisation, grandstanding and discursive legitimation.

References Adorno, T. W., & Gillespie, S. (1993). Music, language and composition. The Music Quarterly, 77(3), 401–414. Biegon, D. (2016). Hegemonies of legitimation: Discourse dynamics in the European Commission. Palgrave Macmillan. Calland, R. (2013). The Zuma years: South Africa’s changing face of power. Zebra Press. Durbach, D. J. (2015). A study of the linkages between popular music and politics in South Africa under Apartheid in the 1980s. Unpublished Masters dissertation, UNISA, Pretoria. During, S. (2005). Cultural studies: A critical introduction. Routledge. Gordin, J. (2008). Zuma: A biography. Jonathan Ball Publishers. Groenewald, M. (2010). Songs about Zuma: Revelations of divisions after democracy. Literator, 31(1), 123–146. le Roux-Kemp, A. (2014). Struggle music: South African politics in song. Law and Humanities, 8(2), 247–268. Mangcu, X. (2008). To the brink: The state of democracy in South Africa. University of KwaZulu-Natal Press. Melissen, J. (2005). The new public diplomacy: Soft power in international relations. Palgrave Macmillan. Olsen, K. (2000). Politics, production and process: Discourses on tradition in contemporary Maskanda. Unpublished Masters dissertation. University of Natal, Durban. Thomas, C.  A. (2014). The uses and abuses of legitimacy in international law. Oxford Journal of Legal Studies, 34(4), 729–758. Titus, B. (2013). ‘Walking like a crab’: Analyzing maskanda music in post-apartheid South Africa. Ethnomusicology, 57(2), 286–310. Van Dijk, T. A. (2015). Critical discourse analysis. In D. Tannen, H. E. Hamilton, & D. Schiffrin (Eds.), The handbook of discourse analysis (pp. 466–485). John Wiley and Sons. van Leeuwen, T. (2012). The critical analysis of musical discourse. Critical Discourse Studies, 9(4), 319–328.

CHAPTER 4

Popular Music and the Concept of the Dissident in Post-Independence Zimbabwe Trust Matsilele and Mbongeni Jonny Msimanga

Introduction and Background Plato characterised the music of the flute and lyre as mimetic, assimilating it to painting and poetry (Walton, 1994, p. 48). Plato believed that music has an influence on the soul which was strictly dichotomous: It is either good or bad. This chapter leans heavily on Plato and to some degree Walton (1994, p. 47) when the latter argues that “music is expressive by virtue of its capacity to elicit feelings in listeners”. It is these feelings that throughout Zimbabwe’s history, but specifically post-colony, this chapter explores. The chapter looks at how feelings of the citizenry have been captured lyrically by musicians as agencies of ordinary citizenry and a microcosm of what civilians feel in relation to state actors. Zimbabwe, like

T. Matsilele (*) Cape Peninsula University of Technology, Cape Town, South Africa M. J. Msimanga University of Johannesburg, Johannesburg, South Africa © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 A. Salawu, I. A. Fadipe (eds.), Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 2, Pop Music, Culture and Identity, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-98705-3_4

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most of African countries, has a higher space where music is located. This view is articulated by Mbaegbu (2015, p. 180) who observes that “African composers particularly composers of highlife and philosophical tunes serve to re-direct the straying society through their music”. A survey of African musical scene demonstrates that the continent hosts three categories of music which are traditional, popular and classical. As Mbaegbu (2015) writes, traditional music includes all traditional or folk music that serve as medium of expression of African people’s culture. Then there is the popular music generally referred to as “pop” music, which is a contemporaneous music, appeals to a mass audience and is dance oriented. Popular music found in Africa is coeval and Western. The last of the three classes of music in Africa is the classical music which means all written music composed in accordance with certain universally accepted conventions and rules. Mbaegbu (2015, p.  179) argues that “in more recent times … a new class of music springs up which can be described as political music”. Political music falls within the three classes of music in Africa and can appear in any of the three. The primary determinant here is the lyrics/text of the song. However, political music has played a pivotal role in expressing struggles that are faced by men. This is expressed by Makina (2009, p. 221) who intimates that music has “chronicled man’s struggles and joys and has acted as a consciousness-raising tool to a nation’s moral, political and social problems”. In countries like South Africa, music also played a key role in the struggle to end apartheid. Drewett (2003) discusses how many musicians, prior to the 1994 South African democratic elections, opposed racial discrimination through their music and support of anti-apartheid political cause. As Makina (2009, p. 22) elucidates, “In song, a community expresses its hopes and fears, wishes and problems, thereby consolidating the group interest. The protest song in particular, is a day-to-day commentary of what is taking place in society.” Countries that have experienced incessant socio-political and economic crisis and went through liberation wars such as Zimbabwe, Malawi, Zambia and South Africa share a rich history of protest music. Political music can be traced to the liberation wars in Eastern Africa, and can be found in Mau Mau songs from Kenya, the Chimurenga songs from Zimbabwe and the songs and poetry from Mozambique. These are instances across Africa wherein the radical art instigated by highly conscious cadres seeking to mobilise the ordinary people, was appropriated by the latter “and made … part of their own repertoire” (Barber, 1987, p. 7).

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In Zimbabwe’s liberation struggle, songs were used for mobilisation, conscientisation and inspiring war fighters (Makina, 2009). The trend has continued in post-independent Zimbabwe, although music is mostly used for political conscientisation—bringing out its dissident nature as will be argued in this chapter. It is these dissident intimacies that we are interested in this chapter that show how music has responded to the multifaceted crisis that has been dominating Zimbabwe since the beginning of the 1900s decade. We further show the major themes raised, and how the selected musicians act as agents for the masses during Zimbabwe’s economic, social and political meltdown. To proceed with this chapter, we review literature on music and its relationship to politics in Zimbabwe.

Going Against the Grain: Music and Politics in Zimbabwe Music and power have always lived side by side in Zimbabwean and African people’s life. Mano (2007) discusses the location of music in Zimbabwe’s popular struggles for liberation from the pre-colonial to post-colonial period. In Zimbabwe, during the two Chimurenga wars, Chimurenga music or rebel music emerged as a formidable force for mobilising and documenting people’s struggles against colonial domination (Mano, 2007, p.  65). However, this indigenous music was not recognised by white successive regimes and because of that lacked radio and television airtime (Mano, 2007). It is crucial to note, however, that music is part of Zimbabwe’s cultural expression. Ndlovu-Gatsheni and Willems (2009, p. 947) further argue, “In the history of Zimbabwean nationalism, cultural performances and commemorations have been an essential part of Zanu-Pf’s attempt to popularise a form of nationalist politics that spoke to the heart, the politics of affect, emotion and drama”. During the second Chimurenga war, such performances were accompanied by what would be popularised as the Pungwes (night vigil). As Viriri (2013) observes, Pungwes were one of the many sites for resisting imperial domination in Rhodesia. Other than sharing experiences of living in the racist Rhodesia, Pungwes also became a theatre of expression through songs. As the country moved to the fast-track land reform programme in 1997, the ruling nationalists would reincarnate Pungwes and make them hybrid to lure what Ndlovu-Gatsheni (2011) characterises as

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the “born frees” (all those born after the end of colonialism) through what was popularly termed “urban grooves music”. Scholarship has also assessed the role of music in Zimbabwe as a medium for representing political contestations and national identities (Mpofu & Nenjerema, 2018; Chikowero, 2007). This has been more pronounced during the colonial and post-colonial period where the indigenes used music to register emotions of discontentment and disapproval. Thus, music plays a crucial commentary role in the political and economic spheres, addressing realities of everyday life in society (Ureke & Washaya, 2016). The period during the 1990s and the turn of the millennium witnessed a deteriorating economy, a sharp rise in inflation, student riots, the payment of war veteran gratuities and the implementation of the fast-track land reform programme by the Zanu-Pf-led government (Hove & Gwiza, 2012). All the aforementioned factors contributed to a multifaceted Zimbabwean crisis, and in turn paved way for musicians to offer commentary through lyrical prowess that either celebrated or critiqued the establishment. It is within this aspect that artistes such as Lovemore “Majaivana” Tshuma, Thomas Mapfumo, Hosiah Chipanga and Wallace “Winky D” Chirumiko, amongst others, play a critical role in political commentary as their music speaks to the reality of a struggling post-colonial nation under the reins of the late and erstwhile president, Robert Mugabe. Their music laden with connotations of dissidence was taboo under Robert Mugabe’s rule and the culture has continued to the incumbent leader Emmerson Mnangagwa under the “New Dispensation Era”. Evidently, such crackdowns on musicians by the political system forced, for example, Thomas Mapfumo into self-exile for 14 years, only to return after the death of Robert Mugabe. Much as music has been viewed for its dissidence archetype in Zimbabwe, it has also been imagined to valorise the status quo in Zimbabwe; we acknowledge that the lyrical content has backed ideologies imagined by Zanu-Pf. Music of artistes, such as the late Simon Chimbetu, Dickson Changaira popularly known as Cde Chinx, and Andy Brown, Last Chiyangwa known as Tambaoga, amongst others, were instrumental in framing and articulating Zanu-Pf ultra-nationalist discourses that valorised the Third Chimurenga and Zanu-Pf during the Zimbabwean crisis (see Chikowero, 2007, p. 291). Coupled with the urban grooves’ genre introduced at the turn of the millennium, musical discourses in Zimbabwe have been used as an ideological function to meticulously foster patriotic citizenry. Fast-forward post-2010, musicians Mukudzeyi Mukombe (Jah

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Prayzah) and Winky D have emerged popular for either supporting Emmerson Mnangagwa and Zanu-Pf or protesting the political party principles and policies, respectively. It is within this context that this chapter grapples with the dissident nature of music in Zimbabwe using selected musicians for this study. Central to this study is how music has been used in contemporary public space in Zimbabwe to critique the status quo. We further argue that music is a variant of journalism which acts as the voice of the voiceless delegitimising the established political system at a time when the regimes’ hegemonic status is threatened.

Theoretical Premise: Music as a Dissident Archetype and Music as a Journalism Variant The chapter draws from two theoretical concepts: Music as a dissident archetype and music as a journalism variant. The term “dissident” has been used since the sixteenth century in the context of religion with the noun believed to have been first used in a political sense in the 1940s, following the rise of totalitarian systems like the Soviet Union. The use of the term has been associated with people who actively challenge an established doctrine, policy or institution and in Zimbabwe’s artistes critique power without fear and favour (see Matsilele, 2019, p. 127). At the core of their thinking, “dissidents” want to be free from any individual, any centre or centres of power. Dissidents are not a mere irritation, but a menace to power that must be subjected to systematic threats, surveillance, beatings, arrests, prison, torture, censorship, harassment, exile and even assassinations. We use this reasoning to argue how selected musicians challenge the establishment in Zimbabwe. We also employ Mano’s (2007) conceptualisation of music as a variant of journalism. In explaining the journalism component of music, Mano (2007, p. 63) argues that “popular music potentially plays a journalistic role by communicating messages that are either ignored or underplayed by mainstream mass media”. Mano’s (2007) conviction broadens an understanding into how music performs a journalistic function of communicating issues in ways that challenge the powerful and give a voice to the disadvantaged and powerless. Traditionally mainstream communication is controlled by power-blocs, limiting the range of topics expressed. However, Mano (2007) sheds light into how this limitation by public media enables popular music to be a form of journalism considering the

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way it expresses social reality in its themes and content that is subversive to the power bloc. This is synonymous with Mbembe (1992, p.  21) who argues that performative acts are crucial in challenging the “commandment and […] its magnificence of prodigality”. Music, just like journalism, sets an agenda for an audience. This accords people an opportunity to introspect on their lived socio-economic and socio-political experience they are exposed to. We use these two concepts to explain the lyrical content of musicians selected for this study.

Methodological Considerations This qualitative study employed purposive sampling to understand the phenomenon of music as a dissident variant and as a form of journalism. Purposive sampling enables the researchers to get data from high-rich and relevant samples. We purposively sample music from four artistes in Zimbabwe: Thomas Mapfumo, Lovemore Majaivana, Hosiah Chipanga and Winky D. We selected these musicians as their songs exhibit dissident intimacies and Zimbabwean government(s) have continuously repressed and banned airplay of their songs. Firstly, for Thomas Mapfumo, he was exiled for 14 years to avoid intimidation and harassment from Mugabe’s regime as his music critiqued the status quo and the dire economic situation in Zimbabwe. We consider how Lovemore Majaivana has continuously sang about the inequalities in Zimbabwe or the “Matabeleland Question”. Moreover, recent interviews suggest how he sang in the wrong language that did not bring him fortunes like the “others” who sang in other languages (Mvundisi, 2020). We further selected Winky D as he has been considered as voice for youths in Zimbabwe. The government has gone at lengths to ban his music on airplay (Nehanda Radio, 2020). The same has been reported of Hosiah Chipanga’s politically charged music which did not receive any airplay from the radio stations in Zimbabwe. Commenting on this, Chipanga, in an interview noted the blackout of his music after distributing it to all ZBC radio stations (Nehanda Radio, 2016). This chapter employs qualitative content analysis commonly known as a method of analysing written, verbal or visual communication messages (Elo & Kyngäs, 2008, p. 107). In the next section, we discuss the findings of the chapter.

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Discussion and Findings The findings of this chapter are organised along four themes which are: • Magandanga1 and the fight against corruption • The politics of marginalisation and the “Matabeleland Question” • Socio-economic inequalities and protest music in Zimbabwe • Narratives on political oppression and violence in Zimbabwe Magandanga and the Fight Against Corruption Thomas Mapfumo’s music is known as Chimurenga music, a term which is always already replete with protest connotations (Kabwato, 2011). By calling his music Chimurenga, Mapfumo links it to the hundreds of years of struggles against colonial settlers. After all, “the arts, and in particular music, was critical as a motivating factor in the (Zimbabwe) anti-colonial struggle” (Kabwato, 2011, p.  81). It is Chimurenga music that would position Mapfumo not only as a musician but as a fighter too. His music would lead him to endless detention, also carrying a label of “terrorist” or “gandanga” that, to the Rhodesian government, meant “thug” or “criminal”, a tag Mapfumo embraced not only during the colonial era but even beyond. In one of Mapfumo’s songs called “Kuyaura”, a Shona word meaning plea, Mapfumo speaks directly to the condition of the black people—at war, dispossessed, suffering and pleading for respite. In “Kuyaura”, Mapfumo sings: Kuyaura kwevasina musha (This is the plea of the dispossessed) Chembere dzemuno dziripi dzatipa makano (Where are the grandmothers of this place) Kutipa makano tiuraye mhandu (So they can give us axes so we can kill the enemy)

In “Kuyaura” Mapfumo is turning the concept of dissidence upside down as he calls those who govern mhandu which is like the terms “dissident” and “rebel”. While other musicians simply decried colonial injustice Mapfumo went further to contest appropriations. Mapfumo’s dissidence would not end with fighting the colonists as independent 1

 A Shona term used to describe a thug or a wild thing in the bush.

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Zimbabwe inspired little hope for the rebel musician. As Marongedze and Chinouriri (2004) argue that the major problem that has endangered Zimbabwe’s socio-economic advancement, to a larger extent, is political corruption. He goes further to say that this has existed at high levels of the political structures by which the political decision makers utilise their political muscle to maintain power, dominion and control. It is in this environment that Thomas Mapfumo had to compose his music and continue with his drive for social consciousness and critical interrogation. Music could caution, query and correct social, political and economic ills. A cursory look into Mapfumo’s music tells a story of a dissident protesting, among other things, bad leadership, corruption, poverty and economic malaise. Dissenting, it seems, has been the dominant culture in the arts in Zimbabwe. Kabwato (2011, p. 81) concurs, positing that “[s]ince 1980 there has been a culture of dissidence in the arts, that is, a culture of defying the state”. To help illustrate this, one is quickly drawn to Mapfumo’s 2010 musical album that carries a song called Hauswere muZimbabwe. As Marongedze and Chinouriri (2004) elucidated that in Mapfumo’s view, the setting (Zimbabwe) is unbearable to dwell in since life is tough such that the people are living in wretched conditions. They are languishing in life-threatening poverty. In Mapfumo’s view, Zimbabwe has become difficult to inhabit because of her citizenry that has allowed corruption to flourish. This speaks to one of his popular songs, Mamvemve, that reminds Zimbabweans that the country they desperately fought for was now in tatters (Mamvemve). Nyika yamaichemera (The country that you were crying for) Nhasi yaita Mamvemve (Today it is in tatters)

These lyrics help reveal the character of the singer as a rebel or someone who can be described as such. Beyond protesting the status quo, the singer is calling on fellow citizens to follow suit and rebel against the government of the day that has turned the once breadbasket into a basket case. Mapfumo has a flurry of songs that follow this thread and some of the songs show Mapfumo as a dissident fighting the establishment.2

2  Some of these songs include his popular song—“Corruption”—where he bemoans corruption in post-colonial Zimbabwe.

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The Politics of Marginalisation and the “Matabeleland Question” In this section, we analyse Majaivana’s song isono sami, a Ndebele word that means “My sin”, and umoya wami, “My hear”. In the song isono sami, Majaivana decries ethnic discrimination he faces as a Ndebele musician. This resonates with Ncube and Siziba (2017, p. 825) who state that “Ndebele performing artists have been marginalised if they have not produced artistic works that align themselves with Shona-oriented world views”. Debates around Ndebeleness can also be understood within Zimbabwe’s broader and emotively contested issues of citizenship, nationhood and belonging. Most of Majaivana’s songs question why Matabeleland is marginalised in Zimbabwe. This raises questions on the politics of marginalisation in Zimbabwe or the “Northern problem”, which emphasises the aspect of a “disgruntled group” (Matabeleland) which has a particular history and identity different from that of the dominant ethnic group (Tshuma & Ndlovu, 2020). Mhlanga (2010, p.  104) expresses the Northern problem more aptly by stating, “The ‘northern problem’ results from feelings of being dominated, excluded and marginalised in terms of national resource distribution and leadership (power as a resource) arrangement”. This is tackled by Majaivana’s songs, and for this case, Isono sami questions why Ndebele’s are marginalised in Zimbabwe. Majaivana states that his sin and cause of suffering is that he is a “mzwangendaba”, a referral to being Ndebele. The lyrics of the song bare it all as he sings: Isono sam’ isono sam’ bo, yikubangumzwangendaba (The sin that I have committed is that, I am of Zwangendaba origin) Icala lam’ icala lam’ bo icala lam’ yikubangumzwangendaba (The crime I have committed is that I am of Zwangendaba origin) Bayangizonda (They despise me) Bayangihleka mina (They laugh at me)

Although referring to circumstances he faced in a Zimbabwe undergoing the effects of the Economic Structural Adjustment Programme (ESAP) during the late 1990s period, Majaivana uses this song to show the marginalisation problem that is faced by many in Matabeleland region. In part, he uses the word mzwangendaba to refer to successful Ndebele citizens who are never recognised because of the tribal politics that is inundated in Zimbabwe’s social fabric. Isono sami suggests that the reason Shona speakers hold positions of power in big companies and society in Zimbabwe is because they wield political power and this has replicated

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itself on many levels, with the main group isolating “minority”. The song suggests that the problem of unemployment is not national, but tribal such that only some sections of the society suffer from the negative effects of economic adjustment. Overall, Majaivana probes the contentious problem of marginalisation since Zimbabwe gained independence in 1980. However, large numbers of people had to relocate to the capital city, which Majaivana refers to as eBambazonke. Such assertions resonate with Mlambo who states that “extreme Shona nationalists were even denouncing Ndebele’s who were critical of Zanu-Pf policies as recent newcomers to the country who had no stake in it and should go back to Zululand where they originally came from” (2012, p. 15). The discussion of ethnicity in Zimbabwe risks being labelled as “tribalism” and, therefore, divisive to a supposedly “united nation” (see Mhlanga, 2013, p.  47), although Majaivana touches on this taboo topic that is left by mainstream media. In this case, Majaivana “performs” journalism, although in a cultural context. Music thus is “a form of cultural expression, a way of inscribing the world that is informed by what takes place in society … popular musicians, music performance and lyrics at times compliment and even more effectively express what journalists fail to communicate” (Mano, 2007, p. 62). In the song Umoya wami, Majaivana expresses nostalgia of returning to his hometown in Bulawayo. He talks of koNtuthu ziyathunqa3 and ekhaya. He sings: Umoya wami bo … kawusekho lapha (My heart is not in this place anymore) Khangela ukhatshana … koNtuthu ziyathunqa (My heart is far, with my people in Bulawayo) Gijima … gijima Jesu … uyetshela abadala (Jesus, please communicate with the elders back home) Ukuthi mina ngithe ah ah … ngisake ngekhumbule ‘khaya (Please tell them that I miss home)

Majaivana avoids the use of the name Bulawayo but refers to it by the name koNtuthu ziyathunqa (smoke arising)—a statement meant to show how the city was once an industrial hub. Majaivana sums up the message of marginalisation where he notes that he misses home and calls on Jesus to relay the message to his “elders” that he misses “home”. Contextually 3  KoNtuthu Ziyathunqa is in reference to the city’s past status as an industrial hub where the industrial section of the city was always showing robust activity with smoke coming out of various factories.

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again it can be noted that due to the underdevelopment in the Matabeleland region4 a lot of people are forced to leave home for greener pastures. Leaving home for the capital shows the regional politics of centralising economic activity in the capital city, Harare. He bemoans not only how Bulawayo’s former status is now a shadow of itself but how such politics and economic planning separate one from family and friends. Majaivana’s songs therefore rely on the listeners’ active participation to realise their full meaning. Through careful language selection and use and employing various techniques to engage the listener as well as to maintain his indirectness, Majaivana exemplifies how popular music in society is used to communicate. Socio-economic Inequalities and Protest Music in Zimbabwe Chipanga’s lyrics are heavily satirical, and the message chastises the entire cross-section of the Zimbabwean society (Magosvongwe, 2009, p.  86). This prophetic messaging by Chipanga with a biblical nuance could be drawn from his biblical namesake who chastised the biblical nation of Israel after the nation drifted from God’s ways. Chipanga critically questions the socio-economic inequalities he sees with the rich getting richer and the poor getting poor. This impoverishing of ordinary Zimbabweans is what drives Chipanga to take aim at the political and economic elites who enjoy plenty in the sea of poverty. Through his protest music, Chipanga seeks to turn the logic of the normalised poverty upside down. Chipanga advocates that Zimbabwe drift towards some semblance of equality and justice and move to the realisation of fairness informed by the logic of the country’s armed struggle. Chipanga, in embarking on protest music, seems to be drawing from his classical Shona culture where protest music acted as a check to the abuse of power in both domestic and public spaces (Matsilele, 2019; Chitofiri et  al., 2017). As Emenyonu (2011) argues, musicians should stand and be the voice of the voiceless proletariats and it should speak for the poor masses in order to conscientise them. Yaaah ndagaya manje (I have now decided) Mai mwana ndafunga zano (I have thought a plan my wife) Kuti tivake musha wedu pamusoro-soro pegomo (Of constructing our homestead at the peak of the mountain) 4

 We do acknowledge that other parts in Zimbabwe are underdeveloped.

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Kuti kana vokwidza mitengo vanokwidzira vari pasi (Such that when the government increases prices of commodities, it affects others not us) Sarei tiri mudenga kana tichinge touya kuzotenga, toita zvemutserendende (When we intent to buy or purchase goods we descent like a chute) Tavaka pamusoro pegomo, kuti vatikwidzire mitengo vanototanga vakwira mundege (If they wish to increase commodity prices, they must use an aeroplane to visit our residential) Vouya pamusoro pegomo, vokwidza mitengo varipamusoro pedu (place and charge while on top of us) Pasina izvozvo ndaramba, ndaneta kujairirwa mai wemwana (Failure to do so, we will not accept any prices increase) Zvinhu zvaoma, eyiyeee (Things are now costly and expensive) Uuuuumm ndagaya (Uuuumm I have now decided a better plan)

Chipanga deals with the plethora of crisis emanating from maladministration by the ruling Zanu-Pf through his music. The musician [through his lyrics] shows that Zimbabwe is facing a challenge of inflation, a situation that had become terrible and horrendous (Chirombe, 2019, p. 136). At the time of the release of the album with the song ndafunga zano, Zimbabwe was under the late Robert Mugabe’s tyrannical rule who governed with an iron fist. Mugabe’s politics divided Zimbabweans into patriots and traitors with those who disagreed with him being labelled western imperialist stooges, puppets or enemies of the people. Through the release of his protest music, Chipanga was positioning himself in the brand of politics that Mugabe targeted for violent repression. Chipanga’s music would make him a dissident of sorts that since Zimbabwe’s colonial and post-independence memory have been targeted by state actors of successive repressive regimes. Narratives on Political Oppression and Violence in Zimbabwe Music in Zimbabwe has over the years performed the role of the fourth estate in Zimbabwe. This can be attributed to Zimbabwe’s tight media landscape that does not permit for a plethora of discourses. Music has been used to speak against political violence and oppression against citizens—and Winky D has expressed such injustices in his music. Over the years in post-millennial Zimbabwe, Winky D has earned names such as Ninja President, Bigman, Gombwe and Gafa. These stage names have been argued to have “an element of control … and a desire for societal empowerment and agency” (Tivenga, 2018, p. 140) and are symbolic of

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what the musician stands for. Winky D’s music is synonymous to the Dancehall genre that churns out similar rhythms popular amongst the youth in Zimbabwe (Ureke & Washaya, 2016). His performative acts have been associated with political struggles and post-colonial oppression. Winky D’s music and rebellious lyrics and dress code have been received by many as challenging the status quo and represent the unemployed youth who have mostly been at the receiving end in Zimbabwe’s multifaceted crisis. Overall, his music challenges the obstinate socio-economic and political problems whose fulcrum was Robert Mugabe’s policies and presently Emmerson Mnangagwa’s “New Dispensation”. Winky D’s music is a mirror of the dire social and political circumstances faced by many Zimbabweans. His music exhibits both a journalistic and a dissident archetype. In one of his songs titled Ijipita, Winky D echoes sentiments that are expressed by many Zimbabweans who feel they have a bleak future. This, in part, is because of the oppression, use of violence and silencing Zimbabweans are subjected to. On a bigger picture, this relates to the economic misfortunes the masses face by virtue of corruption, nepotism and the exclusion of youths in political participation in Zimbabwe. Much as the “New dispensation” government which took over from Robert Mugabe after a military coup in 2017 was welcomed with cheer and glee, scholars have stated that “The Mnangagwa regime is a direct child of Mugabeism; indeed, Mugabeism is its recurrent theme” (Ndlovu-Gatsheni & Ruhanya, 2020, p. 4). In the “new dispensation”, we continue to see the multifaceted Zimbabwean crisis that is then reflected in Winky D’s music. To describe this unresolvable crisis, Winky D uses the biblical story of the Israelites who were oppressed in Egypt, and plays the role of Moses trying to free the Israelite tribe leading them to the promised land of Canaan that flows with “milk and honey”. Winky D, referring to Zimbabweans, assures that “the ancestors will lead us”. In this way, Winky D can be said to perform an alternative form of journalism that seeks to “delegitimise Zanu-Pf and the state, and foregrounds, almost exclusively, the economic and political blunders associated with ZANU-PF rule” (Chuma, 2008, p. 27). The lyrics below bare it all: Tavekusiya musha kufamba mamaira (I am leaving home walking the miles) Vakomana kuchikaira (Guys it’s a quest) Tavhunza zvirimberi hakuna adaira (Asking what’s to come and nobody answers)

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Totungamirwa nepasi ndipe nhekwe iya (The ancestors will lead us, pass me the snuffbox) Zvinonzi pasi rega ndireve (Its said that, let me say) Ukasadikitira hauseve (If you don’t sweat you wont eat) Tavekutsvaga zvakafa zvega (We scavenging prey already dead) Kuvhima kwevasina uta nemuseve (Hunting as one without a bow and arrow)

Through his songs, Winky D exposes Zanu-Pf’s misgovernance and sets an agenda towards emancipation. In his song Njema, a Shona word which means chains, Winky D attributes that Zimbabweans are mentally chained and are obstructed to map out their political trajectory. He bemoans how Zimbabweans are oppressed and in need of economic and political freedom. Winky D captures how people are enslaved and tortured by rulers. Torture and violence are dominant themes in Zimbabwean politics as the state has been on the record of turning against citizens instead of protecting them. One could relate this to Werbner’s (1991) contribution who captures how the political elite adopted (and continuously do) the use of violence in what he terms quasi-­ nationalism. In his definition, this term means a “movement of ideas and practices which wins its often cruelly violent moments within twentieth-­ century nation-state building. […] Yet it is energised by a myth of being prior to the postcolonial nation-state, of carrying forward primordial identities” (Werbner, 1991, pp. 159–160). Violence is endemic in contemporary Zimbabwe. As the Fourth Estate, Winky D encourages people to stand in solidarity with others (pane vamwe chingomira mira), and make use of various meeting places like watering holes where they drink (Kumavave kwavano nwira-nwira) to advice each other, and set hunting traps (Panganai zano monoteya riva) as he aspires to cross the “great river” (Ndafunga kuyambuka ini ndobira dziva).

Conclusion The power of music to influence has been apparent in Zimbabwe’s post-­ independence contested politics where the ruling Zanu-Pf has fought to frame the incessant crisis as a creation of its detractors. This chapter has demonstrated how musicians and Zimbabweans have used music as a dissident tool and also a journalism variant to give an alternative narrative to the one advanced by the state actors and ruling Zanu-Pf. We particularly analysed lyrics by Thomas Mapfumo, Lovemore Majaivana, Winky D and

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Hosiah Chipanga. As this chapter demonstrated, musicians in Zimbabwe have acted as dissident archetypes challenging the Zanu-Pf administration on matters of corruption, marginalisation, repression and socio-economic disparities. The chapter shows that, despite the tightly controlled space that does not allow a plethora of voices, music acts as an alternative medium that challenges the establishment.

References Barber, K. (1987). Popular arts in Africa. African Studies Review, 30(3), 1–78. Chikowero, M. (2007). The third Chimurenga: Land and song in Zimbabwe’s ultra-nationalist ideology, 2000–2007. In J. Ndlovu-Gatsheni & J. Muzondidya (Eds.), Redemptive or grotesque nationalism? Rethinking contemporary politics in Zimbabwe (pp. 291–314). Chirombe, J. (2019). The interface of music and politics: Exposition of Tongai Moyo and Hosiah Chipanga’s post 2000 music. Doctoral dissertation. Chitofiri, K., Mutasa, D. E., & Gwekwerere, T. (2017). Fighting for justice and freedom through music: The case of Thomas Mapfumo, Hosiah Chipanga and Leonard Zhakata, ca. 1988–2015. South African Journal of African Languages, 37(1), 59–73. Chuma, W. (2008). Mediating the 2000 elections in Zimbabwe: Competing journalisms in a society at the crossroads. Ecquid Novi: African Journalism Studies, 29(1), 21–41. Drewett, M. (2003). Battling over borders: Narratives of resistance to the South African border war voiced through popular music. Social Dynamics, 29(1), 78–98. Elo, S., & Kyngäs, H. (2008). The qualitative content analysis process. Journal of Advanced Nursing, 62(1), 107–115. Emenyonu, E. (Ed.). (2011). Teaching African literature today (Vol. 29). Boydell & Brewer Ltd. Hove, M., & Gwiza, A. (2012). The fast track land reform programme and food insecurity: A case of Zimbabwe from 1992 to the present. American Journal of Contemporary Research, 2(8), 282–291. Kabwato, C. (2011). Arts under pressure. Agents of Change: The Role of Artists and Cultural Actors in Regions of Conflict Crisis. Accessed on: https://www. ssoar.info/ssoar/bitstream/handle/document/51197/ssoar-2011-Agents_ of_Change_Die_Rolle.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y&lnkname=ssoar-2011Agents_of_Change_Die_Rolle.pdf Magosvongwe, R. (2009). Contrasting discourses of emancipation and empowerment in selected albums by Hosiah Chipanga and Fungisai Zvakavapano. Muziki, 5(1), 75–91.

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Makina, B. (2009). Re-thinking white narratives: Popular songs and protest discourse in post-colonial Zimbabwe. Muziki, 6(2), 221–231. Mano, W. (2007). Popular music as journalism in Zimbabwe. Journalism Studies, 8(1), 61–78. Marongedze, R., & Chinouriri, B. (2004). Lampooning political corruption of the nation: An analysis of the selected songs of Thomas Mapfumo and Hosiah Chipanga. Matsilele, T. (2019). Social media dissidence in Zimbabwe. Doctoral dissertation, University of Johannesburg. Mbaegbu, C. C. (2015). The effective power of music in Africa. University of Embu. Mbembe, A. (1992). The banality of power and the aesthetics of vulgarity in the postcolony. Public Culture, 4(2), 1–30. Mhlanga, B. (2010). Zimbabwe’s post-colonial antinomies as the ‘northern problem’: Policy projections. African Security Review, 19(4), 104–113. Mhlanga, B. (2013). Ethnicity or tribalism? The discursive construction of Zimbabwean national identity. African Identities, 11(1), 47–60. Mlambo, A. (2012). Becoming Zimbabwe or becoming Zimbabwean: Identity, nationalism and state building in the historical context of Southern Africa. Paper presented at the Inaugural Lecture of the HOD of the Department of Historical and Heritage Studies, University of Pretoria, 30 October 2012. Mpofu, S., & Nenjerama, T. (2018). Imaginations and Narrationsof the Nation: The Music of Raymond Majongwe and Brian Muteki in the Identity Construction of Post-2000 Zimbabwe. Muziki, 15(2), 1–20. Mvundisi, J. (2020). I sang in the wrong language: Majaivana. Daily News. https://dailynews.co.zw/i-­sang-­in-­the-­wrong-­language-­majaivana/ Ncube, G., & Siziba, G. (2017). Compelled to perform in the ‘oppressor’s’ language? Ndebele performing artists and Zimbabwe’s Shona-Centric Habitus. Journal of Southern African Studies, 43(4), 825–836. Ndlovu-Gatsheni, S.  J. (2011). The Zimbabwe nation-state project: A historical diagnosis of identity and power-based conflicts in a postcolonial state. Nordiska Afrikainstitutet. Ndlovu-Gatsheni, S. J., & Ruhanya, P. (2020). The history and political transition of Zimbabwe. Springer International Publishing. Ndlovu-Gatsheni, S. J., & Willems, W. (2009). Making sense of cultural nationalism and the politics of commemoration under the third Chimurenga in Zimbabwe. Journal of Southern African Studies, 35(4), 945–965. Nehanda Radio. (2016). My music has been banned: Hosiah Chipanga. Nehanda Radio. https://nehandaradio.com/2016/07/17/album-­banned-­ hosiah-­chipanga/ Nehanda Radio. (2020). Govt orders radio station to cancel Winky D interview … Moves to Ban his music. Nehanda Radio. https://nehandaradio. com/2019/12/30/govt-­orders-­radio-­station-­to-­cancel-­winky-­d-­interview-­ moves-­to-­ban-­his-­music/

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Tivenga, D. R. (2018). Contemporary Zimbabwean popular music in the context of adversities. Tydskrif vir Letterkunde, 55(1), 134–148. Tshuma, L., & Ndlovu, M. (2020). Immortalizing “buried memories”: Photographs of the Gukurahundi online. Journal of Genocide Research. https:// doi.org/10.1080/14623528.2020.1850393 Ureke, O., & Washaya, Y. (2016). Social commentary, subaltern voices and the alternative medium of Zimdancehall music: Unpacking the Music of Winky D and Sniper Storm. Muziki, 13(1), 68–88. Viriri, A. (2013). “Seiko Musina Morari?”: The Carnivalesque modes of the Pungwe Institution in selected Shona novels. Doctoral dissertation, University of South Africa. Walton, K. (1994). Listening with imagination: Is music representational? The Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism, 52(1), 47–61. Werbner, R. P. (1991). Tears of the dead: The social biography of an African family. Edinburgh University Press.

CHAPTER 5

Indigenous African Popular Music, Democracy and Politics Muyanga Innocent Ziba

Introduction The term Nguni or Ngoni is commonly used to describe the peoples that are found in southeast coastlands of Southern Africa and speak same or similar languages and share different aspects of culture in common. Among the tribes classified as Ngunis include the Zulu, the Swazi and the Sotho. Included in this group are the Ndebele of Zimbabwe that broke away from the Shaka kingdom in the early nineteenth century and who still speak the Nguni language, and the Ngoni of Malawi, Tanzania and Zambia (Murdock, 1959, p. 102). The Ngoni of Malawi, Eastern Zambia as well as Southern Tanzania (The Zulu Gama Ngonis) are part of the several Nguni groups from the east coast of South Africa, who, during the turmoil of “mufecane”, resisted amalgamation into the Zulu kingdom under the leadership of Shaka ka Senzangakona and marched northward as far as the lake region of central Tanzania (Murdock, 1959).

M. I. Ziba (*) University of Livingstonia, Livingstonia, Malawi © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 A. Salawu, I. A. Fadipe (eds.), Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 2, Pop Music, Culture and Identity, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-98705-3_5

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Along with them they brought the Ingoma dance and music that was used when going as well as coming from wars with tribes they found in these areas. They also carried with them the Ngoni military tactics, political and social structures as well as culture. Later, due to conflicts among them, because of succession issues to the throne after the death of their leader, Uzwangendaba, two bands of Ngoni people moved from Tanzania into Malawi and resettled in northern and central Malawi in 1850 and 1865, respectively, while the Mpezeni Zulu Ngonis settled in Eastern Zambia (Phiri 1982, pp. 11–14; Rangeley, 1966, pp. 62–86). The singing as well as the dancing of the Ingoma dance for centuries is a reminder that the Ngoni language in the songs is a means of strengthening their culture as well as an effort to identify themselves and speak through their music that they are the Ngonis (Hewitt & Phiri, 2014) and belong to a larger group of people. The prevalence of words in their Ngoni songs helps the Ngoni people have “a badge of identity that instantly establishes who ‘we’ are and who ‘they’ are” (Royce, 1982, p. 148). The Ngoni of Malawi, Zambia and Tanzania have the same origins. They are both descendants of Uzwangendaba, who ran away from Tchaka in the present-day South Africa (Stokes & Brown, 1966, pp. 302–305). After Uzwangendaba’s death in Ufipaland in Tanzania, his group divided up (Kishindo, 2002). Some went to Zambia, others remained in Tanzania and others came to Malawi. However, during the celebrations the three countries do it together. In Malawi, they have Umtheto (Nkhata, 2012). The same ceremony is called Nc’wala in Zambia (Chanda, 2014) and Maji-Maji in Tanzania. The Ngoni people of Malawi, Zambia and Tanzania share some characteristics with some tribes in Southern Africa. They share the same linguistics features with the Swati of Swaziland, the Zulu of South Africa, the Xhosa of South Africa and the Ndebele of Zimbabwe (Mithi, 1996). A combination of the Ngoni in all these countries mentioned makes them a great tribe. Malawi also shares its cultural diversity with a multiple of countries in East and Southern Africa. These include Zambia, Tanzania, Mozambique, Zimbabwe, South Africa, Swaziland and Lesotho, among others. This is because the Mfecane pushed tribes to move as far as East Africa (Stokes & Brown, 1966). The Ingoma dance is a dance that is accompanied by music of clapping hands by women and men dancing with their spears. It is famous among the Ngonis of Malawi—particularly Mzimba in Northern Malawi, Dowa,

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Ntcheu, Dedza and Mchinji in central Malawi and Mwanza in Southern Malawi. It is also danced in Eastern Zambia among the Mpezeni Ngonis and Ngonis in Southern Tanzania, the Zulu Gama. It is also danced in Zimbabwe among the Ndebele people and some parts of Mozambique among the Amatchangani people (Stokes & Brown, 1966). The costume of men comprise the headgear that consists of various feathers from beautiful birds, some ornaments and bangles that are put on the limbs as well as beads that are normally worn on the limbs and chest. They also wear animal skin of animals that resemble the leopard. They also carry the spear and club. In the legs they put on metallic ornaments that rattle when they stamp their feet. The Ngoni Ingoma dance music has now been a unifying factor for people in East and Southern Africa (Moyo, 2018). People come as far as Kenya, Tanzania, South Africa and Zimbabwe for celebrations in Malawi, Zambia and Tanzania. The central theme is usually hidden in the Ingoma music which sends out words of unity and development (Etats, 2020). Such activities are now helping the young generation to know where they are coming from and how best to maintain the culture. Prior to celebrations, the chiefs, who are subordinates of the Paramount Chief, eventually summon sub-chiefs and organise them for the next Umtheto festival. They in turn summon village headmen and group village headmen. They tell the subjects why Umtheto is important and why they must mobilise subjects to support the festivals (Read, 1971, pp. 346–347). At each level there are responsibilities. The village headmen and group village headmen handle cases and when they find issues difficult they refer them to the sub-chief or chief. When the chiefs find them difficult to handle they refer them to the Paramount Chief. This acts as a supreme court for the Ngonis. The democracy and political structure also reveal the two-step flow model of communication in the Ngoni culture. After all, the chiefs wield a lot of power because they control land, and they judge small cases at the village level. Because they too are judged by their supervisors who in this context are chiefs, they try their best to handle issues ethically. In the long run, the subjects have trust in them and these chiefs become opinion leaders as they handle issues to the satisfaction of the villagers. The two-step model of communication is discussed more in the theoretical framework page.

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Literature Review Music cannot be separated from the way it is produced, consumed and taught. The realities therefore between “music, society and culture has been researched for many decades. Seminal research in the field of ethnomusicology has explored how social and cultural customs influence music practices in macro and micro ways” (Burton, 2018). Music can therefore not be separated from the environment that exists and the context in which it is sung. The Ingoma music has therefore been inextricably linked to the culture of the Ngoni people in East and Southern Africa (Moyo, 2018). It has become an emblem of identity for centuries and continues to be transmitted from as early as 1800 to future generations and they use their Ngoni language as key to the music dance. The Ingoma music has remained their identity because the “dance has managed to preserve some verbal and non-verbal human expressive tools that are largely unique to the Ngoni. These are expressed in forms of chants, slogans as well as ululation” (Maluwaya, 2015). In addition to this, when they dance ingoma or they wear the animal skin head band, they distinguish themselves from other tribes hence has become a symbol of tribe identity. Since the Ngoni language has not survived because of intermarriages with other tribes in East and Southern Africa, their dance and their songs rather than their language have become their identity (Maluwaya, 2015) It is also true that “Ingoma dance as well the rendition of its music and song cannot be easily separated from the dance. This is largely due to the fact that the music is derived from the hand clapping, the singing and stamping of the same bodies that do the dance movements” (Maluwaya, 2015). The Ingoma music was sung and danced when men got ready to go to war. According to Strumpf (1999): Ingoma was formerly a circular dance performed in the cattle kraals of the compound. The strong, slow stamping of the feet on the soft mud and dung provided the emphatic sound of strength and power required to vitalize the men as they set off for fighting. The women’s position in the music making process was to support the men by hand clapping, as mentioned, and wiping the brows of the men dancers as they built up energetic perspiration.

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These sentiments are also echoed by Earlmann (1989), who reported of several thousand African men clad in loin cloths who thronged a concert in the Workers Hall of the Durban Branch of the Industrial and Commercial Workers Union (ICU). He reports about “the pounding of sounds of hundreds of sticks, successive teams of dancers”. All these struck a defiant note and sung: Who has taken our country from us? Who has taken it? Come out! Let us fight! The land was ours. Now it is taken We have no more freedom left in it Come out and fight! The land is ours, now it is taken. Fight! Fight! Shame on the man who is burnt in his hut Come out and fight!

All these indicate that the Ingoma music created an atmosphere of war and not peace. It was a music for Morale booster, fuel for the men of valour to fight on. The Ingoma music is still used when people want to show their anger or want to avenge for wrongs committed against them. This is happening even in democracies. In Malawi from 2018 up to June 2019, people used the Ingoma music to send across the message that they didn’t want the regime of Professor Peter Wa Mutharika. Such music was mounted on loud speakers encouraging people to go to protest. To them, this was the best mode to show their anger to the government of Malawi. It was a call to fight for their freedom which they felt was undermined and music was the best mode to communicate. They even used the music from Zululand in South Africa. It was therefore easy to communicate the message even to rural areas because of this mode of music, the music of war. Communication using music had also been used during the time when Malawi was fighting for independence. It was used again when Malawi was fighting the one-party system of government. According to Lwanda (2016): A number of factors and events that shaped the role of music in social protest in Malawi include: culture; colonialism; the two World Wars; poverty; gender inequality (Gilman, 2001, pp. 43–64); post- colonial dictatorship;

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and a limited educational system, leading to low national literacy rates between 1891 and 2009, which perpetuates Malawi’s oral culture. Given the repressive colonial and post- colonial governance and government control of the electronic and print media between 1964 and 1994, protests about social conditions and poverty, for example, could only be subtle and oral. (Rotberg, 1966; Ranger, 1975; Lwanda, 2008b, pp. 26–40; Lwanda, 2008b, pp. 71–101; Lwanda, 2011, pp. 347–351)

This element was seen in the protests as the protesters were using the Ingoma songs as they sung as if they were going to war. Some were wielding spears and bows while others were just carrying leaves to show their anger. In Mzuzu, the headquarters for Northern Malawi, the demonstrators burned down the Treasury offices and looted a number of shops and agricultural offices (Xinhua, 2019). This was after the police threw teargas on them. This fuelled protests and they became even more violent thereafter. The music was the fuel to go another mile as they demanded the removal of the chairman of the Malawi Electoral Commission Dr Jane Ansah and her entire staff as well as the President of Malawi Dr Peter Wa Mutharika. They even demanded vigils at state residences in all the three regions of Malawi but this was stopped by the Malawi Army. In respect for the men in uniform (Malawi Army), who protected them from the Malawi Police and the youth of the then ruling party (Democratic Progressive Party), they included them in their songs praising them (Masina, 2019).

Theoretical Framework In this chapter one prominent theory that the study reveals is discussed and contextualised to the topic under discussion Two-Step Flow, Model of Communication Research has proved that many people in Mzimba use the two-step model of communication (Ziba, 2015). On the other hand, research also shows that the one-step model of communication is prevalent, particularly with the younger generation. Lazarsfeld et al. (1968), Katz (1973) and Berelson (1968) in a study define the two-step flow model of communication as a way of making the decision that range from economic, political, social as well as personal in which individuals may be influenced by each other more than from the

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media. In this study, a small group of opinion leaders, as well as other people respected by the community, act as intermediaries between the media and the community in general. This was collaborated by another study by Bo-Anderson and C.-O. Melén (1959), who revealed that there exist some mediators or agents who can intercept the messages from the mass media and pass them on to others. These people are better informed than others. Such people are called national or traditional leaders, opinion leaders as well as community or clan leaders. What is interesting to note is that opinion leaders might not be leaders that occupy a post because of merit in the usual sense. They may not even be the head of formal organisations. They may not even be public figures such as newspaper columnists, critics or media personalities, whose influence is exerted indirectly via organised media or authority structures. They exercise this informal power from their general status by being highly informed than others, hearing things earlier than the media, sometimes (Watts & Dodds, 2007, p. 2). In an urban setting like in Mzimba, for example, these may be retired civil servants that are so much knowledgeable but live an ordinary life, like any other person in the urban area. They are sometimes people that have built integrity in the area as very honest people and are so much connected to the outside world. In this way, whatever they say is so much respected. The study by Bo-Anderson and C.O. Melén (1959) fits so well again in the Mzimba community because some community leaders exert a lot of influence in villages where people live. These leaders are sometimes called village heads (Green, 2011, p. 259) or heads of a unit (unit leaders lead some households, and typically these people are related). Some of them are just peasant farmers in the village who do not have enough property such as cattle or land but who had proved to be very honest in the judgement of cases in the villages. Some are elderly women who have lived in the villages and have built a reputation of handling cases fairly especially during times when there are cases involving a man or a woman. These women review such cases under cultural guidelines. They are also a link between the village head and the people. These women and men are also a source of inspiration. They are the custodians of culture and interpret a number of happenings in relation to culture. They teach children the meanings of words and music is one of the watershed areas where words are composed to communicate some issues in the society. Such opinion leaders play a crucial role in the interpretation of such words which sometimes convey deep meanings.

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They frequently call for meetings to advise people on the way they should conduct themselves in light of anything happening. For example, in times of hunger, the village head would encourage those that have some food to share with others or to share meals so that others should not die of starvation, and this is done. In times of sickness, the village head would call all the members to seek their views on how best they can help the person who is admitted to the hospital. They would then divide the days so that every day the person is visited, and a report is often sought on the daily basis. In this way, they exert a lot of power as well as influence. The two-step flow model of communication can therefore be very instrumental in conveying messages that are otherwise hidden in song or in the nonverbal communications people display.

Methodology Qualitative analysis was used in this study. It is by nature a concept of a culture of finding new things that can contribute to knowledge (Alassutari, 1995) in social media which is presently changing the media landscape. This study is bringing in a new paradigm of social media and how it is changing the media reception among the communities in Malawi and surrounding countries. In addition to this, a number of methods of research have been used. The reason is that the weakness of one method, for example, questionnaire, can be compensated by another method, for example, focus group discussions (Day, 2003). The following are the research methods that were used. Questionnaires A total of 20 people were interviewed using this method. People that wanted not to be seen that they were being interviewed were comfortable with this method. Focus Group Discussions (FGD) Most people were interviewed in groups. This is because it does not arouse suspicion especially when you interview the opposite sex because you interview six or more people at once. The survey took advantage of people who were travelling from Zambia to Malawi or from Tanzania to Malawi. Some were also interviewed in Mzuzu, Lilongwe and Blantyre which are

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the cities in Malawi and in various places which include wedding receptions, market days and entertainment halls, among others. The target was to interview 80 people but only 71 people were interviewed. How Focus Groups Were Organised Groups of more than six people were chosen from crowds. Some were refusing while others were accepting. Efforts were made to ensure there were both men and women participants and sometimes boys and girls of more than 16 years. The same questions asked in focus group discussions were the ones that were asked in questionnaires and face-to-face interviews. Face-to-Face Interviews This method was accepted by people who did not want to talk in a group in the focus group discussion. Some did not want to be seen that they were being interviewed. Because privacy was given to them, they talked with ease. A total of nine people were interviewed. Sampling Method Simple sampling method was used to choose the respondents. Ethical Considerations Questions that were answered were those that could not cause alarm among the people or to cause grieve or sorrow. These were direct questions that people often ask each other in the villages. Questions like what the music communicates and how the music communicates to them are questions that do not cause alarm. Another consideration was courtesy. Questions were asked in a friendly environment so as not to cause alarm and suspicion.

Results The results’ component consists just a sample of interviews that were conducted to gauge the extent to which the traditional Ingoma and the Ngoni music still communicates to the people and the impact the music has on

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the people. It was difficult to include all the 100 interviews. In each component just a few have been included to represent so many respondents. As alluded to by Read (1971), most people thought the flavour of the Ngoni music has been watered down through intermarriages and discouragement because of religions. However, her research revealed the contrary view. These were the sentiments that were expressed by the people that were interviewed from Malawi, Zambia and Tanzania during celebrations. Administrative Machinery A Ngoni woman from Zambia has this to say at the Ncwala event that took place in Eastern Zambia in 2018: The Ingoma music communicates something indeed about our traditional customs and traditions. They communicate the hierarchy of traditional leaders in the songs as well as the administrative machinery they wield. You can see that the organogram starts with the Paramount chief (Inkosi ya Makosi), Chief (Inkosi), Inkosana, Mulumuzana, group village head man and village headman. The songs express the sentiments of bravery of leaders by mentioning brave leaders during colonial times and imploring them to stand against rules enacted by government that have a negative impact on people’s lives. Only the brave stand up against repressive regimes because most are wooed by money.

This is what another woman from the mbelwa Ngonis said at the Zambia celebrations: [T]he songs express the anguish as well as need for protection from leaders in times of exploitation by the regimes in power. They send the message of the importance of intervention by the leaders during such times such as this song: Ku mzimba na mkamba ndekha (I will recount the events at the leaders office in Mzimba) Ku Mzimba namkamba ndekha Namkamba ndekha Namkamba ndekha kuti charo lelo wapoka eyaye (I will tell the leader that the land has been taken by the enemy)

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In this way it creates an awareness of resposnibility for each person; the rulers have their own responsibility while the local people in villages too have their role. Death This is what a village headman from Emchisweni in Malawi had to say about Ingoma music and how it communicates to the anguish and agony during a painful situation: Ingoma communicates the anguish and the agony that accompanies death, especially that one of a loved one. The words themselves communicate what is inside a person. The pronunciation of these words reveal the anxiety and anguish. If the person was a bread winner in the family and there is no one left, the combination of words and the pronunciation of words compels the village chief or close relatives to find solutions to the problem to ease the problems of the deceased family. This is the power of ingoma words that are communicated to the people

In addition to this, this is what an old man of Engalaweni village in Mzimba district in Malawi had to say about Ingoma music: Ingoma is danced during the funerals to celebrate the life of the departed soul. The dancers normally dress depending upon the importance of the deceased. If he or she was a chief the dressing is more colourful. If he or she was not, it is less colourful. The dressing alone communicates messages the words fail to express. If the deceased was an orator and hence his skills united people, this is expressed in the songs that are sung. They sing and cry mentioning his name in the songs.

Unity One of the people who came from Malawi to attend celebrations had this to say: Ingoma is unifying us. The dressing and the songs communicate one thing that we are one people and our forefathers were one people. Even the words and the language of songs from both Zambia, Tanzania as well as Malawi have allegiance to Uzwangendaba who brought us from Zululand to live in these three countries. The songs communicate such challenging words that

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we need to work together to promote our language as well as promote our various countries. The songs also talk of administration of our villages as well as and love for our culture and our people in the three countries and beyond.

Such sentiments were also expressed by one Ingoma dancer from Zambia who said: [W]hen our ancestors look down and see how we the children dance together from various countries, they become happy. This happiness by our ancestors brings luck to us. As you can see this Ingoma dance is uniting us. Look at the way the our Paramount Chiefs and Kings dance from South Africa in Zululand, the Ndebele King from Zimbabwe, our King from Zambia as well as our Paramount Chief from Malawi. They were all dancing together. If you were closely seeing how they were dancing, you could have observed that they were dancing the same style meaning we are just one people. This is therefore a big and powerful tribe. It has not changed. It is the way our ancestors left it in the 1880s when they lefty Zululand to look for peaceful lands.

Celebrations The Ingoma music is also sung during celebrations. This is what one person said from the Mbelwa Ngonis from Southern Mzimba: The Ingoma songs were sung when soldiers were returning from the war and were bringing in plunder into the village. At this point it was a point of celebrations firstly because the women were happy that their men were returning from the battle alive and secondly because they have brought provisions from the enemy villages. It was also this time that the soldiers would dance and sing mentioning their Ngwazi (hero) leader for ably leading them into battle and defeating their enemy. When they were at the edge of their village the women folk would join them and the atmosphere would turn frenzy.

However in our times during activities that are social or political in nature, people organise these traditional dances. It is worth to mention that during the wedding celebrations in Ngoniland when the bride’s family comes to traditionally give the woman to the man, Ngoni music and Ingoma dance are performed. The words are conned to suit the event and to spice the event to make it memorable. Even during the main celebrations event the Ingoma songs are enjoyed to show the people “that this is the Ngoniland”.

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Discussion As can be seen, the literature review is agreeing with the results, an element that shows that most elements the songs communicate have not changed. Although most do not speak their Ngoni language, their traditional customs have remained and are still being practised. Of much interest is the uniformity of celebrations that have different names but have the same components. For example, it is called Umtheto in Mzimba, Maji-­ Maji in Tanzania and Ncwala in Zambia, and in South Africa it is called Royal Reed Dance. What is common is the dancing of Ingoma, beer drinking, as well as Ngoni/Zulu traditional customs such as orating their origins. All these convey the same messages of solidarity among the Ngoni/Zulu people, among others. Another important aspect is the messages the Ingoma music conveys. The music conveys deeper meanings of the message that can sometimes be fully conveyed by the words. The rhythm, the posture when dancing and the volume of the song, whether high or low, all convey different messages to the public. Of interest is the two-step model of communication in play. The Ingoma songs and other traditional customs are taught by elderly people that people hold in esteem. These are called opinion leaders in this context. In this way, the songs and traditional customs are passed from one generation to the other. Another important element is the effort made by the media to include Ngoni music in their programmes, particularly the electronic media. A number of programmes have been set, especially at Mzimba community radio by using the one-step model of communication. The reason is not to make the Ngoni language extinct. The celebrations in Malawi, Zambia, Tanzania and South Africa bring in exchange of ideas, correcting each other how best to sing songs, the way their ancestors sang. In addition to that, these celebrations bring in the required forex to the hosting countries as hundreds flock in to attend the celebrations. They give chance to hotel owners, restaurant owners as well as those that sell traditional attires to sell enough products for a number of days each year. One particular area of persuasion is the common denominator which is the Ngoni music that is enjoyed in Zambia, Malawi, Tanzania and South Africa as well as the Ndebele of Zimbabwe during celebrations. During the celebrations the people from the five countries enjoy the rhythm of the

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music and beats, though in different languages. The music communicates the same issues as discussed in literature review and in the results section. The dressing consist of animal skin, the same way their forefathers dressed. These celebrations also help the chiefs from the five countries to reflect on their rules in the context of political and economic changes Africa and the world are going through. Finally, of particular interest is the one-step model of communication and its influence in conveying music to the community. Mzimba community radio is one of the community radio stations in Malawi that is heralding the communication of Ngoni music. Many people are interested to know the meaning of words in the songs and why such songs were created.

Conclusion The study has revealed that the Ngoni/Zulu cultural values as well as respect for traditional beliefs have remained, although only the remnant speak their language. The celebrations in the four countries of Malawi, Zambia, Tanzania and South Africa also reveal that their Ingoma music has been a source of unity of the tribe regardless of the colonial boundaries, making it one of the largest ethnic tribes in Africa. The study has also revealed that music communicates emotional feelings that cannot be expressed by words. The results section shows how emotional people become when they sing and what they communicate in times of sorrow as well as in times of celebrations. The music also sends across messages of unity to humanity to address problems that Africa and the world face. This is a very important element in democracy in maintaining the destiny of the world.

References Alassutari, P. (1995). Researching culture, qualitative method and cultural studies. SAGE Publications. Anderson, Bo-, & Melén, C. O. (1959). Lazarsfeld’s Two-Step Hypothesis, 4(2), 20–34. Sage publications (online). Available from: http://www.jstor.org/ stable/4193506 Bennett, W. L., & Manheim, J. B. (2006). The one-step flow of communication. Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science (Online), 608, 231–232. Retrieved May 18, 2015, from http://www.jstor.org.remote.library. dcu.ie/stable/25097863?pqorigsite=summon&seq=1#page_scan_tab_ contents

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Burton, G. (2018). The relationship between music, culture, and society: Meaning in music: Implications for classroom practice. Retrieved July 26, 2020, from h t t p s : / / w w w. r e s e a r c h g a t e . n e t / p u b l i c a t i o n / 3 2 6 9 9 3 7 6 9 _ T h e _ Relationship_Between_Music_Culture_and_Society_Meaning_in_Music_ Implications_for_Classroom_Practice Chanda, D. (2014). All Roads Lead To Nc’wala (p. 1). Times of Zambia: Zambia (online). Available February 21, 2014, from http://www.times.co. zm/?p=10790 Day, R. (2003). Community radio in Ireland: building community, participation and multi-flow communication. PhD. Thesis. Dublin City University. Earlmann, V. (1989). ‘Horses in the race course’: The domestication of Ingoma dancing in South Africa, 1929–39. Researchgate (Online). https://www. researchgate.net/publication/326993769_The_Relationship_ Between_Music_Culture_and_Society_Meaning_in_Music_Implications_for_ Classroom_Practice Ebner, E. (1987). The History of the Wangoni and their origin in the South African Bantu Tribes. Peramiho: Benedictine. Etats. (2020). Malawi: Ngoni cultural festival uniting East and Southern Africa. http://www.54etats.com/fr/node/8813 Green, E. (2011). Indirect rule and colonial intervention: Chiefs and Agrarian change in Nyasaland, ca. 1933 to the early 1950s. The International Journal of African Historical Studies, 44(2), 249–274. http://www.jstor.org.remote. library.dcu.ie/stable/23046880?pqorigsite=summon&seq=1#page_scan_ tab_contents Hewitt, R. L., & Phiri, S. (2014). NC’WALA The first fruits ceremony of the Ngoni. http://kapmalawi.org/pdf/ncwala.pdf Katz, E. (1973). The two-step of communication: an up-to-date report of a hypothesis. In Enis and Cox (Eds.), Marketing classics (pp. 175–193). Kishindo, P. J. (2002). “Flogging a dead cow?”: The revival of Malawian Chingoni. Nordic Journal of African Studies, 11(2), 206–223. http://www.njas.helsinki. fi/pdffiles/vol11num2/kishindo.pdf Lazarsfeld, P. Berelson, B. Goudet, H. (1968). How the Voter Makes Up His Mind in a Presidential Campaign, Columbia University Press (online), available from: https://www.degruyter.com/document/doi/10.7312/laza93930/ html?lang=en Lwanda, J. (2016). Poverty, prophets and politics: ‘Marxist’ discourses in Malawi music, 1994–2012. In A. Salawu & M. B. Chibita (Eds.), Indigenous language media, language politics and democracy in Africa. Palgrave Macmillan. https:// doi.org/10.1057/9781137547309_11 Maluwaya, M. (2015). The resilience of traditional dance as a repository of cultural heritage: The case of Ingoma of Malawi. Acta Ethnographica Hungarica, 60(1), 69–76. Retrieved July 27, 2020, from http://real.mtak.hu/37296/ 1/022.2015.60.1.8.pdf

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Masina, L. (2019, July 5). Election protesters promise vigils in Malawi. VOA (Online). https://www.voanews.com/africa/election-­protesters-­promise-­ vigils-­malawi Miti, L. M. (1996). Subgrouping Ngoni varieties within Nguni: A lexicostatistical approach. South African Journal of African Languages, 16(3), 83–93. https:// doi.org/10.1080/02572117.1996.10587123 Moyo, A. T. (2018). Umtheto revamping Ngni culture in Mzimba. https://www. welum.com/article/umthetho-­revamping-­ngoni-­culture-­mzimba/ Murdock, G. P. (1959). Africa, Its Peoples and their Culture History. New York: McGraw Hill. Nkhata, H. (2012). JB Attends Ngoni Umtheto Cultural festival (p. 1). Malawi News Agency: Malawi (online). Available August 11, 2012, from http://www.manaonline.gov.mw/index.php/national/general/ item/100-jb-attends-ngoni-umtheto-cultural-festival Phiri, D. D. (1982). From Nguni to Ngoni: A History of the Ngoni Exodus from Zululand, and Swaziland to Malawi, Tanzania and Zambia. Popular Publications. Rangeley, W. H. J. (1966). The Angoni. The Society of Malawi Journal, 19(2), 62–86. Society of Malawi – Historical and Scientific. Blantyre, Malawi. Read, M. H. (1971). Colonialism in Africa (pp. 346–347). Cambridge University Press (Online). https://books.google.ie/books?hl=en&lr=&id=iPA8AAAAIA AJ&oi=fnd&pg=PA346&dq=chiefs+anmong+the+ngoni+mbelwa+of+Mzimb a+the+Ngoni+of+Mzimba&ots=QisccvyPf2&sig=L4bAcTLBz2nUEXynop QE9w8daZY&redir_esc=y#v=onepage&q&f=false Royce, A. P. (1982). Ethnic Identity. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. Stoeltje, Beverly. Stokes, E., & Brown, R. (1966). The Zambesian past, studies in Central African history. University of Manchester (Online). https://books.google.mw/books? hl=en&lr=&id=8g0NAQAAIAAJ&oi=fnd&pg=PA302&dq=Zwangendaba&o ts=2oZXQUL3Os&sig=jHHbpRJaNQgdQrOAtRprOI8Dbtg&redir_esc=y#v =onepage&q=Zwangendaba&f=false Strumpf, M. (1999). Some music traditions of Malawi. Journal of the International Library of Music (Online), 7(4). Retrieved July 27, 2020, from http://journal. ru.ac.za/index.php/africanmusic/article/view/2001 Watts, D. J., & Dodds, P. S. (2007). Influentials, networks, and public opinion formation. Journal of Consumer Research, 34(4), 441–458. https://doi. org/10.1086/518527 Xinhua. (2019, July 6). Malawi post-election protests turn violent. Xinhua (Online). http://www.xinhuanet.com/english/2019-­07/06/c_138204423.htm Ziba, M. I. (2015). What can a community radio contribute to health promotion in the fight against HIV/AIDS. Master’s thesis. Retrieved from Doras, DCU Online Research Access Services, www.doras.dcu.ie

CHAPTER 6

Music and Political Protests in Africa: Analysis of Selected Fela Anikulapo-Kuti’s Songs in Nigeria Kingsley Chukwuemeka Izuogu, Onyekwere Okpara, and Dennis Ugochukwu Omeonu

Introduction The unique role of music as a medium of reformation, revolution and social rejuvenation cannot be underestimated. Generation after generation, music has been used as a medium for the restoration of justice, confronting ills in the society, stimulating courage and bravery. It also strengthens, boosts morale, expresses sadness, joys of life, entertains and transmits a people’s cultural heritage. In fact, music is a form of communication that plays a very important role in the African society. It is a powerful medium of expressing man’s opinions in whatever situation he finds himself. Music accompanies marriages, births, rites of passage, hunting expedition and even political activities. It is often used in different African

K. C. Izuogu (*) • O. Okpara • D. U. Omeonu Department of Mass Communication, Abia State University, Uturu, Nigeria © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 A. Salawu, I. A. Fadipe (eds.), Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 2, Pop Music, Culture and Identity, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-98705-3_6

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cultures to ward off evil spirits, pay respect to good spirits, the dead and ancestors. It is also used in rituals—social and religious (Okafor, 2005, p. 86). No doubt, culture is a way of life of a people which evolved over a period of time, and which can be transmitted from generation to generation. Similarly, music is a globally acknowledged medium for the transmission of a people’s cultural values and norms. Thus, Akponome et al. (2007 citing Okafor, 2005, p. 86) averred that “no study of a culture is complete without a close corresponding study of the music of the people.” In total agreement with the above assertion, Merriam (1959) submitted that music is a “reflection of the culture which they are part.” Interestingly, every society has its peculiar culture of which is quite distinct to them. And such peculiarity of culture is further buttressed by the medium of music. Music is found in daily human activities and it is usually organized around social contexts. So, as a part of the culture of a people, music is an artistic medium of communication that establishes relationship with the society. It could be recalled with ease how Mariam Makeba’s music was used to effectively deplore the racist Afrikaner government’s harassment and killing of black nationalists in South Africa. Bob Marley’s “Get up, Stand up” is another case in point (Gallardo, 2003). So, music can be aptly described as a weapon of political mobilization and social rejuvenation: a tool for transmitting cultural values from one generation to the other.

Inter-relationship Among Music, Medium, Politics and Protest Among all the subjects of public discourse, music is perhaps the most commonly talked about among the old and the young, rich and poor, educated and uneducated, the professional and non-professional. In fact, music is one field where virtually everyone has one thing or the other to say or do, either as a singer, dancer or as one who knows what music is all about (critic). Okafor (2005, p.  87) describes music as a universal language, a human activity which forms “part of human existence,” a systematic combination of sounds and voices for the creation of certain harmonious effects that may be tailored toward disseminating particular messages. According to (Daniel, 2000 cited in Eesuola, 2015, p.  11), “music is all about meaning and purpose (as such) when human beings are able to connect to a song in some way, there is flood of positive emotion.”

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The reason for that is because music has to do with purpose, that is, message, and every purpose is usually linked to emotion whereas emotion itself propels man’s action toward his survival. There lies the music-politics relationship! The relationship between medium and music is so interwoven that one cannot do without the other. Without mincing words, it could be said without fear of contradiction that medium and music enjoy a very serious symbiotic relationship such that none can exist in isolation of the other. Perhaps, it is in recognition of such symbiotic relationship between the medium and message that Nwosu cited in Izuogu (2006, p. 12) posits, inter alia, that “both are conversely related. Where one is the phenomenon or the load or the goods; the other is the agent, the channel or the carrier to such a decoder who is the audience or receiver.” Put simply, there can never be anything like music without a medium for its transmission. For instance, when we talk about the medium of music, we are usually referring to the channels/media used in transmitting such music. In that regard, we have physical and digital media. While physical media may refer to sheet of paper on which such music is composed, vocal sounds of the artiste, body movements, facial expressions and so on, digital media refers to such other audio/video devices used to distribute/convert music electronically. As a social concept, politics has so many definitions. But from whatever perspective anybody looks at it, the fact remains that politics is a game of who gets what, where and how, as aptly captured by Lasswell (1984 cited in Izuogu, 2006, p. 4). That is so because the actions and inactions of man as a political animal often revolves around what he can get at a particular time and place, as well as, how to get them. For instance, Black South Africans deployed the medium of music in their struggle to free themselves from tyranny and racial discrimination during the apartheid days. To that end, Grant (2008) observed that the music responded when the government began to pass unjust laws (political scheming). Music was central to the South African struggle in both its ability to rally a response from the people of South Africa, as well as raising awareness in the international community. (pp. 2–3)

So, music enjoys a very symbiotic relationship with politics both in the area of awareness creation and mobilization for revolution. For example, Onyebadi (2018, p. 3) noted that Fela used his music to fight corruption,

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injustice and dysfunctional government in Nigeria and Africa. Further to that, New York Times says Fela’s music combined pulsating Afrobeat rhythms to goad Nigeria’s leaders and denounce their authoritarian regimes. As it relates to protest, Davey (2009) had earlier posited that music always reflects what goes on politically. If we take a clue from Davey’s submission, then it will be reasonable to argue that if music reflects what goes on politically, then the reflection is felt more in the area of resistance and protest. To corroborate Davey’s assertion, Genovese (2010 cited in Eesuola, 2015, p. 86) reveals that music has always played a critical role within social change and the struggle for supremacy in power relations. The relationship between music and protest is further demonstrated by Grant (2008, p. 10) who expressly narrated how music was deployed by South African Blacks in their struggle against the apartheid regime. According to Grant, “music was used to mobilize the people through whipping up of the sentiment that power actually belonged to them.” He drew attention to a particular phenomenon called toyi-toyi (a war dance) in which the leader of a group of demonstrators will cry out Amandla (meaning “power”) and the followers will respond with Awethu (which means “to us”). That cry-out process would usually be completed with “power to the people.” Today, Amandla Awethu has become a very popular protest and resistance song used by students, labor and other activists globally to whip up sentiments of power relations between themselves and their oppressors.

Statement of the Problem Globally, music has remained a veritable medium of political mobilization and entertainment from time immemorial. However, quite unlike the conventional media of newspapers, magazines, books, radio, television and so on, which had been used to document Africa’s experiences and events, indigenous African popular music has not really attracted sufficient attention to determine their roles in documenting or intervening in Africa’s political/leadership experience. Even though scholarly works exist on indigenous African popular music, available literature such as those of Odilli (2008), Adeogun (2012) and Nnayelugo and Ukwueze (2017) shows that the role of music as a medium of political protest has been understudied. Against the foregoing background, this chapter focuses on how Fela Anikulapo-Kuti’s songs “Sorrow, Tears and Blood” and

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“Authority Stealing” were used in documenting or intervening in Africa’s political/leadership experience. No doubt, some scholars have adumbrated on the works of the chosen musical artiste (Fela Anikulapo-Kuti). For instance, Eesuola (2015), Onyebadi (2018) and so on had earlier done something on the themes of the music icon of choice. Be that as it may, the interests and emphases of the referred works differ widely with the focus of the present investigation. In order to fill the perceived knowledge gap; this research goes into a critical analysis of the lyrics of selected musical tracks of Fela Kuti, with a view to explaining how the songs in question conveyed protest messages.

Review of Literature We had earlier pointed out that music is a universal language and a carrier of culture. Taking a cue from there, Adebayo (2017, p. 56) opines that “to the African, music is not just a past time, it is a ritual” which describes the true essence and humanness of being of African origin. The inseparability of music from African culture and tradition is such that there is hardly any political, social, cultural, economic or religious activity that does not have music appropriate to it. The above remake was further justified by Onyebadi (2018), who narrowed it down to politics. According to him, African politics and political activities have also been greatly impacted by music. Adebayo went on to say that the history of colonialism and independence in Africa would be incomplete without adequate reference to the music and songs that were used to mobilize people to agitate for political freedom. On his own part, Grundlingh (2004, p. 486) observed that as far back as the 1930s and 1940s “distinctive forms of township music such as marabi carried with them their implicit and sometimes, explicit political messages” against apartheid regime in South Africa. Research findings indicate that Africa offers a huge tapestry of music and political messaging. For instance in South Africa, Louw (2017, pp. 89–90) observed thus: [T]welve years after Afrikaners lost control of South Africa’s political system, music became a fulcrum for Afrikaners to begin mouthing discontent about their place within the post-apartheid socio-political order. Their ‘sullen silence’ was broken in 2006 with a song called De la Rey. Because the song’s lyrics resonated with Afrikaner alienation and frustration, it became an instant hit.

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In Nigeria, instances abound in which students’ activists, labor unionists and civil society advocates used songs during their protest marches. A case in point is the 2012 protest against the removal of oil subsidy in which Fela Anikulapo-Kuti’s “Army Arrangement” and “Shuffering and Shmiling” were sang by the demonstrators as they conducted their processions around the cities of Abuja and Lagos. Adebayo (2017) also observed that the 2015 presidential election in Nigeria was largely peaceful due to the positive role played by Nigerian musicians in appealing for peaceful elections and orderly transfer of power. It is also on record that music has played significant roles in major protests of the world, ranging from the 1980s apartheid resistance in South Africa, to the 2010s Tunisian, Egypt and Libyan revolts of the Middle East. Going by the above explanation on the role of music in political messaging, it implies that it has the capacity to gather as well as it has to “scatter.” That according to Craig (2006) is because popular music not only articulates the views of the powerless citizens and provides a critical discourse on national and international affairs, but as more specifically captured by Ayu (1986, p. 3) that “music has the potentiality for developing consciousness amongst the oppressed class, while on the other hand, for the class in dominance; it is an extra tool for concretizing hegemony.” The observed high potentiality of music in political engineering, especially on the side of the “class in dominance,” may have been responsible for Plato’s assertion thus: “Any musical innovation is full of danger to the whole state, and ought to be prohibited.” Plato argued that when modes of music change, that the fundamental laws of the state should equally change with them (cited in Thompson, 1990). That may be responsible for the backlash effect of the use of music for political causes as experienced by Africa Artistes. For example, when South Africa’s musician and anti-apartheid crusader, the late Mariam Makeba used her music to effectively deplore the racist Afrikaner government’s harassment and killing of black nationalists in her country; the government quickly revoked her citizenship of South Africa which forced her to live in exile for many years. The apartheid South African government also banned the dangerously influential lyrics of Bob Nesta Marley’s Get up, Stand up in 1975, in the belief that it had the propensity of inciting the people against the government (Gallardo, 2003). In Nigeria’s case, Fela Anikulapo-Kuti was branded a renegade and an anti-establishment personality such that security agencies continued to hunt and hound him wherever he went. The hunt for Fela could be said

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to have assumed a disastrous dimension on February 18, 1977, when an estimated 1000 armed soldiers swooped on his African shrine Kalakuta Republic and burnt it down. Even after that singular incident, the harassment and intimidation of Fela Anikulapo-Kuti by Nigerian security agents/agencies continued until the Afro beat king bowed out in 1997. There are a couple of research findings to support the notion that music is a medium of political protest. For instance, in his work entitled “Political Protest Songs and Actual Protest Value: Analysis of Fela’s Sorrow, Tears and Blood and Bob Marley’s Get up, Stand Up,” Eesuola (2015) found as follows: 1. that Fela’s “Shuffering and Shmiling” is a protest song which was used to arouse people’s consciousness on the ills of the society 2. that even though such musical track and other similar tracks from other artistes have not been able, on their own, to trigger any protests, they actually serve as very good tonic and energizer for sustenance of already triggered protests. In a related study on “Political Messages in African Music: Assessing Fela Ankiulapo-Kuti, Lucky Dube and Alpha Blondy,” Onyebadi (2018) noted that Fela framed some of his music as political protest against flagrant abuse of power and corruption. In that study, Onyebadi pointed out how Fela framed Nigerian and African leaders not only as unprincipled set of politicians, who were out of touch with the citizenry; but, at the same time, as brazen and unconscionable looters of their countries’ wealth and resources.

Fela Anikulapo-Kuti Fela Anikulapo-Kuti was born as Olufela Olusegun Oludotun Ransome Kuti on October 15, 1938. He was born to the family of a protestant minister, Reverend Ransome-Kuti, in Abeokuta, the present-day capital city of Ogun State, Nigeria. Early in his professional life, he made fundamental changes which included changing his last name. He changed from Ransom-Kuti to “Anikulapo-Kuti” which translates to “one who carries death in his pouch and therefore cannot die.” He described “Ransome” as a remnant of British colonialism which he needed to completely purge himself of in his musical career (Caroll, 2013).

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As a child, Fela Kuti had learnt how to play piano and drums, to the point that he led his school choir. Such early exposure to musical instruments no doubt enhanced his decision to study music at the Trinity College of Music, England, in the 1950s—a development that contrasted sharply with his original intention of studying medicine. Upon return to Nigeria, Fela abandoned classical music which he studied and went ahead to pioneer and popularize a unique brand of music known as “Afrobeat.” To reiterate the African foundation of his music, Fela jettisoned English language and composed his songs in Pidgin English: a language which enabled him to identify with and reach out to a vast population of the ordinary folk in Nigeria and even beyond in West Africa (Veal, 2000). During the period of Nigeria’s military interregnum in the 1970s and late 1990s, Fela boldly confronted both individuals and institutions he considered as “causes and perpetrators of Nigeria’s reigning incredible anomie” (Olaniyan, 2004, p. 4). As a result of such attack on individuals and institutions using the medium of music, Afrobeat music came to be associated with making politically, socially and culturally charged remarks to periodically launch comprehensive attack on Nigerian and African leaders. That became a regular feature at the African shrine every Friday and Saturday. Before his death on August 2, 1997, the Afrobeat king had been arrested and beaten mercilessly by Nigerian security agents for a total of 200 times. It is on record that in spite of his being labeled a dissident, roughly one million persons (including security agents) attended his funeral procession which began at Tafawa Square and ended at his residence—(https://www.biography.com/musician/fela-­kuti). The choice of Fela’s music in this article is informed by the fact that he was one of Africa’s most controversial musicians, who had a firm belief in music as a weapon. Quoting one of his famous quotes, Fela said, “I am an artiste, I want people to be happy and I do it by playing happy music. And through happy music, I tell them about the sadness of others. So, I am using my music as a weapon.” He further declared music as a weapon of the future meant for the progressives and the “givers of life.” He argued that if the society is not fit to live in, it is the duty of musicians to make it fit—­( motivation.africa/top-­1 6-­p owerful-­q uotes-­o f-­f ela-­a nikulapo-­ kuti.html).

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Theoretical Framework Entman (1993 cited in Izuogu, 2019, p. 112) says framing is the process of “selecting some aspects of a perceived reality and making them more salient in a communicating text in a way as to promote a particular problem definition, causal interpretation, moral evaluation, and/or treatment evaluation.” Tankard et  al. (1991, p.  5) equally recognized elements of “selection, emphasis, exclusion and elaboration” in framing an issue. Generally, frames define problems, determine what causal agent is doing with what costs and benefits, usually measured in terms of common cultural values, diagnose causes—identify the forces creating the problem; make moral judgments—evaluate causal agents and their effects; and suggest remedies—offer and justify treatments for the problems and predict their likely effects (p. 112). Note that musicians generally love to articulate their perceptions of the existential conditions in their communities (social, religious, economic, cultural etc.), highlight the importance of those issues and recommend ideas on how to solve the identified problems using the lyrics of their songs. Such a system of communication aligns properly with the underlying principles of the “framing” theory. In line with the foregoing, this study examines how selected songs were framed in the language of political protest. As Iyengar and Simon (1993) suggested, framing can be approached thematically or episodically. While thematic framing organizes or categorizes the issue/s in question in a given context or subject matter, episodic framing deals with issues or events as they pop up (not in any strict order). Thus, while the musical artiste in question addressed a couple of issues in his musical career, the work shall focus thematically on his political protest songs.

Discussion This chapter clearly points out that the Fela Anikulapo Kuti musical style changed from that of criticism to confrontation when he discovered that both the oppressor (government) and the oppressed (citizens) did not in any way change their attitudes in spite of the persistent call for them to do so. According to Eesuola (2015), “Sorrow, Tears and Blood (STB)” was one of the songs that changed Fela’s tone of political engagement from

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criticism to confrontation. Eesuola observed that Fela composed “Sorrow, Tears and Blood (STB)” when he sensed that the people of Nigeria were not prepared to confront their unrepentantly corrupt government. So he used the musical track in question to sensitize the citizens and incite them toward staging popular revolt against the government. Here are the lyrics of “Sorrow, Tears and Blood (STB)” released in 1977.

“Sorrow, Tears and Blood” (1977) Fela uses the first stanza of “STB” to paint a vivid picture of victimization and brutality of Nigeria citizens by security agents/agencies, the degree of confusion between the oppressors and the oppressed and the enormity of havoc they (security agents) wreck in such uncoordinated and unwarranted interference. Pidgin

English

Eyah! Everyone run run run Eyah! Everybody scatter scatter Eyah, Someone lost some bread Eyah, Someone nearly died Eyah, Someone just died Eyah! Police de come, army de come Eyah! Confusion everywhere Ah, ah several minutes later All don cool down brother Police don go away Army don disappear Dem leave sorrow, tears and blood Dem regular trademark Dem regular trademark Dem regular trademark Lala laa la lala

Eyah! Everyone is running Eyah! Everyone running helter skelter Eyah! Someone lost some bread Eyah, Someone nearly died Eyah, Someone just died Eyah! Police are coming, soldiers are coming Eyah! There is confusion everywhere Ah, ah a couple of minutes later All has calmed down brother Police have gone away Army have disappeared They leave sorrow, tears and blood Their regular trademark Their regular trademark Their regular trademark Lala la laa la lala

In the second stanza of “STB,” Fela records that by reason of fear of the known and unknown, a typical African, especially Nigerian, condones repression from the government and its security agents. He urges the citizens to stand up for their rights instead of groaning helplessly in sorrow, tears and blood, citing examples of countries (Rhodesia—the present-day Zimbabwe—and South Africa) which have successfully resisted tyrannical governments. Fela then declares Nigerian leaders as a set of people who are wallowing/bragging in ignorance and emptiness.

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The second stanza of the song goes this way: My people sef de fear too much We fear for the things they no see We fear for the air around us We fear to fight for freedom We fear to fight for liberty We fear to fight for justice We fear to fight for happiness We always get reasons to fear We no wan die We no wan wink We no wan quench We no wan go I get one child Mama dey for house Papa dey for house I wan build house I don build house I no wan quench I wan enjoy I wan go aah! I get one child So policeman go slap your face, you no go talk Army man go whip your yansh You go de look like monkey Rhodesia they do dem own Our leaders de yap for nothing South Africa they do dem own

My people are even too afraid We are afraid of the unseen (unknown) Wey are afraid of the air around them We are afraid to fight for freedom We are afraid to fight for liberty We are afraid to fight for justice We are afraid to fight for happiness Wey always have reasons to be afraid We don’t want to die We don’t want to wink We don’t want to quench We don’t want to go I have one child Mother is still alive Father is still alive I want to build a house I have built a house I don’t want die I want to enjoy I want to go aah! I have only one child That is why a policeman will slap you, And you won’t do anything A solider will flog your buttocks You will be moping like a monkey Rhodesians did their own Our leaders are bragging in emptiness South Africans did their own

“Authority Stealing” (1980) In the second song, “Authority Stealing,” Fela describes how those in authority, that is, government officials, corruptly enrich themselves at the very expense of their constituents. He ironically laments the fate of the amateur thief who earns excessive punishment, whereas those who are in authority steal at a much larger scale and go scot-free. He begins the track with the imagery of a mob shouting and chasing the amateur or local small-time thief by singing their typical catcalls in such a robbery incident.

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English

Catch am, catch am, thief, thief, thief! Catch the thief Catch am, catch am, rogue, rogue, rogue! Catch the rogue Catch am, catch am, robber, robber! Catch the robber (… and when the mob catches the thief) Them go beat am well-well They will beat him very well Them go lynch am well-well They will completely lynch him Police go come well-well Enough policemen will come Them go carry am go court They will arraign him in court Them go put am for jail They will jail him (in that case) Them fit put am six months They might jail him for six months Them go put am for one year They might jail him for one year Them fit put am for two years They might even jail him for two years Them go put am for five years They might even jail him for five years Them fit put am for seven years He might even be jailed for seven years Them go put am for ten years They might jail him for ten years If not, them go shoot well Alternatively, they will shoot the thief Them go shoot am for armed robbery They will shoot him for armed robbery

In the second stanza of the song, Fela draws attention to the fate of those in authority (government officials), who steal humungous amounts of public money but go unpunished. They irony of the whole thing being that those in authority do not necessarily need gun; they only need pens to accomplish a lot more than the armed robbers could accomplish. He further draws attention to another irony where in spite of the massive looting of public treasury by government officials, nobody ever shouts: thief, rogue or robber. Presumably because those who are supposed to speak out are also directly or indirectly involved in the dirty deal. Fela notes however that instead of those in authority and their allies to speak out against the menace of treasury looting, they will ingeniously invent some words to paint an innocuous picture of the pillage. He finally submits that authority stealing has become worse than armed robbery and then charged all Africans to challenge the abnormality. The second stanza of the song goes this way: I say turn your face small to the right wing I say turn your face a little to the right hand side Oga patapata dey for there The boss is there Authority people dey for there Government officials are there (continued)

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(continued) Authority people dem go de steal Public contribute plenty money Na authority people de steal Authority man no de pick-pocket Na plenty cash him go de pick Armed robber, him need gun Authority man, him need pen Authority man in charge of money Him no need gun, him need pen Pen get power, gun no get If gun steal eighty thousand naira Pen go steal two billion naira You no go hear them shout thief (3×) You no go hear them shout rogue (3×) You no go hear them shout robber (3×) The song continues: Hear the words them de take deceive the people Misappropriation Maladministration Nepotism Mitigation Make I remember another one wey them de use Defraudment Forgerylization Embezzlement Vilification Mismanagement Public inquiry Finally, Fela declares: Authority stealing pass armed robbery We Africans, we must do something about this nonsense I say, we Africans, we must do something this nonsense Because now, authority stealing pass armed robbery

Government officials will be stealing They steal a lot of public money That’s what government officials steal A government official is not a pick-pocket He rather picks a lot of money An armed robber needs a gun A government officials needs a pen A government official who is in charge of money He doesn’t need gun, all he needs is a pen Pen has power, but gun doesn’t If gun steals eighty thousand naira Pen will steal two billion naira You won’t hear them shout thief (3×) You won’t hear them shout rogue (3×) You won’t hear them shout robber (3×) Listen to the words they use in deceiving the people Misappropriation Maladministration Nepotism Mitigation Let me remember another word they use Defraud Forgery Embezzlement Vilification Mismanagement Public inquiry Authority stealing is worse than armed robbery Africans, we must do something about this nonsense I repeat, we Africans, we must do something about this nonsense Because authority stealing has become worse than armed robbery

Conclusion In line with the reviewed songs of our chosen musical artiste, we conclude that the selected songs were protest messages. The songs were used as media for protesting social, cultural and political ills of the society. For instance, in “Sorrow, Tears and Blood,” the artiste registered his

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discontentment with the inhuman treatment meted out on the citizens by the ruling class, and the seeming helplessness and endless tolerance by the citizens. He expressed his worry thus “Policeman go slap your face, you no go talk, Army man go whip your yansh you go de look like monkey.” He then charged the people to resist such oppressive leadership, citing instances with Rhodesia and South Africa as two African nations which had successfully resisted tyrannical governments and are today, better off for it (Rhodesia dem do dem own … South Africa, dem do dem own). In “Authority Stealing,” Fela framed African leaders as unconscionable looters of their nations’ common wealth. According to him “a government official does not pilfer. He rather steals a humongous amount of money. A government official entrusted with public funds does not need a gun: all he needs is a pen. That is because if gun (armed robber) steals eighty thousand Naira, the man with pen (government official) will steal two billion Naira”. Having noticed the government’s craftiness in the use of words to water-down the effects of such large-scale looting of public funds, Fela declared that “Authority Stealing” has assumed a very alarming proportion. He therefore earnestly requested all hands to be on deck (all Africans) to revolt against it—“Because now, authority stealing pass armed robbery, we Africans, we must do something about this nonsense.”

References Adebayo, J. O. (2017). Vote not fight: Examining music’s role in fostering non-­ violent elections in Nigeria. African Journal on Conflict Resolution, 17, 55–77. Adeogun, A. O. (2012). Musical integrity and the teacher in the Nigerian community. Nsukka Journal of Musical Research, 1, 81–95. Akponome, A., Ejemba, H.  J., & Nwosu, U. (2007). Culture and music for national development. Journal of Arts and Humanities, 4(1), 91–94. Ayu, F. (1986). Thematic evolution and impact of political protest songs in contemporary Africa. Retrieved August 12, 2020, from https://www. t h e m a t i c -­e v o l u t i o n -­a n d -­i m p a c t -­o f -­p o l i t i c a l -­p r o t e s t -­s o n g s -­i n -­ contemporary-­Africa/ Caroll, J. G. (2013). Composing the African Atlanta Sun Ra, Fela Anikulapo-Kuti and the poetics of African diasporic composition. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Massachusetts, Amherst, MA, USA. Craig, D. (2006). Vocal killers, silent killers: Popular media, genocide and the call for benevolent censorship in Rwanda. In M. Drewett & M. Clooman (Eds.), Popular music censorship in Africa (pp. 39–52). Ashgate Publishing Limited.

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Davey, D. (2009). Why is rap so powerful? Davey D’s Hip-Hop corner. Retrieved August 12, 2020, from http://www.daveyd.com/whyrapispowerfulart. html.5/30/99 Eesuola, O. S. (2015). Political protest songs and actual protest values: Analysis of Fela’s sorrow, tears and blood and bob Marley’s get up, stand up. Journal of Arts and Humanities, 4, 82–96. Gallardo, A. (2003). Get up stand up. Peace Review, 15, 201–208. Grant, O. (2008). Composing apartheid: Music for and against apartheid. Witwatersrand University Press. Grundlingh, A. (2004). Rocking the boat in South Africa? Voelvry music and anti-­ apartheid social protest in the 1980s. The International Journal of African Historical Studies, 37, 483–518. Retrieved September 4, 2020, from https://www.biography.com/fela-­kuti Iyengar, S., & Simon, A. (1993). News coverage of the gulf crisis and public opinion: A study of agenda-setting, priming and framing. Communication Research, 20, 365–383. Izuogu, K. C. (2006). A critical analysis of roles of mass media as agents of national development. Proceedings of the annual conference of Arts and Humanities Forum of the International Research and Development Institute, 1(3), 16–21. Izuogu, K. C. (2019). A deconstruction of the political advertisements of APC and PDP presidential candidates in the 2015 elections in Nigeria. A Ph.D. thesis submitted to the Department of Mass Communication, Faculty of Arts, University of Nigeria, Nsukka. In Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Award of Doctor of Philosophy in Mass Communication. Louw, E. P. (2017). Afrikaner music and identity politics in post-apartheid South Africa. Bok van Blerk and Dela Rey Phenomenon. In U. Onyebadi (Ed.), Music as a platform for political communication (pp. 89–108). IGI Global. Merriam, A.  P. (1959). African music. In W.  Bascom & M.  Herskovits (Eds.), Continuity and change in African culture. University of Chicago. Nnayelugo, E.  C., & Ukwueze, C.  C. (2017). What is music? A definitional enquiry into the concepts and meaning of music as art, science and technology. International Journal of Communication, 20, 139–143. Odilli, E. I. (2008). Music as instrument of communication in Igbo communities: A case study of Aniocha North Local Government Area of Delta State. Unpublished undergraduate project, Department of Music, University of Nigeria, Nsukka. Okafor, R. C. (2005). Music in Nigerian society. New Generation Books. Olaniyan, T. (2004). Arrest the music: Fela and his rebel arts and politics. Indiana University Press. Onyebadi, U. (2018). Political message in African music: Assessing Fela Anikulapo-­ Kuti, Lucky Dube and Alpha Blondy. Journal of Humanities, 7(4), 129.

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Tankard, J., Hendrickson, L., Silberman, J., Bliss, K., & Ghanem, S. (1991). Media frames: Approaches to conceptualization and measurement. Paper presented to the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication Annual Meeting, Boston, MA. Thompson, L. M. (1990). A history of South Africa. Yale University Press. Top 16 powerful quotes of Fela Anikulapo Kuti. Retrieved January 28, 2021., from motivation.africa/top-­16-­powerful-­quotes-­of-­fela-­anikulapo-­kuti.html Veal, M.  E. (2000). Fela: The life and time of an African musical icon. Temple University Press.

CHAPTER 7

Singing Democracy and Politics in Post-Independence Zimbabwe: A Critical Discourse Analysis of Self-censorship in Zimbabwean Indigenous Theological-Sungura Music Andrew Mutingwende and Ernest Jakaza

Introduction This chapter analyses self-censorship in Indigenous Theological-Sungura (ITS) music and how artistes insinuate on socio-political conditions governing their country in the post-independence era. The need to reinvent

A. Mutingwende Ministry of Primary and Secondary Education, Gweru, Zimbabwe Faculty of Arts, Department of English and Communication, Midlands State University, Gweru, Zimbabwe E. Jakaza (*) Faculty of Arts, Department of English and Communication, Midlands State University, Gweru, Zimbabwe e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 A. Salawu, I. A. Fadipe (eds.), Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 2, Pop Music, Culture and Identity, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-98705-3_7

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political perception for political reform as the end goal is at the pith of most Indigenous Theological-Sungura artistes. We make a more speculative and nuanced analysis on the artistes’ lyrical creative output and its effect in the audience. We argue that music artistes do not sing from a vacuum, but they sing people’s conditions, appetite, affiliations and the way people perceive and interpret phenomena (Mhiripiri, 2011). It is also our submission that Indigenous Theological-Sungura artistes’ lyrical message rests and insinuates on the socio-political situation governing the post-independence Zimbabwean socio-scape. The authors’ judgement on the political insinuations by Theological-Sungura artistes rests upon the evaluative activity done on selected music vis-à-vis the socio-political conditions within a Zimbabwean nation.

Post-Independence Zimbabwean Socio-political Condition The political race in Zimbabwe has not always been smooth since independence. Makumbe (1998) agrees that the sprouting of opposition political parties in their ubiquity especially in the 1990s and 2000s has created nasty polarities and therefore placed the ruling party and government under the spotlight of local and international censure. Political critics, in particular, have labelled the Zimbabwean government a crisis-packed, parlous and pariah state whose attempt, through the uniformed forces and a batch of political operations, is to constantly build an immunity to blame in order to preponderate itself in political office (Roftopoulos & Savage, 2004). Despite this invective siege from within and without, in its efforts to stave off the overwhelming criticism, the Zimbabwean government has resorted to either deflecting the wrong doing on opposition political formations under the auspices of western-based sanctions or acting harshly to suspected opposition supporters (Makumbe, 1998). This has always been the ruling elite’s song to suppress the masses’ disgruntling voices through repression and hegemony in order to legitimise their political flaws (Althusser, 1970; Foucault, 1981). The perpetration of coercive state machinery is mainly done to either create a prolonged tenure of political office (Makumbe, 1998), or as a means to create a good image in the eyes of the public and the international sphere. All these political acts can be looked at as an attempt towards image repair (Alo, 2012). Roftopoulos and Savage (2004) submit that the birthing of disgruntling opposition

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formations has seen the ruling party’s overt or covert staging of political operations and alleged use of state machinery to thwart any form of vilification or uprising. In self-defence, these moves have been labelled as a nationalist watch dog to protect the government from being toppled by alleged power hungry detractors or a reaction to economic sanctions imposed by erstwhile colonists. Apart from hegemonising its rule through physical use of state machinery which encapsulates the army, the police, secret agents and the youth militia, another form of soft state machinery is through the state censorship board which provides the gatekeeper against any form of publication or production which is not aligned to the ruling party and government (Kazembe, 2009). It is heuristic that the operation of the state censorship board in relation to the airing of popular music in Zimbabwe has been both inclusionary and exclusionary. Exclusionary, in that those songs which are deemed to criticise the ruling party and government are either systematically banned or their artistes exposed to whatever form of threats, imprisonment or torture, and inclusionary in the sense that those which praise and appreciate the efforts of state and government are accepted for audience taste (Eyre, 2001). However, this strategy by the state has created despondency, apathy and fear in most popular musicians who seem to resort to self-­ exilement, relinquishment from the music industry or grudgingly resorting to apolitical music discourses. Nonetheless, most artistes have infiltrated through the state’s exclusionary machinations and rendering the political chief perpetrators of injustice prone to vilification.

The Nature of Indigenous Theological-Sungura Music The major thrust of this chapter is on the role of Indigenous Theological-­ Sungura in shaping socio-political perceptions as enunciated through Theological-Sungura popular music. What offers a thrust is the current state of affairs characterising Zimbabwe especially in the post-2000 political era and which can be summed up in Yeats’ (1998) poem The Second Coming. As espoused in Sect. 4 later in this chapter, artistes are the mouthpiece of the masses. They are the voice of the voiceless subalterns. Yeats (ibid.) decries the world being torn apart and wrecked by the Second World War of the 1940s; Theological-Sungura artistes also sing the conditions of their nation with a vision to restore it to the original

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developmental and collective centre. By disambiguation, TheologicalSungura is an evolved and hybridised daughter genre born out of two pure parent genres: the Zimbabwe-based Sungura music and Theological music. In Zimbabwe, Theological music is the admixture of two separate religions: the Christian religion and the African Traditional Religion (ATR). The former resulted from the historical retrenchment of Christian missionaries in Zimbabwe prior to 1980, while the latter is an indigenised form of African religion that worships God through veneration of ancestors and pantheons (Mbiti, 1975; Kazembe, 2009). The aggregation of the two religions morphed into the concomitant daughter genre: Theological-­Sungura. The fluxility of Theological music and Sungura substrata concomitantly led to an evolution into Theological-Sungura whose effect is the central focus of this analysis. We argue that the bonding of the two genres has led to the neutralisation of their lyrical traits. Sungura music which in outlook is subversive and secular finds a common confluence with theological music which makes the former less caustic and less confrontational through its divine attributes. This chapter favours the use of the term ‘Theological-Sungura’ more than ‘gospel music’ for the purpose of inclusion of some of the misconception and problems of genre classification. Through artistic creativity, most Zimbabwean Theological-Sungura artistes have relied on deploying their message to cultivate socio-political egalitarianism, democracy and pluralism by attacking fallibilities of political actors.

Research Corpora and Method This chapter focuses on Theological-Sungura artistes’ insinuations on socio-political ills through self-censorship. We take a qualitative approach to the study of Theological-Sungura music. The qualitative paradigm is chosen as it effectively offers flexibility in analysing power relations between the elite group and their subjects. It offers an in-depth, inductive and evaluative pragmatic analysis of narrative detail in context (Jakaza, 2013). Three Theological-Sungura artistes—Leonard Zhakata, Hosiah Chipanga and Thomas Mapfumo—have been purposively selected. The selection criteria are justifiable in that some of the artistes’ songs were state-banned as they were deemed politically incorrect. In addition, the artistes were also repeatedly summoned by politicians and the media to answer questions linked to the ‘allegations’ that they were singing politics

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apart from the fact that the two of them were hounded out of the country for the same allegations. The presented data has been coded with numbers to facilitate identification and analysis of the corpus. Since most of the songs are articulated in the indigenous language(s) the researchers did a translation into English for the feasibility of research presentation and analysis. The selection criteria of the corpus are based on the artistes’ experiences, perception and nuanced response to the traumatic historical antecedences and political music discourses. Apart from being award-winning and widely played artistes, it follows our observation that the selected sample seems to be more aware of its socio-political circumstances as well as the role of state censorship whose machination birthed self-censorship in artistes. The central spatial setting of common reference by artistes are popular towns Bulawayo, Masvingo, Gweru and Chiredzi, among others. These jurisdictions were chosen since they are the major hotspots of government-­sponsored political acts, armed riots and mass uprisings, with Harare being the headquarters of the ruling party and government. The temporal target for this interpretive study concentrates more on Zimbabwe’s post-independence period which houses historical and dramatic socio-political operations, economic hyper-inflation and political violence whose tremors shook down to the social grassroots and seem to be etched in every citizen’s memory. This era was deliberately selected since it captures historical antecedence characterised by state-sponsored violence, power transition, questioned democracy, electoral violence coupled with economic instability well known to both the old and young generations. Moss and Patrick (2005) characterise the post-2000 era as nearing a tipping point of political collapse and social death. Therefore, this chapter enunciates the role of self-censorship in attacking these socio-­ political practices that are said to render Zimbabwe’s political life-world parlous. The political upheaval which stemmed from the November 2017 coup succeeded by disputed 2018 elections and the disgruntlement of opposition formations citing election fraud and state security violence against civilians gave an impetus to Theological-Sungura artistes to insinuate on these issues through self-censorship creative artistry. The theory that informs this study is the Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) theory. CDA is a qualitative approach adopted in analysing connected text or any semiotic event, usually the text above and beyond a sentence boundary (Fairclough & Fairclough, 2012). It houses tools and methodologies used to deconstruct language used in social contexts for

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interactions in order to unravel hidden meaning (Fairclough & Fairclough, 2012). The term ‘discourse’ defines a system of thought and an aspect of social practice (Van Dijk, 1997). This means that the meaning of an utterance in a given context is defined by the relations between signs put together. In order to come up with an effective discourse analysis, CDA narrows down to study language patterns in specified contexts or situations and it is in this context that language functions as a system as defined by discourse. Discourse, therefore, is a staged and goal-oriented social activity since it serves a purpose in a speech community or what Hymes (1964) terms the ‘ends’ of speech in his speaking model. Therefore, CDA looks at the way people use language in context to effect a purpose. This chapter employs the CDA paradigm to explore popular Theological-Sungura music and its implied meaning. That is, in this chapter our main focus is the hidden dimensions of what a musical utterance ‘implies’ rather than what it means. CDA is employed to unravel how Theological-Sungura artistes insinuate on Zimbabwe’s political conditions, criticise political foibles in order to promote the settlement of differences as a way of reaching a consensual compromise which points to national democracy and participatory development. Theological-Sungura artistes shield themselves through implied meaning as distinct from explicit meaning by way of self-censorship. It is this enterprise that defines the artistes’ creativity of composition and the art of infiltration through state censorship structures and suspicion. This means that the Zimbabwean post-independence social political scenario shapes artistes’ song patterns, that is, the way artistes convey their message through their artistic creations.

Self-censorship in Indigenous Theological-Sungura Music Genre This section offers a presentation and interpretation of the corpus. While it is a common thought that music regarded as politically incorrect and invective is state-banned or staved off, the chapter advances the argument that certain popular artistes continue to infiltrate the censorship gateway through reliance on conciliatory music euphemisms through self-­ censorship in their resistance to unjust systems and laws. In one of Leonard Zhakata’s lyrics, Chikonzi Chemashoko [Messenger], the musician articulates thus:

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(1) Ndiri nzeve yevanhu, ziso revanhu, muromo wevanhu Ndiri chikonzi chemashoko Hama ndiudzei zvamunoda, ndonovaudzawo saizvozvo [I am the ear, the eye, the mouth of the people I am a people’s messenger Relatives tell me whatever that you want, and l will relay your message to them.]

As espoused above, this section presents and analyses the data from our selected sample. Through the authors’ discretionary selection of artistes’ songs, a CDA framework is used to judge the socio-political worth of the songs’ discourse content as linked to the political situation characterising the post-independence Zimbabwe. The analysis has been developed into themes according to the artiste’s adoption of a language mode as a self-­ censorship shield in their articulation of national politics. Use of Pronouns Through subtlety, Theological-Sungura artistes distance or accommodate their audience through pronominalisation or use of deictic pronouns. Distal pronouns which emphasise distancing of an entity or proximal pronouns which allude to closeness of an entity is most effective by rhetorical use of exclusive and inclusive pronouns respectively. Instances of inclusive pronouns are ‘we’ and ‘you’ which both indicate collective solidarity, togetherness and responsibility. The ‘We’ deictic points to group membership and, hence termed, the ‘inclusive We’ and the ‘political pronoun’ (Jakaza, 2013). Agreeably, van Rees (2000) argues that inclusive pronouns bring a sense of togetherness and shared responsibility with the masses. Conversely, exclusive pronouns such as ‘He’, ‘She’, ‘It’ and ‘they’ have a distancing effect. Rhetorical deployment of these pronouns by artistes bifurcates the audience into two antithetical groups, thereby distinguishing what belongs to ‘us’ from what belongs to ‘them’. Most significant is how pronoun use places an artiste at an advantage through self-­censorship. The artiste covertly distances those who are anti-egalitarian and undemocratic through the exclusionary use of certain pronouns. This process shields the artiste as a form of self-defence against state suspicion and pestilential investigation on productions deemed politically incorrect. One musician known to rely on pronominal usage is self-exiled Thomas

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Mapfumo (Mukanya). In one of his popular lyrics, Mamvemve (Rags), he reproves deeply etched corruption back in Zimbabwe in the following text: (2) Nyikayamaichemerahonayaitamamvemve [The country that you once cried for has become rags] Corruption, everywhere there is corruption, everyday there is corruption Some of us are corrupt

The self-exiled Zimbabwean artiste chides rampant corruption festering back in his country. He leans on the pronominal use of rhetorical words in a richly economic way. The reference to ‘you’ in the initial line stands for and points to the people of Zimbabwe in totality. Mapfumo satirises national implosion of a country at the hands of its liberators due to corruption which he describes as ubiquitously rampant. The ‘us’ pronoun used is inclusionary in the rhetorical sense but it fingers the prominent and corrupt political leaders, the very liberators who have turned to choke democracy, rule of law and participatory development in post-­independence Zimbabwe. The indefinite pronouns—‘the country’, ‘everywhere’, ‘everyday’ and so forth—point to the spatial setting of the government of Zimbabwe and its ministerial departments which the artiste is castigating as filled with the worms of corruption. The temporal reference pronoun ‘everyday’ contextualises corruption as a systematic and repeated process. It can be seen that the musician attacks political actors using pronouns as a mirage; thus, no specific people’s names, country name, ministry or time-frame has been specified. Village Metaphor and Other Figures of Speech Theological-Sungura artistes vilify political malpractice by political actors through familial or village metaphor which is in itself a form of self-­ censorship. Familial or village metaphor is a comparative figure of speech that, in this case, relates family or village phenomena with the nature of national politics. Thus, local family or village leaders are concomitant and proverbial extensions of prominent political father figures at a national level. This, however, is ambivalent as such a rhetorical strategy synchronously paints a picture of the state of affairs in a local family or village and the nation. Most Theological-Sungura artistes who cajole the fallibilities of family or village leaders insinuate on fallibilities of prominent political characters vis-à-vis the subjects which they represent. This rhetorical move

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by artistes provides an effective hiding cave against the storm of systematic state censorship. Criticism of national politics is projected through the discourse of the family and village, for instance, in Zhakata’s KaKingdom Kevaviri [A Kingdom of two individuals] in the following lines: (3) Mashonaland/Manicaland/Matebeleland, nemivaRozvimunoonawoseimuMasvingoimomo? Ngativakiridze Zimba rematombo riye, roondomoka Hatidi Sabhuku vanotsikirira pfungwa dzevamwe [Mashonaland/Manicaland/Matebeleland, also the Rozvi people how do you perceive [the national] situation there in Masvingo? Let’s rebuild the house of stones, it is crumbling We don’t tolerate a village head who suppresses other people’s opinions]

In the text above, Zhakata interrogates the deplorable state of affairs surrounding his politically and economically crumbling nation. He rhetorically mobilises the people in Zimbabwe’s eight provinces to challenge the unjust system. In the second line above, the artiste calls villagers to join hands for the rebuilding of a crumbing house within a village context. This ‘house made of stones’ is a reference to the Zimbabwean nation whose etymological naming stems from Great Zimbabwe ruins, a national monument built of stones in Masvingo Province, then Fort Victoria. In the last line, he censures a corrupt village head that is intolerant to villagers’ divergent views. In a way, Zhakata vilifies lack of democracy, dearth of rule of law and dictatorship haunting his nation, but he masquerades his criticism under the village discourse as a self-censorship rhetorical strategy. The same rhetorical appeal through figures of speech is echoed in one of Chipanga’s Dura Remari [Bank], some of whose lines are instanced below: (4) Mudura riye remari mapinda mujuru Mudura riye remari mapinda zvipfukuto Ukaisa Mari mubanka mangwana unofuma musina [In that bank ants/termites have infested In that bank weevils have infested When you deposit your money into the bank tomorrow it will have disappeared]

In the above text, Chipanga decries corruption in the Finance Ministry linked to embezzlement and charging of exorbitant interest rates that milk clients of hard-earned cash. Corrupt individuals are being metaphorically

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referred to as ‘weevils’ and ‘ants’ or ‘termites’. Weevils and termites are destructive pests on crops and hence are being equalled to corrupt characters in Zimbabwe. However, Zhakata perceives termites as constructive in his song Mazano Makununu [Ideal Counsels], whose lines run: (5) Ndadzora ndangariro, moyo wangu woshunguridzika Vamwe voramba kushanda semajuru; vosarudze kuve zvipfukuto Ngatingoshandei semajuru, tirambe tiri pamushandirapamwe [I have forborne my memory, my heart is anguished Some are refusing to work like termites; they rather choose to be weevils Let’s work like termites, let’s remain cooperative/united]

The above text articulates the need for national unity and democracy; hence, he calls the majority to be like termites in terms of national progressivism. Chipanga and Zhakata articulate the majority’s wishes for unity across socio-political platforms and reprove the corrupt leaders who are being referred to as weevils which contribute to national implosion and death. Allusion to Spiritual Matters Zimbabwe is largely a Christian nation that cherishes charisma, accountability and nationalism in its leaders. This chapter enunciates that as in ATR, the Christian Bible is a vastly referenced text by Theological-Sungura artistes in their collective promotion of democratic and egalitarian principles within the Zimbabwean context. The Christian Bible houses a living record of failures, successes, charismatic leadership as well as retrogressive and antagonistic leadership (Mbiti, 1975). Thus, singing the church becomes the metaphor of singing the nation. This translates to the fact that critical gospel music is a portmanteau of political criticism fused within God and his relationship to his beings, or church leaders and their relationship to congregants (Kazembe, 2009). Thus, the whole stream of references becomes a conflated dialogic interconnectedness. Zhakata alludes to spiritual discourse in one of his songs, Ikodzero Yako [It’s your Right/Entitlement], some of whose lines go: (6) Umambo tose tose tinorwu vimaka Ukundi tose tose tinorwu vimaka Asi hatizi tose tinozoguma tokunda

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[All of us are after chieftainship Victory is what we are after But, it’s not all of us who end up victors]

Hiding behind the religious tussle between Messiah and the Devil in a reminiscent Armageddon recorded in the Book of Revelation Chapter 13 or as alluded to in Milton’s Paradise Lost, Zhakata interrogates Zimbabwe’s electioneering process. Theologically, the Messiah had the right to the throne, but Satan vied to usurp or dethrone God and his kingdom. Zhakata seems to call people to come to God defined by the dazzling glory and abandon Satan, the arch-Rebel ruling in the dark side. The artiste questions the electoral process and the ultimate declaration of a political winner. He suspects election fraud which thwarts the voice of the electorate as expressed in the cast vote. Zhakata goes on to preach a message pertaining to suffrage rights to the electorate that it is their sole right to vote and appoint their political leader through a vote. (7) Vanokudana kwakatsvinda siyakwakan’ora Ikodzero yako kusarura mambo waunoda Tarira mutandadzi kwaye mambo akatsvinda [They invite you to the rich/right side, abandon the rotten side It’s your entitlement to choose a King of your choice Behold, a comfortable/tolerant leader/king]

In the above text, Zhakata compares the relationship between God and his people with the relationship between political leaders and their subjects. He persuades the electorate to leave a corrupt, intolerant and selfish leader and vote for the one they consider the right one as expressed in their votes. However, Zhakata’s discourse is a superimposition of Christian discourse, thus leaving the critics wondering whether it is a message to the Christian faithfuls or not. This, in itself, is a self-censorship mechanism. Use of Sympathetic Background In most Theological-Sungura lyrics the masses (base structure) are presented as socially subterranean pathetic creatures enduring under the heavy hand of the minority ruling elite. The ruling elite (the superstructure) continue in preponderance of power through hegemony, repressive state apparatuses and ideological state apparatuses (see Althusser, 1970).

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Political power is maintained through the use of soft power and coercion to conscript the audience into acquiescence. Without holding the political antagonists in censure, the artiste merely presents the conditions of the docial masses. In this process the audience are being rhetorically mobilised, manipulated and conscripted through emotionally charged lyrics to question the causality of suffering as well as to collectively uprise and attack capitalist oppression on defenceless masses (Van Rees, 2000). The conscription and manipulation of the audience through artistic creation has been termed ‘reciprocal altruism’ (Chilton, 2004, p.  6). However, Adetunji (2006) denies a total existence of reciprocal altruism since most prominent political actors remain critical of most popular music songs which are bent towards questioning their rule of law and democracy. Zhakata’s Sakunatsa/Mubikira (Sufferer) is an expression of socio-­political injustice inherent in a nation. Some of the lyric’s lines run: (8) Mutemo wekwedu wakanyangarara Wakarerekera divi rimwe Mhaka imwe chete inosiyaniswa zvichibva nekuti wabuda mumba maani [The law of our land is disordered It is one-sided The same criminal case is manipulated differently basing on whose house you come from]

Zhakata questions the courts and correctional services’ handling of criminal cases. He suspects underhand deals linked to favouritism, bribery and corruption. He dismisses it as unconstitutional. In the same lyric he sings: (9) Kunyararira zvose vodzana madiro Ukada kunyunyuta zvonzi pisaimuromo … Ndonyararira kusvika kupi kufa senyoka ndichipondwa Makamboona panorwa nzou nyatwa yehuswa kutsokodzerwa [When you go silent, they dance at will If you complain they silence you painfully For how long have l to remain silent when l am being clubbed and dying like a snake? Have you ever seen elephants fighting, the trodden and dying grass under their heavy feet?]

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The artiste invites his audience’s sympathy as the persona proves to be in the suffering condition. The lyric acquires a pathetic mood as the persona is being bashed, mocked, sidelined and silenced by his masters whom he has to keep obeying in acquiescence and endurance. He equals his suffering to the trodden grass constantly being thrashed under the heavy hooves of tussling bull elephants. In this way, Zhakata criticises political incumbents who have established unjust censorship laws that denies people freedom of expression as underlined in the country’s constitution. In the lyric, the artiste vilifies violence being perpetrated on the ordinary civilians in a nation where right is conceived as wrong due to unconstitutionalism and anti-egalitarian invention of painful laws. Chipanga also criticises corruption in Zimbabwe’s post-independence through the creation of a sympathetic background in one of his songs Nyamututa [Dung beetle]: (10) Rimwe gore kumafuro ndakaenda nembuva yangu izere nemupunga Uko, kwandaifudza mombe, ndakaona nyamututa achisesedza ndove moyo ndokunzwatsitsi. Ndakaumba mupunga wangu ndokumukandira, ndakasaidzira ndove iye ndichiisa parutivi Nyamututa akamhanya mhanya kutsvaga pese pese achisiya mupunga kutsvaga kune ndove iye Kune vanhu vakadaro vasingadi chakanaka, kunyango vapa chakanaka vanongoda chakaipa [One year in the pasture l went with my lunch filled with rice There, where l herded cattle, l saw a dung beetle rolling a ballus of dung and l felt pity I formed a ballus of rice instead and threw it before the dung beetle, and l removed the dung aside The dung beetle desperately ran everywhere leaving the rice, making for the dung There are people like this who refuse what is right, even if you give them the right thing they always prefer a bad thing]

In the above text, Chipanga delves in a village narrative of a village cattle herder who encounters a dung beetle pushing away a dung ballus, and even though the narrator gives the beetle some rice, it kept loving the dung. Thus, Chipanga insinuates on corrupt leaders’ desire for bad things and these bad things are, in this case, anti-egalitarian culture, lack of democracy, tolerance of violence and other counter-developmental

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principles perpetrated at the expense of civilians. The musician is also, in general, concurrently questioning the masses’ general inclination towards immorality. Musicians like Chipanga are sympathetic to the masses’ plight or situation and they try to help them showing them the good and better leaders to follow, though they reject the counsel and keep following the corrupt leaders. Creation of a Utopian Sensation It remains an evanescent dream to achieve a utopian society due to vice of leadership and human error. However, most Theological-Sungura artistes have continued to reprove socio-political foibles and their chief perpetrators through yearning for the existence of another world far from the present. In this imaginary dream world, they persistently sing against dystopia which in itself is an indirect warning against the present socio-political anti-egalitarian and undemocratic system by the ruling elite. Most Theological-Sungura artistes tend to dialogue with the divine in their neurotic desire for the creation of another world which is free from dystopia. However, this neurotic pleasurable day-dreaming is dyed in mental delusions stemming from a wish which is never fulfilled. This stylistic choice is, however, useful in basically two respects: first, it is a self-censorship mode that indirectly rejects and criticises the present socio-political system for the favour of the extraneous other, and second, it is a clandestine mobilisation of those disgruntling voices to seek an alternative towards political reform. This is evident, for example, in one of Zhakata’s songs: Kingdom Yevaviri [Kingdom of Two Individuals], some of whose lyrical lines run: (11) Dhiye ndikakutora tobvatangoenda kune kamwewo kaKingdom Ndichange Ndiri King iwe uri Queen tichizvitonga wokadhumbakedu, Any iwe [Anywhere] [Darling if l take you, we both have to go to another kingdom, Any There, I will be King, and you shall be Queen ruling ourselves in our little but lovely house, Any]

The text in the above lines reveals a yearning for a utopian freer world presumably different from the present characterised by political violence, lack of democracy and dearth of rule of law. The lyric appears to be a love song; however, it is crocheted in political overtones. The protagonist confides in his lover that he shall be king and the latter his queen, perhaps a

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subtle criticism of the current national leadership as a failed nationalism and democracy. In the same manner, the Zimbabwean artiste Hosiah Chipanga decries the country’s economic hyperinflation and price hikes through his Ndagaya (I have Thought of a Grand Idea) lyric whose topical lines run: (12) Mai mwana ndafunga zano kuti tivake musha wedu pamusoro-­ soro pegomo Kuti kana vokwidza mitengo vanokwidzira varipasi Sare isu tirimudenga, kana touya kuzotenga toita zvemu tserendende Zvingareruka mai vemwana, zvinhu zvadhura [Dear wife I have thought of a grand idea of building our home on top of the tallest mountain That when they hike market prices they have to do so to those at the (mountain) base While we remain aloof [on the mountain top], and when we want to buy something we have to simply slide down. It may be easy dear wife basic goods are now unaffordable]

Chipanga, in the above text, criticises national leadership that has failed to control market prices of basic commodities. The artiste indirectly censures political actors’ incompetency through a family metaphor involving a wise father who confides in his wife and thinks of relocating his home on the mountain top and leaving the market and the general people at the base languishing due to hyperinflationary rates that has bedevilled the market. This being a metaphoric way of curbing market price hikes; self-­ censorship shows its perfect work by the artiste’s criticism of national politics in the pretext of the family social organisation. Rhetoric Questions The rhetorical power in a question is the presentation of a problem in the mental faculty which should work out a solution on its own. ‘The use of rhetorical questions is another dialogistic way of strategically manoeuvering’ (Jakaza, 2013, p. 154) in a constricted and polarised political environment. Targets of criticisms in the name of ruling elites and their emissaries are most of the times constantly questioned on the state of affairs governing a nation. Admittedly, most Theological-Sungura artistes may decorate the entire song with a string of rhetoric questions. Self-censorship is engaged in the process since the ‘offensive’ and ‘politically incorrect’

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matter lies not in the question itself but in the response which is void in the lyric. This conscripts and salvages the intended audience. This is well illustrated in Zhakata’s song: Africa. (13) Freedom of expression confronting Africa Africa, Africa, where is freedom? What is Freedom? What is unity? Where is unity? Civil wars are better known in Africa. Where is liberty? What is liberty?

In the above text Zhakata queries the cause of conflict in nations that have engendered civil wars and that have denied people freedom of expression through systematic state censorship and state threats. The post-­ independence African states seem not to understand what constitutes unity, liberty and freedom. Chipanga is also known for posing questions in his lyrics, for instance in Dura Remari [Bank] he sings: (14) Ukamuka mangwana unofuma musina Yaindepi? [If you wake up tomorrow the money will have disappeared Where has it gone?] Chipanga’s rhetoric question solicits an answer which is linked to embezzlement and corruption.

Conclusion and Recommendations This present chapter discussed self-censorship enshrined in Theological-­ Sungura music in singing socio-political conditions characterising post-­ independence Zimbabwe. The analysis was made possible through Critical Discourse Analysis as an evaluative paradigm. The analysis was based on how artistes use rhetorical modes of expression that are considered legitimate to the audience. The analysis has proved that political incumbents are not immune to censure even if they rely on tools of coercion and state censorship. This was possible through the artistes’ rhetorical self-­censorship moves that smokescreen them from state backlash and political labelling. Self-censorship is a rhetorical move that involves avoidance of politically offensive, invective and vulgar expressions for the favour of the meek and conciliatory alternative. This strategy has seen criticism of political actors being played and songs systematically being aired without any state or

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political suspicion or disturbances. Self-censorship has also been seen as a means to win the hearts of political protagonists and antagonists for political reform as well as a hidden rhetoric move that subtly conscripts the general mainstream audience to collectively unite and derail an unjust system in existence. This has been quite effective as proved by the foregoing interpreted corpora. This chapter offers a conclusion that the continual castigation of leadership fallibilities through Theological-Sungura music especially is a means to an end since it is an aspect of participatory development. Lack of self-censorship and an open invective musical attack would lead to state systematic censorship of the artiste’s product, torture and all kinds of labelling and threats. It is a weak kind of imaginative art that throttles freedom of expressing views and opinions. Self-censorship remains, thus, the sole way that is immune to music ban and state threats on artistes as it offers concealment from political storm. It is our recommendation that artistes continue to adopt self-censorship as a rhetorical code and that the audience analyse popular music with a critical eye in order to effect political reform with a unified voice or participatory culture. This chapter calls for further research especially on the rhetorical work of self-censorship in music as a rhetorical channel in reproving socio-­ political malpractice as well as singing of the masses’ everyday experiences in the hands of the rapacious political elites.

References Adetunji, A. (2006). Inclusion and exclusion in political discourse: Deixis in OlusegunObasanjo’s speeches. Journal of Language and Linguistics, 5(2), 178–183. Alo, M. (2012). A rhetorical analysis of selected political speeches of prominent African leaders. British Journal of Arts and Social Sciences, 10(1), 87–100. Althusser, L. (1970). Ideology and ideological state apparatuses. Oxford University Press. Chilton, P. (2004). Analysing political discourse: Theory and practice. Routledge. Eyre, B. (2001). Playing with fire: Fear and self-censorship in Zimbabwean music. Freemuse. Fairclough, I., & Fairclough, N. (2012). Political discourse analysis: A method for advanced students. Routledge. Foucault, M. (1981). ‘Torture’ in discipline and punish: The birth of the prison. Longman. Hymes, D. (1964). Language in culture and society: A reader in linguistics and anthropology. Harper & Row.

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Jakaza, E. (2013). Appraisal and evaluation in Zimbabwe parliamentary discourse and its representation in newspaper articles. PhD Thesis, University of Stellenbosch. Kazembe, T. (2009). The relationship between god and people in Shona traditional religion. The Rose+Croix Journal, 6, 51–79. Makumbe, J. (1998). Democracy and development in Zimbabwe: Constraints of decentralisation. Sapes Books. Mbiti, S. J. (1975). Introduction to African religion. Heinemann. Mhiripiri, N. A. (2011). ‘Welcome Sungura singing Queens’: Cultural studies and the promotion of female musicians in a Zimbabwean male-dominated genre. Muziki: Journal of Music Research in Africa, 8(1), 103–119. Moss, T., & Patrick, S. (2005). After Mugabe, Zimbabwe will need help. The center for war, peace and the news media, The Global Beat Syndicate. http://www. bu.edu/globalbeat/syndicate/ Roftopoulos, B., & Savage, T. (2004). Zimbabwean injustice and political reconciliation. Penguin Books. Van Dijk, T.  A. (1997). Discourse as interaction in society. Discourse Studies. A Multi-disciplinary Introduction, 2, 19–22. Van Rees, M. A. (2000). Comments on rhetoric and dialectic in the twenty-first century. Argumentation, 14(3), 255–259. Yeats, W. B. (1998). The second coming. In J. Hydes (Ed.), Touched with fire: An anthology of poems (p. 57). Oxford University Press.

CHAPTER 8

Indigenous African Artistes as Social Critics: A Study of Evangelist Bayo Adegboyega of Yoruba Extraction Clement Adeniyi Akangbe and Yemisi Omolola Ilesanmi

Introduction Music is a conventional instrument of socialisation, reformation and reconstruction. It serves as a medium of social criticism by examining and interrogating the society. In this respect, indigenous African artistes are vanguards of social reformation as their music readily comment on practically every issue in the society ranging from governance to economy, socio-political issues, morality, religion and so on. Apart from singing to

C. A. Akangbe (*) Department of Library, Archival and Information Studies, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria Indigenous Language Media in Africa, Faculty of Humanities, North-West University, Mafikeng, South Africa Y. O. Ilesanmi Department of Arts and Social Sciences Education, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 A. Salawu, I. A. Fadipe (eds.), Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 2, Pop Music, Culture and Identity, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-98705-3_8

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entertain, indigenous African artistes are effective social critics in their rights. They sing to uphold societal virtues and condemn vices. As succinctly put by Odunuga and Yekini-Ajenifuja (2018, p. 109), “Music has been found to be an instrument used in transforming lives because of its effectiveness as an agent and medium of transmitting information to the populace. It is used to pass crucial information, impart knowledge, soothe emotions, and affect lives”. Music is a vital aspect of African lives. It is very important when it comes to religion. Music is an indefatigable aspect of African worship and as such it is employed in rituals and religious ceremonies. Beyond the groves and sacred locations of worship, music is the blood of the social lives of Africans. Apart from celebrations like naming, marriage, funeral and festivals, music is employed in work situations at farms, puberty rites, during games, in battles, healing and virtually in all human endeavours (Adegbite, 2006). African music is performative and often consists of singers, percussionists and dancers depending on occasions. This implies that it is virtually impossible to separate music from dance in African music. Music is indeed indigenous to Africa (Onwuekwe, 2006). The focus of this chapter is Christian gospel music which is a genre of Christian music. This type of music is called Orin Emi in Yoruba. It is a vital aspect of worship in the Church and it is also composed and performed for other religious and ceremonial purposes. Gospel music (Orin Emi) is a potent aid which enhances communion with God. It is therefore a spiritual act. It is remarkable that though Christianity is a foreign religion, its African adherents have imported virtually all the traditional Yoruba musical instruments such as gangan, bata, agogo, dundun, omele, sekere and many more into it. These are often blended with foreign musical equipment like lead guitar, bass guitar, piano, organ, accordion, tambourine, saxophone and several others. Just as indigenous musicians and artistes abound so also do Christian gospel artistes in Nigeria. Christian gospel music has grown tremendously. It has grown beyond being strictly an aspect of worship and has become a sophisticated genre of music which is recognised all over Africa. Today, it has become an instrument, not only for evangelism, but also for social crusade, political reengineering and moral advocacy; and a number of Christian gospel artistes actively question and interrogate the powers that be in their societies. One of such Christian gospel artistes is Evangelist Bayo Adegboyega, a.k.a. Atáyérọ (the world reformer), who is the case of

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this study. He was the leader of Bayo Adegboyega and the Atayero Voices Band. This study embarks on a content analysis of Bayo Adegboyega’s music with a view to examining how he dissects Nigeria as a society in his music by condemning the vices and canvassing for virtues. This chapter, which adopts sociology of literature as its theoretical framework, is divided into eight parts, namely: Introduction, Concept of Yoruba songs, Sociology of Literature, Methodology, Yoruba Gospel Music and Bayo Adegboyega’s art, Analysis and Discussion, Conclusion and Recommendations.

Concept of Yoruba Songs Music is called tilu-tifon in Yoruba, and it has orin (songs) as its sole tendon and main ingredient while instruments and percussion provide the condiments. Among the Yoruba, song is a veritable genre of oral literature. Song itself is poetic as it is an offshoot of Yoruba oral poetry. In his classification, Olatunji (1984) classifies Yoruba oral poetry into three, namely: feature types (àrángbọ́), chants (ìsàré) and songs (orin). Olukoju (1978, p. 89) in Akangbe (2005, p. 133) submits that: Orin is the generic term for all types of songs. Most song texts are regarded as oral poems since Yoruba traditional poetic texts form the basis of songs. Singers, like chanter, draw materials from the traditional texts, and these are performed in poetic forms.

Poetic song forms include folktale songs, political songs, game songs, festival songs, work songs, lullabies, satirical songs, dance music, war songs and others. Song is a universal phenomenon and it is a major medium of exhibiting one’s thoughts. This is in tune with Alan Merriam’s blunt assertion in Clayton, Herbert, and Middleton (2003) that music “is a universal behavior”, while to Blacking (1995, p. 224), “every known human society has what trained musicologists would recognize as ‘music’”. Raji (2017) quoting Adedeji (2007) carried out a detail classification of Nigeria songs (nay Yoruba songs). He identified four broad categories, namely: Orin abalaye (traditional music), Orin gbajumo (popular music), Orin ajemesin (religious music) and Orin onise-ona Afirika (African art music). Religious music is sub-divided into Christian religious music and Islamic religious music. Adedeji (2007) further divided Christian religious

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music into Church music (Orin ile-ijosin) and Gospel music (Orin Emi) while Islamic religious music is also divided into two, namely: Mosque music (Orin Mosalasi) and Gospel music (Orin Emi) respectively. It is noteworthy that Raji (2017) disagreed with what Adedeji (2007) called “Mosque music”. According to him (Raji), there is nothing like “Mosque music”; in his opinion, “Islamic gospel music” as a category has sufficed. It is noteworthy that there is no occasion that does not have its own songs in Yoruba, be it joy, sorrow, birth, death, chieftaincy, house warming, rite of passage, promotion, war, quarrel and the rest. Songs are rendered in the day and night by the young and old, male and female alike, as occasion demands. From the foregoing, it is obvious that song constitutes an integral part of every aspect of Yoruba life.

Sociology of Literature Sociology of literature is the theory employed for this study. The formalist school of critics considers sociology as an extrinsic factor in understanding literature and as such irrelevant as a critical tool but we align fully with the structuralist Marxist school that the study of literature in itself is limited and incomplete without adequate consideration of the social value and context of text. There is a strong cord that binds literature and the society that produces it. In other word, there is an interrelationship between literature and the social world as every creative work: drama, poetry and novel require a knowledge of their environing context for them to be properly understood. Bamidele (2000) authenticates this standpoint when it restates the interrelationship between literature and the social world that: all novel and plays and a fair amount of dramatic or narrative poetry may not be understood without their environing context because they focus their attention on characters and incidents that bear close parallels to imitation of an action with the highest consciousness of the age in which they were written.

We can deduce therefore that literature is concerned with two things: the moral and the story. The moral suggests the author’s relationships with society while the story dwells on his (author’s) relationship with art. The simple fact that all forms of arts basically tell about social life reveals the status and common pursuit of literature and sociology, hence the reason for the choice of sociology of literature as a theoretical tool for this study.

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Moore (1967, pp.  207–215) cited in Olunlade (1999, p.  9) defines sociology as “the science of social relationship for ongoing social systems and the process of social change”. This implies that sociology transcends social relationships among the citizens of a society. Ebewo (1999, p. 60) sees a symbiotic relationship between sociology and literature. According to him, Society produces and influences a writer and his work, and the writer in turn, through his work, influences society. This in fact is a kind of symbiotic bond. The right hand is made to wash the left, and the left hand is made to wash the right, thereby rendering both hands clean.

This clearly indicates that literature as an art is primarily an activity of the mind, a self-conscious and socially induced creation by the artist. This is so because the writer is a stakeholder who is part and parcel of the society. This implies that the literary artist obtains his creative raw materials from the society based on his experience and happenings in the society at a given point in time. The relationship of literature and society is symbiotic. Dwelling on the symbiotic relationship of literature and society, and the truthfulness of art to society, Ernest Fischer cited in Akangbe (2005, p. 28) emphasises how compelling it is for art to be truthful in its representation of the society. According to him, In a decaying society, art, if it is truthful must also reflect decay. And unless it wants to break tradition with its social function, it must show the world as changeable, and helps to change it.

It is thus a must for art to represent society correctly and accurately. In other words, if the society is rotten, the decadence must be reflected, and if it is sane and stable, the sanity and stability should be represented. This is a utilitarian summation of the functions of arts to society. We consider that this theory is very suitable for this study because through Evangelist Bayo Adegboyega’s music, the Nigerian society is musically recreated by picturing the good, the bad and the ugly. The artiste presents the society as it is while clamouring for changes and improvement where necessary. This pictures Adegboyega’s music as a true and relevant work of art which reflects and refracts the society which it represents.

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Methodology This is a qualitative study. For academic brevity and thoroughness, this study only focuses on Christian gospel music which is rendered in Yoruba. Among the scores of popular Yoruba Christian gospel artistes, Evangelist Bayo Adegboyega was purposively selected because of his penchant for social reformation and clamour for social transformation. He was an unrepentant social critic as his music clearly adopts socio-political themes. Evangelist Bayo Adegboyega has 16 albums to his credit. Out of these, three albums—namely Atayero, Ebute Ayo and Ilu le—were purposively selected for analysis due to the thematic preoccupations of the tracks in the albums and their relevance to the focus of this study. The selected albums had their tracks on themes such as bribery and corruption, tribalism, unemployment, leadership crises, insecurity, agriculture, religion and moral rejuvenation. These themes are fundamental to this study.

Yoruba Gospel Music and Bayo Adegboyega’s Art The evolution of Christian music in Nigeria was a product of nationalist aspiration, spiritual emancipation and cultural awakening. Giving that the white missionaries forbade the use of traditional African music and musical instruments in the church worship, the Nigerian Christians of the nineteenth century, who seceded from the Western mission churches from 1888, were quick to adapt traditional music into Christian liturgical use. As remarked by Ojo (1988), Lagos played a significant role in the development of popular music in Nigeria. The pioneers of the musical activities in the early twentieth century included Reverend Josiah Jesse Ransome Kuti, Dr Thomas K.  Ekundayo Phillips and T.  A. Bankole (Bateye, 1995), among others. Through Christian mission education (especially at the Teacher Training Colleges by which students were given sound training in Music) which produced organists, choir masters, teachers and so on, Christian music slowly entered the public domain. In addition to this, As Ojo (1988, pp. 213–214) observed, In the 1960s and 1970s, Christian hymns were played on the radio, and by the mid-1970s, choirs from churches were occasionally invited to sing on the radio and television. … Choirs of other denominations also emulated this new adaptation, such that by the mid-1970s Christian music had become available to the public. … The first and most successful Gospel

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musical group on the Nigerian scene was the Good Women Choir of the Christ Apostolic Church (an indigenous Pentecostal church which seceded from the British Apostolic Church about 1937), Ibadan and District, led by Mrs. D.A. Fashoyin.

By the mid-1970s, many Gospel musical groups had emerged on the scene and in the 1980s, many more Christian musical groups were releasing records to the public. These activities facilitated the emergence of notable Christian gospel artistes like Panam Percy Paul from Jos, Dupe Solana from Lagos, Toun Soetan from Ibadan, Funmi Aragbaiye from Lagos, Evangelist Niyi Adedokun from Ilesa and, of course, Evangelist Bayo Adegboyega, who is the focus of this study. Born in 1956, Evangelist Bayo Adegboyega hailed from Ogun State in South-West, Nigeria. He was an evangelist, a preacher, a moralist, a social crusader and a gospel artiste. A fervent believer in the Lord and an ardent preacher of the Word, Evangelist Bayo Adegboyega was renowned for his musical ministrations at crusades, concerts, church programmes and revivals. A popular musician during his hay days, Evangelist Adegboyega had 16 albums to his credit. He came into limelight in 1986 with his famous album titled Atayero Bi Agogo from which he earned his sobriquet. His other popular albums include Atayero Wa, Itunu, Iku le, Dear Mother, Oko Naijiria Ree Loju Agbami, Ebure Ayo and Oro Aye n fe Adura. His shocking death occurred on Monday, 7 April 2008. His death was as a result of a long battle with diabetes which claimed his two eyes before his demise. Evangelist Bayo Adegboyega passed on at the age of 52 years.

Analysis and Discussion Evangelist Bayo Adegboyega as a social critic and committed citizen of Nigeria followed the trend of governance in the nation closely, made remarks and gave godly counsel musically. His music was an admixture of gospel-cum-socio-political commentary. His music touched diverse issues ranging from moral decadence to economic hardship, marriage, motherhood, leadership crises in Nigeria, unemployment, insecurity, religious crises, tribalism, bribery and corruption and so on. Some of the topical issues hinted at in his music are discussed below. Leadership: The bane of retrogression in Nigeria polity is bad leadership. Basically, leadership is a process of social influence through which one person influences another to accomplish an objective. By implication,

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a leader is someone who possesses good character, vision, tact, prudence and can lead the group by example to achieve the set goals and objectives. In the Nigerian context, we can ask if our leaders fit into this description; the answer, of course, is in the negative. Our primary focus here is the political leadership which is the ruling government that is managing the affairs and resources of a nation. Political leadership is saddled with the responsibility of making decisions, formulating policies, advancing the course of a nation, ensuring food provision and securities, strengthening social and political institutions, fortifying the economy and ensuring security of lives and properties of her citizenry, among several others. It is rather unfortunate that the Nigerian leadership has failed woefully when measured on these parameters. Evangelist Bayo Adegboyega in his music lamented about the insincerity and unpatriotic attitudes of the leaders in power, hence his divine request for: Olórí tí ó fòtítọ́ inú àti ìbẹ̀rù Ọ lọ́run ṣàkóso wa, Ni kỌ́lọrun máa fùn wa, Leaders who would rule with truth and fear of God Are demanded from God

Leadership failure in Nigeria is obvious. In order to succeed, Nigeria needs truthful, trusted and patriotic leaders who can steer her ship with all honesty. Ogbeidi (2012) averred that the governance from the first generation after independence till date reeks of corruption mainly because of their quest to retain power, resist opposition and have access to unlimited funds for personal use. It therefore becomes difficult for them to serve the nation to the benefit of the state and its citizens. Insecurity: Insecurity is a major threat to the peaceful co-existence of Nigerians. As far back as the mid-1980s, Evangelist Bayo Adegboyega had alerted and warned the nation in his music. He stated categorically that: Àwọn alágbára ayé jẹyó, wọ́n muyó tán, Wọ́n ń fowó kóhun ìjà olóró jọ ni The world powers in their satisfaction Expend their resources on ammunitions

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Nigeria of today is wallowing in instability. There is no geo-political zone that is not grappling with one problem or the other ranging from terrorism to banditry, kidnapping, ritual killing, rape, cattle rustling, tribal conflict, Boko Haram insurgence, cattle herders’ and farmers’ incessant clashes and so on. The Boko Haram insurgence in the North-East has done a terrible damage to the socio-political and economic lives of that region. The crisis of instability has lingered and festered for so long that it is regretfully becoming intractable because of its very many dimensions. To buttress this, Imhonopi and Urim (2016) submitted categorically about Africa that there could not be an end to terrorism until all of Africa’s leaders give priority attention to addressing underlying conditions conducive to the spread of terrorism, such as corruption, poverty, social injustice, obstacles to democracy, prolonged unresolved conflicts, dehumanisation of victims of terrorism and the likes. Bribery and corruption: The artiste and social critic, Evangelist Bayo Adegboyega, through inspiration and passion for the growth of his country, Nigeria, classified the major challenges facing the nation into three: dishonesty, tribalism and religious bigotry. Bribery and corruption are basically acts of dishonesty. According to Aluko (2009), bribery is elucidated as a white-collar crime in which money, a favour or something else of value is promised to, given to, or taken from an individual or a corporation in an attempt to sway his or its views, opinions or decisions. Corruption, the twin of bribery, implies dishonest exploitation of power for personal gain. It is extreme immorality or depravity. Corruption and fraud are universal problems for all government and all countries but its magnitude in Nigeria is gargantuan at all levels and in every facet. The social ills take the guise of bribery, scandal, kickbacks and payoffs, among others. It is pathetic that this social pathology has become the hallmark with which the world assesses Nigeria and Nigerians. The political class, public office holders, civil servants, judiciary, law enforcement officers, business class, medical practitioners, teachers and lecturers, and even the clerics in both Islam and Christianity are all culprits. The Independent Corrupt Practices (and other related offences) Commission (ICPC) Act 2000, and the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) Act 2004 specified corruption as acts which involve

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money laundering, embezzlement, bribery, looting and any form of corrupt practices, illegal arms deal, smuggling, human trafficking, and child labour, illegal oil bunkering, illegal mining, tax evasion, foreign exchange malpractices including counterfeiting to currency, theft of intellectual property and piracy, open market abuse, dumping of toxic wastes, and prohibited goods. (Shuaib, 2015)

The EFCC Act empowers the commission to investigate, prevent and prosecute offenders who engage in the stated acts. EFCC is a potent anti-­ graft agency which is established to tame corruption officially, but many see it as a toothless bull dog that barks incessantly without biting. This is because, even though several arrests have been made with several shady deals and deeds uncovered, little or no prosecution has been effected. In his passionate concern for social reformation in Nigeria, the artiste cries aloud in “Ìlú le” with groaning lamentation: Ìlú ò déédé le, àwọn ará ibi ni ẹ bi Our land is not sick for nothing, ask the culprits

He exposes the evil brains behind Nigeria’s impoverishment and called them names: “àwọn jẹgúdújẹrá”—the spendthrift, “àwọn àfèmiàfèmi”— the greedy, “àwọn bótilèríórí”—the unconcerned, “gbogbo àwọn ajunilọ”—all the oppressors, “àwọn kẹ́nimánìí”—the self-centred and “àwọn igi dá ẹyẹ fò”—the run-away spoilers. Adegboyega itemised our deplorable condition and hydra-headed poverty in feeding, employment, transportation, clothing and housing. As he aptly captures it: A ò le jẹun tó wù wá mọ́ ohun tí a rí la dẹ̀ ń jẹ We cannot eat what we want but eat what we see

True to Adegboyega’s lyrics, food insecurity is rife in Nigeria. Her citizens can no longer afford three square meals. Unemployment rate is galloping. Nigeria has become a dumping ground for fairly used vehicles, and when we manage to buy a rickety one, we organise thanksgiving service and throw parties. The fairly used clothes market is thriving and is a delight for our ladies who wear them with pride while all our once thriving textile companies have all closed down. Housing is grossly insufficient, hence the high cost of rent, poor maintenance and low-quality structures which collapse at will.

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The Christian gospel artiste condemns the fathomless and incurable greed of the few privileged Nigerians who wilfully robs the masses of their rights by arrogating the resources to themselves and their cronies. He wonders why Nigeria, a land flowing with milk and honey, will continue to wallow in abject poverty. As he puts it: Orílẹèdè tỌ ́lọ́run dá ní afúnni, wọ́n ti sọ wá datọrọ jẹ A land created to bless others, has become beggarly

The Evangelist in Adegboyega clamoured for quick divine restoration as he pleaded that: Olúwa wá pàgbà yìí dà Ko bá wa múgbà tó dùn wá Lord change this time for better Give us a better season

Adegboyega’s clamour is typical of every Nigerian citizen who yearns for a people-friendly and welfare-oriented government. Unfortunately, this wish is yet to be granted as each succeeding regime proves worse than its predecessor. Unemployment: Bribery and corruption is like violent wind that brings no one any good. The resultant effect of this twin evil is terrible hardship, one of which is unemployment. The wave of unemployment in Nigeria is strong and many are affected. Many sectors of the economy lay off workers at will, several others have placed embargo on employment, students graduate yearly from the institutions to join the already saturated labour market, payment of salary becomes irregular, many workers are owed salaries while others, including state government and governmental agencies, pay fragmented salaries. Bayo Adegboyega regretfully captured this dastard situation thus: Ọ gbọ́n ń bẹ lórí, ìwé ẹ̀rí ń bẹ lọ́wọ́, Okun ń bẹ lára, a ò mà ríṣẹ́ fi ṣe! There is wisdom in our brains, certificates on our hands Strength abound in our bodies, but there is no work to do.

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The artiste emphasised regretfully that the youths are badly affected. Though they are physically fit, mentally able, educationally empowered and emotionally willing, they are not gainfully engaged as a result of unemployment. In fact, there is hardly any difference between those who are academically endowed and the indolent. Arising from this unmitigated unemployment experience, many misguided young people resort to banditry, thuggery, kidnapping, assassination, smuggling, swindling, fraud and so many other ills. Thus, security of lives and properties is at stake. Predictably, the challenges are the same in all countries of the world where corruption is tolerated. There is inflation in the nation. The populace becomes consistently wretched. This is why Osah et al. (2014) reported that majority of Nigerians live in urban slums and those in the villages in abject poverty, all living below the poverty line despite the massive resources in the land. Agriculture: As a result of gross economic imbalance, Evangelist Bayo Adegboyega gave a dual counsel to both masses and government on agriculture. While he canvassed for mass return of Nigerians to the farm, he advised the government to encourage and empower masses on farming thus: Ní àsìkò yí, tọ́rọ̀ ajé wa ò ṣe déédé…, Kí gbogbo Nàìjíríà, ká tẹra mọ́sẹ ̣́ àgbẹ̀ At this time of economic recession All Nigerians must emphasise farming

It is remarkable that Bayo Adegboyega’s counsel is still potent and relevant after almost four decades of that submission. This lends credence to literary critics’ description of artistes as seers or prophets. Adegboyega’s clamour for government’s renewed commitment to agriculture was appropriate as many of the past moves at reviving farming were not productive. As identified by Ojo and Adebayo (2012), these past programmes included the National Accelerated Food Production Project in 1974; Agricultural Development Program in 1975; Operation Feed the Nation in 1976; Green Revolution in 1979; Directorate of Food, Roads and Rural Infrastructure in 1985 and, more recently, food security initiatives, which include: Special Program for Food Security (SPFS), FADAMA Development Project and the International Centre for Soil Fertility and Agricultural Development (ICSFAD) in conjunction with the United States.

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Matemilola and Elegbede (2017) suggested ways of boosting agricultural sector in spite of many government policies on agriculture that have failed in the past. These measures include: making education affordable for the low-income urban and rural people, provision of credit and incentives to the “real farmers”, social networking and organised farmers cooperation/association, regulation of the use of fertilisers and other agro-chemicals as well as incentives such as subsidy on fertilisers, provision of farming infrastructure, irrigation system and promotion of mechanised farming system. Religion: Nigeria is a secular state by constitution, the citizens being adherents of Christianity, Islam and African Traditional Religion. A large percentage of the citizens profess to be devoted and religious, yet there are various ethno-religious crises that claim lives of old and young from time to time in different parts of the country. Theses crises have become incessant and the occurrences are almost uncountable, all on account of religion. Evangelist Bayo Adegboyega could not but ask in his album titled “Ìlú le” that: Pé bórílẹ̀èdè yìí ṣe gbẹ́sìn lérí tó, Ẹ̀sìn ò hàn nínú ìwà wa. As religious as this nation claims to be Godliness does not reflect in our conduct.

True to the submission of Adegboyega, a lot of crises are either precipitated by religion or aggravated by religion in Nigeria. Nigeria has three major religious identities: Christianity, Islam and traditional religions. Traditional religions are the most politically inactive of the three groups. On the other hand, Christianity and Islam have continued to be the backbone of religious disparity and conflict. This differentiation underlies the North-South cleavage. Osaghae and Suberu (2005, p. 19) submit that it is often very difficult to tell the differences between religious and ethnic crises because the dividing line between them is slimmer than thin. Examples of ethno-­ religious conflicts include Kafanchan-Kaduna crises in the 1980s and 1990s, the Kaduna Sharia riots of 2000, the Jos riots of 2001, the Oro cultists versus the Hausa conflict at Shagamu in Ogun State in 1999, Lagos-Kano (Idi-Araba/Oko Oba) conflict in 2000, ethnic frictions

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between the Jukuns and Tivs in Plateau State in 2001 and so on. The Boko Haram menace since 1999, the frequent Southern Kaduna conflicts, the recurrent attacks on the Middle Belt areas and the nationwide Fulani herders and farmers’ frequent attacks and killings are some of the innumerable unwarranted killings in Nigeria. It is topical that almost all these crises have a way of zeroing-in on religion even when the primary cause is distant from religious factor. Apart from ethno-religious conflicts, we also have series of inter-religious conflicts in Nigeria between the Muslims and Christians. The introduction of section 38 (1) and 10 into the Nigerian constitution has guaranteed freedom of religion and prohibited declaration of state religion, yet teaching and preaching with sentiments by religious leaders happen in some churches and mosques and even at open crusades which may eventually result in acrimony and clashes among the adherents. Ìwàásù ẹ̀tanú, Pẹ̀lú àtakò là ń gbọ́ lójoojúmọ́ Provocative preachings With attacks are what we hear daily

It is rather disappointing that though Christianity teaches compliance to the law of the land, and Islam is said to be a religion of peace, tranquillity and comfort keep on eluding Nigeria. Tribalism: Nigerians clamour for oneness but they are deep into tribalism. All the tribes are dominated by fears and suspicion of the other. They stage-manage all sorts to acquire luscious positions and recognition for control of resources and political power. Hence the claims, counterclaims of ethnic domination, political oppression and reports of marginalisation among the various ethnic groups. The quest to protect one’s region from assault and insurgence led to the emergence of Oodua People’s Congress (OPC) in the South-West, Bakassi Boys, and Movement for the Actualisation of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) in the Igbo-­ speaking South-East, Movement for Emancipation of Niger Delta (MEND), Niger Delta Militant Group, Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP), and others while the Arewa People’s Congress (APC) in the North are battle-ready to save the Northerners from harassment and to maintain the status quo (Imhonopi and Urim, 2016). As at

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2020, both the Igbo and Yoruba tribes have been listed by the United Nations as groups seeking self-determination. The cracks in the wall of Nigeria are on the increase daily. These are not just baseless clamours; they are genuinely provoked by fears of perceived marginalisation, subjugation, oppression, gross imbalance in sharing of posts and resources and so on. Nigeria is a federal state but a number of the federating units are disgruntled and disillusioned. Moral Rejuvenation: As a social critic, Evangelist Bayo Adegboyega made motivated efforts to promote love, honesty and oneness. He emphatically established that righteousness exalts a nation and positive collaboration sustains her growth. Ìfẹ́ níí gbórílẹ̀èdè ga, Òdodo níí gbórílẹ̀èdè lékè Love exalts a country Righteousness exalts a nation

Familusi and Oke (2013) corroborate the significance of love and honesty in human interaction and community growth. The Bible refers to love as the “fulfilment of the law” (1Corinthians Chapter 13 and Matthew Chapter 7 verse 12). Muhammed (SAW) in his Sunnah says, “No one of you is a believer until he desires for his brother, what he desires for himself”. So, both Christianity and Islam acknowledge love to be of great virtue. This thus implies that if the adherents of these religions are faithful to their faith, crises will cease, not only in Nigeria but all over the world. Honesty and justice are key ingredients of morality. Honesty is expected of leaders and followers. The Ifa corpus emphasises the benefit of honesty thus: Òtítọ́ ṣíṣe nìkan ni kìí mú ni kú, Ṣùgbọ́n tíí mú ni hewú orí funfun nẹnẹ It is only rectitude that prevents one from dying young and enables one to grow exceedingly hoary

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Quran 2:42 says, “And cover not the truth with falsehood, nor conceal the truth when you know what it is”. The Bible in Proverbs 14:34 says, “Righteousness exalts a nation but sin is a reproach to any people”. All the teachings in Matthew Chap. 5 emphasise tolerance while Surah 41: 34–35 enjoins Muslims to tolerate everybody, non-Muslims inclusive. African Traditional Religion emphasises harmonious life and living. All leaders and followers must therefore repent of all evils and work together to uphold the oneness of Nigeria.

Conclusion This chapter has brought to the fore how Evangelist Bayo Adegboyega socially criticised Nigerians and the Nigerian government. He condemned in strong terms Nigeria’s socio-economic problems which are still palpable decades after attaining independence. He frowned at the endemic corruption and corrupt practices, ineptitude and selfishness of leadership, gross misrule, immoral and dishonest living, fraudulent practices, indolence, negligence and lots more. In conclusion, it has been established from a critical analysis of Evangelist Bayo Adegboyega’s music that Indigenous African artistes could be watchdogs of the society. Even though a Christian gospel artiste, his arts was a complete literary piece as it has excellently dissected the society, identified the inherent ills and made suggestions on what to do to move the nation forward. His art was quite significant in that his messages were capable of remoulding the leadership, rebranding the followership and overhauling the entire corrupt governmental system. A complete literary work, the music of Bayo Adegboyega had successfully informed, educated and entertained the citizenry. Recommendations 1. It is recommended that Christian gospel artistes should uphold the spiritual standards of the Holy Bible in their performances and conduct. Social criticisms should be from the perspectives of the Bible. It is commendable that Evangelist Bayo Adegboyega upheld the tenets of the Bible in his approach; however, a number of the gospel musicians that succeeded his generation are eroding Bible standards.  2. Christian gospel artistes should depict themselves as Christians in their appearance, outlook, utterance and general ways of life. It is

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disheartening that the secular artistes are having an undue influence on Christian artistes. Their costumes, hairdo, musical slangs, dance steps and lifestyle as a whole are not in any way different. It is shocking that the Christian artistes who should influence the world are being influenced by the world. . Christian gospel artistes should have sound knowledge of the 3 Scriptures. The church should not dance to the tune of the world but should rather change the world. For Christian gospel artistes to fulfil the obligations of Christianity to save, heal and deliver through music and entertainment, it must be spiritually sound and fervent. The sanctity of salvation and testimonies must be maintained in order to truly make a meaningful impact on the world through their music.

References Adedeji, F. (2007). Christian music in contemporary Africa: A re-examination of its essentials. Koers, 72(1), 85–100. Adegbite, A. (2006). Modern trends in Yoruba social musical practice continuity and change in creative performance process in Nigeria. Nigerian Musicology, Journal (2), 47–48. Akangbe, C. A. (2005). From the stage to motion pictures: The changing phases of Lere Paimo theatre. An Unpublished Master of Arts Project in Department of Linguistics and African Languages, University of Ibadan, Ibadan. Aluko, Y.  A. (2009). Corruption in Nigeria: Concepts and dimensions. In D. U. Enweremadu & E. E. Okafor (Eds.), Anti-corruption reforms in Nigeria since 1999: Issues, challenges, and the way forward (Vol. 3, pp.  1–18). IFRA Special Research Issue. Bamidele, L.  O. (2000). Literature and sociology. Stirling-Horden Publishers (Nig.) Ltd.. Bateye, O.O. (1995). National identity in Yoruba church music: Its history and practice. Paper read at the 1995 Conference of the Nigerian Association for the Study of Religion. Ile-Ife, September. Blacking, J. (1995). Music, culture and experience. University of Chicago Press. Clayton, M., Herbert, T., & Middleton, R. (Eds.). (2003). Cultural study of music: A critical introduction. Routledge. Ebewo, P. (1999). Culture and Literature. In L. Thompson et al. (Eds.), Culture and civilization. Africa—Link Books. Familusi, O. O., & Oke, O. P. (2013). Revival of religious moral values as a panacea to insecurity in Nigeria. Insight: Journal of Religious Studies, 50–60.

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Imhonopi, D., & Urim, U.  M. (2016). The spectre of terrorism and Nigeria’s industrial development: A multi-stake holder imperative. African Journal of Criminology and Justice Studies: AJCJS, 9(1), 20–40. Matemilola, S., & Elegbede, I. (2017). The challenge of food security in Nigeria. Open Access Library Journal, 4, e4185. https://doi.org/10.4236/ oalib.1104185 Odunuga, A.  F., & Yekini-Ajenifuja, I. (2018, May). Social transformation of Africa through music: The Nigerian experience. Journal of Educational and Social Research, 8(2), 109–114. Ogbeidi, M. M. (2012). Political leadership and corruption in Nigeria since 1960: A socio-economic analysis. Journal of Nigeria Studies, 1(2), 1–25. Ojo, E.  O., & Adebayo, P.  F. (2012). Food security in Nigeria: An overview. European Journal of Sustainable Development, 1, 199–222. Ojo, M. A. (1988, August). Indigenous gospel music and social reconstruction in modern Nigeria. Missionalia, 26(2), 210–231. Olatunji, O. O. (1984). Features of Yoruba oral poetry. University Press Limited. Olukoju, E. O. (1978). The place of chants in Yoruba traditional oral literature. Unpublished PhD Thesis, University of Ibadan, Ibadan. Olunlade, T.  A. (1999). Agbeyewo Eewo Ninu Asayan Oriki ati Orile Yoruba. Unpublished M.A. Thesis, Dept of African Languages and Literatures, Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife. Onwuekwe, A. I. (2006). Music and cultural expression in Nigeria: Historical and contemporary trends. In N. Ojiakor & I. Ojih (Eds.), Readings in Nigerian peoples and culture (pp. 80–98). NGIB Publishers. Osaghae, E.  E., & Suberu, R.  T. (2005). A history of identities, violence, and stability in Nigeria. CRISE working paper No. 6. Oxford Centre for Research on Inequality, Human Security and Ethnicity. Osah, G., Osundina, O., Ayim, O., Nwokocha, C., & Chioma, P. (2014). The political economic of corruption and leadership in Nigeria. Arabian Journal of Business and Management Review (OMAN Chapter), 3(8), 1–7. Raji, S. M. (2017). In Press. Àfihàn Ojú Àmúwayé àwọn Yorùbá Nípa Olódùmarè Nínú Orin Ajẹmẹ́sìn Mùsùlùmí. In O.  C. Orimoogunje & C.  A. Akangbe (Eds.), New trends in Yoruba language, literature and culture. Clemeve Media Konsult. Shuaib, O.  M. (2015). Corruption in Nigeria: Effects and probable solutions. Journal of Political Science and Leadership Research, 1(8), 22–36.

CHAPTER 9

State-Minded Praise Music Culture Through Electoral Nigeria Garhe Osiebe

Introduction ‘Political communication’ by itself is a problematic term. The term is inadequate as it does not necessarily describe the range of the myriad forms of communication that are political. For example, if an individual were to sing to his/her creator or to his/her spouse, the imbedded communication could be very political. Yet, ‘political communication’ as presently construed does not cater to such scenarios. The term ‘state-mindedness’ is thus suggested to convey communication directed to the state by any practitioner, strictly. There are several ways and contexts in which praise music is deployed. Human culture is fraught with all manner of patronage and the display of love, affection, and appreciation. In Africa, popular musicians have written tribute songs, love songs, and appreciative songs in praise of their recipients/addressees. The category known as ‘praise music’ covers all known forms of human praise conveyed through music. The

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term ‘praise music’ is meant to be all-encompassing. ‘State-minded praise music’, however, is simply praise music that is associated with politicians, or that extols a political office holder or aspirant. Together with state-­ minded protest music and stated-minded unity music, stated-minded praise music completes a triumvirate of the state-minded music variety (Osiebe, 2020). State-minded praise music is well-known in Nigeria and predominant in parts of sub-Saharan Africa (Barber, 1987; Kaschula, 1999). State-minded praise songs are either recorded following state (politicians’) sponsorship or done with the intent to court the addressees’ attention. They are usually very pre-occupied with gratifying the ego of an addressee that there is little room for celebrating nationhood therein. State-minded praise music accounts for the brand of musical activity that does not necessarily celebrate nationhood but sings the praises of present-­ day leaders. The subgenre is an outgrowth of the acts of panegyrizing and eulogizing that have been part of African culture even before colonialism (Barber, 1987; Kaschula, 1999). With independence came an official variant of this praise culture enjoyed by public officials and politicians to date. Since democracy has come to stay, state-minded praise music will be courted by democrats henceforth. With democracy come elections, and with elections come campaigns. Campaigns are characterized by applications of political communication. Campaign jingles or electoral songs are recorded and used to convey messages to mass audiences. This is the story so far in summary (Osiebe, 2016, 2017). The songs whose texts are assessed in this chapter have been selected using a national framework in Nigeria; that is, the selection of data focused on the works of musicians who command a national or extra-regional appeal with respect to their reach and popularity. The following section features the practice of pre-colonial griots and oral artists while highlighting the similarities and the points of departure between their practice and present-day state-minded praise music culture. It attempts to trace the practice of praise-singing from pre-colonial times to present-day across a continent whose citizens ‘love to praise and love being praised’ (Vidal, 1988, p. 143). The state-minded praise music scene of post-independence Nigeria is briefly traversed.

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The Griot: From the Pre-colonial to the Postcolonial Vidal (1988) qualifies the griot as those through whose musical expressions, rulers re-affirm their sovereignty; communities preserve their history for posterity while the young are socialized into the values of the society. Fofana avers that ‘[the] origin of storytelling is to be traced back to the beginning of social life, at a time that no memory recalls. In other words, storytelling is as old as society itself and its origin impossible to know with precision’ (Fofana, 2011, p. 255). The roles of the griot have evolved through pre-colonial, colonial, and postcolonial African societies. The importance of the griot in African societies through these periods has nevertheless been sustained for a number of reasons which Vidal (1988) conveys thus: ‘music is an important mode of communication that contributes to the maintenance and persistence of the religious, political and social systems of which it is a part … the African musician is a singer of deeds and a praiser of action’ (Vidal, 1988, p. 147). In Nigeria, historically, perhaps the most dominant form of praise-singing is the Yoruba oral poetry known as Oriki. It is a dynamic verbal art that is very much centered on a recipient’s lineage and the accompanying antecedents. The genre is such that each piece gravitates into another, but never deviates from the ancestry or the actions of its subject. It is arguably a form of praise-singing at its purest. It is meant to be sung, chanted or intoned in performance in the presence of an audience. … [It] like all oral works of art exists and is transmitted and perpetuated in performance. That is, without performance, or for want of performance, a Yoruba oral poem has no means of existence. … Its performance requires two basic things. First there should be a need for it, and secondly there should be someone, or some people wanting it. (Olajubu, 1981, p. 72)

Olukotun (2002) writes of how the Oriki genre, because of how its systems and codes of discourse derive meaning, began to reflect changes when ‘colonial economics and politics introduced basic changes which affected indigenous media forms’ (Olukotun, 2002, p.  197) during the colonial era in Nigeria. Similarly, Fofana observes that the physical collapse of colonialism debased and devalued the role of griots while their function of providing narratives was being usurped by western media. The

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alternative, therefore, for the griot in a cash economy, was to flatter their patrons in order to maintain their customer base (Fofana, 2011). Olukotun, meanwhile, informs that the mobility within the colonial bureaucracy and the emergent commercial network opened up the Yoruba cities of Ibadan and Lagos to sources of wealth and prestige. He adds that ‘Christianity and periodic Islamic revivals took their toll on the indigenous world view which constituted the substructure of the media forms. The chiefs no longer owned the land, and merchants, emergent nationalist politicians, civil servants and clerks became the new players’ (Olukotun, 2002, p. 197). The identification of griots in various African societies is of interest. Vidal (1988), for example, includes information on how the jali of the Madinka, the Maroka of the Hausa, and the Onirara of the Yoruba function variously as the historian, genealogist, and the bard in their various communities. This is hardly at variance with Kaschula (1999) in his comparative analysis of oral poetics in Southern and West Africa wherein he identifies and lists West African griots as gewel, gawl, jali, jeli, and mabo, among others (Kaschula, 1999, p. 55). More importantly, Kaschula’s study asks to what extent political influences are brought to bear on these griots’ performances before drawing ‘a distinction between the more laudatory praises produced by “popular” or less formal performers, and the performances of the more traditional poets who draw more extensively on history and genealogy’ (Kaschula, 1999, p. 58). Barber, meanwhile, notes some traditional genres predisposed to the incorporation of novelties, adding that ‘some oral poetic genres like Yoruba oriki were … constituted according to the principle of openness and boundarilessness, constantly incorporating new elements—from other oriki, from other genres, or from the poet’s own invention’ (Barber, 1987, p. 12). Ewi is a modern genre of Yoruba poetry that freely draws on the vast repertoire of traditional oral literary forms and inhabits the intersection between the written and the oral. A contemporary poet notable for his modernization of the ewi—indeed for raising it from mere mendicancy to professionalism—is Lanrewaju Adepoju. According to Okunoye (2011), [T]he vision that pervades [Adepoju’s] work constantly shifts between the Islamic and the ecumenical, blending Christian, Islamic and traditional Yoruba outlooks. This suggests … a deliberate strategy aimed at popularity and relevance in a multi-religious society. His Oriki Olodumare [Celebration of the Supreme Being] (2000)—a work that conceptually integrates Islamic,

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Christian and traditional Yoruba theistic visions, testifies to this. (Okunoye, 2011, p. 180)

Okunoye (2011) bears Adepoju’s sympathy for the commercialization of ewi in order to make the poet a publicist for government, media organizations, advertising firms, and for individuals. This mandate of the modern Yoruba poet is hinged on the unjustifiable vision of the artist as an implacable critic. In Adepoju’s words, [A]n akewi1 does not have to be an opposition party to all programmes and activities. As he is able to rebuke where people misbehave, he should also acknowledge good things and virtues in some decent politicians where such occur. … If one continues only to see the ugly side of people, everybody will lose respect for one. (Adepoju cited in Okunoye, 2011, p. 182)

However laudable and balanced Adepoju’s submission, Okunoye cites an Adepoju critic who drew a connection between the commercialization of ewi and the waning popularity of Adepoju’s poetry. Adeyinka Folorunsho likens Adepoju’s praise-singing tendencies to the oral mode of performance by court bards in Oyo and notes that the praise songs composed by Adepoju during the political struggle in Nigeria in 1983 led to a loss of confidence and respect by the people he was supposed to serve. Okunoye adds: Many of Adepoju’s fans cite the effort of the poet to present the position of the Babangida government in Alaye Ijoba [Government’s explanation], which came out as a sequel to Nibo la n lo?2 [Where are we going?] in 1987 as the very act that made him lose the confidence of many of his admirers. (Okunoye, 2011, p. 182)

Okunoye describes ‘a new phase in the development of Adepojụ’s work, starting from the 2000s’ (Okunoye, 2011, p.  183) which has seen him deploy his poetry to the praise of political leaders in democratic Nigeria, 1  An akewi is a poet who mirrors the society, using events around him to create imagery for entertainment, information, education, and admonition, as well as counseling, as the case may be. He must not sit down and watch complacently when things are not normal in the society. 2  Nibo la n lo? presents the poet as a fearless advocate of the masses, while its sequel presents him as an intimidated and harassed apologist of the same government that the earlier work criticized.

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particularly Yoruba leaders in the country’s southwest. For Adepoju, the business of government is important enough to attract the attention of poets. Okunoye quotes Adepoju’s preface to Ijoba Gbenga Daniel [Gbenga Daniel’s3 Administration] which translates thus: [We cannot d ­ iscountenance our leaders in ewì/There is hardly any policy that they promote that does not concern us/It is necessary to show concern/About how they manage public resources/That’s the way we will know the difference between constructive politicians/And mere riders on the gravy train/So as to dispel lies and reveal the truth] (Okunoye, 2011, p. 184). The piece itself conveys lines such as ‘[As far as governance is concerned, the administration of Olugbenga is a model]’ while in Ìjoba Tinúbú [Tinubu’s4 Administration], the poet offers: ‘[Tinubu is far from being an empty barrel/This is because he excellently executes good jobs with a sound mind]’ (Okunoye, 2011, p. 184). Adepoju’s claim is that in praising his political patrons, his impressions have been verified through personal investigations. As such, he merely communicates facts to members of the public without access to published documents on the track records of governments. Okunoye avers that Adepoju applies his poetry in propagating partisan political causes more than any other modern Yoruba poet and cites Adepoju’s work on Obafemi Awolowo5 which went beyond endorsing the politician to demonize his opponents toward the 1979 presidential election in Nigeria. Adepoju had threatened the Yoruba electorate that failure to vote for Awolowo was a recipe for confining their children in bondage forever! Adepoju’s audience reach can be described as national having extended beyond the frontiers of his native Yoruba; indeed, he did deploy his art to the presidential ambition of Atiku Abubakar6 (a non-Yoruba). ‘The role of the poet … to educate and create public awareness, to monitor political promises and their implementation [and] to remind the public office holders to be alive to their responsibilities’ (Adepoju 2006; cited in Okunoye, 2011, p. 181) is 3  Gbenga Daniel was the Governor of Ogun State, southwest Nigeria, between 2003 and 2011. 4  Bola Tinubu was the Governor of Lagos State, southwest Nigeria, between 1999 and 2007. 5  Obafemi Awolowo (1909–1987) is one of Nigeria’s founding fathers through the country’s independence movement and beyond. Awolowo’s political project inspired a pan-­ Yoruba political consciousness presently known as Awoism. 6  Atiku Abubakar was the Vice President of Nigeria between 1999 and 2007. Abubakar ran for the presidency in 1993, 2007, 2011, and 2019.

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demonstrated through Adepoju’s works. Indeed, under military rule, Adepoju engaged with the military in order to defend the interest of the people. Chief MKO Abiola, a Yoruba and indigene of Ogun State, had won the June 12, 1993, presidential election, yet the military authorities of the day were unprepared to have an Abiola presidency materialize (Osiebe, 2018). The annulment of that presidential election was a ­watershed moment in Nigeria’s political history which triggered the critic in Adepoju who sent poetic scorn to power’s way. While Adepoju eliminated musical accompaniment from his art in 1997 because, according to him, it impedes the discursive import of his poetry, his state-minded praise chants remain under the purview of state-minded praise music culture in postcolonial Nigeria. This is so because state-minded music is deciphered essentially through its texts. In order to understand the function and form of contemporaneous African oral poetry, it is important to have some historical perspective on how the tradition operated in past times. But it is equally important to locate the tradition within a contemporary environment, lest the tradition be romanticized, or relegated to the annals of history and studied as a dead tradition. (Kaschula, 1999, pp. 59–60)

Beyond Adepoju, Juju music’s King Sunny Ade is perhaps the most prominent figure to do praise of political leaders in pre-1999 post-­independence Nigeria. It is noteworthy that several musicians, particularly of the Yoruba ethnic group, specialized in singing the praises of businessmen following independence in 1960, for example, Chief Ebenezer Obey and Sikiru Ayinde Barrister (Olukotun, 2002). However, Ade’s posthumous tribute to the late Nigerian Head of State Major General Murtala Mohammed stands out as it celebrated a leader, who had just passed on following his brutal murder on February, 13 1976. The unambiguous piece was also an unsolicited state-minded praise song. Ade also recorded and performed ‘MKO Abiola’. The song offers an interesting dynamic as to the fluidity of texts. As of its release, when the subject was only a wealthy businessman, the song ‘MKO Abiola’ was predominantly a ‘gospel’ piece. Therein Ade beseeched the creator to ‘make him successful just like MKO Abiola’.7 However, with Abiola’s involvement in Nigerian politics through the years, the song has become more of a state-minded tribute over the 7

 As translated from Yoruba. Excerpts reverberate: ‘Baba je n so rire, bi ti MKO Abiola …’.

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feelings it evokes in contemporary usage. These feelings center mainly on ‘June 12’: MKO Abiola is best known for his June 12, 1993, mandate. How this hitherto gospel song is appropriated post-1993 has little correlation with gospel music. How then is one to firmly categorize the song considering its celestial-terrestrial audience dynamic? Meanwhile, the two-million-man march campaigning for the self-­ succession of General Sani Abacha was a defining moment in pre-1999 postcolonial Nigeria. Of the event, Olukotun (2002) writes that ‘[t]he state’s use of the traditional media … cut across Nigeria’s geo-ethnic groups, in order to create a “national” platform’ (Olukotun, 2002, p. 208). Olukotun soon lists the partaking entertainers mobilized to sing the glories of General Abacha on the historic occasion of March 3 and 4, 1998. They include popular musicians Sir Shina Peters, Wasiu Alabi, Christy Essien Igbokwe, Onyeka Owenu, Dan Maraya Jos, Charles ‘Charly Boy’ Oputa, and Salawi Abeni. Others are ace broadcasters and professional masters of ceremony Bisi Olatilo, Sunny Irabor, Ralph Obiora, Ernest Ifejiku, and Ikenna Ndaguba. The comedians Baba Aluwe, Mohammed Danjuma, Usman Baba Pategi (Samanja), and Jide Kosoko were also in attendance.8 Throughout human societies, art is deemed to be more authentic, or at least [sincerer], if it is not for hire; hence there is often resentment of propaganda and contention that it is not art. (Carter-Ényì, 2018, p. 100)

A full album titled Democracy in support of General Abacha and his selfsuccession bid was recorded by the late highlife colossus King (Dr.) Oliver de Coque. Poorly engineered discs of the album Democracy described by certain audiences as the most sycophantic musical document in Nigeria’s history are available in some stores. Though Oliver de Coque is of the Igbo ethnic group in southeast Nigeria, he manages to communicate Abacha’s legacies in a multilingual method in the album Democracy. The rhetoric and discourse deployed in this album are worth extensive excerpts: Who will rule Nigeria and make it better? Democracy is what we are looking for, I am saying that Abacha should rule, if it is to vote, I will vote for

8  ‘Sunny Ade hastily arranged an overseas trip ostensibly on medical grounds, in order to provide himself with a decent escape’ (Olukotun, 2002, p. 209) from performing at the two-­ million-­man march.

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Abacha. Sani Abacha will lead Nigeria for it to be a better place for us all. If Abacha leads us the country will be beautiful. My people what I am telling you is what comes from the heart, we have shot guns, fought and quarrelled over our country Nigeria, brothers do not know their brothers again, friends do not know their friends again, what’s really happening? Is it not democracy we are looking for? Let’s forget the past my dear Ibo brothers, it has come to a time when we need to ask ourselves questions, the democracy we are looking for is one that will be good for us, that will bring us peace and love, we don’t want democracy that is imported, from air or from the sea. Why will they bring democracy that will cause us discomfort? God willing, we will have good democracy, which will stop high blood pressure and brief illness. … Let’s support Sani Abacha as better democracy has come. (‘Democracy’ by Oliver de Coque; transcribed/translated)9

With the nature of praise deployed here, one would be pardoned for mistaking the album for a posthumous tribute to modern Nigeria’s engineer/ oracle of democracy. Yet, startlingly, to date, the only posthumous tributes available to Nigeria’s political consciousness are those by King Sunny Ade and Chief Ebenezer Obey10 for Murtala Mohammed and Obafemi Awolowo respectively. Both came in pre-1999 postcolonial Nigeria. Yet, Oliver de Coque’s inimitable collection offers a pre-1999 postcolonial Nigeria precedence to the state-minded music practices of post-1999 Nigeria. The ample illustration of the epic work above is advisedly done as a testament to the continuing effects of power and influence from a popular music standpoint. What this portends for the post-1999 successors of Democracy is the concern of the subsequent section. What is certain is that the collection of state-minded praise music in post-1999 Nigeria barely has the forbearance for post-mortems.

 King (Dr.) Oliver de’ Coque (1995) Democracy.  Chief Ebenezer Obey, a popular Juju musician-turned-gospel-singer, recorded many praise songs in honor of the Yoruba business elite. He also produced pro-government albums such as Operation Feed the Nation and Right Hand Drive, designed to mobilize people in support of new policies of the state. 9

10

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State-Minded Praise Music in Post-1999 Nigeria Being that ‘African music is part of an integrated oral tradition handed down for centuries from one generation to the next’ (Green, 1977, p. 149), the state-minded praise-singing trend of pre-1999 postcolonial Nigeria has been sturdily sustained through post-1999 Nigeria. Between 1999 and 2007, and between 2007 and 2010 when Olusegun Obasanjo and Umaru Musa Yar’Adua served as President of Nigeria, respectively, the procurement of popular musicians to record state-minded praise songs for both men was marginal at the national level. As such, the analysis in this section would commence with the 2011 presidential elections which witnessed the co-optation of a vast array of popular musicians to record state-minded praise songs (campaign jingles) for the incumbent President Goodluck Jonathan. Among others, the key campaign jingles recorded were by Dekunle Fuji (campaign song in Yoruba language), Zaaki Azzay (campaign song in Hausa language), 2Shotz (campaign song in Igbo language), Mamuzee twins (campaign song in Ijaw language—Jonathan’s kin), Onyeka Onwenu (campaign song in English language), Nollywood actors and actresses (campaign song in English language), and D’banj (campaign song in Pidgin English). Mr. Mike Omeri was the Director of Research and Strategy at the Goodluck/Sambo campaign organization which oversaw the 2011 presidential election campaign of Nigeria’s erstwhile ruling People’s Democratic Party (PDP) (1999–2015). Following the PDP’s victory in 2011, Omeri was appointed the Director General of the National Orientation Agency (NOA). It was fitting that I sought audience with Mr. Omeri who explained: Because we had already moved far and were faster, most of the other candidates couldn’t get the popular musicians who could appeal, to sing for them because they were already in the group working for Jonathan. So what they decided to do was to sit there to criticize the acts. To say for instance: ‘Country, we are thinking of serious things, and you people are busy dancing. So if you want to dance, go and join those people. If you want to be serious about the country come and work with us.’ But then the message still didn’t sink because we now replied that ‘our country needs to engage everyone. The musicians are also contributing to the process of development, and some of the popular themes for development can also be captured in music.’ … So we said all work and no play makes Jack a dull boy. And we

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are not saying we are coming to be dancing every day, but we are using this medium to convey a message.11

The foregoing underscores the sheer weight and momentum behind the machinery known as incumbency in Nigeria’s Fourth Republic political theater. In a country with as vast a population as Nigeria’s, and as rich and competitive the popular music industry, it is the stuff of titans to find that a single presidential candidate representing one party in a multi-party democracy had appropriated every ‘popular musician who could appeal’. The concentration of popular musicians in campaigning for the incumbent camp ensured that popular music application by other candidates at the 2011 presidential election was marginal. Mr. Omeri’s submission nevertheless emphasizes the fluidity of state-minded praise (electoral campaign) music co-optation. Every popular musician who can appeal—irrespective of his or her primary genre persuasion—had been co-­ opted by an incumbent machine determined to secure electoral victory. It is necessary to note that the confusion over which genres are traditionally pro-praise or pro-protest need not arise as the popular music scene in Nigeria since sailed the ship of genres as contested spaces. Genre-­ specificities began to matter less since the democratization of the country’s political organs in 1999. As such, it has become near impossible to completely categorize any one popular musician under one genre of popular music. Market survival considerations together with the democratic dividend of the freedom of expression ensured that popular musicians began to spread their tentacles in order to explore a broad range of genres. This meant that albums became more balanced and catered for ‘important’ needs as a ‘wedding song’, a ‘party song’, a ‘love song’, a ‘street song’, and so on. In essence, most popular musicians found the need to also record one ‘state-minded protest song’ or one ‘state-minded praise song’, whether or not such musicians had (pronounced) political persuasions. In several instances, these combination of song types belonged in one single album (Osiebe, 2016). The co-optation, therefore, of various popular musicians to record campaign jingles paying little attention to neither these musicians’ previous political capital nor the need to assemble a somewhat equivalent group becomes comprehensible. After all, no one musician or group of musicians 11  Personal Interview with Mike Omeri, National Orientation Agency (NOA) Director General, Abuja 07.07.2014.

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had a semblance of what could be termed a monopoly of the political. Afro-beat, which is a genre popularized and given a radical coloration by the late Fela Anikulapo-Kuti, has in recent years become an all-comers genre with the addition of an ‘s’. Yet, the genre survives and has in fact grown by leaps and bounds due to the attractiveness of Afro-beat’s instrumental deployment and arrangement. Lyrically, however, Afro-beat has left much to be desired in the hands of the non-protesting, possibly love-, sex-, money-, or praise-singing artiste in contemporary Nigeria. As it is with Afro-beat, so it is with other traditional genres: malleable and accommodative of any sonorous combination of lyrics. Dekunle Fuji, for example, who recorded and performed the Goodluck Jonathan campaign jingle in Yoruba, is traditionally identified or at least referred to as a gospel fuji musician; that is, a musician gifted in the fuji tradition who records celestial praise songs. ‘The greatest distinction between Yorùbá Christian and Muslim praise music is not text but musical style. Christian praise music is often stylistically similar to jùjú music, while Muslim praise music is more like fújì … [Jùjú [is] Christianized and fújì [is] Islamized music because each has elements of the sound environment of the foreign practices of each religion’ (Carter-Ényì, 2018, p. 92). Dekunle Fuji’s electoral jingle for the Goodluck Jonathan campaign in Yoruba thus presents a complex case of musical classification through which the artiste shed any tag of being a ‘state-minded music neophyte’. After all, ‘many performers see their ability to perform as a gift from a higher power. But this does not mean that this art is used purely for religious purpose’ (Kaschula, 1999, p. 70). Even so ‘there is no doubt that religion continues to have a profound influence on African oral poetry and how it functions’ (Kaschula, 1999, p. 70). [T]he praise of gods and mortals is the most lucrative for singers and the most engaging for audiences, whether it is received as persuasive or controversial. Votes are gained when a politician hires a well-known singer to elaborate his heritage. (Carter-Ényì, 2018, p. 84)

Yet, the most recent brand of state-minded praise music in Nigeria has come in the form of the politician as the composer and performer of jingles for opposition political parties. During the 2011 presidential election, for example, the incumbent President Goodluck Jonathan and Vice President Namadi Sambo of the PDP squared up against Muhammadu Buhari and Pastor Tunde Bakari of the Congress for Progressive Change

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(CPC). The vice presidential candidate, Pastor Bakare, composed a song: ‘Bye-bye to PDP oh, welcome to CPC oh’ which he performed through rallies. More recently, the senator representing Kogi west senatorial District (until November 2019), Dino Melaye, made a return to the PDP which he had left for the All Progressives Change (APC) in the lead up to the 2015 general elections. At a PDP gathering where he announced his return, the senator sang: ‘Oh my home, oh my home; now that I see my home, now that I see my PDP; I will never forget my home; APC suffer me oh.’ At a later gathering, Mr. Melaye, playing on an easily recognizable unity jingle from the 1980s, sang: ‘I like am, I like am, me I like PDP, I like am pass APC; everything e dey for PDP oh; Make we join hands to make Nigeria greater.’ This piece of music became a campaign anthem for the PDP toward the 2019 general elections. Persuasive or controversial, what is on display here is the engagement of audiences by ‘religious’ politicians who are themselves in the fray of contesting for votes at elections. State-Minded Praise Music as a Site of Economic Resistance in Post-1999 Nigeria The preceding section has shown that unlike the traditional griot, whose role as memory of society is culturally assigned, the state-minded praise singer becomes by virtue of his popularity and following. Fofana (2011) captures the disparity succinctly when he offers that the historical relationship of ‘natural’ or blood connection among caste, family pride, and profession has been dismantled, and now, being a griot is a way of making money. … Any person can fall into this category, regardless of caste … being a griot is no longer the result of heredity; it is behavioural, and the behaviour is dictated by the socio-economic conditions of the individual. In other words, being a griot is a sort of last resort for those who have no alternative, no answer to the financial demands of daily life. It is also for those who opt for the ‘easier’ way of making a living. (Fofana, 2011, p. 255)

Femi Kuti,12 son of the legendary and inimitable inventor of Afro-beat, Fela Anikulapo-Kuti, speaks to the inducement culture that has come to characterize political endorsement and support in Nigeria and reinforces 12  Femi Kuti disclosed in the same interview that he received an invitation for Abacha’s two-million-man march which he declined to honor owing to his father’s incarceration at the

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the proposition that state-minded praise music has a competitive advantage over other popular music forms in Nigeria, when he said: The music industry in Nigeria is such that you can’t make money selling your albums. The artist must make money singing politicians’ praises. I won’t be one to criticise young boys and girls who have to survive. If they have to survive this way instead of being criminals, I will support them. (Hip TV Online, 2011, Interview np)

Drawing from Kuti, it becomes arguable that the state is steadily appropriating popular music and stripping it of its independence owing of the genre’s inherent perks. In spite of public pronouncements such as Kuti’s above, blatant and bitter denials have continued to characterize most interview sessions of popular artists once questions or insinuations of remuneration from politicians are alluded to. In a particular celebrated case, D’banj, the prime chorister (wrote the campaign jingle in Pidgin English) for the Goodluck Jonathan 2011 presidential campaign, offered that ‘In terms of money, I think people can say anything. Understand? But we all know that the President cannot even give me money. It is not okay for that kind of thing to happen. …The President has not given me any money before and I did not collect any money from the President’ (Sahara TV Interview, 2012, Interview np). Strikingly, these artists are usually very comfortable flaunting whatever largesse they earn from commercial interests they endorse. Not so in the political theater. Olaolu Ladeinde is a 35-year-old Lagos-based electro-pop-trance-­ house singer-songwriter, Twitter personality, and actor. He holds a business degree from AUN, Yola. Ladeinde’s strong opinions have triggered the fan base he commands on Twitter (6000-strong) and other social networks. His singles ‘Cosmic Love’ (2012) and ‘Ololufe’ (2018) have enjoyed positive reception from the youth in Nigeria, among whom his popularity soars (Osiebe, 2014). I engaged Ladeinde on the subgenre and asked him what he thought of the patronage of popular musicians by politicians and how this patronage resulted in advantages for popular musicians. His response is transcribed below:

time. Equivocations about Kuti’s position were clarified when he politely refused to perform during Babatunde Fashola’s gubernatorial re-election bid in Lagos in 2011.

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Singing politicians’ praises offers an access to favours, not just for the now but also for the future. Whereas if I were to release an album now in my traditional genre; its success would have to follow a process. However, if I were to do a praise song/album, I would receive a cheque even before its release in most cases. There’s also a sense of being involved. … I mean if I’m singing supporting the President, then I’m not a small boy anymore. It can be very empowering for a musician that you use your music to make things happen. … An artist that does this is seen as a worthy enough figure. I mean even the President sees that. So it does increase the artist’s worth.



He continues: I don’t think that they would publicly admit if they collected money and how much. That would spark a lot of debate. It’s going to act on their value: ‘how much did they collect?’, ‘Was it a hundred million?’, ‘It’s too expensive’, ‘It’s too cheap’ and stuff like that. If they are not getting money, they are getting other favours for doing that in some ways that also lead to monetary value. So in one way or the other, they are getting something.13

Ladeinde’s illumination of the subject assumes clarity on juxtaposition with the following excerpts from the interview with Mr. Omeri, who offered some experiential comprehension of the campaign/allegiance psyche of the Nigerian popular musician: Zaaki Azzay went and performed at the launch of Babangida’s declaration. It wasn’t too good because having endorsed [President Jonathan], even if it was not an endorsement; the fact that he sang here, we felt he should remain here. But he said: well, he was being paid so he went to collect his money and came back.14

Zaaki Azzay is a Nigerian popular musician who recorded and performed the Hausa electoral song for the Goodluck Jonathan campaign team at the 2011 presidential election. He hosts an interview show called True Nigerian aired across several Nigerian television stations. The foregoing submission by Mr. Omeri underscores the case for the average popular musician in Nigeria for whom relevance is the unmistakable motivation. It

 Personal Interview with Ladeinde Olaolu, Performing Artist, Lagos; 15.05.2014.  Personal Interview with Mike Omeri, National Orientation Agency (NOA) Director General, Abuja 07.07.2014. 13 14

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does not matter that one candidate got a musician to endorse him; such musician is at liberty to endorse another politician/candidate.

Conclusion By engaging with texts, this chapter has outlined a category of praise music in subsuming the practices of oral and verbal praise. The political variant or, rather, the variant of these expressions which serve the purpose of politicians and of elective office aspirants constitutes a third of the state-­ minded music category. This variant of state-minded praise music is discussed through several lenses, namely election time state-minded praise songs, posthumous presidential state-minded praise songs, politician as composer/performer of state-minded campaign songs, and praise music in state-minded jingles. In particular, the discussion highlights how economic incentives drive the category. The chapter traces the praise culture in Africa and appraises the state-minded subgenre through a national outlook of pre-1999 and post-1999 postcolonial Nigeria. The strength of the chapter lies in its recalibration of praise songs in an innovative way by indicating a new subgenre of the form, ‘state-minded praise music’ as a new concept which potentially opens a new debate in the field of political (state-minded) music and its deployment in Africa generally and Nigeria specifically. In the chapter’s latter frames, the analysis of state-minded praise music in post-1999 Nigeria is sustained on an interview with an up-­ and-­coming performing music artist. What is observed through postcolonial Nigeria is the regularity/survival of the praise music category across both military- and democratic-governed Nigeria. The evolution of the category has witnessed the oral poet, the juju musician, the highlife musician, the hip-hop artiste and the movie actor and actress.

References Barber, K. (1987). Popular arts in Africa. African Studies Review, 30(3), 1–78. Carter-Ényì, A. (2018). ‘Lùlù fún wọn’: Oríkì in contemporary culture. Ethnomusicology, 62(1), 83–103. Fofana, A. (2011). Sembène’s Borom Sarret: A Griot’s narrative. Literature/Film Quarterly, 39(4), 255. Green, D. (1977). The liberation of African music. Journal of Black Studies, 8(2), 149–168.

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Hip TV Online. (2011). Femi Kuti’s exclusive interview. http://www.youtube. com/watch?v=fCTc0-­trWfo&feature=related Kaschula, R. (1999). Imbongi and griot: Toward a comparative analysis of Oral poetics in southern and West Africa. Journal of African Cultural Studies, 12(1), 55–76. Okunoye, O. (2011). Lanrewaju Adepoju and the making of modern Yoruba poetry. Africa, 81(2), 175–203. Olajubu, O. (1981). Yoruba Oral poetry: Composition and performance. In U. Abalogu, G. Ashiwaju, & R. Amadi-Tshiwala (Eds.), Oral poetry in Nigeria. Emaconprint Ltd. Olukotun, A. (2002). Traditional protest media and anti-military struggle in Nigeria 1988–1999. African Affairs, 101(403), 193–221. Osiebe, G. (2014). Meet the social media leader in Northeast Nigeria. AUN This Week. http://www.americanuniversitynigeria.org/news/aunthisweek/278-­ meet-­the-­social-­media-­leader-­in-­northeast-­nigeria Osiebe, G. (2016). The opportunism of political music culture in democratic Nigeria. Journal of African Cultural Studies, 28(1), 13–27. Osiebe, G. (2017). Electoral music reception: A meta-analysis of electorate surveys in the Nigerian states of Lagos and Bayelsa. Matatu: Journal for African Culture and Society, 49(2), 439–466. Osiebe, G. (2018). Campaign suppression, electoral paranoia, and the poetics of elections in Nigeria after June 12, 1993. Africology: The Journal of Pan African Studies, 12(7), 135–152. Osiebe, G. (2020). The alternative theory of state-minded protest texts in the music of democratic Nigeria. Critical African Studies. https://doi.org/1 0.1080/21681392.2020.1810085 Sahara TV. (2012). D’banj interview on Sahara TV. http://saharareporters. com/2012/02/18/dbanj-­interview-­saharatv Vidal, T. (1988). Music and musical instruments as modes of communication in West Africa. In Z. Ali, A. Asiwaju, & B. Oloruntimilehin (Eds.), African Unity: The cultural foundations (pp. 143–151). Lagos.

Discography King (Dr) Oliver de’ Coque. (1995). Democracy.

CHAPTER 10

Beyond Mere Entertainment: Moral Reorientation in Ogundare Foyanmu’s Ijala Song-Texts Sunday Benjamin Adepoju

Introduction/Problem Statement One of the genres of the indigenous African popular music is ijala, a form of poetry chant, song-texts, rendered by the traditional hunters and blacksmiths of the Yoruba culture of the south-western Nigeria. Ijala is one of the earliest chants rendered by the worshippers of Ogun (the Yoruba god of iron) as a form of entertainment (Alagbe, 2006; Adepoju, 2020). Ijala plays the role of entertainment, among many other functions. Of all the ijala chanters, Ogundare Foyanmu has been accorded great respect in the areas of composition, wisdom, language use, among others. Interestingly, he is a household name in ijala and was said to have pioneered the digital documentation of ijala African music, producing his first record in 1956 (Adepoju, 2020). Among the youth population of Yoruba descent, ijala is

S. B. Adepoju (*) Department of Mass Communication, University of Calabar, Calabar, Nigeria e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 A. Salawu, I. A. Fadipe (eds.), Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 2, Pop Music, Culture and Identity, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-98705-3_10

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not adequately embraced like other genres of the Yoruba music such as fuji and juju. Fuji, juju, Afrobeat and hip hop genres are taking over ijala, as one of the earliest Yoruba songs/poetry. The hip hop’s superimposition on the indigenous music genre of Africa has been due to westernisation and globalisation (Fafowora, 2017). The debate on the role of ijala in the society has received little scholarly attention. Some of the works done by researchers have been based on style and form of the music genre. For instance, Alagbe (2006) focused on the aesthetics of the composition and the style of Ogundare Foyanmu as an ijala chanter. A few others dwell on the portrayal of the women folk by the artiste (Foyanmu), with a focus on the negative aspect of women. Constant investigation of the importance of ijala among the people, especially the youth population, would make it popular, thereby seeing the need to employ its content to address the myriads of challenges bedevilling the Nigerian polity. Beyond all these, like many other African music genres, ijala’s role in the society has been described as immense in many respects. For instance, Olaniyan (2013) delved into the “ecocritical” function of Ogundare Foyanmu’s ijala song-texts, with a focus on the campaign against acts that could promote flooding in the society. There have also been studies on religious music. For instance, Adedeji (2004) focuses on the style in Nigerian Christian popular music genre. Adekoya (2005) dwells on the role of music in the promotion of Islamic religion in the society. Known to this researcher, not many have been done in the area of employing ijala to tackle some of the challenges of moral decadence confronting the societies. Truly, moral reorientation is key to reviving the consciousness of the Nigerian people to be committed to the Nigerian project because moral values are daily declining. These values include, but not limited to, truthfulness, honesty, hard work, good character, neighbourliness, decent dressing and hygiene. Therefore, this study centres on determining the presence or otherwise of the moral reorientation messages in the presentations of Ogundare Foyanmu’s ijala song-texts form his selected tracks.

Theoretical Background/Literature Review The cultural norms theory falls under the category of theories that Folarin (1998) calls the second phase of the conditionally powerful media stage. According to Folarin (1998:69), “the theory charged that, through

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selective presentation and tendentious emphasis on certain themes, the mass media created the impression among their audience that such themes were part of the structure or clearly defined cultural norms of society.” Folarin notes further that members of the public tend to pattern their own behaviour in line with the media presentations. In this regard, the ijala music which is often intended to correct the ills and vices in the society come to play. The adoption of the theory is justified because the messages of ijala popular music might be considered as part of the themes of the clearly defined norms of the society. Ijala Yoruba culture has been said to be full of aesthetics and one of such area is the music. It is good to note that Yoruba culture is full of some elements of aesthetics that distinguish it from other cultures of the world. Researchers have identified that any culture of the world has tangible and intangible culture, otherwise called material and non-material culture. One of the non-material aspects of the Yoruba culture is music as a popular music. The Yoruba ijala is an aspect of the Yoruba music. Apart from ijala, the Yoruba culture has the following as part of the earliest indigenous songs: epic, bridal chants, testimonies, witch and wizard tales, praise poetry and confessionals (Alabi, 2007). There are divergent positions on the origin of ijala. An oral history states that it was Ogun that first chanted ijala (Alagbe, 2006; Adepoju, 2020). The authors explain further that when Ogun was drunk, what he chanted back then is today known as ijala ode, which was claimed to be the shortened form of ija nla awon ode—translated as “the great contest of hunters.” This contest was taken to be war. Also buttressing on the origin of ijala, Chief Alabi Ogundepo (another ijala chanter), as cited in Adepoju (2020), states: “ijala could be called hunter’s chant. It was rendered in the past to praise and pay homage to Ogun. So, the followers of Ogun invented it.” Adepoju (2020: 17) explains: Apart from using ijala to pay homage to Ogun, a version of the history of the musical genre, ijala, is traceable to the chanting contests organised by/ for Yoruba traditional hunters in the past. It is said that the chanters would try to outshine one another, using their poetic prowess and, if need be, the employment of incantation. Through incantation, they could ‘seize’ one other’s voices and carry out other forms of attack, even, while on stage. And

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some of these events usually happen during Ogun Festivals and other traditional events. Some hunters would say they were going to watch ija ninla ninla awon olode (great contest of hunters). Ijala is, therefore, a contraction of the Yoruba expression “ija ninla ninla awon olode” which could be translated to English as “great contest of hunters.”

In the past, ijala was exclusive to the hunters and blacksmiths who used the poetry form as a form of entertainment during and after their daily work. Olaniyan (2013) posited that the genre of the African music is not limited to hunting and hunter’s life. The author establishes that ijala has gone beyond mere entertainment, adding that it is used to address other socio-political and economic issues in the society. For instance, Olaniyan (2013: 700), in his “ecocritical” reading of Foyanmu’s selected chants, concludes thus: Foyanmu rises to the challenge to awaken ecological consciousness of the populace to environmental-related contemporary problems and charge them to maintain cleanliness. The quintessence is to save mankind from natural disaster which may be prevented and also to rescue human environment from wanton degradation, pollution and abuse.

Olaniyan sees the need to investigate the potentials of the ijala chant to sensitise people to avoid acts that can contribute to flooding and other environmental issues. In an ideal situation, since ijala is a performance, its chanters usually dress like hunters, wearing gberi ode—hunter’s attire— and other costumes as well as other materials.

Biography of Ogundare Foyanmu Late Ogundare Foyanmu was born in 1932 to the family of Late (Pa) and Madam Akinlabi Akande and Aarinola Amope Ogunsina of Esan Compound, Taraa, Ogbomoso, Oyo State, Nigeria. He was said to be 12 years old when he lost his father. He was later taken to his uncle, Tayewo Oke Akanmu, from whom he learnt the art of hunting games using local guns, despite that his uncle was a farmer. Olaniyan (2013: 695) reinforces that “Foyanmu did not have any academic certificate; he, however, learnt writing and reading through the Adult Education Literacy classes organised by Ogbomoso Local Government (sic).” A version of the history of Foyanmu’s sojourn to ijala African music world states:

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Foyanmu started having strange dreams, as he always found himself chanting in his dream to some groups of hunters. He later informed his uncle of his dream, who accurately interpreted the dreams to mean that he (Foyanmu) would later become a prolific ijala chanter. He was encouraged by his uncle’s interpretation of his dreams. Thus, he started working towards fulfilling the dreams until the death of his uncle. (Alagbe, 2006:99)

Foyanmu was also said to have had chanting encounters with the supernatural force. Alagbe (2006) narrated that he gathered from Foyanmu that he (artiste) would have dreams, singing with some spirits amidst melodious beats and dexterous dancing steps. It was added that he would not see all of the gifts: monies, kola nuts, spirit drinks, clothes and clothing materials whenever the reality downed on him after the dreams. All the chants he rendered in the dreams, including the proverbs, idioms, anecdotes and so on, would still be remembered the following morning when he would wake up. Foyanmu was moved by the skills with which he was performing and decided to choose ijala as his occupation. History also has it that despite that his uncle never wanted him to venture into ijala as a career, Foyanmu would stealthily attend occasions such as traditional wedding, naming and burial events to perform to the admiration of the celebrants and everybody in attendance. When his uncle saw that he (Foyanmu) was becoming popular in his career, he surrendered and allowed him to continue ijala chant as his career. As a result of this development, Foyanmu formed his band in 1945 under the name Ogundare Foyanmu ati Gbajumo Ere Ode Re (translated into English as Ogundare Foyanmu and His Popular Ijala Music Band). Up till today, the name, Ogundare Foyanmu, is a household name in ijala across the globe. Foyanmu was a prominent promoter of ijala performance. Though he died on Saturday, October 13, 2012, Foyanmu pioneered the digital documentation of ijala performance while alive. The astute musician was said to have produced his first album in 1956 and thereafter had about 20 albums to his credits (Adepoju, 2020). He was said to have spent 67 years on stage before he died. However, one will be unfair to history to not recognise that there have been lots of ijala chanters that predated Foyanmu. The truth is that ijala has been on since the days of Ogun before he became a deity, a coon’s age ago. Interestingly, the ijala maestro and genius, Foyanmu, was/is a household name in the discussion of ijala across the world. Following the dexterous Ogbomoso-born ijala trailblazer during his lifetime is Chief Alabi Ogundepo, an indigene of Saki in

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the Oke-Ogun zone of Oyo State, South-West, Nigeria. Since the demise of Foyanmu, Ogundepo has been a reference point of ijala in Nigeria and the world at large. Among the popular members of his band include Ojedapo Ishola, Okewusi Ajagbe, Buremo Ojetunji Ojubanire, Alade Agba and Areo Idowu Akataapa, Alabi—the talking drummer. Of all the prominent members of his crew, the only one who is still alive is Chief Areo Idowu, who is now the Baale Ijala (chief hunter) of Ogbomoso and its environs.

Indigenous African Music and Societies Before the coming of the colonialists to the African soil, there were some media platforms through which the Yoruba educated, informed and entertained themselves (Adepoju, 2017). Among these African people, the indigenous African music includes, but not limited to, ijala and other forms of poetry, apala, fuji, juju, sakara and dadakuada. Some of these forms of Yoruba music have a long history. Ajayi (2005) explains that oral tradition represents the testimonies of past events transmitted from one generation to the other through the words of mouth. He states further that propagating the history of any society may take any of these forms: myths, legends, songs, folklores, proverbs and poems. There have been a lot of studies on indigenous African music and its potency in the cultural promotion. Citing Nketia (1986), Idamoyinbo (2016: 329) states that “African indigenous music expresses and transmits cultural knowledge through sound.” In the African music, like many others, music is described as text-woven and as a product by performer-composer who conceived the message (Agawu, 2003). African music and culture are related. Balogun (2012:17) explains that in all parts of Africa, musical customs like other forms of artistic expressions represent an essential part of the total culture. Nketia (1974), cited in Balogun (2012: 18), notes “that music and life are conjoined, for there is music for many of the activities of everyday life and that musical verbal texts express the African’s attitude to life, his hope and fear, his thoughts and beliefs.” This quote establishes that music has become a vehicle through which Africans express and promote their cultural and social life. African traditional music displays the identity and characteristics of the people of the Sub-Saharan Africa (Omojola, 2006; Adeleke, 2008; Samuel, 2009; and Titus, 2011).

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African music has the capacity to perform social orientation and social order functions in the society by the employment of different communication forms (Onyeji, 2002; Osu, 2005; Olorunyomi, 2005; Omojola, 2006; Fadipe, 2009).

Research Design This study adopted the qualitative research design. The textual analysis was employed to analyse the themes of moral reorientation in the selected songs of Ogundare Foyanmu’s ijala. The population of the study, therefore, comprised all the songs produced by Foyanmu. Using purposive sampling technique, song-texts of the tracks of the artiste were selected, and they included Ojowu Obinrin (Jealous Woman), Ore Odale (Betrayal Friend), Obun Obinrin (The Unhygienic Woman), Agbere Obinrin (Adulterous Woman) and Ija Loko-laya (The Fight of the Couple). The purposive sampling technique was adopted because of the focus of the study which was the analysis of the moral reorientation messages. To do a robust analysis, the researcher, as research instrument, listened to the songs, transcribed the songs into Yoruba and then translated the songs from Yoruba into English language. After listening to the selected songs, the researcher developed the following categories as themes of moral reorientation: virtuous life, truthfulness, honesty, respect, hygiene, no to gossip/tale-bearing, trust, peaceful co-existence and family unity.

Moral Reorientation Messages in Ogundare Foyanmu’s Song-Texts As highlighted under the research design section, the following themes served as content analytical categories for analysing the selected tracks of the songs: virtuous life, truthfulness/honesty, hygiene, peaceful co-existence/family unit, gossip and jealousy. These themes which Yoruba culture values constitute the moral values in the society, as a typical African society, were employed as parameters for studying the moral reorientation messages in the selected songs and to thereafter argue for or against the claim that the composer-performer promotes moral values in his presentations. From the selected song-texts of Foyanmu’s ijala music, the categories were X-rayed with relevant excerpts bordering on the moral messages present therein.

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Virtuous Life It has been stated that women are not being portrayed by ijala chanters as virtuous members of the Yoruba society. One style that Foyanmu employs in his presentations is to satirise the categories of the people his songs intend to correct. The messages of virtuousness, otherwise called morally good behaviour or character, are present in the song-texts. The artiste-­ performer presents in one of his tracks thus: E ma ba ja sii, towo towo ni e ko o le  (Never mind her, divorce her with her wealth) Tori bi o ba para re (Because if she doesn’t kill herself) Yoo poko (She will kill her husband) Ona lo pojuni o je pansaga o rile gbe o (Her promiscuity makes her not to have stable husband) Asape, ko to yale apon  (Without minding time, visiting bachelors) Ko to yale eni o lobinrin, ojo a lo  (Without minding time, visiting married men) Apoju ona ni o je ni ti n koko o (Too much visiting makes her not le o ladire  to rear fowls) Ka to wipe adokokale siran, abi o siran (Let alone rearing goats) Odoodun lagbere e koko re e le (And she divorces husbands yearly)

From the song-texts above, the artiste-performer presents the scenario of the immoral behaviours of some women in the (Yoruba) society. In the societies, today, the issue of immorality of women and men folk alike is alarming and has put many homes in danger. As the saying “when two elephants fight, the grass suffers” goes, the children have always borne the brunt because some homes have broken.

Truthfulness/Honesty Truthfulness and honesty are part of what uphold societies and the two are closely linked. Obot et al. (2020:79), quoting Ebere (2011), see “truthfulness as one of the powerful forces that hold together all forms of relationship among mankind. Truthfulness ensures that there is understanding among individuals in the societies.” Ebere (2011) states further that without truthfulness, there would be sharp misunderstanding, quarrels and conflicts crisis in the society, adding that many things go wrong in any human environment when people fail to be honest in their dealings. To

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Adams (2012), the value of honesty is also related to one’s action and inaction, including when one cheats in a test or lies. The artiste charges listeners to imbibe the virtues of truthfulness and honesty in the following song-texts: Ore mi, ododo ni e je ka maa bara wa so (My friend, let’s say the truth always) Enikeni ti n ba soro otito Oluwa re ni le gbe

(Whoever is known for the truth) (Becomes prosperous)

Ko seni ti yoo wu iwa ika T’Olorun Oba o ni i mu Source: Ore Odale

(There is no one full of wickedness) (That would not be caught by God)

Hygiene Like many other African societies, the Yoruba has predilection for hygienic living. The following song-texts from Obun Obinrin (The Unhygienic Woman) contain the messages on hygiene: Obun a pa’le ma pa tage (A dirty woman who refrains from cleaning chores) A rodo ma ha amu nu (She fetches water from river and pours it in unclean container) Bobun ba gunfe girigi lasan (When she belches) E e koko se bojo lo ku ni (You might mistake it for the rumble of the rain) Enikeni to ba foju kan idoti (Just check her finger nails) Labe eekanna owo otun obun lasan (That’s filthiness’ abode) Oluwa re o ni i bobun jeun (With that, no one eats with her) Ipin n be loju bi aja, lala n be lenu (Eye log in her eyes as that of dog, dry bi esi  saliva in her mouth as horse would) To ba duro ti obun lasan (Merely staying beside the dirty being) Irun abiya re run ju egbo lo (Her armpit smells like scars) Ke e boju, ke e re eekanna (She neither washes her face nor cuts her finger nails) Bo se igbonse tan ko ni i nundi  (Her anus remains unclean after defecating) Oloriburuku re o ni i we (The unfortunate won’t have her bath) Bobun ba n ba o soro lowo (When she speaks with you)

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Bi ile igbe lenu re e run Obun a si su barakata dina

(Her mouth smells like toilet) (She even defecates by the road side)

From each of the lines presented above, there are messages of hygiene. The artiste characteristically condemns the unhygienic living. The messages from the song-texts centre on water, bathing, fingernails, defecating, brushing of teeth, among others.

Family Unity/Peaceful Co-existence Lack of peace in families, as the basic unit, affects the larger societies and the nation, as a whole. The artiste recognised the need to present messages on peaceful living in families which will, in turn, reflect in the larger societies. The following song-texts buttress the claim that Foyanmu preaches family unity: Omo tobi re n baa soro lowo  (A child being instructed by the parents) Ti n kan ri monu, ti n wa run ki, (Nodding in disagreement, with ti n tapa  wedged neck and kakaaka full of pomposity) O mo wipe ibi agodi inu re n ba (Not knowing that this is leading o re yii you to your doom) o da ni  Pa-mi-nku aya ti i sori bee-bee soko (A tough woman that desires to be killed by husband) Obinrin ti o gbo ti baba (She disobeys her father) Ko gbo toko, ko gbo tiya re (Her husband and also her mother) Iran laa walabuku fii te  (Gazing has made her lost her honour) E ma ba ja sii, towo towo ni e ko o le (Let her be, but divorce her with her wealth) Tori bi o ba para re, yoo poko (Because if she doesn’t kill herself, she can kill her husband) Agidi wa lo di meji lodo oko re Bee wi wi wi ko nii fe Be e so so so ko ni i gba Bo ba jaaki ewu tan

(Her stubbornness is complicated) (She yields not to correction) (Advising her proves abortive) (When she adjusts her dress)

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A gogi orun mo-mo-mo soko re  (She vehemently husband)

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Gossip In Yoruba language, gossip or tale-bearing is known as ofofo (the act of gossiping). Cited in Beersma and Kleef (2012: 2640), Foster (2004) defines “gossip as the exchange of information with evaluative content about absent third parties which many people frequently engage in.” The authors explain further that “gossip is often seen as self-serving behaviour aimed at manipulating others and influencing them in some malicious way.” Gossip, which is pervasive in societies, is meant to manipulate opinions of people in a negative manner. The following lines are messages to caution gossips to desist from the vice. A sese n da imoran wipe (We’re just contemplating on) A a f’olofofo joye (Bestowing chieftaincy on the gossip) Ofofo n ba igboro je kiri (A gossip always spoils the society) Agbalagba ofofo n gbonwu ete (An aged gossiper moves from house kale nile onile o to house) Olori olofofo, gigise lo fi sapoti o, nile o nile o (Chief of gossiper sat on her ankles when at business) Eniyan lo loo wi (A traitor leaks secrets) Oko lobinrin o mo ohun taa se (The woman’s husband never had an idea) Ofofo wi tan, oju eda  (After leaking the secret, gossiper is speechless) Omokere Amao (The young Amao) So o r’olofofo ile, so rolofofode  (She is both an indoors and societal gossip) Igba to ba setan ti o se ise ofofo e (When she’s ready for ‘business’) A foju bole, a yodi ode, a maa wijo kiri A wa sedi woroko bi agbon eyin

(She peeps as usual to discuss issues)

Be e lasofofo te ri o gba egbaa Enu e se modupe, e duro ke e jeun lo mo

(Without being paid for it) (But honoured with ‘thank you and eat’ before you go)

(With her deformed buttocks)

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Bo gbejo egbon, a baburo so  (Sibling’s issue is discussed with the younger siblings) Bo gbo ti baba, a wi fomo  (That of the father, she discusses with children) Bo gbejo iyawo, a ba iyaa le eso  (That of the wife, she relates it with step wife) Bokuugbe bada odede ru tan (After she had caused commotion) O di le keji ko to duro  (She ran to another house for usual business) E si maa gboro lenu oloribuku (And she dabbles into business owo re immediately) Ragbajaragbaja atanpako bi ongo iganganaran A bojugun woo-woo-woo

(Her thumb is like that of the millipede) (Her ankles are not even formed)

Oloriburu buruku abatari palaba palaba (Unfortunate and big-headed as she is) Okuugbe ti se to fi gbo soro yii ri?  (How did she manage to eavesdrop this issue?) Abese bi eya odo

(Her legs are pestle-like)

Oloriburuku aborun bi eekan ilu (As an unfortunate being, her neck curves like drum’s mould)

Evidences of chiding of gossips abound in the lines above. Namecallings such as the unfortunate, the outcast, the big-headed, elephant-like leg, pestle-like legs, among others, appear in the song-texts.

Jealousy Jealousy is part of what constitutes moral decadence in a typical Yoruba society, like many other African societies. However, there are divergent opinions bordering on the positivity and negativity of the jealousy. This assertion is buttressed by Newberry (2010: 7), citing (Barelds & Dijkstra, 2006) thus: As the Arab proverb suggests, jealousy can be viewed in positive and negative terms. Without jealousy, a person stands to lose her or his investment in the relationship to an extra-relationship threat. The expression of jealousy then, can have a positive connotation because it serves to protect the

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relationship. Although jealousy has some positive connotations, extreme jealousy can communicate to partners that a lack of trust exists in the relationship.

Despite the variegated opinions among researchers on whether to encourage or discourage jealousy, the artiste (Foyanmu) criticises the act as follows: Haaa, oko keran     (Haaa! Her husband is doomed) Bobinrin dara ti o niwa oko keran    (A pretty woman without good character, her husband’s life is ruined) Ojowu’binrin o se e fi i sele       (A jealous woman is unmarriageable) Ejo ni won fi i gbo oko won ni enu    (She loquaciously disturbs her husband) Ojowu o tete jara ile oko o sun loju ojo (She equally prevents family members from sleeping at night) Ka foni rojo, ka fola salaye      (She’s full of words and explanations) N lo sojowu deni ti o je nnkankan (That makes her loose her honour mo lowo oko re     with her husband)

As presented in the lines above, Foyanmu preaches against jealousy and recommends good character for wives which could extend to male folk as well. The artiste specifically explains that beauty is nothing if character is missing.

Discussion of the Findings The following themes served as signposts for analysing the selected tracks of the songs of the artiste: virtuous life, truthfulness/honesty, hygiene, peaceful co-existence/family unit, gossip and jealousy. The various songtexts are replete with the messages of moral reorientation in line with the above themes that constitute moral values of the Yoruba as a typical African society. This reinforces the claim of Osu (2005) that African music has the capacity for social orientation or social disorder. As stated in the theoretical framework, the emphasis of the messages promoting the moral values presupposes that the audience would want to pattern their lives in line with messages of the artiste. That is why Folarin (1998) states that through selective presentation and tendentious emphasis on certain themes, the mass media (music here) create the impression among their audience that such themes were part of the structure or clearly defined cultural norms of society. Folarin notes further that

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members of the public tend to pattern their own behaviour in line with the media presentations. In this regard, the ijala music which is often intended to correct the ill and vices in the society comes to play. The moral reorientation messages of the artiste could be seen as part of the themes of the clearly defined norms of the society. One of the ways in which Ogundare Foyanmu promotes moral values in the society is through his employment of satire. He criticises moral decadence and preaches moral rectitude in his songs. The fact that the artiste’s works contain lots of messages that are geared towards society’s moral rectitude is buttressed by the assertion that the functions of the various media of communication are also applicable to music and ijala genre. For instance, Adepoju (2020:17) pointed out that part of the functions include “to inform, educate, propagate history, entertain, teach morals, promote hygiene and render panegyric of different lineages.” Adepoju explains further that this is the reason Foyanmu, Alabi Ogundepo, among others, devote(d) their works in these identified areas. It has also been established that, nowadays, the ijala has gone beyond mere entertainment and that it is used to address other socio-political and economic issues in the society. For instance, Olaniyan (2013: 700), in his ecocritical reading of Foyanmu’s selected chants, concludes thus: “Foyanmu rises to the challenge to awaken ecological consciousness of the populace to environmental-related contemporary problems and charge them to maintain cleanliness…and also to rescue human environment from wanton degradation, pollution and abuse.” Studies on indigenous African popular music have also shown the potency of music in the cultural promotion. African indigenous music expresses and transmits cultural knowledge through sound (Nketia, 1986; Idamoyinbo, 2016). Balogun (2012) explains that in all parts of Africa, musical customs like other forms of artistic expressions represent an essential part of the total culture. Music and life are conjoined, for there is music for many of the activities of everyday life and that musical verbal texts express the African’s attitude to life, his hope and fear, his thoughts and beliefs (Nketia, 1974; Balogun, 2012). This means that music has become a vehicle through which Africans express and display their cultural and social life. African traditional music displays the identity and characteristics of the people of the Sub-Saharan Africa (Omojola, 2006; Adeleke, 2008; Samuel, 2009; and Titus, 2011).

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Conclusion and Recommendations The relevance of the ijala presentation has been identified after a careful analysis of the selected song-texts. The study contributes to the sparsely existing body of knowledge in the area of ijala as an indigenous African music and moral reorientation. It reveals that there are moral reorientation messages in the song-texts of Foyanmu. As his style, the artiste, through his presentations, contributes to moral rectitude in the society by criticising the moral decadence by members of the society. For instance, Foyanmu criticises jealousy, dishonesty, untruthfulness, unhygienic behaviour, family disunity, peaceful co-existence, gossip and lack of virtuousness in the society. In the light of the conclusions drawn from the study, it is recommended that researchers should further pay adequate attention to ijala African music in line with the messages that are geared towards reviving the society’s value system. Further researches should focus on the diversity of the role that ijala could play in the society. Scholarly efforts should be made by comparing ijala with other African arts in terms of its functions and dysfunctions in the society. The findings of the study would benefit the governments and their agencies in Nigeria in a bid to teach morals. Above all, these agencies should adopt ijala and other musical genres to restore sanity to the Nigerian societies.

References Adams, T. (2012). TBH: 5 Reasons why honesty is important. Retrieved October 10, 2020, from http://trudyadams.squarespace.com Adedeji, S. O. (2004). Nigerian Gospel music: A study of its Style. A Ph.D. Thesis, Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria. Adekoya, J.  S. (2005). The role of music in promoting Islam in Yorubaland. A Ph.D. Thesis, Department of Religious Studies, University of Ibadan. Adeleke, A. A. (2008). Iyere Ifa in Yoruba culture. An In-House Seminar Paper Presented to Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan. Adepoju, S.  B. (2017). Yoruba cultural aesthetics in Tunde Kelani’s films. Unpublished Master of Arts Degree Project, Department of Communication and Language Arts, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria. Adepoju, S.  B. (2020). Preservation of Ijala cultural heritage: Chanters decry neglect. The Nigerian Tribune, 23 June, p. 17. Agawu, K. (2003). Representing African music: Postcolonial notes, queries, positions. Routledge.

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Ajayi, S. A. (2005). African culture and civilisation. Atlantis Books. Alabi, A. (2007). “I am the hunter who kills elephants and baboons”: The autobiographical component of the hunters’ chant. Research in African Literatures, 38(3), 13–23. Alagbe, S. (2006). Ijala Ogundare Foyanmu: Ijinle Ede Ohun Enu Yoruba. Omega Press Nig. Ent.: Ogbomoso. Balogun, M.  M. (2012). Analysis of cultural artefacts in selected songs of Saheed Osupa. A project submitted to the Department of Communication and Language Arts, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria. Barelds, D. P. H., & Dijkstra, P. (2006). Reactive, anxious and possessive forms of jealousy and their relations to relationship quality among heterosexuals and homosexuals. Journal of Homosexuality, 51(3), 183–198. Beersma, B., & Kleef, G. A. (2012). Why people gossip: An empirical analysis of social motives, antecedents, and consequences. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 42(11), 2640–2670. Ebere, J. A. (2011). Civic education for senior secondary schools: Book 1. Blossom and swan Maiden limited. Fadipe, I. A. (2009). The theme of ethical re-orientation in popular music: The case of Ayinla Omowura. M.A.  Dissertation, Department of Communication and Language Arts, University of Ibadan. Fafowora, B. (2017). Hybridisation in the Nigerian hip hop music. A Master of Arts Project, Department of Communication and Language Arts, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria. Folarin, B. (1998). Theories of mass communication: An introductory text. SterlingHarolden Publishers Nigeria Ltd. Foster, E. K. (2004). Research on gossip: Taxonomy, methods and future direction. Review of General Psychology, 8, 8–99. Idamoyinbo, A.  A. (2016). Indigenous music in a new role. Nordic Journal of African Studies, 25(3 & 4), 329–348. Newberry, M. A. (2010). The positive and negative effects of jealousy on relationship quality: A meta-analysis. Unpublished Master of Arts Project Submitted to the Department of Psychology, College of Arts and Sciences, University North Florida. Retrieved October 4, 2020, from https://digitalcommons.unf. edu/etd/380 Obot, I. M., Abang, M. A., Okon, A. E., & Amalu, M. N. (2020). Development of honesty and discipline among students in Calabar Education Zone of Cross Rivers State. European Journal of Scientific Research, 156(1), 78–82. Retrieved October 14, 2020, from http://www.europeanjournalofscientificresearch.com Olaniyan, S.  O. (2013). An ecocritical reading of Ijala chant: An example of Ogundare Foyanmu’s selected Ijala chant. Journal of Literature and Art Studies, 3(11), 692–701.

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Olorunyomi, S. (2005). Afrobeat song-text narrative and the poetics of hypertext performance. A Ph.D. Thesis, Department of English, University of Ibadan. Omojola, B. (2006). Popular music in Western Nigeria: Theme, style and patronage system. Gold Press Limited. Onyeji, C. (2002). Popular music: Facts about the music and musicians. In E.  Idolor (Ed.), Music in Africa: Facts and illusions (pp.  24–37). StirlingHorden Publishers (Nig.) Ltd. Osu, G. (2005). Music as elixir for social change. The New Age, July 22. Samuel, K.  M. (2009). Female involvement in Dundun drumming among the Yoruba of South-Western Nigeria. Unpublished Ph.D Thesis, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria. Titus, S. O. (2011). Music performance for political mobilisation and violence during 2011 general elections in Nigeria. Being a Paper Presented at the International Conference of the Centre for Peace Studies, University of Ilorin, September 7–9.

Discography Agbere Obinrin (Adulterous Woman). Ija Loko-laya (The fight of the Couple). Obun Obinrin (The Unhygienic/Filthy Woman). Ojowu Obinrin (Jealous Woman). Ore Odale (Betrayal friend).

CHAPTER 11

Nigerian Indigenous Music as an Instrument of Social Crusade and Enlightenment: An Appraisal of Selected Albums of Sikiru Ayinde Barrister, Dauda Epo Akara and Odolaye Aremu Waheed Ganiyu

Introduction Music is a powerful communication tool for shaping public opinion, enlightening and dwelling on the issues of national significance. The albums released by the Fuji legend, Sikiru Ayinde Barrister, Dauda Epo Akara and Odolaye Aremu in the early 1980s to 1990s show a clear departure from the traditional function of their genres as praise-singing devices to means of social crusade and public enlightenment. Their selected albums waxed at different stages of Nigerian history depict philosophy, prophecy and admonition. Their criticisms about the governments were balanced as they commended different administrations when necessary.

W. Ganiyu (*) International Institute of Journalism, Ibadan, Nigeria © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 A. Salawu, I. A. Fadipe (eds.), Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 2, Pop Music, Culture and Identity, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-98705-3_11

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The post-independence era in Nigeria witnessed frequent change in government from civilian to the military and vice versa. The military rule by its nature is oppressive and dictatorial. However, these musicians still voiced out to condemn the anti-people policies of the military regimes. ‘As a weapon of human struggle in Africa, music is a powerful tool for dislodging oppressive rule’ (Obono, 2017). Hooliganism, mal administration, corruption, indiscipline and other weaknesses of the civilian administrations also incurred the wrath of these music gladiators. As they charged the government on service delivery and good governance, the Fuji, Awurebe and Dadakuada legends also deployed their musical prowess to promote moral standards in the society. Their songs are tools of public enlightenment.

Agenda Setting Theory Agenda setting theory is one of the media effects’ theories relevant to this work. The theory was propounded by two scholars, Maxwell McCombs and Donald L. Shaw, in 1972. The theory assumes that mass media sets agenda for several discussion by the audience. By these agenda set, people’s thinking is moulded by the issues presented. Annatto as cited by Adesina et al. (2016) explained that the agenda setting theory presupposes that the facts which people know about public issues tend to be those which the mass media presents to them. Also, the significance which they ascribe to the same issues tends to be proportionate to the amount of attention given to the same issues in the media. ‘Since communication plays an integral role in the society, music sets agenda to inform leaders and their public about the nature of oppressive rule’ (Obono, 2017). The relevance of this theory to the music of Sikiru Ayinde Barrister, Dauda Epo Akara and Odolaye Aremu is that it relates how Fuji, Awurebe and Dadakuada music set agenda for discussing national issues among the listeners.

Social Responsibility Theory Social responsibility theory is one of the normative theories of the press and it is relevant to this chapter. Propounded in 1963 by F.S.  Siebert, T.B.  Peterson and Wibur Schramm, the theory assumes that the press should be socially responsible to the society.

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This theory is relevant to this study because the three music legends, Sikiru Ayinde Barrister, Dauda Epo Akara and Odolaye Aremu, as their contribution to the society advocated for good governance, moral standards in the society and peaceful co-existence.

Brief History of Dr. Sikiru Ayinde Barrister, Dauda Epo Akara and Odolaye Aremu Sikiru Ayinde Barrister fondly called ‘Alhaji Agba’ was born on February 9, 1948. He started singing at a tender age of ten years. Before the genre was named Fuji, it used to be ‘Were’. Some of the records released in the early years of his career had the inscription: ‘Sikiru Ayinde and His Ajisari Group’. Some of his contemporaries were Saka Lagbade, Monsuru Akande, Jibowu Barrister, Kollington Ayinla and others. However, Barrister rebranded ‘Were’, a means of entertaining the Muslim faithful for pre-dawn meal during the month of Ramadan, and changed it to Fuji. According to him in an interview: ‘I came up with the name when I saw a poster at an airport advertising Mount Fuji, which is the highest peak in Japan’. Barrister took Fuji to international scene with his musical tour of their valued kingdom in 1978. Subsequently, he performed in different countries in America, Europe and Africa. With his innovations, lyrics and rhythms, Fuji music audience extended from the artisans, illiterates, to the educated elites. As a talented musician, he was able to blend the musical instruments of other genres like Piano, Hawaii guitar and keyboard with Fuji. Before his demise on December 16, 2010, Sikiru Ayinde Barrister had over 140 albums to his name.

Dauda Epo Akara Alhaji Dauda Epo Akara was born in Ibadan on June 23, 1943. He pioneered the brand ‘Awurebe’ music. Little Fuji Awurebe genre evolved from ‘Were’. His band name was formerly ‘Dauda Epo Akara and his Ajisari Group’, an indicative that he was playing ‘Were’. He later adopted ‘Awurebe Group’ as his band name to distinguish his brand. ‘Awurebe’ is a by-product of Were music developed by Dauda Epo Akara (Osho, 2010). It is the fusion of Apala, Sakara, Woro and even Dadakuada (Idonije,

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2008). According to a notable music critic, Benson Idonye, Dauda Epo Akara waxed over 80 albums before his demise on February 18, 2005.

Odolaye Aremu Alhaji Odolaye Aremu, the Dadakuada exponent, is an indigene of Ilorin in Kwara State. Though there was also a man called Raji Alalaye Ilorin, but Odolaye Aremu elevated Dadakuada genre to an enviable height. Dadakuada is a traditional form of oral art in Ilorin which originated from Egungun, the Yoruba Masquerade Cult (Na’Allah, 1992). According to Na’Allah, Dadakuada developed from Egungun cultic songs. Dadakuada is a traditional music among the Yoruba people of Nigeria, Republic of Benin, Togo and Ghana (Osho, 2010). Odolaye Aremu had over 20 albums to his name before his death.

Barrister’s Music and Social Crusade In the early 1980s, the Fuji icon, Sikiru Ayinde Barrister gradually assumed the responsibility of a social commentator through his commentaries on current affairs and public opinion. Before he dropped his album ‘Nigeria’, preparatory to the 1983 general elections, it was alleged that Barrister was a card-carrying member of the ruling National Party of Nigeria (NPN). However, his criticism of Shehu Shagari-led Federal Government perhaps would have earned him sympathy of some of his detractors then. In the album ‘Nigeria’, Barrister lamented the abuse of power, recklessness and economic hardship owing to the weakness of the government of the day: ‘Ka ma puro o, mekunnu n jiya o ‘Ka ye sanwo in alai ma ma ri na o ‘Ka ye sanwo omi lai ma ma r’omi o. Translation Honestly, the poor are really suffering We should not pay for power outage We should not pay for non-availability of water supply.

He also warned the ruling political party against the victimization of political opponents, which was the tradition of Nigeria polity then:

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E ma toripe enikan o s’egbe Ile to ti gba’we pe perepere Ki titi ma gba ile ohun mo won lowo Oselu Nigeria e beru Olorun oba! Translation Because someone doesn’t belong to your political party The property he has acquired legally with documents Should not be demolished under the guise of road construction Nigeria politicians, fear God!

When Buhari Idiagbon regime over threw Shagari administration on December 31, 1983, Ayinde Barrister, a retired Sergeant in the Army, waxed an album ‘Military’ to herald the arrival of the new government. As part of efforts to combat indiscipline, corruption and other social vices, the Buhari Idiagbon introduced War Against Indiscipline (WAI), an attitudinal change programme to enforce discipline in the society. The launch coincided with the time Barrister was preparing to release another album ‘Appreciation’ (1984). The Fuji maestro publicized the queuing part of the initiative, which stipulates that every Nigerian must be on the queue at public places like banks, motor parks, malls, filling stations and so on. E qeue! B’omode maa wi o, won a ni qeue lo gbode B’alagba maa wi o, won a ni qeue lo gbode Ijoba ologun kii gba gbere Ijoba ologun kii gba gbere o Oba dakun so’lu dero fun gbogbo wa Oba dakun so’lu dero fun gbogbo wa.

Translation Qeue up! The young support queing The old support queing The military government abhors indiscipline The military government abhors indiscipline May God makes the country comfortable for us May God makes the country comfortable for us.

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Buhari Idiagbon military regime was sacked by Ibrahim Babangida on August 27, 1985. In his bid to revive the economy, Babangida launched an economic recovery programme, Mass Mobilisation for Social Justice and Economic Reliance (MAMSER). On the flip side of Fuji Garbage Series 2 released in 1988, Barrister dedicated a track to MAMSER: Eto gbogbo wa ni MAMSER je a jo se Gbogbo ohun tab a n se nile wa Eje o si jo wa loju Ka le rayipada rere lori le ede wa Ka f’owosowopo ki joba o si ran wa lowo Ka si mu suuru ka kun fun adura Ohun to le a d’ero lola Oluwa mi o Eto gbogbo wa ni MAMSER je a jo se. Translation MAMSER belongs to all of us Let’s encourage local production of goods and services So that there will be economic prosperity Let’s cooperate with government And the government should assist us too Let’s be patient and prayerful We shall overcome all our challenges MAMSER is our programme.

In the album ‘Current Affairs’ waxed in 1989, Barrister expressed his displeasure with the high level of poverty ravaging the country. He code-­ mixed both pidgin and Yoruba to deliver his message. Don’t come to school with your dirty uniform Don’t come to school with your torn exercise book If you come, you so cry like baby o. Student go say, I go come with my papa o Student go say, I go come with my papa o Explanation ni Daddy a tele mi wa se e Ni Mummy a tele mi wa se e Igba ti o s’owo ti n o fi ra we o Igba ti o s’owo ti n o fir a we Ona wo ni n o fi ka we mi K’nwa generation isenyii le s’adura fun yin E lana ta o fi kawe o.

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Translation My Daddy will only come to explain My Mummy will only come to explain Since there is no money to buy books There is no money to buy books How do I study For our generation to pray for you Government, please help make education affordable.

Following the annulment of 1993 presidential election by the military regime of Ibrahim Babangida, Nigeria was on the verge of disintegration along the ethnic lines. Babangida’s successor, Sanno Abacha clamped down on the June 12 agitators, including the winner of the election widely regarded as the freest in the history, Chief Moshood Kasimawo Olawale Abiola, and detained him. Barrister in his album ‘Precaution’ released in 1995 advocated for the release of MKO Abiola and other political detainees in Abacha’s gaol: Eje ka panupo Ka pe’joba, ijoba ologun To n be l’ode iseyin Labe alase, General Sanni Abacha General Oladipupo Diya o, Kani kan fi Moshudi sile MKO Abiola Gbogbo political prisoners ka ni kan da won sile K’oro yii o ma dija K’oro yii o ma d’ogun Mo n wii to. Translation Let’s speak in unison And call on the military government of the day Under the leadership of General Sanni Abacha And General Oladipupo Diya That they should release MKO Abiola All other political prisoners should be free too To avoid chaos To avoid unrest I rest my case.

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Barrister also frowned at the dominance of power by a region in the country. He appealed to the military authorities to enthrone democracy and quit politics: E je ijoba Sanni Abacha d’opin ijoba ologun E je ijoba Sanni Abacha d’opin ijoba ologun Urhobo i seru ijaw o lati n gbo ri Iyekan alabahun o ju meta lo Hausa, Yoruba o pelu Ibo Se dandan nip e ka seru ara wan a Se b’omo Naijiria kan ni gbogbo wa Se b’omo Naijiria kan ni gbogbo wa o Omo Naijiria kan ni gbogbo wa. Translation Let Abacha regime ends military rule Let Abacha regime ends military rule Uhrobos are not slaves to Ijaws Tortoise family has three members Hausas, Yorubas and Igbos Must one tribe be slaves to another Are we not the same Nigerians Are we not the same Nigerians We are all citizens of Nigeria.

Throughout side one of this album, Barrister did not eulogize any personality, he dedicated it to Nigeria’s burning issues. In 1994, Sikiru Ayinde Barrister released the album ‘Truth’. In fact, ‘Precaution’ could be regarded as the continuation of the ‘Truth’. Barrister criticized the poor governance and lack of patriotism of the citizens. The album touches all the issues affecting our national life education, insecurity, bad reputation, corrugation, unemployment, harsh economic condition and so on. On the bad reputation/image of Nigeria among the comity of Nation, Barrister song: B’omo Naija bag be ra la to’do wa nbo To ba ti bo’le l’oke okun tan ba ri Awon immigration officers won a ti pe jo o Tan ba ri Nigeria passport lowo e Awon custom officers won a s’ara won jo Gbogbo force security ogun ti de

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Though searching na maa fun e Embarrassment yii poju lori wa o Tan o ba r’esun kan fi kan e rara Won o tun ni se sorry ti won ba se tan S’ejo awon oyinbo wa ni? Kii s’ejo awon oyinbo rara Ni Naija la ti n fa   sababi o Onigba lo n pe igba e l’ekufo K’omo Adamo to fi ko idoti o Eje ka barawa sotito o S’o wa daa bee f’oruko wa lati baje K’omo Naijiria ma ke rarin yan falala Oruko wa o dara l’okeere o. Translation Should a Nigerian travels abroad Once he lands at the Airport The immigration officers will gather Once they sight Nigerians passport with him All the security personnel will assemble They will search him thoroughly This embarrassment is high And even they find nothing incriminating They wouldn’t say sorry after the searching Is it their fault? It’s not their fault We, Nigerians cause the problem It’s the how the owner of a broken calabash treat it Before others are encouraged to use it for refuse Let’s be frank with ourselves Is it good for our image to be damaged? That a Nigerian can not walk freely all over the world Our image has been battered abroad.

Cultism and sexual harassment in our institutions in Nigeria also caught Barrister’s attention in the album: B’omo fe se danwo to ba fee yege A fi k’omo ile iwe o m’owo wa Eyi to j’obinrin ti o ba lowo lowo A fi ko m’eyin bale ko to yege Ti o ba le m’eyin bale to ba yari Ban o se le kuro nibe na o maa wa

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Ona da t’awon omo o ni segbekegbe. Translation For a student to pass exams successfully He/she must bribe the lecturer For ladies without money to pay She may have to pay with sexual intercourse But if she refuses to be slept with They will find means of expelling her from school Why won’t the students join cult.

The astronomical level of unemployment in Nigeria was also part of the focus of Barrister in the album. He commented on the rising unemployment of graduates: Naijiria tia way ii jo mi loju Omo kawe gba Ph.D ko ri se se Awon degree holders won nru kaaya Awon to gba National Diploma won o ri se se Omo kawe mewa o fi n s’omo odo o O kose owo ko ri bi gba o Frustration ilu wa poju o Awa mekunnu a n jiya o. Translation This Nigeria is baffling A Ph.D holder can not secure employment The Degree holders are now porters Senior school leaves are now house-help Even with vocational skills to no avail The frustration is alarming We, the poor are really suffering.

Embezzlement of public finds and stashing the country’s financial resources abroad by Nigeria leaders also had mention in the record of the Fuji legend: Eyin olori Naijiria, e sun mo bi Owo tio tii to awa ara ilu na Te nko lo s’oke okun ti je na T’ebi wa n para ilu Opo ara ilu Naijirai won o rile gbe

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Unemployed lo poju ninu wa Iwonba to n sise won o rowo na o Ojojumo lowo transport wa n le kun. Translation Nigeria leaders, lend me your ears The meager finds that is insufficient to go around Why stashing it abroad? Many Nigerians are homeless Many of us are unemployed Even the few that are working They face high cost of living.

Despite the fact that this album ‘The Truth’ was released during the regime of late General Sanni Abacha, when tyranny and oppression of the military junta was at its peak, Barrister still condemned the government’s violation of fundamental human rights. He commented as the voice of the voiceless and advocate of the masses: Fundamental human rights te n kigbe Te le fun wa ni Naija nbi E je ye firo b’otito loju To ri bi ijoba ba selu ti o dan monran Ara’lu o gbodo gbin pere Ta ba reni to dide soro ninu wa E so pe ki security ko lo mu E so pe t’ohun fee da’lu ru Bee eni ti security tan ba mu To ba dari wole e ko maa dupe Bi aja to re’le ekun to de ni O ye k’oni tohun gba’lu ko maa jo Iye emi to pare ta o mo nko. Translation The much-touted fundamental human rights That you said you guarantee Stop deceiving us Because of the government failure to deliver Nobody dares complain You will order the security operative to arrest him You will accuse him of causing chaos And whoever the security arrests If the person returns home safely

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He should be thankful to God It’s just like a dog that returns form Tiger’s safely That fellow should celebrate is return with funfair Many have gone unnoticed.

Social Commentary, Public Enlightenment and Epo Akara’s Music Dauda Epo Akara was very prominent in commenting on current affairs and national issues. With very huge following, especially in his base, Ibadan, he maximized his musical dexterity to lend his voice to the ongoing discourse in the country through his brand of music, ‘Awurebe’. ‘O beautiful’ was the first album that gave the Awurebe icon a national recognition. According to prominent music critic, Benson Idonye: Epo Akara’s Awurebe did not have widespread acceptance in Lagos until the 1980s. The music came into the forefront with the emergence of the Top 10 instituted in the early 1980s by Radio Nigeria. The criteria for determining chartbusters lay in the hands of the Research and Marketing Services (RMS) headed at the time by Mr-Tejumola. RMS placed researchers at the entrances of the record shops with questionnaires for those who want in to buy records to fill. The recorded details from all the shops were collated at the end of the exercise to determine the placing of records in a Top 10 chart that has a Nigerian social music as well as the pop music category. And it was on of one these monthly hit parade that Dauda Epo Akara, who was based at Ibadan topped the charts with the album ‘O beautiful’. (Idonije, 2008)

In the album ‘O beautiful’ released in 1981, the Awurebe maestro encouraged the populace to embark on farming to boost mass food production: E je ka maa da ‘ko l’omode pel’alagba Eyin eeyan tori k’iyan ma wo’lu o Omode o fee r’oko mo o Won n sure soobu o Arugbo loku l’aginju o Eniyan to bimo bii mefa Tipatipa lo fi n fun won ni gari Aye d’aye ma ma y’omi eko Eyin eeyan yii se e n kiye s’oro mi.

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Translation Both old and young folks, let’s go into farming To avoid famine in the land The youths of nowadays detest farming They prefer having business in the city Only the elders are left in the village For example someone with six kids find it difficult to feed them with ordinary Gari The situation now demands food rationing My people, this calls for serious concern.

In 1982, when there was a serious feud between the two legends, Sikiru Ayinde Barrister and Ayinla Kollington, Dauda Epo Akara dropped a record ‘Ija O Pe’ to play the role of a peacemaker. On the flipside of the album, he admonished the motorists to be cautious while driving on the road: T’e ba n wa moto l’ona e ye sare T’e ba n wa moto lona e ye sare Emi ta ni o tobi pupo ju abere lo. Translation If you are driving, limit your speed If you are driving, limit your speed Our soul is not bigger than a needle.

When the dreaded Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndrome (AIDS) broke out in Nigeria in the early 1990s, Dauda Epo Akara advised the masses in ‘Advice’ on the need to take preventive measures against the deadly AIDS: Imoran kan ti de o l’omode pel’alagba T’olorun ba n so ni K’eniyan maa sora e o, AIDS ti d’ode o Omo kekere e sora o Agba e sora E sora fun isekuse Ka ma se n ti o to o E yan ale mo nib a Ko pe ka ma ma l’oyun Ko ni ka ma ma bi mo o Sugbon ohun to n be leyin iku ju iku lo

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Eni arun yii ba ti mu to ba ti ngbe Ko so ogun fun. Translation This is an advice for both young and the old ones As God protects us, we should also protect ourselves AIDS is in the land The old should be careful The young should be careful Don’t be too promiscuous Avoid multiple sex partners The disease doesn’t stop pregnancy The disease doesn’t prevent one from procreation But what is associated with death is deadlier than death Whoever contacts the diseases will keep shrinking to death There is no cure for it.

The lyrics of this album, ‘Advice’, reveals that Epo Akara had deep understanding of HIV/AIDS and its manifestations.

Odolaye Aremu’s Dadakuada, National Unity and Moral Decadence He prides himself as the eagle’s eye of Kwara State, ‘Aja kwara ti kii gbo lasan, ti ko ba ri eranko a si ri atata eeyan’. It means, ‘The kwara’s dog that doesn’t bark in vain, if it’s not against animals, it would be for the influentials’. This underscores the significance of his role as the watchdog of the society. In the album ‘Olowe Mowe’, Odolaye Aremu lamented loss of societal values and norms: Oga o gbo t’omose Omose o gbo t’oga Naijiria! Aye ohun o fararo Oko o gbo t’aya mo Aya o gbo t’oko mo Afaimo l’okunrin o ni, file sile f’obinrin Omo o gbo ti baba mo Baba o gbo to omo mo A ni to ba ti le se, ko maa se. Translation The bosses disagree with his juniors

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The juniors disagree with the bosses Nigeria! The life is becoming complex Husbands disagree with wives Wives disagrees with husbands There is tendency for husbands to abandon the responsibilities for their wives Then wives would now carry the marital responsibilities.

Odolaye Aremu preached national unity and cohesion in the album ‘Igba kan ko l’aye gbo’. He admonished Nigerians to fore still any divisive tendencies capable of plunging the country into another civil war experience between 1967 and 1970: Ogun o mo mo ni no Naijiria mo o Eko ni, Ibadan ni, Ijebu ni, Ilesa ni, Ile-Ife ni, Ilorin ni Omo egbon omo aburo mi gbogbo wa E je a pa’wo wa po, ka f’owo so’wo Ai kowo rin ejo ni ku se n pa won A n sunle, a n p’ayan, Olorun o ni je o wo Naijiria mo o. Translation May we never experience war in Nigeria again Lagos, Ibadan, Ijebu, Ilesa, Ile-Ife, Ilorin We are all one united family Let be in unity Snakes die because they don’t walk in multitude Chaos, arson, killings, will never happen in Nigeria again.

Conclusion The contents of the selected albums of these legends, Sikiru Ayinde Barrister, Dauda Epo Akara and Odolaye Aremu, have been able to do justice to this chapter. They distinguished themselves as not only entertainers, but also social crusaders and voices of the voiceless. For instance, in all these albums, Barrister employed his Fuji music to shape his audience’s opinions about life, death, music, government, business, employment and so on (Adesina et al., 2016). Equally, Dauda Epo Akara and Odolaye Aremu’s albums are good sources of public enlightenment, good public relations and unsolicited publicity for the government. Late General Sanni Abacha regime had the worst history of human right abuse in Nigeria. Some human right

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activists, including an Ogoni social crusader Dr. Ken Saro Wiwa, lost their lives during Abacha regime. Remarkably, it was during his regime that Ayinde Barrister released the two blockbusters, ‘The Truth’ (1994) and ‘Precaution’ (1995), to criticize the anti-masses policies of the government. The criticism aspect of his music had played the watchdog role of the press especially during the military juntas of Generals Muhammadu Buhari Ibrahim Babangida and Sanni Abacha when he usually ran for his dear life after the release of critical records (Adesina et al., 2016).

References Adesina, K., Obalanlege, A., & Katib, I. (2016). African musician as journalist: A study of Ayinde Barrister’s works. New Media and Mass Communication, 46, 73–91. Idonije, B. (2008). Tribute to Awurebe King Epo Akara. Retrieved August 26, 2020, from www.thenigerianvoice.com Na’Allah, A. R. (1992). Dadakuada: The crisis of traditional oral genre in a modern Islamic setting. Journal of Religion in Africa, XXII, 4. Obono, K. (2017). Protest music as an instrument for communicating social discontent in Africa. Journal of Communication and Language Arts, 8(1), 199–218. Osho, S. (2010). African communication systems. ESS-Oh Consult. Barrister, S. A. (1983). Nigeria. SKOLP. Barrister, S. A. (1984). Appreciation. SKOLP. Barrister, S. A. (1988). Fuji Garbage II. SKOLP. Barrister, S. A. (1989). Current affairs. SKOLP. Barrister, S. A. (1994). The truth. SKOLP. Barrister S. A. (1995). Precaution. Epo Akara, D. A. (1981). O’beautiful. Epo Akara D. A. (1982). Ija o pe. Epo Akara, D.A. (n.d.). Advice. Odolaye, A. (n.d.-a). Olowe mowe. Odolaye, A. (n.d.-b). Igba kan ko lo aye gbo.

PART II

Indigenous African Popular Music and Environmental Health Communication

CHAPTER 12

Yorùbá Indigenous Musical Jingles on COVID-19: A Content Appraisal Ifeoluwa Theophilus Akinsola and Sheriff Olamide Olatunji

Introduction Music is text-woven, an act produced by performer-composers who conceived them (Agawu, 2003). According to Koen (2009), music may become the bridge by which the physical and spiritual are connected and the most vital component of a healing practice. In Nigeria, music serves as medium of expression, communication and preservation of historical heritage, socio-cultural and aesthetic values (Oludare, 2018; Omojola, 1989). Blacking (1976) views music as a product of the informal or formal human behaviour in groups, because it is humanly organised sound. Hence, every human race/group/society has its own way of making music (Yuksel, 2016). Music, therefore, is part of the social structure because it is used in social and cultural contexts. Music reflects and refracts the socio-cultural

I. T. Akinsola (*) • S. O. Olatunji Department of Arts and Social Sciences Education, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 A. Salawu, I. A. Fadipe (eds.), Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 2, Pop Music, Culture and Identity, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-98705-3_12

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practices, values and norms of a people. It is on this note that a particular music genre/form is usually linked to a particular people/culture. Hence, the Yorùbá music is an essential aspect of the Yorùbá culture and oral literature (Adeyinka & Ajibola, 2015). Yorùbá music portrays Yorùbá cultural values, norms, philosophies and ways of life of Yorùbá people. It thus remains a vital way of initiating new/young members into the ways of life of the society (Akinsola, 2020; Adeleke, 2011). Yorùbá music is heavily dependent on vocals or oral aesthetics because the heart of Yorùbá music is the spoken language. Elaborate language formulaic speech (metaphor, proverbs and poetry) and a deep tradition of oral history are central to traditional Yorùbá cultural identity (Franknel, 2006). As such, music among the Yorùbá is a core and integral part of their cultural fabric. The Yorùbá musical practice has been broadly grouped by Olusoji (2008) into folk and new music. While folk music can be described as the traditional Yorùbá songs, the new music is the neo-­ traditional art music which assumed popular and commercial status (Akinsola & Adetokun, 2019; Olusoji, 2008). However, Adeleke (2011) classifies Yorùbá indigenous music in two broad groups. First, the Yorùbá music that is recognised by the musical instrument(s) that accompany them. Examples in this category are danceable songs like àpàlà, wéré, fújì, wákà, dadakúàdà, jùjú, àpíìrì, àyúù and so on. The second broad class is the Yorùbá music that is recognised by their uses; hence, there are liturgical/religious Yorùbá music and ceremonial Yorùbá music. Most, if not all, of the danceable songs fall within the boundary of the ceremonial songs. However, this does not mean that Yorùbá liturgical music is not danceable. At the occasion of many religious festivals, worshippers sing and dance to appreciate their gods/deities. Indigenous music is believed to have a special cultural and social role to play in human communication system (Lomax, 1976). In this study, the two classes of Yorùbá indigenous music by Olusoji (2008) are adopted because the examples of songs Adeleke (2011) points at, based on his two broad categories, can be classified under the folk/traditional and new/ neo-traditional Yorùbá music. For instance, Adeleke’s examples for the first category are either folk/traditional (wéré, dadakúàdà, àpíìrì, àyúù) or new/neo-traditional (àpàlà, wákà, fújì and jùjú) Yorùbá music. Other examples of traditional Yorùbá music are Àgídìgbo, Àwúrèbe, Àdàmò, Ìjálá, Orin arò, Gùmbe and Kókómà, while sákárà and high life are other examples of Yorùbá neo-traditional music (Oludare, 2018).

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By implication, Yorùbá indigenous music is seen, in this study, not just as the musical form/style in the preliterate Yorùbá society, but as musical forms that are indigenous to the Yorùbá in the real sense of the Yorùbá linguistic, cultural, religious, political, economic, social and public health discourses. To this end, previous studies have focused on and emphasised the strength of the indigenous Yorùbá music (whether traditional or neotraditional) in reflecting and refracting these discourses. Oludare (2018) appraises the àpàlà music of Àyìnlá Ọ mọ Aláyàn in preserving the indigenous Yorùbá musical heritage and found that the western influence has not waded off the indigeneity of his music like other musicians of the same genre. Yussuf and Olubomehin (2018) historically analyse the significant roles of traditional Yorùbá music in popularising the Yorùbá socio-cultural values and heritage both at home and diaspora. According to Yussuf and Olubomehin’s submission, Yorùbá music keeps sustaining the Yorùbá values despite the strong influence of westernisation on Africa and Africans. Similarly, Adedeji’s (2010) study submits that the Yorùbá culture and language have enormous influence on the development of modern popular music like fújì, jùjú and afrobeat in Nigeria. Idamoyibo (2016) observes and examines the new role of a Yorùbá indigenous musical form (ẹ̀sà chant) in modern Christian worship and submits that Yorùbá eṣ̀ à chant has been successfully transformed into a form of Christian music used for Christian worships and other religious events. This importantly furthers the thoughts that the Yorùbá indigenous music is ever relevant to all aspects of the Yorùbá life, even in this modern and civilised era. Egbokhare and Fadipe’s (2016) study also lends credence to this as it examines the ways in which political messages and atmosphere in Nigeria are framed in Àyìnlá Ọ mọwúrà songs. Though the Nigeria’s political atmosphere portrayed in the songs was set in the 1970s, the researchers submit that the current political atmosphere in Nigeria is not yet divorced from this crucial past. Similarly, Fadipe (2016) submits that àpàlà and fújì genres of the Yorùbá popular music communicate current political issues such as unity/integration, leadership quality, human rights, thuggery, election/civic duties, praise-singing leaders, socio-economic situation, military government and lamentation. This way, music could help promote and/or campaign for political and social stability in Nigeria (Ibekwe, 2013). Still on the political roles of music, Titus and Bello (2012) submit that music performances during the 2011 general election in Nigeria have different musical forms and really helped in mobilising the citizens. This was

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achieved by producing political jingles using various musical forms and airing them on national and community radio/television stations. No doubt, musical jingles are not only used for political purposes, as there are musical jingles used in sensitising members of the society on various other issues in which public health is chief. However, previous research efforts have not focused attention on analysing/appraising the strength of the content of such musical jingles in sensitising citizens about current issues revolving around public health. Therefore, this study was carried out to examine and appraise the content of selected Yorùbá musical jingles in sensitising citizens about COVID-19, a current global health issue. Since the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, researchers in various fields have been on the fields and in the laboratories (Ramzy & McNeil, 2020; Usman et al., 2020). There had also been many projects and programmes to sensitise the society about COVID-19, because, as a pandemic, it requires that every human in every race and culture is well sensitised on its possible causes, symptoms and preventive measures. To effectively carry out this sensitisation, many renowned and upcoming Yorùbá musicians have sung about the COVID-19, since music has been established as an important aspect of the Yorùbá culture and effective tool for socialisation. However, current studies on the COVID-19 pandemic have not so much focused on the roles of music in sensitising community members about the pandemic, especially in the Yorùbá context. It is against this background that this study was carried out to examine and appraise the content of five Yorùbá Music jingles using the sociology of literature as the theoretical framework.

Theoretical Framework This study is hinged on the ethos of the sociology of literature. The theory has its root in sociology, a discipline that scientifically studies man and his social actions, interactions, institutions, processes, structure and system in the society (Rawat, 2007). Auguste Comte, a French philosopher, coined the concept around 1830, while scholars such as Herbert Spencer (1820–1903), Karl Marx (1818–1883), Emile Durkheim (1858–1917), and Max Weber (1864–1920) popularised it with their enormous works on the use of sociological approach to the study of human society (Omolola, 2013). However, applying sociological approach to the study of literature, which is of most concern to this chapter, bloomed during the 1970s and crested in the 1980s (Desan et al., 1989). This dimension of

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interpreting and appreciating literary works in view of sociology could not be divorced from the works of Louisi de Bonald, Hogarts, Karl max and Robert E Scarpit that have contributed immensely to the development of sociology of literature as a literary theory (Ogunsina, 2006). Sociology of literature conceptually explains the relationship between literature and society. Literature in this context refers to all works of art that use language as a vehicle for educating and entertaining people. The literature of a people in a certain period is intrinsically linked with their societal norms, customs, traditions and current issues. As such, any literary work could be regarded as an essential part of man’s social actions, interactions, institutions, processes, structure and system in the society. Therefore, the sociology of literature analyses, critics, appraises and interprets literary works in view of man’s holistic life and interaction in the society. Akinsola and Ilesanmi (2018) submit that literature and the society are Siamese twins, because their interconnection and interdependence are inseparable. Literature mirrors the society as the society remains the site where raw materials are gotten for literary works. In order words, literature selects issues from the society, reflects and refracts them and sends them to the society as product/message. This theory is found related to the concerns of this chapter because indigenous music, as a form of oral literature (Adeyinka & Akinsola, 2016), reflects and refracts the societal norms, traditions and current issues. Hence, if such indigenous music is used in producing jingles that will sensitise the society about COVID-19 (a current pandemic), it is expected that issues revolving around COVID-19 as observed in the society be well represented. Therefore, the data for this study would be interpreted in view of this theory by placing the content of the jingles side-by-side with what the phenomenon is in the society.

Methods and Materials This study adopted the qualitative research approach of the content analysis type. The design is suitable for this study because it allows in-depth content analysis and theoretical interpretation of the data collected from some COVID-19 sensitisation jingles produced using Yorùbá indigenous music style. As such, the study purposively selected five of such jingles uploaded to YouTube and made free for the public to watch and/or download. The five jingles selected are:

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1. Koro (Corona Virus): This music jingle is produced and uploaded to YouTube by the Jubal Music (https://www.youtube.com/ watch?v=kqYnB9T9rUU). The singer adopts the afro-juju style of the modern Yorùbá music, with the use of modern musical instruments. 2. Ajakale Arun Korona: This is produced and uploaded to YouTube by Bade Ojuade (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OBy2-­ eSTLD8). He is a popular Yorùbá broadcaster and oral artiste. He adopts the jíwéré style of the traditional Yorùbá music. 3. Kin lo n je korona: The artiste that produced this is not available either on the video or on YouTube. However, the jingle was found on the YouTube channel of Hammed Olayiwola (https://www. youtube.com/watch?v=H_GA5yUsUD4). The àpàlà style of the tradition Yorùbá music genre is adopted. 4. Ba wa le ko wogbo: This is produced and uploaded to YouTube by the Remmy Chanter (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v= OA67UF5QbuE). The waka style of the Yorùbá traditional music genre is adopted. 5. Nibo ni Korona ti wa: The artiste that produced this is not available either on the video or on YouTube. However, the jingle was found on the YouTube channel of AshfaMed (https://www.youtube. com/watch?v=%2D%2DvGu7Ml1sU). The fújì/àpàlà style of the traditional Yorùbá music genre is adopted. Each of these five Music jingles were transcribed and the text documents were used as the data for the study. The researchers carried out an in-depth content analysis of the text documents by identifying and categorising their thematic concerns. The results emanating from the analysis are presented and interpreted in the following section of this chapter.

Results The findings, from this analysis, revealed that the contents of the selected Yorùbá Music jingles revolve around information about what COVID-19 is, its origin, symptoms, effects and preventive measures, prayers against COVID-19, tributes to medical practitioners/government, a call for trado-medical approach and jokes. These themes are subsequently explained drawing excerpts from the selected Music jingles and interpreted theoretically using the sociology of literature.

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What COVID-19 Is: One important content of any public health sensitisation message should be the conceptualisation of the health issue itself. Hence, Music jingles selected for this study adequately portray what COVID-19 is. The artistes, through their jingles, show that COVID-19 is a pandemic, just as World Health Organisation (WHO) has declared. As a pandemic, the jingles show that COVID-19 borders everyone in every nation and is never a respecter of person, whether rich or poor, young or old, literate or illiterate and so on. The following are extracts from the jingles about what COVID-19 is: i Lílé: Àjàkalẹ̀ arùn tó wà kárí ayé Call: A global epidemic Gbígbè: KỌ ́lọ́run bá wa lé kòrónì lọ  Response: May God help us chase Corona away ii Kín ló ń jẹ́ kòrónà aaa? What is Corona? Èwo ló ń jẹ́ kòrónà fáírọ̀ọ̀sì?  Which one is called Corona Virus? Àìsàn tó kó gbogbo ayé lọ́kàn sókè A disease that troubles the mind of everyone iii

Tó ń pomọdé pàgbà oooo Kín ló kan ọba Tó kànjòyè lọ́wọ́lọ́wọ́? Kòró o, kòrónà ni

That kills both young and old What concerns both king And chiefs at present? It is Corona

The above message is so important to the sensitisation purpose of the jingles. People need to be educated on the pandemic nature of the virus so as not to think that a particular set of people or race is automatically immune against it. It is the only current health issue that concerns and should border everyone globally; hence, it is important that everyone in the world understand what it is. The Origin of COVID-19: It is no more news that COVID-19 originated in Wuhan City, China. It was from there it spread to other parts of the world. The Music jingles selected for this study also educate listeners about this source of the virus, as seen in the following extracts: i ii

Eré ni, àwàdà ni, àwàdà ni Láti ṣáínà, tó fi délùú Itili o Tó fi wá dé Nàìjíríà o Níbo ni kòrónà ti wa? Ìlú Ṣáínà lo ti wá

It’s like a play, it’s like a joke From China, till it got to Italy Till it eventually got to Nigeria Where did Corona come from? It’s from China it came from

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The Symptoms of COVID-19: The most common symptoms of COVID-19 are fever, dry cough and tiredness; the less common symptoms are aches and pains, sore throat, diarrhoea, conjunctivitis, headache, loss of taste or smell, a rash on skin or discolouration of fingers or toes, while serious symptoms include difficulty breathing or shortness of breath, chest pain or pressure and loss of speech or movement (Gellegos, 2020). However, only one of the five jingles selected talks about just fever and feeling sick as symptoms of COVID-19. It says: Bàbá màmá tó bá ṣe ọ́ bí ibà Kó o ya gba hospital lọ Bó ṣe ẹ bí àìsàn Kó o ya gba hospital lo

If you’re feeling feverish It’s better you visit the hospital If you’re feeling sick It’s better you visit the hospital

The above, though accurate, is considered an inadequate information about the symptoms of COVID-19. Hence, the jingles cannot adequately sensitise the society about the symptoms of COVID-19, a purpose for which they are produced. COVID-19 Preventive Measures: In order to prevent further spread of COVID-19, people are to maintain physical/social distancing of at least six feet, maintain personal hygiene by washing their hands frequently with soap and running water for at least 20 seconds, use hand sanitiser, use nose mask, stay at home, avoid handshaking, avoid contact with sick people and report any suspicious case (Gellegos, 2020). These preventive measures are well portrayed in the Music jingles selected for this study, as shown in the following extracts: i

Ẹ máà jẹ́ ká sùrùjo Ká fìfẹ́ yẹ fún ra wa oo Ìgbà díẹ̀ ló kù ná Kòrónà máa dọ̀rọ̀ ìtàn

Don’t let us converge Let’s show love to ourselves though It won’t be much longer Corona will become a history

ii Lílé: Ọ ̀rẹ́ táa ti rí ti pẹ́ ti pẹ  Call: A friend that has been seen for a while Gbígbè: A ò tún le dì mọ èyí mà le Response: We can’t also hug him/ her, this is terrible Lílé: A ò tún le dì mọ èyí mà le Call: We can’t also hug him/her, this is terrible Gbígbè: Ṣe bí nítorí kòrónà ni Response: Is it not because of this Corona Virus

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The above extracts show the place of social distancing in curtailing the spread of the COVID-19. The first extract encourages people not to converge, while the second extract laments the current impossibility of embracing friends because social distancing is essential in preventing the further spread of the virus. To further sensitise people about other preventive measures, the jingles call for the maintenance of personal hygiene by all and sundry. The following extracts portray this: i Gbọ́ mi, ọwọ́ fífọ̀ déedée Hear me, frequent washing of hands Ṣéyẹn wúlò gidi gan-an Is very useful Ìgbà díẹ̀ ló kù ná It won’t be much longer Kòrónà máa dọ̀rọ̀ ìtàn Corona will become a history ii Lílé: Afowo fowo owo funfun Call: We wash our hands until they’re white Gbígbè: KỌ ́lọ́run bá wa lé kòrónì lọ  Response: May God help us chase Corona away iii Ká máa ṣèmọ́tótó Tótó o Ká máa sèmọ́tótó

Let’s be hygienic hygiene Let’s be hygienic

iv Ìmọ́tótó ni ẹ jẹ́ a mọ̀ Let’s take cognizance of hygiene Ko maa fọwọ́ re  You better be washing your hands Bó bá fọwọ́ tán fi sanitiser si Use sanitiser after washing your hands Má fọwọ́ kan ojú Don’t touch your face

The above extracts show the importance of hygiene in preventing the spread of COVID-19. Just as WHO has recommended, the extracts enjoin people to adopt regular washing of hands and the use of hand sanitiser. This is not strange to the Yorùbá society, as the Yorùbá already hold the belief that being hygienic could overcome all diseases. This belief is projected in few of their songs and proverbial sayings. For instance, the following Yorùbá songs teach hygiene:

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i Ìmọ́tótó ló lè ṣẹ́gun àrùn gbogbo It’s hygiene that can defeat all diseases Ìmọ́tótó ilé, ìmọ́tótó ara Home hygiene, personal hygiene Ìmọ́tótó oúnjẹ, àtàyíká gbogbo Food hygiene, and all environment Ìmọ́tótó ló lè ṣẹ́gun àrùn gbogbo It’s hygiene that can defeat all diseases ii Wẹ̀ kí o mọ́, gé èékánná re Jẹun tó dára lásìkò Má jẹun jù

Bath and be clean, cut your fingernails Eat good food to time Don’t eat too much

Similarly, certain proverbial sayings of the Yorùbá show that hygiene is held in high esteem among the Yorùbá, for example: i Afínjú wọjà a rìn gbẹndẹke  A neat person walks majestically in the market Ọ ̀bùn wọjà a pa ṣìọ̀sị̀ ọ̀ A dirty person walks shamefully in the market Ọ ̀bùn ràdàràdà ni yóó rẹrù afínjú délé A dirty person will be carrier to a neat person

From the above, it is evident that the Yorùbá do not joke with hygiene, as due respect is accorded to neat people. It is therefore not surprising that the Yorùbá Music jingles selected for this study are so loud on the importance of hygiene in preventing the spread of COVID-19. As such, the Music jingles are societal relevance. The jingles also give hints on the need to wear nose mask, stay at home, avoid handshaking, avoid contact with sick people and report any suspicious case so as to prevent the spread of COVID-19. The following extracts from the selected jingles show a few of these preventive measures: The use of nose mask i Lílé: A lòbọ̀wọ́, a sì tún lòbòmú Call: We use glove, we also use mask Staying at home ii Baba dákun, ìyá dákun Ọ mọ dákun jókòó sílé

Please fathers, please mothers Please children, sit at home

iii Ẹ ṣàánú orílẹ̀-èdè Kẹ máa gbélé e yín

Have mercy on the nation And stay at your home

Avoiding handshaking iv Ẹ kí ni pẹ̀lú ìgùnpá Ẹ má bọwọ́ bùrọ̀dá ooo

Greet with elbows Don’t handshake, brothers

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The Effects of COVID-19: The effects of COVID-19 are felt by everyone in every community economically, socially, religiously, politically and health wise. Hence, the selected Music jingles for this study portray the economic, social, religious, political and health-related effect of COVID-19. Few extracts presented below show these: i Kín ló sọ alágbára dọ̀lẹ? What make the powerful ones lazy? Kòró o kòrónà ni It is Corona Virus Kín ló mú politicians jokoo sílé? What makes politicians sit at home? Kòró o, kòrónà ni It is Corona Virus Kín ló fa social distancing o? What causes social distancing? Kòró o, kòrónà ni It is Corona Virus Kín ló sọ sanitiser dọ̀wọ́ gógó? What makes sanitiser expensive? Kòró o, kòrónà ni It is Corona Virus Ẹ gbọ́, kín ló ti ṣọ́ọ̀sị̀ pa? What closes the doors of churches? Kòró o, kòrónà ni It is Corona Virus Mọ́sáláásì dọ̀tá Jímọ̀  Mosque becomes the enemy of Friday Kòró o, kòrónà ni It is Corona Virus ii Lílé: Wọn ni a máse jáde nílé wa Call: They asked us not to go out of our house Gbígbè: Nítorí àrùn kòrona ni Response: It’s because of the Corona Lílé: A sùn sùn sùn orun ò tún Call: We sleep until sleep stops kùn wá mo  coming Gbígbè: Nítorí àrùn kòrona ni Response: It’s because of the Corona Lílé: Aà lè jáde nígbà tó wù wá o Call: We can’t go out when we like Gbígbè: Ṣe bí nítorí kòrónà ni Response: Isn’t it because of Corona Lílé: Aà wá le kí jànmọ́ọ̀ mo  Call: We can’t congregate in mosque again Gbígbè: Aà lè lọ ṣọ́ọ̀sị̀ o jàre Response: We can’t attend church too iiii Kónílé gbélé, ó ti sú wa We are tired of curfew

The effect of COVID-19 central to the above extracts is its social effect. The Music jingles stress the fact that COVID-19 has limited human social relationship, because people can no longer go out when they like. This shows the premium placed on social interaction among the Yorùbá

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people. Though other effects of COVID-19 may appear more serious, inability to socialise seems to catch the attention of the jingle performers because of its central role in the Yorùbá society. Prayers Against COVID-19: Prayer is a core aspect of the Yorùbá socio-cultural practice. The Yorùbá believe that prayer is required in everything; hence, religion is brought to every of their endeavour. The Yorùbá believe in God, and he is always the object of any prayer they make. They call upon God to supernaturally intervene in any situation that seems to be beyond their natural capability. This is fully portrayed in the Music jingles selected for this study as shown in the extracts below: Wa bá wa dá si, baba wa ọ̀run yé  Come and intervene, our heavenly Father Kí kòrónà dọ̀rọ̀ ìtàn Let Corona become a history Káláfíà rẹ jọba Let your peace reign Àrùn burúkú a ò fe We don’t want a terrible disease Lórílẹ̀-èdè àgbáyé ee All over the world

i

ii Àwa ń bẹ̀ ọ́ Olúwa We are begging you Oh Lord Àìsàn kòrónà fáírọ̀ọ̀sì Olúwa má Don’t let’s be Corona’s vic fi kàn wá o tims, Lord iii Lílé: Kòrónà ò ní kó wọlé wa Call: Corona Virus will not enter our home Gbígbè: Ẹ jẹ́ á sàmí àdúrà o Response: Let’s say amen to prayer Lílé: Káyé mái kó kòrónà ràn wá Call: May people not infect us with Corona Virus Gbígbè: A ò ní kúkú oró àmín àṣẹ  Response: We won’t die terribly, amen Lílé: A ò ní kúkú oró àmín àṣe Call: We won’t die terribly, amen Gbígbè: KỌĺ ọŕ un bá wa lé kòrónì lọ  Response: May God help us chase Corona Virus away iv Ọ lọ́run, àrùn kòrónà fáìrọ̀sì Bá wa le kó wọgbó Corona Virus Bá wa le kó wọgbó A ò lókè méjì tó kọjá rẹ Kò sólùwòsàn tó kọjá rẹ o Àrùn Corona Virus, bá wa le kó wọgbó

God, Corona Virus disease Help us chase it away Corona Virus Help us chase it away We have no one aside you No healer beyond you Help us chase Corona Virus away

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According to the Yorùbá philosophical thought, human sins and misdeeds are capable of incurring the wrath of God; hence, the Yorùbá usually attribute calamities such as this present pandemic as a result of people’s sins. Therefore, the Music jingles also in prayer seek forgiveness from God if sins are causals of the pandemic. Few extracts below show this: v Lílé: Ẹ̀sẹ ̣̀ táa ṣẹ̀ ló farú èyí Call: It’s our sins that caused this Gbígbè: KỌ ́lọ́run bá wa lé kòrónì lo  Response: May God help us chase Corona Virus away Lílé: Ọ lọ́run sàánú àwa àgbà o Call: May God have mercy on the elders Gbígbè: Ọ lọ́run sàánú àwa èwe Response: May God have mercy on the children Lílé: Èdùà Òkè dárí ẹ̀sẹ ̣̀ jìn wá Call: God in heaven should forgive us our sins Gbígbè: KỌ ́lọ́run sàánú àwa jàre Response: May God have mercy on us vi

Bó bá jẹ́sẹ ̣̀ la ṣẹ̀, dákun forí jìn wá If it’s our sins, please forgive us Bó bá jẹ́sẹ ̣̀ la ṣẹ̀, dákun forí jìn wá o If it’s our sins, please forgive us A ò lára láti gbàbínú re We can’t afford your wrath A ò lọ́kàn láti gbàbínú rẹ o  Our mind can’t conceive your wrath Bó bá jẹ́sẹ ̣̀ la ṣẹ̀, ko ya forí jìn wá If it’s our sins, please forgive us

The Yorùbá people also believe in the authority of the spoken words, hence, the use of incantations when saying prayers. They believe that such incantations will speed up the answers to their prayers. One of the Music jingles selected for this study practically shows this by invoking incantations on COVID-19: vii Ẹ sọ pé àṣẹ kí n gbo Say amen and let me hear Àṣe Amen Kòrónà, ọ̀rọ̀ rẹ kò gbojú bọ̀rọ  Corona, your matter supernatural … … Nítorí kín ni? Because of what? Ohun táa wí fọ́gbọ́ Whatever is said to ọgbọ́ Ohun lọgbọ́ ọ́ gbọ́… Is what ọgbọ́ harkens to Èyí táa wí fọ́gbà Whatever is said to ọgbà Ohun lọgbà ń gbà Is what ọgbà harkens to

is

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Kóṣẹ kóṣẹ ohun ni tìlákọ̀sẹ Authority is that is the snail Àbá tálágẹmọ bá dá òun lòrìṣà The alágẹmọ’s suggestion is òkè é gbà always accepted by God Ó dá mi lójú, èyí tí mo wí arọ̀ á rọ̀ mo  I’m sure what I’ve said will come to pass Kòrónà, Gbéra kó mi a lo Corona, arise and leave

Tributes to Medical Practitioners/Government: Paying tribute to wellmeaning individuals is an important feature of any form of Yorùbá music. As musicians sing to entertain and educate audience, they pay homage and give reference to individuals who are well respected in the society. Likewise, the Music jingles understudied pay homage to the government and medical practitioners for their efforts towards curtailing the further spread of the COVID-19. i Ìjọba ṣehun tó pọ̀ o jàre The government does a lot Ìjọba ṣehun tó pọ̀ o jàre The government does a lot Wọ́n kọ́mọ wa lórí móhùn máwòrán They organized school-on-air programs for our children

The above extract gives tribute to government for organising school-onair programmes for primary and secondary school pupils, so that they could learn while staying at home. Though it is the responsibility of the government to do this, the Yorùbá believe in praise-singing; hence, paying tribute to the government for performing their responsibilities primarily shows that the Music jingles selected for this study are Yorùbá music not just by form/nature but also by their societal relevance. Likewise, tribute is paid to medical practitioners, represented by doctors and nurses, in one of the Music jingles. The extract below exemplifies this: ii

Ẹ bá wa káwọn dókità, wí pé wọn kú iṣe  Help us say well-done to doctors Ẹ káwọn nọ́ọ̀sì, wi pé wọn kú iṣe Say well-done to nurses also Kìràkìtà a wọn lórí kòrónà o Their efforts on Corona Àìsùn wọn lórí kòrónà o Their vigil on Corona Ẹ kí àwọn dókìtà, wi pé wọn kú iṣe Say well-done to doctors

A Call for Trado-medical Approach: Ever since the outbreak of the COVID-19 and the seemingly futile effort of the orthodox medicine in finding a reliable solution, Africans have been preaching a return to herbs

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and natural means of treating diseases. One of the Music jingles selected for this study vocals this by calling on the traditional medical practitioners to help look for an antidote to the virus. It says: i

Ẹ̀yin oníṣègùn ìbílẹ̀ wa À ń wojú yín ẹ jọ̀ọ́ jàre Kín la lè lò fún kòró Kó lè palẹ̀ rẹ̀ mọ́ nílẹ̀ wa

Our traditional medical practitioners We are looking up to you, please and please What can we use for Corona virus So as to go away from our land

Jokes: No matter how serious the theme of a song is, the Yorùbá musicians would always find a way to make jokes. This is because music in the Yorùbá artistic parlance, even in other climes, has dual purposes of entertaining and socialising audience. Hence, the Music jingles selected for this study deliberately use certain words and expressions in order to provoke laughter. Examples are presented in the following extracts: i Kárìn kápọ̀ pípa ló ń pa ni Moving in crowd could be deadly Kòró o, kòrónà ni It’s is corona Aaa! Ẹni orí yọ ó dilé Haa! He who is saved runs home

The popular Yorùbá proverbs ‘Kárìn kápọ̀ yíyẹ ló ń yẹ ni’ meaning ‘It is honourable to walk in company’ is twisted to provoke laughter in the above extract. Since the COVID-19 pandemic requires physical distancing, the jingle funnily opines that moving in company is no more honourable but deadly because it is very easy to contact the virus where there is crowd. ii Sister dákun jókòó jẹ́jẹ́ Máma gbéjà kiri

Sit in one place, sister Don’t walk about aimlessly

In the above extract, the colloquial expression ‘gbéjà kiri’ is deliberately used to provoke laughter. It is a colloquial term used among youths and peers to connote ladies’ act of moving around to be sexually attracted to men. Obviously, that has been caveated by the COVID-19 pandemic that requires staying at home and physical distancing. As notably seen from the foregoing analysis, COVID-19 preventive measures and prayers are two predominant themes of most of the five Music jingles selected for this study. This should be seen in the light of the Yorùbá socio-­cultural belief system concerning sickness and diseases. The

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Yorùbá believe in taking active hygienic and religious steps towards preventing epidemical diseases. For this purpose, they hold personal and community hygiene in high esteem and regularly appeal to the gods for protection from diseases. Hence, the performers of the Music jingles selected for this study consciously and unconsciously preach the COVID-19 preventive measures and offer prayers to God against the virus. Apart from this, other themes as expounded also pass comments that revolve around COVID-19. This in tandem with the socialisation purpose of music in the Yorùbá society, where songs are used to pass comments on current social issues, educate and entertain members of the society.

Conclusion The selected COVID-19 sensitisation jingles produced via the Yorùbá music medium effectively educate listeners about COVID-19 and entertain them without distorting the message. This is what music is primarily used for in the Yorùbá society; hence, music is an important socialisation tool among the Yorùbá. This chapter has demonstrated that whatever the Yorùbá music form is applied to, it does not neglect its socialising and educating roles, just as the Music jingles analysed in this chapter are relevant to the socio-cultural purposes of music in the Yorùbá society.

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CHAPTER 13

Promotion of Food Sovereignty in Africa Through Yoruba’s Indigenous Music Lere Amusan

Introduction The dissemination of information, news, and warnings before the arrival of the Caucasians to the shore of Africa emanated from town criers, drummers, and musicians mostly. The twenty-first century has come to challenge these roles in the African continent; despite hi-tech, automation, and social media that have plagued the global system, the roles of indigenous musicians and their music are invaluable in rural areas of Africa in general and among the Yorubas in the south-western part of Nigeria in particular. It is assumed that three basic things are the must that a human being needs: food, shelter, and clothing. Out of these needs, this chapter will focus on food production, distribution, and consumption. The need for this is that the other two needs may find alternatives as against food that is compulsory for human existence. The need for this is that food

L. Amusan (*) Department of Political Studies and International Relations, North-West University, Mafikeng, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 A. Salawu, I. A. Fadipe (eds.), Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 2, Pop Music, Culture and Identity, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-98705-3_13

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promotes health and culture and it is spiritual in African societies. This finds explanation why musicians in many African states are playing inestimable roles in the promotion of social development and food production, food processing, food distribution, food availability, and food consumption, albeit, indirectly. In the post-colonial Africa, this role continues to have an impact on the types and quality of food needed for a healthy life as against genetically modified (GM) food that globalisation imposed on Africans as a sign of opulence, but compromising the quality of life of consumers (Amusan, 2019a, 2019b). There is a claim that “what you eat is who you are” and “eat food as medicine as against taking medicine as food”. This implies that what one eats will determine the state of health and sustainable development in general (Guthman, 2011; Lymbery & Oakeshott, 2014). There is no doubt that organic foods that are vigorously promoted by several musicians in Africa, in general, are of benefit for human development and healthy living. As pointed out by many students of food politics and policies (Cribb, 2019; Fraser, 2016; Otero, 2018), consumption of inorganic foods are sources of different ailments such as blindness, body ache, and death in many cases as discussed extensively below due to lack of minerals, vitamins, and other nutrients (Cribb, 2019). Production of inorganic foods (plants and animals) is not without various challenges. Knowing that animals are sentient being, overcrowding and feeding them on antibiotics not to treat diseases but to fatten them for profit-making is unhealthy for human consumption (Lymbery & Oakeshott, 2014: 31). Animals that are fed in cages with processed feeds are not only unhealthy but also a means of food insecurity that is affecting what to consume and at what price since there is competition between humans, alternative to fossil fuel (biofuel) and a need to feed animals with what should be consumed by the teeming population that is projected to be over 10 billion come 2050. There is a saying that Africa should find a solution to African problems (Amusan & Ajibola, 2019; Amusan & Oyewole, 2014). In trying to abide by this, there is a need to delineate between food security and food sovereignty. Food security speaks of availability, accessibility, and affordability of food for the people at a point in time either produced or imported from another environment. This definition falls short of the quality of food for positive nutrition development. On the other hand, food sovereignty may be defined as affordability, accessibility, and availability of quality food that is produced in an environment where it is consumed sustainably and the excesses are exported in exchange for other items needed. The definition

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further interrogates food quality as against the imposed GM food that is unhealthy for human consumption (Paarlberg, 2013). The focus of this chapter is on a need to promote organic food that is not only sustainable but also environmentally compatible with Yoruba land where they have been growing for several millennials before the arrival of the Caucasians through the Indian and the Atlantic Oceans. This will be a point of departure as several kinds of music in Yoruba land point to the importance of food produced in the geographical confinement of the south-western Nigeria. In trying to examine the roles of music in food production, processing, and consumption, one will be able to identify the challenges that serve as obstacles in having access to quality food in the turn of the twenty-­ first century and how this can be resolved through the promotion of organic food; through feminisation of agriculture, this chapter will call for promotion of gender perspective in food production. In interrogating food sovereignty in Africa through Yoruba music, this chapter will focus on Ebenezer Obey, Alhaji Sikiru Ayinde Barrister, and Sunny Ade’s music that hinge on food production, food distribution, and food consumption. Ebenezer Obey’s approach to food sovereignty is to promote introduced Green Revolution (GR) that was imposed on African states through Olusegun Obasanjo as the military head of state between 1976 and 1979. On the other hand, Sunny Ade calls for the promotion of a mix-cropping system of farming where cash crops and food crops were encouraged to ensure organic food and self-sufficiency as against the importation of GM food with challenges of hidden hunger in many African states (Bodnar, 2013; Kimura, 2013). Lack of adequate micronutrients of GM products continues to generate academic discussion (as basic and important nutrients such as iron, zinc, vitamin A, and iodine are conspicuously absent in many of these foods; Kristof, 2009). Though this chapter focuses primarily on two musicians from the south-western part of Nigeria, other local music that points to a need to encourage African food that has almost gone into extinct such as vegetables, cereals, and tuber foods will also have academic interrogation. Their extinction is a result of large scale neglect. Monocropping is the main attribute of large-scale farming with extensive use of herbicides and insecticides with an untold negative impact on biodiversity (Walter, 2011). This employs social constructivist theory— a theory that is environmentally sensitive as against the one-size-fits-all approach of the Euro-centric models of development such as modernisation, neo-liberal, and liberal theories that are not African in their approaches. Therefore, there is a call for food sovereignty as against

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misguided food security with more emphasis on the feminisation of agriculture. Largely, this chapter draws data from secondary sources.

Theoretical Framework: Social Constructivism This is a theory that has many attributes of critical theory, embedded liberalism, and Marxist positions on the issue of development in the global system. It lays more emphasis on a social dimension; it is historical and culture-based as against rigid behavioural empiricism; it is also termed as relativity, reflectivity, and postmodernist. As a theory, it is more insightful and imaginative. This theory is at home with a way of coming with alternatives to the perceived stale models, paradigms, and theories that were propounded by the west in line with their orientation, background, and history. This receives support from some scholars who are of the view that social science is imperialistic and attempts to entrench neo-colonialism in developing areas (Ake, 1982; Bond, 2006; Burgis, 2015; Clapham, 1996). Robert Cox (1981) opines that the theory is for someone and some purpose. This implies that the development of theories is to serve some environment that may not be globalised due to changes in condition that brings about such a position. Based on Cox’s (1981) observation, one may be of the view that the environment may not be adequate to demystify a theoretical position because changes in such an environment may call for a paradigm shift in craving for alternatives. For instance, at the dawn of the industrial revolution, the feudalists in the British system were of the view that their belief in the lord-servant approach to the production of goods and services was receding into oblivion; they, therefore, called for a classical liberal economic model that brought about the adoption of the forces of demand and supply (Roncaglia, 2017). This was to achieve multiple ambitions, to remain relevant in the decision-making process and to hold on to their land through privatisation of factors of production. Many pieces of literature abound regarding the futility of liberal theory (Amusan, 2011). This brought about different types of liberal schools such as complex interdependence, neo-liberal, post-modernist liberal, and embedded liberal theories (Bells, 2010; Chang, 2010; Hays, 2009; Klein, 2007; Ruggie, 2003; Steffek, 2006). The introduction of “world without mind” (Foer, 2017) is not only an aberration in the African context because it is rubbing the continent of its heritage and culture but also a means of capitalism of dispossession on a large scale that had not to experience in the continent before due to the

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activities of multinational corporations (MNCs) and some private individuals (Coll, 2012; Foer, 2017). In some, an attempt to address these challenges in food production, distribution, and consumption calls for social constructivism as a departure point to interrogate the roles of indigenous music towards food sovereignty in Africa. The social constructivism theory is, as alluded to above, a means to embark on sustainable development with an emphasis on the production of food that is traditional and environmentally sensitive in accommodating biodiversity of the African continent. The theory, unlike critical theory (Fierke, 2015), is not against the liberal position in food production and consumption but is alien to the “soulless ultra-capitalistic” approach that is not sensitive to the soil, water, and environment in general (Cribb, 2019; Gates, 2018; Okori et  al., 2019; Otero, 2018). Gates (2018), because of his ambition to amass more wealth, comes up with unsustainable food production of quantity against quality as discussed severally elsewhere (Amusan, 2019a; Amusan & Olawuyi, 2019). In trying to promote organic food in Africa, several approaches have been adopted on the continent; one of the means is the role of indigenous music, which is the focus of this chapter. Despite all the positive attributes of social constructivist theory, there are many challenges that are entrenched in it. It is of the view that the body’s truth is universal and truthful, hence no policy to follow; it has no prescriptive value and is of the view that there is no alternative to the model. Despite these shortcomings, this chapter will adopt the theory for the role of indigenous music in the food security of Africa.

Indigenous Music and Food Production, Distribution, and Consumption Hardly can there be a community in Africa where local music does not play an invaluable role in how, where, when, and what types of food to produce. Indigenous music, for this chapter, encapsulates music by both professionals and non-professionals in any community. Non-professionals are those who only entertain people, not for financial rewards. It may be a group of people in the era of age grades in many parts of the continent with specific responsibilities. It may be individuals who only sing at a point in time to praise types of food crops produced in an environment. On the other hand, is the professional musicians, the core of the area of focus of

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this chapter, who are praise singers at the commercial level. This will receive more attention later in this section. This section is divided into two broad sub-sections—the organic and inorganic foods and praise singers— and how secure are these foods in the twenty-first century shall be the focus of the two sub-sections as discussed below. Organic Food and Traditional Music In most of the African states, organic food is prevalent in the continent until the advent of the colonialists and later the United States of America and their negative technology when it comes to the issue of food security. As opined above, the west promotion of agriculture in the continent is more of inorganic in nature; this not only questions the quality of food available for consumption but also challenges the socio-cultural aspects of Africans. In the south-western part of Nigeria (Yoruba land), for instance, as recent as the 1970s, the issue of GM food was hardly known until questionable Green Revolution (GR) was introduced, despite self-sufficiency in food production in the region at the time. The importance of food produced in the Yoruba land has cultural, spiritual, and musical support and connotations. In the Yoruba land, the former western region, each part of the area has its own peculiar food that was known for. This is in line with the music by late Alhaji Sikiru Ayinde Barrister when he was of the opinion that: Amala (funfun) lonje awon Egba (the Egba people are known with cassava flour food), iyanlonje awon Ijesha ati Ekiti (the Ekitis and Ijeshas are known for pounded yam), Ogbomosholoniamaladudu, atiekogbigbonan (the Ogbomosho people are known to have taken yam flour and soft porridge). Ogbomosho niawonomoafiaguntanbolojojeka (the Ogbomoshos are known to have eat prepared yam flour with lamb). AwonEpeleleja (the Epe people are known for fish farming, distribution and consumption), IkokorelonjeawonIjebu (Ikokore is a type of food that is very rich in ingredients such as prawn, cray fish, water yam, red oil etcetera).

What this implies is that some group of Yoruba is known to be specialised in certain crops. For instance, the Ekiti and Ijesha are yam producers, the Ijebus are good at water yam, and because they share territories with some rivers, fishing, like the Epes who are also Ijebus, explains why they have Ikokore, which is considered as one of the most balanced diet foods

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in the Yoruba land. For the Ogbomoshos, their amala (yam flour) and porridge connote that they are yam and maize producers and the same explains why these are common in their food. To give a few examples, time immemorial Yoruba people, with a different dialect, have their specific food in the form of production, consumption, and distribution. This explains why they are attributed to a certain type of food. For instance, the Ijebu people are known for Ikokore, a type of food that is occasionally prepared when they have important visitors or ceremony. This food is very rich as it is a combination of seafood and water yam. Yam is known to contain some ingredients that can be used to treat gallstones (Karalliedde & Gawarammana, 2008: 37). They only sell out the excess to other people outside their region. It is instructive to note that mixed cropping is prevalent in the Yoruba land. There is the introduction of cash crops such as kola nuts and cocoa to the Yoruba land, unlike in the eastern part of Africa where farmers were forced to embark only on coffee and sisal, for instance. So, the case is the reverse in the southwestern part of Nigeria. One may not be able to stretch this point too far because, with the introduction of cash economy by the colonialists, cocoa and kola nuts attracted more value monetarily compared with food crops. This development forced men to cash crop plantation with the planting of food crops such as yam, cassava, and maize sparingly only for consumption and sell a few to urban-centred regions. Food security and, by extension, food sovereignty were ensured until the 1970s to the extent that the Ijesha people hardly consumed plantain and banana, despite their nutritional values. This is because they have a series of alternatives that give them the required nutrients as against the bifurcation nutrients that are artificially created. To drive this point home, Ayinde Barrister was of the view, as believed by the Ijeshas, that Koun a fogede se, eiyeniijenileijesha (i.e. banana and plantain have no value in Ijeshaland, it is only birds that eat it). This points out to the self-­sustenance in food production and distribution for people’s consumption. One of the music of Sunday Adegeye Adeniyi (AKA, Sunny Ade) goes thus: Elegedenjayeori re ninuoko, ogbalelorepedete, Ila-Iroko reobaninileegan, Igbiinu Koko tofimontinuegan won o lafiweerora….1

1

 https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RR3z3xZ0tAA. Accessed on 27 September 2020.

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The music says, water squash (Cucurbita Pepe L.) occupies a great part of the farm (this is because it is one of the leguminous crops with aeration advantage for other plants), red okra (Abelmoschusesculentus) is a king in the forest areas, and African giant snails (Achatinaachatina) found in cocoa plantation and forest areas are not comparable in the form of nutritional values. Ila-Iroko (Red Okra, Abelmoschusesculentus): There are varieties of okra, but they serve the same purpose in the form of consumption and medicinal value. For this study, this chapter is going to focus on red okra, which is considered to be wild okra that can be found in rubber, cocoa, palm tree, and kola nuts plantations. It is also available in the uncultivated perceived terra nullius forest. In the south-western part of Nigeria, this variety of okra can be harvested by hunters and fruit gatherers in the forest for consumption. It is a heat- and drought-tolerant vegetable. Its origin is contestable, but it is commonly found in Asia, the Americas, and in the tropical region of Africa such as West Africa, Central Africa, and in the sub-tropical areas of Southern Africa. Like other types, red okra contains valuable nutrients for human body as one may consume both leaves and seeds. Raw seed when it is green contains 90% water, 2% protein, 7% carbohydrate, and negligible fat. It is a vegetable that can be used to treat malnutrition. Okra is an invaluable plant as shown in Table  13.1. For instance, its vitamin K is a fat-soluble vitamin with its blood clotting role; it also contains protein, which many vegetables lack. Protein as we know is good for weight management, blood sugar control, bone structure, and muscle mass. It is an antioxidant as it contains polyphenols, which is a source of improving heart health by lowering blood clot risk and oxidative damage; it is also beneficial for brain health as it protects the brain against inflammation. By extension, it contributes to cognition, learning, and memory, reduces blood cholesterol, and is beneficial for pregnant women as vitamin B9 (folate) is important for lowering a neural tube defect that usually affects the brain and spine of developing foetus. It is also good for diabetes patients. Like the okra pod, the leaf of the plant is also of invaluable nutritional value. It also contains vitamins A and C, protein, and iron. It can be used instead of spinach in preparing green salad. Okra leaves serve the same function as okra pod when boiled. In some cases, this plant is preserved against offseason; both pods and leaves can be dried and grind into

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Table 13.1  Red Okra (Abelmoschusesculentus) Nutrients Composition Raw Okra nutritional value per 100 g (3.5 oz) Energy Carbohydrates Sugars Dietary fibre Fat Protein Vitamins Vitamin A equiv. Thiamine (B1) Riboflavin (B2) Niacin (B3) Folate (B9) Vitamin C Vitamin E Vitamin K Minerals Calcium Iron Magnesium Phosphorous Potassium Zinc Other Constituents Water

138 kJ (33 kcal) 7.46 g 1.48 g 3.3 g 0.19 g 1.9 g

Quantity 36 μg 0.2 mg 0.06 mg 1 mg 60 μg 23 mg 0.27 mg 31.3 μg Quantity 82 mg 0.62 mg 57 mg 61 mg 229 mg 0.58 mg

%DV+ 5% 17% 5% 7% 15% 28% 2% 30% %DV+ 8% 5% 16% 9% 6% 6% Quantity 89.6 g

Sources: United States Department of Agriculture: https://ndb.nal.usda.gov/ndb/foods/show/11278 ?fgcd=&manu=&format=&count=&max=25&offset=&sort=default&order=asc&qlookup=Okra%2C+ra w&ds=&qt=&qp=&qa=&qn=&q=&ing. Accessed 17 September 2020 Note: μg = micrograms, mg = milligrams

powdered form and used in soups, as seasoning, and as nutritional supplement (Thao, n.d.). Medicinally, okra is good for hair with okra gel as conditioner. It is also good at washing locks (dreadlocks) hair as it contains some medicinal values.2

2  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Mq7FlbjxxI8&frags=wn. September 2020.

Accessed

on

17

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Elegede (Squash-Gourd Melon Pumpkin, Common Name is Water Squash) (Cucurbita pepe L.) These plants can be classified as vegetables and fruits at the same time. The leaves of the plant are edible as well as the fruit (butternut squash). The butternut squash is tasty and contain vitamins, minerals, fibre, and antioxidants similar to okra discussed above. It is rich in nutrients and very low in calories. Aside the nutrients listed below of this plant, it is also a source of calcium, iron, phosphorus, and copper. Table 13.2 explains the composition of the vegetable and fruit. Elegede contains vitamin A, an essential vitamin for cell growth regulation. It is also good for eyes and bone health as well as for boosting immunity. Like okra, it is good for a pregnant woman in the development of foetus; as shown in Table  13.2, it is good for tissue repair and wound healing due to its vitamin C composition/vitamin E as an oxidant attack age-­related sickness like Alzheimer’s disease (Kubala, 2019). It is also claimed to have reduced certain types of cancer due to the influence of vitamin C. It is also good in attacking heart disease and mental decline and aids in weight loss as the case of okra consumption.

Table 13.2 Elegede (Water Squash (Cucurbita pepe L.)) Nutrients Composition

Nutrients

Quantity

Calories Carbs Protein Fibre Vitamin A

82 22 g 2 g 7 g 457% of the Reference Daily Intake (RDI) 52% RDI 13% RDI 10% RDI 10% RDI 13% RDI 10% RDI 15% RDI 17% RDI 18% RDI

Vitamin C Vitamin E Thiamine (B1) Niacin (B3) Pyridoxine (B6) Folate (B9) Magnesium Potassium Manganese

Sources: Adapted from Kubala (2019)

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African Giant Snails (Achatinaachatina) Snail in Yoruba land is believed to be a very good meat and it is expensive, considered to be within the reach of the opulence family. In the rural areas of the south-western part of Nigeria, it is very common during the rainy season and mostly found in thick forest and cocoa plantation as alluded to by King Sunny Ade in his music. Snail is usually prepared as soup which is scientifically proved to be a cure for many diseases such as hypertension, curtail aggression, and malformation of bone structure. It is also good for lactation by nursing mothers and ensures easy child labour. Its import in curing anaemia, whooping cough, and suppression of convulsion are some of the attributes of African giant snail consumption. Snail fluid is highly medicinal as it is a cure for hypertension as the meat also addresses the health concern; it is good for treating amputated fingers, stops bleeding, is good for eye problems, and is used in treating wounds from male circumcision as well as suppressing smallpox; and it is anti-rheumatic (Engmann et al., 2013). Because of the low level of cholesterol and is a protein-rich meat, it has all the essential amino acids. This brings to a notion that is highly medicinal. Table  13.3 explains the importance of snail as a source of good health for the consumers. In the era of COVID-19 that brought untold hardship on people, rural dwellers inclusive, this meat is a means of alleviating protein malnutrition in the continent of Africa in general and among the Yorubas in particular, though it is expensive in the urban areas (Adeyeye et al., 2020). Despite all the nutritional values of okra, the belief among some Yoruba people is that consumption of this valuable vegetable is a source of bad Table 13.3 African Giant Snail (Achatinaachatina) Minerals Composition

Protein Carbohydrate Fat Calcium Phosphorous Potassium Zinc Iron Copper

82.96% 03.26% 03.98% 585.5 mg/100 g 269.2 mg/100 g 331.8 mg/100 g 039.0 mg/100 g