Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 1: Prophets and Philosophers (Pop Music, Culture and Identity) 3030978834, 9783030978839

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POP MUSIC, CULTURE, AND IDENTITY

Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 1 Prophets and Philosophers

Edited by Abiodun Salawu · Israel A. Fadipe

Pop Music, Culture and Identity

Series Editors Stephen Clark Graduate School Humanities and Sociology University of Tokyo Bunkyo-ku, Tokyo, Japan Tristanne Connolly Department of English St Jerome’s University Waterloo, ON, Canada Jason Whittaker School of English & Journalism University of Lincoln Lincoln, Lincolnshire, UK

Pop music lasts. A form all too often assumed to be transient, commercial and mass-cultural has proved itself durable, tenacious and continually evolving. As such, it has become a crucial component in defining various forms of identity (individual and collective) as influenced by nation, class, gender and historical period. Pop Music, Culture and Identity investigates how this enhanced status shapes the iconography of celebrity, provides an ever-expanding archive for generational memory and accelerates the impact of new technologies on performing, packaging and global marketing. The series gives particular emphasis to interdisciplinary approaches that go beyond musicology and seeks to validate the informed testimony of the fan alongside academic methodologies. More information about this series at https://link.springer.com/bookseries/14537

Abiodun Salawu  •  Israel A. Fadipe Editors

Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 1 Prophets and Philosophers

Editors Abiodun Salawu Indigenous Language Media in Africa Faculty of Humanities North-West University Mafikeng, South Africa

Israel A. Fadipe Mafikeng Campus North-West University Mmabatho, South Africa

ISSN 2634-6613     ISSN 2634-6621 (electronic) Pop Music, Culture and Identity ISBN 978-3-030-97883-9    ISBN 978-3-030-97884-6 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97884-6 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022, corrected publication 2022 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the ­publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and ­institutional affiliations. Cover illustration: piccerella@Getty Images This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG. The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

Acknowledgements

Trying to edit books on indigenous African popular music of this nature requires several important contributions. Thus, we first and foremost salute the scholarly contributions of the authors, who not only provided the contents but also served as the reviewers of the submitted manuscripts. We also thank them for believing in us, and the patience and understanding they displayed in all the processes of the production of the books. In the same vein, we appreciate Lauriane Piette, Lina Aboujieb and Antony Sami of Palgrave Macmillan, for their great support for making publishing the books a reality. Also, we are grateful to the various avenues through which we called for papers for the books. Various platforms such as the South African Communication Association, the International Association for Media and Communication Research, the Nigeria Chapter of the African Council for Communication Education as well as certain mailing lists of the International Communication Association—Africa and UNESCO,—we are thankful for their great help. There are also people who have in one way or the other supported the efforts at publishing the books. We may not mention your names, but you are all acknowledged. This success cannot be recorded without you. Thank you all. Mahikeng, South Africa

Abiodun Salawu Israel A. Fadipe

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Contents

1 Introduction:  Indigenous African Popular Music  1 Abiodun Salawu and Israel A. Fadipe Part I The Nature, Philosophies and Genres of Indigenous African Popular Music  23 2 Indigenous  and Modern Zimbabwean Music: Reflections from Thomas Mapfumo’s Chimurenga Music Genre 25 Caleb Mauwa 3 Rhythmic  Signifying in Popular Venda Music 41 Evans Ntshengedzeni Netshivhambe 4 Baansi  ni Yila: A Critical History of the Music Industry in Northern Ghana 61 Mohammed Sheriff Yamusah and Wunpini Fatimata Mohammed 5 Indigenous  and Indigenised Yoruba Popular Music 79 Israel A. Fadipe and Abiodun Salawu

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6 Social  Cognition and Advertisement in Yusuf Olatunji’s Music 99 Adesina B. Sunday 7 Exploring  the Value Systems Embedded in Indigenous Yorùbá Music Genres and Yorùbá Nursery Rhymes117 Rhoda Titilopemi Inioluwa Abiolu, Oluwatobi Joseph Alabi, Hosea Olayiwola Patrick, and Oluremi Adenike Abiolu 8 Cultural  Frames: Sociocultural Metaphors in Owerri-Igbo Bongo Music133 Chioma Deborah Onwubiko 9 Thematic  Deconstructions of Urhobo/Isoko Musicology and Brand Identity Negotiation, Normalization and Contradictions: Discourse Narrative151 Presly Ogheneruke Obukoadata 10 Dung  Chollom and Berom Ethnic Popular Music169 Godwin E. Ogli and Bali I. Davou Part II Indigenous African Popular Music Artists as Prophets and Philosophers 189 11 Corpus  of Prophecy, Philosophy and Crusading in Ayinla Omowura’s Music191 Festus Adedayo 12 Forewarned  Is Forearmed: Exploring the Apocalyptic Voice of Popular Music in the Post-colonial Zimbabwe209 Gift Gwindingwe and Oluyinka Oludolapo Osunkunle 13 Reeling  Nostalgia: ‘Aremote’ and the Enduring Sakara Music in Nigeria227 Abiodun Salawu

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14 Celebration  as Choice in Nigerian Indigenous and Modern Music: A Critical Analysis of Osondi Owendi by Osita Osadebe and Chinedu Okoli (Flavour)245 Ihuoma Okorie 15 Yorùbá  Socio-Cultural Norms and Values in Selected Songs of Bùkọ́lá Ẹlémìdé (Áṣà)261 Olugbenga Elegbe and Stephen Odebiyi 16 Rethinking  Values and Principles: An Examination of Osita Osadebe Songs in Igbo Cultural Value Preservation279 Ufuoma Akpojivi and Chike Mgbeadichie Part III Indigenous African Popular Music and the World 301 17 Valódia:  A Transatlantic Praise Song303 Jorge Luis Morejón-Benitez 18 The  Adaptation of Zimbabwean Mbira Dzavadzimu Music, from Traditional to Modern Popular Band Format; the Case of Thomas Mapfumo321 Claudio Chipendo 19 Macheso’s Sungura and Social Identity Narratives in Postcolonial Zimbabwe343 Vimbai Chamisa 20 “One  Beat, One Pound”: Kasumu Isola Sanni—The Sákárà Master Drummer359 Odunayo Peter Ogunnaike 21 When  Culture and Tradition Aren’t Archaic: The Song Semantics of Zimbabwean Mbira’s International Appeal375 Enock Nyambo

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 Correction to: Social Cognition and Advertisement in Yusuf Olatunji’s Music C1 Adesina B. Sunday Index391

Notes on Contributors

Oluremi  Adenike  Abiolu  (PhD) has been a certified Librarian since 2005 and a Librarian since 1993. She is currently the Head of Technical Division, Albert Ilemobade Library, Federal University of Technology, Akure, Nigeria. She is a member of the Nigerian Library Association (NLA, a corporate member of IFLA). She has co-authored two books and published many articles on information and women studies, and academic librarianship. Rhoda Titilopemi Inioluwa Abiolu  completed her PhD in the Centre for Communication, Media and Society, University of KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa. She holds a Bachelor of Arts (Hons) in Communication and Language Arts from the University of Ibadan, another Bachelor of Social Science Honour’s and Master’s degrees in Culture, Communication and Media Studies. Her research interests delve into areas in Media and Cultural studies with emphasis on media and cultural representations, ethnomusicology, participatory culture and political economy. Through her research, she draws attention to areas in which culture can be a force for societal transformation and development. She also addresses sociocultural imbalances such as issues that relate to identity and othering, among diverse communities within the society. She is heavily invested in the promotion of cultural and living heritages, mother tongue literacy, and the transformative agenda that teaches values and morals for a balanced society. Festus Adedayo,  journalist, newspaper columnist, media intellectual and lawyer, was born in Akure, Ondo State. He holds a 1992 Bachelor of Arts degree in Philosophy from the Faculty of Arts, University of Lagos, and a xi

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1995 MSc in Political Science from the Department of Political Science, University of Ibadan. Adedayo holds a PhD (2010) in Political Communication from the Department of Political Science, University of Ibadan. In 2017, he graduated with an LLB from the Faculty of Law, University of Ibadan and was called to the Nigerian Bar in 2019. Adedayo worked as senior writer (Politics Desk) and features editor of the Tribune newspaper and left the newspaper in 2003 as deputy editor/editorial page editor. He was also Chairman, Editorial Board of the defunct National Life newspaper. He began writing a weekly column for the Sunday Tribune in 1998, from where he established renown as a fierce writer who fears seldom whose ox was gored. His weekly interventions on issues of contemporary society receive syndication in Cable Nigeria, Premium Times, sometimes Sahara Reporters and many other online media outlets. Ufuoma  Akpojivi is an associate professor at the Media Studies Department, University of the Witwatersrand, South Africa. His research interests cut across, indigenous language media, media and democracy, media policy, new media, citizenship and activism. He is a rated researcher of the National Research Foundation (NRF), South Africa, and a fellow of the African Humanities Program (AHP) of the American Council of Learned Societies. Oluwatobi Joseph Alabi  is a doctoral researcher at the Department of Sociology, University of Johannesburg, South Africa. His research interests are in family, sexuality and reproduction; gender; poverty and inequality; and education. Aside from his research, he is also involved in teaching sociology and gender studies. Vimbai  Chamisa is a lecturer in the Department of Music Business, Musicology and Technology at Midlands State University, Zimbabwe. She is holds a Master of Arts (Music) degree from the University of the Witwatersrand, South Africa. She is studying towards a PhD with the University of South Africa and her thesis is entitled ‘Sungura Music and Social Identity Narratives in Postcolonial Zimbabwe: A Case Study of Alick Macheso’s Music’. Her research interests include African popular music studies, ethnomusicology and cultural identity issues. Claudio  Chipendo  is a lecturer in the Department of Music Business, Musicology and Technology at the Midlands State University in Zimbabwe. He holds a Diploma in Ethnomusicology from the Zimbabwe College of Music in association with Indiana University, a Diploma in Education, a

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bachelor’s degree in Music Education, a Master of Teacher Education Degree (Music) from the University of Zimbabwe and a doctoral degree in Music from the University of Fort Hare. He has taught in primary schools, teacher training colleges and universities. He has presented papers at national and international conferences as well as publishing in journals. Bali  I.  Davou  was born in Vwang, Jos South LGA of Plateau State of Nigeria. He started his musical career while he was in junior secondary school by singing in the male choir. After graduating from secondary school, he enrolled at the Federal College of Education Pankshin where he bagged a National Certificate in Education (NCE) in English/Music. He then proceeded to the University of Nigeria Nsukka where he obtained a Bachelor of Arts in Music and subsequently a master’s degree from the same institution. He is an assistant lecturer with the Department of Music, University of Jos. His special areas are composition, popular music and performance practice. Olugbenga  Elegbe is Lecturer in Applied Communication in the Department of Communication and Language Arts, University of Ibadan, Nigeria, with research interest in applied communication, broadcast media production, film studies and rhetoric in political communication. He has developed several reading materials on communication for the University of Ibadan Distance Learning programme in Nigeria. Israel A. Fadipe  is a postdoctoral fellow in Indigenous Language Media in Africa research entity, Faculty of Humanities, North-West University, South Africa. He specializes in communication, cultural and gender studies and has published articles and chapters in both local and international journals such as Ibadan Journal of Humanistic Studies, Journal of Communication and Media Research, International Journal of Communication, Muziki-Journal of Music Research in Africa, Africology: Journal of Pan-African Study, Journal of Culture and Environment, Journal of Communication and Language Arts, EJOTMAS and The Journal of Society and Media in these areas. He graduated from the Department of Communication and Language Arts, University of Ibadan, with BA in Creative Writing, MA in Popular Music and PhD in Applied and Gender Communication. Gift  Gwindingwe is Lecturer in Media and Cultural Studies at Great Zimbabwe University, Mashava Campus. He holds a PhD in Communication from the University of Fort Hare, South Africa. He is also a member of the

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Great Zimbabwe University Research Committee. He has published papers in local (South African) accredited journals. His research interests are in the following areas: cultural studies, p ­ ost-­colonialism, politics and the pervasive nature of digital media in shaping today’s communication terrain. Caleb Mauwa  is a Zimbabwean music teacher, and he has taught music at various levels in different institutions in Zimbabwe and participated in various international music conferences which held in Germany, South Korea, South Africa and Zimbabwe among others. He is an experienced music consultant, composer, examiner, moderator, adjudicator and director. He is the Director of Music at Hillcrest Prep School, Zimbabwe. His academic inclinations and interests primarily are in music education and research, African music and dance, applied ethnomusicology, choreography, music technology, sacred music, music business, music therapy, music transcription, ethnographic documentation, music for peace, governance and conflict resolution, indigenous knowledge systems, chorale, gender and music, arts and folkloric festivals. He is a PhD student in Ethnomusicology at University of Kwazulu-Natal. He holds a Master of Peace and Governance, BA (Hons) Humanities and Social Sciences (Music and Sociology) degrees from Africa University, and Diploma in Education (Music Education) from University of Zimbabwe. Chike Mgbeadichie  teaches cultural analysis and critical thinking at the School of Media and Communication, Pan-Atlantic University, Lagos, Nigeria. He holds a PhD in English from the University of Exeter, UK, where he studied African literature with emphasis on African culture and critical theories. He was also trained at the University of Leeds, UK, where he obtained an MA in Literature in English. His research interests include African literature, media and cultural studies, African critical theory, media-in-African literature, and migration discourses. He belongs to the Association of Nigerian Authors (ANA), Literary Society of Nigeria (LSN), Igbo Studies Association (ISA) and African Literature Association (ALA). His articles have appeared in African Research Review, JLSN, Journals of Literature, Research in African Literature and many others. He has a book on Afrocentrism awaiting publication in the press. Dr. Wunpini  Fatimata  Mohammed  is an assistant professor of global media industries in the College of Journalism and Mass Communication at the University of Georgia. She earned a Bachelor of Arts degree at the University of Ghana and a master’s degree at Michigan Technological University. She completed her PhD in Mass Communication with a minor

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in Women’s, Gender and Sexuality Studies and an African Studies concentration at the Bellisario College of Communications at the Pennsylvania State University. She has worked as a radio journalist in Ghana for several years and has done some public scholarship on Al Jazeera, The Washington Post, The Guardian, Okay Africa, and several Ghanaian media platforms including the Ghana Broadcasting Corporation. She is co-editor of the book African Women in Digital Spaces: Redefining Social Movements on the Continent and in the Diaspora (forthcoming, 2022). Her research, which focuses on feminisms, decolonization, broadcast media and indigenous African media, has appeared in the Howard Journal of Communications, African Journalism Studies and Review of Communication. She has won top paper awards at the International Communication Association (ICA), the Association for Education in Journalism and Mass Communication (AEJMC), the National Association of African American Studies and affiliates conference (NAAAS) and the International Association for Media and Communication Research (IAMCR). Jorge  Luis  Morejón-Benitez holds a BA in Special Education from Florida International University, an MA in Liberal Studies from University of Miami and a PhD in Performance Studies from University of California, Davis. He has done master’s level work in expressive arts therapy at European Graduate School, Switzerland, and doctoral level work in theatre and performance studies at York University, Canada. He taught expressive movement at New World School of the Arts and Prometeo Theater, Miami Dade College. He was dance lecturer and dance coordinator at University of the West Indies, St. Augustine. He teaches at Frost School of Music, University of Miami. Evans  Ntshengedzeni  Netshivhambe is a young South African composer, with an interest in African music identity through African art composition. After completing a BMus in 2005, he later graduated with a Master’s in Digital Arts in 2007. His PhD in African Music Composition, completed in the Wits School of Arts in 2019, incorporates Venda rhythmic elements into African art music and explores new sound world through composition. He is Lecturer in African Music Studies at the University of Pretoria. He has received three commissions from the SAMRO Foundation (in 2010, 2011 and 2012) and a recipient of choral music competition in 2008 showcasing twentieth-century choral music style. His research interests include the formalization of indigenous African music knowledge,

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indigenous instruments professionalization as cultural commodities, curating and theorizing indigenous knowledge into contemporary understanding. Enock Nyambo  is a 2018 MSU Book Award Master of Arts in Applied English Linguistics graduate from Midlands State University (MSU), Zimbabwe. His thesis titled What’s up with WhatsApp Profile Pictures and Statuses: A Multimodal Approach earned him a dissertation distinction. A Zimbabwean citizen, Nyambo is a teacher of English at Legae Academy, Gaborone, Botswana. He also holds a Bachelor of Arts in English (Solusi University, Zimbabwe), Postgraduate Diploma in Education, and a Bachelor of Arts Special Honours in Communication and Media Studies (Zimbabwe Open University). Given an opportunity, he is poised for PhD studies and publication opportunities. Amongst many academic research endeavours, Nyambo is willing to share his master’s dissertation, PhD proposal titled, ‘Client Satisfaction or Expediency? Organisational Discourse Analysis of Harare City Council Texts’ and the current paper in progress titled ‘When Culture and Tradition Aren’t Archaic: The Song Semantics of Zimbabwean Mbira’s International Appeal’. Presly  Ogheneruke  Obukoadata is Associate Professor of Mass Communication, University of Calabar, Nigeria. He was formerly Chair of the Communications and Multimedia Design Program at the American University of Nigeria. Obukoadata specializes in brand communications, media studies, communication for development, new media metamorphosis and investigation of the intersections between communication, media and human ecology. He has authored several scholarly works in the aforementioned areas. His interest is in the transmutation of the communication profession as well as the underlying impact of artificial intelligence in media activities. He holds membership of several learner organizations and a Chartered Public Relations Practitioner of Southern Africa (PRISA). Stephen  Odebiyi holds BA and MA from the Department of Communication and Language Arts, University of Ibadan, Nigeria. His research interest lies in the aspects of media studies and applied communication. He has a number of scholarly publications in reputable local and international outlets. Godwin E. Ogli  teaches in the Department of Music, University of Jos, in Nigeria. He holds a Bachelor of Music degree from the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, and MA and PhD in Ethnomusicology from the

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University of Ibadan in Nigeria. He started his teaching career with the Federal College of Education, Okene, Kogi state of Nigeria, in 1999 until he joined the University of Jos in 2018. He has researched extensively into the music of the Idoma people in mid-central Nigeria. He is involved in research on indigenous music of some ethnic groups on the Jos plateau. His research interest includes ethnomusicology, music and politics, music and tourism, and ecomusicology. Odunayo Peter Ogunnaike  is a seasoned historian. He is a PhD candidate at University of Ibadan, Ibadan. He specializes in studies on African culture, African chieftaincy politics, and African music and infrastructural history. He has publications in learned journals and an edited book. Ihuoma  Okorie obtained her first School Leaving Certificate from St Annes Primary School Kakuri, Kaduna, Nigeria, after which she proceeded to Jinie College Barnawa Kaduna, where she obtained her Senior Secondary School Certificate. She holds a Diploma in Mass Communication Certificate (2008), a Bachelor’s in Theatre and Performing Arts (2010) and Master’s degree in Theatre and Performing Arts (2015) from Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, Nigeria. She also obtained a PGDE certificate from the Niger State College of Education, Minna (2012). She is a doctoral student in the Department of Theatre and Performing Arts, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, and also a member of the Society of Nigerian Theatre Artists. (SONTA) Chioma Deborah Onwubiko  is a lecturer in the Directorate of General Studies (English Unit) at the Federal University of Technology Owerri, Imo State, Nigeria. She has a BA Ed/English from the University of Nigeria Nsukka, Nigeria, in 2006 and an MA in Linguistics from the University of Ibadan, Nigeria, in 2012. She is rounding off her PhD in English (Discourse Analysis) at the University of Ibadan, Nigeria. Her research interests span discourse analysis, pragmatics, applied linguistics and sociolinguistics. Much of her work has been on improving the mother tongue base education, English as a second language acquisition and analysing contemporary social issues and proffering solutions. She has attended many workshops and life-improving seminars where she presented papers. Oluyinka  Oludolapo Osunkunle is the Head of Communication Department at the University of Fort Hare, Alice, South Africa. He has over the years taught media, journalism, new media, communication and other

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related courses at undergraduate and postgraduate levels. Osunkunle has published papers in local and international accredited journals. His research endeavours have taken him across and outside South Africa while attending and presenting papers in  local and international conferences such as the South African Communication Association (SACOMM) and International Association of Media & Communication Researchers (IAMCR) conferences. He has also supervised several master’s and PhD students that have all graduated. His research interest focuses on community media, new media, media and society and stakeholder communication. Hosea Olayiwola Patrick  is a PhD graduate of Political science from the University of KwaZulu-Natal. He also has a Master’s degree in International relations, as well as postgraduate diplomas in Education and Theology. He is a postdoctoral fellow in the School of Built environment and Development Studies of the University of KwaZulu-Natal. He is a transdisciplinary research scholar with research interests in public policy, security, peace and conflict, environmental politics, comparative politics, political economy, international relations, area studies, public administration, research methodology and sustainability research. Abiodun Salawu  is Professor of Journalism, Communication and Media Studies and Director of the research entity Indigenous Language Media in Africa at the North-West University, South Africa. His major areas of research interest include indigenous language media, development communication, critical studies and new media. He has to his credit numerous journal articles and book chapters. He has authored a book on indigenous language media and development, edited/co-­edited five other books on African language media amongst others. He is rated as an established researcher by the National Research Foundation of South Africa. Adesina B. Sunday  holds BA, MA and PhD degrees in English Language from the University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria. He is a senior lecturer in the Department of English, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria, where he teaches courses in English phonology, English syntax and discourse analysis. His research focuses on English phonology, neurolinguistics, pragmatics and musical discourse. He has published many articles in reputable journals, such as Journal of Pragmatics, SKASE Journal of Theoretical Linguistics, California Linguistic Notes, English Today, HUMOR: International Journal of Humor Research, Journal of the

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Linguistics Association of Nigeria, Ibadan Journal of Humanistic Studies and Okike: An African Journal of New Writing. He has also contributed chapters to many books. He co-edited the book Contemporary Issues in Language Studies. He has successfully supervised 38 BA long essays, 66 MA projects, 1 MPhil dissertation and 12 PhD theses. He is exploring traditional and contemporary songs in Nigeria. Mohammed  Sheriff  Yamusah teaches at the Performing Arts Department, the Faculty of Communication and Cultural Studies, the University for Development Studies, Ghana. He completed a Teachers’ Certificate “A” program from the Tamale Training College in the year 2000 and taught as a subject teacher in the basic school for six years. He earned a Bachelor of Education (Music) degree from the University of Education, Winneba, in 2010, and thereafter earned a Master of Philosophy (Music) degree from the University of Ghana in 2015. His work has focused on music education in basic schools and colleges of education, socio-political music activism, and the popular music connectivity of Africa, America, and the Caribbean, etc. He has recorded and published twelve studio albums, as a recording artiste, in various genres of music including Simpa, Jinjeling, Afro-pop, R&B, Hip-hop, Reggae. He spent the years between 1995 and 2015 recording and performing across Africa, Europe, and America.

List of Figures

Fig. 3.1 Fig. 3.2 Fig. 3.3 Fig. 3.4 Fig. 3.5 Fig. 3.6 Fig. 3.7 Fig. 3.8 Fig. 5.1 Fig. 5.2 Fig. 5.3 Fig. 10.1 Fig. 10.2

Lende rhythmic structure—boxed note durations are a representation of a quarter-note beat length in the triplet group48 An example of a complete Malende rhythmic figure, with two lende rhythms—boxed notes are the representation of lende rhythms48 Malende rhythmic figure used in the song Nemurangoni by Christopher Mukwevho 49 Full score arrangement of the song Nemurangoni by Christopher Mukwevho—boxed musical notes represent where the lende rhythms have been used in the music 50 An example of the complete Malende rhythmic figure used in the song Vho-Nkhetheni, from the Adziambei band 52 Complete score arrangement of the song called VhoNkhetheni by Adziambei band. The figures in the boxes are examples of how the lende rhythm has been used in the song 53 An example of a song called Makhotsimunene, meaning ‘younger brothers’, by Tshivhangwaho na Dzhatsha. The boxed figures represent lende rhythms in different positioning 55 A complete score arrangement of the song Makhotsimunene by Tshivhangwaho na Dzhatsha 56 Sakara drum and drum stick. (Source: Mr Ogundeyi’s Archive) 86 Goje or molo and string. (Source: Nureni Bakenne Archive) 87 Talking drums and drumming stick, Dr Ogunsanya, Department of Music, University of Ibadan 88 The yom (a traditional six-string harp—a big and small size) 174 The Yomshi (a two-string lute) 176 xxi

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Fig. 10.3 Fig. 10.4 Fig. 10.5 Fig. 10.6 Fig. 18.1 Fig. 18.2 Fig. 18.3 Fig. 18.4 Fig. 18.5 Fig. 18.6 Fig. 18.7 Fig. 18.8 Fig. 18.9 Fig. 18.10 Fig. 19.1 Fig. 19.2

The Ju (Berom indigenous flute) 177 The Kwak (Berom scrape idiophone) 178 Dung’s musical group with the trophy won in 1980. (Source: Yohanna Pam’s private library) 179 Dung’s musical group and enthusiasts at the 1980 Fan Lo cultural celebration. (Source: Yohanna Pam’s private library) 180 The song Chigwaya327 From the song Chigwaya328 Excerpt 3 from the song Chigwaya329 Excerpt 4 from the song Chigwaya329 Excerpt 5 from the song Chigwaya-331 The song Zeve zeve rinamambo (Whisper is with the king) 332 Excerpt 7 from the song Zeve zeve rinamambo333 Excerpt 8 from the song Zeve zeve rinamambo334 Excerpt 9 from the song Zeve zeve rinamambo335 Excerpt 10 from the song Zeve zeve rinamambo336 Kapelegede rhythm 355 Kali kumunda nkambeu rhythm 355

List of Tables

Table 7.1 Table 7.2 Table 7.3 Table 9.1

Tabular analysis of selected Yorùbá music of the classical and premillennial eras (1950s–1990s) Tabular analysis of selected Yorùbá nursery rhyme genre Tabular analysis of post-millennial era (from post-2000 to present day) Urhobo/Isoko Musicology: Picturesque, Symbolography and Musical Traditions

126 127 128 160

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CHAPTER 1

Introduction: Indigenous African Popular Music Abiodun Salawu and Israel A. Fadipe

Indigenous African popular music has long been an under-appreciated indigenous African media of communication in scholarship (Fadipe, 2019). At face value, the significance of indigenous African popular music genres is easily lost to its being seen as pandering to aesthetics and entertainment alone. Adedayo (2020) posits that African music is the first source of cultural initiation into the ways of life and existential values of the people. He believes that a total stranger to African cultures, mores and societal representation can have an ample insight into their values and ethos through music. However, understanding the nature and philosophies of indigenous African popular music reveals its untapped diversity which can only be unravelled by the knowledge of myriad cultural backgrounds from which its genres originate. Indigenous African popular music is also as robust as the very many artistes who have pioneered, nurtured and mentored their protégés who are resiliently sustaining,

A. Salawu • I. A. Fadipe (*) Indigenous Language Media in Africa, Faculty of Humanities, North-West University, Mafikeng, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 A. Salawu, I. A. Fadipe (eds.), Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 1, Pop Music, Culture and Identity, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97884-6_1

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recreating and popularising its various forms and genres in their respective African communities. Moreover, indigenous African popular music genres and artists have been known to represent the individual African communities (Mano, 2007; Olukotun, 2004; Pongoweni, 1997) and at the same time propagate the communal views about African philosophies and the temporal and spiritual worlds in which they exist. Unfortunately, scholarship has been silent on the very many African popular music artists, majority of whom never attained international stardom for them to be given proper recognition while alive. Even the living ones among the legion, they labour in obscurity and socio-economic poverty due to societies that most times do not see them as honourable. Their plight is aptly metaphorised in the adage of the prophets who do not have any honour in their communities. Sadly, they only exist in older generations’ memories, while the younger generations have not had the opportunity to explore and learn from this aspect of their cultural traditions formally or informally. Some have even exchanged these African music prophets and philosophers for the variants of those foreign cultures bequeathed to their progenitors by the colonial masters. Thus, the lacuna in this area of African studies requires that concerned African scholars must begin to beam searchlight on the area. First, there is a need to decolonise music education by looking at what and how educational institutions are teaching music to African students. Are there no corresponding and more suitable examples in oral or written African histories to new generations about African music? Moreover, during colonial period and post-independence dispensation, indigenous African music genres and their artistes were mainstreamed in order to tackle emerging issues, to sensitise Africans about the affairs of their respective nations and to conscientise African leaders who have failed and are failing African citizenry about the plight of the people. In fact, some of those emerging issues then have become full blown crises that have adversely affected basic things: food, shelter, health, education that should guarantee the comfortable existence of an average African. The debilitating situations equally have spurred indigenous African popular music artistes to become advocates of good governance, marginalised populations and repositories of indigenous cultural traditions and cosmologies. After all, artistes, like their counterparts in the literary world can only reflect realities in which they themselves exist. At the same time, indigenous African popular music genres have also served as some beacon to the teeming African youths to express their dreams, frustrations about their environments and to represent themselves. The truth is that African

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youths are the hope of preserving indigenous African music in their integration of innovative ideas that will help refine African music generally. With the advent of the new media technology, indigenous African popular music, the sustenance of indigenous African popular music genres and their artistes have become challenging. Since scholarship so far has not covered this area in African studies, this book becomes a timely intervention to fill this gap, though it is an attempt, which by no means exhaustive of the African real heroes and heroines as repositories of African cultural histories and memories. In order to capture this galaxy of African music prophets and philosophers, African authors from diverse fields of study in this book present these African music artists, majority of whom may not be familiar with readers but whose music genres and practices are important for education and documentation of African ways of life. Such music artists include but not limited to the following: Ayinla Omowura, Osita Osadebe, Dung Chollom, Bukola Elemide (Asa), Yusuf Olatunji, Ebenezer Obey, King Sunny Ade, Haruna Ishola, Fela Kuti, Ogundare Fonyanmu, Sikiru Ayinde Barrister, Odolaye Aremu, Dauda Epoakara, Christy Essien Igbokwe, Ruggedman, Tu Face baba, Lagbaja, 9ice, DJ Zeez, Ababa Nna, Chima Eke, Pastor Aspiriwa, Saro Wiwa, Shama Melody, Chinedu Okolie (Flavour), Chief Omokomoko Osokpa, Prof Johnson Adjan, Chief Okpan Arhibo, Adam Igbudu, Chief Oguse, and Chief Power Asiafa, Dauda Kahutu Rarara, Fati Niger and Jadda Garko (Nigeria); Stella Chiweshe, Leonard Zhakata, Hosiah Chipanga, Thomas Mapfumo, Paul Matavire, Simon Chimbetu and Alick Macheso (Zimbabwe); Santacos (Angola); Chrisopher Mukwevho (South Africa); Prince Okla, Sheriff Ghale and Abu Sadiq (Ghana); and Thabiso, Mozaik, Qibho Intalektual, Mlingani Le Poet KrTc and Colani (Eswatini). Thus, the x-ray of these African music artists as philosophers and prophets provides an opportunity to see the level of advocacy in the areas mentioned earlier, how they have used their music to shape the future, for further studies on them and the very many others in future.

Volume I: Prophets and Philosophers ‘Indigenous African Popular Music: Prophets and Philosophers’ is the Volume I of the two edited books that focuses on indigenous African popular music artists as prophets and philosophers looking at the role they play in various African communities. Furnished with three sections that

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explore ‘Nature, Philosophies and Genres of Indigenous African Popular Music’, ‘Indigenous African Popular Musicians as Prophets and Philosophers’ and ‘Indigenous African Popular Music and the World’, the book contains 21 chapters. Nature, Philosophies and Genres of Indigenous African Popular Music This is the longest part of Volume One because it samples the different genres of indigenous African music from Nigeria, Zimbabwe, South Africa and Ghana with more focus on the first two countries. Aside, the part also explores the nature and philosophies of the African popular music genres. Three of the chapters explain the nature of Yorùbá music as influenced by foreign cultures and religions, and a few of its prophets and philosophers who have used music to shape the Yorùbá people’s cultural memory. For instance, Fadipe and Salawu in Chap. 5 argue that there is a need to differentiate between those Yorùbá indigenous music genres and those ones borrowed, or forced upon them by colonisation and religious incursion from the west and east, but already indigenised. They believe that Yorùbá people of South West Nigeria are one of the prominent tribes on the African continent who are blessed with music genres such as apala, sakara, fuji, juju, were, awurebe and dadakuada that are indigenous to them and those from abroad that they have indigenised such as hip-hop, Afrobeat, religious music, medley R & B and jazz to mention a few. Thus, they attempt to clarify the difference between indigenous and indigenised Yorùbá popular music for the education of future generations of Yorùbá race. Chapter 7 by Abiolu Titilopemi Inioluwa Rhoda, Alabi Oluwatobi Joseph, Patrick Hosea Olayiwola and Abiolu Oluremi Adenike deliberates on Yorùbá indigenous music and nursery rhymes as major cultural tools for inculcating morals and values, reinforcing conformity and correcting social ills in a bid to provide societal balance. They further reason that unlike these indigenous songs, contemporary music in Nigeria has not effectively drawn on music as a tool for upholding and conforming moral standards. Therefore, they explain that lyrics of most of these indigenous genres promote the values of Ọ mọlúàbí (a good, virtuous and dependable person) and a fundamental worldview of the Yorùbá people. Attributes such as ìjúbà (paying homage), ìwàpẹ̀lẹ́ (gentility), ìte ̣pámọ́s ̣ẹ́ (hard work) and àforítì (endurance) are popularised and are guides for the everyday lifestyle of the Yorùbá people. Moreover, Sunday Adesina’s ‘Social

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Cognition and Advertisement in Yusuf Olatunji’s Music’, Chap. 6, looks at the socio-cognitive features embedded in Yusuf Olatunji’s music. He argues that Yusuf Olatunji has used his music to market the businesses of his patrons, even before the advent of contemporary advertising. He explains that the music artist indicates the specific location of the business enterprise and persuades his listeners to patronise the products, by presenting the products or services as the best and the business owners as the best among their equals. Also, the researcher says the musician artistically documents the nature of the social life of his time, and that his music is historical documentation that sheds light on some aspects of the lifestyle of the Yorùbá of south-western Nigeria, particularly in the 1960s and 1970s. Yusuf Olatunji is believed to deploy his music as appreciation to his loyal fans who were great achievers in their fields of endeavour, which makes his music to remain relevant at all times and a reverence point for the utilitarian value of music among humans. Caleb Mauwa’s topic in Chap. 2, ‘Indigenous and Modern Zimbabwean Music: Reflections from Thomas Mapfumo’s Chimurenga Music Genre’, explains how several African musicians and performers are taking advantage of the rich cultural heritage that is in indigenous African music to develop modern genres which are appealing to many. He cites Thomas Mapfumo, a Zimbabwean musician, to show how African Indigenous music has influenced his type of African modern music with introspection to the peculiar distinct fusion of Western and African musical instruments synonymous with the popular trademark of Chimurenga music genre. He believes that the iconic and luminary status that Thomas Mapfumo assumes is greatly premised and grounded on how he has managed to strike a balance and appreciation in maintaining an audience through circumspectly creating a signature to his musical genre to easily appeal, identify and resonate with the audience and target constituency. In Chap. 3, ‘Rhythmic Signifying in Venda Popular Music’, Evans Netshivhambe examines the nature of Venda popular music. He explains that different popular Venda musicians communicate traditional values using multiple permutations of the Malende rhythmic figure, using as a signifier. This is done through the vernacular, communicating messages symbolic to the Venda people, through doubling between lyrics (melody) and this particular rhythmic figure (code). He notes that the use of two or more permutations assigned to different instruments that interlock with each other is very common in popular Venda music. The focus of Chap. 4, ‘Baansi ni Yila: A Critical Study of the Music Industry in Northern Ghana’, by

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Yamusah Mohammed Sherrif and Mohammed Wunpini Fatimata, is on how artistes create and produce music, how they market and promote the music and their images, and also the nature and art of their performances and the scope of their export beyond Tamale. However, it contends that as long as artistes were based in Tamale, Northern Ghana, they would most likely never become a national music icon in Ghana: until they migrated to Accra. It further argues that the contemporary Northern Ghanaian music industry was born and grew out of contextual factors such as using music for social change, the desire for cultural affirmation and the potential music presented to construct and (re)negotiate Northern ethnic identities. Chioma Deborah Onwubiko’s Chap. 8, ‘Cultural Frames: Sociocultural Metaphors in Owerri-Igbo Bongo Music’, asserts that cultural frames are the major constructs in Owerri-Igbo Bongo Music world and this is the major reason this particular brand of indigenous music still thrives in the Eastern part of Nigeria. It is a sub-genre of Igbo Highlife, mainly for entertainment which also serves as a tool for socio-cultural enlightenment, moral instruction, preservation of cultural heritage, social commentary and so on. Presly Ogheneruke Obukoadata, in Chap. 9, delves into the historic catalogue of some of the well celebrated Urhobo/Isoko musicians. He asserts that the Urhobo and Isoko stocks share a wide range of similarities in cultural pattern and music orientation. He provides narratives for the varying patterns and how they have shaped the cosmology of the Urhobo and Isoko people, musically. He also explores the range of musical components and accompaniments, tools, sexuality, dance, dress and the identity of the musicians themselves in negotiating a brand, which over the years seem to be the ladder for upcoming musicians (normalisation of the music ideals) and what contradictions exist. In Chap. 10, ‘Dung Chollom and Berom Ethnic Popular Music’, Godwin E. Ogli and Bali I. Davou believe that literature on African popular music has often ignored the contribution of ethnic popular music. Examining Dung Chollom, for example, the authors found that his music contributed immensely to the growth of music festivals among the Beroms and the moulding of political opinion among his people. Dung Chollom is said to be a master Berom popular musician who projected Berom musical culture through his music, and which has performed within and beyond the Jos-Plateau in Nigeria.

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African Music Prophets and Philosophers There are prophets and philosophers among indigenous African popular music artists. They are found among the known and not-so-famous ones. Some have attained the international and national acclaim, while others are firmly rooted in the respective regional and local enclaves of the many African communities. Gift Gwindingwe and Oluyinka Oludolapo Osunkunle in Chap. 12, ‘Forewarned Is Forearmed: Exploring the Apocalyptic Voice of Popular Music in the Post-colonial Zimbabwe’, explore voices of disgruntlement at the height of Zimbabwean political and economic crises in the late 1990s, and the peak of land grab in the early 2000s. They analysed the polysemic nature of the signs and symbols that make Simon Chimbetu’s song Sawara prophetic and which warned the ruling Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) government about the consequences of making false promises to the masses that eventually occurred. Therefore, they conclude that Sawara is a mini narrative of a larger Fanonian context that decries the pitfalls of nationalism that saw change without change in most African countries. Chapters 14 and 16 see Osita Osadebe’s music as a repository of Igbo cultural value preservation. For instance, Okorie Ihuoma’s chapter, ‘A Critical Analysis of Osondi Owendi by Osita Osadebe and Chinedu Okoli (Flavour)’, focuses on Osondi Owendi, originally sung by Osita Osadebe and remixed by Chinedu Okoli (flavour). Premised on the concept of celebration as choice, it found that the concept of celebration amongst individuals in the Igbo society largely depends on choice as against the popular notion which has it that the life of the African is that of perpetual celebration. Therefore, the author believes that Osita Osadebe’s song embodies this concept, and choice is also a value concept that is respected and held in high esteem. She recommends that modern artistes should choose to adopt the indigenous forms of music and further use it to communicate the values that the Nigerian society holds in high esteem. On the other hand, the second study on Osita Osadebe ‘Rethinking Values and Principles: An Examination of Osita Osadebe Songs in Igbo Cultural Value Preservation’, by Akpojivi Ufuoma and Mgbeadichie Chike, used Igbo highlife genre as focus, with a critical interpretive approach by content analysing Osita Osadebe songs and interviewing purposively selected listeners of Osadebe songs. Based on the cultural values of Osadebe’s songs and its place in culture preservation and regeneration, the authors discovered that Osadebe songs communicate inherent Igbo cultural values of hard work, patience, spirituality (Chukwu/God) and contentment which

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are crucial to the Igbo worldview. They contend that these values were not only communicated via the lyric but in his artistic techniques of ‘moments’ and ‘dualism’. Therefore, they conclude that Osadebe’s songs reflect the general beliefs and philosophies of the Igbo society, and this to a large extent has shaped the philosophies of some native Igbo speakers. However, they assert that there is a decline in these values due to the embrace of Westernisation, foreign religion and lifestyle that have characterised modern indigenous music. Chapters 11, 13 and 15 look at Yorùbá music philosophers and prophets. Festus Adedayo’s chapter, ‘Corpus of Prophecy, Philosophy and Crusading in Ayinla Omowura’s Music’, exposes Ayinla Omowura, a famous Apala musician from Abeokuta, Nigeria. It contends that the music of Ayinla Omowura, arguably one of the foremost and most original musicians to sing the indigenous musical genre of Apala in Yorùbáland, mirrors cultural and political weapons for the education of society and transference of values, as well as an instrument of attack on political opponents. Also, it describes him as someone who diffidently thumps his chest about the prophetic inclinations of his songs, inexorably manifesting this inclination in the exactitude of his songs’ social and political interventionism. It concludes that through the accuracy of Omowura’s songs’ preachments, the worldviews he canvassed and the social oeuvres he constructed with his music, Ayinla Omowura answered to and perfectly too, a description of popular music as an instrument of prophecy, philosophy and social crusade. Moreover, the chapter by Abiodun Salawu, ‘Reeling Nostalgia: “Aremote” and the Enduring Sakara Music in Nigeria’, discusses a popular radio programme, ‘Aremote’ on Radio Nigeria station in Ibadan, which exposes the richness of sakara music as an accoutrement of socials in decades past within the south-western part of the country, and a classical piece of philosophical reflection. It gives a particular focus on late Yusuf Olatunji whose works are regarded as canonical among the nation’s indigenous traditional music. It reasons that the outcomes of this are expected to inform us about the capacity of broadcast media to shape our tastes and values. The author asserts that the study is also capable of providing insights into the prospects of a creative and functional management of the contest between traditionalism and modernism, as well as between globalisation and localisation. Lastly, Olugbenga Elegbe and Stephen Damilola Odebiyi’s chapter, ‘Yorùbá Socio-Cultural Norms and Values in Selected Songs of Bùkọ́lá Ẹlémìdé (Áṣà)’, acknowledges Bùkọ́lá Ẹlémìdé as a young generation Yorùbá music artist among her contemporaries that

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treat Yorùbá philosophies embedded in socio-cultural norms and values. It explains these philosophies in Jailer, Awé (Friend), Preacher Man, Brọ̀dá olè (The brother who steals), Society and Dead again, which are promoted in her songs as justice and fairness, sexual chastity, good leadership, honesty and loyalty. Also, it says she also spoke against greed and materialism. This is evident against the fact that most popular music produced by Yorùbá language artistes are either promoting Western culture or are laced with values foreign to Yorùbá culture. While Chap. 5 by Fadipe Israel Ayinla and Salawu Abiodun examines the differences between indigenous and indigenised Yorùbá popular music to establish the colonial influence on the precolonial Yorùbá traditional cultures and to teach young Yorùbá people about these distinctions, Rhoda Titilopemi Inioluwa Abiolu, Oluwatobi Joseph Alabi and Hosea Patrick, in Chap. 7, argue that lyrics of most of Yorùbá indigenous music genres promote the values of Ọmọlúàbí (a good, virtuous, and dependable person), and a fundamental worldview of the Yorùbá people. They discuss how indigenous Yorùbá songs popularise sociocultural values, address injustices and enhance conformity. Sunday Adesina in Chap. 6, examines how Yusuf Olatunji, a prominent Yorùbá music artist, has used his Sakara music to market the businesses of his patrons. The author contends that the artist utilises the socially shared knowledge and socially shared cognitions of his immediate audience to market the products/services. He believes his music is historical documentation of some aspects of the lifestyle of the Yorùbá of southwestern Nigeria, particularly in the 1960s and 1970s.

Indigenous African Popular Music and the World Jorge Luis Morejón-Benitez in Chap. 17, ‘Valódia: A Transatlantic Praise Song’, examines the life and contributions of Santocas to Angola. Born in Luanda’s Bairro Indígena in 1954, he affirms that Santocas reached the golden age of his career in 1974–1975 by singing political songs during Angola’s national independence period. Among his main discographic achievements were two albums titled Gloria Eterna Aos Nossos Herois and A Minha Vida, A Minha História, which, borrowing from Brazilian historian Amanda Palomo Alves (2013), had an ‘efeito mobilizador’ (a ‘mobilizing effect’). Santocas, he explains, also recorded a number of singles such as ‘Juventude’, ‘A Estudante’, ‘O Mercenarismo Fracassou Em Angola’, ‘Angola’ and ‘O Massacre De Kifangondo’ that added importance to his

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body of work. Further, he says in building an Angolan anti-colonialist project, the MPLA, or Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola (Angolan Popular Independence Movement), framed Santocas’ song ‘Valódia’ within the context of praise songs that achieved historic relevance, political impact, dramatic significance and cultural symbolism. More than just a song of praise, he believes ‘Valódia’ became a powerful hegemonic, political tool to get both Angolan and Cuban audiences to support the MPLA’s cause with a sense of heroic and internationalist civil religiosity. Moreover, Chaps. 18, 19, and 21 examine the influence and international appeal of sungura and mbira dzavadzimu popular music genres in post-colonial Zimbabwe. Claudio Chipendo’s chapter, ‘The Adaptation of Zimbabwean Mbira Dzavadzimu Music, from Traditional to Modern Popular Band Format; the Case of Thomas Mapfumo’, uses Thomas Mapfumo to describe how Zimbabwean music artists from the early 1970s started reinterpreting and reformulating mbira dzavadzimu music in order to meet the demands of the new modern society. It says the musicians made use of instruments such as the guitar, keyboard, saxophone and modern Western pop drums to create urban Guitar Mbira Music. It argues that the fusion of Mbira music onto the modern popular music (pop) band format became very popular in Zimbabwe and in many other parts of the world. Similarly, Enoch Nyambo’s chapter, ‘When Culture and Tradition Aren’t Archaic: The Song Semantics of Zimbabwean Mbira’s International Appeal’, premised on Stella Chiweshe’s Mbira music, looks at the meaning that both Zimbabweans and International music lovers ascribe to Mbira songs. Based on the opinions of lovers of Mbira music on Facebook, it analyses the traditional and cultural semantics of Mbira music, examines the extent to which Mbira music is archaic and evaluates the peculiarities and semantics of Stella Chiweshe’s Mbira music. However, Vimbai Chamisa’s chapter, ‘Macheso’s Sungura and Social Identity Narratives in Postcolonial Zimbabwe’, focuses on sungura, a Zimbabwean popular music style that has emerged and gained massive popularity after independence in Zimbabwe. It contends that Macheso’s life history has influenced his music, shaping and defining it with a unique social meaning. This history articulates discourses of social identity as it parallels the nature of the production of power within everyday human interactions typical in post-colonial Zimbabwe. The last chapter in this volume, Chap. 20, ‘“One Beat, One Pound”: Kasumu Isola Sanni—The Sákárà Master Drummer’, contends that the contribution of Kasumu

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Isola Sanni to the success of Yusuf Ọ látúnjí’s band is enormous and indelible, that he was not a push-over in the band and that he, through his deftness on the Sákárà drum, was an ‘engine-room’ through which Yusuf Ọlátúnjí flourished in his enterprise. Yusuf Àjàó Ọlátúnjí’s brand of Sákárà rocked the entire Yorùbáland and beyond from the late 1950s to after his passing in 1978. The genre recorded such a followership that left an indelible mark on the Nigerian music industry.

Volume 2: Social Crusade and the Future ‘Indigenous African Popular Music: Social Crusade and the Future’ is Volume 2 of the two edited books that focuses on indigenous African popular music artists’ roles as advocates of social, political, environment and hearth-related issues in African nations and communities. The volume also explores the roles young and future African indigenous play in the age of the internet and social media networks. There are sundry issues that are treated in the 26 chapters of this volume. These chapters are categorised under five sections: ‘Indigenous African Popular Music, Democracy, Politics and Social Crusades’, ‘Indigenous African Popular Music and Environmental Health Communication’, ‘Indigenous African Popular Music and Gender Empowerment’, ‘Indigenous African Popular Music, African Youth and African Future’ and ‘Indigenous African Popular Music, Advanced Broadcast Technologies and the Digital Media’. Indigenous African Popular Music and Social Crusades As the longest chapter in Volume 2, it examines the interventions of indigenous African popular music in the affairs of respective African communities right from the pre-colonial to post-colonial periods, and up to the present digital age. For example, Bakenne Nureni Aremu and Fadipe Israel Ayinla in Chap. 1 explored forms and levels of extra-mundane communication in selected songs of Ayinla Omowura, who was one of the prominent proponents of the indigenous Apala popular music in Yorùbá land. They argued that the artiste’s (as an agent of communication) use of extra-mundane communication (as a tool) helps to preserve and reinforce the significance of extra-mundane communication in Yorùbá people’s cultural memory. They conclude that the evidence of these African extra-­ mundane communication styles reveals his rainbow role of traditionalist, priest, prophet, seer, activist, ombudsman and devil advocate, all of which

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Ayinla Omowura signified as an agent who employed indigenous Apala music in his society. Conversely, Umar Lawal Yusuf and Ibrahim Uba Yusuf, in Chap. 2, ‘The Role of Politicians in Democratizing Musical Production in Northern Nigeria’, describe how politicians in Northern Nigeria have increasingly become interested in the indigenous music sector, engaging in a win-win partnership with local musicians. Therefore, they examined the role played by politicians in democratising musical production. They analysed three popular pieces of Hausa political music that emerged during the 2019 electioneering period: Abba Gida-Gida, sakamakon Chanji and Jadda Garko Dan Kasa Ya Rage Naka. They discovered that politicians use music as a political campaign tool, for its uniqueness in appealing and capability to influence the desired change. Also, they said politicians or sometimes their die-hard supporters’ commission musicians to produce political songs that portray slogans, manifestoes and agenda of their candidates. Moreover, in Chap. 3, located within a specific context and timeframe as from 2008 to 2018, during which former president Jacob Zuma became president in 2009, re-elected for a second term in 2014 and resigned in 2018, Thulani Tshabangu argues that maskandi music performed by various Zulu artists and groups played a significant role in political mobilisation, grandstanding and discursive legitimation of Zuma. He explains further that before his ascendancy to power, Zuma faced rape and corruption charges that put his suitability for office in doubt, and that Zuma adopted populist tendencies and grandstanded before his supporters as a symbol of Zulu ethnic nationalism and hegemony. Chapter 4, ‘Popular Music and the Concept of the Dissident in Post-independence Zimbabwe’ by Trust Matsilele and Mbongeni Msimanga, argues that indigenous musicians in Zimbabwe have acted as ‘dissident’ archetypes in a country where any formal opposition to power has been met with legal and extra-­ judicial interventions by state apparatus. Premised on Zimbabwe’s post-­ independence era musicians (1980–2020) and Mano’s conceptual framework of music as a journalism variant, the authors found that four themes have found lyrical expression: Marginalisation, Socio-Economic Inequality, Corruption and Political Violence/Repression in Zimbabwe’s popular music sphere. However, they conclude that selected musicians coded their lyrics in dissident language which sought to challenge political hegemony, expose corruption and decry poverty under the successive ZANU-PF rule. Muyanga Innocent Ziba’s Chap. 5, ‘Indigenous African Popular Music, Democracy and Politics’, contends that indigenous Ngoni

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African popular music in East and Southern Africa has revealed that Ngoni culture is portrayed to Africa and to the world as an advanced democracy that respects dignity and respect for cultural values as well as respect for traditional beliefs. It also reveals that the indigenous Ngoni music reveals ingredients of unity of the tribe regardless of the colonial boundaries making it one of the largest ethnic tribes in Africa. Furthermore, Kingsley Chukwuemeka Izuogu, Onyekwere Okpara and Dennis Ugochukwu Omeonu in Chap. 6 look at protest messages contained in the selected songs of Fela Anikulapo Kuti, to demonstrate their contributions to the socio-political lives of Nigerians and indeed Africans. They reasoned that Fela Anikulapo Kuti distinguished himself as a die-­ hard critic of successive governments in Nigeria. His well-coordinated protest songs disseminated to the public through the medium of his legendary ‘Afrobeat’ music, continue to earn him a place of reverence within the political firmament of Nigeria and beyond, even long after his death. They affirm that the selected protest songs ultimately awakened the people’s consciousness to repressive governments and the menace of treasury looting by those in positions of authority. Chapter 7, ‘Singing Democracy and Politics in Post-independence Zimbabwe: A Critical Discourse Analysis of Self-Censorship in Zimbabwean Indigenous Theological-­ Sungura Music’, by Andrew Mtingwende and Ernest Jakaza, examines the effect of a marginalised and hybridised Zimbabwean music genre: Theological-Sungura and its discursive articulation towards the propagation of a virtually utopian and democratic socio-political terrain. It is premised on the discursive nature of African indigenous popular music and the way Zimbabwean artistes engage in self-censorship in articulating and promoting democratic and egalitarian culture in post-independence Zimbabwe. This chapter argues that Theological-Sungura can be truncated from both porous mains as an emergent daughter genre and that this genre is inwardly militant in its promulgation of democracy and socio-­ political pluralism. The genre is believed to acquire a more conciliatory and euphemistic censure for a rhetorical function promoting harmony and conflict-free socio-political landscape. Likewise, Clement Adeniyi Akangbe and Yemisi Omolola Ilesanmi in Chap. 8, ‘Indigenous African Artistes as Social Critics: A Study of Evangelist Bayo Adegboyega of Yorùbá Extraction’, argue that Christian gospel music has extended its services beyond the liturgical role to being a potent instrument of social and political reconstruction and a megaphone for moral campaign in the society. In less than about eight decades of its emergence, they posit Christian gospel

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music has risen from being a mere aspect of Christian worship to an independent, vibrant and full-fledged music which has forced its ways into reckoning, not only in Yorùbá land but all over Nigeria, and indeed Africa. They cite Evangelist Báyọ̀ Adégbóyèga as a Christian gospel musician who sang in Yorùbá language with passionate concern for social reformation in Nigeria. They conclude that as a moralist and social crusader, his dominant themes include good governance, bribery and corruption, political insincerity, moral rejuvenation and injustice among others. Garhe Osiebe’s topic, ‘State-Minded Praise Music Culture in Contemporary Nigeria’, in Chap. 9, explores the concept of state-­ mindedness around political communication in relation to indigenous African popular music in Nigeria. Explaining three ways of state-­ mindedness, he states that an artiste communicates dissent to oppose certain actions or inactions by the state, the artiste advocates nationhood and/or a nationalist philosophy, and can employ music in solidarity with the constituted state. Focusing on state-minded praise, he investigated how political leaders have procured popular musicians since independence through military rule, and now to do their biddings. Chapter 10 by Sunday Adepoju contends that there is a need for societies to promote their core values, change and transform negative attitudes and behaviours and commit the people to the renewed values of honesty, integrity, good neigbourliness, hygiene, hospitality, patriotism, and so on through their indigenous oral traditions like music. Consequently, he qualitatively content-analysed the songs of Ogundare Foyanmu’s Yorùbá ijala to determine the presence of the moral reorientation messages. He proposes that the study would benefit agencies of government at different levels in a bid to inculcate morals in the members of the society. Lastly, Waheed Ganiyu, in Chap. 11, reasons that despite the abundant human and materials resources in Nigeria, successive military and civilian governments have not been able to provide the desired purposeful leadership for the people. Coupled with moral decadence and gross indiscipline among Nigerian citizens, he explains how the Yorùbá Fuji progenitor, Sikiru Ayinde Barrister, the Awurebe exponent, Dauda Epo Akara and Dadakuada Maestro, Odolaye Aremu in some of their music albums advocated for good governance, condemned social vices and promoted moral values to tackle these societal issues.

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Indigenous African Popular Music and Environmental Health Communication The chapters under this sub-theme x-ray the functions of indigenous African popular music in environmental and health issues in African communities. In Chap. 12, Ifeoluwa Theophilus, Akinsola Olatunji and Sheriff Olamide assessed the content of Yorùbá musical jingles on Covid-19, to establishing the roles of music in sensitising community members about the pandemic, especially in the Yorùbá context since music is an important aspect of the Yorùbá culture and effective tool for socialisation. Their findings reveal that selected Yorùbá music jingles revolve around information about what Covid-19 is, its origin, symptoms, effects and preventive measures, prayers against Covid-19, tributes to medical practitioners/government, a call for trado-medical approach and jokes. In the end, they contend that Covid-19 sensitisation jingles effectively educated listeners and entertained them without distorting the message. Moreover, Lere Amusan in Chap. 13, ‘Promotion of Food Sovereignty in Africa Through Yoruba’s Indigenous Music’, foregrounds that food promotes health, culture and it is spiritual in Africa societies, and that the roles of indigenous musicians and their music are invaluable in rural areas of Africa in general and among the Yorùbá in the south-western part of Nigeria specifically. He argues that in many African states African musicians are playing inestimable roles in the promotion of social development and food production, food processing, food distribution, food availability and food consumption, albeit, indirectly. Therefore, he examines Ebenezer Obey, Alhaji Sikiru Ayinde Barrister and Sunny Ade’s music that hinge on food production, food distribution and food consumption. He discovered that all the food produced in Yorùbá land are organic in nature until unhealthy GM is introduced only to satisfy a few—the biotechnologists, MNCs and a few private individuals. Like Akinsola and Olatunji, Francis Amenaghawon and Abiodun Salawu in Chap. 14, ‘Mainstreaming Afro-­ Hiphop Music in Redressing the Spread of Infodemics on Covid-19’, examined mainstreaming of Afro-hip-hop music in the fight against Covid-19 infodemics. They interrogated the thematic preoccupation of the selected songs, target, messages and literary devices used in the songs. They found that the themes include safety measures, information on Covid-19, mobilisation and agenda setting. Thus, they argued for the engagement of indigenous music especially Afro-hip-hop in the spread of authentic and

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verifiable information to educate, mobilise and set agenda for the society in the curtailment of Covid-19. Indigenous African Popular Music and Gender Empowerment Music is part of the media that is often discovered to perpetuate gender discrimination against. Notwithstanding, having realised the invaluable roles of women in their communities, African music artists often have been using songs to propagate gender empowerment in various forms. In Chap. 15, ‘Why Not Call a Spade a Spade? Unpacking Paul Matavire’s Gender Philosophy’, Umali Saidi delved into the often-misconstrued women commentaries of the Zimbabwean blind musician, Paul Matavire. He argues that the musician’s songs unpack his gender philosophy showing that his songs actually unmask patriarchy rather than celebrating it. He believes the artist’s gender position is intricately squashed between gender dictates on one end and masculine aspects on the other. Therefore, he concludes that his study hopes to provide knowledge on the nature of Matavire’s gender philosophy in his songs as a gateway to acknowledging notions of negotiating gender spaces in a mannish society. Unwana Samuel Akpan in Chap. 16, ‘The Communicativeness of Select Nigerian Afro Hip Hop Lyrics and Sociological Perception of Women’, rather shows how Nigerian hip-hop artists lyrics promote and encourage sexual abuse against women, though they are part of those condemning the explosion of rape cases in Nigeria. He argues that the artists do not have moral authority so long their lyrics closely communicate misogynistic tendencies by reducing women to mere sex objects to be desired, used and dumped at will by men. However, he suggests that female Nigerian Afro hip-hop artistes can use their lyrics to counter and promote values, virtues and as well discourage, reduce and mitigate vices such as rape in the society that their male counterparts in the industry are promoting. Lastly, Chap. 17, ‘Content and Reception of Eswatini’s Indigenous and Popular Music on Women Empowerment’ by Maxwell Mthembu and Telamisile P.  Mkhatshwa, paints the plight of Swati women in the Eswatini’s cultural milieu regarding the rates of gender-based violence (GBV): femicides, rape, physical and emotional abuse. It explains further that despite the fact that Swati indigenous popular music has featured on Eswatini Broadcasting Service since the radio station’s establishment in 1966, and promulgation of the Sexual Offences and Domestic Violence (SODV) Act of 2018, GBV continues unabated. However, it catalogues interventions from Eswatini’s

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traditional and popular musicians alike. Consequently, it investigates the relatedness of women empowerment or disempowerment to indigenous and popular music, by comparing siSwati indigenous songs to popular/ modern songs in order to establish the similarity and dissimilarity of the songs’ lyrical content and its intimations. The chapter concludes that women empowerment is a popular subject in both indigenous and popular music composed by both males and females. However, indigenous songs vocalise women’s perspectives more effectively than popular songs composed by young contemporary male artists. Indigenous African Popular Music, African Youths and African Future The continued existence of indigenous African popular music relies on African youths. Gladly, indigenous African popular music has begun to manifest in different forms, styles and genres, to speak and advocate for past, present and future Africans’ social issues and realities in their respective communities. Daines Nicodem Sanga in Chap. 18, ‘Ngoma Songs as Tanzanian Youths’ Third Space for Political Participation’, foregrounds the feelings in Tanzania. He posits that there is a general belief since independence that Tanzanian youths have been underrepresented in the country’s national agenda. Using songs as a window into which to seek to understand how young people make the most of songs to participate in politics, he employs the concept of ‘third space’ introduced by Bhabha in 1994 to argue that young people in Tanzania use indigenous popular songs to call for good leadership and political hygiene. He discovered that youths use songs to attack corrupt leaders and demand for their rights as youth and rights of minorities in their communities. Caleb Mauwa in Chap. 19, ‘The Future of the Indigenous African Popular Music’, further expands the conversation about the future of African music. Fearing that the prevailing cultural infiltration and assimilations from the West with onslaught of Artificial Intelligence may annihilate the context and gambit of the catch phrase ‘indigenous’, he explores how the state of preservation of African cultural heritage as a primary requisite to the informed scientifically grounded conjecture of what the future holds for indigenous African music. Thus, he argues that the taste, texture and composition of indigenous popular music and Western influences notwithstanding technological imperatives in production and performance need not to be understated. He suggests that the vintage indigenous African popular music like

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original Jembe and Mbira with their natural flair and significance particularly to audiences that hold in high regard originality as opposed to hybrid music needs to be preserved. Moreover, in Chap. 20, ‘The Popular Cultural Practice of Hip Hop Among the Indigenous !Xun And Khwe Youth of Platfontein, South Africa’, Itunnu Ayodeji Bodunrin explains that the !Xun and Khwe are descendants of the Indigenous hunter-gatherers San (popularly known as Bushmen) of Southern Africa who traditionally occupied the Kalahari region across Southern Africa and whose identity and practices have historically warranted the intrusive curiosity of researchers, journalists, filmmakers and tourists. Therefore, she contends that among the Indigenous !Xun and Khwe of Platfontein, South Africa, the global hip-hop music culture is appropriated and localised to negotiate restrictive urban spaces and project self-identity and counter-narratives against externally imposed colonising ones. Using ethnographic approach, she discovered that the contemporary realities of networked African Indigenous youth were caught between the crossfire of hip-hop as a global mediated urban identity, and the multi-authored, romanticised, pristine San identity. Similarly on African youths’ importance to indigenous African popular music, Hugh Mangeya in Chap. 21, ‘Zimdancehall Music as Rules of Engagement Sexual Engagement’, argues that Zimdancehall music can be read as a discourse laying the ‘rules of engagement’ for normative heterosexual encounters. Seen as an offshoot of Zimbabwean youth culture, he further explains that the music style can provide important insights into how power relations are enacted during the sexual act. He concludes that sexual intercourse is much more than the ‘innocent’ intimate interaction between two individuals. Rather, sexual encounters are power-driven transactions in which the goal is total domination. He concludes that issues relating to ‘roughness’, infliction of pain, duration and total surrender, among others, are critical in determining the success of the sexual encounter. Indigenous African Popular Music, Advanced Broadcast Technologies and the Digital Media Since the emergence of the internet, broadcast technologies and digital media, there have been changes to creation, preservation and consumption of music generally. Indigenous African popular music is even more impacted than other ethnic music due to the less attention given to its documentation, archiving and preservation hitherto. In Chap. 22,

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‘Tradi-Modern Musical Genres Amidst Neo-Colonia Western Digital Recording Towards Development in Benue State’, Isaac Imo-Ter Nyam acknowledges that Benue music is increasingly becoming popular hi-tech digital studio sound with Tiv and or Idoma traditional digitally recorded beats and renditions—which also include other Benue tribes such as Igede and Etolo. Therefore, he explores the different dimensions resonating with tradi-modern ingeniousness in Benue music. He explains that actual socio-­cultural, economic and political developmental drives have so far embedded the role of tradi-modern musical creativity and experiences. So far, public and private entities in the Benue state have galvanised talent hunt and boosted the efforts of tradi-modern Benue artists such as Bongos Ikwe, Tuface, Zakki-Azzay, Bravo-D, David Abeker, OD Woods, ZuleZoo, Jumabee, Mark Own and Rapizo, among several names. He hopes his study encourages increased contemporary scholarly interest in the meeting points between modern musical digital capacities, digital media and local cultures—especially how such synergies can be harvested towards positive social changes. Chapter 23, ‘The Evolution of the Roles of Producers in the Zimbabwe Record Industry’, by Richard Muranda, Weston Chimbudzi and Wonder Maguraushe, avers that the operating terrain within the Zimbabwe recording industry has drastically changed owing to the advent of digital recording technology, with their hegemony slackened due to the emergence of home studios which have liberated musicians through accepting different music genres. Consequently, the authors explore the changes in the roles of the music producer from the old school pro-studios which have been operating from the 1970s to modern-day home studios which emerged at the turn of the millennium. They discovered that music producers of the digital era are equipped to do real instrument playing, Musical Instrument Digital Interface (MIDI) sequencing, mixing, mastering and marketing. Therefore, they conclude that modern technological developments directly impact on the modus operandi to determine relevance and business viability of producers in the Zimbabwe recording industry. Furthermore, Waheed Ogunjobi and Lanre Ogundeyi in Chap. 24, ‘Indigenous African Music Economics: Survival Strategies in the Face of Web Technologies’, examined how contemporary music economics, especially web technology has either positively or negatively impacted indigenous African popular music. They believe that the impact of the digital economy on consumption of music and music economy is enormous, with the internet becoming a reality, where music could be shared for free. This

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is believed it is unlike in the past when one could easily find musical record stores selling records in different shades such as cassettes, disk and stereo, musical record stores which are almost non-existent these days as people now have access to free download of musical records. In Chap. 25, ‘Commodification of Music in the Digital Age: Locating Namibia’s Oviritje Popular Music Genre in the Capitalist Music Economy’, William Heuva examines to document the influence of neoliberal and digital capitalism on Oviritje music genre of the Ovaherero people of Namibia. He explains that the expansion and modification of the capitalist mode of production globally and over centuries have had enormous transformations on the production, consumption and distribution of music all over the world. He, however, acknowledges that the African arts and culture, including popular music, have not been immune to these global changes. He attempts to encourage critical music analysis in the digital age in Africa, and Namibia in particular, as a form of contributions that contribute to the growth of the embryonic Marxist music scholarship in Africa in digital capitalism. Lastly, Gideon Danja and Dominic James Aboi in Chap. 26, ‘The Role of Sound Archiving of Indigenous Popular Music in the Conflict Zones of North-Eastern Nigeria’, discuss the preservation and sustaining of a pure and disappearing indigenous musical heritage for the retention of originality of cultural elements, and uniqueness through sound-­ archiving. They believe this is important because of the growing fear that as more villages get evacuated, some of its rich cultural traditions get eroded in the process as many popular indigenous musicians in the rural communities are moving to urban areas in search of protection, livelihood and social services among others. Also, they posit that there is the tendency that more of such indigenous music performances might be at risk of extinction due to recurring conflicts. Therefore, they propose that taking the advantage of current technological developments related to the digital age and the internet can be used in preserving and recovering some of the aspirations of the musicians who are recorded, with special interest in utilising new technologies to expand the scope of sound-archiving investigations to safeguard the indigenous popular music in the Borno, Adamawa and Yobe (BAY) States.

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Conclusion The book so far has attempted to document those indigenous African popular music artists who have used their music as prophecy and philosophy to preserve people cultural values and traditions. There is no doubt their old voices still ring through and true till today in current occurrences that beset Africans socially, politically and economically. Although the book has not been able to document all African musicians considering their sheer number, it is hoped that this can begin an extensive and intensive scholarship in indigenous African popular music field. Thus, it is also believed this book will be useful for teaching and learning more about this aspect of African studies for both students and teachers in every institution of higher learning where indigenous African popular music is being studied.

References Adedayo, F. (2020). Ayinla Omowura: Life and Times of an Apala Legend. Ibadan: Noirledge. Fadipe, I.  A. (2019). Music for all seasons: Timeless value of Àpàlà and Sákárà indigenous music. In O.  Oso, O.  Omojola, R.  Olatunji, & S.  Oyero (Eds.), Beyond fun: Media entertainment, politics and development in Nigeria (pp. 75–90). Malthouse Press Limited Lagos. Mano, W. (2007). Popular music as journalism in Zimbabwe. Journalism Studies, 8(1), 61–78. Olukotun, A. (2004). Repressive state and resurgent media under Nigeria’s military dictatorship, 1988–1998. Nordiska Afrikainstitutet. Pongoweni, A. J. C. (1997). The chimurenga songs of the Zimbabwean war of liberation. In K. Barber (Ed.), Readings in African popular culture (pp. 63–72).

PART I

The Nature, Philosophies and Genres of Indigenous African Popular Music

CHAPTER 2

Indigenous and Modern Zimbabwean Music: Reflections from Thomas Mapfumo’s Chimurenga Music Genre Caleb Mauwa

Introduction and Background Indigenous African music is a mirror of the African people’s culture and generally influences the birth and advancement of modern African music. In certain instances, indigenous African music can also be called traditional African music. This type of music has been performed for many years and for different purposes. In different traditional African societies, indigenous African music plays a pivotal role in community events such as ceremonial, ritual, social and incidental musical activities. It is important to note that in traditional Africa, indigenous African music was never performed solely for entertainment, but for different other purposes. The different African Indigenous Knowledge Systems and values were exposed through the different types of indigenous African music. The people’s culture was also revealed in different African states through their residual

C. Mauwa (*) University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, South Africa © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 A. Salawu, I. A. Fadipe (eds.), Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 1, Pop Music, Culture and Identity, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97884-6_2

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knowledge of indigenous African music in which songs were sung, poetry rendered and folklore told to highlight social issues. Of late, modern African music or contemporary music genres are being influenced by the former African musical heritage. As such, several musicians and performers are taking advantage of the rich cultural heritage that is in indigenous African music to develop modern genres which are appealing to many. Furthermore, some musicians from different African countries are also taking advantage to spread different messages through the performance of modern African music. Several notable old school African musicians such as Koffi Olomide, Oliver Mtukudzi, Hugh Masekela, Miriam Makeba, Fela Kuti, Salif Keita, Thomas Mapfumo, Youssou N’Dou and many different reputable musicians through their music take the lead in revealing the African people’s culture and advancing the people’s will and concerns through the inclusion of indigenous African musicology and heritage into their compositions. To a larger extent, the modern African musicians are succeeding in their mission, and on the other hand, the playing of indigenous African instruments is very distinct in their musical enactments. Notable modern African music singers such as Jah Prayzah, Burna Boy, Diamond Platnumz, Sarkodie, Yemi Alade and Makhadzi are doing their best to advance the African culture through their Africa popular music. This chapter specifically mirrors the work of Thomas Mapfumo, a Zimbabwean musician, and establishes how indigenous African music has influenced modern African music with introspection to the peculiar distinct fusion of Western and African musical instruments synonymous with the trademarked Zimbabwean Chimurenga music genre. Suffice to say the iconic and luminary status that Thomas Mapfumo assumes is greatly premised on how he has managed to strike a balance and appreciation in maintaining an audience through circumspectly creating a signature to his musical genre to easily appeal, identify and resonate with the audience and targeted constituency. Thomas Mapfumo songs are rich and pregnant with philosophical meanings and teachings in addition to their entertainment values for the ardent music enthusiasts. Indigenous African music has deep rooted, implanted influence in the form and structure of modern African music. Indigenous African music, sometimes referred to as modern African music, has significantly changed over time, adopting new modifications that in some instances had deviated from the original and, in other scenarios, maintaining the root-base with introduction of modern musical accompaniments. Robotham and Kubik (2016) opine that:

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It is widely acknowledged that African music has undergone frequent and decisive changes throughout the centuries. What is termed traditional music today is probably very different from African music in former times. Nor has African music in the past been rigidly linked to specific ethnic groups. The individual musician, his style and creativity, have always played an important role.

I agree with the submission highlighted in the foregoing assertion because through analysis of different African popular music genres such as Soukous, Afro Jazz, Mbalax, House music, Mbaqanga, Chimurenga, Majika, Inkiranga, Kizomba, Salsa and Rhuma, these genres have undergone some recurrent variations for the better. It is important to note that when one listens to some old compositions of a certain music genre, one would be able to distinguish the difference in the current compositions of the same music genre and this difference is necessitated by some recurrent variations in the music compositions and productions. Correspondingly, the different authors in the African popular music which is available in the website on en.wikipedia.org › wiki › African_popular_music state that modern African music can easily be interchangeably known as contemporary African music or indigenous African popular music in which “most contemporary genres of African popular music build on cross-pollination with Western popular music”. This is true because if one analyses the different African popular music genres, one can distinguish that in one country or the other the different music enthusiasts there refer to their own modern African music genre as either contemporary African music or indigenous popular music. In my analysis of the different African music genres, I have distinguished that different music styles are developed from adopting some different Western popular music styles. Additionally, the majority of different modern African music artists adopt the use of Western musical instruments and technology in the production of their music. Drawing from the musicians under study, he fuses different traditional Zimbabwe traditional instruments such as the mbira (thump piano) and hosho (shakers) which are idiophones (Civallero 2015). He also uses a ngoma which is a traditional African drum which is cylindrical and conical in shape; it also has a membrane top which is struck by hands or with some wooden sticks to produce some mesmerising polly-rhythmic sounds (Handel 1984). Fundamentally, Thomas Mapfumo uses the ngoma in his music production to superimpose his music production. He fuses the aforementioned Zimbabwean musical instruments with the modern

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Western music instruments such as the electric guitars, drums and keyboards as concurred by Unaegbu (2014). This is true because in my analysis of his music, I distinguished both Western and Zimbabwean music instruments by Thomas Mapfumo in his ensemble. Interestingly, the greater numbers of modern African music genres which include those that are being developed such as African heavy metal, Afro beats, Amapiano, Zim Dance hall and African hip hop, derive their musical contexts from indigenous African music and these genres of music are being enjoyed by many people of different age groups. Ekwueme (1974) argues that African music emanates from music of different African cultures. I agree with views raised by the foregoing author because if one analyses the different genres of African music, there is a possibility that one would find some similarities and different remnants of the different music genres which are performed in different African countries (Mapaya 2014). Interestingly, through the study of Thomas Mapfumo, I have also distinguished that it is important to note that modern African music has assumed and adopted Western musical influences and techniques within a grounded indigenous African music bias. In Zimbabwe, music is life and besides Thomas Mapfumo being one of the leading musicians who promoted and marketed the Chimurenga music genre in different parts of the world, he is a respectable musician who has played a pivotal part in advocating and encouraging the Zimbabwe freedom fighters to fight for the independence before the country attained its independence on 18 April 1980. He also played a very important part in advocating for good governance in the post-colonial era of the nation of Zimbabwe where his music narrates to the livelihoods of the people of Zimbabwe. The influence of different genres of Zimbabwean music including Thomas Mapfumo’s Chimurenga music genre in the daily lives of the Zimbabwean people has also been observed by Chikowero (2015) who postulates that in Zimbabwe, music is used to narrate the livelihoods of people. Indeed this is true in my analysis of different songs that are sung by Thomas Mapfumo; indeed these songs narrate to the livelihoods of the Zimbabwean people. Some of the popular songs that were sung by Thomas Mapfumo include Pfumvu paruzevha, Chemutengure, Vanhu vatema, Corruption, Butsu mutandarika, Nyoka musango and many other songs. All the named songs and many songs that are composed by Thomas Mapfumo speak volumes about the lifestyles of the Zimbabwean people. In Zimbabwe, music is basically used to portray the lifestyles of the people who live in rural areas and those who live in towns and urban areas.

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In Zimbabwe, a rural area is an area that is not very developed, and most rural areas in Zimbabwe have poor transport and telecommunication network. The people who live in rural areas essentially rely on subsistence farming and they are hinged on the performance of different cultural practices. These people are very cultural and they are stern cultural followers of the different Zimbabwean cultural practices. Correspondingly, some musicians such as Thomas Mapfumo compose traditional songs that relate to the lifestyles of the people who reside in the Zimbabwean rural areas. In urban areas, people also rely on different music genres which are not different from those that are enjoyed by people who reside in the rural areas and Chimurenga music is appreciated by different people in Zimbabwe. There are different traditional and modern African music genres which are enjoyed by different people in Zimbabwe and these include Chimurenga, Gospel, Sungura, Urban groves, Afro Jazz and Zim dance hall music. Basically, these different music styles talk about the lifestyles of the people of Zimbabwe, and therefore in Zimbabwe music is life because music is an umbilical link to the cultural lives of the people (Eyre 2015). I concur with the submissions raised by the foregoing author because different musicians in Zimbabwe perform different music genres and they correspondingly speak about the lifestyles of the Zimbabwean populace. In different traditional and modern functions that are performed either in rural or urban areas in Zimbabwe, music plays an important role in those functions. Chimurenga music also plays a central role in these different functions and ceremonies. Thomas Mapfumo’s Chimurenga music has claimed glory in different functions in both urban and rural settings in Zimbabwe because it is pregnant with meaning and explicitly depicts a true Zimbabwean people’s culture. Additionally many adore his music because it motivates people when they are low economically, socially and culturally. His music compositions are a phenomenon to many people in Zimbabwe and even out of the Zimbabwean borders.

Other Chimurenga Musicians Besides Thomas Mapfumo, there are also different other popular musicians who have performed this type of music for a very long time. Some of these musicians are still alive and some of them are dead but their music is still being enjoyed by many. Prominent artists who have performed Chimurenga music in Zimbabwe include artists such as Ephat Mujuru, Oliver Mtukudzi, The Four Brothers, Hallelujah Chicken Run Band,

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Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA) choir led by Dickson Chingaira Makoni, Chiyangwa, Bhundu Boys and the Mbare Chimurenga Choir. These musicians have helped develop Chimurenga music to be what it is today. Amongst these musicians, Ephat Mujuru has travelled to perform in different countries in the different parts of the world particularly the United States and spread the gospel of Chimurenga music. He was a true traditional music performer who believed in the progressive nature of music in advocating for change, good governance and unity amongst the people of Zimbabwe. Oliver Mtukudzi became an icon in preaching the good news of hope and advocate for good livelihoods for the people of Zimbabwe. In his last days, he resorted to Afro jazz and he named his later music genre Tuku Music, as he found it freer to perform in Zimbabwe than to continue with Chimurenga music which was deemed by the people with political muscles as militant music as it sometimes offends the people who possess political interest. Dickson Chingaira Makoni was also a popular icon who helped develop Chimurenga music starting before Zimbabwe attained independence to many years after the independence of Zimbabwe. Before the independence of Zimbabwe, he led the ZANLA choir and his songs were very powerful as they motivated the youths to repel against colonial oppressive systems to win the independence of Zimbabwe. According to Pongweni (1982), Dickson Chingaira Makoni is known to have composed many Chimurenga songs. This is true because before the independence of Zimbabwe, Dickson Chingaira Makoni has been singing Chimurenga music with the guerrilla fighters and years after independence of Zimbabwe, he continued to sing about issues of good governance, sovereignty and protection of territorial interiority of Zimbabwe. In his early years in Chimurenga music in the late 1970s during the liberation struggle of Zimbabwe, he led different youthful Chimurenga music groups to sing different songs and urge the freedom fighters to fight for the independence of Zimbabwe. In post-­ independence Zimbabwe, Dickson Chingaira Makoni made great Chimurenga music compositions and praise songs for those in power. Dickson Chingaira Makoni, Simon Chimbetu, Marko Sibanda, Andy Brown and the Mbare Chimurenga Choir form part of the modern generation Chimurenga musicians who helped spread the messages of peace, unity and harmony amongst the Zimbabwean populace pushing the agenda of protections of sovereignty and territorial interiority in what they term the third Chimurenga. Therefore, music in Zimbabwe is part of culture because it portrays the people culture.

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Chimurenga Music and Censorship Chimurenga music is a music genre that was greatly popularised by Thomas Mapfumo besides other musicians who have been discussed in the previous paragraph. Chimurenga music was started by the freedom fighters in guerrilla1 camps and bases. In guerrilla camps free fighters from the Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA) and ZANLA would converge and sing war songs as a form of a political and cultural nationalism to urge themselves to fight for the independence of Zimbabwe and these Chimurenga songs were contradictory to the colonial rule. This has been observed by Ravenganai (2016). Interestingly, as observed by Ravengai (ibid., p. 167), the guerrilla fighters also performed Chimurenga songs in the bases and warzones in Zimbabwe with the masses. This made the Chimurenga music genre to be popular all over Zimbabwe. According to Pfukwa (2008), Chimurenga songs were songs of contested spaces during the war. Similarly even till date, Thomas Mapfumo still composes songs that advocate for contested spaces for the freedom of the general Zimbabweans. Chimurenga is a Shona name which means liberation war and it came from the term Murenga which was a name of one of the late Zimbabwean legendary fighters. Vambe (2004) alludes that the term Chimurenga comes from the name of a legendary Shona ancestor called Murenga Sororenzou. According to Vambe (2004, p.  169), Thomas Mapfumo used the term Chimurenga to brand his music at the beginning of the armed struggle. As a manifestation of the ideology of African liberation, Chimurenga represents communal African memory harking back to the time of Munhumutapa’s struggles. This shows that Thomas Mapfumo was inspired by earlier Chimurenga music compositions which were sung during the liberation struggle of Zimbabwe and he developed his brand. This music was popularly published during the liberation struggle of Zimbabwe which was called the Rhodesian bush war. Currently this type of music genre is being performed, but it now focuses on the promotion and advancement of the people’s political voice, political dignity, human rights issues and social injustices. Chimurenga music is a strong music genre that encourages the general populace to be brave and fight for their rights in all spheres. Some artists who sing this music at times have been seen as militant artists because some of the songs that are sung have 1  Zimbabwean Liberation fighters who fought during the liberation war in Zimbabwe from 1973 to 1980.

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political motives. In Zimbabwe, if one sings anything related to politics, it is not a common thing, and at times, it is believed that the artist may be questioned for singing such songs (Vambe, 2000; Mugaraushe, 2020). Another interesting thing that happens when singing Chimurenga music is that if the music is deemed political or militant, the music will be censored and may not be played in the national broadcasting channels through Chapter 10:04 of the Censorship and Entertainments Control Act 1967 of Zimbabwe. The censorship board in Zimbabwe regulates and controls all media in Zimbabwe and they also censor material that is supposed to be broadcasted on all national broadcasting channels. The Zimbabwe Broadcasting Cooperation (ZBC) has different radio and stations. The different radio stations include Radio Zimbabwe, Star FM, National FM, Power FM, while Zim Papers also has some radio broadcasting channels such as Diamond FM, Nyaminyami FM and so on. Notably though, Chapter 10:04 of the Censorship and Entertainments Control Act 1967 of Zimbabwe reflects and focuses on the illustrious and industrious career of Zimbabwean musical icon Thomas Mapfumo,2 whose Chimurenga music3 transcended colonial and post-colonial periods in Zimbabwe’s protracted struggle for independence. According to Vambe (2004), the word Chimurenga refers to war or the struggle against any form of tyranny, and songs that capture the sentiment of war and the longing for freedom became Chimurenga music. Bennett (1994, p. 22) maintains that Chimurenga can be likened to a “force field of relations shaped, precisely, by contradictory pressures and tendencies”. This is empirically evident in Thomas Mapfumo’s huge Chimurenga musical footprints and influence which transcended the liberation movement of Zimbabwe in the 1970s to date, suggesting that indigenous African musical components have shaped his contemporary African modern music.

2  A Zimbabwean musician and composer who propelled Zimbabwe towards independence in the 1970s through his cultivation of Chimurenga music—a local genre of politically charged popular music. 3  Chimurenga music is a Zimbabwean popular music genre popularised by Thomas Mapfumo. Chimurenga is a Shona language word for liberation, which entered common usage during the Rhodesian Bush War (en.wikipedia.org › wiki › Chimurenga_music).

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Chimurenga Music to the World Different Zimbabwean musicians have done their best to spread the Chimurenga music to the different parts of the world. Besides Thomas Mapfumo, another Chimurenga music exponent, Ambuya Stella Chiweshe4 now domiciled in Germany adds to the long list of musicians who depict how indigenous African music has an indelible mark on modern African music. Interestingly her work is a blend that mesmerises Afro-Western modern musicology which is synonymous with the mbira, marimba and hoshos and finds real attraction to Western and European audience who are religious revellers. The epitome of her musical career was marked by her track Chave Chimurenga (now it is war), a song that fused modern African music with indigenous Zimbabwean vibes, encapsulated in reverberating mbira and marimba ensembles backing her vocals (Carl 2004). This is true because the skilful use of the marimba and mbira ensembles helped Ambuya Stella Chiweshe embellish her music as well as entice different audience in the diaspora. The tantalising performances in her exploits in this genre were greatly inspired by Thomas Mapfumo, who is one of the trailblazers amongst different Chimurenga musicians such as Stella Chiweshe, Farai Macheka and Dickson Chingaira Makoni, who made it a possibility that indigenous African music is relevant and significant to modern African music. Thomas Mapfumo has been a strong advocate for originality and musical Afrocentrism. In one particular instance, he had helped the musical fortunes of Oliver Mtukudzi5 whom he nurtured and advised to place premium emphasis on singing in the Shona6 vernacular language, accompanied by indigenous Zimbabwean instruments. This enabled Oliver Mtukudzi to rise to stardom. Mtukudzi was to join an exclusive list of African musicians who made it to the top without capitulating entirely to Western musical influences on modern African music genres.

4  A Zimbabwean musician. She is internationally known for her singing and playing of the mbira dzavadzimu, a traditional instrument of the Shona people of Zimbabwe (https:// en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stella_Chiweshe). 5  Oliver Mtukudzi, also known as “Tuku” (short for Mtukudzi), was a singer-songwriter, actor, writer, film director and entrepreneur (www.pindula.co.zw › Oliver_Mtukudzi). 6  A Bantu language of the Shona people of Zimbabwe. It is one of the most widely spoken Bantu languages. (en.wikipedia.org › wiki › Shona_language).

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The influence of Thomas Mapfumo’s Chimurenga music amongst the Zimbabwean populace is a unique point in branding and impacting the different Zimbabwe indigenous popular music. This influence has been observed by Mugaraushe (2020) who notes that the strength and radical exploits of Thomas Mapfumo is a cardinal point of reference in this narrative in exploring the influence of indigenous African music on modern African music. It shows a strong resolve to uphold one’s heritage and ensures a cutting edge distinction par excellence in the final deconstructions as the end product from such fusion is unique. Appreciating rich musical radiance paraded by the West, in which it consciously and subconsciously overlays its presence to African genres, the Chimurenga music genre generally credited to Thomas Mapfumo stands out as an example of extant survival of indigenous African music its contributions to, and implications for modern African music. His music has survived because it uses indigenous language and tells of the daily living circumstances of the locals. Anderson (2000) places a strong emphasis on indigenous languages, music, customs and values and this is similar to the languages which are deeply linked to different African languages as well as to different traditional African ways of life. In his idea of the creation of a nation as an imagined community, this makes a music genre survive and depend on its link to an indigenous language. The impact and influence of indigenous African music on modern African music surprisingly permeate race, sex and creed as most of the genres of music are performed in vernacular which are something askance and foreign to the bulk of the Western followers. There are, however, images splattered on several media platforms showing the supposedly uninitiated Westerner revelling to Thomas Mapfumo gigs right at the heart of Europe and the United States. Befittingly so, modern African music circumspectly gropes around Western semblances but strongly reverts to the indigenous African musical code and impressions (Sibani 2018). This is a consolatory note at this point, but argument would rave as to how long this could be sustained in the nearest future, especially as technology is not sparing its impact on human endeavours. His conscious use of proverbial and prophetic postulations on political and developmental issues in Zimbabwe for the envisaged democracy, no doubt helped transformed his music into a religion with his brand of Chimurenga music gaining local and worldwide traction for change. The major tipping point for Thomas Mapfumo as a towering beacon of modern African music was his inspired use of indigenous percussions and

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instruments (idiophones and membranophones) that depicts strong spiritual connection to his hereditary identity. As such, Thomas Mapfumo could be argued to be a progressive victim of the conjecture of the spirituality of African popular music which transcends time and forms, and, continues to shape modern African music. According to Vambe (2002), the performance of Chimurenga music by Thomas Mapfumo could actually be a pale reflection of deeper indigenous African spirituality and values. Chimurenga music drew attention and accolade(s) to his musical work, among such accolades was the recognition with an honorary doctorate degree in music by Ohio University at Athens as a doyen of musical activism through artistic exploits. This accolade has urged other musicians to continue the performance of Chimurenga music and the performance of different musical genres for the development of Zimbabwean music. Oliver Mtukudzi has also been accredited an honorary degree in Zimbabwe because of his great exploits in the music industry in Zimbabwe. Upon the death of Oliver Mtukudzi, he has been granted Heroes status which is the highest position to be granted posthumous in Zimbabwe. Thomas Mapfumo has shared the stage with an endless list of international musical icons in Zimbabwe and outside the county. He went on self-imposed exile for criticising undemocratic tendencies through modern African music to the United States. In the early 2000s, Thomas Mapfumo went to live in America while continuing to compose sizzling and scintillating Chimurenga songs that are very powerful and moving. The general populace in Zimbabwe is desperate to have him back in the country so that he can perform some live performances in the country as well as to teach and nurture young talents in the music industry in Zimbabwe. In 1980, to celebrate Zimbabwean independence, he shared the stage with the Legend Bob Marley and The Wailers in Harare, Zimbabwe. His role in shaping a consciousness for democracy and development regardless of aggressive adversity from political actors spanning over 50 years of the struggle stands him out as a brave act, remaining resolute and defiant under life-threatening circumstances. Thomas Mapfumo, like other musicians in Africa, is celebrated as an honour to have allowed and used African popular music to bear heavily on the modern African music brands. It is quite introspective when one begins to interrogate the distinct fusion of Western and African musical instruments which has come to be definitely synonymous with the trademarked Chimurenga music genre. Thomas Mapfumo not only has impacted the Zimbabwe musical fraternity but was

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also a successful musicpreneur7 who provided massive support, buffer and motivation for upcoming artistes in an era when music as a career in Zimbabwe and in some different countries in Africa was viewed negatively and labelled a profession for social outcasts. This negative stereotype and perceptions about being a musician were braved by his likes, who went on to mentor others on the use of music for engaging development and ideology and maintaining a resolute stand in propagating and championing indigenous African music. This was further helped by thoughtfully engaging the audience through the creation of a musical signature that easily appeals, identifies and resonates with the audience and targeted constituency. Suffice to say the iconic and luminary status that Thomas Mapfumo assumes is greatly premised and grounded on how he has managed to strike a balance and appreciation in maintaining an audience through thoughtfully creating a signature to his musical genre to easily appeal, identify and resonate with the audience and targeted constituency. The Chimurenga music genre appeals to all population segment in Zimbabwe because of its attention to traditional and contemporary musical components. It is interesting to note that several persons have remained glued to his musical genre regardless of changing times and the imploding mutation of Western popular music on indigenous music. Thomas Mapfumo is a marvel that continues to find a distinct place in the highly demanding musical industry. It can be suggested at this point that the diatribe of indigenous African music has provided the bedrock in constructing what we will call the musicology of modern African music identity matrix. Indigenous African music components have deeply reflected on the contemporary African and to some extent global music (N'ketia, 1976; Mugovhani, 2015). On the flip side, argument could be advanced of some modern African music genres being bereft of indigenous musical attributes. This is a futuristic debate and discussion on its own. However, the impress on the living eulogy of Thomas Mapfumo is to single out the positive story of originality coupled with modernity. Rich and pregnant with philosophical meanings and teachings, his music has also been significantly popular in the entertainment circles notwithstanding the political radicalism immersed in them. Thomas Mapfumo 7  A person who is rich, successful and advances financially through music performances and productions.

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like Fela Kuti,8 Hugh Masekela,9 Miriam Makeba10 and many others exploited and gave voices to celebrating life, political activism and grandiose entertainment in rising to stardom. They sang in vernacular as opposed to foreign Western languages, but flexed with international best practices along the advertising “act locally, think globally” paradigm. They appealed for solidarity in making Africa better and not to make themselves richer; they sang and canvassed for yet making an international impact and influence in appealing for solidarity regarding political and developmental issues and challenges in Africa. The period of African renaissance saw the sprouting and mushrooming of revolutionary artistes who carried the musical torch against apartheid, maladministration, poor governance and the broader colonialism (Nicol, 1979; Lo, 2019). This epochal moment provided traction for modern African music through identifying with the ideals of the popular masses projected using indigenous lyrics and instruments. Thomas Mapfumo is one of them, as whatever he sang about, even in pure entertainment frames, was regarded as revolutionary (Hatugari, 1999). Modern African music is significant in the political and social emancipation narrative across Africa, greatly inspired by hereditary practises which somewhat possess the contemporaries and compel them not to ignore indigenous music in the contemporary settings. Thomas Mapfumo amongst others continues to uphold and display the fundamentals of Unhu/Ubuntu11 as a philosophy against corruption, mis-­ governance and support for Afrocentric value systems. Vambe (2004) concurs that Chimurenga songs suggest that Africans have crossed the threshold of political protest and have affirmed and validated their humanity through taking, controlling and owning the land. Modern African music cannot be separated from the message of democracy and good 8  Fela Anikulapo Kuti (15 October 1938–2 August 1997) was a Nigerian multi-instrumentalist, bandleader, composer, political activist and Pan-Africanist (https://www.britannica. com/biography/Fela-Kuti). 9  Hugh Ramapolo Masekela (4 April 1939–23 January 2018) was a South African trumpeter, flugelhornist, cornetist, singer and composer who has been described as “the father of South African jazz”(en.wikipedia.org › wiki › Hugh_Masekela). 10  Zenzile Miriam Makeba (4 March 1932–9 November 2008), nicknamed Mama Africa, was a South African singer, songwriter, actress, United Nations goodwill ambassador and civil rights activist. 11  In Zimbabwe, Ubuntu/Unhu is a term meaning humanity (en.wikipedia.org › wiki › Miriam_Makeba).

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governance. Most importantly the music(s) or genre is greatly inspired by indigenous African music dovetailing to modern African music—captured in interesting call and response cycles, repetitive form, improvising and most notably notated or not, in some instances, with percussion instruments, and so on. The structure, texture and inclination of modern African music seemingly replicate indigenous African music as there are striking similarities in both content and form. There is the deliberate packaging of political satire, social matters into the song and dance of both contemporary and indigenous African music. This is evident in most, if not all, of the music and songs of the time. Thomas Mapfumo was not left out in this articulation of socio-, political-issues through song and dance, as well as veneration of the deity. The incoordination and improvisation that we see in modern African music are depicted too in indigenous African music as the music can take any direction as opposed to the notated Western music. The cross-pollination of contemporary genres of modern African music which has influences from Western popular music has been categorically unpacked regarding indigenous African music imperatives and significance with special mention of the illustrious career of Thomas Mapfumo amongst others in buttressing the fact that indigenous African music indeed has a palpable mark on African modern music genres. The post-independence dispensation in Africa has experienced a progressive technological advancement that has not spared modern African music, a glean on the multipronged perspectives to the influence of indigenous African Music and its survival amidst cultural erosion and assimilation of Western popular music to the current state of African modern music. The natural progressive nature of society has both been a threat and opportunity for the sustenance of modern African music particularly in retaining the indigenous flair and flavour. The Chimurenga music is a clear testimony of resilience and firmness regarding musical integrity, as computerised music production grows, this has also created a niche market for revellers in Africa and abroad who vouch for originality. This has made Thomas Mapfumo a household name in Zimbabwean musicology.

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References African Popular Music. Available on Wikipedia en.wikipedia.org › wiki › African_popular_music. Anderson, B. (2000). Imagined communities: Reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism. Verso. Bennett, T. (1994). Popular culture and the turn to Gramsci. In J. Storey (Ed.), Cultural theory and popular culture (p. 226). Wheatsheaf Harvester. Carl, F. (2004). Talking Mbira: Spirits of liberation by Stella Chiweshe, Hijaz Mustapha. The World of Music, 46(2). Japanese Musical Traditions: VWB— Verlag für Wissenschaft und Bildung. Chikowero, M. (2015). African music, power, and being in colonial Zimbabwe. Indiana University Press, Series: African Expressive Cultures. Civallero, E. (2015). Yawan yuraqan: Andeam music instruments in black and white. Edgar Civallero. Ekwueme, E.N. (1974). Concepts of African musical theory. Journal of Black Studies, 5(1), pp. 35–64 (30). Sage Publications, Inc. Eyre, B. (2015). Thomas Mapfumo and the popularization of Shona Mbira. African Music, 10(1). International Library of African Music. Handel, S. (1984). Using polyrhythms to study rhythm, music perceptions. Hatugari, L. (1999, April 2). Snags with classifying chimurenga music. The Sunday Mail. p. 4. Harare. Lo, M. (2019). Writing and righting the African renaissance. Research Africa Reviews, 3(2). Duke University. Mapaya, M. G. (2014). The study of indigenous African music and lessons from ordinary language philosophy. Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences. Mugaraushe, W. (2020). Nuances of political satire, advocacy for peace and development in selected Oliver Mtukudzi songs. Midlands State University. Mugovhani, N.  G. (2015). Emerging trends from indigenous music and dance practices: A glimpse into contemporary Malende and Tshigombela. Department of Performing Arts Tshwane University of Technology. Nicol, D. (1979). Alioune DIOP and the African renaissance. African Affairs, 78(310). Oxford Journals. N'ketia, J.H. (1976). The place of traditional music and dance in contemporary African society. The World of Music, 18(4). Schott Music GmbH & Co. KG. Pfukwa, C. (2008). Black September et al: Chimurenga songs as historical narratives in the Zimbabwean liberation war. MUZIKI: Journal of Music Research in Africa, 5(1), 30–61. Pongweni, A. J. C. (1982). Songs that won the liberation war. College Press. Ravenganai, S. 2016. Chimurenga liberation songs and dances as sites of struggle to counter Rhodesian discourse: A post-colonial perspective. Retrieved April 12, 2021, from https://www.researchgate.net/publication/298790019

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Robotham, D.  K and Kubik, G. 2016. African music. Encyclopedia Britannica. Retrieved November 10, 2020, from https://www.britannica.com/art/ African-­music Sibani, C.  M. (2018). Impact of Western culture on traditional African society: Problems and prospects. International Journal of Religion and Human Relations, 10(1). The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica. (2020). Fela Kuti. Encyclopædia britannica. Retrieved November 12, 2020, from https://www.britannica.com/biography/Fela-­Kuti Unaegbu, J. (2014). Fusion of African & Western cultures: Lessons from pioneering contributions of Igbo music educators. Western African Journal of Music Arts, 2(2). Vambe, M. T. (2000). The Post-Independence Development of Film in Zimbabwe. Retrieved from https://www.postcolonialweb.org › media › mabwaezara3 on 15/04/21. 28 Aug, 2003 Vambe, M.  T. (2002). Popular songs and social realities in post-Independence Zimbabwe. South and Southern African Literature, 23, 79–90. Vambe, M. T. (2004). Versions and sub-versions: Trends in chimurenga musical discourses of the post-Independence Zimbabwe. African Study Monographs, 25(4), 167–193.

Internet Sources en.wikipedia.org › wiki › Chimurenga_music https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stella_Chiweshe. www.pindula.co.zw › Oliver_Mtukudzi. en.wikipedia.org › wiki › Hugh_Masekela. en.wikipedia.org › wiki › Fela_Kuti. en.wikipedia.org › wiki › Miriam_Makeba.

CHAPTER 3

Rhythmic Signifying in Popular Venda Music Evans Ntshengedzeni Netshivhambe

Documented History About Venda Music John Blacking, one of the most acclaimed contributors to the development of African ethnomusicology and someone who exposed to traditional Venda music during his studies, advocated celebrating human musicality through his research of the Venda as a case study in his publications (1967, 1973, 1995) and many more. Particularly the book Venda Children’s Song published in 1967, which was the basis for his doctoral dissertation work (Merriam, 1969), is for which he is widely known in the ethnomusicology field. Twenty-seven years after this, Jaco Kruger became the second person to study the music of the Venda, building on Blacking’s work. Kruger arrived in Venda land in 1983 and started collecting data for his research, which was part of the work that led to his doctoral dissertation on Venda guitar music, which he obtained in 1993. He was welcomed by the Venda people, who were four years into their newly acquired independence from South Africa in 1979 (called Vhudilangi, meaning

E. N. Netshivhambe (*) Department of Music: School of Arts, University of Pretoria, Pretoria, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 A. Salawu, I. A. Fadipe (eds.), Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 1, Pop Music, Culture and Identity, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97884-6_3

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independence). Kruger studied the traditional music of the Venda, including Malende, Tshigombela and Tshikona. Twelve years after Kruger, Fraser G.  McNeill, an anthropologist whose research touches on the topic of popular Venda music with a special focus on the reggae genre, went to Venda in 1995 to do a research expedition on medical anthropology focusing on HIV/AIDS (McNeill, 2008). His research in Venda covered a longer duration of two decades compared to the two previous researchers mentioned above. McNeill’s research led to the completion of his doctoral thesis and other publications. Due to his close friendship with the Mukwevho family (a well-known musical family in Venda), his research also touches on some ethnomusicological topics covering the politics of reggae music (McNeill, 2012). After Blacking’s death in 1990, a conference was established and organised to commemorate his contribution to the ethnomusicology fraternity at large. In 2000, Kruger presented a paper at this conference titled ‘Tracks on the Mouse: Tonal Reinterpretation in Venda Guitar Songs’, which later became a chapter contribution in the book The Musical Human (published in 2006). His paper was presented at the Sixteenth Annual Meeting of the European Seminar for Ethnomusicology (ESEM). The book is a collection of several different papers presented at the 2000 conference, which included contributors’ experiences with Blacking’s work—some who were his students and others who were inspired by his work with the Venda. Kruger’s contribution revisited his memories and experiences of his own time with the Venda, which were largely based on the same research that formed the foundation of his doctoral dissertation. Kruger’s paper focuses on two strong cultural patterns used in popular Venda guitar music, which he refers to as bitonal shifts and structural resilience in music copied from traditional music in the chapter. He uses the bitonal shifts in muzika wa sialala (referring to popular Venda music that uses traditional elements) as a resignification of two tonal centres, which are derived from the Tshikona music Phala and Thakhula. He also uses the three-chord sequence from nyimbo, which is based on the ostinato pattern. Through music, Kruger shows an analysis of examples of Venda guitar musicians who refuse to follow the sequential pattern of the Western chord I-IV-V or tonic, subdominant and dominant of resolving music in the Western music convention or resolving chords. He explains that instead of following the Western conversion of resolving chords, Venda musicians following Phala and Thakhula (chord four and five separated by a tone) as tonal centres in the music. Kruger explains that the resilience is

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motivated by the characteristics socially engraved in people’s minds as a result of high levels of poverty, rejection, minority syndrome, nationalism and cultural symbolism. The pre-colonial divisions caused by the apartheid regime and suppression ideologies have become part of why most popular musicians use cultural identity and traditional symbolism to reconstruct their human dignity. This resilience does not want to conform to the influences brought by Western music styles.

The Development of South African Popular Music David Coplan (1985, 1998), another ethnomusicologist, spent much of his time documenting the experiences of popular musicians in South Africa, most of them migrants coming from rural communities to make ends meet in cities such as Johannesburg. Culturally or politically, the urban lifestyle influenced much of their musical identity, which tended to be, in one way or another, dependent on their surrounding circumstances. Coplan’s study symbolises the lifestyle and culture of township musical taste and its development. Venda people like many other cultures migrated to cities such as Johannesburg in search for jobs. Many left their homelands and their children and wives due to poverty (Dargie, 2013b). Established styles, such as muzika wa sialala, which developed in the Venda community from the commodification of cultural values, struggled for recognition in the city of Johannesburg. This is where most Venda musicians who were aspiring for better opportunities migrated. Kruger explains that ‘many muzika wa sialala guitarists are migrant labourers, and their songs express a shift towards urban-based cultural forms influenced by the mass media’ (2006, p. 49). These musicians faced a cultural conflict, which also influenced their survival as aspirant popular musicians symbolic to ‘make it’ in the urban cities. Kruger further indicates that ‘musika was sialala emerges as a symbolic system that produces enculturated patterns by way of resistance, while also resignifying them as cultural codes appropriate to social change’ (2006, p. 66). Had it not been their resistance to the emerging forces that were shaping the music industry, they would not have retained their cultural ethos in their popular music. It was in these circumstances that ‘muzika wa sialala retained the power of indigenous discourse in a metaphoric recasting of the social order’ (Kruger, 2006, p. 66). The dominant popular Venda music is mostly referred to as muzika wa sialala. This refers to contemporary music that has strong traditional

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roots. This differs from mitshino ya sialala, traditional dance music. However, muzika wa sialala is often associated with contemporary popular music, which uses traditional elements fused with Western instruments (see also Kruger, 2006, p. 43). The distinction exists between muzika and mitshino because in the pre-colonial Venda culture there was no word for popular music, as there was none in existence for music. This is similar to what Fumiko Fujita, in his chapter ‘Musicality in Early Childhood: A Case from Japan’ (in The Musical Human: Rethinking John Blacking’s Ethnomusicology in the Twenty-First Century), says regarding no equivalent English name for music in Japanese culture (see Fumiko Fujita, 2006, p. 87). Some scattered indigenous instrument players were referred to as Dzinambi (in plural) or Nambi (in singular form), because it is music that involves singing or vhalidzi vha zwilidzo, meaning specialists in indigenous instrument playing or players of instruments. The contributing factor was that traditional music known throughout the Venda land as mitshino— meaning dance—because it always contained an element of dancing. Kruger indicates that muzika wa sialala reveals social challenges experienced by both the older and the younger generations, due to pre and post-colonial experiences shared by older and younger musicians. He says that ‘the early colonial era in which older musicians grew up did not adequately prepare them for the demands of a changing environment, while persistent patterns of inadequate schooling, poverty and unemployment have also entrapped many younger musicians’ (2006, p. 45). Time continues to redefine the development of popular Venda music. According to Kruger, muzika wa siala has a strong sense of expressing ‘strong historical, spiritual and economic ties to the soil, celebrate[s] nature as a moral prototype, advocate[s for] historical forms of authority and kinship, and promote[s] time-honoured values that are aimed at supporting the poor, insecure and lonely’ (2006, p. 46). It is true that this type of popular music holds strong ties with people’s culture—their traditional, individualism and nationalism ideology. Four strong symbolic ideologies take centre stage when one talks about a particular culture and the pride of its heritage. These are language, music, food and traditional attire. Three of these symbols are present in the nationalism of promoting culture (music, language and attire). The popular music that aligns itself to cultural values would usually signify its harmonic, melodic and rhythmic texture to the tradition of its cultural dance repertoire. It will make strict use of the vernacular language as its medium of communication, aligning its phrasing and singing style to that of the culture. When musicians

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perform live, they often wear their traditional attire to symbolise pride in their culture while dancing in a traditional style along with their music. McNeill (2011) witnessed various male musicians that are referred to as Zwilombe due to their practice of surviving through performing for beer or cheap rewards from place to place (2011, p. 183). Many of Zwilombe musicians struggle to make it into the recording industry as they perform various music styles from traditional, muzika wa sialala and impromptu for entertainment and survival. Kruger uses the analogy of Tshikona, which he adopted from the analogy used by John Blacking (1983, p. 207), specifically of tonal shifts found in Tshikona music. He uses the first two tones as the centre of tonality, which provide tonal balance in the Tshikona music and muzika wa sialala. This is what Blacking refers to as bitonality, which is a musical structure centred on two tonal centres. Kruger’s reasoning is based on the first two tones that are considered important in the structure of Tshikona music. These are the Phala and Thakhula tones (see Kruger, 2006, p. 52). The rationale for the two tonal centres is that Phala is the opening pipe, which sets the tonal centre of any Tshikona music. Its tonal centre is counter balanced by Thakhula, which is derived from the word ‘takula’, which means to lift or pick up something. Thakhula is referred to as the centre of the music, because all other pipes in Tshikona use its tonal centre to play their respective part of call-and-response, as well as doubling significant parts. However, the very first tonal centre grounds the Tshikona performance, particularly in terms of starting and ending the music tonality, while the rest of the music is predominately centred on the Phala tonality. Kruger uses Blacking’s analogy to support his counterargument on the muzika wa sialala’s nyimbo style, which he says is characterised by ostinato harmonic pattern (see Kruger, 2006, p. 50). This analogy relates to the harmonic movement in popular Venda music, which (according to Kruger) borrows its foundation from Tshikona music. I posit that the rhythmic texture in much of popular Venda music (or muzika wa sialala) is derived from Malende music, as its referential basis.

Rhythmic Analysis from Popular Venda Music I will use examples in my analysis to demonstrate how popular Venda music signifies its cultural relevancy through rhythmic characteristics, which are derived from Malende music. The rhythmic feature is the basis and foundation with which melodic and harmonic elements are

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structured. The analysis by Kruger on popular Venda music links Western three-chord progression tonic, subdominant and dominant with the development of popular African music styles, such as Kwela, Mbaqanga and muzika wa sialala. Coplan (1985), Kruger (2006) and Ballantine (1989, p. 307 and 1999, p. 7) note the influence of American jazz in many of South Africa’s popular music styles, which used simple chord progressions, such as two or three chords (I-IV-V) predominantly. Kruger explains that muzika wa sialala maintains its bitonal shifts even though the music would have a third major chord between the two bitonal chords, which are symbolic of the Phala and Thakhula tones in Tshikona. The third chord which would be the root chord in the Western classical convention would be a decorative or passing church in muzika wa sialala. Kruger compares the Western diatonic scale and the Tshikona heptatonic scale. He explains that Tshikona uses its melodic tones to establish tonal centres, which are between two major chords, and are a tone apart. The Western diatonic scale comprises three major chords, namely tonic, subdominant and dominant, whereas in musiza wa sialala there are two important chords—subdominant and dominant, which are not centred on the tonic as the root, even if it is used. This means the tonic chord is not considered the root base, but rather a supporting or passing chord that increases melodic colouring in a bitonal music structure. Kruger explains that ‘… the harmonic interrelations in the Western three-chord progression are resignified to fit a bitonal shift’ in musiza wa sialala (see Kruger, 2006, p. 63). In Kruger’s investigation of the muzika wa sialala music, one can find earlier traces of Malende rhythmic signifiers, which can be found in the music of artists, such as Christopher Mukwevho. Mukwevho was a talented popular Venda musician of his time. Both his parents were indigenous instrument players; his father played Mbila and his mother played Lugube. He also learned how to play indigenous instruments, such as Dende, Tshihwana, Lugube, Marimba and Tshitiringo. He was also a player of an accordion, which he used in many of his songs. He was the leader of a group called Thrilling Artist. His famous album, Mukhada (release in 1981), changed the way popular Venda music developed. It was in this album that a song called Nemurangoni used the Malende rhythmic figure, and which subsequently became popular in muzika wa sialala. The song uses the Malende rhythmic motif, a motif that was fragmented and shared by four different instruments—the lead guitar, kick drum, accordion and the bass. It is a song that talks about how people celebrate Venda culture,

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with traditional dances, such as Malende. Mukwevho continued to use this rhythmic signification of Malende rhythm in his later albums. Although Mukhada was the song that became famous, the Nemurangoni track was a special song with strong ties to Malende traditional music. George Mugovhani (2016) explains the strong connections with tradition in contemporary popular music that musicians signify through the use of distinct elements that are found in music such as Tshigombela, Malende and Tshikona. What makes the Malende rhythmic figure unique and the foundational basis for all traditional Venda music is the composition of the lende rhythm. Lende is the singular form of Malende. The Malende rhythmic figure comprises two lende rhythms, which are energetic in nature when performed. The placement of the two lende rhythms determines the type of Malende rhythmic figure present. In the original and complete Malende rhythmic structure, there are only two lende rhythms. They can be positioned in different ways based on the permutation used from the original Malende rhythmic figures. Popular musicians use this complete Malende rhythmic figure in different and creative ways that may or may not resemble the original structure. Below is an example of a lende rhythmic figure on its own. The design of the lende rhythmic figure is intended to provide an energetic element to a performance. Not only does it provide rhythmic energy, but it also suggests ways of creating balance in the music. This rhythm is based on a two-unbalanced note duration that makes up a complete quarter-­note beat. The lende rhythmic pattern creates an anticipatory feel in the music, with the two unequal note lengths, which create a momentum of energy that demands the restoration of balance in the music. The cycle of life is based on balance, and so is nature and music. The unbalanced feel the lende rhythmic structure creates and generates anticipation for the ear, as it waits for the balance to be restored. There are many ways of restoring this musical balance with the lende rhythm, and different popular musicians have proposed endless solutions to this experiment. The easiest way of restoring balance in a Malende rhythmic figure is to have two lende rhythms. Some musicians choose to use one or more than two lende rhythms in a complete rhythmic figure of their own design, but still retain the structure of the complete Malende rhythmic figure. All three examples in Fig.  3.1 show different rhythmic energy shifts, with the emphasis on each pulse of the beat. The example shown above, with letter

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Fig. 3.1  Lende rhythmic structure—boxed note durations are a representation of a quarter-note beat length in the triplet group

Fig. 3.2  An example of a complete Malende rhythmic figure, with two lende rhythms—boxed notes are the representation of lende rhythms

C, overlaps over a beat because the first pulse is a rest. The example shown in Fig. 3.2 is a complete Malende rhythmic figure, with two lende rhythms. The complete original Malende rhythmic figure is derived from the cultural dance songs of Malende music. This music is the prototype from which much of Venda traditional music builds its different rhythmic structures, based on the purpose and use of the lende rhythm in the music (Netshivhambe, 2019). The complete rhythmic structure in Fig. 3.2 is best grouped in a 4/4 time signature. The rationale for this grouping is based on the traditional dance philosophy in Venda culture, of finding a balance between the rhythmic patterns or cycles performed on the left, as well as the right, foot. This is the structure of the original Malende rhythmic figure often featured in popular Venda music. However, musicians use their creativity to start the cycle in different places, with different permutations. The three quarter notes divided by the lende rhythms that are not boxed in Fig. 3.2 are an example of how the original rhythmic Malende structure should be organised, starting with one quarter note, followed by

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two between the lende rhythms. It represents a natural build-up of rhythmic momentum, which prepares the lende rhythm, while creating a body balance during dance. The Malende rhythmic figure creates an imbalance in dance steps between the left and right foot in a complete cycle. The starting foot will have four steps while the other will have three steps in one cycle. When the cycle ends, it automatically starts a new one on a different foot to create balance. Hand claps and dance steps usually play the Malende rhythmic figure during a Malende musical performance. This then means that the rhythmic figure in its original function plays a percussive role, but it is not melodic. Popular Venda musicians create melodies aligned to the Malende rhythmic figure, which are based on the structure of their songs, in order to have a unique melodic signifying signature in their music. The example below is an extract of the Malende rhythmic figure used in the song called Nemurangoni, from the aforementioned 1981 album Mukhada (by Christopher Mukwevho). He pioneered much of what is now known as popular Venda music, in terms of associating popular music with traditional music. Figure 3.3 is a demonstration of how musicians can be creative with the use of the Malende rhythmic figure in their popular music. Mukwevho did not use the original and traditional Malende rhythmic figure in his music. He swapped the two quarter notes used between the lende rhythms, by starting with the two quarter notes, followed by one. This also creates a reversed energy, which the musician would then use, based on his or her choice of placing the lende rhythms in the music. Occasionally, the choice of positioning the lende rhythms is based on the call-and-response pattern in the voice portion of the song and how the musician aligns particular words with the lende rhythms. The best way to understand the musician’s

Fig. 3.3  Malende rhythmic figure used in the song Nemurangoni by Christopher Mukwevho

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Fig. 3.4  Full score arrangement of the song Nemurangoni by Christopher Mukwevho—boxed musical notes represent where the lende rhythms have been used in the music

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choice of placing the lende rhythmic figures in the complete use of the Malende rhythm is to review the full score of Nemurangoni below. In the song in Fig. 3.4, the musician has lined up all the instruments to have the same rhythmic gesture through aligning them with the lende rhythm. This is called doubling the texture of the music, to emphasise the importance of the lende rhythm in music. The doubling feature creates a bigger textural sonority in the music. Additionally, Mukwevho uses the word lende in the lyrics to re-emphasise the importance of the lende rhythm in the music. The example below is from one of Mukwevho’s albums, which is based on the Malende rhythmic figure. The full score shows exactly how the musician has used all the instruments in the song, through doubling, to indicate the importance of the lende rhythm(s). The musician has also made a clear distinction in the drum section, by grouping the snare together with the high-hats, which are the areas the lende rhythms are not playing, but only assign the kick drum with the lende rhythms. This also emphasises the power of the lende rhythms, according to traditional music, which has a strong emphasis on the beating of traditional drums. This is very evident in the traditional performance of Malende, where the experienced drummers play the high pitch drum Murumba wa u tengela (the tone colouring drum) during the short melo-rhythms (see Nzewi, 1974, 2007a and b), but they play the deep tone when they play the lende rhythm’s long note. Varying melo-­ rhythmic colours on the drum is the optimal way to syncopate particular rhythms in the music. In this way, professional traditional drummers are able to isolate particular rhythmic colours through a melo-rhythmic variation. Malende drummers use this technique to signify the Malende rhythmic quality in the music. Another famous band, which succeeded in the signifying use of the Malende rhythmic figure, is called Adziambei band. It considers itself a muzika wa sialala band, through the way it borrows aspects of Malende music. The way Adziambei band uses Malende music as a blueprint for creating its own music. It is not alone in this, as other musicians adopt the same approach. However, the band has also pioneered its own unique manner of playing, which was later copied by other popular Venda musicians. One of Adziambei band’s songs that epitomises the use of the Malende rhythmic pattern in its original pattern is the song Vho-Nkhetheni from the album Vho-Nkhetheni (released in 1985). The song doubles the rhythmic motif between the drum pattern and the bass rhythm, which is also assigned a melody character (a deeper study of this will be provided in

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Fig. 3.5  An example of the complete Malende rhythmic figure used in the song Vho-Nkhetheni, from the Adziambei band

the analysis section for Figs. 3.5 and 3.6). Adziambei band continued to use various Malende rhythmic patterns to continue to promote traditional songs in popular Venda music. This is achieved either through using call-­ and-­response methods found in Malende music or by taking the entire Malende song structure, including its phrasing patterns, but changing the words to possess new meaning in the popular muzika wa sialala music. In fact, the band has been very influential in the development of many styles of muzika wa sialala, to the extent that musicians have become more creative when using the Malende rhythmic motif in their signifying styles. They would not use the whole rhythmic design in its entirety but use fragments and different permutations to suit their needs. The example above is an extract from one of the Adziambei band’s songs. This popular band used much of Malende music to signify Venda cultural elements in its music style. The example in Fig.  3.5 shows how Adziambei band used the exact original Malende rhythmic figure found in traditional Malende music. This is one of Adziambei band’s strategies to retain traditional elements in their music. The band identifies itself as one that plays muzika wa sialala and continues to advocate for the use of traditional elements, such as Malende in popular music. The majority of the band’s songs are symbolic of traditional Malende music, although performed in different ways. This is either with the Malende rhythmic figure, Malende call-and-response structure, bitonal harmonic centres or as direct a repurposing of Malende rhythms in popular music. Using the original Malende rhythmic figure, which means starting on the first beat used in traditional Malende music, presents an opportunity to repurpose originality of using traditional elements in popular Venda music. Adziambei band performs this trick exceptionally well, and this is one of the reasons the band’s popularity has grown

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Fig. 3.6  Complete score arrangement of the song called Vho-Nkhetheni by Adziambei band. The figures in the boxes are examples of how the lende rhythm has been used in the song

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progressively. The starting point is very important, as it determines how other instruments will be able to share the harmonic and textural positioning of the lende rhythms. The example in Fig.  306  is a complete score arrangement of the song Vho-Nkhetheni by Adziambei band, with all instruments used, showing how the band uses the Malende rhythmic motif. There is always a deliberate compositional design to aligning some words, particularly those that play a central role in the bitonality of the music through the lende rhythm(s). The bitonality in this music is on the chords Bb and C. This is where the lende rhythm becomes central in signifying the traditional features used in the song, such as bitonality, call-­ and-­response phrasing, the significance of ending of a phrase, as well as others. The lead voice creates a contrapuntal figure that fills in the sections where the Malende rhythmic figure is not active. To demonstrate a different use of the Malende rhythmic figure, two figures can be used in parallel motion, without creating conflicting textures. Using two permutations of Malende rhythmic figure relates to the functional intent of the song by the musician, such as specific alignments between instruments while juxtaposing the rhythmic figures or creating an interlocking texture in the music. The example below comes from a song called Makhotsimunene, by the artist Tshivhangwaho na Dzhatsha. The three instruments in Fig.  3.7 show how a contemporary band’s music can use different permutations of the Malende rhythmic figures to create an interlocking texture between different lende rhythms of the two figures, while assigning different functional roles in each rhythmic figure. Boxed figures A and C are identical in terms of rhythmic structure. However, the C-section that is played by the drum set creates another rhythmic contrast on the drum part alone. Figures A and B, played by both the marimba and bass guitar, have an interlocking rhythmic counterpoint. The Malende rhythmic figure used is not a representation of the original Malende rhythmic figure, even though the song is a copy of the original Malende traditional song in terms of the structure, harmony and call-and-response structure, as well as the words. The two contrasting rhythmic figures on the bass and marimba are also playing partially similar melodic textures with each other. The bass guitar has placed both lende rhythms far from each other and placed the three quarter notes together, next to one another, to create a more energetic feel when the lende rhythms are played after one another without a break. The complete full score arrangement shows how all the instruments used in the song coexist with one another (Fig. 3.8). This is an original traditional Malende song, which has circulated through traditional Venda performances for many years. The words in the

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Fig. 3.7  An example of a song called Makhotsimunene, meaning ‘younger brothers’, by Tshivhangwaho na Dzhatsha. The boxed figures represent lende rhythms in different positioning

song refer to themes that Blacking (1971) stated formed part of ‘beer songs’. It is songs such as these that are often to blame for the stigma of Malende songs being associated with this ‘beer music’. The words of the song below tell a story of a beer-drinking lifestyle. Makhotsimunene Younger brothers Aah hee hee haa kwengweledzani aah hee hee haa plead Makhotsimunene rine riya tuwa younger brothers we are going Aah hee hee haa kwengweledzani aah hee hee haa plead Halwa ndi halwa de vhu sa fhiwi vhanwe what kind of beer is not given to others Aah hee hee haa kwengweledzani aah hee hee haa plead Ri nga si zwi lindele rine riya tuwa  we won’t stand for this we are going Aah hee hee haa kwengweledzani aah hee hee haa plead Tshe ra dzula rine a ri fhiwi halwa we’ve been seating no one is giving us beer Aah hee hee haa kwengweledzani aah hee hee haa plead

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Fig. 3.8  A complete score arrangement of the song Makhotsimunene by Tshivhangwaho na Dzhatsha

A song such as Makhotsimunene brings excitement and energy to beer drinkers. The song is not only relevant in beer-drinking establishments, but it can be performed anywhere. In fact, it can be used politically, to pass on an indirect message of dissatisfaction or mistreatment, by using the word ‘beer’ as a figure of speech. The musician could have used the original Malende rhythmic motif in this song, as it is performed in an original Malende song. However, by starting from a different point, the musician is showing that provided one understands the concept of using the lende rhythms and the starting point, it is not a problem, because the lyrics are structured in such a way that they demonstrate a different aligning

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sequence with the Malende rhythmic figure. If the song had started on the third beat, it would then have started according to the original Malende rhythmic figure. Because the song has two responding figures in the voice, it makes more sense to align the Malende rhythmic figure with the response and not with the call. Had it aligned with the call, it would have started on the third beat of the song. In most cases, where musicians copy directly from Malende traditional music, the general practice is to change something such as the starting point of the rhythmic figure or the lyrics of the Malende song as a way of modernising it. This process would also give the musician leeway to create new meaning to the song. In cases where the words of the traditional Malende song are not changed, there would be certain omissions or alterations of the original words.

Conclusion Malende music is the core foundation of much of the music of the Venda people. This is related to its rhythmic prototype structure, which has a flexible design and endless permutations. It is able to synchronise itself well with other rhythmic points of intersection, on either the off or on beat juncture. Different popular musicians signify its cultural values to the people by using its particular rhythmic prototype, particularly in the muzika wa sialala. The rhythmic figure is not just a symbol of identity, but it is a signature for traditional Venda music. It gives dancers the best possible individualism in Malende music, without feeling uncoordinated with the music. The examples used from the selected popular Venda music show how musicians negotiate ways of finding their cultural identities through the inclusion of traditional elements in their popular music. They navigate through the most controversial terrains of traditional music to find their voices in the competitive popular music industry (an industry that is changing continuously). Venda is where the majority of their targeted audience resides, even though they are able to reach out to some audiences in the cities and other provinces where Venda people are scattered. The local South African Broadcasting Cooperation (SABC) radio station ‘Phalaphala FM’, dedicated to the Venda people, is their mouthpiece, together with other independent Venda broadcasting institutions. Many people who are not knowledgeable about the traditional ethos of the Venda people tend to neglect this music due to dominant popular musical influences. The older generation of popular Venda musicians seems to be holding on to this tradition, simultaneously passing it on to the younger generation still learning how to present traditional music in popular music.

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The above popular Venda musicians continue to find balance in using traditional elements in their music while combining Western instruments to move with the times. They have successfully balanced a commercial awareness of both the traditional and modern styles and created a musical taste that interests both the younger and older generations.

References Ballantine, C. (1989). A Brief History of South African Popular Music. Popular Music, 8(3), 305–310. Ballantine, C. (1999). Looking to the USA: The politics of male close-harmony song style in South Africa during the 1940s and 1950s. Popular Music, 18(1), 1–17. Blacking, J. (1967). Venda Children’s Songs: A Study in Ethnomusicological Analysis. Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press. Blacking, J. (1971). Deep and surface structures in Venda music. Yearbook of the International Folk Music Council, 3, 91–108. Blacking, J. (1973). How Musical Is Man? Seattle: University of Washington Press. Blacking, J. (1995). Music, culture, and experience. The University of Chicago Press. Coplan, D. B. (1985). 1985 in township tonight! South Africa’s Black City music and theatre. Ravan Press. Coplan, D. B. (1998). Popular music in South Africa. In R. M. Stone (Ed.), The Garland encyclopaedia of world music (pp. 759–780). Garland. Dargie, D. (2013a). Kavango music. African Music: Journal of the International Library of African Music, 9(3), [122]–150. Dargie, D. (2013b). Nank’ uDisemba: Songs of the Lumko District showing the difficult life of rural Xhosa unmarried women. Journal of the Musical Arts in Africa, 10(1), 1–32. Fujita, F. (2006). Musicality in early childhood: A case from Japan. In S. A. Reily (Ed.), The musical human: Rethinking John Blacking’s ethnomusicology in the twenty-first century (pp. 87–106). Ashgate Publishing. Kruger, J. (1993). A cultural analysis of Venda guitar songs. Unpublished PhD thesis. Rhodes University. Kruger, J. (2006). Tracks of the mouse: Tonal reinterpretation in Venda guitar songs. In S.  A. Reily (Ed.), The musical human: Rethinking John Blacking’s ethnomusicology in the twenty-first century (pp. 87–1006). Ashgate Publishing. McNeill, F.  G., & James, D. (2008). Singing songs of AIDS in Venda, South Africa: Performance, pollution and ethnomusicology in a ‘neo-Liberal’ setting. South African Music Studies, 28, 1–30. McNeill, F. G. (2011). AIDS, politics, and music in South Africa. AIDS, Politics, and Music in South Africa., 1–278. ­https://doi.org/10.1017/CBO9780511842580

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McNeill, F. G. (2012). Making music, making money: Informal musical production and performance in Venda, South Africa. Africa, 82, 93–110. https://doi. org/10.1017/S000197201100074X Merriam, A. (1969). American anthropologist. 71(5), new series, 935–937. Retrieved January 22, 2021, from http://www.jstor.org/stable/670093 Mugovhani, N.  G. (2016). Emerging trends from indigenous music and dance practices: A glimpse into contemporary Malende and Tshigombela. Southern African Journal for Folklore Studies, 25(3). https://doi.org/10.25159/ 1016-­8427/713 Netshivhambe, Evans. 2019. ‘The crafting of Malende rhythmic motifs in indigenous Venda music with specific reference to Tshigombela and Tshikona dances  – A fieldwork-based composition research enquiry.’ Ph.D. diss,. University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg. Nzewi, M. (1974). Melo-rhythmic essence and hot rhythm in Nigerian folk music. The Black Perspective in Music, 2(1), 23–28. Nzewi, M. (2007a). Learning the musical arts in contemporary Africa. In Informed by indigenous knowledge systems (Vol. 1). CIIMDA Publishing. Nzewi, M. (2007b). Learning the musical arts in contemporary Africa. In Informed by indigenous knowledge systems (Vol. 2). CIIMDA Publishing.

CHAPTER 4

Baansi ni Yila: A Critical History of the Music Industry in Northern Ghana Mohammed Sheriff Yamusah and Wunpini Fatimata Mohammed

Introduction The advent of the internet has facilitated globalization and the flow of culture across continents of the world. This flow of culture is not apolitical as cultural flows are largely determined by a host of factors such as the positioning of a nation or culture in global geopolitics, their economic strengths, their influence in world matters among other things. As such American popular culture has dominated conversations on cultural flows for quite some time now raising valid questions about cultural and media imperialism (Thussu, 2010). The dominance of certain cultures in entertainment media means that some cultures are pushed to the periphery in M. S. Yamusah University for Development Studies, Tamale, Ghana W. F. Mohammed (*) College of Journalism & Mass Communication, University of Georgia, Athens, Georgia e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 A. Salawu, I. A. Fadipe (eds.), Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 1, Pop Music, Culture and Identity, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97884-6_4

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conversations about global media production, distribution, and consumption. Similarly, in some national contexts such as Ghana, certain cultures dominate popular culture and others are pushed to the periphery. Southern Ghana’s Akan culture dominates much of the popular culture space, especially in music. Much of the music produced in the hiplife, highlife, and even hip-hop genres focus on Akan language and culture. For a long time, media produced by marginalized ethnic groups in Northern Ghana like the Dagbamba, Gonja, Waale and Gurunsi were pushed to the periphery due to several factors some of which include the systematic exclusion of Northern cultures from mainstream Ghanaian society and media mostly based in Accra (Mohammed, 2019b). This exclusion does not mean that media in the form of film, music, radio and TV content is not produced in these marginalized communities to address the needs of audiences and provide spaces for cultural affirmation and identity (re)negotiation (Mohammed, 2019a). Despite marginalization in mainstream media spaces, Northern Ghanaian artistes have continued to produce content to sustain these peripheral industries in these regional contexts. In the face of limited access to technology and financial support, musicians in the Northern Region have continued to hone their art and produce music that touch on social, political, economic, and cultural themes. In recent times, there has been some attention on Northern Ghanaian culture industries with key historical milestones such as the Northern Region representative, Nasara winning the Ghana’s Most Beautiful pageant show in 2009; Leonard Kubaloe’s 2016 seasonal movie Pieli (Mohammed, 2020) screening in Accra; Fancy Gadam winning Best New Artiste at the Ghana Music Awards in 2017 (Mohammed, 2018); and Optional King winning TV3’s Mentor Reloaded music show in February 2020 (Sanatu Zambang, 2020) among others. In this study, we examine the complexities of music production and its inter-relationship with social and cultural issues in the Northern Region. We argue therefore that the contemporary Northern Ghanaian music industry was born and grew out of contextual factors such as using music for social change, the desire for cultural affirmation, and the potential music presented to construct and (re)negotiate Northern ethnic identities. In this chapter, we use “artistes” in reference to people who work in the performing arts like musicians, actors, and dancers, and “artists” when we discuss people who work in the visual and fine arts like painters, sculptors, carvers, and cartoonists. Also, throughout the chapter, we use ­Dagbanli

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to discuss the language that dominates the music industry, Dagbaŋ to discuss the culture, and Dagbamba to reference the people of this community, instead of Dagbani, Dagbon, and Dagomba respectively as an act of decolonization. In this project, we use the correct spelling of these words to not only challenge the colonial spelling but truly represent how these words are used by Dagbamba in the Northern Region.

The History of Global Music The structure of the global music industry as we know it today goes back to the twentieth century. This is in reference to the companies and individuals who make money from creating and selling music. They include musicians who compose and perform music, music producers, music publishers, recording studios, sound engineers, record labels, performance rights organizations, distributors and retailers, booking agents, promoters, music venues, road crews, artiste managers, entertainment lawyers, TV and radio stations, music educators, journalists, musical instrument manufacturers, and so on. Perhaps it was a big revolution when the world first developed its earliest form of writing and recording music. The first author’s Belgian friend, Dominik Phyfferoen, in an informal discussion with the first author mentioned, on the current global crisis in the music industry, that he was very confident musicians would survive, because it was not the first time the industry suffered and survived such crises. He said that when composers first discovered the art of transcribing music on sheet in Europe, their benevolent aristocrats did not need to keep them in the courts anymore. All they (the aristocrats) needed to keep were the transcribed sheets of music and hired any musician of their choice to play occasionally. That when the first technology of sound/music recording was discovered (records and then reel/magnetic tape), the broadcasters did not need to keep even the musicians anymore. They only recorded a session and played it repeatedly, but musicians found a way to survive even that. In the past few decades, with digital recording, distribution, and the internet, people just share the music free of charge. Yet again, musicians will find a way to survive this. One cannot help but agree with Phyfferoen especially knowing that music has always been and will continue to be with humanity. We will always find a way to adapt it to our new and modern circumstances. According to Dave Laing (2009, p. 15), of the International Federation of the Phonographic Industry (IFPI) (the NGO that represents the

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interests of record companies), the value of the wider music economy in 2005 was a hundred billion US dollars. Although some consider this figure, a “maximalist” assessment of the industry, at least it gives a clue as to the value of the music industry the world over as per rough estimates.

Globalizing African Music Africa (specifically Ghana) has played its due role in global music industry development. It has served as a surplus market to the global industry, but it has also contributed in other significant ways to the development of the global music industry. The African continent has heavily influenced the development of pop music. For example, pop music generally draws heavily on the dance music idioms of African Americans. In modern times, the African continent still affects the global music industry, via its creative assimilation of supposed foreign values into local African styles and circumstances and echoing them back to the rest of the world as Afro-pop, afrobeats, and world music. Today, African popular music is clearly a global phenomenon, consumed globally as “world music” (Impey, 2000, p. 116). In this Afro-pop sector of world music, West Africa has produced great artistes like Youssou N’Dour (Senegal), Salif Keita (Mali), Mory Kante (Guinea), and many others. Ghana on its part has contributed its ever popular and enduring highlife genre to the annals of world music. In the last decade, Nigeria, South Africa, and Ghana have dominated the export of African music across the globe. As of 2020, “afrobeats” has been the rave especially in Black diasporic communities in the Global North. In Beyonce’s musical film and visual album, Black Is King, which was released in July 2020, she widely collaborated with African artistes like Nigeria’s Yemi Alade, Wizkid, and Tiwa Savage; South Africa’s Busiswa Gqulu; and Ghana’s Shatta Wale (Mulenga, 2020). Despite the growth in collaborations between African artistes and artistes in the Global North, there seems to be a hyper focus on forging relationships with artistes in anglophone Africa while ignoring most of francophone, lusophone, and hispanophone Africa. This phenomenon also points to the importance of an artiste already having some global presence since artistes who have not yet attained national fame and have been holding down regional music industries are widely left out of these collaborative projects.

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Music in Ghana Music is an integral part of the Dagbamba traditions and culture. In the Dagbaŋ royal courts, musicians play special roles as in most kingdoms of Africa both ancient and contemporary. According to Stone (2005), this is a tradition that existed in Africa since the ancient kingdoms that emerged in Africa south of the Sahara between A.D. 700 and 1900, including the ancient Ghana, Mali, and Songhai empires. She writes, “Typical of these kingdoms were large retinues of royal musicians who enhanced state occasions and provided musical commentary on events” (Stone, 2000, p. 5). Stone (2005) also writes that it is very difficult to find in all West African languages any word that is equivalent to the Western idea of “music”, since music, dance, and even drama bind very closely in West Africa. This tradition continues even today. Chernoff (2012, p.  1) writes, “In their traditional state, music and dance play an important role in bringing historical meaning down to the level of participatory social action”. The first instance of inter-continental export of music between the two continents, Africa and America, began around the fifteenth century. It was through the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade. The enslaved Africans traveled with their traditional music and found very creative and enduring ways of retaining them through the centuries (Peretti, 2009) and later influencing the evolution of various forms of music from jazz, blues to calypso and reggae. After the abolition of the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade in the nineteenth century and the repatriation of some freed slaves to West Africa (Ralston, 1969), these newly evolved forms of music from the Americas, eventually hit the African continent, influencing the neo-traditional and contemporary art forms, especially music that emerged on the African continent. There were also some key influences from Europe through the colonial administration and Christian missionaries. These two collaborated and eventually took a full grip of the then Gold Coast after the abolition of the slave trade. The experiences of some West African people with the military bands of their colonizers in the World War II era and the orchestrated propagation of such music by Europeans made its own impact on Ghanaian contemporary music (Collins, 2006). “The colonial rulers and white missionaries wanted to turn Ghanaians into punctual, disciplined and ‘civilized’ workers for the new colonial economy and utilized music to help do this: particularly the martial music of regimental bands, refined classical orchestral concerts, ‘highbrow’ theatre and Christian hymns and anthems

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to counteract ‘pagan’ drumming and dancing. Ironically, these imported styles were subsequently initially utilized by coastal, Ghanaians to create their own acculturated or trans-cultural styles of music, dance and drama such as highlife and a local popular theatre known as the concert party” (Collins, 2006, p. 172).

Northern Ghanaian Music Prior to the feedback from the Americas and the European orchestrations were influences from Islam, especially from the Sufi brands of Islam. According to a Congressional Research Service (CRS) report by Hussein D.  Hassan (2008) for the United States Congress, Islam had reached Africa by the seventh century. This was when the Prophet Mohammed (PBUH1) sent a group of migrant Muslims to Abyssinia (Ethiopia) to escape persecution from Mecca. This became the first Hijrah (Muslim migration). “Africa became the first safe haven for Muslims and the first place Islam would be practiced outside the Arabian Peninsula” (Hassan, 2008, p. 1). “During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the consolidation of Muslim trading networks, connected by lineage, trade, and Sufi brotherhoods had reached a crescendo in West Africa enabling Muslims to wield tremendous political influence and power” (Hassan, 2008, p. 2). These influences eventually got to the north of contemporary Ghana via the south-Saharan trade routes and ethnic migrations and in association with Wangara and Hausa clerics at various points in time (Ibrahim, 2002, pp. 7–8). Per the accounts of traditional historians of Dagbaŋ (the Lunsi; griots), Islam was later adopted as a state religion in Dagbaŋ by Naa Zanjina (1648–1677). He traveled out of Dagbaŋ, before ascending the throne, on trade and study expeditions. These expeditions took him to Senegal and other areas. After his amassing of wealth and knowledge of Islam, he returned with a group of Islamic scholarly friends to Dagbaŋ, whom, on his ascension to the throne he integrated into the state by making them chiefs over some of his villages in Dagbaŋ. Hence, today, the influences of Islam still predominate in the traditions and culture (including but not limited to music) of Dagbaŋ. Naa Zanjina brought many dramatic changes to the Dagbaŋ state. This includes his amendment of the 1  PBUH (Peace be upon him): a highly recommended (if not obligatory) salutation for Muslims at the mention of the Prophet Mohammed.

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constitution to limit the eligibility to the Yani (kingship of the Dagbaŋ traditional state) skin. “The amendment limited the eligibility to the skins of Yani to those Yanabihi (sons of a Yaa-Naa/King of Dagbon who qualify to aspire to the skin) occupying the ‘gate skins’ of Karaga, Savelugu and Mion” (Dagbon.net, 2006). Sakyi (2006) described the 1960s and 1970s as the “Golden Era” of Ghanaian music, but that golden era in his terms only applied to the music of Accra. Although Accra based bands toured the whole country with their music in those times, Northern Ghana particularly was only a consumer of the contemporary music in that era. To understand contemporary Northern Ghanaian music, Dominik Phyfferoen surveyed a section of the population of Tamale and some Senior High School students. He confirmed the prevailing presence of creative music talents in and around Tamale (Phyfferoen, 2012). He also acknowledges the influence of the extension of electricity from the national grid to Tamale in 1989, and the related technological influx it brought with it to Tamale (Phyfferoen, 2012). The connection of Tamale to the national electricity grid broadened the access of artistes and related actors to so much technology in a relatively short period. The first recording studio, “Depsocom”, came up during that period. Government extended the coverage of the national television broadcast and FM radio to Tamale a few years later, triggering an influx of private radio stations (Mohammed, 2019b). Phyfferoen (2012) makes an interesting note of the fact of transformations in the pop culture, and the central role of musicians in that regard, and the transition of traditional music and dances into modern urban pop music and pop culture generally, through the influences of Afro-American and Western-inspired idioms, as noted earlier from Collins (2002). He emphasized the presence of this new “Hybrid Pop Identity” and tried to examine the consciousness of the actors themselves in fashioning this new identity. Hence, the thrust of Phyfferoen’s (2012) observations is the fact of the existence of a self-authenticated “Hybrid Identity” by musicians themselves, fighting to bring along their traditional identity on their ever-­ modernizing artistic journey. As fledgling as the popular music industry is in Tamale, not very much academic research exists on it yet. Among the few notable writers on music of the Northern Region of Ghana that easily come to mind are Chernoff (2012), DjeDje (2000), Locke (1990), Phyfferoen (2012), and a number of relatively young and up-coming scholars both native and non-native to the region. However, it is very easily noticeable that most of the writers,

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except Phyfferoen and Collins, are more interested in the traditional music of the region rather than the young contemporary popular music.

Theoretical Framework According to Herbert Blumer (1969), the roots of symbolic interactionism lie in the work of early 1900s sociologists, social psychologists, and philosophers who emphasized studying culture through human consciousness and action rather than material phenomenon. According to Barkan (2012), symbolic interactionists believe that “people do not merely learn the roles that society has set out for them; instead, they construct these roles as they interact. As they interact, they negotiate their definitions of the situations in which they find themselves and socially construct the reality of these situations. In doing so, they rely heavily on symbols such as words and gestures to reach a shared understanding of their interaction” (Barkan, 2012, p. 22). While this study is heavily guided by symbolic interactionism, we bring social identity theory sensibilities to the analysis to enable us to unpack how identity is situated in the music industry. Therefore, we examine the ways in which individual artistes’ art is shaped by their identities and relationship to the society in which they find themselves. Thus, the contemporary popular music industry in Tamale today evolves out of the conscious enterprises of individual artistes. Their upbringing and engagements with the cultural environment around them inform their judgment. Nevertheless, they form their peculiar belief systems, which inform their ultimate goals, and they set out their own strategies to achieve those goals. These artistes believe that their destinies are in their own hands. They experiment in their individual musical contexts, including new musical forms and technologies, old religious and cultural practices, and the changing socio-political values around them. They learn lessons from every musical enterprise and engagement they make, and they apply those lessons to subsequent engagements. Thus, from the symbolic interactionists’ view, these individual artistes actively make themselves. The contemporary pop artistes actively select elements from the Dagbanli language and Dagbamba culture, elements like proverbs and wise sayings, rhythmic and melodic patterns, and values and logical analogies. They blend these traditional elements with modern and global musical patterns and instruments, producing their own music for their contemporary cultural setting.

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Methodological Framework We employed the ethnomusicological paradigm of ethnography to collect data for the study. This qualitative approach describes “how people create, perform, and critique music in societies around the world, including our own” (Stone, 2008, p. 4). The principal investigator who collected data for the study is a contemporary popular artiste in Tamale with almost 20 years of working experience in the area. He conducted interviews with stakeholders of the music industry in Tamale. The interviews were conducted in Dagbanli, the dominant language of the Northern Region and the language in which most artistes performed. Interviews were limited specifically to composers who have published works, who are based in the Northern Region. At the time of data collection in 2013, two new regions had not yet been created out of the Northern Region. Composers were sampled from Tamale, Yendi, Bimbilla, Gushegu, and Walewale. From the Northern Region records of the defunct Copyright Society of Ghana (COSGA), now Ghana Music Rights Organization (GHAMRO), as of July 2013, 80 active composers had registered with the organization as having published their music albums in the region, while a number of composers were yet to complete their registrations. To sample artistes for the study, the principal investigator relied on the register of the Ghana Music Rights Organization since that was closer to the true population of active published composers in the Northern Region. However, the principal investigator decided to add approximately 50% extra to the population of the GHAMRO register to form the actual working population of 120 active published composers in the Northern Region since not all artistes at the time were registered with GHAMRO. Overall, 31 active published composers from the Northern Region were interviewed for the study. Data for the study was collected between April and June in 2013. The interviews were then transcribed and systematically/ thematically analyzed to parse out the findings of the study.

Research Questions . What is the history of (contemporary) music in Northern Ghana? 1 2. What inspires the work of Northern Ghanaian contemporary musicians?

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3. What cultural influences shape music writing and composition in Northern Ghana?

Findings Music for Social Change In a 1993 documentary by Nicholas Campbell on the life and music of Peter Tosh entitled Stepping Razor—Red X, one of the stars, Leroy Sibbles, made a very important statement that “…the only thing we have in the ghetto that’s for everyone is the inspiration of the almighty God”, and he wonders if ghettos are like that everywhere. Tamale is certainly not anything like the Jamaican ghetto shown in that film. However, interestingly after interviewing the respondents for this study, it emerges that Tamale, just like the Kingston slums, has its fair share of inspiration coming from one’s belief in God. Whereas some of the artistes in Tamale obtain their inspiration from their own life experiences, others obtain theirs from learning about other people’s encounters. These inspiring experiences most often have nothing to do with music initially. They are mostly about social, political, economic, and cultural issues or religious matters. For example, Prince Okla said he first considers an issue in its socio-cultural context to be sure that the public would like the song. He then settles on it as a theme and begins to write his lyrics. However, there are other forms of inspiration, which are musical right from the onset. For example, Deensi mentioned that they are sometimes inspired from listening to the chord progressions and rhythmic patterns of other people’s songs, so they try to create something similar. When asked what they sing about and what they seek to achieve with their songs, there emerged from their answers that, whereas some of them only just seek to entertain their audience by reflecting on the contemporary happenings in society, others are seeking to lead opinions on critical social issues by criticizing the status quo and suggesting alternatives. Artistes like Sheriff Ghale, Abu Sadiq, and a few others argue that they must identify and challenge societal irregularities and suggest solutions as demonstrated by Ghale in his song “Sochira” and by Abu Sadiq in “Azindoo”. Other artistes like Umar Janda, Original Shoe-shine-boy, and B-Motion believe that entertaining the people is the most important thing.

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Apart from the two kinds of inspirational genesis of songs noted above, there have been times when people contracted artistes to compose for purposes defined by those commissioning them. For example, Sheriff Ghale composed the University for Development Studies’ (UDS) anthem 2011. He also made a couple of songs and radio jingles for the Ghana Guinea Worm Eradication Program between 2005 and 2006. Deensi on their part signed a contract and produced a song for the Ghana Road Safety Campaign in 2010. There have been numerous peace songs recorded by both solo artistes and groups over the years. These peace songs reached their peak in 2003, beginning from around the 1994 Konkomba-Nanumba ethnic conflict that broke out in late 1993. Within a few weeks, the conflict grew into a full-blown war, spreading even into Mamprusi and Dagbamba territories. The spread was perhaps due to the blood ties among the Mamprusi, Dagbamba, and Nanumba. The founders of these three groups were all sons of Naa Gbewaa, the founder of the larger Mole-Dagbamba group, who led their migration to present-day Ghana (Mahama, 2014). It also turned out that the Konkomba had long been demanding their own chieftaincy system and land-related autonomy from the Dagbamba who ruled over them for centuries. Musicians also became involved when the Yendi crisis broke out in 2002 between the Abudu and Andani royal gates of the Dagbaŋ chieftaincy. A group of Tamale artistes, Sirina Issah, Sheriff Ghale, Black Stone (Flex and Kawawa), KKC (Big Adam and Lil Malik), and Lord Wumpini came together in 2003 to form a group called the “7 in 1 for Peace”. They recorded a peace song entitled “Nangban’yini (Unity)”. In this song, they preached the need for peace and unity to the feuding sides in the conflict. The group recorded additional songs to make a full album, launching what they termed their peace campaign project. The timing of this project was very significant to the people of Dagbaŋ. Politicians, chiefs, and ordinary people were still too divided and angry to talk peace at that time, but artistes from the opposing Dagbaŋ gates had shown that peace and unity through dialogue was the way forward. The philosophy of these musicians which focuses on using music for social good aligns with Melkote and Steeves’ (2015) work on the importance of utilizing communication for social change and development. As discussed, time and time again, Northern musicians have used their platforms to drive development and social change by participating in educational campaigns. More recently in 2020, artistes like Fancy Gadam (2020)

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released a song, “Corona”, to provide education on COVID-19  in Dagbanli where education by state agencies in indigenous languages were inadequate. The Making of Musical Griots Griot culture is vibrant in Northern Ghana and among Dagbamba; they are the custodians of culture and thus transmit histories from generation to generation (Mohammed, 2019b). This culture can be observed in the creative process of some musicians who are not literate and therefore do not write out their lyrics in English or Dagbanli. Therefore, we coin the term musical griot to name the complexity of the process that these musicians go through in “writing” and composing their music. This term builds and expands on the notion of the journalistic griot coined by Mohammed (2019b) to discuss the way that Dagbanli language journalists in the Northern Region draw extensively on orality and indigenous epistemologies in news production and presentation. It is imperative to note that indigenous African epistemologies hold tremendous potential in decolonizing media on the continent (Mohammed, 2021). Here, the musical griot who is not literate writes and composes music in their mind and takes advantage of the affordances of new media technologies to facilitate their writing and composition process. One musician, Kassim Gazor, shares his creative process in an interview with the principal investigator in 2013: “I have not been to school. I cannot read and write, so I write my songs in my mind.” Kassim is one of the pioneering contemporary music artistes in Tamale. He said that he normally starts a song by creating a chorus after settling on a theme. He creates the words in his head and the words dictate the melody and rhythmic pattern for him. Hence, the inspiration is the first point of call, which he obtains by sitting and talking to his peers about various topical issues. Inspiration can wake him from sleep at night or come to him while he is running his daily errands. During interviews, Gazor said that he owed many appreciations to the inventors of mobile phone technology. Since he has not been to school and so cannot transcribe music, he prefers a mobile phone with a voice recorder app. He always carries that on him and records whatever words, rhythm, or melody that come to mind. He later listens to the recordings and then develops it further. He establishes the central melodic line, the chorus, and finds

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words to fill his melodies. The final shape and arrangement of his work however only takes place after the beat programming in the studio. Ultimately, musicians take advantage of the facilities available to them to work through writing and composing their work. For those who are not literate, the process may take place mentally which means that they have to have a very sharp memory to be able to write and compose the music in their minds before documenting it in an audio recording on the phone and then translating it into a finished product in the studio. This process of creative production is similar to the creative process of Dagbanli film actors, many of whom are illiterate and who are required to have a high level of linguistic proficiency in order to bring the characters they play to life drawing on their lived experiences and social observations (Mohammed, 2019a). Cultural Influences on Northern Ghanaian Music Sheriff Ghale in contrast to Kassim Gazor in terms of his level of schooling and music education still records short melodic lines on mobile phones. Both of them had their first experiences of public performance of music in childhood Islamic schools. The Islamic schools in Tamale are known to celebrate the annual festival of “Maulud or Maulid”, marking the birth of the Prophet Mohammed (PBUH). During this festival, the teachers prepare their students on some hadiths of the Prophet (PBUH), and songs about the Prophet (PBUH). The students perform on the final day of the festival to an open audience. Both Ghale and Gazor also recorded their debut albums from the Depsocom Studios in Tamale, produced by Nana Gazor. Unlike Kassim, however, Ghale starts most of his songs on the guitar, sometimes even without words, just a couple of chord progressions and some melodies. He is also able to transcribe some of his songs on paper or on the “Finale” computer music writing software, right from the initial stage of composition. The music and film scene in Tamale has been tremendously influenced by the annual Maulid festivals. Mohammed (2019a) finds that one of the pioneering filmmakers and actors in the Dagbanli film industry, Hamidu Fuseini, popularly known as Nba Gomda had some of his earliest taste of acting at a Maulid festival and went on to mentor and nurture a new generation of actors and filmmakers. Sheriff Ghale, one of Northern Ghana’s biggest artistes, studied at the University of Education, Winneba, and the University of Ghana. Although he started out just like most of the artistes in Tamale (getting his first

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music education from observation and self-tutored practice), he eventually went back to correct what he felt was wrong in the way he started. Ghale enrolled in the university to study music, but even before that, he enrolled for guitar lessons from the popular blind musician, Prince Mahama. Prince Mahama is one of the earliest contemporary pop instrumentalists/musicians from Tamale. Ghale decided to learn the guitar after he met Rex Omar, the Ghanaian highlife star who had come to play at a peace concert in Tamale with his group, the NAKOREX, sometime around June 1995. Rex advised Ghale to learn an instrument if he was serious about being a musician, and he heeded that advice. Ahmed Adam on the other hand said, “I get my songs when I’m writing a movie script, because my movies set the basis for my music”. Ahmed is famous for popularizing a musical sub-genre in Tamale, the Indian Style/Line. This is a style of music which is heavily influenced by Indian (Bollywood) musicals (Mohammed, 2019a). In the middle of the 1990s, both rhythms and melodies from some of Ahmed’s music were direct replicas of particular Bollywood songs. The only difference was in the language and perhaps the production quality. Some artistes including Memunatu Lardi, Alfa Tuferu, and Sherifatu Issah all took to the Indian line. They sometimes just produced Dagbanli covers/versions of some popular Bollywood songs. Ahmed Adam said that his love for the Indian style evolved out of his love for Bollywood movies. He said that he only does music because his movies require it. Hence, he situates the production and appreciation of his music in the context of his movies. In recent times, however, he (Ahmed) and some other artistes like Lardi and Tuferu have learned to evolve further. They are now quite independent of the direct Bollywood influence. Now they create their own melodies and rhythms although still in the Indian style. At the end of the interviews for this study, a number of things came clear. Some musicians occasionally record Dagbanli covers of popular songs from outside the region. Some of the much younger Hiplife artistes of Tamale like Lil-K, Deensi, Don Sigli, Fancy Gadam, Maccasio and Lord Destro also engage in producing mixtapes. By this, they employ the internet in searching for and downloading popular instrumentals, and they perform and rewrite their own lyrics over those instrumentals. Generally, the Tamale artistes who have learned lyric writing by assimilation have done this by studying some famous international songs. As a result, they are able to write their own lyrics in their own language and context. In this, they blend elements of their cultural/traditional music

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like call and response, repetition, and complex rhythmic patterns, with some foreign ones such as the poetic rhymes of American rap and harmonies of Western music.

Conclusion In this study, we examined the history of contemporary music in the Northern Region of Ghana highlighting the way that musicians are influenced in their creative process. Although many musicians focus on how their music is relevant to social, cultural, and political discourses in their communities, others are interested in producing music that is solely entertaining. We also found Islamic religious influences in music production. While this is mostly a regional music industry, there is documented evidence of Bollywood influences in specific music genres. Despite efforts to sustain the music industry through staying up to date with current trends and various innovative marketing and distribution strategies, the main challenge in the Tamale music industry remains little investment support, inadequate financial backing, and limited access to the most current technology to support music production, distribution, and consumption.

References Barkan, S. E. (2012, December 29). A primer on social problems. Retrieved October 8, 2015, from http://2012books.lardbucket.org/pdfs/a-primer-on-socialproblems.pdf Blumer, H. (1969). Symbolic interactionism; perspective and method. Prentice-Hall. Campbell, N. (Director). (1993). Peter Tosh: Stepping Razor—Red X [Motion Picture]. Chernoff, J. M. (2012, January 25). Essays and other publications: Music and historical consciousness among the Dagbamba of Ghana. Retrieved February 19, 2013, from http://www.johnchernoff.com/assets/Music%20and%20 Historical%20Consciousness%20among%20the%20Dagbamba.pdf Collins, J.  E. (2002, March). African popular music: A historical review of Sub-­ Saharan Africa. Accra. www.aatpm.com Collins, J. E. (2006). One hundred years of censorship in Ghanaian popular music performance. In M. Drewett & M. Cloonan (Eds.), Popular music censorship in Africa (pp. 171–186). Ashgate Publishing Company. Dagbon.net. (2006, January). Abridged history of Dagbon. Retrieved November 2012, from http://www.dagbon.net/history.php

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DjeDje, J. C. (2000). West Africa: An introduction. In I. R. M. Stone (Ed.), The Garland handbook of African music (pp. 140–168). Garland Publishing, Inc. Fancy Gadam [Fancy Gadam]. (2020, March 19). Corona. [Audio]. YouTube. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2wPMlIwWcKQ Hassan, H. D. (2008, May 9). CRS report for Congress: Islam in Africa. Retrieved February 5, 2013, from http://www.fas.org/sgp/crs/row/RS22873.pdf Ibrahim, M.  S. (2002). The Tijaniyya order in Tamale, Ghana: Its foundation, organization and role. Institute of Islamic Studies, McGill University. Impey, A. (2000). Popular music in Africa. In I. R. M. Stone (Ed.), The Garland handbook of African music (pp. 113–136). Garland Publishing, Inc. Laing, D. (2009). World music and the global music industry: Flows, corporations and networks. Retrieved February 28, 2013, from http://www.helsinki.fi/ collegium/e-­series/volumes/volume_6/006_03_Laing.pdf Locke, D. (1990). Drum Damba: Talking drum lessons (Performance in World Music Series No. 2). White Cliffs Media Co. Mahama, I. (2014). History and traditions of Dagbon. GILLBT Press. Melkote, S. R., & Steeves, H. L. (2015). Communication for development: Theory and practice for empowerment and social justice (3rd ed.). SAGE. Mohammed, W.  F. (2018, January 10). 10 Northern Ghanaian musicians you should listen to. Okay Africa. https://www.okayafrica.com/ghana-­ northern-­music-­10-­listen/ Mohammed, W.  F. (2019a). Dagbanli films: A political economic analysis of the convergence of orality and film in Northern Ghana [Doctoral dissertation, the Pennsylvania State University]. Penn State University Libraries. Mohammed, W.  F. (2019b). Journalistic griots: The marginalization of indigenous language news and oral epistemologies in Ghana. Radio Journal, 17(2), 235–252. https://doi.org/10.1386/rjao_00007_1 Mohammed, W. F. (2020, June 15). Representing Northern Ghana. Africasacountry. https://africasacountry.com/2020/06/representing-­northern-­ghana Mohammed, W. F. (2021). Decolonizing African media studies. Howard Journal of Communications, 32(1), 1–16. https://doi.org/10.1080/1064617 5.2021.1871868 Mulenga, N. (2020, July 31). Meet the African artists and creatives behind “Black Is King.” Teen Vogue. https://www.teenvogue.com/story/meet-­the-­african­artists-­and-­creatives-­behind-­black-­is-­king Peretti, B.  W. (2009). Lift every voice: The history of African American music. Rowman & Littlefield Publishers. Phyfferoen, D. (2012). Hiplife: The location, organization and structure of the local urban pop industry in Tamale. In L.  Koos (Ed.), Hidden cities: Understanding urban popcultures (pp. 237–247). Brill.

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Ralston, R.  D. (1969). The return of Brazilian Freedmen to West Africa in the 18th and 19th centuries. Canadian Journal of African Studies/Revue Canadienne Des Études Africaines, 3(3), 577. https://doi-­org.proxy-­remote. galib.uga.edu/10.2307/483908 Sakyi, C. (2006). Comparative Study on the Music Industries of Ghana and South Africa. Accra: Metro TV/Busac. Stone, R.  M. (2000). The Garland handbook of African music. Garland Publishing, Inc. Stone, R. M. (2005). Music in West Africa—experiencing music, expressing culture. Oxford University Press, Inc. Stone, R. M. (2008). Theory for ethnomusicology. Pearson Prentice Hall. Thussu, D. K. (Ed.). (2010). International communication: A reader. Routledge. Zambang, S. (2020, February 24). Optional King Crowned Mentor Reloaded Winner. Sanatu Zambang. http://www.sanatuzambang.info/2020/02/24/ optional-­king-­crowned-­mentor-­reloaded-­winner/

CHAPTER 5

Indigenous and Indigenised Yoruba Popular Music Israel A. Fadipe and Abiodun Salawu

Introduction The Yoruba People of Nigeria Understanding the meanings of and the difference between indigenous and indigenised Yoruba popular music relies on understanding the Yoruba people of Nigeria and various factors that have influenced them. This understanding will help in shedding light on the nature of their traditional cultures and how these influenced their music styles. Scholars like Toyin Falola (2006) though have established the fact that Yoruba people are not limited to the geographical location called Nigeria alone. Yoruba people exist and are thriving even beyond the African continent, like Brazil, Cuba and Haiti, though they are predominantly found in the South West and partly in Kwara and Kogi states, Nigeria. However, shared theories of

I. A. Fadipe (*) • A. Salawu Indigenous Language Media in Africa, Faculty of Humanities, North-West University, Mafikeng, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 A. Salawu, I. A. Fadipe (eds.), Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 1, Pop Music, Culture and Identity, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97884-6_5

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origination, common ancestorship in Oduduwa, common belief in Ifa Divination and Ile Ife and Oyo as ancestral and spiritual homes respectively bind the Yoruba people together no matter where they are found in the world. Therefore, Yoruba historians like Samuel Johnson and Nathaniel Akinremi Fadipe who have attested to this basic fact list the ethnic tribes of the Yoruba as Oyo, Ife, Ibadan, Egba, Egbado, Ijebu, Ijesa, Ondo, Ikale, Ilaje, Ekiti, Awori, Okun, Igbomina, Ado, Benin, Akoko, Ketu, Anago, Lukumi, Owu and Ijaiye to mention, but a few. Music is a form of cultural expression anywhere in the world. This means that there are music styles that originated from among the diverse sub-­groups of the Yoruba people. Consequently, the advantage of numerous Yoruba dialects, belief in polytheism and worship styles has availed the Yoruba the musical paraphernalia which they appropriated in developing their robust social lifestyles. The paraphernalia constitute some of the music instruments made from woods, leather and of metal sourced from their natural environment which they employed in worshipping their deities especially during festivals. Moreover, as Faniran (2008) posits, the Yoruba communal culture of communication and socialisation is another advantage. This culture affords them to form ‘egbe’, meaning group or team, which is central to the formation of Yoruba musical groups. Any ‘egbe’ formation in Yoruba culture is naturally patterned after Yoruba hierarchical and kingship court system, where you can identify the leader and members of the group who themselves are not equal in status and responsibility. Colonisation, Globalisation and Cultural Imperialism Yet the advent of colonialism, globalisation and cultural imperialism exerts its toll on the Yoruba traditional cultures, and thus Yoruba indigenous popular music styles. With colonialism came physical slavery period which drastically destabilised Yoruba cultural ascendancy. The slavery mentality never left Africans, as its residues still cling to them manifesting even in their indigenous knowledge productions. Globalisation in a sense is an excuse for the continuation of colonialism in Africa. Dasylva (2017) attests to this fact that globalisation is the design of the West to have its hegemonic hold on African continent to influence current direction of world cultures and literature. As a matter of fact, this obviously has permeated every African endeavour. A careful observation reveals that the West hegemonic influence is apparent in the African music industry, with the imperial media organisations having a significant control over Africans’ cultural

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expressions. Dasylva explains further that universalism is synonymous to globalisation as both are rudders with which Africa’s affairs are being monitored. This is telling with the vast African youth population (almost 60% as at 2019) which has become the West’s advantage. Also, with its far-reaching media technological advancements being employed to universalise cultural thoughts, the West’s dominance is evident on music creation and production in African continent. This means that media imperialism is a form of neo-colonialism, which has compelled Africans to embrace unitary orientation sold to them by the West, thereby making us to jettison most original African traditions. There is no doubt that African indigenous music constitutes our incontrovertible traditional expressions. Or what is the place of tradition in this situation? Meanwhile, Ogbogbo (2018, p. 4) makes a submission about it that …traditions provide us a corpus of collective human experience from which, as individuals and as a society, our decisions and actions should be informed. Tradition, thus have the advantage of encapsulating a shared definition of social values that enable members of a community to understand and interact with one another.

What the trio of colonisation, globalisation and cultural imperialism have denied us are African traditions, the social values, which music as one of the veritable indigenous language media forms has helped to preserve from time immemorial through the phase of African orality up till now. African music, Salawu (2006) notes, is one of the indigenous oral media arts which possess intrinsic ethical values that can aid development of African people, and thus preserve African tradition. The Yoruba people have a highly rich body of oral cultural traditions which are being affected by these three concepts. Adding to these effects are the religions of Islam and Christianity which are also significant predictors of the nature of colonialism experienced by the Yoruba people. Influence of Christianity and Islam Change they say is constant. Hardly is there any culture in the world that has remained the same since inception. Yoruba culture is a case in point. The influence of Christianity and Islam from the West and East of the world on Yoruba music cannot be denied. The two religions are part of the Yoruba people’s colonisation experience. Also, the cultures the religions themselves brought

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have mixed with the Yoruba cultural traditions such that they have affected their language, music, dressing, thought patterns and so on. For instance, Christianity exerts an influence on the culture that receives it, which in the case of Yoruba people has defined them over the years in their cultural identity. Peel (2003, p. 283) expatiates on this notion: But as people became Christians (or in the case of many Yoruba Muslim), traditional values were in various ways transmuted by new understandings, or else blended with new values related, above all, to progressive concepts of time and new ideas of personal and social development. The world religions have been the principal vehicle for this negotiation between past and present in the lives of Yoruba.

Particularly, the effect of both Christianity and Islam on Yoruba culture as a whole is glaring in the way the Yoruba conduct themselves and live their lives from the twentieth century up till now. The quest for religious superiority and its contestations and competitions displayed in the Yoruba socio-cultural engagements further attests to these ingrained effects. People’s knowledge and perceptions about what constitutes their indigenous cultural practices are often reasoned from the lens of these two religions’ schools of thoughts. Obviously, this attitude has crept into the way the Yoruba view their music too. Before the advent of these two dominant religions in their socio-cultural consciousness, the primordial Yoruba people engaged in musical activities which involved the use of their indigenous musical instruments, ideas and styles. Certainly, Yoruba indigenous cultures, especially music has benefited from the cultures these two foreign religions introduced. Also, Adeogun (2018) discovered that the promotion of external influence on African music instruction is opposed to the realities in our context. However, he believes that Euro-American cultural influence on indigenous African music is more than Islamic cultural effects. This may not apply to indigenous Yoruba popular music. Islamic influence on Yoruba cultural traditions precedes that of Euro-American influence, which is evident in the most prominent Yoruba musical forms. Yoruba Indigenous Popular Music Music has distinctions based on ethnicity and language. Omibiyi-Obidike (2007, pp. 2–3) further supports this assertion with this illustration:

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As a child is introduced to and becomes familiar with the language of his culture through enculturation, in the same way, music is learnt before one is able to appreciate its internal meaning, structure, and relevance. Thus, music rather than being a universal language is a universal phenomenon, a dominant aspect of all cultures, the language of which non-members of that culture must learn before they can appreciate and even become co-­ participants in its practice.

The crux of the above is that music is indigenous to the culture from where it originates, in spite of the universally inherent qualities music possesses or how non-members can appreciate it. Yoruba indigenous popular music can also be depicted in this light, as Usman and Falola (2019, p. 295) note, ‘Music, like art and religion, also plays a significant role in Yoruba culture, permeating all aspects of traditional Yoruba societies. Yoruba art is a way of life that gives meaning and significance to Yoruba lives’. Similarly, Klein (2020, p. 1) declares that Yoruba Islamic narrative of Nigerian unity is ‘a morally charged ideology of tolerance, peaceful coexistence, and equity—emerging from these genres’ aesthetics of incorporation, flexibility, and cultural fusion’. However, in the face of these sundry effects, there has not been much attempt by Yoruba music scholars to clearly distinguish between Yoruba indigenous popular music and Yoruba indigenised popular music. Rather, most have viewed the dichotomies as the same or one dovetailing into another. To an extent, this is true, as the factors of colonisation and globalisation have had a great influence on African indigenous cultures in such a way it may be assumed not important to show the distinctions. In trying to differentiate the two here, the intention is to ascertain the identity in origins, genres, forms and contents of Yoruba popular music and to clarify people’s perceptions about what is the difference. For instance, when we talk about Yoruba music making and origination, according to Perea’s (2014) review of Bode Omojola’s book Yorùbá Music in the Twentieth Century: Identity, Agency, and Performance Practice, it identifies three categories: traditional music (drumming and women’s song), Christian Church music (European-­ derived and Africanised traditions) and popular music (including its Islamic forms). Of course, the review further affirms the influence of colonisation and the exported religions of Christianity and Islam on Yoruba music evolution. However, Yoruba traditional (indigenous) music making and forms encompass both men and women. For more than two centuries now, the Yoruba people have integrated these influences into their cultural

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productions that have become their identities that can be used to distinguish themselves from other peoples. Similarly, Akin Euba (1977), Tunji Vidal (1993) and Laz Ekwueme (1983), cited in Omibiyi-Obidike (2007) categorised Nigerian music into four: traditional music, religious music, popular music and African arts music. Popular music, she submits, is an inter-ethnic and intercultural music and enjoys popular acceptance. This is influenced by European lifestyle, American pop explosion and Islamic culture and religion. Then, there is no doubt that language and musical instruments constitute distinguishing features of African indigenous popular music styles. The same is also applicable to Yoruba indigenous music. Language as a tool of communicating culture can be observed in their music compositions and arrangements, while music instruments accompany these with melodies, rhythm and tempo. Some of the notable distinct features of Yoruba indigenous popular music include the use of Yoruba language with its varied dialects, music philosophy and predominantly Yoruba musical paraphernalia. Over the years, the Yoruba people have evolved and pioneered many music genres that are indigenous to them and have become identities of the Yoruba people which have equally been acknowledged by many music scholars. In an interview with Campbell (1995), Waterman says, ‘Yoruba music encompasses literally hundreds of named genres and dozens of types of instruments. It ranges from secret performances connected with “deep” powerful rituals to the public performances of popular music superstars— public performances broadcast on radio and television and sold by bootleg cassette vendors’. Notably, the Yoruba indigenous popular music genres are apala, sakara, fuji, juju, were, awurebe, dadakuada, senwele, apepe and so on. Yet, only a few of them, over the years, have become more prominent than the others through practice, patronage and academic studies. In all, there are two external forces of influence on the Yoruba indigenous popular music. They are Islam and Christianity. The Islamised force birthed were music popular style. It is the pioneering Yoruba indigenous popular music genre that originated from among the Yoruba Muslims in South West, Nigeria. According to Omolaye (2014), were music is performed early in the morning as a signal to indicate time to eat breakfast known as Sari and the commencement of another fast during Ramadan period. This means that it developed from Islamic traditions of the Muslim Yoruba of Lagos (Muritala, 2019). It later became the music style the people began to use in social gatherings for entertainments and an eventual commercial avenue for its pioneers.

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Also, Omolaye attests that other Yoruba indigenous music styles such as fuji, awurebe, dadakuada and senwele emerged from this Yoruba pioneer music style, were. Based on the techniques involved in the Islamised Yoruba indigenous music styles, Omibiyi (1981) and Omojola (2006) affirm that the pioneers of the genres merged traditional Yoruba musical methods with Islamic-Arabic traditions to create religious awareness, especially during Ramadan. Nonetheless, were is a veritable Yoruba music genre that originated from, practised and used by the Yoruba people. The genre’s notable musical instrument is sakara drum, which is one of the four major drums (dundun, bata, gbedu and sakara) in music ensemble in Yorubaland. Waterman (1988, p. 239) describes sakara drum as a circular, single-headed, peg-fastened ceramic frame drum, also referred to as orùn’sà (‘potneck’). It is the major music instrument of were music style till now. Incidentally, the pot-necked sakara drum from the traditions of were music style became another indigenous Yoruba popular music genre. Yet, sakara as a term can be used to refer to an instrument, a musical genre and a dance style. Though this were music tradition is still commonly practised, some modern day apprenticed Fuji music acts still engage in it to begin their Fuji musical education. Sakara popular music genre, according to Waterman (1988), is a genre of praise singing and dance music performed exclusively and patronised primarily by Yoruba Muslims. However, from personal observation, Sakara music genre transcends the Yoruba Muslim audience to encompass both Yoruba Muslims and Christians. These are people whose cultural traditions and the sense of camaraderie employed in the genre’s compositions bind them together. Also, the origin of Sakara popular music genre is debatable in the studies of Sakara music scholars. This is understandable due to various influences emanating from the nature of Islamic religion’s incursion into the Yorubaland. Yet, no one can argue against the fact that Sakara popular music genre is a foremost musical identity of the Yoruba people in Nigeria. Waterman (1988, p. 240) further confirms: Although associated by urban Yoruba with Muslim contexts, performers, and patrons, sákárà also came to be regarded as an Ijinlè Yorubá (“deep” or traditional Yoruba) musical genre. Features of sákárà song style associated with Islamic cantillation (high vocal tension, nasality, microtonal ornamentation, and melisma) were reinterpreted as indigenous characteristics.

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In the post-modern time moreover, old Sakara music records remain canonical with the embodiment of creativity, wisdom and Yoruba philosophical nuggets which ever connect the past and the present in the midst of globalisation centric world (Salawu, 2009). The music genre’s notable artistes are Yoruba people such as Habibu Oluwa, Yusuf Olatunji, Lefty Salami and S. Aka to mention a few (Omolaye, 2014; Ogunnaike, 2021 forthcoming). Although most Yoruba music researchers regard sakara drum as the major instrument of Sakara popular music genre especially in the hand of an expert drummer, one cannot discountenance the guitar like goje instrument, or molo usually played by the band leader. In the present time in Yorubaland, Alhaji Abideen Yusuf Olatunji, the grandson of one of the genre’s pioneers is prominent in the practice of Sakara music genre. Samples of Sakara music genre focal instruments from Wikipedia are seen below (Figs. 5.1 and 5.2).

Fig. 5.1  Sakara drum and drum stick. (Source: Mr Ogundeyi’s Archive)

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Fig. 5.2  Goje or molo and string. (Source: Nureni Bakenne Archive)

Another Yoruba popular music genre is Apala. Ajetunmobi and Adepoju (2013), citing Haruna Ishola’s style, describe Apala music as a popular Yoruba traditional music genre that involves audience participation, pulsating rhythm emanating from a group of omeles (talking drum variant), agidigbo (thumb piano), sekere (gourd rattle) and agogo (metal bells). Moreover, depicting Apala as a socio-religious music with a prominent instrumental part, and a vocal accompaniment, Oludare (2018, p. 3) explains that Apala music was created with ‘the infusion of traditional musical elements, vocal and instrumental styles rooted in Yoruba philosophy and poetry’, which was born and performed in the social context of both the Yoruba Muslims and non-Muslims. This means that it enjoys a wide acceptance among the Yoruba people regardless of their religions. Again, its popularity equally extends beyond Nigeria as Adedayo (2020, p. 25) opines that Apala ‘is a pastime of some of her (Nigeria’s) neighbours in the West coast like Benin Republic and down to Togo as well’. On the other hand, Lasisi (2012), citing Olusoji (2010), discloses that Apala evolved from indigenous music of the Yoruba and can be regarded as folk music which later metamorphosed into social music developed by

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the different Yoruba sub-groups. Other prominent Apala musicians include Ayinla Omowura, Ayinla Adegator, Y.K Ajao and Raji Owonikoko, to mention a few. In addition, she states that this led to different versions of Apala associated with most of its notable proponents. This means Apala is indigenous to the Yoruba people who evolved and nurtured it. Its proponents employed Yoruba indigenous communication codes such as praise, invective, ridicule, chant, dirge and incantation for psychological and sociological impact on the audience (Fadipe, 2014). Apala music genre’s distinctive instrument is none other than dundun drum, prominent among which is (gangan) talking drum (Wikipedia). Among those that still continue the tradition of making and performing Apala music is Musiliu Haruna Ishola, one of the sons of the pioneer (Fig. 5.3). Fuji indigenous Yoruba popular music is one of the two famous Yoruba music genres (the other being Juju) that continue to experience evolutionary trends which have birthed up to five generations of Fuji musicians.

Fig. 5.3  Talking drums and drumming stick, Dr Ogunsanya, Department of Music, University of Ibadan

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There cannot be Yoruba Fuji music without were because even Fuji music pioneers lay claim to have started out first as were music artistes. Yet, different Yoruba music scholars (Adedeji, 2013 cited Usman & Falola, 2019) truly credited Chief Sikiru Ayinde Barrister with defining and refining Fuji music genre making it famous worldwide. In addition, the nature of Fuji music in recent times is the one that encompasses all forms/genres of Yoruba music. This, Usman and Falola say, combines an Islamic singing tradition with elements of Juju and the use of Western instruments and drums. Therefore, it is obvious that Fuji music is adept at fast evolving itself in the face of modern and new developments in the world, which appears lacking in some other Islamic-influenced Yoruba music genres. Truly, the demise of its acclaimed creator and the incursion of Western-­ influenced music genres only spurred it to continue to regenerate itself. Evidently, one needs to consider the swelling number of Fuji music artistes and their exploits musically within Yorubaland and worldwide. However, it will be difficult to categorically affirm that a certain musical instrument is the focal point of Fuji music when it has integrated every other forms of music in its ensemble. Yet, Yoruba Fuji music artistes have employed Yoruba music instruments of dundun (gangan, talking), sakara, bata and gbedu as the central point of music compositions at a period. More so, Yoruba music genres are highly male dominated, though a handful female Fuji music artistes surfaced for some time in this gendered space. Still, the most recognised Yoruba indigenous music space specifically female centric is regarded as Waka music. Like the others which evolved from were Yoruba music genre, Waka according to Usman and Falola is mainly performed by women, and most of its listeners and patrons are female. Citing Adeyemi (2004), they are of the view that Waka started by clapping hands without any musical instruments. This was later developed into a full Yoruba musical genre after the practitioners have employed some indigenous musical instruments to accompany the music genre. According to Fasan (2015), women musicians are constant features within the Yoruba society though their contributions to this aspect of Yoruba cultural preservation have not been given much prominence in scholarship. Still, scholars have recognised Batili Alake, Kabira Alaragbo and Salawa Abeni as the prominent female musicians that popularised Waka music genre. Its musical instruments consist of the usual Yoruba indigenous musical paraphernalia associated with other Yoruba popular music genres.

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Juju popular music is another musical genre that emanated from the Yoruba Christianised ideology and which also represents the Yoruba people’s identity (Waterman, 1990a). Ogisi (2010) further explains that Juju music evolves from many music styles such as western folk songs, European sea shanties, church hymnody, soldiers’ songs, minstrelsy and Yoruba traditional music. Prominent among these influences on the Yoruba indigenous music is the European Christianity traditions. Equally, Adeduntan (2016, p. 171) also maintains that Juju music derives ‘influences from not only Yoruba, but Pan-African, Brazilian, and European cultures’. Yet, in spite of Juju music worldwide popularity and natural origin, it still today serves as an identity of the Yoruba people generally. Ogisi (citing Vidal, 1983; Collins, 1977; Waterman, 1982, 1990) continues that Juju music has been described as a ‘commemorative and panegyric music’, ‘a guitar-­band music derived from the various palm-wine styles’, ‘a regional style of Nigerian urban popular music, developed by the Yoruba from Ghanaian-­derived “palm wine” styles popular in Lagos in the 1930s and 1940s’ and ‘a local variant of the urban West African palm wine guitar tradition’. From the pioneering efforts of Tunde King and I.K. Dairo to the modernising influence of King Sunny Ade and Chief Ebenezer Obey Fabiyi, and the subsequent crop of the new generation of musicians, Juju popular music belongs to the people of Yoruba descent used mostly in social events. Moreover, because of the medley traditions from which Juju music evolved, it has had to adopt more prominently European musical instruments, especially guitar, keyboard, accordion and so on, alongside the Yoruba percussive instruments like drums and gongs. Aside from the above more prominent Yoruba indigenous popular music genres which have often engaged music scholars’ attention, other prominent music genres are Awurebe, Dadakuada, Senwele and so on. Awurebe Yoruba indigenous popular music also evolved from the pioneering were music style by the adherents of Islamic religion in Yorubaland (Adesina et  al., 2016). Alhaji Akanmu Epo Akara, from Ibadan in Oyo State of Nigeria, is the creator of this music genre. According to Daramola (2007) also, Dadakuada and Senwele Yoruba indigenous popular music genres are the vogues among the Northern Kwara Yoruba Muslims. However, Na’ Allah (1992) describes Dadakuada as a traditional form of oral art in Ilorin, which originated from Egungun, the Yoruba masquerade cult. He further explains that Dadakuada is synonymous to Iwi Egungun in the traditional setting in Ilorin, when it is performed outside by the bearers of the Egungun cult. Unfortunately, he argued that the

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preponderant practice of Islamic culture in Kwara state negatively affected this indigenous Yoruba popular music such that Dadakuada musicians have adapted its contents to the dictates of Islam if they do want patronage. Some of the pioneers of Dadakuada music genre he mentions include Okulu, Abe Numo, Akanbi Eri and Laomi Odolaye Aremu, among others. It is believed that the most famous one who has gained more popularity is Odolaye Aremu. Lastly, Senwele is another Yoruba indigenous popular music genre from Ilorin popularised by Hawawu AlakeAdisa, famously known as Iya Aladuke aka Abolodefeloju. Yoruba Indigenised Popular Music To say some popular music genres are not indigenous to the Yoruba people of the Southwest Nigeria means that their forms do not originate from among the Yoruba people and their pioneers may not be Yoruba people. As a result of the interplay of colonisation and globalisation on one hand, and Yoruba cultural traditions and the experience of nationalism on the other hand, Yoruba people adapted and indigenised some of these exported music genres. Over time, they have become the leitmotif in the social contexts of the Yoruba people. So, this means that Yoruba indigenised popular music genres are those styles or forms imported from foreign cultures which Yoruba people have localised to the dictates of their cultural realities. These indigenised popular music genres include hip hop, jazz, afrobeat, highlife and so on. Even, Waterman (1990, p.  367), citing Clifford (1988), is of the opinion that ‘all human identities, no matter how deeply felt, are from an historical point-of-view mixed, relational, and conjunctural’. This is in line with his assertion about how contemporary popular music contributes to the production of cultural identity of the Yoruba people in Nigeria. On the flip side, Adedeji (2010) states that in the creation, conception and development; language of delivery; instrumentation and vocal delivery, and negotiation of identity, Yoruba cultural traditions have effects on all the popular genres of music in the country. Incidentally, this has resulted in different forms of hybridisation in contemporary popular music manifesting in the Nigerian landscape. African music scholars for instance have contended about the origin of Highlife music. While a few believe that it was a whole West African or African affair, some argue that it was a true Nigerian national music genre that was engendered by nationalism fervour in pre-independent Nigeria. Yet, the majority later reasoned that Highlife has been domesticated by

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the Nigerian ethnic nationalities to reflect their own social realities mixing their cultural musical flavours with foreign traditions. It is based on this particular reasoning that Highlife music genre is categorised as one of the indigenised popular music among the Yoruba people. Describing Highlife music, Igbi (2015, p. 173) submits: It can therefore be summarized that highlife is an amalgam of the popular music form and traditional melodies and rhythms with some Western musical features. Many scholars who have written on this area submit that it is one of the most popular musical genres among the West African region, and its roots and origin can be traced to Ghana.

From the above therefore, the variant Yoruba Highlife music is one that Yoruba Highlife musicians have adapted to suit and cater for their community realities. Their styles are different from others based on the predominant Yoruba language with its dialect variants and the musical instruments used in compositions. Other than Victor Olaiya, Fatai Rolling Dollar, Bobby Benson and Roy Chicago who were notable Yoruba Highlife musicians, popular musicians such as Orlando Owoh, Fela Kuti and I.K. Dairo did some Highlife music before they veered off to Afrobeat and Juju music genres respectively. Apart from this, the dominantly focal musical instruments of Highlife music genre include both the Yoruba traditional percussive instruments and Western string and metal instruments. Today, Afrobeat music genre is synonymous to Fela Anikulapo Kuti who was a notable Yoruba musician and who music scholars have recognised as the creator of Afrobeat music genre. Adedeji (2010) citing Schoonmaker (2004) describes Afrobeat music as a combination of James Brown style funk and American Afro-Cuban jazz injected with a good dose of traditional Yoruba and highlife music. Adedeji, however, highlights Tony Allen’s contributions in introducing pulsating polyrhythm drum kick into the groove as one of the driving forces of Afrobeat music. Together, all these influences became merged to give that distinct quality to Afrobeat music. For Dosunmu (2010), Afrobeat music blends scathing anti-establishment lyrics with Yoruba traditional music and Western forms, particularly jazz. Here, Dosunmu highlights another notorious feature of Afrobeat music which people have come to identify with the music genre. Though Fela Kuti, a Yoruba man was the creator of Afrobeat music, it is still a Yoruba indigenised music which has much greater external influence in terms of language used and musical instruments. Apart from the family

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members of Kuti like Femi Kuti, Seun Kuti and Made Kuti who still practise Afrobeat music, people like Dede Mabiaku, Orlando Julius, Chalie Boy, Kola Ogunkoya and Lagbaja are singing different variants of Afrobeat music. Like Yoruba Highlife music variant, Afrobeat music focal music instruments are mixed. Hip hop or Afro-hip hop is one indigenised music form among the Yoruba people of the Southwest Nigeria. Lagos State, the commercial nerve centre of the nation, and also a predominantly Yoruba speaking state in Nigeria contributed to its development (Adedeji, 2010; Okunade, 2013). Adedeji (2010, pp. 112–113) submits that hip hop music origin is diverse. It is claimed to have originated from ‘the Jamaican Disc Jockey or DJ of the 1970s U-Roy. He pioneered the art of toasting “which was later modernized and taken to centre stage by another Jamaican act, King Yellowman” to the Bronx, an ethnic community in West New  York’. Further, Adedeji describes hip hop music as the art of DJ talking over sampled beats in a particular manner. Equally, he points out that rap music form also influences hip hop music form because it is a youth art mass movement. This resonates with the Nigerian youths. While Liadi (2013) discloses that hip hop music began to feature in the Nigerian landscape in the eighties, Adedeji reveals that its popularity in Nigeria started in the nineties. Though the former argues that hip hop music became popular and enjoyed a wider patronage among the Nigerian youths irrespective of their class, religion or social status which embodies multiculturalism, the latter contends that the Nigerian hip hop music style has been greatly Yorubanised due to the way Yoruba culture has had influence on its production. One may want to agree with this position considering the hip hop development and popularity that happened in a place dominated by Yoruba speaking people. More so, most of the earlier Nigerian pioneers and present famous icons of Afro-hip hop music are of Yoruba origin: Weid MC, Mode 9, Dbanj, Sound Sultan, Dagrin, 9ice, Small Doctor, Adekunle Gold, Asa and so on. As a matter of fact, the non-Yoruba practitioners of hip hop themselves have been compelled due to location and marketability to infuse Yoruba language and arts into their practice of the genre for acceptability. On the other hand, the significance of hip hop music to socio-cultural education of Yoruba youths is enormous because of the influence of globalisation and information technology. There is no doubt that hip hop music is the Yoruba youths’ moral gauge (Abiodun, 2017).

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Another Yoruba indigenised popular music genre is the religious music genre by both adherents of Christian and Islamic faiths. This genre started due to the introduction of these two dominant foreign religions in Yorubaland. Carrol (1956) says the nature of Yoruba religious music is the one that involves dance rhythms and percussion instruments in the worship of Christian God. Also, describing the Islamic music, Frishkopf (2007) says it is sound-centric public performance practices imbued—via text, context, associations or intentions—with Islamic meanings. From the descriptions of Yoruba Christian and Islamic religious music, one can state that Yoruba religious music is the one that makes use of the traditional Yoruba cultural practices such as percussive music instruments and dance rhythms and religious texts to teach adherents and evangelise people (Adekoya, 2008; Omojola, 2019). Moreover, the religious music artistes deploy Yoruba language with its dialects, intermingled with Hebrew and Arabic languages and texts to proselytise and teach morals to their faithful. Thus, this factor of religions makes this kind of music to be popular among the Yoruba people. This is also reflected in other Yoruba indigenous and indigenised music genres. Beside all the various popular indigenous and indigenised Yoruba music genres, there is a common practice among the modern Yoruba music practitioners called Medley. Medley is music composed from different forms of existing music. It is a blend of Fuji, Juju, Highlife, Apala, Sakara, Waka, Afrobeat, Afro hip hop, American Blues and so on. Most especially, the artiste will fuse together some popular songs of different genres together in an electrifying performance. This practice is common among the Yoruba musicians playing life bands. Yinka Ayefele actually is a prominent Yoruba musician known initially for singing medley, but Seun Bankole has taken it to another level in terms of the popularity and commercial advantage of Medley in modern times amongst increasingly diversified music fans. The rate at which Medley music genre has been taken up by the younger generation of Yoruba music artistes calls for scholarly studies which it has not generated before.

Conclusion and Recommendations This article sets out to explore Yoruba popular music genres by establishing the difference between Yoruba indigenous popular music and Yoruba indigenised popular music. So far, it has acknowledged that factors of colonisation and globalisation with the aid of Christian and Islamic religions

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influenced Yoruba music genres generally. Nonetheless, the Yoruba people employed their cultural traditions and philosophies with the combined effects of the aforementioned factors to create a distinctive identity in the Nigerian music scene. This distinctive identity is exemplified in the creation, nurture and practice of such popular music genres as apala, sakara, fuji, juju, were, awurebe, dadakuada, hip hop, Afrobeat, religious music, medley and so on. The importance of these distinctive music genres on Yoruba people’s cultural memories and cultural preservation is limitless. In the face of the continued onslaught of Western technology and media hegemony, appreciating these Yoruba music genres can serve as a buffer against wholesale influence particularly on the Yoruba younger generations. The truth is that each of the Yoruba popular music genres has a sizable number of artistes who have documented and are still documenting Yoruba traditions in musical records and live performances. Sadly, many of the old Yoruba popular music genres and artistes having been much neglected by scholars for proper studies have not been brought forward for the younger generations to appreciate and learn from as regards Yoruba language and traditions in order to understand the depth of their identity. Consequently, this article is used to draw the attention of Yoruba music scholars and aficionados that much more still needs to be done on Yoruba indigenous and indigenised popular music to educate the present generations and preserve for posterity.

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Na’Allah, A. (1992). Dadakuada: The crisis of a traditional oral genre in a modern Islamic setting. Journal of Religion in Africa XXII, 4, 318–330. Ogbogbo, C.B.N. (2018). In defence of tradition. An Inaugural lecture delivered at the University of Ibadan on Thursday, September 06. Ogisi, A.  A. (2010). The origin and development of Juju Music: 1900–1990. Ekpoma Journal of Theatre and Media Arts, 3(1 & 2), 27–37. Ogunnaike, O.P. (2021). Yusuf Àjàó Ọ látúnjí: A Sákárà Music Magnum-Opus and Virtuoso. Paper Accepted by Journal of Contemporary African Studies (JCAL), March. Oludare, E.O. (2018). Compositional techniques in Apala Music. h t t p s : / / w w w. r e s e a r c h g a t e . n e t / p u b l i c a t i o n / 3 2 8 4 6 1 6 4 9 _ COMPOSITIONAL_TECHNIQUES_IN_APALA_MUSIC? Okunade, A. (2013). Music education and musical activities in Lagos: Then and now. EJOTMAS: Ekpoma Journal of Theatre and Media Arts, 4(1 & 2) pp. 54–61. Omibiyi-Obidike, M.A. (2007). Nigeria in the context of the international musical world: Problems and prospects. An Inaugural lecture delivered at the University of Ibadan on Thursday, October 18. Omibiyi, M. (1981). Islam influence on Yoruba music. African Notes, Journal of the Institute of African Studies., 8(2), 39–41. Omojola, B. (2006). Popular music in Nigeria: Themes, style, and patronage system (pp. 72–77). IFRA. Omojola, O. F. (2019). Review: Singing Yoruba christianity: Music, media, and morality. Yale Journal of Music & Religion, 5(2), 133–135. Omolaye, B.V. (2014). Àpàlà popular music in Nigeria: Its Origin, exponents and developments. Nigerian Music Review (NMR) (13) (pp.  37–50). Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife Peel, J. D. Y. (2003). Religious encounter and the making of the Yoruba. Indiana University Press. Perea, J.B. (2014). Yearbook for traditional music 46. Review of Omojola, Bode. Yorùbá music in the twentieth century: Identity, agency, and performance practice. Eastman/Rochester Studies in Ethnomusicology. New York: University of Rochester Press, 2012. 285 pp. Salawu, A. (2009). Reeling Nostalgia: ‘Aremote’ and the Enduring Sakara Music in Nigeria. Journal of Global Communication., 11(1 & 2), 108–123. Salawu, A. (2006). The intrinsic value of Oramedia for development. Humanities Review Journal, 6, 46–61. Usman, A., & Falola, T. (2019). Creativity: Arts, body adornments, and music. In The Yoruba from prehistory to the present (pp. 295–320). Cambridge University Press. https://doi.org/10.1017/9781107587656.013

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Waterman, C. A. (1988). Aṣíkò, Sákárà and Palmwine: Popular music and social identity in inter-war Lagos, Nigeria. Urban Anthropology and Studies of Cultural System and World Economic, 17(2 and 3), 229–258. Waterman, C. A. (1990a). Juju: Social history and ethnography of an African popular music. University of Chicago Press. Waterman, C.  A. (1990b). “Our tradition is a very modern tradition”: Popular music and the construction of Pan-Yoruba identity. Ethnomusicology, 34(3), 367–379.

CHAPTER 6

Social Cognition and Advertisement in Yusuf Olatunji’s Music Adesina B. Sunday

Introduction Music is an expressive art deployed for different purposes. Among the Yoruba people of southwestern Nigeria, music performs many functions. From the traditional music of the Yoruba, one can tease out their life (Sunday, 2011). An interesting thing about music is that it exists on its own and it can also be used to complement other art forms and means of communication, including advertisement. With regard to advertisement, music can be in the form of a jingle to an advertisement, with accompanying voice-over, or music used purely for advertisement. The melody of such music enhances memorability, which aids the projection and spread The original version of this chapter was revised: The text alignment for the lyrics of Yusuf Olatunji and the translation texts was not properly formatted in Chapter 6. The correction to this book can be found at https://doi. org/10.1007/978-3-030-97884-6_22 A. B. Sunday (*) Department of English, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022, corrected publication 2022 A. Salawu, I. A. Fadipe (eds.), Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 1, Pop Music, Culture and Identity, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97884-6_6

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of the product to a wider audience. This implies that an advertiser can find in music a tool to perfect the marketing of a product or service. Generally, advertising is a promotion strategy geared towards creating awareness in the minds of consumers to guide them in making purchasing decisions (Olatunji, 2018; Chukwu et  al., 2019). Advertising exhibits some intertextuality, as it could make reference to other advertisements or other relevant discourses (Cook, 2001; Hackley, 2005; Bloor & Bloor, 2007; Munnukka et al., 2016; Mansour & Diab, 2016; Lin & Kim, 2016; Jaiswala & Kant, 2018; Gurantz, 2018; Awobamise & Yosra, 2018; Alalwan, 2018). The advertisement in music goes beyond the mass media type. The advertisement in music is a bit similar to the one in the print media, in terms of permanence, but it even lasts longer. Such music can also be given different interpretations from time to time, besides serving as a vehicle for propagating cultural values. Although musicians do not at times strictly set out to be advertising agents, some of them have used their music to market their fans and their businesses. Such music also serves as documentation of the history of that period. This presupposes that an epoch can also be understood by studying its music. In the twentieth-century Yorubaland, important genres of music among the socialites were Molo, Sakara, Apala, Highlife, Juju, Fuji and Afro. Some of these are indigenous, while some are fusion of traditional and foreign music. A notable genre of music in the first category is Sakara. It has practitioners such as Abibu Oluwa, Yusuf Olatunji (Baba Legba), Omo Olayemi, Jimoh Ojindo, Lefty Salami, Sanusi Aka (S. Aka Baba Waidi) and Saka Laigbade. Among Sakara musicians, Yusuf Olatunji occupies a cardinal position. His brand of Sakara is unique in many respects. He uses his music to serenade clubs, individuals and other entities. He equally projects the businesses of his fans through his music. While serenading some of his fans, he advertises their products and services in such a way that even the modern-­ day advertisement cannot do. These advertisements contain salient issues about the society of his time, the personalities that dominated the social space and the kind of services available at that time. This aspect of his music has not enjoyed significant research attention. Therefore, this chapter investigates how Yusuf Olatunji uses his music as a means of advertising the products and services of his fans. The chapter was guided by the following questions: What are the discourse approaches he adopted? And what are the sociocognitive imperatives that underlie his presentation?

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Yusuf Olatunji and Sakara Yusuf Ajao Ojurongbe Olatunji (aka Baba Legba), the iconic Sakara luminary, was born in 1909 and died in 1978. Sakara is a traditional Yoruba music. The term Sakara denotes both a genre of music and a musical instrument. As a music genre, it denotes a brand of music that is characterised by slow beat and philosophical lyrics. Sunday (2013) ­ describes it as a Yoruba version of Country. Its instrumental ensemble is dominated by Sakara, Doje, Sekere and Molo. It was an important means of entertainment in pre-independence Nigeria (Sunday, 2013). It was still a vibrant genre of music in the first two decades of post-independence Nigeria. The only major active practitioner of the brand now is Abideen Yusuf-Olatuji, a grandson of Yusuf Olatunji’s. However, the impact of the works of Yusuf Olatunji and other great Sakara musicians is  still very potent, influencing the lyrics of many contemporary Fuji musicians. Yusuf Olatunji’s brand of Sakara is distinctive. His philosophical lyrics and quality vocal rendition, garnished with proverb-laden talking drum from his lead Sakara drummer, Kasumu Isola, made it rich in appeal during his lifetime and in his albums. His ability to serenade clubs and individuals, compelling presentation and chronicling of historical issues make his music popular.

Theoretical Framework The sociocognitive approach to Critical Discourse Studies propounded by Teun A. van Dijk is employed as theoretical anchor for this chapter. This approach is predicated on the triangle of discourse, cognition and society, with discourse and society mediated by cognition. The central argument is that there are certain mental models that should be considered in discourse. In understanding any discourse, it is important to consider socially shared knowledge and socially shared cognition. The theory focuses on how discourse affects and is affected by cognition in a given society. In producing and interpreting discourse, the mental models and memory of discourse producers and discourse receivers are important. The Memory or Mind component bifurcates into Short Term Memory, which is also known as Working Memory, and Long Term Memory. The latter is composed of remembrances of autobiographical experiences and knowledge that are stored in Episodic Memory. It also contains socially shared knowledge, ideologies and attitudes. Social cognitions are deployed by discourse producers and discourse consumers in text production and interpretation, respectively (Sunday, 2009; van Dijk, 2006, 2012).

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In discourse processing, situation models and context models are the two types of mental model. The first accounts for the situation which a discourse is about. Shared knowledge is deployed by language users to decipher relevant aspects of a situation model. The second concerns the communicative situation or experience of language users; this is ever dynamic. These models are subjective, as the communicative situation defines whatever is considered appropriate. In other words, these are actually pragmatic models. Both pragmatic models and semantic models reveal the uniqueness of each discourse (Mey, 2001; van Dijk, 2011, 2015; Sunday, 2021a,b).

Methodology The chapter adopted the descriptive research design. Nine of Yusuf Olatunji’s albums that contain elements of advertisement of products or services were purposively selected for analysis. The following were the selected albums: Bolowo ba te, Vol. 1. (1969); Asiko Wa Ni Vol., 13 (n.d.a); Oni ’Tire, Vol. 15 (1973a); Yegede, Vol. 17 (1973b); Ijimere Sogigun, Vol. 21 (n.d.-b); Iwa, Vol. 22 (1975); Olowo Lagba, Vol, 23 (n.d.-c); Oba Oluwa l’onidede, Vol 24 (1976); and Orin Tokotaya, Vol. 27 (1977). The sampled songs were got from the compact disc versions of his albums. The lyrics of the relevant portions were transcribed for analysis. As the albums are in the Yoruba language, the English translation of each excerpt was also provided. The data were subjected to discourse analysis. The focus was on lexical choices and constructions that relate to advertisement.

Analysis In the nine sampled albums mentioned above, Yusuf Olatunji shows himself as a master of his art. With good voice texture, appropriate instrumentation and deep lexical items, he creatively packages the products and services of his fans. In his presentation are embedded salient facts about the social life of the Yoruba of the 1960s and 1970s. He does a kind of celebrity endorsement of the products and services of his patrons. To achieve this, he combines the call-and-response, choral and oratorical styles of presentation in the selected albums. This analysis dwells on the products and services advertised, the personalities involved and the marketing strategies he deploys. The items he advertises fall under three broad categories: consumable products, non-consumable products and services. He weaves a lot of issues into the advertisements.

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Advertisement of Consumable Products One of the products he advertises is (dried meat). This is a popular culinary item often processed in northern Nigeria, but well received among the Yoruba. It has a special taste different from fried or boiled meat. A popular seller of in Ibadan in the 1970s was Bakare Sode. While serenading him, Yusuf Olatunji advertises his merchandise thus: Excerpt 6.1

In this excerpt, Yusuf Olatunji reveals where Bakare was living, that is Ibadan. This is for ease of location of the business. The nominal (head of meat sellers) points to the position of Bakare in the hierarchical ordering of meat sellers; he is at the top echelon of the traders. The accomplishment manifested in the money and houses he built. Yusuf Olatunji also mentions the location of his shop, Dugbe. This is an important business district in Ibadan. To be the head of the meat sellers in such a big market is a great achievement. In this advertisement, the commodity ( , also known as ) associated with the man is described in relation to other food items that go with it: eba and egusi. This means that food items keep company, as words collocate. The image of friendship shows compatibility. Kundi and eba (solid meal made from cassava flakes (garri)) go together. He uses food items that the people are familiar with. He targets the mental model of the listeners, creating a picture of a sumptuous meal.

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Excerpt 6.2

The industriousness and adventurousness of some traders in the early postindependence era in Nigeria did not go unnoticed by Yusuf Olatunji. He uses Nafisatu Agbeke to illustrate this. This advertisement focuses more on the depiction of the personality of this challenging woman in an epoch when men dominated politics, business and many aspects of Nigerian living. As seen in line 1 of Excerpt 6.2, Yusuf Olatunji admonishes his audience not to view Agbeke in the way they knew her before. It is either she was viewed in a way not complimentary enough or that she was looked down upon or she had made more money. Yusuf Olatunji presents Agbeke as a responsible woman. This is revealed in his depiction of her as a married woman, with children. In a typical Yoruba setting, a successful woman that still stays married is revered. Such a woman is seen as humble, unlike some women of today who are single parents. She is portrayed as a very rich woman who kept rich business friends, one of whom was Wosila Awodehinde, a textile trader. The representation here shows that Agbeke and Wosila Awodehinde were industrious and rich women in the Yorubaland of the era and yet they were responsible mothers and wives, as seen in linking them with their husbands. The shared sociocultural knowledge of the Yoruba living of that era is deployed by Yusuf Olatunji in rolling out the names of the husbands and children of these women. A good family life is considered an important achievement among the Yoruba.

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There is also deployment of the socially shared knowledge of the happenings in this era. The presentation in Excerpt 6.2 thrives on a historical fact of Nigeria in the 1960s and 1970s; there was scarcity of popcorn maize then. An industrious woman, Nafisatu Agbeke, who wanted to satisfy her customers, travelled to America to import the maize. Travelling to America itself was an achievement. Then, such journey was embarked on by the elite and the rich. Lines 5–10 of the excerpt capture this well. Getting this popcorn maize shows that the woman had business sense. Yusuf Olatunji works on the prevalent mental model then in this advertisement. People liked foreign things, and the woman would make more sales from this endeavour. The fact that a woman did this is another issue. Men are often known for such exploits. Yusuf Olatunji hints that the popcorn business was not taken as a lucrative business. This is evident in “ ” (line 11). The presupposition is that she made it in that business because God called it her business. He equally points to God directing one’s way. The centrality of God in Yoruba cosmology makes the Yoruba to believe in God directing the affairs of men. “Ona” connotes professional path. If one follows the right professional path, one will make it quickly. Yusuf Olatunji tactically wants the audience to patronise this woman through presenting her popcorn maize as imported and the woman as a person who liked satisfying the yearnings of her customers. Excerpt 6.3

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In this excerpt, there is strategic use of onomastic coinage Oyinbo Eleja. In the Yoruba sociocultural setting, this connotes a kind of best among equals. Oyinbo is a Yoruba word for the white man. This naming tradition is part of the vestiges of colonialism. Anything extraordinary was and is still associated with the white man. So, a person that stands out in an endeavour has the word Oyinbo added to his/her trade to produce a name for him/her. In the cognition of a typical Yoruba person, Oyinbo Eleja points to a fish seller who towers above her equals; this is evident in the house she built. was about the best house of that era. Many of the women he serenades made progress alongside their husbands. This shows that it will not be right to say that the Yoruba traditional society subjugated women. He projects the fact that patronising the woman will not yield regrets. This kind of assurance coming from Baba Legba is a form of celebrity endorsement. The woman deals in frozen fish (bodosan is a species of fish) and beer. Yusuf presents her as the best fish merchant and beer parlour owner in Ibadan. The two businesses are complementary; many owners of beer parlours often provide pepper soup services for their customers. Advertisement of Non-consumable Products Yusuf Olatunji actually sets out to serenade most of his respected and valuable fans. He often links his praise to the clubs and their businesses. Before talking about their businesses, he presents their personalities. This is to show that the persons are not ordinary business tycoons. One of his respected fans was Ganiyu Isola, who enjoyed being praised in Vol. 1 of Baba Legba. Excerpt 6.4 contains this: Excerpt 6.4

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Isola Ganiyu was a popular mechanic in Abeokuta. Yusuf Olatunji first describes the personality of Isola Ganiyu. He presents him as one with owo tutu, which means cool money, good money got without stress. This shows that the man has achieved an enviable height. In this advertisement, he mentions the location of the business— Sapon, a popular market in Abeokuta, the capital of Ogun State, southwestern Nigeria. He also invites people to patronise the man: E je ka lo (Let’s go). The use of the imperative jussive inclusive mood in this expression impresses authenticity on the product and serves as a testimonial. He then describes the quality of the products, portraying it as reliable. Gani is the real name of this man, while mechanic points to his profession. In the mental model of the Yoruba, this is important naming. Often, the trade of a person who has been popular in a trade or profession is added to his/her name, serving like a surname. This enhances easy identification. The shared cultural knowledge of the audience would make them understand that Ganiyu is a popular spare parts seller in Sapon Market. In lines 7–13 of the excerpt, Yusuf Olatunji pungently pursues the presentation of Gani Isola as a leading mechanic and spare parts dealer. He deploys three rhetorical questions in doing this: “ ”, “ ” and “ ” These rhetorical questions dwell on the shared sociocultural knowledge of the audience in their use of imagery that achieves a supremacist ideology. The first question thrives on images of a traditional Yoruba homestead, with “ ” and “ ”. (stubborn grass) is the most common weed in the (frontage of a

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house). The second question dwells on the imagery of agriculture/refuse disposing. is a vegetable commonly found on refuse heaps. is a place where the entire community dumps refuse. It also serves as the defecating point for a community or groups of agbo (compounds). grows in large quantity on the , dwarfing the presence of other plants. The third question utilises dietary images. Olumogun gets food in the morning. Ebo (sacrifice) is metaphor for food. It is only Olumogun that gets the morning sacrifice. All the images point to the superiority of Gani’s products. Yusuf Olatunji registers in the mental model of the audience the superiority of Gani Isola and his products. The images used to capture the products create cognition of second-to-none items in the minds of the listeners. This could make them want to try seeing what the man has to offer. Excerpt 6.5

Excerpt 6.5 presents where Yusuf Olatunji advertises another spare parts dealer. The man is Rafiu Aiki. He also mentions the location of the business of this man, which is Ibadan. He uses the achievement of the man to advertise his products. There is an indirect invitation of the patronage of the listeners; if the products were bad, people would not have patronised him. He wants the listener to use inference or deductive reasoning here. Aiki was so rich that he used Peugeot as leg—“Pijo loun fi nsese”. This is an idiom for he has a Peugeot car. The extent of the wealth of Rafiu cannot be understood without examining the sociocultural peculiarities of that era. Peugeot cars (particularly Peugeot 404 and Peugeot 504) were elitist cars of the era. Then, they were procured brand new. Pijo was like today’s brand-new G Wagon. Another symbol of the lucrativeness of the

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business of this man is (a one-storey building). This was about the best house a person could build then. A striking feature of Yusuf Olatunji’s music is his ability to achieve different purposes in a piece of music. It is perhaps in Vol. 17 that he achieves this best. While presenting the (copper) business of Serifatu Asake, he captures the panegyric of her lineage and her social life. The excerpt below reveals this: Excerpt 6.6

In this advertisement, he also mentions the location of the business, Ilu Eko (Lagos). Lagos, the former capital of the federation, is the commercial nerve centre of Nigeria. He focuses on what was in vogue in the early 1970Lagos: “kupa naa tun fi ngbayi lasiko yio” (line 1). Jewellery is an important part of the dressing of women then and now. To show class, they usually wore expensive jewellery. At that time, kupa (a generic label for jewellery made of copper) was in vogue. “Togbamuse” (line 4) implies that there are fake ones,

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but this woman would not sell such. She is presented as selling different types of kupa. The way he describes the jewels gives an idea that he had seen them. This kind of eye-witness account confers authenticity on the products. It is possible that he too used them. The introduction of the Olowu Oduru lineage poetry (line 9) is to show the ancestry of the woman. Yusuf Olatunji then portrays Asake as a good woman through the presentation of the Yoruba view about Dada (lines 10–16), the name of one of the children of this woman. He sums up the three kinds of children to be desired: Aina (a child born with placenta woven round his/her neck; the male is called Ojo in some Yoruba areas), (Yoruba word for a Muslim) and Dada (a child born with dreadlock). His reasons are that Aina does not lack epo; Dada does not lack money (that’s why he is praised as Dada Olowoeyo)—in the olden days, the currency used was cowries; and lacks no agbada. Epo is used for cooking; agbada is worn by rich people—a typical Muslim Alfa dresses in flowing agbada with turban; while money is needed to enjoy life. He concludes his advertisement by linking Asake with an important woman, whom he serenades in side A of Vol. 17, Abike Kubura, popularly called Cash Madam/Cash Woman, a stupendously rich woman who assisted Yusuf Olatunji in clearing his medical bills when his leg was treated. “Awo Abike Kubura Adebisi” (line 33) points to the calibre of people she associated with. Excerpt 6.7

In this except, the focus of the artiste is on electronics items, particularly radio and fridge. He mentions the location of the business, which is Ibadan. The advertisement emphasises the quality of the products sold by

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the man. He invites only people who want good quality to the shop of this man. The man does not sell on credit (line 3); he has business sense. “E kalo s’Ibadan” (line 6), a sentence in the imperative jussive mood, shows strong conviction. This presupposes that he will go with anyone who wants to patronise the man, and, if the product is not good, they will see it together, as different from “lo si Ibadan” (Go to Ibadan). This shows that he can vouch for the products. Advertisement of Services There were some of Yusuf Olatunji’s patrons that rendered certain essential services. Many of them distinguished themselves in their chosen fields. He also projected such services through his music. The two excerpts below address this aspect of his music. Excerpt 6.8

In this advert, Yusuf Olatunji utilises the call-and-response style of singing to achieve his aim. This estate developer, Alamu Egunjobi, is presented as one who focuses on the satisfaction that his clients would get from his services. He would not use inferior materials to construct buildings. The responses by the back-up vocals in lines 2 and 4 reveal this: “waa kan saara” and “iyen agbayewo” point to expressed customer satisfaction. This goes beyond ordinary praise. Dekini means German floor done to separate different floors of multi-storey buildings. “Iyen agbayewo” connotes marvel because the service is good. The man’s dexterity with iron rods is captured in “ ” His construction does not

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suffer collapse. Baba Legba’s emphasis on the services relates to the calamities that have befallen many clients from the ineptitude, greed and fraud of many building engineers. The cognition of some Yoruba people, based on previous experiences, about an average estate developer is that of someone who is fraudulent in his dealings with his clients. Yusuf Olatunji targets making his audience permanently suspend this cognition when they are dealing with Alamu Egunjobi. This kind of advert could make the man get more building jobs. Excerpt 6.9

This advertisement is on a business located in Ilorin, a Yorubaspeaking city and capital of Kwara State, north-central Nigeria. Yusuf Olatunji does not say much about the personality of Dan Boy Buraimoh; he rather focuses on the services he rendered. This man handled studio and recording issues. Only a few people had such studios when this album was released. Yusuf Olatunji mentions two important aspects of life in which the services of this man covered, namely igbeyawo (marriage) and film production. Igbeyawo is an achievement that cannot be committed to just any hand. Good documentation of such an event through video recording makes it linger in one’s memory. Similarly, producing a film for commercial purposes is an important business that must be well packaged. If a film is blurred, there will not be patronage and, consequently, there will be loss. High-quality service from Dan Boy Buraimoh is emphasised by Yusuf Olatunji. This apprehensiondissolving portrayal by Baba Legba is targeted at making the audience seek the services of this man.

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Conclusion This chapter has discussed how Yusuf Olatunji has used his Sakara to project the businesses of his patrons. He uses his music to endorse the products and services of his fans. His advertisement shows women as achievers in that era. He describes the business owners and the businesses in a way that could attract trust and patronage of the audience. His advertisement is documentation of the sociocultural peculiarities of the 1960s and 1970s. He does a kind of celebrity endorsement for his patrons. His advertisement shows that the Yoruba society of that era did not subjugate women. He capitalises on the shared situational knowledge and socially shared cognitions of his audience in his advertisement. His use of Yoruba imagery and historical events makes his music quite appealing, rich and evergreen. He valued his relationship with his patrons, using his art to immortalise them, just as he immortalised himself through his music.

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Lin, C. A., & Kim, T. (2016). Predicting user response to sponsored advertising on social media via the technology acceptance model. Computers in Human Behavior, 64, 710–718. Mansour, I. H. F., & Diab, D. M. E. (2016). The relationship between celebrities’ credibility and advertising effectiveness: The mediation role of religiosity. Journal of Islamic Marketing, 7(2), 148–166. https://doi.org/10.1108/ JIMA-­05-­2013-­0036 Mey, J. (2001). Pragmatics: An introduction. Blackwell Malden. Munnukka, J., Uusitalo, O., & Toivonen, H. (2016). Credibility of a peer endorser and advertising effectiveness. Journal of Consumer Marketing, 33(3), 182–192. Olatunji, R. W. (2018). Trends in advertising and cultures in Nigeria. Communication Cultures in Africa, 1(1), 54–76. Sunday, A. B. (2009). Ideologies on display: A Nigerian election petition tribunal ruling. California Linguistic Notes, xxxiv(2), 1–21. Sunday, A. B. (2011). Verbal assault in Fu´jì music: The case of Sikiru Ayinde Barrister and Kollington Ayinla. Journal of Pragmatics, 43(5), 1403–1421. Sunday, A. B. (2013). Sakara music and presentation of life issues: A critical discourse analysis of Yusuf Olatunji’s Yegede. In P. Simon & T. Szabo (Eds.), Music: Social impacts, health benefits and perspectives (pp. 199–216). Nova Publishers. Sunday, A.  B. (2021a). Critical sociocognitive analysis of hate speech in the 2015 Nigerian presidential election campaigns. Pragmatics and Society, 12(1), 59–78. Sunday, A.  B. (2021b). “Throw the money in the air”: Ideological rejoinder in Olamide’s Omo Abule Sowo. Muziki, 18(2), 34–51. https://doi.org/10.108 0/18125980.2021.2003716 van Dijk, T. (2006). Ideology and discourse analysis. Journal of Political Ideologies, 11(2), 115–140. van Dijk, T. (2011). Discourse, knowledge, power and politics: Towards critical epistemic discourse analysis. In C. Hart (Ed.), Critical discourse studies in context and cognition (pp. 28–63). John Benjamins. van Dijk, T. (2012). A note on epistemics and discourse analysis. British Journal of Social Psychology, 51, 478–485. van Dijk, T. (2015). Critical discourse studies: A sociocognitive approach. In R. Wodak & M. Meyer (Eds.), Methods of critical discourse analysis (pp. 63–85). Sage.

Discography Yusuf Olatunji. (1969). Bolowo ba te (Vol. 1). Lagos: Zareco. Yusuf Olatunji. (n.d.-a). Asiko Wa Ni (Vol. 13). Lagos: Zareco. Yusuf Olatunji. (1973a). Oni ’Tire (Vol. 15). Lagos: Zareco. Yusuf Olatunji. (1973b). Yegede (Vol. 17). Lagos: Premier Music.

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Yusuf Olatunji. (n.d.-b). Ijimere Sogigun (Vol. 21). Lagos: Zareco. Yusuf Olatunji. (1975). Iwa (Vol. 22). Abeokuta: Olatunji Records. Yusuf Olatunji. (n.d.-c). Olowo Lagba (Vol. 23). Lagos: Zareco. Yusuf Olatunji. (1976). Oba Oluwa l’onidede (Vol. 24). Lagos: Zareco. Yusuf Olatunji. (1977). Orin Tokotaya (Vol. 27). Lagos: Premier Music.

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CHAPTER 7

Exploring the Value Systems Embedded in Indigenous Yorùbá Music Genres and Yorùbá Nursery Rhymes Rhoda Titilopemi Inioluwa Abiolu, Oluwatobi Joseph Alabi, Hosea Olayiwola Patrick, and Oluremi Adenike Abiolu

Introduction Music and language are found in every society as powerful medium of communication and entertainment (Adedeji, 2017; Yussuf & Olúbòmęhìn, 2018). It is an important part of the Yorùbá cultural heritage used during various religious festivals, as well as royal, marriage, and naming ceremonies (Oti & Ayeni, 2013; Omojola, 2014; Elegbe & Fadipe, 2017). The

R. T. I. Abiolu (*) Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] O. J. Alabi University of Johannesburg, Johannesburg, South Africa © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 A. Salawu, I. A. Fadipe (eds.), Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 1, Pop Music, Culture and Identity, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97884-6_7

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functions of the Yorùbá music are closely linked to other forms of entertainment purposes and intents, such as relaxation, education, and instilling of sociocultural values, integration, and a sense of identity (Elegbe & Fadipe, 2017). One of the things that set the Yorùbá music (and people) apart from other groups in Nigeria is their tremendous accomplishments in the arts and entertainment industry with popular musical genres like àgídìgbo, àwúrèbe, wéré, àdàmò, ìjálá, orin arò, gùmbe, kókómà, jùjú, fùjì, àpàlà, sákárà, and highlife among others, reflecting the fundamental world views of the Yorùbá people (Omojola, 2014; Samuel & Adekola, 2018; Yussuf & Olúbòmęhìn, 2018). This chapter focuses on selected songs from Yorùbá music genres and nursery rhymes, bringing to the fore the significance of Yorùbá traditional music in Nigeria as a medium of preserving and popularising the cultural values and heritage of the Yorùbá people. The chapter discusses Yorùbá indigenous music and nursery rhymes as significant cultural instruments for inculcating morals and values, reinforcing conformity, and correcting social ills. Being mindful of the role of globalisation on cultural assimilation and transformation, the chapter further argues that unlike these indigenous classical songs, contemporary music in Nigeria has not effectively drawn on music as a tool for upholding and conforming moral standards. It is believed that these indigenous Yorùbá genres provide societal balance and bring to the fore the sociocultural, economic, and political values of the people (Samuel & Adekola, 2018). Adeyanju and Salamon (2014) noted that various components of a community play a supportive and functional role in the socialisation of children. Therefore, socialisation is not just the responsibility of the immediate parent but the entire community. To have a deeper insight to value and value systems within the context of Yorùbá music, there is a need to situate music within the concept

H. O. Patrick University of KwaZulu Natal, Durban, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] O. A. Abiolu Federal University of Technology, Akure, Nigeria e-mail: [email protected]

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and ideals of who the Yorùbá people are, their cultural orientation, and stated value system.

The Yorùbá People The Yorùbá people occupy mostly the south-western part of Nigeria, some parts of the Benin Republic, and Togo and are also found in Cuba and some Caribbean countries (Abimbola, 2006; Borokini & Lawal, 2014; Oyeniyi, 2015). Several accounts explain the origin of the Yorùbá people, but the migration and cosmogony narratives are the most popular (Adedeji, 2005; Olumide, 2019). They historically comprise of several semi-autonomous ethnic groups that are often headed by an Ọba or Baálẹ̀. The Yorùbá people, as a cultural group, are rich in artistic collection of pottery, beadwork, metalwork, mask making, and weaving, among many others (Akintoye, 2010). The Yorùbá culture, just like other cultures of the world, is a patterned way of life that consists of aspects that distinguish the Yorùbá people as a group from others and is passed on from one generation to the other (Idang, 2015). Due to Nigeria’s colonial past, there were incidences of cultural contact that had imperial tendencies. This left Nigerians, in this case, Yorùbá people, downplaying and downgrading their culture, values, and tradition. Oti and Ayeni (2013, p. 23) added that the Yorùbá people became ‘Europeans in black skin’ resulting to the notion that the Yorùbá culture is an endangered species. Therefore, this requires concerted efforts to preserve the cultural heritage, and in this instance, the value-laden potentials in Yorùbá music genres, which is the sole essence of this chapter. As the chapter proceeds, the ensuing discussions are tailored around music use and performance among the Yorùbá people.

Music Among the Yorùbá People: Use and Performance Musical cultures often known for their distinct rhythms and harmony are an integral part of the African culture and everyday life (Hester, 2010). Music in African culture is “learned as [a] cultural and practical education, the birth-right of all African children, which provides not only musical education, but also a comprehensive preparation for all life” (Hester, 2010, p. 36).

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As applies to music in the broader African context, music within the Yorùbá culture not only serves as oral tradition, but it intersects with other aspects of life, such as dance and folktales expressing life through sound as a medium for connecting different fabrics of the people in a variety of ways that strengthen their value system and commitment within the community (Idamoyibo, 2008; Oti & Ayeni, 2013). And more importantly, in congruence with the central theme of this discourse, Yorùbá music preserves “the sociocultural values of society exemplified among the Yorùbá-­ speaking people of Western Nigeria” in the face of aggressive cultural imperialism (Yussuf & Olúbòmęhìn, 2018, p. 62). Yorùbá songs in different genres inscribe ideals, values, and philosophies in no small way, on the mind of listeners and those who come across such, leaving lasting effects (Yussuf & Olúbòmęhìn, 2018; Oti & Ayeni, 2013). The lyrics of these songs are usually well thought out and directed at communicating specific messages relating to an aspect of the cultural life of the people. Therefore, the role of music within the Yorùbá society basically includes the development, exhibition, and preservation of the cultural heritage of the people (Fadipe, 2016). The repetitive phrases or structured notations, chords, and melodies accompanied with dance serve for entertainment and often reflect the cultural identity of the context in which it was composed. For example, Okunoye (2010) argued that singers among the Yorùbá people are not just entertainers but also active social agents that contribute to and shape discourses within the society in the form of agency. According to Yussuf and Olúbòmęhìn (2018), Yorùbá music is mainly for ‘communication’. However, such communicative acts can be further categorised into two forms of Yorùbá music use. The first being religious communicative purpose, to establish a connection between man and the Supreme Being, while the second purpose is that of secular communication, for events, activities, festivities, entertainment, education, and information. The peculiarity of either religious or secular communication in Yorùbá music use lies within the expression and creativity of the musician or performer, the music lyrics, and how the audience interprets all of these. This is inspired through the facts of reality, wide imagination, and oral sources within which s/he subsequently transmits the creativity in songs onwards to the present and future generation (Idamoyibo, 2008). The contents of the songs are often found to be expository, narrative, and instructional and s/he knows that the music lives and resonates within the musician and in the hearts of their audience.

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Furthermore, though music is commonly associated with pleasure, and entertainment, it is a powerful resource for creating cultural identity, unifying people, and could also be used for casual banter (Poder & Kiilu, 2015). Afolábí Olábímtán argued that ẹ̀fẹ̀ songs and poems among many things spread hatred and/or public opinion against unpopular vices or figures within the society, with the aim to recommend and steer the public towards a more acceptable attitude (Okunoye, 2010). Similar functions are obtainable in other Yorùbá indigenous genres (Yussuf & Olúbòmęhìn, 2018). The beauty of these songs are the implicitly embedded ideas in them which make them sound less offensive while still retaining their messages. By this, the message is not lost in transmission. It is disguised, concealed, but suggestive in content and context for the targeted audience (Yussuf & Olúbòmęhìn, 2018). However, attention must be paid to the appropriate Yorùbá pronunciation of the tones and pitches of the songs (Sotunsa, 2012; Oti & Ayeni, 2013). These tonal representations and inflexions dò (\), re ( ), and mí (/) are essential mainly to ensure that the meanings of words are not distorted (Oti & Ayeni, 2013; Abiolu & Teer-­ Tomaselli, 2019). One can argue that indigenous Yorùbá music constitutes an important avenue through which Yorùbá values, belief systems, and worldviews have been preserved and transmitted across generations at the face of an aggressive cultural imperialism that is fast encroaching most African societies (Fadipe, 2016). Fasan (2015) described how songs are oral archives of history and a medium through which coded messages are transferred across generations; hence, they are not merely used for entertainment purposes, but also for adulation, abuse, and censure. Yorùbá indigenous songs are a medium through which the Yorùbá people preserve and transfer knowledge across the generations. These songs serve as ‘memory archives’, storing up elements that are reminders of the cultural frameworks of the people with the aim to influence those people positively throughout their life’s journey (Fargion, 2004; Idamoyibo, 2008). From the foregoing, music can be described as a medium for the growth, nurturing and transference of important values, morals, and belief systems across generations, as well as, establishing connections between the cultural values of a people and their historical experiences.

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Yorùbá Music: Values and Socialisation Values serve as the guiding ethos for the furtherance and sustenance of the human society and are principles by which binary constructions such as right or wrong are measured (Idang, 2015). Music in general and songs particularly are a way to reinforce values and conforming behaviours through moral stimulation and praise-singing. Values, belief systems, and customs of a people are propagated, reinforced, and passed from generation to generation through some of these songs. According to Ojukwu et al. (2016), across most African cultures, the choice of words, performance style, and melody of a song embody a lot more than entertainment; they are avenues through which sociocultural debates about conforming norms within societies are established and consolidated. They are also deployed to articulate sociocultural and religious values as well as push political agendas (Abiolu & Teer-Tomaselli, 2019). To characterise the Yorùbá value system as one that emanates from a singular entity or source may be an inadequate summation, largely due to the diversity of the Yorùbá people and culture (Idang, 2015; Yussuf & Olúbòmęhìn, 2018). But it may not be far from the truth to allude that there are common frameworks from which sociocultural, religious, and political values are deeply rooted due to historio-genesis and ancestral antecedents shared by the peoples of the world (Bewaji, n.d.). Mediated and artistic representations of Yorùbá sociocultural values contained in movies/films are an indication of the need to further explore other forms of art like music, which this chapter promptly does. Consequently, much emphasis, in this chapter, is placed on the tangible expressions of the value system of the Yorùbá people, embedded in artistic representations of Yorùbá music genres. Music, in its various forms among the Yorùbá people, provides a societal balance and from time to time, gives commentary on pressing cultural, economic, and political issues. Some of the values that are popularised in most of these indigenous songs include the principle of Ọmọlúàbí (a good, virtuous, and dependable person), ìjúbà (paying of homage), ìwàpẹ̀lẹ́ (gentility), ìtẹpámọ́ṣe or ìmúra sí ṣẹ́ (hard work), and àforítì (endurance), among others (Oti & Ayeni, 2013; Yussuf & Olúbòmęhìn, 2018). Elegbe and Fadipe (2017), in their study, reported that media and artistic representations are vital avenues by which values can be inculcated and popularised. They noted that some of the values that influenced

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people were good leadership (aṣààjù rere), good followership (àtẹ̀lé rere), unity (ìṣọ̀kan), patriotism (ìfẹ́ orílẹ̀-èdè), honesty (olóótọ́), reinforcing cultural identity (dídára ẹni lójú nípa ẹni tí a jẹ́), selfless service (ìfàra ẹni jì), hard work (iṣẹ́ kárakára, ìtẹpámọ́ṣe or ìmúra sí ṣẹ́), gender equality (ìwà dógba), and sexual chastity (ìpara ẹni mọ́). However, other themes that were prominent included injustice (ìrẹ́jẹ), retribution (èrè fún iṣẹ́ rere tàbí ìjìyà fún iṣẹ́ búburú), extramarital affairs (ṣíṣe panṣágà), get-rich-quick schemes (okàn láti ní owò ní kíákíá pẹ̀lú ọgbọ́n àlùmọ̀kọ́rọ́yí), ritualism (fífi ènìyàn ṣe ògùn owó), power tussle (ìjà fún agbára), fraud (gbigba eniyan pẹ̀lú ọgbọ́n àlùmọ̀kọ́rọ́yí), armed robbery (ìdigun jalè), corruption (ibájẹ̀), and bad leadership (aṣààjù burúkú). In the same zeal by which we strive to pass on positive values to generations after, it must be ensured that the negative values are dropped to promote a more progressive and dynamic society (Idang, 2015; Elegbe & Fadipe, 2017). Values of integrity/honesty (òtítọ́) and respect (ọ̀wọ̀) are considered sacrosanct for developing character and are virtues that must be taught in the process of socialising a child to become a conforming member of the community. Socialisation among the Yorùbá is a community responsibility (Adeyanju & Salamon, 2014; Patrick, 2020). Added to these are “the promotion of a sense of good human relations, a sense of the sacredness of life, a sense of hospitality, and of religion, a sense of time, a sense of respect for authority and the elders, and a sense of sacredness of family life, among others” (Yussuf & Olúbòmęhìn, 2018, p. 72). A popular Yorùbá proverb gives credence to this socialisation philosophy, the saying goes, ‘ẹnì kan ló ń bímọ, ọ̀pọ̀ ènìyàn ló ń bá ni tọ’, meaning ‘only one person gives birth to a child, but many people take part in raising the child’ (Babatunde & Setiloane, 2014). The values discussed above are believed to be not only essential in raising a child with good character, but crucial for developing inner peace and balance that facilitate good social relations among members of a community.

Method This chapter adopts a scoping  desktop technique to analyse embedded values in some purposively selected Yorùbá songs and nursery rhymes. The rationale for selection is based on their lyrical contents and general appeal. The purposive sampling is otherwise known as “judgmental, selective or subjective sampling, [because it] reflects a group of sampling techniques

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that rely on the judgement of the researcher when it comes to selecting the units to be studied” (Sharma, 2017, p. 751). In view of this, six Yorùbá songs and two popular Yorùbá nursery rhymes are chosen. The selected songs are Haruna Ishola’s ‘Punctuality’, Ebenezer Obey’s ‘Kò sógbón to lè dá’ (there is no crafty way you create), ‘Ilé ayé fún ìgbà dí ẹ̀ ni’ (the world is but for a short timeframe), ‘Ẹní rí nkan he’ (someone who found something), ‘Àgbàgbà ìlú mojú bà’ (my greetings to the elder), and Christy Essien Igbokwe’s ‘Ṣeun rere’ (do good). The nursery rhymes are ‘Iṣẹ́ àgbẹ̀ niṣẹ́ ilẹ̀ẹwa’ (agriculture is our trade) and ‘Bàtà mí á dún ko ko kà’ (my shoes will resound). Lagbaja’s ‘Konko below’, 9ice’s ‘Gongo aso’ (there will be a big bang), and DJ Zeez’s ‘Orí ẹ̀ ófọ́kásíbẹ̀’ (your head is scattered there) and ‘bobbie FC’ are also briefly analysed as relating to these songs is not because they are exceptionally value-laden, but just groove and feel-­ good music. These songs were accessed from the public domain of YouTube. An interpretative content analysis is used in the analysis of the selected songs. A major objective of content analysis that is quite relevant to this chapter is the interpretation of meaning from raw text of the lyrics (Hsieh & Shannon, 2005). Aside from a direct/verbatim translation and interpretation of these lyrics, it is also important to note that the Yorùbá language is very descriptive and contextual. Hence, interpretations may vary based on the use of words and the context in which they are used. However, the meaning is not lost because of the tones, pitches and somewhat concealed but shared descriptive understanding of phrases in the Yorùbá language (Sotunsa, 2012; Yussuf & Olúbòmęhìn, 2018).

Song Analysis: Musical Historicity Versus Value Content The place of music as an activity for entertainment, therapy, and as an instrument for socialisation, agency, and value formation enshrined in most cultures has been established in this chapter. And as Oikelome (2019) opined, music is imbedded in the cultural environment of the African people. Within the African tradition, outside its entertainment potentials, musical contents and lyrics are conscious socio-spiritual, emotional, and/or philosophical compositions curated to synthesise expected ‘everyday’ cultural values and norms from the viewpoint and orientation of the composers or popular opinion mostly to convene a

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message. Hence, music is seen as a creative and or emotional expression or attempt to tell/share a story1 while encouraging/inculcating a particular value system within the society. Within the ambit of musical historicity, the history of music must be understood from its interaction with other aspects of culture. And because music is an expression of culture, tracing its historical epistemology especially in Africa is a herculean task. Within the Nigerian context, the understanding of the evolution of Nigerian music in general and Yorùbá music and its historicity was, until the 1980s, largely unaddressed (Ogisi, 2010). While there are discourses on the history of different genres of Yorùbá music such as jùjú, fújì, àpàlà, and gospel (Ogisi, 2010; Omojola, 2014; Fadipe, 2016; Adedeji, 2017), and music performance and role (Omojola, 2010), the discourses on the historicity of musical content in terms of lyrical composition over time have received little attention. This section provides a summary trace on the evolution of the message and value composition in the lyrical content of selected Yorùbá music from the classical era (from the 1950s to 1980s), to premillennial era (1990s) and then the post-millennial era (from post-2000 to present day). The transition in the rationale for, and use of music, has overtime been influenced by popular culture and tradition as well as the need to capture a wider ‘listenership’. As Ogisi (2010) and Adedeji (2017) opined, while religion (in the sense of Christianity and Islam) was a major determinant and influence on Yorùbá music and musical content from the 1950s to late 1980s and in the early 1990s producing genres such as highlife, jùjú, and fújì among others, the advent of globalisation in the mid-1990s towards post-2000s to present day has led to a transformation and production of hybridised musical cultures such as hip pop and afro hip hop among others which largely dwell on a neo-traditional music culture (Ogisi, 2010). It is therefore no surprise that the lyrical content of music has over time evolved in line with the prevailing culture of the society. In the 1950s, down to the early 1990s, the Yorùbá music largely served the multiple functionalities of entertainment, agency, morale booster as well as medium for value inculcation and socialisation (Omojola, 2010, 2014). These can be seen in songs like the 1960s Punctuality of Haruna Ishola (àpàlà); 1970s ‘The Horse, The Man, His Son’ by Chief Commander 1  As seen in scholarly pieces like Ng’andu and Herbst (2004), and de Melo and Paiva (2005). Music’s function in story telling is also evinced in Ebenezer Obey’s album The Horse, The Man, His Son; the album is analysed later in this discussion.

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Table 7.1  Tabular analysis of selected Yorùbá music of the classical and premillennial eras (1950s–1990s) Artists and their music tracks

Music lyrics and the values they teach

Haruna Ishola’s ‘Punctuality’

punctuality is the soul of business, ká múra lákòkò iṣẹ́ tí àń ṣe, kí a má ṣe ṣọ̀lẹ nítorí ọjọ́ alẹ́, kó lè sàn wá ju òwúrọ̀ Ebenezer kò sógbón to lè dá, kò sí wà to Obey’s lè hù, kò sónà to lè mọ̀ to lè fi ‘Kò sógbón to lè táyé lọ́rùn dá’ Ebenezer Ilé ayé fún ìgbà dí ẹ̀ ni o, Obey’s ọmọ aráyé ẹṣere o ‘Ilé ayé fún ìgbà dí ẹ̀ ni’, Ebenezer Èní larí o, kòmà sẹ́ni tómọ́la, Obey’s ní ṣe láye ńyì, ẹ̀dá ńkàn tọ̀ọ́lẹ́ ‘Ẹní rí nkan yìn ni, ká parapọ ká rorí, he’ kójúú tẹlẹ́gàn lágbára Bàmi, ẹṣàmín à ṣẹ

Ebenezer Obey’s ‘Àgbàgbà ìlú mojú bà’ Christy Essien Igbokwe’s ‘Ṣeun rere’

Interpretations

Core values

Work promptly and keep to time because time lost cannot be regained. There is no satiable way of pleasing men.

Punctuality

This song is a call to live well and impact others.

Do good to all men (empathy)

Live your life to please no one

The song shows that tomorrow is not promised to anyone. Therefore, all we have is today, and we should be guided by God as the Supreme Being. Àgbàgbà ìlú mojú bà o, kí’bà The song addresses mí ṣẹ o, ìbà o respect for elders.

Using one’s time on earth wisely

Ọmọ̀ mi ṣeun rere, tì ẹ á dára o … Tọ́mọdé bá wùwà burúkú wáá’ní ìyá rẹ̀ lo kọ Tọ́mọdé bá wùwà burúkú wáá’ní bàbá rẹ̀ lo kọ Ìyá mi fọ̀nà tó da hàn mí láyé Bàbá mi fíwà tó da hàn mí láyé

The importance of parents in a child’s socialisation process

The song means that both parents need to work together for a well-rounded child.

Respect

Ebenezer Obey (jùjú); 1980s ‘Ṣeun Rere’ by Christy Essien Igbokwe (R & B), among others. A further analysis of the contents of these songs brings to life the embedded meanings therein, thereby contextualising the instrumentality of Yorùbá music (Table 7.1).

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Table 7.2  Tabular analysis of selected Yorùbá nursery rhyme genre Yoruba nursery rhymes

Translation

Iṣẹ́ àgbẹ̀ niṣẹ́ ilẹ̀ẹwa Ẹni kò ṣiṣẹ́ á mà jalè Ìwé kíkọ́, láìsí ọkọ́, àti àdá Kòìpé o, rárá, kòìpé o

Agriculture is the bedrock of our society Hard work Whoever does not work will steal Education, without hoe and cutlass, that is, agriculture, is incomplete (i.e., an educated society without agriculture is incomplete). My shoes will make the sound of confidence Study hard If I study hard for school. It is an indication that hard work pays because it leads to a successful future.

Bàtà mí á dún ko ko kà Tí mobá kà’wé mi

Core values

Christy Essien Igbokwe’s ‘Ṣeun rere’ reveals that parenting is a status that bequeaths responsibility. It highlights the cogent roles that parents play in the formative years and overall development of their children. The role of a father or mother is not just about caring, or providing, and protecting their children but acting as active role models and instructors that embody conforming norms, mores, and values that are considered acceptable within the context of their culture. It is believed that socialising a child to become a conforming member of a society is more effective when instructions are matched with actions and parents become worthy examples that children can emulate. These tracks all accent to the importance of values among the Yorùbá people (Yussuf & Olúbòmęhìn, 2018) (Table 7.2). The transmission and sustenance of the values imbedded in the lyrics of these songs are largely dependent on the attitude of those within the cultural framework of such systems, that is, the Yorùbá people. The challenge with the continuous functionality of these genres and how to preserve the uniqueness of these genres especially in an increasingly globalised environment is thus of utmost concern. This is by no way downplaying the entertainment value of these genres, but to reiterate that other values should not be shelved in favour of entertainment only. Outside the ambit of Yorùbá music, a fine case in point on value and lyrical content of popular music is the 1980s ‘Wait For Me’ by King Sunny Ade and Onyeka Onwenu, to address birth control and other social issues. The shared multiple functions of Yorùbá music evident in the lyrical content of the music at that time have been gradually and mostly eroded in content, rationale, and expression of post-2000 Yorùbá music. The lyrical

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Table 7.3  Tabular analysis of post-millennial era (from post-2000 to present day) Artists/music lyrics

Translations

Interpretations

Lagbaja’s ‘Konko below’

E pade mi ni’sale e le le le le le le le le le E pade mi ni sale e pade mi ni Konko below ko below Gongo aso kutup’ahu, anywhere I dey now Gongo aso kutup’ahu, any show I go now Ajisebi Oyo Laari, Oyo o’shebi Baba eni kankan Orí ẹ̀ ófọ́kásíbẹ̀ Fọ́kásíbẹ̀ Bobbie ẹ O ja mi laya Bobbie ẹ Ó ńdàmí lórírú

The song is a call to bystanders to come to the dance floor, bend their knees and dance.

9ice’s ‘Gongo aso’

DJ Zeez’s ‘Orí ẹ̀ ófọ́kásíbẹ̀’ DJ Zeez’s ‘bobbie FC’

The song translates to the prominence the artist has achieved and how this cannot be replicated by anyone. It is an indication of enjoying the ‘life’ of a party.

This song literally means “your head is broken and scattered everywhere”. The lyrics speak to the size of the women’s breasts (in the video) and attractions/confusion that these breasts are causing.

content of post-2000 music is mostly shallow, with less cultural meaning. Contemporary popular Yorùbá music are now mostly produced for entertainment and societal acceptance than for socialisation, value formation and philosophical delivery (Adedeji, 2010). Examples in this sense include popular Yorùbá songs like Lagbaja’s ‘Konko below’, 9ice’s ‘Gongo aso’ and DJ Zeez’s ‘Orí ẹ̀ ófọ́kásíbẹ̀’ and ‘bobbie FC’. For the post-millennial lyrics analysed below, there is practically no derived cultural or value-laden meaning to the lyrical contents of these songs as they are specifically for entertainment purposes (Table 7.3). Ogunrinade (2016) following a critical analysis of live performances, lyrics, and videos of selected contemporary Nigerian songs argued that music in Nigeria as of today portrays more vulgarity and coarseness in both content and graphics and this is negatively consequential for the morals of youth. Furthermore, the author argued that to get the patronage of the very expansive youth population of Nigeria, some contemporary Nigerian musicians adopt words that are sometimes indecent in their songs because it is more appealing to this population sect. The table above is a practical example. And following up on this, the Nigerian street sensation, Naira Marley, in most of his songs about yahoo-yahoo (cybercrime), in

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Nigeria, is of the opinion that internet fraud is not as bad as the law portrays it, but rather should be seen as retribution for the years of exploitation—human and economic capital drain that the West has perpetuated on countries like Nigeria. Considering the role music plays in shaping people’s behaviour and attitude, narratives such as this influence social discourse and the dominant perception of cybercrime especially among the Nigerian youth. This is just an example of how music could reinforce non-­ conforming behaviour and consequently normalise vices within society. It is important to note that while the contents in the pre-2000 era had less vulgarity as compared to the post-2000 era, it is not to say that all the songs produced in this supposedly classical era were mainly moral/value oriented, for example, the 1980s Victor Olaiya’s ‘Mo Fe Mu’Yan’ directly translates to ‘I want to suck breasts’. The song is a highlife feel-good groove which tells the story of a man in pursuit of a woman he has interests in, for a romantic relationship. This is also not to argue that all the musical contents in the post-2000 era are purely for entertainment purpose alone, for example, the 2000s ‘Eye Adaba’ by Asa summarily implying the desire for blessings and inspiration for a new day and its activities, and ‘Owuro L’ojo’ by Beautiful Nubia that speaks to the need to make use of the opportunities offered by the dawn of each new day, among other songs. In essence, the argument here is to say that the advent of globalisation and transfusion of westernisation has brought about the gradual evolution of more Yorùbá songs with less philosophically and morally viable lyrical content. This gradual erosion in lyrical value-laden content may gradually lead to the erosion of music functionality as a medium for agency, value formation, and socialisation which is a major concern in this chapter. However, an upside is that these traditional genres have been instrumental in the development of modern and popular music practices in Nigeria (Adedeji, 2010, 2016). It also implies that despite the threat of cultural homogenisation, imperialism, and the introduction of new and modern technologies, these traditional genres of music attempt to preserve their essence and nature, to continually be vehicles for the propagation and preservation of the culture and value system of the Yorùbá people (Fadipe, 2016; Yussuf & Olúbòmęhìn, 2018). As such, more emphasis ought to be on the cultivation of these media of representation, seeing the multi-dimensional purpose they serve, as instruments of communication, socialisation, instruction, and heritage protector through the inculcation of oral tradition.

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Conclusion This chapter has outlined the importance of the Yorùbá value system to the Yorùbá people and how these values have been embedded in their musical genres and traditions. It can be affirmed that “Yorùbá traditional or popular music has contributed positively to the promotion and projection of Yorùbá cultural values in Nigeria, Africa and in other parts of the world” (Yussuf & Olúbòmęhìn, 2018, p. 65). It can also be said that the behavioural norms and standards that people convey from their exposure to Yorùbá music affects their perspective of the world. Therefore, individuals who exhibit positive characteristics of their value systems, pave way for a more balanced society. As these values are entrenched within society and passed down from one generation to the other, the culture and value system of the Yorùbá people is more preserved, especially in the face of modernisation and cultural imperialism. To ensure that these values are not reduced to nothingness, and their usefulness within society is not truncated, collective effort is of necessity (translated in Yorùbá as àgbájọwọ́ la fiń sàn yà) (Patrick, 2020). The call for a more value-centred approach to teaching and entertainment through Yorùbá music genres, that was prevalent in time past, is even more needed and useful now. This is because an increased awareness in such musical practices will go a long way to curb social vices such as those of ill behaviour, laziness, gender-based violence, corruption, sensual scenes and obscenity, and other negative values and vices that have permeated the contemporary society.

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Adedeji, W. (2017). Africanity and new wave popular music style in Nigeria: “Afro” hip hop revisited. Scholars Bulletin, 3(3), 75–82. Adeyanju, E., & Salamon, F.  A. (2014). Cultural ecological factors in Nigerian child-rearing. Exploration of the concepts of iwa and kirk. Anthropos, 109(1), 21–32. Akintoye, S.  A. (2010). Book review: A history of the Yorùbá people. Amalion Publishing. Babatunde, E. D., & Setiloane, K. (2014). Changing patterns of Yorùbá parenting in Nigeria. In H. Selin (Ed.), Parenting across cultures (pp. 241–252). Springer. Bewaji, J.  A. I. (n.d.). Yorùbá values and the environment. [online]. Retrieved September 9, 2020, from https://news.clas.ufl.edu/Yorùbá-values-and-theenvironment/ Borokini, T. I., & Lawal, I. O. (2014). Traditional medicine practices among the Yoruba people of Nigeria: A historical perspective. Journal of Medicinal Plants Studies, 2(6), 20–33. de Melo, C., & Paiva, A. (2005, November). Environment expression: Telling stories through cameras, lights, and music. In International conference on virtual storytelling (pp. 129–132). Springer, Berlin, Heidelberg. Elegbe, O., & Fadipe, I. A. (2017). Promoting cultural and social values in Yorùbá Nollywood movies. Journal of Pan African Studies, 10(2), 34–49. Fadipe, I. (2016). Ethical reorientation in Ayinla Omowura music. Lambert Academic Publishing. Fargion, J. T. (2004). African Music in the world and traditional music section at the British Library Sound Archive. History in Africa, 31, 447–454. Fasan, R. (2015). Women and child-naming song poetry of southeast Yorùbáland. Research in African Literatures, 46(1), 107–126. Hester, K. E. (2010). Bigotry and the Afrocentric “Jazz” evolution. Congella. Hsieh, H. F., & Shannon, S. E. (2005). Three approaches to qualitative content analysis. Qualitative Health Research, 15(9), 1277–1288. Idamoyibo, A. (2008). Memory archive through the substance of Yorùbá musical culture. EJOTMAS: Ekpoma Journal of Theatre and Media Arts, 2(1–2). (unpaginated). Idang, G. E. (2015). African culture and values. Phronimon, 16(2), 97–111. Ng’andu, J., & Herbst, A. (2004). Lukwesa ne Ciwa-The story of Lukwesa and Iciwa: Musical storytelling of the Bemba of Zambia. British Journal of Music Education, 21(1), 41. Ogisi, A.  A. (2010). The origin and development of Juju music: 1900–1990. EJOTMAS: Ekpoma Journal of Theatre and Media Arts, 3(1–2), 27–37. Ogunrinade, D. O. A. (2016). Contemporary Nigerian popular music: A menace to national development. Journal of Arts and Humanities, 5(1), 54–62. Oikelome, A. (2019). The music of the dance: A study of music and dance in African culture. Awka Journal of Research in Music and the Arts, 13(1), 185–202.

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Ojukwu, E., Obielozie, E., & Esimone, C. (2016). Nigerian values and contemporary popular music: A new look. Ogirisi: A New Journal of African Studies, 12, 114–129. Okunoye, O. (2010). Ewì, Yorùbá modernity, and the public space. Research in African Literatures, 41(4), 43–64. Olumide, E. B. (2019). A comparative analysis of genesis creation story and Yorùbá myth of creation. Doctoral dissertation, Kwara State University, Nigeria. Omojola, B. (2010). Rhythms of the gods: Music and spirituality in Yorùbá culture. The Journal of Pan African Studies, 3(5), 29–50. Omojola, B. (2014). Yorùbá music in the twentieth century: Identity, agency, and performance practice (Vol. 2). Boydell & Brewer. Oti, A., & Ayeni, O. (2013). Yorùbá culture of Nigeria: Creating space for an endangered species. Cross-Cultural Communication, 9(4), 23–29. Oyeniyi, B. A. (2015). Dress in the making of African identity: A social and cultural history of the Yoruba people. Cambria Press. Patrick, H. O. (2020). Winning hearts and minds; fostering inclusiveness through community development tactics in South Africa. In Kariuki P, Goyayi M and Mhlongo S (Eds). Social Cohesion in the Last Decade: Taking Stock to Inform the New Decade. Democracy Development Program. Atlas Printers. Durban. pp. 119–161. Poder, K., & Kiilu, K. (2015). The formation of musical identity. The European Journal of Social and Behavioural Sciences EJSBS, XII, 1704–1711. Samuel, K., & Adekola, O. E. (2018). Philosophical elements in Àgídìgbo music and their didactic values for promoting effective educational system for Africa. Journal of Pan African Studies, 11(5), 56–75. Sharma, G. (2017). Pros and cons of different sampling techniques. International Journal of Applied Research, 3(7), 749–752. Sotunsa, M. E. (2012). Exploiting resources of Yorùbá drum poetry for contemporary global relevance. In G. Collier (Ed.), Focus on Nigeria: Literature and culture (pp. 401–410). Rodopi. Yussuf, B. N., & Olúbòmęhìn, O. O. (2018). Traditional music and the expression of Yorùbá socio-cultural values: A historical analysis. Muziki, 15(2), 61–74.

CHAPTER 8

Cultural Frames: Sociocultural Metaphors in Owerri-Igbo Bongo Music Chioma Deborah Onwubiko

Introduction Cultural frame is about the interests, beliefs, principles and ideologies of a particular group of people in relation to the circumstances surrounding individuals and how their behaviours are affected specifically by their surrounding social and cultural factors. Howard-Grenville et al. (2003) define cultural frames as the shared meanings held by individuals that shape their understanding of situations and guide their actions within a society. They further noted that ethnic cultures are very powerful in shaping shared cultural beliefs. Collaborating Goffman’s opinion that cultural frames are constructed and maintained through a collective process and are not merely individually held beliefs, Scheufele (1999) maintain that framing is an essential part of building cultural resonance. In the view of Douglass, it is a people’s culture that frames and proffers sense to its members by distinguishing between normal (acceptable) and abnormal (unacceptable) social behaviours (Howard-Grenville et al., 2003,  p.  72) and cultural

C. D. Onwubiko (*) Federal University of Technology Owerri, Owerri, Nigeria e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 A. Salawu, I. A. Fadipe (eds.), Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 1, Pop Music, Culture and Identity, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97884-6_8

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factors influence the thoughts, feelings and behaviours of an individual or a group. According to Sanderson (2010), people’s behaviour and mental processes are shaped in part by their social and/or cultural contact, including race, gender and nationality. Van Gorp (2007) emphasizes that social and cultural factors are crucial to understanding human behaviours. Culture here refers to the distinct way of life of a particular group of people, which is gathered from their ethnic identity, customs and traditions, values and attitudes, and passed on from one generation to another. There have been very few studies on Owerri-Igbo Bongo Music (hereafter, OIBM) with very little attention on the cultural frames and none in particular on the sociocultural metaphors. The major references on OIBM are Opara (2012) and Nwulu (2014), which considered Bongo musicians as social commentators and the language of Bongo music within the cultural frame respectively. Other studies on Igbo traditional music have either considered Idu-Igbo traditional dance music (Okpala, 2016) or Igbo folk songs (Onwuegbuna, 2012, 2015) and its philosophical embodiments. This chapter, therefore, examines cultural frames and sociocultural metaphors in Owerri-Igbo Bongo Music, from the purview of framing theory and deliberate metaphor theory. It also establishes the link between the metaphors and their sociocultural orientation.

Bongo Music: An Aspect of Igbo Culture The Igbo ethnic group occupy the Eastern Part of Nigeria, the second largest ethnic group in the Southern Nigeria. They are believed to be naturally gifted in art, especially music that has rich and diverse genres that entertain, inspire, educate, inform and catalyse vital aspects of Igbo culture in the listeners (Opara, 2012, p. 4). The Igbo brand of music is indigenous, an embodiment of their social and philosophical beliefs which mark all aspects of human development and existence. This chapter explores Bongo as a brand that embodies cultural frames and social commentaries and how they are deployed by artistes to structure the thoughts and influence the perception and choices of their listeners. Bongo is a genre of Igbo Highlife music common among Owerri-Igbo in Imo State, Nigeria with the male folk as artistes and it evolved from the cultural music of the different communities that make up Owerri-Igbo. It derives its name “bongo” from the “ogwe” (drum) which produces high-­ pitched sound, besides the “ogwe”; it also features the use of other local instruments such as drums and wooden gongs with a recent incorporation

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of Western musical instruments. Opara (2012) opines that Bongo historically existed as Owerri indigenous brand of music in the 1960s but lost its popularity because of the Nigerian civil war (1967–1970) and has re-­ emerged in this modern times incorporating Western instruments. The major language of Bongo Music is Owerri dialect of Igbo with a tinge of English and Nigerian Pidgin and it is a veritable media for the transmission of Igbo socio-moral instructions and philosophy, preservation of history and cultural heritage, entertainment, sociocultural enlightenment, moral instruction and social commentary, among others. It is instructive and encourages hard work through its lyrics and stories told alongside the music. Nwulu (2014, p.  200) observes that Bongo “has always been played as entertainment in clubs as well as used in marking social gatherings such as weddings, funerals, chieftancy installations, child dedications etc. The artiste is a recognizable social figure whose compositions effectively draw from and mirror the peculiar lives of the immediate environment”. However, Oti (2009) posits that beyond instrumentation, the bongo artistes offer rich well of knowledge to the society. Most new Igbo idioms were products of the lyrics of these artistes, which today are embedded in Igbo language as hybrids. The use of Igbo language as the major language of Bongo Music has helped the contemporary artistes to continue with this ideological trend which has resonated Igbo metaphors, idioms, proverbs, parables and so on and also formed an integral aspect of the people’s identity. This brand of music not only plays important role in the Igbo race but also in the broader Nigerian and African society (Ifionu, 1982).

Framing Theory The theory was first put forth by Goffman in 1974 under the title “Frame Analysis” and was further elaborated on by other theorists. According to Mass Communication Theory, framing theory proposes that information presented to the audience comes in a particular style (called “the frame”), and it is this “frame” that influences people’s perception and the choices they make about how to process that information. They not only tell the audience what to think about, but also how to think about that issue. Littlejohn and Karen (2009) remark that frames identify themes in which individuals perceive the world and compress the complexity of the information they receive by interpreting and reconstructing them. Meaning is interpreted based on life-world belief, experiences and knowledge; these

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challenge and renegotiate reality. Entman (1993) defines framing as a process in which some aspects of reality are selected and given greater emphasis/importance, so that the problem is defined, its causes are diagnosed, moral judgments are suggested and appropriate solutions and actions are proposed. Thus, framing is the way a communication source defines and constructs any piece of communicated information with a surreptitious intention to elicit certain expected (re)actions among its audience. Scheufele (1999) believe that framing is an unavoidable part of human communication and culture (we all bring our own frames to our communications) as they are integral in determining which meanings become associated with certain occurrences. Insights from Newman (2021) reveals that cultural frames examine the way our culture frames our narratives and the way our narratives in turn produce the culture that frames them. For instance, children are practically immersed into the African culture through spiritual and moral frames embedded in the songs they learn (sing and dance) and this comprehensively prepares them for live. Fairhurst and Sarr (1996) identified metaphor, stories (myths, legends), tradition (rituals, ceremonies), slogan, jargon, catch phrase, artefact, contrast and Spin as framing techniques. In relation to the present discourse, the artiste as the speaker has the listeners as his audience with some others as his primary or target audience. This target audience are those whom the frame (message) is majorly directed at and for others it serves as information they could interpret and apply to reality with regards to the cultural background. This theory becomes relevant in interpreting the frames put forward by these artistes and giving insight into their perception of the society and the culture that produces the frame.

Deliberate Metaphor Theory Gerald Steen’s (2008) Deliberate Metaphor Theory (DMT) developed from Lakoff and Johnson’s (1980) Conceptual Metaphor Theory (CMT), which explains that every human makes use of metaphor in his everyday speeches. Conceptual Metaphor Theory implies the ontological correspondence mappings of the source domain with the target domain. However, Steen observes that most metaphors are not unconscious and conventional. According to him, metaphors are deliberate when they are

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direct but it does not imply that all indirect Metaphors are also non-­ deliberate. He maintains that they are typically non-deliberate in ordinary discussion even though, people can use conventional and indirect metaphors in highly deliberate way. Steen (2008) argues that “deliberate metaphor” involves some structures which point the addressee to the fact that a statement is meant to be realized as a metaphor. Moreover, such a structure comes in form of lexical signal or in form of additional relevant meaning”. Deliberate metaphor is a means to understand one thing in terms of something else; perspective changing is the sole communicative motive of deliberate metaphor and this has various rhetorical goals like persuasion, instruction, information and entertainment. This theory therefore guides the present study to identify the dimensions of the metaphorical expressions deployed by the artistes and their rhetorical goals with regards to the cultural background.

Methodology The data for this chapter is limited to nine tracks from five contemporary Owerri-Igbo Bongo artistes whose songs are the most played and have taken the centre stage of Bongo with their style and their lyrics are replete with cultural frame and sociocultural metaphors. Purposeful sampling technique was used in selecting the songs for analysis; the selection also considered relevance to present study, popularity, wide acceptability and accessibility of the songs. The selected songs were patiently listened to and carefully transcribed and translated into English. However, only those portions of the lyrics that contain relevant sociocultural contents were selected for analysis. The data were analysed descriptively based on insights from framing theory and deliberate metaphor theory.

Data Presentation and Analysis Using framing theory and deliberate metaphor theory, the descriptive analysis presented below highlights the cultural frames and sociocultural metaphors and also establishes the relationship between texts, processes, and their social condition. Cultural frames are discussed as follows:

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Morality and Social Justice Excerpt 8.1 O bara eze egbukwala mu o, ma-anoro mkpa m ha (He that has become wealthy should not A Chukwu kere one eze eh, a Ya kere nwa mbia kill me; let me be at my level. It is God Chineke kere onye bara eze n’elu uwa karia mu o that created the wealthy, He created the Mgbe ayi ruru n’ihu Chukwu orphan. God created he who is wealthier Ayi niile g’aha otu ee n’ezia than me on earth. When we arrive before “Obara eze” (Chima Eke)  God, we shall all become equal.) Advancing the culture of justice, Eke frames the rich as hostile beings that are not considerate at all, rather ceases any opportunity to intimidate, humiliate, subdue and oppress the poor. This track becomes quite appropriate at a time people flaunt their ill-gotten wealth and deploys it as a veritable tool to oppress the poor. Eke’s appeal to the wealthy to let him be is summed up in the line “O bara eze egbukwala mu o, ma-anoro mkpa m ha” (the wealthy should let me be), thus reverberating the culture of fairness. The philosophical belief that “Chiukwu” (Big God) created both the rich and the poor/orphan to co-exist is resonated here hence, he appeals to the wealthy to deal kindly with the poor thereby averting Chiukwu’s vengeance. He points the listeners to the reality of the philosophical belief in the world hereafter, where everyone shall appear before the throne of God to give account of his life on earth. The aphorism “anyi niile ga ha otu” (we all shall be equal) identifies the hidden similarity between the rich and the poor and, thus, affirms that “n’ihu Chukwu” (before God), there is no distinction between the rich and the poor as God is the giver of every good gift. So God’s gifts should not be used for self-glorification as He can withdraw it if misused.

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Excerpt 8.2 Churu nwa mbia chui n’ohia (Chasing the orphan into the bush… I chugara ya ndi iro ya shi mmo na-gbuo? Are you chasing him to his enemies to be killed? I makwala shia mgbalamgba o bula eh Do you realise that at any time, the orphan can A nwa mbia nwekwara ike igho onye eze. become a king?) “Ochu Nwa Mbia” (Chima Eke) The above lyrical content deals with the goings-on of the everyday life, especially family relations as well as social justice. This is because depriving an orphan of his inheritance and rights simply implies that you want him dead as he will have no means of sustenance. Eke continues conversing the recent culture of social injustice and the oppressive life of the rich towards the poor. He launches a crusade against the practice of ripping an orphan of his inheritance and “chui n’ohia” sending him away. With this, the artiste frames the orphan as a repulsive personality—undesirable to the rich as a result, needs to be silenced or thrown away to avoid disturbance as he is very poor and cannot afford a means of livelihood. Eke poses a rhetorical question to his target audience: “I chubagara ya ndi iro ya shi mmo mgbuo?” (Are you chasing him into the hands of his enemies to be killed?) But he quickly reminds such evil doers that, unexpectedly the orphan could “gho onye eze” (become a king), as attaining greatness is not meant for just a sect of people. He thus buttresses the belief that the sky is wide enough to accommodate everybody who aspires greatness and his chi (destiny) could smile at him, turning things around for him at any time, and this serves as a warning to the rich. Peaceful Coexistence with Nature and the Gods Excerpt 8.3 Iwe iwe iwe, iwe iwe onuma dajuo. Onuru (Anger, wrath calm down, he who hears a olu nwanne, onye ahu gbahuta bia juo ajuju brother wailing should run down to enquire Okoo nke mmere ya, okookwala nke o mere He who reports of the wrong I did to him, has

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mu were mu were mu iwe ariri o. Onwegh he also told of the evil he meted on me which onye ma afo g’amu eze echiWere okute distressed and annoyed me. No one knows the one tuo n’ime ahia, I marala onye o g’atu n’isi, that will bring forth a king. Take a stone and Imarala ma o wu nne gi? I marala ma o wu throw it in the market place, you can never tell Nna gi? Ololo-lolo onuma paa iwe… whether your mother or father will be the victim. Olu nwayoo n’eme ka onuma laa azu Wrath begets rage. A gentle answer turns away  Ayi were otu obi biri, ihe ga-ariri anyi nma anger. Let us live in Peace and it shall be well with us) “Iwe wererm” (Saro Wiwa) Saro Wiwa preaches forgiveness to both the offended and the offender so that brotherly affection and peaceful coexistence will continue amongst them. He urges the Igbo to carry on with the aphorism “onuru ube nwanne agbala oso” (he that hears the brother’s cry should not back off) which they are known for. He wants people to apply the golden rule: “do unto others as you will like them to do unto you” while dealing with others, in so doing, the equation will be balanced as one does not know “the womb that will give birth to a king”. Besides, he compares a person who perverts justice to one who threw up a stone in the market place; the stone could possibly hit his dear one; thus, what goes round comes round. On the frame of peace, he alludes to the bible “a gentle answer turns away wrath” and urges everyone to calm down and not allow anger to degenerate to wrath, as living in peace and unity will foster progress. Excerpt 8.4 Onye huru mga mmnu nwuru, y’eburu (He who refuses to mourn abo jema ahia the dead Eshi o nwuru ya eliwa onwe ya, ihusi and leaves for his business, the day ebelebe egbuola Chritopher nwanne ya lara ala mmuo, he dies, he will bury y’ewere ogu jema himself. Imagine Oru, Ono ebe ono aruga oru, Ihula such tragedy! Christopher whose agbara akugbuola

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Chri. Onye ma ihe echi ga-abo? brother died and he left to the farm, he was Onye shi shiwere ya mmiri ya g’ida elu? still working when the gods struck him dead. Onye kpatara aku ya nyetu nwanne ya Who knows tomorrow? So fraternise with a Ozu shiwa ishi enyika nwanne alaa. bereaved family as no one climbs up and asks Ozu shiwa ishi enyika nwanne alaa. others to boil water in case he falls off. The rich Onye mazuru uwa, onye ma echi? should help his brother, as even a bosom friend “Nga mmnu nwuru” Shama Melody retreats in the time of adversity.) This lyrical content re-enacts Igbo communal practice of condoling with one another in their period of grief especially, the loss of a dear one. In Igbo traditional society, death brings friends, relations and admirers together to mourn the dead and support the bereaved emotionally and financially to deal with the crisis. The Igbo values unity and collective effort which reflects in the saying “onye aghala nwanne ya” and “igwe bu ike” (no one should abandon his brother and unity is strength). So it is a taboo for one to go about his business while a loved one or a close neighbour just died, without showing a deep sense of affection, solidarity and commitment to the deceased relatives. In the excerpt, Shama first warns against behaving in such cruel and nasty way especially, neglecting the sociocultural affinity that compels one to mourn with those that are mourning. He suggests that the measure you used for others, the same shall also be used for you. With the story of Christopher in the track, he admonishes his listeners to be their brother’s keeper and not incur the wrath of the gods hence the rhetorical question: “who knows tomorrow?” He further encapsulates the uncertainty of life in the idiom “onye shi shiwere ya mmiri na ya g’ida elu?” (Who climbs up and instructs that water be boiled for him in case he falls off) and thus urges his listeners especially wealthy folks to care for people around them, this is because nobody knows when/how of his death. The re-echoing of the proverb “when a corpse starts smelling, a friend that sticks closer than a brother runs away” and the responsibility falls on the family, captures his message.

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Communal Lifestyle Excerpt 8.5 Onye ya nwanne ya no n’ubo, gwakwala m arinma gaa onye no n’ama Eji eshi uyo amara nma fuma ama… Arinma gaa nde ezi atugbuola m ujo Ha hu so nshi agahu ga nye, amu a onye wu nwanne gi I ga so mmema ololololo eh… Ubo ma nwanne m enweghi onu, onye huru nshi wetuola ibe ya Obi wunu akpa onye o bula pa ke ya agaga Nwa riama, ya ariamala nne ya.Ya gbakee, ya agbakera oha n’eze O wu ashi? O kposhi shi riri, juokwa ese. “Ololo-lolo” (Shama Melody) (He that is in discord with his brother, tell me the kind of friendship you enjoy with outsiders. Charity begins from home then to outside. I’m afraid of your rapport with outsiders; they can poison you. I that am your brother whom you deny rapport ololo-lolo. My conflict with my brother does not have mouth, he who sees poison should remove it for his mate. The heart is a bag, everyone goes about with his. The child’s sickness is for the mother but he recuperates for the public.) This track is encapsulated in the sociocultural belief that charity begins at home. So it becomes an aberration when one keeps malice with his sibling and enjoys rapport outside. Igbo culture is such that appreciates community lifestyle; a man has great value for the members of his family which occasioned the apothegm “izu ka nma na nneji” (confidence is better kept with a sibling) and “umunna wu ike” (family is strength). The persona makes it known to the addressee that he is no longer comfortable with his relationship with outsiders, he fears that he could be poisoned since he is not at peace with him (the persona). He urges the brother to take care of him and not abhor him while reminding the listeners “my conflict with my brother does not have mouth”; thus, it is just between them and so no one is to leverage on it and come between them, thereby wrecking more havoc. He rather reminds his brother that the heart of man cannot be fathomed, as one who claims to be a friend could actually be your worst enemy, thus emphasizing the need for affinity; in so doing one can avert an impending danger targeted at the other and thus save the person’s life. He establishes and resonates the fact that it is family that will always watch one’s back with the last proverb and “the child is sick for the mother but he recuperates for the public”.

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Excerpt 8.6 Ezi nwanne amaka n’uwa (A good sibling is priceless in this world, Ah ah ee eje azu nwanne n’ahia ee do we buy siblings from the market? Onye o bula lezie nwanne ya anya Everyone should take care of his sibling. Enwehukwanu onye mara echi No one knows tomorrow. Tomorrow is Echi di ime, onye manu ihe o ga-amu daa lee pregnant, no one knows what it shall “Ezinwanne” (Ababa Nna) bring forth.) Still in praise of unity, fraternity, family and communal living, the artiste advances the Igbo epigram “Ezi nwa nne amaka” (a good sibling is priceless). This he says because one cannot do without family thus; no matter how you quarrel with your “nneji” sibling, the Igbo believe that blood will still reconcile you both. Little wonder the Igbo cliché “iwe nwanne anaghi eru n’obi” (offence against a brother is not held unto for a long time). He advocates that people try as much as possible to live at peace with their family and relations as a brother cannot be imported or bought from the market. Hence, “everyone should take care of his sibling” as life is full of uncertainties; the one you neglect today may be your saviour tomorrow. Contentment and Comportment Excerpt 8.7 Shama azutala moto, ihe o gbara wuru Motor Mixture (Oke na soro Ngwere maa mmiri ngwa lee nu, Mmiri kosia Ngwere ona koosiala oke?). (Onye ji counterfeit gbara ogo ya ebe o gbaga egwu, o kwa ihe o wetere ka owerehuru?). (Onye no n’ime ulo gbachie onwe ya uzo nyuo ahu, ihe owefutara k’owerehuru? Akwa ezi okwu? Onye choro izu moto ya azula Motor Mixture. “Shama azuola Motor” Shama Melody (Shama has bought motor, what he got is Motor Mixture. If the rat plays under the rain with the lizard, if the lizard should get dry, has the rat dried up too? He who uses counterfeit to appreciate the in-law while dancing, is it not what he brought out that he took back? He that locks up himself in a room and farts, it’s what he brought forth that he took back, isn’t it?)

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Although the Igbo culture celebrates great achievements, it abhors materialism. The artiste started by announcing that he has bought “Motor Mixture”—(a car with different auto parts) which was necessitated out of acquisitiveness and unreasonable competition with his colleagues in the music industry who ride cars. When he realized that he has acted foolishly, he captures his thought with the proverb: “if the rat plays under the rain with the lizard, if the lizard gets dry, has the rat got dried up too?” With this he discourages immediate satisfaction at the expense of durable blessings and lasting joy. He condemns the lifestyle of covetousness and flamboyancy. Motor Mixture as self-deceit is likened by the persona as one who appreciates his in-law with counterfeit (fake currency). He also compares it to someone who locks up himself in a room and farts; he explains that it is a mere recycling of stupidity. The tag question “isn’t it?” is rhetorical; it enacts and stresses the need for a decent and upright lifestyle among his audience. Finally, he admonishes his listeners to avoid “Motor Mixture”-self-imposed punishment. Excerpt 8.8 Okuko nwa mbia ee ya nwa onye eze (The poor’s fowl (son) that is relating kpaga uri, onwu agu ya. Onwere nwa mbia with the Prince is bent on ya nwa onye eze destruction. kpaga uri onwu agu ya. Akpaga There is this poor boy who went to have uri jee ebe ha jere ga iri ego. Onye o bula eweputa fun with his friend, the Prince. ego ya Everyone Erigala ha ego richaa. Nwa onye lavished his money while getting eze alaruo ulo ya a treat Jema na bank jee para nke When each one exhausted what he had, osevuru esevu na riwa Nwa mbia eee.., o ma mkpa oshi the Prince went to the bank to get eme onwe ya Ya eruo bega akwa… more money to spend; the poor boy cried home. Unu ahula landlord apapurula ya You see; the landlord has ejected him) ibu ya ezi “Okuko Nwambia” Shama Melody

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Still on the issue of unhealthy competition, the artiste admonishes that people should learn to live within their means, he laments of how a poor boy entered into an unhealthy competition, an unprofitable venture with the Prince. He allowed himself to be carried away by the pleasures of life—reckless and extravagant lifestyle that has become part and parcel of the rich. The artiste reminds the listeners that “enyi na nwa nzo ejela ama aka” (the elephant and the ant cannot engage in a competition). He reminds his listeners to keep their desires in check while denouncing the idea of making false impression as it does have a negative effect. Integrity and Transparent Honesty Excerpt 8.9 Omeziri nwata mgbe nne ya nonso (One who cares for a child in the mother’s Anne ya puba e were mmiri ikwo aka presence, but feeds the child with hand-washing Chuonu nwa, mgbe ahu o dila nma?eh.. water at the mother’s absence. Then, is it good?) “Omeziri Nwanta” (Pastor Apiriwa) The lifestyle of hypocrisy, insincerity otherwise known as “eye service” is vehemently discouraged by the artiste; he deploys this frame to re-enact the culture of integrity, transparent honesty and uprightness in his audience. Apiriwa metaphorically represents not just the literal dirty water but any other evil meted out on the poor child (vulnerable) behind the mother/guardian with “mmiri ikwo aka”. He discourages the culture of maltreating a poor child, maid or the vulnerable entrusted into one’s hands to care for as such is alien to Igbo culture. Before this modern age, people comfortably leave their children with a neighbour or close relation while they go to farm, work or market and are rest assured that the child is safe. But in this era, the story has changed with incessant cases of kidnapping, ritual killing, child labour and trafficking, sexual assault and so on perpetrated by close relations. The artiste therefore calls on the Igbo race to engage their conscience when handling people’s affairs or dealing with other people’s children. He also.

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Deliberate Metaphors in the Tracks 1. Mapping of the Rich as Beasts Excerpt 8.1  “Obaraeze egbukwalam” (he that is rich do not kill me)  Excerpt 8.2  “chui n’ohia” (sent to the bush)  Excerpt 8.1 is deliberate mapping of the rich as a beast (killer) owing to their cruelty and carnage. The artiste portrays the rich as a powerful entity who operates with impunity in the society and so can get away with his deleterious lifestyle. There is a deliberate mapping of disinheritance as exile in Excerpt 8.2. It is seen as deliberate because the speaker could use the word “disinherit” in place of “send to the bush”, and in so doing he communicates the severity of the cruelty meted on the orphan and so intrinsically win the support of the listeners. 2. Mapping of Humans as Body Parts, Objects and Food Excerpt 8.3  “afo g’amu eze” (stomach that will begat king)  Excerpt 8.5  “Obi wu akpa” (the heart is a bag)  Excerpt 8.6  “Eje azu nwanne n’ahia?” (can one buy a sibling from the market?)  Excerpt 8.8  “Okuko mga mbia” (the poor man’s fowl)  In (8.3), a human (would be Queen) is deliberately mapped as a stomach. There is a correspondence of the source (human) with the target domain (stomach). In (8.5), the human heart is described as a bag. Deliberate mapping of the heart as a bag was used by the artiste to buttress the fact that the heart of a man is concealed like a bag, one can hardly see through it. Both good and evil thoughts/plans go on in the heart of man, so one needs to be very careful of whom to fraternize with because you never can tell who truly has a good intention towards you. The artiste in (8.6) deliberately mapped a sibling as an asset, he implies that other commodities can be bought from the market but not a sibling hence, a sibling is thus priceless and ought to be valued and not to be sold or bought. The text in (8.8)

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is used to map the rich as king while the poor is mapped as a fowl. The fowl that derives pleasure in the company of the Prince is indeed a fool as the artiste suggests that it does not realize that its life is in a serious danger. The artiste cautions the listeners especially, those that are into flamboyant, riotous and unhealthy competitive lifestyle to live within their means. He is of the opinion that such people will end up hurting themselves at last when they must have lost everything, whereas the rich will always fall back to their reserve. 3. Excerpt 8.4: “Y’elima onwe ya” (he will bury himself). The persona maps callousness and selfishness as lonesome corpse which is disastrous as the addressed person in the track. The next is “Ozu shiwa ishi” (when a corpse starts to smell). The artiste’s mapping of a difficult situation as a smelling corpse is an attempt to remind his audience and to drive home the belief that family is a priceless gift and should be valued more than any other relationship because a friend may disappoint you at the time you need him most but a lovely family cares at all times. 4. Excerpt 8.5: “Ubo maa nwannem enweghi onu” (my conflict with my brother does not have mouth). Conflict is mapped as a living being though without mouth. The artiste suggests that his own conflict with his brother cannot talk, so he implicitly tells his listeners not to bother straining their ears to hear any gossip concerning his brother from him because he will not do so. He would rather avert any danger that lurks in his brother’s way even though he now sees him as an enemy thus, reiterating that family is priceless. 5. Excerpt 8.7: “Motor Mixture” is mapped as self-deceit by the artiste so as to condemn stupidity, unhealthy competition, flamboyancy at the expense of self. He denounces the attitude of one working up himself in other to measure up with others who are far ahead of them, in so doing they end up wasting their resources for nothing. The deliberate metaphor is deployed for communicative purpose. 6. Excerpt 8.9: “Mmiri ikwo aka” (hand-washing water). The expression mmiri ikwo aka is a deliberate metaphor deployed by the artiste as he could use wickedness, evil, child abuse, maltreatment of any sort, baseless accusations, sexual harassment/abuse, deprivations of basic necessities of life and so on instead of mmiri ikwo aka to pass his message across.

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Conclusion This chapter examined how cultural frames were deployed to depict and resonate the Igbo culture. Sociocultural metaphors were used in OIBM to elucidate the core values and aspects of Igbo rhetorics. In framing the Igbo culture, the artist engaged several discursive and linguistic strategies like the use of proverbs, metaphors, idioms, story in between lines to portray the cultural values of social justice, peaceful coexistence with nature and the gods, lovely relationships, communal lifestyle, contentment and comportment, sincerity and honesty of mind. The metaphors used indicate that the rich were mapped as beasts, humans as body parts, objects and food, and so on. Through the use of these linguistic metaphors, they succeeded in foregrounding sociocultural values which address issues of morality, unity, family relations and social justice. By so doing, their music has not only appealed to the different age bracket—the old, middle age, youths, teenagers and even children. Finally, it was concluded that these frames and metaphors are powerful tools in providing philosophical insight into African culture and influence the perception of the audience as regards their cultural beliefs and social identity. Recommendations It is recommended that Igbo Bongo artistes should encapsulate more of morality, diligence and character development in their lyrics in order to awaken, inspire and develop the patriotic spirit in the Igbo nation which will in turn transform and arm them to rise up to the extant socio-­economic, political and ethno-religious challenges facing Nigeria and the society at large. Also the songs and their lyrics should be made available on the internet for wider publicity, appreciation and promotion of cultural awareness.

References Entman, R. (1993). Framing: Toward clarification of a fractured paradigm. Journal of Communication, 43, 51–58. Fairhurst, G., & Sarr, R. (1996). The art of framing. Jossey-Bass. Goffman, E. (1974). Frame analysis: An essay on the organization of experience. Harper & Row. Howard-Grenville, J., Hoffman, A. J., & Whitenberg, J. (2003). The importance of cultural framing to the success of social initiatives in business. Academy of Management Executive, 17(2), 75–92.

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Ifionu, A. (1982). The role of music in Igbo culture: An ethnomusicological explanation. Igbo Language and Culture 2. Lakoff, G. & Johnson, M. (1980). Metaphors we live by. University of Chicago press, Chicago, USA. Littlejohn, S.  W., & Karen, A.  F. (2009). Encyclopedia of communication theory (pp. 476–477). SAGE. Newman, R. (2021). Cultural frames, framing culture. University of Virginia Press. Nwulu, F. (2014). The language of Bongo music and Igbo cultural renaissance: A study of the Owerri environment. MMIRIIMO: Journal of History and International Studies, 1(2), 1–12. Okpala, N. (2016). Traditional Music in Igbo Culture: A Case Study of Idu Cutural Dance of Akpo in Aguata Local Government of Anambra State. African Research Review, 10(1), 87. https://doi.org/10.4314/afrrev.v10i1.8 Onwuegbuna, I. E. (2012). The istructional Value of African Popular Music: An analysis of Mike Ejeagha’s “Popular” Folk Songs Style. https://doi. org/10.1117/2158244015569667. http://www.Sgo.Sagepub.com Onwuegbuna, I. E. (2015). Philosophical embodiments in Igbo music: An analysis of Mike Ejeagha’s “popular” folk songs style. Sage, 56(2). https://doi. org/10.1177/2158244015569667. http://www.uk.sagepub.com/aboutus/ openaccess.htm Opara, R. S. (2012). Art as a media for social commentary: A case study of Igbo Bongo musicians. South-Eastern Nigeria. Oti, S. (2009). Highlife music in West Africa. Malthouse Press. Sanderson, A. C. (2010). Social psychology. John Wiley & Sons Inc. Scheufele, D. A. (1999). Framing as a Theory of Media Effects. Journal of Communication, 49(4), 103–22. Steen, G. (2008). Deliberate Metaphor Theory: Basic Assumptions, Main Tenets, Urgent Issues. Intercultural Pragmatics, 1491: 1–24. https://doi. org/10.1515/ip-2017-0001 Van Gorp. (2007). The Constructionist Approach to Framing: Bringing Culture Back In. Journal of Commjunication, 57(1), 60–78. https://doi. org/10.1111/j.0021-9916-2007.00329.x

Discography Ababa Nna: Agbaso. (2009). World Smooth. Chima Eke: Obara eze Part 1. (2003). African Bargain. Pastor Apiriwa: Far Back. (2002). African Bargains. Saro Wiwa: Bongo jere uzu ije. (2006). CJ International Music. Shama Melody: Motor Mixture. (2010). Reality Music.

CHAPTER 9

Thematic Deconstructions of Urhobo/Isoko Musicology and Brand Identity Negotiation, Normalization and Contradictions: Discourse Narrative Presly Ogheneruke Obukoadata

Introduction Tracking the etymology of Urhobo/Isoko musicology of Delta state, Nigeria is difficult because of obvious loss of valuable data and parochiality labelling-risk. Nonetheless, oral tradition provides some guide for this chapter in detailing the historic of some celebrated Urhobo/Isoko musicians. The use of the term ‘musical brand’ clearly captures the distinctions that exist as it tends to be markedly different from universally acceptable genres. The chapter provides narratives for the varying patterns of shaping the cosmology of the Urhobo/Isoko people, musically; musical components range and accompaniments, tools, sexuality, dance, dress and the identity of the musicians themselves in negotiating a brand, that over the

P. O. Obukoadata (*) Department of Mass Communication, University of Calabar, Calabar, Nigeria e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 A. Salawu, I. A. Fadipe (eds.), Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 1, Pop Music, Culture and Identity, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97884-6_9

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years seem to be towboat for upcoming musicians (normalization of the music ideals) and what contradictions exist. The Urhobo/Isoko stock share wide range of cultural similarities, patterns and music orientations. The voice elocution and lyrics of the Urhobos/Isokos deconstructed within the gamut of communication essence, explains how well society has breached their evolution over time. Identified themes were explored and reconstructed to help deepen indigenous African music significant roles in greatly influencing the knowledge, attitude and practice that have defined the Urhobo/Isoko personality. Such deconstructions were viewed from several perspectives—musicians, society and analysts. The pattern of music, copiously, has evolved into a dominant ideology, and subsequently embraced as normalization, which in turn has provoked some form of contradictions. The objective here is to document, through adequate breakdown of the music identity of the people, explanations of the narratives that have dominated and shaped their identity, and the brand they represent in a bid to establish the supposedly normalization of these music ideologies, as well as what contradictions exist. Brand, despite its various approaches, could be viewed as a cultural identity. The brand identity and identity negotiation theories provide theoretical leanings in the deconstructions. The Urhobos/Isokos are domiciled in Nigeria’s north-western area of the Niger Delta region (Obukoadata & Akpan, 2009), and widespread because of their distinction for enterprise, adventure and diligence. They are primarily agrarian and practice a near feudal system of governance divided into several clans/kingdoms administered by an Ovie or kings (Obukoadata, 2012). Williamson’s (1988) glottochronology of the Niger Delta revealed that the Urhobo/Isoko migrated into the region over 2000 years ago, populated by aboriginal migrants from Egypt, Sudan, Ife and Benin (Otite, 2003; Ekeh, 2004) and the largest single ethnic nationalities in Delta State (NOA, 2009). With a robust elite population, they are among the first set of Nigerians to embrace western education and adapted to changes permeating all sectors of the society, especially those that have been engineered by technology. Traditional symbols aptly define the cultural mien of a people, prompting Diakparomre (2009) to appraise how artefacts serve as mechanism for social cohesion. His discourse opined that Urhobo/Isoko cosmology as evidenced in modes of thinking, acting and feeling were product of their history and geographical environment as well as earlier external influences from the Bini and later ones from Europe. These social ideologies frame

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the cultural mien that defines their music. Other variables would include migration and social stability. Diakparomre (2009) enthused the roles of visual symbols, rituals, in human society generally, have a way of contributing to the reinforcement of consensus and solidarity among a group, as well as to the strengthening of allegiance to the group. Social harmony is thereby reinforced and regenerated. This is particularly so as the gathering of people reminds the individual of his social responsibility and his membership in the whole (p. 17). Ohwovoriole (2010) tried to extricate these symbols but reinvented them along the frames of objects of worship, concept of man, burial rites and religious dirges. She identified the loyalties of the extended families as a signpost that is eulogistic and posited that ‘I am because we are and since we are, therefore, I am’ to suggest the dual personality of the man in Urhobo/Isoko mythology. The avware/mai and orhavware/omai which is the ‘we/our’ is manifested in musical, communal shrines, squares, social, economic, ritual objects, etc. which is seen in much more than social groupings; it is a unity of both the visible and the invisible worlds. Hence, they grasp the cosmos as a three-tiered structure, namely the heaven above, the physical world and the world beneath (Ohwovoriole, 2010). Consequently, personal and documented narratives were deconstructed as inherent themes, which were useful in theorizing across a number of cases, which in this regard are issues bordering on historic, brands of music, accompaniments and identity markers that make for normalizations. While this approach does not mimic the objectivist modes of inquiry, it brings to the table themes generated for considerations. Discussions were along the metaphor and value analysis, semiotic-structural analysis and emblematic which are all narrative and pattern matching techniques to create themes, and support Sillars and Gronbeck (2001) frame for discourse narrative. Themes as used in this discourse are subject and topic of artistic representations.

Connecting to Theories The brand identity prism (BIP) as proposed by Kapferer (1997) and identity negotiation theory (INT) by Ting-Toomey (2015) give theoretical credence to this study. The brand identity prism contains various brand identity elements needed to remain true to the discourse of certain identities and environments (Kapferer, 2004) which includes the musicals of a group of people, regarded as a brand. It is a brand because as argued, it is

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the ideological thrust having an identity that has been negotiated along the ethos of the identity negotiation theory. Brands communicate socially and consumers resonate any of the six-facet brand attributes concocted as the internal and external components. The facets are physique, personality, culture, relationship, reflection and self-image (Kapferer, 1997; Aperia & Back, 2004). The internalized components help create the brand identity, while the external components help the brand resonate when the communicated brand message is consistent with the brand personality and made believable (Keller, 2013). A powerful brand has a positive brand image, which significantly affects its perceived quality, without which it would be virtually impossible to build customer loyalty and trust. But would music produce this same kind of effect especially when there is no clearly defined approach at persistently making music, as cultural heritage of the people, a distinct brand? Is brand loyalty guarantee along cultural and regional divides? Conversely, brand culture emanates from persistently aligning with cultural values, place of origin and certain underlying variables that could be visible or not (Kapferer, 2004; Chevalier & Mazzalovo, 2008). Musicology has all of these six facets that embolden people to engage the music when these facets resonate appropriately. Music within a culture(s) has physique, personality and culture on the one side which makes up its internal components. These when developed provide connections with consumers of the music brand (relationship), reflect on the lifestyle of the consumers unknowingly (reflection), and mirror the brand as being consistent with the whims and caprices of the consumers (self-image). Although not linearly guaranteed in nature, there are established studies that stipulate the prevalence of these facets in all known brands. The Urhobo/Isoko musicology fits into this frame of discourse; it has an identity created by convoluted efforts, even though there is the suggestion that there are no formal structures supporting the growth processes, but intermittent-­disconcerted-­ activities from the blues that unconsciously draw people in, especially those in the familiar environment. Those in the unfamiliar environment seem not to share in this episodic frame, which is amplified in the identity negotiation theory. For the identity negotiation theory, ten core assumptions subsist as summarized by Ting-Toomey (2015) who proposed the theory. The assumptions amplify symbolic interactions, inclusion, predictability, connection and consistency. It also leveraged on culturally familiar identity-­ emotional security and culturally unfamiliar identity-emotional

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vulnerability. Other axioms focused on normalization, contradictions, interaction unpredictability, identity autonomy and consistency in repeated cultural routines that could impact cultural-ethnic, personal, and situational variability dimensions which in turn influence the meanings, interpretations and evaluations of these identity-related themes. She advocated for integration of the necessary intercultural identity-based knowledge, mindfulness and interaction skills to help communicate appropriately, effectively, and adaptively with culturally dissimilar others as well as provoke satisfactory identity negotiation outcomes. Consequently, musics made in a consistently determined manner create forms of symbolic interaction between the musical texts and the consumers in creating a distinct personality labelled as identity. The degree of normalization, constructed as extent of agreement to negotiated identity, is more intense within culturally familiar environments than others. While assumed contradictions, seen as the extent of dissonance to the normalized identity, would abound more for those who are in culturally unfamiliar environments. Invariably, the contexts, whether familiar/unfamiliar, the degree of consistency, the knowledge base, symbols used for interactions are all needed in negotiating a brand (musical) identity. Urhobo/ Isoko musicology steps this ante in negotiating identity through a capsule of several musical elements and songs that are environmentally familiarly grown. The degree of such familiarity would covalence the degree of normalization when music enthusiast connects and resonates with the facets as presented in Kapferer’s BIP.

Music and Musicology Are Ideological Thrusts Musicology, as a science, evolved from 1863 by Friedrich Chrysander and helps us to scientifically appraise music within methodological lens. It appraises the historic, form, notation, composers and performers, development and use of musical instruments, theoretical planks and aesthetics. Its modern form with attendant phenomenological and historical approaches is fuelled by pioneers such as Samuel Wesley and Felix Mendelssohn who engineered widespread interest in the performance of the music of earlier composers, and expanded the approach to studying music across Medieval and Renaissance eras. There has been increased interest in scholarly publications in this regard as well as drawing attention from other disciplines (Encyclopedia Britannica, 2020). This study evaluates history, form and notation, symbolography, picturesque and key

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messages as dominant themes, as well as how they were used to define the cosmology of the people through negotiated identity. Music across the African continent is viewed with polysemic dialectical as it provides room for expressions in several engagements such as celebration of life, deaths, ceremonies, cultures, social cohesion and religiosity. While most of these musical patterns have moved far from their original construction and uses, a significant part of the music is still entrenched in a system that allows stakeholders to engage with them continuously, thus creating an identity, as well as providing a semblance of normalization. It is clear that the continued growth and followership of a brand of African music, notwithstanding the deviation from the existing ethos, is hinged on a plank of features that could be regarded as themes. Urhobo/Isoko music falls within these clarifications. There are dominant themes that have permeated the very essence of her musicology that this study seeks to explore as a template for identity negotiation, normalization and contradictions. Ideology is a complicated term with different implications, and its use in music is not far detached from all the nuances and complications it can offer. Most musics are influenced by dominant ideologies and they in turn are used to propagate or destroy such ideologies. This belief system helps justify the actions of ardent believers and presents a spectrum for distortion, accommodation and renegotiation. Music as a media type is heavily shaped by ideological values and had created a dominant ideology from nothing. Unlike other media formats which are standard targets, music is also a standard target but attacked by culture, selling certain perspectives and worldviews that often create conformities or deviants (Croteau & Hoynes, 2003). Croteau and Hoynes (2003) noted that dancing evokes images beyond pleasing or displaying one’s body for men to enjoying one’s own body, and bold expression of sexuality. Specifically, in the Urhobo/Isoko cultural milieu, musicology signals that a maiden is ripe for marriage, and for the married ones, it shows that they are quite happy about their marriages. Nonetheless, dance becomes a form of proposing an ideological identity among the Urhobos/Isokos with dancers always twerking along the steps of the dance proponents to identify with either the trends or the musician. Dance performances are built around female sexuality and male pleasure. The style of dressing is interpreted as expression of deep desires and seen as copious construction of a subcultural identity. This founded identity embodies either a resistance or acceptance of traditional norms and roles (Croteau & Hoynes, 2003). In all of these, questions will always be asked

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pertaining to how dancing, dance, dressing and performance in Urhobo/ Isoko music are viewed by the instrumentalist, the dancer and the audience. And, in turn, explore how all of these are intertwined in negotiating an identity for the people that readily becomes the normal way of doing things—cosmology. The pattern of music has become an ideology, and embraces normalization, while some of these normalized values have created a measure of contradiction.

Urhobo/Isoko: Historic, Brands and Influencers Some earliest great exponents of the Urhobo music include Chief Omokomoko Osokpa, regarded as the father of Urhobo music who always spoke truth to power; Prof Johnson Adjan, who is the self-styled professor of Urhobo music; Chief Okpan Arhibo—an exponent of Urhobo makosa and disco, who was very philosophical in his songs; Chief Daniel Orieoghenemwoma (aka Sally Young); Mike Okri; Ken Okulolo, an Aladja-Udu native; Fred Onovwerosuoke a Ghana-born Urhobo music composer and Najite Agindotan who sees himself as ‘the godson of Fela Kuti’ among several others. It is interesting to note that only ardent music lovers could clearly distinguish between the musics from these exponents. Mentions could be made of the likes of Kafee Don-Momoh, Ekpekuro Omamesiri Jerry, Godwin Tom, Raphael Tedheke and others who are seen to have followed after the steps of the pioneers. Within the Isoko aegis were people like Adam Igbudu, Chief Oguse and Chief Power Asiafa the Ighogboja crony who could be regarded as pioneers. Later were the likes of Evi-Edna Ogholi, Emma Ofano, Israel Uyeh, Solomon Urete, Festus Ejete, Amos Ighaka and Lizzy Ofano. These set of musicians cut across the secular and religious divide, with some enthusiast claiming that most of the musicians got inspiration from water spirits locally referred to as Igbe. Igbe worship was, and, is still very popular among the Urhobos/Isokos. It is a worship of the water divinity, to which so much is ascribed. It is no surprising though that there are very strong elements of Igbe worship in most of Urhobo/Isoko musicology. This could be seen in the dance steps, dressing and even choice of instrumentation. The colours white (ofuafo) and red (owawa/ubosi) are identifiable to Igbe worship, as well as some very distinct sound notations. These normally provoke very strong attachments among the adherents and could be raised to the point of ecstasy.

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Adam Cornelius Igbudu’s conversion to Christianity in 1927, and his use of musical talent, which was honed from singing with the famed Usini club of Uzere to further the gospel in Isoko land clearly exemplifies this point. His very early contact with music was with the Usini band, but he used skills and talents learnt from there to redefine the way hymns are sung, and brought the culture of the people into the church. His being literate in the local language and ability to commit the Bible to heart provided so much variety and novelty. This provided the tunic for his songs and brand of music which is a standard in Urhobo/Isoko gospel music. The songs were characterized by intermittently spoken words from the Bible and life experiences that depict holiness, morality, while there is deep interlude of just instrumentals coordinated by synchronous distinctive handclapping and drum music (Obuke, 1976). The dominant themes from Adams’ music was holiness (ole-ufuofuo). This brand of music grew faster at the time because of the belaboured liturgy of the Urhobo/Isoko. His was the preaching and singing brand, with the agogo (multi-echoed-­ gong) providing the lead. Drums, bells, songs, rattles, flutes and dance were great accompaniment to the clap orchestra, and it helped localize the meaning for the people (Nabofa, 1992; Enuwosa, 2006). Most of the instruments were locally fabricated by makeshift band members (Timothy-­ Asobele, 2002). Another classic example is that of Chief Omokomoko Osokpa, whose music is distinctively evergreen across generational divide. Each song evokes a feeling of recognition, even when you have not heard of it before, because of the dominant semblance with recent songs. Interestingly like those after him, across both cultures, his songs cannot be readily located in just one genre of music. Musicians of his time and others sing across and between genres ranging from highlife, discos, pop and funk to Afro-­ beat. Everything sung about as captured in beat, lyrics, passion and power in his voice had great cultural significance to the people because of their originality, notations, comic components and theatrics. Chief Omokomoko was said to have a unique sound and distinct presence in ways that he delivered his songs as he produced more vocal sounds than he did lyrics (Tonukari, 2020). A comprehensive history of early musicians could be found in Gibbs (2018). Interestingly, we could not really lay hold to any genre of music that we could say is predominantly Urhobo/Isoko. This dilemma is further compounded by the introduction of the Isoko-reggae by Evi-Edna Ogholi after a fruitful sojourn with hip-hop and highlife, and then country music.

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The thinking according to one enthusiast, Professor Manasseh Imonikebe, is that listeners love the marriage of these several genres and that the beauty of the Urhobo/Isoko music is in the musician’s ability to weave effortlessly through various genres during musical performances. Usually this is achieved through the cants and notations as directed by the agogo player. However, these foundations and ferments have influenced subsequent generation of musicians. The poser is if the new brigade of musicians formally studied previous musicians to follow the trend, or they just seem to glide along. It is noteworthy to assert here that those with a flair for mingling with other cultures had deviated from these devout normalizations. As depicted in the INT and BIP, we see a situation where conformity is hindered by the state of unfamiliar environment, and therefore, such musicians come with a rare blend. We have artistes like Evi-Edna in this category, she has now evolved more into an Isoko-defined reggae artiste with strong Isoko voice and flair for longer notational stress at the end of each metre. Other identified symbolisms that found relevance as documented by Obukoadata (2012) in Table 9.1 include traditional institutions such as kingship, divinations, masquerades cult groups, festivals, ancestral symbols which originates from different myths and legends. There are patrilineal practices which stem from tracing musical inheritance and existence to male lineage, extensive use of libations, and dressing that distinguish groups and grades. Titled men for instance are expected to dress with the ogbu [heavily waxed Georgian wrapper material], evwu [a long-sleeved laced material as shirt], evie [slippers from tanned leather], etu [bowler cap sometimes adorned with feathers of varying kinds], ifi abo/ovwho [red or white sea-­bedded beads] and an okpor [hand carved working stick to support the gait of the man holding it]. It is not any different for the women except that their shirts are short-sleeved and in place of the etu, they adorn a headgear called ochufo complemented by a bag [ekpa]. Youths have their distinct forms, whether males or females and palace-chiefs in some part go topless as seen in the Bini culture. The chore-poems are done with refrains from the receiver of the prayers. This kind of prayers use water, coconut milk (ameri kokodia/ ame ubio), local gin and performed by the eldest member or friend of the family or the group, and variation of languages spoken by the people which are used to enforce conformity, and punish deviancy (Obukoadata, 2012).

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Table 9.1  Urhobo/Isoko Musicology: Picturesque, Symbolography and Musical Traditions Some symbolism used within the musical frames includes: a Ubiugo abe Cowries which signify wealth and the power of commerce. b Evwe or evwe agbasa Kolanuts with three or seven lobes that connotes the sanctity of or evwe agba ile life and existentialism; it is equally seen as a bound of friendship and seal of covenant. c Owvenwven The budding part of the palm fronds emphasizes the birth of life while tying it on anywhere meant that life has been or would be taken; death or corpse. d Ogwa Traditional shrines where sacred and binding decisions are taken to emphasize conformity. e Ukpevwo/ Onhno White clothes materials that indicate purity and sanctity; used Ofuafo mainly as a mark of fulfilment. f Ugbusu Crimson or red clothes that has blood symbolism. g Edjudju/ Edhudhu Traditional hand-fan; this rare hand-woven piece that resembles the giant fan of the early Pharaohs is a symbol of authority. h Uleli or uneni Feather from special birds such as the white cockerel, eagle, vulture, white hawk which is seen as a symbol of authority among the elite and initiate of certain sects. i Orhe White traditional chalk for making divination marks on bodies of people to signify their pure state. Source: Researcher’s Analysis, 2021

Metaphorical frames exist for every symbol so identified while according to Sillars and Gronbeck (2001, p.  158), ‘critical examination of textualization of metaphorical vantages and valuative frames turns the straightforward study’ into a powerful tool for interpretative explanation. This assertion bears imports in that the symbols so used would become etched in metaphors that the meanings are lost. For instance, the symbol of the ocean-deep-cowry is a measure of financial strength and at another level, the cowry-threaded-hairdo is met with disdain and often times his sanity is questioned. The carrier at yet a different level is valued as fetish and quietly avoided as the cowry is deeply associated with the water spirit, emete ame/eza (girls/boys from the water world who come to torment their earthly parents). Kolanuts for instance can draw on both the paradigmatic and syntagmatic approaches as nearly all kolanut-user-cultures see it as symbol of life, friendship and divination. Urhobo/Isoko traditional symbol however has paradigmatic bearings and constructs with other cultural musical symbols especially with their migration status that mythology argues could be from Egypt, Sudan, Ife or Benin.

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Emblematic analysis portrays emblems as material symbols that carry an exceedingly large number of descriptive, emotional and ideological meanings that could result in polysemy because of their abilities to unpack and explore the conceptual and emotional signified attachments and overt use of emblems to guide perception, thought, attitudes, values and ultimately behaviour (Sillars & Gronbeck, 2001). Evidence abounds in the changing meaning of the crimson-red clothe worn by most musicians which represent danger, demonstration of power and love in various contexts. The thrust of the foregoing is that enthusiasts tend to ‘see’ the object in symbolography beyond what it holds, and most times as a means of identification, especially when they hear and see the music. It is in hearing and seeing these varied symbolography that an aberrant interpretation of the message could arise. For instance, the odhi (drum) serves entertainment purposes when understanding is generated through appreciation of the sound produced. Being conversant with Urhobo/Isoko musicology codes becomes a sine-qua-non to provoking the entertainment component of the music; else it would just end up as another piece of cultural hegemony (Darah et al., 2003). Agordoh (2005) also argued that the Urhobos/Isokos are very good examples of an African society well versed in the use of handclapping. The diatribe of using clap outlives the musical performance, and most times stand as the only accompanying instrument. The beauty of it is such that both men and women have particular rhythms of clapping episode that are normally vigorous and energy sapping, producing several rhythmic patterns which are scaled as basic and ‘handclapping that crosses’. Basically, the Urhobo/Isoko musical ensemble has defined rhythms of handclapping, belling and idiophones usage that help structure and organize music along a linear metre. The persistency of the performance is a delight to behold. The musical tradition of the people is influenced by the environment as pictured by the INT and BIP. A familiar environment produces normalization, while unfamiliar one produces contradictions. Also, enthusiasts assert that the musical instruments are made from wood, iron and animal skins. The drums and xylophones are made from special dedicated woods in special forests that people are forbidden from felling for any other purpose aside for making drums. The bells are made from cast iron, formed from the furnace of blacksmiths who are regarded as initiates of the musical tradition. There is the double-clapperless bell which is boat shaped and welded together to produce variant of sounds. These two-to-eight welded

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bells serve as musical timelines. In the absence of other instruments, handclapping features as an idiophonic device among many societies like the Isoko and Urhobos (Agordoh, 2005). Earlier, common songs were about marriages, burial ceremony and local gods who were venerated to the point of helping the younger population live a positively fulfilling life. These songs depict the very depth of the cultural practices of the people. Musicians were believed to come from specific lineage, and unless one was from one of them, the talents would die without being honed. The truism inherent is still debatable especially since we cannot verify that even the earlier proponents emanated from musical dynasties, but instances abound where singers’ talents are tied to families. Also, the argument was canvassed of the monotonous and defined pattern (Agordoh, 2005) of the musicals of the people as enough justification for normalizations and contradictions. The defined pattern readily suggests that upcoming enthusiasts would follow such to continue the musical hegemony or ideology, while seeing the defined pattern as monotonous readily explain the nature of the music as not classifiable as a brand, but a hybrid of several genre of music. This opens doors for contradictions of what should, ought to and supposedly be. A contributor to the changing nature of the music is the advent of Christianity which brought some novel ideals, matched with traditional Urhobo/Isoko Semitism to the table. But questions would always be asked as to what next after Christianity infiltration? Would technology be the defining quotient or globalization (Croteau & Hoynes, 2003) thereafter? The songs focused on arousing patriotism, praises to wealth and persons of means. But how these are presented is another discourse that would either negate or serve as an apostate to the defined patterns. This would normally be a precursor to the INT in that brand identities are created along defined lines, and to the BIP in that brand are built along the facet of the prism. Dance is an engaging aspect of musicology. Within the Urhobo/Isoko cosmology, dance is evolving and rhythmically engaged according to the beats. Inherent in this is the calculated step-tapping, which culminates in waist and back twerking and exerts so much pressure on the spinal cord. The movement is very graceful with a glee of satisfaction on the face of the dancer, when there are approving looks from the audience accompanied by spraying of money (naira notes) and screams. The dominant use of the white handkerchief as a compliment of the costume and which aid hand movement during dance is also very visible. During clapping session, the

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handkerchiefs are transferred to the armpit or shoulders to allow for sounding of the hands. The dances are usually very physical and energetic, yet with metred graceful steps all through; with the steps synchronized to meet the clapping. In some cases, like the Igoru, the music and dance are slow-paced because of the elderly ensemble whose rhythmic movements are hindered by age. There are, however, moments of moderately increased tempo (Idamoyibo, 2007). For the lyrics, there is heavy emphasis on the ‘ó’, ‘é’, ‘ú’ and ‘í’ sounds, which are usually stretched to the end of the notes. These are also deeply laced with biblical innuendos, prayerful- and preached-messages that could be emulated. The costumes and paraphernalia are usually traditionally sourced and sometimes vary for both sexes. Men sometimes tie or roll big wrappers across the shoulders. These wrappers are sometimes measured about six-yard (egbru) of any suitable material, and put on short- or long-sleeve shirt (ewun) over singlet (ishimi) (Idamoyibo, 2007). The instruments range from drums (odhi/ukiri) to the bells, trumpets and varied traditional xylophones and aerophones. The standard drum ensemble comprises the mother ukiri (izu ukiri), baby ukiri (omo ukiri) and varied ukiri (ukiri evbarien). The songs are usually introduced after the sounding of the gong or local bells.

Identified Themes and Normalization from Negotiated Identity Urhobo/Isoko musicians use their musical prowess and leverages to investigate, evaluate, probe, counsel, warn and foretell future events. This they do by drawing on the experiences of others and theirs as well to help the future generations avoid a repeat of such painful life experiences. It is from this that the musicians espouse themes derived from the sense of realism than idealism through the conscious use of sound and speech elements. One notable theme is the praises and commendation of deserving efforts of the community, considered worthy of emulations and repetitions. Such are done to provide a template for motivations and stimulations. Such songs are often played in public and parents draw on them to sound their wards in the right directions. The music is also laced with political messages intended to defend certain political traits from vicious attack and misrepresentation. This becomes a sort of historical-rocket launching the ideological spaceship from one

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generation to the other. In this regard, music represents the Urhobo/ Isoko identity, socio-cultural and political orientation (Idamoyibo, 2007) with dominant themes that focus on love, war, parenthood, wealth, family life, marriages, children, contentment, holiness and morality, documented history and even sexual misbehaviour that dot the udje dance songs (Ojaide, 2001). Urhobo/Isoko music patterns, imaginably stretched, are ideological integrating personalities that propagate distinct set of ideas, which are either privileged or undermined. It tends to produce images of social cohesion through sheer repetition and accompanying cultural artefacts. The accumulation of, and, adherences to musical texts trigger normalization. In this regard, normalization would be seen as conforming to set norms, where other musicians tend to replicate the musically inherent pattern. But this is not usually the case, and not with all the genres of Urhobo/ Isoko music. Some contradictions have arisen in recent times; with young budding artistes creating newer versions of music that are considered as a marriage across genres, finding a melting point only in the dominant use of language. Technology would have its own role in all of the malaise as well. The point is made clearer by Croteau and Hoynes (2003) where they asserted that people should stop seeing media (musical) as just platforms for normalization, but as a place for production and distribution of norms and ideas that reflect the public (culture) at a time. Dominant musical traditions would naturally become hegemonic if the status quo is maintained. One such example is the portrayal of rap music. Rose (1994), for instance, observed that the meaning of rap music is understood within the context as ‘mass-mediated critique of the underlying ideology of mainstream American society’, with an ethos for street ethnography that critique the criminal justice system, the police, and overall system which are reinvented in the musical lyrics to suit the lifestyles of building a new set—contradictions. Several of the musicians and musical enthusiasts spoken to on this issue all alluded to the defining nature and pattern inherent in Urhobo/Isoko music. The extensive use of the vocal cord in stressing the message as well as depicting the vocal dexterity and talents of the singer was canvassed. The Urhobo/Isoko brand of music is a distinct undefined brand.

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Concluding Remarks Drawing from the discourse so far, the musicology of the Urhobo/Isoko people is manifested inherently in the cosmology of the people. The themes provided knowledgebase that influence the attitudes and practices of the people in giving an identity that have long been negotiated along several lines and parameters. These, too, have helped define their brand. The Urhobo/Isoko musicology, clearly fuelled by the gospel genre, and mixture of highlife, hip-hop, rap and Afro-beat, has evolved into a dominant ideology for normalization, and in some milieu for contradictions, although it is more in favour of normalization. The evolving brand has physique, personality and culture, and, creates relationship with stakeholders, provides forms of reflections and build a self-image that people readily connect with, in familiar environment and disconnect from in unfamiliar environment. These thrusts connect us to the INT and BIP.  Culture, as funnelled from the environment is a key determinant of reengaging the musicology of their cosmology. Urhobo/ Isoko musicology provides a unifying mien of the visible and invisible worlds that enthusiasts live in, in the same way as other forms of musics do. One can also argue about the definitely non-existence nature of a true brand of Urhobo/Isoko musicology, but a salient identity that resonates among the adherent and stakeholders that has come to be seen as a brand. This brand would only resonate when enthusiasts in familiar environments connect in defined patterns, else contradictions would naturally exist.

References Agordoh, A.  A. (2005). African music: Traditional and contemporary. Nova Science Publishers, Inc. Aperia, T., & Back, R. (2004). Brand relations management: Bridging the gap between brand promise and brand delivery. Copenhagen Business School Press. Chevalier, M., & Mazzalovo, G. (2008). Luxury brand management: A world of privilege. John Wiley and Sons. Croteau, D., & Hoynes, W. (2003). Media & society: Industries, images, and audiences, (3rd ed.). London: Pine Forge Press/ SAGE Publications, Inc. Darah, G. G., Akama, E. S., & Agberia, J. T. (Eds.). (2003). Studies in art, religion & culture among the Urhobo & Isoko people (202 pages). Pam Unique Publishers. Diakparomre, A. M. (2009). Artefacts as social conflict resolution mechanism in traditional Urhobo society of Nigeria’s Niger Delta. Ufahama: A Journal of African Studies, UCLA, 35(2). Retrieved September 10, 2020, from http:// escholarship.org/uc/itm/80v732qx

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Ekeh, P. (2004). Fresh perspectives in Urhobo culture. In P. Foss (Ed.), Where the gods and mortals meet: Continuity and renewal in Urhobo arts (pp.  11–16). Snoeck Publishers. Encyclopedia Britannica. (2020). Musicology. Retrieved September 18, 2020, from https://www.britannica.com/art/musicology Enuwosa, J. (2006). Kirimomo: A hermeneutical approach in gospel proclamation among the Urhobo of the Niger Delta. In J. A. Smit & P. P. Kumar (Eds.), Study of religion in Southern Africa: Essays in honour of G.C.  Oosthuizen (pp. 97–114). Koninklijke Brill NV. Gibbs, C. M. (2018). Field recordings of black singers and musicians: An annotated discography of artists from West Africa, the Caribbean and the eastern and Southern United States, 1901–1943. McFarland & Company, Inc., Publishers. Idamoyibo, O. I. (2007). Igoru music in Okpeland: A study of its functions and compositional techniques. Doctoral dissertation, University of Pretoria. Kapferer, J. N. (1997). Strategic brand management. Kogan Page. Kapferer, J. N. (2004). The new strategic brand management: Creating and sustaining brand equity. Kogan Page. Keller, K.  L. (2013). Strategic brand management, 4th edition. Pearson Educational Limited. Nabofa, Y. M. (1992). Adam: The evangelist. Daystar Press. National Orientation Agency. (2009). A survey of Nigerian core values. Safari Books Limited. Obuke, O. O. (1976). Isoko oral narratives, Volume 1. University of Wisconsin. Obukoadata, P.  O. (2012). Effects of Urhobo traditional symbol usage in newspaper advertising in Nigeria. ASUP-DSPG Multi-disciplinary Journal, 1(1), 317–323. Obukoadata, P. O., & Akpan, I. (2009). Public relations role and impact in managing environmental related crisis in the Niger Delta. LWATI International Journal, 6(1), 314–330. Ohwovoriole, F. (2010). Eschatological motifs and social-spiritual aspects of Urhobo funeral poetry. Uluslararasi Sosyal Arastumalar Dergisi, Journal of International Social Research, 3(11), 445–454. Ojaide, T. (2001). Poetry, Performance, and Art: Udje Dance Songs of Nigeria’s Urhobo People. Research in African Literatures, 32(2), 44–75. https://doi. org/10.1353/ral.2001.0058 Otite, O. (2003). A peep into the history of the Urhobo. In O. Otite (Ed.), The Urhobo people (pp. 21–42). Shaneson C.I. Rose, T. (1994). Black noise. Wesleyan University Press. Sillars, M.  O., & Gronbeck, B.  E. (2001). Communication criticism: Rhetoric, social codes, cultural studies. Waveland Press, Inc.

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Timothy-Asobele, S. J. (2002). Historical trends of Nigerian indigenous and contemporary music. Rothmed International. Ting-Toomey, S. (2015). Identity negotiation theory. In J. Bennett (Ed.), Sage encyclopaedia of intercultural competence, Volume 1 (pp.  418–422). SAGE Publications. Tonukari, O. (2020, September 19, Saturday). Chief Omokomoko Osokpa: The pioneer of Urhobo contemporary music. The Pointer. Williamson, K. (1988). Indigenous languages of the Niger-Benue confluence region: Their classification and its implications for pre-history. Muntu: Revue Scientifique et Culturelle du CICIBA, 45–53.

CHAPTER 10

Dung Chollom and Berom Ethnic Popular Music Godwin E. Ogli and Bali I. Davou

Introduction African music has served as a major institution for acculturation among African peoples. It has provided the platform for expressive cultural transmission and re-engineering, which engages both young and old in the society. Although different forms of music exist in traditional African cultures, there exist the constant neglect of purposeful scholarship and investigation of the ethnic popular music genre in African music. It must be acknowledged that very insightful studies on contemporary popular music in Africa have been done and are still being undertaken by different scholars, however not much attention is given to popular music types that exist within specific ethnic entities. Perhaps, this neglect or oversight may be attributed to the understanding of the concept of popular music from the hegemonic perspective of the west that tends towards historical musicology (Bates, 2013). In Nigeria, popular music studies have tended to be limited to the styles prevalent in the eastern and southern parts of Nigeria,

G. E. Ogli (*) • B. I. Davou Department of Music, University of Jos, Jos, Nigeria © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 A. Salawu, I. A. Fadipe (eds.), Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 1, Pop Music, Culture and Identity, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97884-6_10

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with very little scholarship on the forms obtainable in the middle belt and northern parts of the country. Hence, works of this kind which unearth musical and cultural contributions by ethnic popular artistes like Dung Chollom have become imperative. Regardless of the genre adopted, African musicians have exhibited deep ideological positions that make the focus and message of their artistic works unmistakeable (Adegoke, 2011). In that respect, both the artiste and audience employ music as instrument and tool for social as well as spiritual negotiation, control and balance. Hence, Nesbitt’s submission that music is “powerless” in effecting social change owing to its non-­ violent posture (Nesbitt, 2001) is not altogether true. Both socially and spiritually, music in Africa commands the authority of tradition as well as the spirit. Hence, societies rely on music to negotiate between human and humans, humans and the spirit, as well as invoking the hindsight and authority of history to direct the path a society must chart. This explains the vitality and functionality of music in African societies, as against the seeming functional sterility associated with western classical/concert music (Ojukwu et al., 2016). Undoubtedly, the role popular music plays to positively induce the upholding of cultural values, as well as engendering self-worth (group and individuals), identity negotiation and social rectitude underscore the functionality of music in African society (Opara, 2012). Data for this research was obtained through primary and secondary sources. As a descriptive study, the authors relied heavily on interviews of several respondents who had personal acquaintance with Dung Chollom as family members, friends or media professionals in the course of music performance or production. This is because Dung died in 1996 unexpectedly in the farm where he and his family were harvesting sorghum, thereby making the accounts of these respondents who were eye witnesses of Dung’s life and works the most authentic source of record about him. This is in tandem with Ogisi’s (2016, p.  185) position that “studies in Nigerian popular music should as much as possible be primary data dependent because of its inherent possibility to unveil new facts.” These respondents relied on their personal observations and experiences to give the information they offered during the interviews. Also, one of the respondents volunteered two pictures of Dung from his private archive, which

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the authors obtained and used in this research. Besides this primary source, the authors collected available records of Dung’s performances, which were not produced in music studios, but rather recorded directly by enthusiasts during his performances.

Background to Ethnic Popular Music Situating popular music properly in its social context cannot be in isolation from popular culture. Among other manifestations of popular culture, popular music has functioned as one of the most significant and expressive vehicle for popular culture, thereby identifying popular music as a subculture of popular culture (Fabbri, 2010;  Adegoke, 2011). According to Tagg (1982, p. 39), popular music is “(1) conceived for mass distribution to large and often socio-culturally heterogeneous groups of listeners, (2) stored and distributed in non-written form, (3) only possible in an industrial monetary economy where it becomes a commodity and (4) in capitalist society, subject to the laws of ‘free’ enterprise, according to which it should ideally sell as much as possible of as little as possible to as many as possible.” This perspective is narrow and fails to realize the musical reality in other unindustrialized societies other than the west. As observed by Onwuegbuna (2010, p. 164), African popular music existed long before European explorers stepped on the shores of Africa in the fifteenth century. Such popular music forms still exist in many African communities today as “entertainment forms, combining songs, dances, drama, visual arts, and oral literature in folk languages and expressions.” They possess commercial value in the societies they exist, thereby effectively becoming a cultural commodity projecting the culture, spirit and identity either of the musician or the target audience (Fu, 2015). Although Onwuegbuna (2015) later provided specifics-based definitions of popular music, a more accommodating definition which admits the concept and practice of popular music in both western and non-western societies would be most ideal. Therefore, “popular music refers to all contemporaneous music with broad immediate and implicitly transient attractiveness which appeals to a mass audience,” characterized by idiomatic usages familiar to the people. Such music is for purposes of dance and entertainment found in clubs and socio-cultural/political gatherings (Ojukwu et al., 2016, p. 115).

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The Berom of Jos-Plateau in Nigeria According to Mwandkwong (2010, p. 9), out of the estimated 150–200 ethnic groups that inhabit the present Plateau state, Berom of the Jos-­ Plateau are accounted as one of the major ones. Occupying the northern side of the undulating Jos-Plateau highlands, Mwandkwong further revealed that they “share boundaries on the west with the Aten, Katab Chawai and Ninzom. On the north, they share boundaries with Rukuba, Irigwe, Anaguta, Afizere, Jere and Amo. To the south the Berom share boundaries with Dafo, Rom, Atakar, Ayu and Muna, to the east, by the Pyem, Mwaghavul, Ron, and Kulere.” In an earlier report, Blench (2004, p. 2) stated that the Jos-Plateau “composed mainly of granite, slopes gently to the north and is covered by grasslands […] It is now virtually treeless, and marked by inselbergs and tumbles of split rock; there is some reason to think that deforestation is a result of human activity.” Socio-politically, the village group was the basic political unit in the Berom nation before European colonial administration in Nigeria. In 1927, the colonial administration restructured the entire Berom nation into districts, thereby establishing a new political setup which delineated Berom settlements into the following districts: Du, Bachi, Fan, Foron, Gashish, Gyel, Kuru, Riyom and Ropp. Each district is headed by a traditional ruler known as Dagwom or Darwei while the villages, which are made up of compounds (often heavily fenced with the cactus plant), are headed by village chiefs known as Gwom or Da-gwom. Traditionally, the district head manages the affairs of his district with the support of the village heads (Ogundele & Lumowo, 2009). Today, the state government has elevated the office of the Gbom Gwom Jos (traditional head of the Berom people) to the level of overseeing and coordinating all other ones at the district and village levels. The Berom of Jos-Plateau inhabit an area that is naturally endowed with tin and columbite. Large-scale commercial mining of these natural resources by expatriates began in 1904 after the first permanent mining camp was set up in Tilde in 1903 by H.W.  Laws, who later moved his headquarter to Jos in 1905 (Mwadkwom, 2010; Azgaku & Osuala, 2015).

Profile of Dung Chollom Dung Chollom (nicknamed Gajere—short man) was a Berom by ethnicity. Born in 1932 to Dara Rawan and Ngwo Giakwala from Rawuru village of Fan district in Barkin Ladi Local Government Area of Plateau state,

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Dung was the second child among his parents’ five children. Their names are Ngwo Kumbo (a female and first child), Dung, Davou, Mark and Pam. Dara Rawan and Ngwo Giakwala were known music performers among their people. Dara Rawan was a singer who, also, accompanied himself on the yomko (raft zither). The duo formed a two-man performance team where the wife functioned as the dancer to her husband’s music. Although not much of a public entertainer, Rawan provided his family such traditional musical exposition that helped induct his children into Berom traditional music. He bequeathed the legacy of musical performance and yomko construction to his children who eventually grew to master the art exceptionally well. Hence, Dung Chollom clearly descended from a musical and performing family. His parents, therefore, served as his first music teachers, exposing him to the art of music-making (singing, dancing and accompaniment) among the Berom people. Music performance was the most dominant factor that led Dung out of his birthplace to other neighbouring towns. Although he was the main figure in the group who often played lead roles, his younger brother Mark initiated the idea of forming a musical group,  which blossomed to be known as Dung Chollom and Group. In 1963, Dung married KaChollom and together they had four children—Monday, Gavou, Rebecca and Ruka. Yop who was the second wife gave birth to Dachi (Dung’s youngest child), while Furshi the last wife had no child. Of all the children, only Dachi inherited his father’s musical traits. After Dung’s death, Dachi (one of the respondents interviewed) took up the performance roles of his father. In fact, he kept the memory of his late father alive by occupying the lead performer’s role in his late father’s musical group where he sang and played the traditional harp known as Yom (Fig. 10.1). Owing to Dachi’s performance style, voice quality, and instrument playing skill which were replica of his late father, Dung’s immediate audience and members of the group joyfully accepted Dachi’s role in the group. According to Yohanna Pam, one of the respondents interviewed, Dung Chollom did not acquire the popular and ‘fashionable’ formal western education in his days, but he was thoroughly schooled in the traditional way of life and music of the Berom people. Dung was naturally drawn into music by his parents’ musical life as well as the works of Mwanta Tok Wu— another Berom musician and philosopher. He adopted a more popular music approach by expanding his musical setup. First, he adopted the local harp as his primary instrument. Significantly, some commentators believe his choice of the harp was a direct reflection of Mwanta Tok  Wu’s

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Fig. 10.1  The yom (a traditional six-string harp—a big and small size)

influence on his musical life, owing to the fact that the harp was Mwanta Tok Wu’s primary instrument. Further still, the harp is more expressive melodically, and capable of producing louder sound than the raft zither, a factor that was imperative for a dance group not equipped with modern amplifying gadgets. Secondly, he incorporated more musical instruments into his musical group thereby creating a more culturally buoyant instrumental section in his group. Thirdly, he adopted a more cosmopolitan approach to his musical performance by creating a wider audience base, which went beyond Berom nationalities as well as situating himself in mainstream political musical expressions.

The Musical Organization As stated above, Dung Chollom collaborated with his brother Mark to establish the musical group known as Dung Chollom and group. Mark Chollom (Dung’s younger brother) was a musical instrument maker and

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repairer (especially raft zither and harp). This skill opened up his musical expression, which awakened Dung’s latent musical talents. Dung and Mark started performing as brothers around the family house before moving out to non-family audiences. The group started as an all-men Berom ethnic popular music group with about ten members, which included Da Sambo Gyang, Kundung Chollom Gyang, Umoru Darasima and Markus among others. The membership later expanded to include two women who served as dancers as well as part of the chorus response, while Dung was the lead singer. As an entertainment group, three distinct sections were operational in the group—chorus (singing), instrumentation and dance. The group members functioned in each of these sections, albeit in overlapping manner. All members serve in the chorus as response to the lead singer at one point or the other; some functioned as instrumentalists while the women along with some few men especially functioned as dancers. As a talented performer, Dung combined singing with playing a yom (a medium sized harp), which functioned as the lead instrument. The harp used by the group has six strings, and in three varying sizes. The strings are plucked using the thumbs and index fingers of both hands; the right hand plays the first three strings while the left plays the remaining three strings (Fig. 10.1). Another melodic instrument is the Yomshi (a two-stinged lute). The Yomshi, which is popular among the Hausa people of Northern Nigeria, Niger, Chad and Mali, is said not to be traditional to the Berom but adopted by Dung in his music (Fig. 10.2). Ju is a locally made flute which formed part of the instrumental resources of the group. About five members of the group perform on the instrument. In performance, the hocket technique is adopted wherein each player fills the melody by producing a required pitch at given intervals, thereby collectively realizing the melody (Fig. 10.3). Kwak is a scraped idiophone instrument made from a dry cactus plant. It produces loud sounds akin to gourd rattle when the player scrapes the corrugated edge with a stick. During performance, the rhythmic pattern it produces serves as the regulating beat in the music (Fig. 10.4).

Performance Context The immediate occasion for performance in Dung’s musical career was personal pleasure and entertainment of his community. Like all traditional African children, musical plays and imitation of adults formed Dung's

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Fig. 10.2  The Yomshi (a two-string lute)

foremost training and induction process into the traditional music of his people (Blench, 2004). Hence, he started his performance life with his younger brother within and around Rawuru village of Fan district in Barkin Ladi Local Government Area of Plateau state. His poetic ability and compositional skills manifested in his songs that usually flowed from his lips without prior preparations. This does not in any way preclude the fact that he had times for personal preparations and practices, rather his musical ingenuity were brought into play through inclusion of commentaries that were dictated and necessitated by realities at the time of performance. His exposure to non-family audience began with performances at small relaxation spots with friends and village bars where burukutu (a locally brewed alcoholic drink) was sold and consumed. This initial performance context served very useful purposes of preparing him for an impactful career through the aesthetic valuation and criticism of his people. This made him to re-learn and un-learn some musical basics that helped him

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Fig. 10.3  The Ju (Berom indigenous flute)

develop a proper focus for his traditional popular music style. Gradually he began to assume the position of an ambassador of Berom musical art as well as the culture in general. Social engagements that demanded gathering of family and friends, and which require musical entertainment became his next level of performance context. For this, he received invitations to perform at marriage ceremonies, naming ceremonies, community celebrations and burials within and outside his home district of Rawuru and beyond. Dung’s decision to move from the rural area to Jos brought about a major turnaround in his music career. Jos, a cosmopolitan city, was comparatively modern and had a blend of diverse nationalities, tastes and social life. As the administrative headquarters of then Benue-Plateau state, it was a major administrative and growing city. Tin mining, government administrative activities and other commercial activities made Jos a significant

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Fig. 10.4  The Kwak (Berom scrape idiophone)

economic centre, which promised good patronage and financial returns for a rising performer like Dung. Coming on stage in Jos opened up some very significant performance platforms for Dung—political programmes, annual Berom festivals, the broadcast media and recording studio among others.

Annual Festivals The traditional authority of Fan district in Barkin Ladi Local Government Area instituted a tradition of annual cultural celebration at Fan Lo, headquarters of the district. This occasion held on January first of every year at the only public primary school in Fan Lo because of its centrality in the district as well as being the community where the traditional ruler of the district resided. This was not a traditional event inherited from past generations, but a contemporary initiative designed to promote Berom culture and unity among the communities in the district. Prominent among

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Fig. 10.5  Dung’s musical group with the trophy won in 1980. (Source: Yohanna Pam’s private library)

the activities during the event was musical competition among groups representing different communities in the district. Dung and his musical group featured prominently in these competitions. In the 1980 edition of Berom music competition in the district, Dung’s group was adjudged the best performing group and was declared winner of the competition. Below are photos taken by Dung’s musical group after receiving the trophy for winning the 1980 edition of the competition at Fan Lo (Figs.  10.5 and 10.6). The Fan Lo cultural celebration promoted the image and popularity of the group in Fan district, leading to their appointment by the traditional head as performing group representing the district at the Nzem Berom cultural festival. Beyond the district, the popular Fan district annual cultural celebration coupled with the aesthetic and performance elements of their music projected the group as the most outstanding representative musical group in Berom land. Upholding Berom cultural ideals, projecting Berom national identity, as well as promoting Berom self-worth

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Fig. 10.6  Dung’s musical group and enthusiasts at the 1980 Fan Lo cultural celebration. (Source: Yohanna Pam’s private library)

through historical narratives and encouraging positive outlook were common features in his songs. Nzem Berom, which is organized and executed by the Gbom Gwom Jos, is the cultural festival of Berom people of the Jos-Plateau. It is a festival celebrating tradition and offering prayers for a fruitful farming season. It is also a celebratory event for cultural renaissance and projection for purposes of identity statement and preservation of the Berom culture for future generations, rather than traditional worship and ancestral veneration. Hence, it serves the purpose of bringing all Berom sons and daughters within the districts and in diaspora together for a cultural communion, where shared ideals, visions, relationships and practices are re-enacted and strengthened (Panpe, 2019). Dung’s music performance was well received in Jos by the Beroms and other ethnic nationalities in Jos. This acceptance made him become what seem to be the voice of Berom cultural music. This was, more so, because the organizers of the Nzem Berom adopted Dung’s music as the official signature tune of the festival. Therefore, announcing the festival and other radio programmes related to the festival were always accompanied by his music. This development is of immense significance in the musical life of Dung Chollom. Although he had other

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contemporary Berom traditional musicians, associating his music with the Nzem Berom festival was an endorsement of his music by the organizers as truly representing the musical ideals of the Berom people. Besides adopting his music as the official music of the festival, Dung and his musical group remained one of the key performers during the festival during his lifetime.

Music for Politics Dung’s quest for positioning himself for social identification and entertainment was richly rewarded when he was recognized by politicians in the state. The political atmosphere in Nigeria in the late 1970s, before the election that ushered in the second democratically elected government played vital roles in his rise in popularity and acceptance. As an image bearer and culture ambassador of the Berom people through his music, the then Nigeria People’s Party (NPP), which was led in the state by Solomon Lar fully engaged him in their political rallies in order to gain support from the ordinary Berom man. The overwhelming support he gave to the party through his music, which helped them secure victory in the state, his consistent engagement by the party in their programmes, as well as the financial appreciation and other benefits he enjoyed from the party suggested he fully supported the party. In appreciation for his musical support, D.B. Zang who was the Chairman of NPP in Plateau state graciously gifted him a car. This helped Dung a great deal by fostering easy mobility for him and his musical group. Dung was not known for antagonistic political expressions in his music, rather he used diplomatic advocacy that placed him on a favourable pedestal among his people within different political divides. His vision of a united, peaceful and prosperous Berom nation (and Nigeria as a nation) underscored his political music which eschewed rancour, bitterness and altercations. Overtly a supporter of the NPP, his music was more nationalistic and apolitical, thereby endearing his songs to all his audience across different political divides.

Discussions of Some of His Songs For Dung, every performance context was an opportunity for unbounded self-expression. Uniquely, his performance style does not give relevance to verses or dwelling on a single theme in a given performance. In a given

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performance, his songs would touch on several themes, which are separated by instrumental sections. This is designed to appeal to every member of the audience, in the sense that the audience is expected to find meaning and relationship with either one or more sections of his song. The themes of his songs range from love to diverse other socio-political issues trending in the society. A Shetu Shetu (translation) A Shetu a Shetu a Shetu a Shetu O Shetu, o Shetu, o Shetu, o Shetu Jang da mi wogos di bi nera I remember the time I was in naira Jang da a se gwong vogo e Ladi I remember when I used to go to Ladi Jang da mo mi pongos e Ladi When I arrived Ladi Ma se dem raro ma sagal I sat in a very comfortable place Jang o ma so be kwalba biba I remember I had two bottles of bear Jang me pong hun lo John chi I remember when I used to wait for you at John Chi Jang de ma man de Shetu I remember when I met with Shetu Jang de ma so vwo di Shetu I remember the warm hand shake with Shetu Jang o di me di bature At that time we used to fly in the e girgi sama airplane with the white man Dyam o ye tala he ku a ki a When the money finished then tik me da she left me Wa a nong me dyam di mi Who will give me money so I can go in jang’a me Shetu search for Shetu

“A Shetu” is a song of regret that pictured Dung Chollom’s love story with his estranged lover whose real name was Garos, but he creatively veiled her identity by adopting Shetu as her pseudo name. The text expressed Dung’s fame and affluence before and after he met Shetu. He carefully presaged his journey on how he met Shetu from ‘Ladi (Barkin Ladi)’ to Jos. The music draws attention to the different places he had worked and been to. It is worthy of note that the  period from the late 1970s to early 1980s when tin mining on the Jos-Plateau was at its peak, working in a tin mining site was economically rewarding. Dung sought to project his image by his claims of working in the mining site, a chauffeur to one of the expatriates and travelling by air. His reference to John Chi (John Chi Motel, a popular club in Jos) pointed to places he had

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performed. Also, the song referenced Shetu who was only interested in his money regardless of his deep affection for her. After spending much on her, she abandoned him for another lover in Bauchi. The song challenges profligacy, directing the listener’s attention to regretful reminiscing that accompanies such life—“I remember … I remember.” He concluded that “my life became miserable,” mocked by society and only wishing he was wiser. Lele Nong Feng NPP Song of Thanks Giving for NPP Berom ba sei yel e yong vwel Berom people are committed to development Berom ba yong vwel a si daka If Berom people develop the land, it yaga nnei mot  will be good for our children Berom ba sei yel yaga yong vwel Berom people are in the forefront of developing the land Solomon a yong vwel yaga Solomon has developed t he land Berom ku be kye he a  because of the Beroms, a shall we reject him? D.B Zang Kajia chairman mot D.B. Zang I greet you our chairman a D B Zang o D.B. Zang Berom ba yi nyek e je young vwel Berom  people are in the forefront in developing the land Berom ba yong vwel a si daka If Berom people develop the land, it will be good

Lele Nong Feng NPP Lele nong feng ought to be a political awareness or political campaign song. But he seized the occasion to project the Berom nation, campaign for the NPP as well as admonish the political leaders who he was campaigning for. He was careful not to openly accuse them of under-performing, yet skilfully stated the need for Berom political elites to champion the cause of good governance and development in Plateau state. Hence, he inoffensively began the song by giving praises to God whom the Berom man has always believed to be the creator and ruler over the universe. The Berom national project of maintaining the front seat in Plateau state is unmistaken in the song. Dung believed developing the state was a Berom project supposedly because Berom sons and daughters would

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continue to rule the state. Perceived as a Berom cultural ambassador, the NPP was smart in engaging Dung for their political campaigns. The purpose was to sell the party to the Berom people through his song in order to win their support in the election, hence he had to associate the Beroms as the only group to bring about progressive development in the state, and for which the party stood for. Among others, he purposefully mentioned the names of the first democratically elected governor of Plateau state—Chief Solomon Daushep Lar—and the chairman of the party in the state—Da D.B. Zang. As part of the political campaign, he highlighted their infrastructural contributions to the development of the “Berom” land in his song. For Dung, these attest to the commitment of the party to development, and which should qualify them to be re-elected into government again. But, Dung boldly went a step further—calling on the political leaders to be committed to developing the land and good living. This was a mild indictment on the ruling party for having not done enough, if the projects alluded to in his song were indeed reality. It is common for politicians to promise the people these infrastructures and never fulfil their promises; those already in power would even reference projects that are non-existent as part of their achievements qualifying them for re-election. The call for leaders to live well was a call to denounce corruption and maladministration. Corruption and social irresponsibility have characterized African politics in general, and Nigeria in particular. Dung, therefore, used the occasion to challenge the political class on the need to “live well” so the land could progress. Dyanm Kuza Tin Money A Berom ei Dagwi a nong hot God has given us a great gift in Berom gbong noro land e ji vwel mot A nong hot pye yemo ya se e ji vwel He has given us these natural resources Dagwi a nong hot pye yemo de God gave us these things so we can wuri jing ye mine them Da wuri rau ye wuri se me dyam So we can sell them to develop our land wuri yong me vwel mot A mwi vei da wuri jang’a pye I call on my friends to join me in the mining site A Gyang vei na wuri tau vwel a O Gyang come let us do this together Ma ra kuza ku ma se dyam shot When I mine the tin, I will earn lots of money

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Ma se dyam ku ma lok loh When I earn the money, I will build a house Ma se dyam ku ma sai dwa When I earn the money, I will buy a car Ma se dyam ku mi hau chap When I earn the money, I will farm Ma se dyam ku ma ra weneng When I earn the money, I will get married Ma se dyam ku ma sai ndok When I earn the money, I will buy clothes Ma se dyam ku ma pa nei wo When I earn the money, I will send my lo se tok children to school

Although tin mining caused lots of disruption and destruction to the ecology of Berom land, Dung decided to be positive on the narratives surrounding tin mining on the Jos-Plateau. Berom cosmological view associates all blessings to God, both natural and man-made. Hence, large deposits of tin and columbite as natural resources in Berom ancestral land area is evidence of God’s benevolence to the Berom nation. Secondly, Dung’s call on “Gyang” to join him go work in the mining field in the song demonstrates his belief that natural resources are not reasons for indolence and waiting on some authorities somewhere to hand out benefits to the owners of the land. Hence, he said “Dagwi a nong hot pye yemo de wuri jing ye (God gave us these things so we can mine it).” Therefore, natural resources should provide meaningful employment for the owners of the land. Before the advent of large-scale tin mining in Berom land, agriculture and hunting were the major sources of livelihood of the people. Tin mining impacted the environment negatively, hence Dung challenged his people to stick to agriculture as their way of livelihood. His message here emphasizes the need to ensure the extractive industry does not displace agriculture but support and build it. Thirdly, Dung sees the opportunity for tin mining as divine providence for the Berom nation for development. Undoubtedly, engaging in tin mining would generate income for the people. This informs his drawing the attention of his listeners to possible projects to embark with such money like construction of good houses for family residence, marriage and children education (among others) and not misuse it. He also mentioned how everyone loves to have leftover money in their pocket to flaunt around with. The text carefully walked us through the process of tin mining which are excavation, washing, sieving and selling the final product which is the pure tin. Instructively, Dung believes that

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foreign expatriates should not be sole beneficiaries of natural resources in Nigeria, rather land owners should profit from exploration of these resources on their land.

Conclusion Popular music among non-western peoples, especially African indigenous peoples is as effectual as what obtains in industrialized societies. It has a large followership (fans) among ethnic groups where such music is found and other nationalities sufficiently exposed to the music. These artistes fall within the category of independent musicians who “usually manage their music work by themselves, without the help of record labels, because normally they perform in the pub or on the street” (Fu, 2015, p. 2). Features of popular music that communicate with audiences include the language, text, music (melody, rhythm, harmony etc.), instrumentation, dance, costume, social representation and so on. These features are evident in Dung Chollom’s work, thereby making his works popular among both Beroms and non-Beroms that listened to his music. His political messaging was veiled enough to communicate the expectations of the masses to the political elites, yet soft enough not to be termed offensive by the politicians. His proclivity towards his politician sponsors reveals how ethnic popular music can be appropriated by politicians and elites for their personal and political gains. Owing to the large followership of ethnic popular music fans, collective socio-political opinions are easily influenced by artistes like Dung Chollom sometimes to the detriment of collective good of the people. Dung Chollom’s works reveal the need for more purposeful research on ethnic popular music for documentation and understanding their musical experiences, contributions to cultural, political and social developments. Declaration of Conflicting Interests  The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.

References Adegoke, A. A. (2011). Language and identity representation in popular music. International Journal of Innovative Interdisciplinary Research, 1, 150–164. Azgaku, C. B. A., & Osuala, U. S. (2015). The socio-economic effects of colonial tin mining on the Jos-plateau: 1904–1960. Developing Country Studies, 5(14), 35–39.

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Bates, E. (2013). Popular music studies and the problem of sound, society and method. Journal of the International Association for the Study of Popular Music, 3(2), 15–32. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/305333348_Popular_ Music_Studies_and_the_Problems_of_Sound_Society_and_Method Blench, R. (2004). The traditional music of the Jos Plateau in central Nigeria: An overview. Proceedings of the Hamburg Meeting to Mark the Retirement of Professor Ludwig Gerhardt. Fabbri, F. (2010). What is popular music? And what Isn’t? An assessment, after 30 years of popular music studies. Musiikki: Musicology in the 3rd Millennium, 2, 72–92. Fu, L. (2015). Popular music in Singapore: Cultural interactions and the “Inauthenticity” of Singaporean music. SHS Web of Conferences, 14, ­10.1051/ shsconf/20151402013. Mwadkwom, S. D. (2010). Silencing the spirit of the shrines: The impact of tin mining on Berom religion and ecology. A PhD Dissertation Presented to the Department of Religious Studies, University of Jos. Nesbitt, N. (2001). African music, ideology and utopia. Research in African Literatures, 32(2), 175–186. Ogisi, A. A. (2016). Sourcing data in popular music research in Nigeria. Ogirisi: A New Journal of African Studies, 12, 184–198. https://doi.org/10.4314/ og.v12i1.9 Ogundele, S. O., & Lumowo, J. (2009). Cultural landscape adaptation and management among the Berom of Central Nigeria. Nyame Akuma, 72, 78–84. Ojukwu, E., Obielozie, E., & Esimone, C. (2016). Nigerian values and contemporary popular music: A new look. Ogirisi: A New Journal of African Studies, 12, 114–129. Onwuegbuna, I. E. (2010). Urbanization and African pop music: The Nigerian experience. Awka Journal of Research in Music and the Arts, 7, 161–173. Onwuegbuna, I. E. (2015). Trends in African popular music. www.researchgate. net/public/31 Opara, R.  S. (2012). Art as a media for social commentary: A case study of Igbo Bongo musicians, South-Eastern Nigeria. A Master Degree thesis submitted to the Department of Pan African Studies, University of Louisville. https://ir. library.louisville.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2080&context=etd Panpe, L. (2019). The Berom and Nzem Berom. Ace News Online. www.acenews.online

PART II

Indigenous African Popular Music Artists as Prophets and Philosophers

CHAPTER 11

Corpus of Prophecy, Philosophy and Crusading in Ayinla Omowura’s Music Festus Adedayo

Introduction The dialogic symmetry between Africa and music is a forgotten conclusion. While I have said elsewhere (Adedayo, 2020) that music forms a major aspect of the typical life of an African and that it cannot be divorced from the core constitution of the fabric of the African, it would be difficult to describe the African life without amply stating the minute details of how he is shaped by a life of music. The symbiotic relationship between the African and music is such that, wherever there is musical sound, there is the African. Ewens (1991), however, sees the relationship as something more sweeping. “The idea of Africa without music is unthinkable. However modern the interpretation, African pop is rooted in a musical continuum that accompanies every formal and informal moment of life…” he submitted (page number). For Tenaille (2000), music is the ideal popular vehicle for the hopes, sorrows and contradictions of modern Africa

F. Adedayo (*) Member of the Nigerian Tribune Newspaper’s Editorial Board, Ibadan, Nigeria © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 A. Salawu, I. A. Fadipe (eds.), Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 1, Pop Music, Culture and Identity, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97884-6_11

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In the conception of Lasisi (2012), music even did much more. It plays such a role in the African’s existence, so much that it approximates his being. Lasisi (2012, page number) “Music can be said to form an integral part of life in Africa. It follows the African through his entire day from early in the morning till late at night and through all the changes of his life, from the time he came into this world until after he has left it.” Link the paragraphs With the above as a foreword, it may not be an understatement to aver that popular music occupies a dominant footage in the musical landscape of contemporary Africa. In many African communities, African popular music expression, an acculturative variant of the African folk music, is a manifestation of derivative mixtures, a web of complex expressions. This is manifested as dips into past life experiences, coated with current experiences, both of which are projected into a future horizon. Indigenous popular music, otherwise known as popular music, constitutes a potent weapon of communicating the culture and ways of life of Africa. According to Fadipe, though its culture… are located in its folklore, folktale, theatre, music, dance, proverbs, riddles, storytelling, chants, poetry and so on, its moral awakening content is huge due to its essence in modern African society. On its emergence, Onwuegbuna (2010) is of the view that the popular culture, pop culture as it is called, in contemporary Africa, emerged from what he termed the “political, social, and economic environment of the late 18th to early 19th centuries,” a prong he said was further consolidated by “the dramatic transformations brought about by urbanization in the period after World War II.” According to him, the existence of African pop music dated long before and even ages from the incursion of Portuguese seamen in the fifteenth century who forayed into Africa for commercial prospects. However, he insisted, its existence was basically in the form of ethnic entertainment which he said was a combination of “songs, dances, drama, visual arts, and oral literature in folk languages and expressions.” The dip into the past by African pop music culture is thus because, in most African societies, there is a veneration of the past as a veritable instrument for shaping a huge canvass of horizons. It is an explanation of their past, the justification of their today and projection of the tomorrow of Africa. This probably explains why spiritual invocations of departed persons’ spirits were prevalent in traditional African culture.

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Popular cultural music expression is engaged with the above and even more. As a distinctive way of life of a people, community, nation or social group (Hall 1997, p. 2), popular cultural practice of music is said to be the first popular culture in Africa (Barber, 1987, p. 1) which is not only produced, communicated, dispersed but which resonates across a wide spectrum of people. Aside from being easily flaunted to express life experiences, popular music can also serve as a catalyst for expression of political criticisms, philosophies and social expressions of a people, conceptualisation of political change, as well as crusading against social ills. Due to its widespread acceptance and multiple cells of penetration, this variant of popular culture fluidly infects a wide spectrum of recipients. Thus, in the process of assimilating a danceable and melodious song, its recipients also implant into their subconscious elements of the crusading and advocacies of the popular culture music. Englert (2008) argues that though there are popular music variants which sing in praise of political regimes, dispraise them and comment on social virtues or social ills, there are very seldom variants of those that write political songs as a permanent motif of their popular culture. This, he said, debars them from being profiled into the categorization of “critical” and “uncritical” or even “pro-establishment.” This intervention becomes relevant while venturing into the classification of popular music’s motif, whether as a weapon of critical appraisal, uncritical self-adulation or instrument of personal fancy for establishment. Conceding to Onwuegbuna’s thesis that pop music culture gained ascendancy in contemporary Africa in the late eighteenth to early nineteenth centuries, it can be argued that the music, during this time, got enmeshed in the explanation, narration and escalation of the lingering socio-economic and political woes that had become the lot of the people at this time. In Nigeria for instance, the ills that plagued the people in the post-colonial era which ranged from tyranny, inequality, oppression and inequities seemed to engage the pop culture music of the time. In the same vein, most of the songs were pedagogic as they sought to enlighten and teach values, using models of the past, to situate where Africa should be in generations ahead. With ethical challenges that have become major concerns of societies all over the world, which have corroded conventional and intentional codes of ethics, the media of popular music also intervene as a form of preservation of those ethical codes (Fadipe, 2016). This it did through the

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engagement of these moral challenges, with a view to dissolving them. In this way, popular music’s intervention in dissolution of moral challenges cannot be overemphasized. Traditional African musicians, through their crafts, deploy their music as a weapon to do the above. These are musicians whose works deploy complete oeuvres of simple musical accoutrements of traditional instruments for the sole purpose of not only entertaining a diverse crop of listeners but also impacting them. In Nigeria, while some popular music concentrated on lampooning post-colonial governments as appendages of the European culture and servile to the exited colonial rule, others concentrated on an admixture of crusading against social ills that emerged in the post-colony. The earlier category mentioned used a medley of satire and direct frontal attacks to situate the ills of neo-colonialism and the implication of Nigerian leaders in this ill. In both categories, however, there is a dense deployment of philosophies, underscore of culture and crusading against ills of society that are laden with the songs. Apala is one of these genres of music. Others were Sakara, Juju, Awurebe, Fuji and Dadakuada, among a plethora of others. While Apala’s evolvement has become some sort of academic discourse, its acceptance gradually coursed through generations. From an Islamic liturgical instrument of the 1940/1950s, Apala gradually broke out of this enclosure into becoming a music that spurns its earlier class and religious borders. True that some Nigerian traditional music owe their origin to the pervasive influence of Islamic and European influences as averred by Omojola (1995), there is no denying the fact that Apala, though might have begun as an instrument of Islamic liturgical worship, its components and elements clearly deviate from the ritualistic accompaniment of Islam. Still following from the path of its route and metamorphosis, both Olusoji (2010) and Mustapha (1975) confirmed Apala’s purely African indigeneity, as against claims of its bearing any stylistic resemblance to Islamic worship songs. They both agreed that the music was an indigenous music of the Yoruba, with every resemblance of the Yoruba folk songs which, with time, along the route of its metamorphosis, evolved as social music. In the category of traditional African musicians who use the music popular culture to crusade against social ills is Ayinla Wahidi Yusuff, an Apala music maestro who was murdered in a barroom brawl in Nigeria’s Abeokuta, Ogun State, on 6 May 1980. With a unique stylistic elements

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that bore no affinity with singers before him and which has not been cloned since his death, Omowura crusaded against societal ills, prophesied about earthly occurrences that were to come, all encoded in a mythic sack of philosophies that set him and his music apart from the conventional singing patterns that the world of his time and indeed subsequent generations after his departure were used to.

Omowura: Philosophy, Crusading and Advocacy The whole gamut of Omowura’s music was devoted to an admixture of praise-singing, crusading and advocacy delivered through a trough of scintillating and danceable music. He was not an artist for the sake of art but one who packaged the messages of his art for the benefit of society. Though the motif of his songs was to get people to dance to and appreciate his very unexampled music, this Apala musician took it upon himself to act as an ombudsman for the rest of society. This motif was not unique to him among musicians of his time. Virtually all the musicians of the pre and immediate post-colony devoted their songs to the then-contemporary issues of the changes to traditional African society by the infiltration of the white man and the impact of the exit of the colonialists from the administration of Africa. They discussed issues like social dislocation of armed robbery, prostitution, the corrosive impact of money and the gradual decimation of the temple of culture using music as a vehicular avenue of relating their messages to the immediate society. A more elderly musician of the time, Yusuff Kelani, a Sakara music genre singer, for instance, in one of his vinyl entitled Emu Oguro, interrogated the concept of a Societal Man who the Yoruba call the Gbajumo. The Gbajumo was a man loved by the collective in society and whatever he did was excused on the cusp of the unusual deviancy found with that class of persons. This probably was also due to the fact that the African society is a highly patriarchal society. Adulterous disposition was one of those deviant traits that society explained off for the Gbajumo. As such, the unsavoury encounter that the adulterous Gbajumo many times encountered in the process of his philandering also got some explanations. The most notorious of these were sexually transmitted diseases called gonorrhoea, syphilis and allied ailments. It became so rampant at a time that victims explained it off as encounters that underscored their virility and libido. In one of his songs, Omowura also made passing reference to the social currency or social acclamation

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inherent in being afflicted with these sexually transmitted diseases, as against sexual impotency. In Esin alatosi, ko si lowo okobo Omowura sang, translated, meaning that the mockery of the man afflicted with gonorrhoea was certainly outside the bounds of the sexually impotent. The virility of the sexually potent, which was a trophy in a patriarchal society like Africa, that society reasoned, could only have been recompensed with sexually transmitted diseases! Kelani, in his social crusading garb in this vinyl, attempted to dissemble this widely perceived narrative. He narrativized gonorrhoea as a social disgrace and how anyone afflicted with it could not be called a Gbajumo. Pre-colonial incursion, said Kelani, the disease had killed so many so-called socialites, forcing them to frequently gobble a wide range of local concoctions as remedies to the ailment. He wondered why the elite, who justified sexually transmitted diseases as perks of a socialite, had now entered into lamentation when frequent warnings against the illicit acquisition of women had been ignored by them. He argued that a combination of the very many bodily inconveniences that the sufferer of sexually transmitted disease goes through added to the unsavoury and even dangerous, unorthodox medical remedies he engages in made the classification of gonorrhoea, as well as other ailments in this sexually transmitted diseases category, very incongruent to be referred to as a Gbajumo ailment. Omowura also patterned his songs in this mode. Virtually the whole repertoire of Ayinla’s music is pockmarked with philosophical engagements. In a tribute he did for his composer and a man he called his “brother,” Akanni Jooda Bolodeoku, entitled Bolodeoku, Ayinla not only mourned the passage of the composer who he said had escaped to heavens with his repertoire of songs composure, but also interrogated a philosophical argument that has not found answers since the beginning of time. This interrogation marks out Omowura’s songs as inebriated with philosophy and ranks him in the league of Greek philosophical schools who sought to explain occurrences from their social prisms. In this philosophical interrogation made by Ayinla Omowura at the departure of Bolodeoku, he asked critical and pertinent questions that bothered the earthly as to why there must be a huge traffic from earth to heaven, and there is scant evidence that such visits were not requited by the inhabitants of heaven. Why do heavenly bodies, who reside in the terrestrial world, not deign it fit to pay visits to this world? If this is so, why

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then do human beings go on unscheduled troubadours to heaven? He asked: Ara orun o wa’le aye Ki ni t’aye de ngb’orun lo se? O ti gb’opon orin lo, Akanni waja Erin wo ninu igbo, Akanni f’aye sile Bolodeoku, omo Lakesi The heavenly inhabitants do not come to this world Why then do the earthly inhabitants go yonder? He has gone with the tablet of songs, this exited Akanni Akanni’s exit is akin to the fall of an Elephant Oh Bolodeoku, the son of Lakesi

In the song, Ayinla Omowura also interrogated the concept of death, recreated the stillness, the ramrod straight, the helplessness and haplessness of the dead. He demonstrated the sombre and sobriety that seizes the space at the departure of a loved one and how the strike of death was always unannounced, sudden and the victim departs with a benumbing alacrity. Je nm’ewu mu fila, ko se se biku ba de Duro de mi iku o ni gba, ko ni gba o E so tele, eni ba kan lo mi a mu lo… Owo gbe guruguru, ese nbe nibi to wa Iku ti d’oro

When an elderly musician colleague of his, the famous Sakara music exponent, Yusuff Olatunji, died in 1978, Omowura sang an elegy for him remarkable for its infusion of philosophical allegories and quintessential interrogation of the concept of death. In the album, he diffidently asked the dead why he was as lax as to allow Death to conquer him. With his famed musical instrument called the goje, Ayinla wondered why Olatunji could not turn the goje into a piercing arrow which would penetrate the garrulous marrows of Death? Nibo ni’ku ti ba e to fi ri e pa? Nibo ni’ku ti ba e to fi ri e pa? Ki lo se to f’ofa le’ku lowo?

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In the same vein and line of songs, Omowura engaged in what has been regarded as traditional African equivocating philosophy of death and dying. Toeing this line, he submitted that though the dead goes away forever and the departure in this case of Olatunji was so swift that even anyone who rode on a fast horse could not overtake his flight on the journey of death, the musician however conversely submitted that Olatunji could be encountered in the dream. Gbere o, arinako, o d’oju ala o Eni g’esin o le ba E o ri bi’ku se wo’le ola…

Omowura also adumbrated the kernels of the philosophy of hard work. At least two times in his albums, he dwelled on the intricacies of hard work as antidote to hopelessness. One in passing as he did in Ebi ki pa’gun d’ojo ale (Volume 18) and in a deeper form as he did in a track in Volume 9 entitled Eni ba s’ise jare osi. In Ebi ki pa’gun d’ojo ale, ostensibly an incantation reputed with the Yoruba for invocation of wealth, Omowura prefaced these verses of incantation with a great dip into the philosophy of hard work, even in the face of benumbing hopelessness and helplessness: Ayinla, Omo ba o r’eni gb’okan le A te’ra mon’se eni Ebi ki pa’gun d’ojo ale Agbe ni gbe’re pade Oluokun… Ayinla, if a struggling man looks back and forth and there are no ladders to lean on to success He should intensify his walk on the route of hard work, like the vulture For the vulture will not go asleep hungry Just as the Agbe bird brings goodness on the path of the Oluokun goddess

In the above song, Ayinla Omowura populated African traditional belief in the power of hard work as akin to a talisman that will surely bring about life success. He also argued profoundly that the dearth of helpers on the way to the top is not an excuse for failure. The determined man should plough forth as a lone ranger, even if the world refuses to lend a helping hand. The other strand of Omowura’s exemplification of the concept of hard work was in his Volume 9. He sang:

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L’owuro kutu B’mokunrin ba ji Bi nkan o le, ko ya le nkan T’ori ojo ale Aiduro, ni’jo e, eni ba sise jare osi, Majority se e ngbo?… Osise ki rin bi ole, o da mi l’oju E je ka s’ise, ka r’owo, ka fi miliki… If a young man wakes up early in the morning If he is not being pursued by a pursuit or engaged by an engagement Let him engage, pursue an engagement or engage a pursuit For the sake of his later years Because mobility, as against stagnancy, is a signification of dance Whoever works has conquered poverty Did you listen to that, my clan of listeners? A hard worker is not in the same league with the indolent, I know that for sure Let us intensify our hard work so that we could have enough for comforts of life…

This preachment, coming almost immediately after the discovery of oil in Nigeria, was begotten by the laid back disposition of the youth at the indolence-baiting petrodollars of the post-war era. With the advent of petrodollars, especially after the Nigerian civil war, attention towards agriculture nose-dived. A huge traffic of farmers left their farm implements to take up, many times demeaning jobs in the urban centres. Young girls who assisted on the farms migrated to the cities to become prostitutes or waiters in hotels. The remnants on the farms had to contend with subsistence farming and ancient implements which made farming labour-intensive and seemingly unrewarding. Upcoming Nigerian youths picked up this lethargy. The low-expectations picture they got of farming was one of an energy-sapping, low-earning engagement, as well as the social stigma of being identified as farmers. Hard work seemed to be dying a natural death as youths were told that on the streets of urban centres, Naira paved them as asphalt. This song was thus a wake-up call for a return to hard work, rather than vague expectations that indolence was rewarding. There is no doubt that philosophical wise-saying lace the songs of Ayinla Omowura. In one instance, in one of his live performances in 1977, he drew on the imperishable essence of wisdom in society. For the African traditional society, wisdom epitomizes the essence of humanity. It is a rare

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commodity that society believed only the elderly were its repositories and only bestowed rarely on youths. If an elderly, contrary to societal expectations, does not have an arsenal of wisdom and allied deposits renowned with the elderly, Omowura waxed philosophical, such a person becomes an object of mockery by the youth and indeed is not qualified to be so called. Ba o ba ni nkan agba, bi ewe laa ri Omo kekeke, won f’oju di ni Eda o l’aropin o, e je ka ni suru Eni mi a la, a r’oye lojo kojo If one is an elderly and lacks the repertoire of an elderly man Young ones would disdain him Of a truth, no one can accurately divine the future As such, the need to be patient Whoever is destined to be wealthy, will find a route therein anyday

It must be said that for Omowura and for the rest of Yoruba traditional African society where he drew that wise-saying from, what de-robes the elderly from his societal cast role as a repository of wisdom was not strictly wisdom. One of the repertoires of an elderly person could also be interpreted to mean wealth, knowledge and ability to possess temperance ascribed to that age. Thus, the “nkan agba”—possession of an elderly— which Omowura adumbrated in that track, may not necessarily mean wisdom alone. However, the elderly possessions he referred to were appurtenances that stood an elder out from the rest of the pack. Ayinla Omowura also went into ancient biology to situate the context of how society runs or how human society should run. Though many of these words came in the form of incantations, they made use of literary effects like simile, metaphor and alliteration, among others, to dictate how society should run its course. In A ti d’ariy o (Vol. 15), an album he sang to denounce those who carried rumours of his kidnap following a 40-day spiritual hibernation he was said to have undertaken, Omowura invoked the atypical biological composition of a leaf called olube to situate how he would be victorious over his enemies. Lehinlehin l’olube nso o Gengele ka sai gbe mi leke, gengele As the Olube leaf bears the seed of its procreation on its back The Gengele spirit commands you to lift me up

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And be ahead of my traducers

Olube (botanical name unknown) is a leaf which, from its look, is not ordinary. Rather than have seeds on its face, the olube produces seeds stacked to its back. Borrowing from the Yoruba saying which approximates victory to a relay race where the victor is in the front and the vanquished was behind, Omowura saw the “conquest” that the olube leaf signified as foreseeing his own victory in the hands of all those who ganged up against him. In the area of advocacy, Omowura’s first atypical conversation in this category was a denunciation of his fellow musicians who kowtow unnecessarily in the presence of fans who engaged them to sing at social functions. In the name of being handed gigs that ranged from naming, burial or chieftaincy title ceremonies, Omowura alleged that these colleagues of his brought down their dignity by engaging in demeaning exercises of offering themselves for menial jobs in the homes of such fans. Awa ki s’egbe awon ope orin Ti won ndobale nitori are Alai gbo’fa eni la nwo’ke Ka ma fi’ro si, ifa o si n’para… E ye lo woku ere mo ni’gboro Ko si n to dabi ka wa ni wale Oro to ba genuine gidi, ohun l’awa nmu so…. We are not in the same category with hopeless musicians Who, in a demeaning way, prostrate to those who had occasions, so as to be invited to play It is only an illiterate of the ability to translate the language of Ifa corpus who stares into the sky unknowingly To tell the truth, the translation is not in the wood lining of the ceiling… Stop touting to be considered to sing at gigs There is nothing as honourable as being frantically sought after to sing at gigs Only genuine songs are the preoccupations of my own band

Prophetic utterances also jut out of Omowura’s music. Either at moments of spiritual connect into the metaphysical or as a product of deft peeps and projection into the future, going by his reading of the present, the musician also veered off commentaries on social issues into treading the sacred path of seers. At such moments when he made those prophetic projections, he was probably perceived as making unfounded and

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improbable prophecies. However, four decades after many of those prophecies, Omowura’s futuristic peeps have stood the test of time and have proven to be imperishable. One of such was made in his album entitled Eyin Oselu Wa (Volume 16). Basically, a review of the impending handing over of power from the military to the civilians in Nigeria, this 1978 album, while lauding the military for their years of service to fatherland, prepared a new ground for a civil rule. He railed at claims that political thuggery would take over the elections that were billed for months ahead, preparatory to the 1979 elections. Anyone who got involved in thuggery, announced Omowura in his unmistakable authorial voice, would be visited with the wrath of the law. The 1979 election, as he prophesied, eventually became a hub of thuggery and violence. However, the substance of Omowura’s prophecy lies in his line of impending calamity that lies ahead of the Nigerian state. The prophetic line runs thus: Koi ya o, to ba mi a ya e mi a ri’ran wo Eni ti o ira lo mi a san… It is not time yet, I say But when the time is ripe Even those who did not partake of the calamity ahead Would be recipients of it…

Though many have argued that this prophetic word was not basically targeted at the people as a collective but was meant for a few traducers who were engaged in a musical scuffle with Omowura, its being adumbrated in the thick of a political analysis of the impending handing over of power to the civilian government may be rightly interpreted as a warning of the political fiasco to come of the Second Republic. This eventually came, leading to the 1983 coup, which came barely after four years of handover of power. In another vein, Omowura prophesied that political gangsterism would take over the politics of the Second Republic, even though he warned that it would not bode well for the polity. K’an gb’ada kan gbe kumo Kan l’awon nse toogi, eni danwo, a de’le ejo If in thugs flaunt their machete and clubs

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In the name of thuggery They will land in court to account for their violence

In this same vein and in the same album (Volume 16), Ayinla Omowura lamented the rising cost of living in 1978 Nigeria. Apparently taking his muse from a naming ceremony for one of his children he had just done, he wondered why food prices had reached for the roof and used the opportunity to warn young men in the habit of serial polygamy to think twice before venturing into it, at that age of skyrocketing cost of living. In fact likened the roof which prices were heading for as an indication that the end was near for the world: Eyin boysi mo fe ki e sora yin Isen yi yato Eni laya to bimo ogun Kaya to je, komo to je I want to warn young men in the art of polygamy This time is markedly different Whoever has a wife who gives birth to multiple children

It was in the midst of this that Omowura veered into prophecy. The rising cost of living would continue unabated, Omowura warned. The world was going to an end, in such a way that life would be miserable for the people, he counselled. Going by what had thereafter been happening in the world since he made those frightening projections, it is clear that Omowura’s prophecies were right on point and spoke of his ability to see tomorrow. Though his messages were delivered with tinges of misogyny or chauvinistic conquest, Omowura crusaded for social normalcy from his own limited prism. He might not have understood the repertoire of his advocacy but he was an avant-garde on his persuasions. One of such issues was the slide that fashion was taking in the South West Nigeria of the immediate post-civil war era. After the war and the discovery of oil in Nigeria, there appeared some stampede for the “free money” that was hyped as associated with oil. Petrodollars was the new cliché in social and political relations. With sudden enrichment of the polity from an oil exploration venture that called for lesser rigour and mental investment of the populace, as against the hitherto national fascination with agricultural resources as the economic

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backbone of the Nigerian state, the discovery of oil brought some sort of lethargy in Nigeria. Farmhands in the rural areas migrated to the cities where they were told free money littered the urban space. Promiscuity also took hold of the social space, with women gravitating towards military personnel of the ruling military regimes rumoured to have greater access to this burnished free petrodollars. In the process, the competitive space for the attention of those in possession of free money got enlarged. To attract and catch the attention of these cash-loaded military rulers and their cronies, a fad emerged which was to look attractive in fair skin. Those whose skin pigmentations were not fair procured bleaching creams to achieve this aim and in no long time, the social space was filled with the social nuisance of skin bleaching. Omowura mirrored and articulated the accumulating social disdain for this fad most commonly practised by women. Thus, in one of his tracks entitled Oro kan je mi logun in the album A ti dariyo (Volume 15), Omowura excoriated this scourge. He likened what the women bleachers were doing to an attempt to destroy the world. Oro kan je mi l’ogun mo fe so o Omoge iwoyi o fe ba’ye je Duro b’Oloun ba se da e, ma ba’wo je f’eni bi e K’an ma si e mo t’ori afe aye There is an issue that is dear to my heart which I want to adumbrate Girls of today are literally persuaded on destroying this world Girl, why won’t you be satisfied with your God-given skin pigmentation And not destroy your skin? The skin that your parents bond with God to procure for you! So that whoever sees you will not fail to recognise you in your bleached skin

In this crusading track, Omowura called the act of skin bleaching disreputable and asked that women should retain the skin pigmentation given them by God so as not to recreate themselves in ways not designed by their Creator. Ayinla Omowura also itemized the skin diseases encountered by bleachers, chief of which he said was eczema and wondered why married women who hadn’t succeeded in giving their husbands children would join the bandwagon of the fad. Perhaps not totally borne out of the quest for crusading but a troll of perception of women as weaker sex and commodity for the usage of men, Omowura also, in Pansaga ranti ojo ola (Volume 17), flagellated

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adulterous married women who frequented men’s houses. He warned them to remember the aftermath of such disposition and demanded repentance from such acts. Omowura also gave examples of beautiful women who engaged in adultery but who got their fingers burnt in the exercise: Pansaga ranti ojo ola Pansaaga ranti ojo ola O je ronu e wo k’o tunba Awon to dara ju e kini won pin Iwo to wa wole seti nigba ti o ba nkala oju Mo nso, awon to ngun e bi esin, ti o ba pe won, won a mo e l’oju Adulteress, remember tomorrow Adulteress, remember tomorrow Go into repentance and apologise for your deeds Those who are finer than you, what was their recompense from adultery? What then will be yours, when you are fixated with the trade I warn you, those in dalliance with you in this trade Will deny you when it is too late for you!

Still in the same mould of canvassing matrimonial purity, although sermons targeted principally at women, Omowura, in another vinyl, trounced women who sparred with their husbands for control of the home. In E gbo tuntun (Vol. 14) in a track he entitled Agidi o se lo’le oko, apparently mirroring patriarchal superiority of the home, he warned women against seeing themselves as equal with men and preached total submission to the wills of their husbands. Agidi o se lo’le oko iwa’rele lo nd’oko ninu Igi da eye fo obinrin, ad’ojuko’ko ro’so Won ki gbo nt’oko ba nwi… Stiff-necked trait does not pay for a woman in matrimony It is only humility that can win the heart of a man Stiff-necked woman who cares less about the success of her husband Is one who refuses the counsel of her husband

Perhaps not totally localized to the Third World but a major trend among well-to-do parents is the derailment of such children who fasten their eyes on such wealth. This is due to their focusing entirely on the wealth and fame of their parents. This had led many children astray and

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even into forays of drug addiction, truancy and other social vices. Though many believed that Omowura was spurred into the crusade by his experimental encounter with it, in one of his children, he however joined in the crusade of canvassing that children should not rely on the wealth and fame of their parents. Thus, in the track entitled Omo af’eko s’ofo (Volume ….), Omowura lampooned the child who he said relied on the wealth of his parents, warning that the consequences were dire, most important of which was that the parents so relied on could suddenly go on journeys of no return. Calamity, he sermonized, awaited a child who closed their ears to such words of wisdom. Omo af’eko s’ofo f’eti si’bi o Oniranu eyin awo lo nje… Iya nbe f’omo ti o gbo’ro, ekun nbe f’omo to nsa kiri… Iya le r’odo ki baba o r’oko… A child who wastes the bequeathals of education, listen to me Squandermania is what you are about Suffering awaits a child who spurns wise counsel from their parents Weeping and gnashing of teeth await a restlessly unproductive child Because the father may go to a stream of no return And the mother a troubadour of no return…

Conclusion Ayinla Omowura, perhaps unconsciously, became a musician whose songs were identified for their philosophical underpinnings, crusading against wrongs in society, as well as advocacy for the rights of the people. Added to this was his yeoman role as a public ombudsman. He was an avant-­ garde whose songs constituted a whole wide corpus of societal expectation from a musician—dance, rhythm and mirror of the people’s essence. This perhaps is the reason why, 40 years after his passage, he is still fresh in dancehalls and on the musical shelves of those who seek a musician as an intervener in the totality of social issues that afflict and affect society.

References Adedayo, F. (2020). Ayinla Omowura: Life and times of an Apala Legend. Norliege Publishers. Barber, K. (1987). Popular arts in Africa. African Studies Review, 30(3), 1–78.

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Englert, B. (2008). Popular music and politics in Africa—Some introductory reflections. Stichproben. Wiener Zeitschrift für kritische Afrikastudien Nr. 14/2008, 8. Jg., 1–15. Ewens, G. (1991). Africa o-ye!: A celebration of African music. Enfield: Guinness. Fadipe, I. (2016). Ethical reorientation in Ayinla Omowura music. Lambert Academic Publishing. Hall, S. (1997). Introduction. In S. Hall (Ed.), Cultural representation and signifying practices (pp. 1–12). Thousand Oaks; Sage. Lasisi, S. A. (2012). Traditional music in Nigeria: Example of Ayinla Omowura’s music. Developing Country Studies, 2(10), 108. www.iiste.org ISSN 2224-607X (Paper) ISSN 2225-0565 (Online). Mustapha, O. (1975). A literary appraisal of Sakara: A Yoruba traditional form of music. In W. Abimbola (Ed.), Yoruba oral tradition: Poetry in music, dance and drama. University of Ife. Olusoji, S.  O. (2010). Nigerian dances for piano (Vol. 1). Right-time Services Limited. Omojola, B. (1995). Nigerian art music: With an introductory study of Ghanaian Music. Institut Franc¸ais de Recherche en Afrique (IFRA). Onwuegbuna, I. E. (2010). Urbanization and African pop music: The Nigerian experience. Awka Journal of Research in Music and the Arts, 7, 161–173. Tenaille, F. (2000). Music is the weapon of the future. Lawrence Hills Books.

CHAPTER 12

Forewarned Is Forearmed: Exploring the Apocalyptic Voice of Popular Music in the Post-colonial Zimbabwe Gift Gwindingwe and Oluyinka Oludolapo Osunkunle

Introduction Previous studies on Zimbabwean music (Pfukwa, 2008; Magosvongwe, 2008; Chari, 2009; Hinds, 2010; Gwindingwe, 2019) focused on the manner in which music or song interrogates the various ideological contestations, the subversive nature of music, the rebuking and the community building role of music in general. These cited studies left it at the level of music articulating national concerns, poking at the leadership weaknesses and urging them to be ideologically upright. Nashoon (2005), though in an Iranian context, argued that music added more fissures

G. Gwindingwe (*) Great Zimbabwe University, Masvingo, Zimbabwe e-mail: [email protected] O. O. Osunkunle University of Fort Hare, Alice, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 A. Salawu, I. A. Fadipe (eds.), Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 1, Pop Music, Culture and Identity, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97884-6_12

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through which contestations could be manifested. Previous scholarship on Zimbabwean popular music focused more on the protest role that it played, with Gwindingwe (2019, pp. 2–3)1 going further to ‘harness the seemingly entertainment tool (music) into serious academic discourse by looking at the way power relations and ideological contestations are symbolically represented in popular culture’. The post-colonial Zimbabwe presents an irony that has caused a stir among citizens. The majority of Zimbabwe’s citizens have been subjected to a grossly unfair treatment by their own national liberators. Perpetual marginalization and increasing intensity of material deprivation led to escalation of voices of disillusionment from the masses, among them musicians (Magosvongwe, 2008; Gwindingwe, 2019). The failure to embody the needs of the masses as promised during the liberation struggle and in the subsequent post-independent general elections triggered discontentment from various voices that expressed betrayal of trust. The Zimbabwean scenario has had two parallel narratives running from independence to date. The first narrative is what Phimister (2012) calls narratives of progress that, however, masked the ruling government’s weaknesses and advanced its hegemony. Phimister (2012, p.  2) posits that Mugabe’s ‘speeches and pronouncements’ zeroed on land, loyalty to the liberation struggle and ‘affirmation of Zimbabwe’s sovereignty against external influence’. Another trajectory of the Zimbabwean narrative was that of government malpractices that were hidden through what Willems (2011) calls ‘selection and silencing’ by the government-controlled media that dominated the platform for slightly more than a decade when state media privileged ‘certain voices over others’ and ‘identified hegemonic nationalism as the bearer of progress’ (Phimister in Gwindingwe, 2019, p. 3). The malpractices ranged from poor governance that led to unemployment and hyperinflation, corruption by senior government officials to violent silencing of dissenting voices among others (Gwindingwe, 2019). There was then a rising tide of critique across the nation on government failures. Music became part of those voices that whipped the Zimbabwean government for its drought of good governance. It is against this background that this chapter focuses on the mediation and prophetic role of music in announcing the pitfalls of ostentation and non-fulfilment. 1  Gwindingwe, G. (2019) (Unpublished PhD Thesis), Reflection and Representation: Modes of Communicating Zimbabwean Historical Narratives through popular music, University of Fort Hare: South Africa.

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It is our contention that music/songs are media texts that communicate and represent actualities in society. The musical/media texts are both ideological and experiential as they derive their cultural meanings from particular historical contexts (Burton, 2005). Furthermore, the entry point of this study into the already existing body of literature on Zimbabwean music is the methodological analysis. Whereas quite a number of previous scholars focused on thematic and content analysis of music texts, this chapter adopts an extrageneric semiotic analysis of musical/media texts (Noske, 1977; Dunbar-Hall, 2000; Monelle, 2000), especially the signifying value of various signs and symbols that make up the diction of the songs analysed in this chapter. The apocalypse, as it is pronounced in Chap. 21 of the book of Revelation in the Bible, is the axis around which this chapter explores the selected musical texts to show the link between how songs represent and communicate the untold future in the late 1990s and early 2000s and the ultimate national events that unfolded in the aftermaths of these songs. Revelation Chap. 21, Verses 1(a) and 8 go thus: And I saw a new heaven and a new earth: for the first heaven and the first earth were passed away; … But the fearful, and unbelieving, and the abominable, and murders, and whoremongers, and sorcerers, and idolaters, and all liars shall have their part in the lake which burneth with fire and brimstone: which is the second death.2

The above referred Biblical chapter and verses are revelations of what was to come in the biblical end times; they were warnings to the people of that time; warnings that were meant to arm and ready people for the eventualities of the life after death. This chapter therefore deals with apocalyptic musical voices of Simon Chimbetu in Sawara (Pied Crow).

The Role of Music in Society Songs were meant to entertain (Pongweni, 1982; Dube, 1996). During Zimbabwe’s liberation struggle, music was employed to mobilize blacks to participate in the armed struggle (Pongweni, 1982). Music is also an emancipatory tool of communication (Vambe, 2004). It is a medium of expressing discontentment or disillusionment (Magosvongwe, 2008). 2

 Own emphasis.

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Mutonya (2004) treats music as one of the most serious platforms of struggle in the leader-led relationship. Chitofori et  al. (2017) aver that music is a communication channel used to confront the ruling elite to address salient issues of governance. Music’s role as a popular culture artefact is to speak to power. This chapter seeks to argue and add another role of music in society: that music is apocalyptic. It is a medium that can be used to foretell and forewarn what is likely to happen in future. Rodney Francis puts it that ‘Prophetic music is meant to ‘comfort, encourage, strengthen, confront, and stir people to higher goals’.3 We draw and support this argument from Nærland’s (2014, 2015) postulation that music is a form of a public sphere and a site of ideological contestations. It is a space where kushaura and kutsinhira (call and respond communication) take place for the democratic benefit of the majority (Ncube & Tomaselli, 2019).

Musical Stage(s) as Dariro (African Traditional Public Sphere) One of the purposes of a traditional Shona public sphere forum (Dariro) was to speak to and rebuke the authority in an unsanctioned but non-­ offensive way (Ncube & Tomaselli, 2019). This chapter takes the Ncube and Tomaselli (2019) Dariro concept and relates it to the stage where musicians perform their songs during live performances. We present that such stages are also public platforms that are inclusive and are characterized by the Kushaura/kutsinhira concept as argued by Ncube and Tomaselli (2019). This, in some way, classifies musicians as organic intellectuals who sing for and on behalf of the people (Gwindingwe, 2019). So it is on this Dariro/platform that creative and prophetic expressions are performed to conscientize the public, to ‘engage normative (western) participatory communication and democracy models, especially the Habermasian public sphere’ (Ncube & Tomaselli, 2019, p. 36). The stage upon which music is performed therefore becomes a place for considering one another and one another’s contributions, ideas, needs, aspirations and concerns; the place of looking forward together; the place of collective morale, mutual confidence building, faith and optimism 3  Prophetic Ministry through Musical Instruments and singers: https://www.nzpropheticnetwork.com/prophetic-ministry-through-musical-instruments-and-singers-by-rodney-wfrancis (Accessed 31 July 2020).

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built on consensus, trust and reconciliation of otherwise, initially, diverse views moulded into one position through processes of kushaura and kutsinhira (call and response). (Ncube & Tomaselli, 2019, p. 36)

Prophetic music is a form of creative expression (Bennet, 2001). It is not a new category. By the ‘very nature of the arts, music and general creative expression embodies the prophetic spirit, which is in us’ (Bennet, 2001). Though arguing from a gospel/Christian angle, Bennet (2001) avers that prophetic music has great potential ‘to instruct, comfort, encourage, envision, rebuke, convict, challenge, stir and stimulate4 those who hear’. In serving these functions in society, music (as well as creative arts) has immense influence in shaping or fashioning the world (Bennet, 2001). Music can predict and present the future world.

Photographic Representation: A Theoretical Trajectory This chapter is largely informed by Hall’s (1997) theory of representation and two of its approaches: the Intentional and the Constructivist approaches. Hall (1997, p.  15) says that ‘representing means using language to say something meaningful about… the world meaningfully to other people’. The two approaches to representation focus on how language is used to represent the world (Hall, 1997). As Hall (1997, p. 4) argues, the ‘most privileged media through which meaning is produced and circulated is language’. In conjunction with this, the chapter advances that music has a photographic effect on world phenomena. The musician is a photographer and song becomes the camera. Language use or diction is the software that navigates the hardware—music—to represent/produce meaning. The nexus in photographic representation of music is that the software’s centrality is enshrined in the Intentional and Constructivist approaches of representation through their emphasis on the centrality of language and its social character (Hall, 1997). The Intentional and Constructivist paradigms are imbued in photographic representation in that the photographer chooses the software/angle of capturing phenomena to produce meaning. We, therefore, advance that Simon Chimbetu is the photographer and Sawara is the camera (hardware) whose software (language/diction) is contextually rooted to produce both ideological and experiential texts. 4

 Own emphasis.

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Methodological Approach This researched chapter employs qualitative content analysis to unpack the apocalyptic concerns of Sawara. Interpretive or extrageneric semiotics is adopted to unpack the polysemic nature of the signs and symbols that make the song Sawara. The basic unit of signification is a text (Bankov, 2018), and in this context, music is treated as texts where the signifier and the signified are put at par with a musical event and what it represents. In interpretive semiotics, the context in which the event occurs gives meaning to a musical event (signifier) and its signified (musical/extra—musical meaning). Context is therefore quite central in meaning making (Burton, 2005). Interpretive semiotics is a style that embodies cultural meanings imbedded in popular music pieces which are themselves sites of struggle for hegemonic dominance in any given society (Dunbar-Hall, 2000; Monelle, 2000). The text has become a ‘methodological gate’ (Marrone, 2010) inviting critical unpacking of meaning as proffered by interpretive semiotics. This song has been purposively sampled for its lyrics that speak to the Zimbabwean context after independence, the lyrics that are prophetic for they present and communicate threats that eventually took place years after they were issued.

Discussion The post-1990 period in Zimbabwe was characterized by a chain of voices of dissent against the failing ZANU-PF government. Indigenous musicians formed part of the band of voices that openly expressed their disillusionment about failed nationalism by the ZANU-PF government. Simon Chimbetu’s Sawara (Pied Crow) made hit waves during the late 1990s as it satirically warned the ruling government about the consequences of making false promises to the masses. The Marxist Brothers, Simon Chimbetu’s musical outfit, became a carnivalesque representation of a Zimbabwean Dariro (traditional platform) (Ncube & Tomaselli, 2019) that sounded an apocalyptic warning to the ruling ZANU-PF government. The lyrics that form the content of Sawara by Simon Chimbetu (1997) go thus: Nhai Sawara kani Sawara Sawara hey Sawara Seiko uchinyepa heeee Sawara Why do you lie hey Sawara Uchiti uchandiripa hona Sawara Pledging to pay me hey Sawara

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Uchindipa zai rakaora     By giving me a rotten egg Uchiripa mhaka iya To appease for your wrong doings Yawakapara pachirimo     The wrongs you committed in summer

Hazvina mhosva mangwana uchachema   Tomorrow you will need my services Wangwadza Nyamukuta       But you have alerted the midwife Mbereko uchaida         When you still need to give birth Hazvina mhosva mangwana ndinhasi  No problem we meet (each other) tomorrow Wangwadza Nyamukuta       When you have alerted the midwife Mbereko uchaida         When you still need to give birth

Sawara the bird is a symbol of leadership. The pied crow has an image of a collared individual who represents a leader in a society. The collar signifies respect and orderliness or gentility and integrity. Ideally, there is absolute trust that is built within the masses as they look up to leadership. Good governance is benchmarked on honouring the trust built in the leadership by the public. This ideal picture is a silhouette of the post-­ independent Zimbabwe as represented in the song Sawara.

Sawara and Zimbabwe’s Failed Nationalism A song is a media text that is involved in the politics of signification, producing images of the world that give events particular meanings, and it is interesting to note that the post-1990 Zimbabwean popular music is loaded with ideological overtones that represent and communicate poor governance, much to the chagrin of the masses who decry ‘kupuwa’ ‘zai rakaora’ (being given a rotten egg). The public’s shattered hopes in the post-independent Zimbabwe are summed by Bond and Manyanya (2003, p. 27) who argue that the founding revolutionary ‘socialist agenda’ had been long adjourned. The frustration manifests when leaders implement the system that blacks fought against. The socialist agenda has been adjourned indefinitely—leaders are busy implementing those things which we were fighting against.

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Sawara is speaking ‘strongly against the lip-service to socialism and redistribution policies’ by the ruling government (Sachikonye, 2001, p. 154). The frustration of the masses was a result of what Fanon (1967, p. 119) blames as ‘a crude and fragile travesty of what national consciousness’ might have been. Instead, ‘of being the all-embracing crystalisation of the innermost hopes of the whole people’, it became an elitist weapon of accumulation tendencies (Fanon 1967, p. 119). Nzarayebani’s (1989) remark denotes betrayal of people’s expectations. Sawara (1997) is an indictment of the betrayal of the masses by the ruling Zimbabwean elite. Sawara means a ‘pied crow’ (Standard Shona Dictionary, 1974) and pied means ‘having mixed colours especially black and white’ (Oxford Advanced Learners Dictionary, 1994). There is immense symbolism in this song. Mixed colours denote the Janus-faced nature of the post-­ colonial African leadership (Fanon, 1967). Most African leaders just adopted the colonial policies and systems of governance that they once fought against (Saunders, 1999; Moyo, 2004). Fanon (1967) talks of the bourgeoisie who fought the liberation struggle with slogans but dumped the masses once in power. Simon Chimbetu can be regarded as a Zimbabwean ‘cameraman’/photographer, where Chalkdust was a mailman to Trinidad and Tobago (Hinds, 2010). The events that followed later in 2000 are reflected in Sawara which was sung in 1997.5 Sawara (1997) is a direct address to the country’s leadership, questioning why they are reneging on fulfilling the promises that they made to the people under the ideology of nationalism. Sawara augments Pongweni’s (1982) argument that music expresses political sentiments. The period after 1990 saw growing restlessness and impatience through demonstrations by members of Zimbabwe National Liberation War Veterans Association (ZINLWVA) over war compensation funds (Muzondidya, 2009). It was only after several confrontations and protracted talks between the government and ZINLWVA led by Chenjerai Hunzvi that the government paid Z$50000-00 gratuities to war veterans, but this caused another Zimbabwean economic plunge because the gratuities were not budgeted for and this strained the economy (Bond & Manyanya, 2003).

5  The year 2000 witnessed political violence in which quite a number of white commercial farmers were either murdered or violently removed from their farms by the ‘militant’ peasants. The militant peasants were led by war veterans.

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The voice of the persona in the song is the voice of the betrayed masses, war veterans included. The betrayed voice is giving a stern warning to the betrayer: Hazvina mhosva mangwana ndinhasi    No problem, today is tomorrow Wangwadza nyamukuta mbereko uchaida  You have alerted the midwife When you are in childbearing age

Whilst the song was sung in 1997, the threat lived up to its words in the 2000 Zimbabwean referendum elections and in the 2002 parliamentary elections. The ZANU-PF-led government lost the referendum elections to the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) (backed by Civil Society Organizations) and narrowly won the 2002 parliamentary elections which were shrouded in controversy of alleged rigging by ZANU-PF.  Therefore, the voice in Sawara could be the voice of the neglected electorate who symbolize the midwife during election times because the prospective political candidates depend on the electorate to give birth (victory) to their political careers. After nearly two decades of false promises and failed nationalism, the people finally registered their disillusionment. Firstly, it was through food riots and demonstrations in the 1990s (Muzondidya, 2009) and secondly through the ballot box in 2000 and 2002. Simon Chimbetu was a trumpet blower and Sawara was the trumpet blown to warn the political leadership. From September 1999 onwards when the MDC was launched, Zimbabwe was ‘never the same again’ (Saunders, 1999) because the midwife (masses/electorate) had refused to perform their role, hence wangwadza Nyamukuta mbereko uchaida. The musical texts in Sawara highlight both the experiential and the ideological texts that represent and communicate the grand phenomena that are a historicity of the Zimbabwean narrative. The photographic impression that the text has resonates with what Laskewicz (2003) calls the imbedded musical sign. This is a sign that is considered in terms of its semiosis in an embedded environment. This is a fully contextualized environment. Sawara has ingredients of popular culture artefacts that are platforms of hegemonic contestations. The photographic historical impression points to the social and political dynamism that characterize Zimbabwe as a developing nation.

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Masking and use of tropes (tropping)6 are linguistic tools heavily relied upon in Sawara so as to represent the phenomenal post-1990 Zimbabwe. Sawara is, therefore, not only prophetic, but an episteme, text and a sign (Laskewicz, 2003). The intentional communication approach to representation by Hall (1997) can, for purposes of concretizing the epistemic nature of popular music, be entwined with Peirce’s indexical function of drumming up support for good governance in Zimbabwe. The picture of a Pied Crow conjured up in the audience creates indexicality in that a photographic impression of a Sawara imprinted reflects a picture of a collared ruler/ leader. A collar is an index of gentility which is predicated on nobility and integrity. By inference, the proximal linkages between being collared and gentility and/or nobility sustain the indexicality of the Sawara sign that Simon Chimbetu intentionally employed to construct the intended meaning, though masked in irony. In giving this vivid photo-narrative of a lying Pied Crow, Simon Chimbetu is being ironic. At this juncture, the argument demands that we explore what Derrida (1978) calls the ‘unsung sign’. Keane (2003, p. 413) refers to Jacques Derrida’s appropriation of Saussure’s notion that ‘non-present elements of the totality are always implicated in the signifying capacities of those that are present’. The signifieds are gentility and nobility, qualities that are inferentially intrinsically missing in the object. What the song implores is non-fulfilment and ostentation whilst the unsung are drumming up support for integrity, impartiality and overall good governance. In Sawara, the various levels at which the signs can be read are historically rooted in the context of both the pre-independence and the post-­ independence periods. The constructivist approach which recognizes the public and social character of language in communication acknowledges the proposition that things in themselves nor the individual users of language cannot fix meaning in language. Rather, meaning is constructed using the representational systems since things in themselves do not mean (Hall, 1997). Thus, the constructivist approach takes cognizance of the power of language, through its signs and codes, to deploy meanings that represent either events, objects, ideas or people in society. That is precisely the fundamental underpinnings of popular culture, of which popular music is an artefact. The power of symbolism in Sawara is pictured in the 6  In this chapter, we prefer to call the use of tropes ‘tropping’ in the same fashion that the use of masks is termed masking.

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expression ‘Seiko uchinyepa nhai Sawara/Uchindipa zai rakaora/Oooo Sawara’ (why do you lie? /by giving me a rotten egg/ooo Sawara). A rotten egg signifies deflated minds, people whose hopes have been shattered. This links well with the threat or warning that the povo promises Sawara because a frustrated mind can be a demented mind.

Sawara as an Epitome of Former Colonial Master Sawara is pregnant with meanings. The song is polysemous and probably this was meant to avoid censorship. Sawara could be referring to the colonial masters (Britain) who reneged on the promise she made to compensate Zimbabwe for land redistribution. Simon Chimbetu could be accusing Britain of giving a rotten egg to Zimbabwe. The song gives a stern warning to the Pied Crow: Hazvina mhosva mangwana uchachema  No problem, tomorrow you will cry Wangwadza nyamukuta mbereko uchaida  You have alerted the midwife When you are in childbearing age

In Sawara, Simon Chimbetu could be voicing the concerns of the Zimbabwean government addressing the British government on the land issue. When the British government refused to pay for the land reform programme, there developed strained relations between Zimbabwe and her former colonial master. The Lancaster House agreement required that Britain assist Zimbabwe in resettling her overcrowded rural people in some of the white-owned commercial farms through a willing-buyer, willing-­seller deal. After realizing that Britain has betrayed, Sawara seems to imply that the Zimbabwean government is issuing a stern warning to Britain: Hazvina mhosva mangwana uchachema  No problem, tomorrow you will cry Wangwadza nyamukuta mbereko uchaida  You have alerted the midwife When you are in childbearing age

Though the song was sung in 1997, it lived up to its words from 2000 onwards. The masses, led by chiefs and war veterans, embarked on a nationwide land grab. Britain and her allies needed help from the

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Zimbabwean government to stop the masses that seemed to be saying ‘enough of the rotten egg!’ The government leadership here represents the midwife who should be assisting the white commercial farmers who needed to be rescued; they were in labour when their land was being taken away from them. The betrayal by Britain had ‘alerted the midwife’ after Britain had given a ‘rotten egg’ to Zimbabwe. Simon Chimbetu as a frame tilted the angle of the mirror/screen so that the masses could see the Janus-faced nature of the former colonial masters Zimbabwe (or Africa) is dealing with. It stirred anger in the masses and the words lived to their echoes when the whites cried foul in 2000, requesting the Zimbabwean government to instruct its people to respect human and property rights. The 1990s were a period of pregnancy, and there was a need for a midwife (Nyamukuta) so that there would be no casualties when ‘giving birth’. Unfortunately, as things turned out in 2000, the midwives just watched, took a non-interference stance while farms were being grabbed. Some white commercial farmers were murdered in the process. ‘Mangwana ndinhasi’ (tomorrow is today) is a warning statement which means ‘you shall see’. The white commercial farmers needed the Zimbabwean government to stop the war veterans-led masses from unlawfully grabbing the land; they needed the Zimbabwean judiciary to stop war veterans-led masses from grabbing the farms but the prophetic song (Sawara) lived up to its words: Wangwadza nyamukuta mbereko uchaida (you have alerted the midwife/when you are still in childbearing age). So the central element in Sawara remains that of revenge after being betrayed. ‘Chirimo’ means ‘a warm time during the dry period’ (Standard Shona Dictionary, 1974). Seiko uchinyepa Why do you lie Uchiti uchandiripa Saying you shall compensate me Uchindipa zai rakaora When you give me a rotten egg Uchiripa mhaka iya Paying for the damages Yawakapara pachirimo You inflicted in Summer/dry season

To say ‘uchiripa mhaka iya/yawakapara pachirimo’ (paying for damages inflicted in summer/dry season) is metaphorical. The persona directly accuses Sawara (the Pied Crow) of lying during campaigns or at the negotiation table. Seen from both ends, that is, Sawara as former colonizers or as the ZANU-PF government, ‘chirimo’ denotes the same meaning. The Lancaster House Conference (negotiating table) became the ‘warm time

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of the dry period’, and the campaign period (during the liberation struggle and other election periods after independence) became negotiating periods. These are the moments of lying and failure to fulfil the promises is akin to giving someone a ‘rotten egg’. ‘Chirimo’ is a seasonal period that precedes ploughing—land preparation before life-giving rains come. This is metaphorically what Simon Chimbetu is communicating in this political song—Sawara. Sawara can be both symbolic and iconic in its representation of the ostentatious and non-fulfilling leadership. The text Hazvina mhosva mangwana ndinhasi/Wangwadza Nyamukuta mbereko uchaida threatens discontinuity and subversion of the once dominant class. The text is semiotically indexical as a figurative expression: a warning or threat as an index of harsh consequences. It can be noted therefore that music appeals due to its edutainment nature: it is affective because it is sentimental, making it a potential communication tool to tilt the balance of power in political contestations. Its sentimentality uplifts people’s consciousness and pushes them into resentment or resistance. Popular music embodies Riley’s (2011, p. 3) argument that due to its rational form, ‘hegemony is inconceivable without pluralism and democracy’ and so music pluralizes and democratizes the popular culture base, which enables competing hegemonies. It is part of the civil society lobbying tool, and musicians are at times ironically classified as a subaltern but fundamental class of organic intellectuals that fight with and for the subjugated class (Riley, 2011). The foregoing analysis illuminates the photographic effect of protest popular music in drumming up support for good governance. A semiotic analysis of Sawara representing and communicating the ostentatious and non-fulfilment attitude by the ruling government has amplified Derrida’s (1978) reference to the ‘unsung sign’. As Keane (2003, p. 413) would put it, Derrida’s appropriated Saussure’s notion of the ‘non-present elements of the totality’ that are always caught up in the signifying competencies of those that are present. The connotative meanings imbedded in Sawara are imbued with the ‘unsung sign’.

The Revelations The post-1990 era witnessed confrontations between the government and University students who were demanding restoration of good governance practices and employment creation strategies from the government. University of Zimbabwe students demonstrated against the adoption of

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Economic Structural Adjustment Programme (ESAP)7 in the early 1990s but regrouped later, united with the Zimbabwe Congress of Trade Unions (ZCTU) and other civic organizations demanding the government to address its skewed economic policies. In September 1999, two years after Sawara was produced, the Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) was launched and gave the ZANU-PF-led government a torrid time up to this day. The Zimbabwe National Liberation War Veterans Association (ZNLWVA) had earlier confrontations with the ZANU-PF-led government before the release of Sawara in 1997 but had other clashes with the government when, together with the traditional chiefs, they ganged up to illegally grab the white-owned commercial farms in 2000. The masses also demonstrated their revenge on the Pied Crow (the ZANU-PF-led government) when the ZANU-PF-led government lost the referendum elections in February 2000 to the less than one-year-old Movement for Democratic Change (MDC). In 2002, again the electorate meted out their revenge on Sawara when the ZANU-PF-led government narrowly won the parliamentary elections that were marred by violence and infested with allegations of rigging. ZANU-PF failed to directly garner the two-thirds majority in parliament. All these events had earlier been foretold through Sawara.

Conclusion Sawara the Living Word: Apocalypse Beyond Mugabe Era Indeed forewarned is forearmed! There seems to be continuity unabated in the Zimbabwean crises; there seems to be unending restlessness in the Zimbabwean streets because Sawara warned that mangwana ndinhasi/ Wangwadza Nyamukuta mbereko uchaida (you shall see/you have alerted the midwife when you are in childbearing age). The Zimbabwean citizens have, since discovering their voice and space on the streets, used that Dariro (platform) to outpour their disillusionment through demonstrations and other forms of unrest. Exploring the apocalyptic voice of popular music in the post-colonial Zimbabwe is not limited to the 1990–2000s era. The Zimbabwean history can now be divided into three phases: from 1980 to 1990, 1991 to 2017 and 2017 to date. The first two phases are collectively regarded as the First Republic under Robert Gabriel Mugabe leadership. The last phase is called 7

 Sachikonye (2001) and Muzondidya (2009).

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the Second Republic under the leadership of Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa. The two leaders are from ZANU-PF party. The warning that was enunciated by Sawara under the First Republic is relived under the Second Republic. Sawara becomes the living word that has gone beyond the Mugabe era. As Rodney Francis puts it, The prophetic musician sees further than the task of music…because it requires knowledge beyond the physical task of playing notes in the right order.8

This concurs with Kruschwitz (2006, p. 10), who avers that Prophetic music (are) songs that raise our critical awareness of the world’s needs and call us to responsible action.

The period from November 2017 to date has seen music calling citizens to ‘responsible action’ through demonstrations and other means of registering their disillusionment. What marks the post-2017 coup that ousted Mugabe from power is the expansion of the public sphere from a mere musical dariro of 1997 by Simon Chimbetu and the Dendera Kings to the Zimbabwean streets where the masses demonstrated against many issues ranging from alleged rigged July 2018 elections to corruption by senior government officials and general maladministration by Mnangagwa. The biggest march to ever grace the Zimbabwean streets was the November 2017 march against Robert Mugabe, a march that saw his televised resignation. We also advance in this chapter that the public sphere in the post-­ Mugabe era widened enough to include the social media platforms where political parties have ‘appropriated’ and polarized debate on the internet platforms (WhatsApp, Twitter, Facebook, etc.), with pro-ZANU-PF supporters being labelled ‘Varakashi/Pferrorists’ and pro-MDC-A supporters code-named ‘Nerrorists’ (see Chibuwe, 2020). On these social media platforms, the two groups fight to outwit each other through cyber propaganda. We conclude that Sawara is a mini-narrative of a larger Fanonian context that decries the pitfalls of nationalism that saw change without change (Moyo, 2004) in most African countries.

8  https://www.nzpropheticnetwork.com/prophetic-ministry-through-musical-instruments-and-singers-by-rodney-w-francis (Accessed 31 July 2020).

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References Bankov, K. (2018). From text to interaction (introduction). Digital Age in Semiotics and Communication, 1(1), 7–15. Bennet, S. (2001) Prophetic music: A look at how music can take on a prophetic element. Retrieved July 31, 2020, from https://www.crossrhythms.co.uk/ articles/music/Prophetic_Music:_A_look_at_how_music_can_take_on_a_ prophetic_element_/42272/p1/ Bond, P., & Manyanya, M. (2003). Zimbabwe’s plunge: Exhausted nationalism, neoliberalism and the struggle for social justice. Merlin Press. Burton, G. (2005). Media and society: Critical perspectives. Open University Press. Chari, T. (2009). Continuity and change: Impact of global popular culture on urban grooves music in Zimbabwe. Muziki, 6(2), 170–191. https://doi. org/10.1080/18125980903250731 Chibuwe, A. (2020). Social media and elections in Zimbabwe: Twitter war between pro-ZANU-PF and pro-MDC-A netizens. Communicatio. https:// doi.org/10.1080/02500167.2020.1723663 Chimbetu, S. (1997) Survival, Harare: Gramma Records Chitofori, K., Mutasa, D. E., & Gwekwerere, T. (2017). Fighting for justice and freedom through music: The case of Thomas Mapfumo, Hosiah Chipanga and Leonard Zhakata, ca.1988–2015. South African Journal of African Languages, 37(1), 59–73. https://doi.org/10.1080/02572117.2017.1316927 Derrida, J. (1978). Writing and difference. Routledge. Dube, C. (1996). The changing context of African music performance in Zimbabwe. Zambezia, 23(2), 99–120. Dunbar-Hall. (2000). Semiotics as a method for the study of popular music. International Review of the Aesthetics and Sociology of Music, 22(2). Fanon, F. (1967). The wretched of the earth. Penguin Books. Francis, R. W. Prophetic ministry through musical instruments and singers. The Gospel Faith Messenger. Retrieved July 31, 2020, from https://www.gospel.org.nz/ index.php/articles/articles-by-rodney/208-prophetic-ministry-through-music Gwindingwe, G. (2019). Reflection and representation: Modes of communicating Zimbabwean historical narratives through popular music. Unpublished PhD Thesis, University of Fort Hare. Hall, S. (1997). The work of representation. In S.  Hall (Ed.), Representation: Cultural representations and signifying practices. Sage Publications. Hinds, D. (2010). A milkman to make government understand: The calypsonian (Chalkdust) as political opposition in the Caribbean. Music and Politics, 4(2). Keane, W. (2003). Semiotics and the social analysis of material things. Language & Communication, 23, 409–425. Kruschwitz, R. B. (2006). Prophetic music. The Centre for Christian Ethics: Baylor University. Retrieved August 5, 2020, from https://www.baylor.edu/ifl/ christianreflection/SingingOurLivesStudyGuide5.pdf

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CHAPTER 13

Reeling Nostalgia: ‘Aremote’ and the Enduring Sakara Music in Nigeria Abiodun Salawu

Introduction Music occupies a major portion in broadcast programming. Especially for radio, music is very principal in programming. Barnard (2000, p.  124) observes that music has formed the core of radio programming almost since the medium’s inception, largely for reasons of tradition and cost. Olatunji (1971), for instance, records that 47% of Nigerian radio airtime was devoted to music. Music is both an entertainment medium and a cultural element. In the same vein, broadcast media are, expectedly, media of entertainment and cultural continuity. It is for this reason that music and broadcast media are inseparable. Music is more associated with radio because radio,

This chapter was earlier published as an article in Vol. 11, Nos. 1/2 of the now defunct Journal of Global Mass Communication (Winter/Spring 2009). A. Salawu (*) Indigenous Language Media in Africa, Faculty of Humanities, North-West University, Mafikeng, South Africa © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 A. Salawu, I. A. Fadipe (eds.), Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 1, Pop Music, Culture and Identity, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97884-6_13

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traditionally, broadcasts for longer hours than television, and as a result, requires music to fill its airtime for music’s easy availability and relative cheapness. No doubt, the entertainment value of music played on broadcast media is very important, yet the cultural significance of the music is more important. As a result of cultural fluidity, various cultural elements, including music, of different peoples of the world have intermingled. Again, as a result of “cultural triangulation” (Uche, 1996, pp. 49–58), Nigeria, for instance, has largely accepted music from Britain and North America, almost to the point of subverting its own indigenous music. Yet again, as a result of changing clime and ethos, the modern Nigerian music is almost driving the traditional indigenous music into extinction. All these realities are reflected in the music content of broadcast media in Nigeria. For the purpose of sustaining the heritage, the few stations and programmes that still pay attention to these traditional music forms are worth some attention. Thus, this chapter seeks to study ‘Ojo n re’bi ana’, one of such few programmes of Radio Nigeria, Ibadan that we have chosen to put together under the generic name ‘Aremote’. A major musical genre of focus in this programme is sakara, eminently identified with the late Yusuf Olatunji whose works are regarded as canonical among the nation’s indigenous traditional music. This chapter, essentially, explores the rationale for the ‘Aremote’ programme, as well as the nature of its audience, and its impact.

Methodology This study aims at ascertaining the profile of ‘Ojo nre’bi ana’ audience; the audience’s assessment of the programme, and the impact the programme has made. This is done against the background of the feeling of nostalgia the music played on the programme evokes. Data were obtained through phone-in system and letters to the presenter. The programme has a tradition of opening up its telephone line(s) to listeners during the last edition of every month. The aim of the phone­in strategy is to have the evaluation of the programme by the audience. The listeners are also asked to offer suggestions for the improvement of the programme. For the purpose of this study, this researcher was in the studio of ‘Ojo n re bi ana’ on 24 November 2004, 29 December 2004 and 26 January 2005. The researcher listened attentively to the telephone conversations,

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while also taking in some other information within the environment. All the observations were on the spot jotted down. I also burrowed into the file containing letters written to the programme producer/presenter by the listeners. A number of those letters were studied for the purpose of obtaining relevant information. In addition, some informal interviews were held with the presenter. These interviews proved useful as relevant information were equally obtained.

Nostalgia Nostalgia means a longing for the past, often in an idealised form. Described as a medical condition, Nostalgia was regarded as a form of melancholy in the early modern period and came to be an important topic in Romanticism. Boym (2001) calls it ‘hypochondria of the heart’, that is the ability to mourn the passing of times. She, in a similar vein, associates the phenomenon with the need to vividly recreate experiences of one’s own past. Because it is an idealisation of the past, Nostalgia, Boym (2001) says, can demean the present and hold it hostage. Nostalgia can also lend a sentimental alloy to nationalism. That is Nostalgia brings about a sentimental attachment to national or group culture and values, and, in a way, causes aversion for cultures and values that are alien. Nostalgia has temporal and space dimensions. The temporal dimension has to do with yearning for a period in the past, while the space dimension is a “longing for a home that no longer exists—or never existed” (Legg, 2004, p. 100). Nostalgia can also be restorative or reflective. Restorative nostalgia replaces and reconstructs in manners that defy traditional borders (Miyoshi, 1993, pp.  726–751) to integrate while at the same time separating others from their roots and thereby disempowering them with reference to their own cultures. In this sense, restorative nostalgia seeks to conquer space. On the other hand, reflective nostalgia seeks to shatter space, to create places without roots and ensure the triumph of a prospective vision often based on unrealised potential rather than a celebration of the past (Legg, 2004, p. 101). Nostalgia comes under the temporal direction classification of memory functions. Specifically, it can be regarded as retrospective memory, and more specifically, as episodic memory. Episodic memory concerns information specific to a particular context, such as a time or place (Anderson, 1976). Philosophers variously refer to episodic memories as recollective memory, personal memory or direct memory (­ http://plato.stanfordedu/

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entries/memory/). Theories of organicist memory hold that “the body was conceived … as itself a storage and retrieval device in which the past was ‘remembered’ …” (Radstone & Hodgkin, 2003). Nostalgia can also be seen in the light of Reminiscence. Reminiscence, a synonym for Nostalgia, also refers to recollections of memories from the past. Reminiscence is also said to be a therapy for people with Alzheimer’s disease (a brain disorder). It is beneficial to the patients’ inner self and their interpersonal skills. Reminiscence is about giving the person with Alzheimer’s disease a sense of value, importance, belonging, power and peace (http://alzheimers.about.com/treatmentoptions/a/reminiscence. htm). There are three categories of Reminiscence. They are the Simple, the Evaluative and the Offensive-Defensive. Nostalgia belongs to the category of Simple Reminiscence. Here, the idea is to reflect on the past in an informative and enjoyable way. Generally, Reminiscence is used to cope in times of stress, such as mourning. It can also help reduce injury to our self-image, and it can create a feeling of intimacy and give special meaning to contact time with others. Mediums used for Reminiscence Therapy and Activities are: • Visually: photographs, slides, painting, pictures, looking at objects of autobiographical meaning. • Music: using familiar tunes from the radio or CDs or making music using various instruments. • Smell or taste: using small kits, different foods. • Tactile: touching objects, feeling textures, painting and pottery.

Music in Nigeria In a paper presented at a Conference on Nigerian music, Tunji Vidal offers the following description of the Nigerian musical landscape: The Nigerian music scene today is characterised by a pastiche of styles, fashions and practices: by an array of music types and musical instruments; by the co-existence of multiple musical traditions and expressions, each with its corresponding community of tastes. (Vidal, 1993, p. 1)

Indeed, Nigeria presents a picture of a potpourri of musical forms, instruments and sound characteristics. Each variant of music is associated

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with specific ethnic, religious, social, economic or musical group. Vidal broadly classifies the various musical expressions into seven categories. They are: • Traditional music in its many ethnic variants such as the Igbo, Yoruba, Idoma, Efik, Hausa, Edo, Ijaw, Nupe and Ibibio; • Islamic music, which consists of Quranic chants and the recitation of the Islamic liturgy before, during and after divine worship; • Islamised music such as waka, were, apala and sakara; • Western classical music and Nigerian contemporary art music; • Western and Africanised church music; • Neotraditional and theatre music; • Urban popular music such as highlife, juju, African pop, Afrobeat and fuji. This last variant of music is the most widespread in Nigeria. Vidal (1993, p. 2) remarks that it is the social music of the urban people with its new sets of cultural values, aesthetic tastes and preferences—the Westernised music of urban youths, the music of the new breeds, the product of a changing Nigerian society. As already noted, Sakara belongs to the class of Islamised musical genre. As such, the next segment of this chapter shall dwell on this genre.

The Islamised Music Sakara, Apala, Waka and Were are the products of Islamisation. These musical forms that constitute a musical culture emerged within the Islamic communities in both the southern and northern parts of Nigeria. Vidal (1993, p.  8) notes that the influence and cultural contribution of the Islamic religion to the development of music in Nigeria can be seen in the use of Islamic styles of cantillation, evident in some urban folk popular music in both the northern and southern areas that contain a large number of Muslim communities. He adds that Islamic festivals also provide the opportunity for the performance of non-liturgical, Islamic socio-religious and traditional music. In another classification of the four centuries of musical traditions of Lagos in the South-West of Nigeria, Vidal (1977) subsumed the Islamised Yoruba musical forms under the Modern Period, which started in 1914. Waka developed as a musical form used in the semireligious context of

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welcoming pilgrims returning from Mecca. Were, which is the most traditional of all Islamised Yoruba musical forms, was created as a signal indicating the time for the eating of sari, the early morning meal during the Ramadan fasting period. The sakara and apala musical forms are, purely, for entertainment purposes, hence they are the most commercialised of the forms. Mustapha (1975) corroborates this when he says that sakara and apala are two of the most popular forms of social music and are used for entertainment during occasion like funeral, housewarming, child naming and marriage ceremonies, and other social engagements. The icons of apala music included late Haruna Isola, late Ligali Mukaiba and late Ayinla Omowura. Apala is imbued with a gentle but compelling rhythm. Benson Idonije, writing in The Guardian (Nigeria) of Wednesday, December 8, 2004, asserts that Haruna Isola remains the most influential and established artist whose name is synonymous with apala music. He, further, comments on Isola’s artistry: As a singer, he had the ability to create thought-provoking lyrics about issues, places, real life situation and even the philosophy of life where he was comfortably at home with the use of parables and anecdote … Knowing that apala music, like every other typical African music form is characterised by repetitive rhythm and percussion, he was able to introduce the element of variety to his style through the creation, on the spur of the moment, of myriad of choruses which derived inspiration from situational social events as they unfolded themselves. They added extra artistic substance and colour to social commentaries that were rehearsed and premeditated. (p. 67)

Idonije also added: Besides (sic) rhythm, which forms the bedrock of apala music, Isola realized the essence of a well-blended group vocal harmony treatment. And so, he always had in the band, percussion when they could double proficiently on vocals to provide the necessary call and response pattern of the music. (p. 67)

Ayinla Omowura’s music is also said to be melodic, and at the same time loaded with instructive messages targeted at the masses. For this reason, his music enjoyed popularity among the folks and the artisans. His music was the toast of commercial drivers, meat sellers and motor mechanics among others.

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Of recent, there has been resuscitation of public identification with apala music with the release of ‘Soyoyo’ album by a son of Haruna Isola named Musiliu. With the introduction of modern instruments, increase in tempo and current social slang, the music has been electrifying in social gatherings around Lagos and the Southwest. The success of this album is attested to by its constant featuring on broadcast airwaves, and the public acclaim which it enjoys.

The Sakara Music Sakara is a gentle, yet rhythmic musical form rich in language and the abundance of the wisdom of the folk culture. Mustapha (1975) identifies three types of sakara music styles. He tagged them the Eso, the Full sakara and the Agbala. The Eso (race) is popularly liked by youngsters. It commands good and quick movement of action during dancing, and it is always the taste of many people. ‘Full sakara’ is the standard form and it is neither slow nor high. The song, which usually accompanies it, is known as ‘orin faaji’ (leisure song), and hence ‘full sakara’ dance can be appropriately called ‘ijo faaji’ (leisure dance). Many people, especially women, prefer this style. Agbala is the choice of elderly people because of its relative slowness. Elders are seen dancing, dragging legs in a slow succession of movements. Sakara musicians alternate among these various forms of the genre for specific effects. Mustapha (1975) also identifies the instruments of sakara to include molo (a type of violin); goje; iya-ilu (the talking-drum), omele nla (big omele) and omele kerere (small omele), otherwise known as omele ako (he-omele) and omele abo (she-omele), respectively; and igba (calabash). Molo and goje (called goke in Hausa language) are borrowed from the Hausa of the northern Nigeria. Both are used by the bandleader and are capable of being rendered to produce meaningful sounds. Molo produces low sounds, which cannot be heard far off while goje produces sounds of high resonance. Mustapha (1975, p.  519) further remarks that goje, molo and iya-ilu serve some common purposes. They are used as language surrogates because Yoruba is a tonal language. They are also used to produce the signature tune, to mark the end of a song and the beginning of another, and as instrumental gap-filler. The omeles are subsidiary drums to iya-ilu. The igba is a hard and tough calabash handled by one of the singers. He wears many rings on his fingers (both right and left) and strikes the

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calabash with the rings to produce meaningful and melodious sounds at intervals as the music is produced. The contents of sakara music span hagiography, didacticism, philosophy and social commentaries. But, by far, hagiography occupies the widest space in the music as praises of party makers, invited guests and other important dignitaries are sung during social engagements and in the composition of musical records. A major maelstrom of sakara music was the late Yusuf Olatunji whose works are regarded as canonical among the nation’s indigenous traditional music. He bestrides the scene of sakara music like a colossus, even in death.

Yusuf Olatunji (1909–1978) Yusuf Olatunji, popularly known as Baba l’Egba (for he was of the Egba clan of Abeokuta, Ogun State, Nigeria), was born around 1909 at Gbegbinlawo (now Baba I’Egba) village in the North local council area of Abeokuta. Yusuf started his musical career at a very tender age; and it was, probably, for this reason that he did not have a considerable measure of Western education. He attended St. Peter (Primary) School, Ake, Abeokuta; but left when he was in Standard Two. As a boy, he organised a musical band which used to play inside train, en-route Ijoko-Ota, Lagos and Abeokuta. Before Yusuf actually started his sakara career, there had been other artistes like Saki, Sura Dan Busari and Abibu Oluwa. In Abeokuta, he joined the sakara group of Saki, but later left to start his own sakara group, known then as Joseph Olatunji and his sakara group. It is instructive at this juncture to note that Olatunji was born a Christian. His name was originally Joseph. It was later in his musical career that one of his patrons enjoined him to convert to Islam. Hence, he changed his name to Yusuf. His group, like other groups used to play for social clubs during their ceremonies, and during other social engagements. In 1948, Yusuf waxed three gramophone records in the then Gold Coast, now Ghana. In 1949, he went back to Ghana in the company of Olayiwola Ejire, another sakara artiste. Both of them waxed five records each. In all, before his death, Yusuf had 37 records to his credit—10 small records and 27 LPS. The Guardian (Nigeria) of Saturday, June 24, 2000, has the following report about Yusuf Olatunji:

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Yusuf Olatunji belongs to the core of artistes, especially musicians who have elevated the Yoruba language and contributed to popular music particularly, sakara. His major contribution centred on the socialization process among age groups … Some of the major societies and age groups of his time would be extremely pleased to have a stamp of Yusuf Olatunji, which would establish them firmly in the public domain. (The Guardian, June 24, 2000, p. 28)

The Broadcast Music Music in broadcasting comes in various forms. Hilliard (2000, pp. 33–34) categorises music in broadcasting as: Content: recorded (on record, tape, cartridge and compact disc) music played by disc Jockeys dominates radio programming. Bed: bedding is the generic term used to describe music used under or as a backup of an announcer’s soundtracks. Theme: this is music used as a programme theme or to peg a specific event or particular personality. The action or performer is identifiable as soon as the theme music is heard. A theme can be used for the opening, for the closing and for commercial break transition in a show. Bridge: the musical bridge is the most commonly used device to create transitions. Music lasting only a few notes or a few bars can be used to indicate the breaks between segments of the programme. The music bridge also can be used to distinguish the commercial inserts from the rest of the programmes. In a dramatic sequence (e.g., in a commercial), the music bridge frequently indicates a change of place or a passage of time. The bridge usually is only a few seconds long. When it is very short, only a second or two, it is called a stab. Sound effect: some effects cannot be presented effectively except through music. For instance, brass and percussion instruments can convey or heighten the feeling of a storm better than sound effects alone. Background or mood: music can heighten the content and mood of a sequence. Such music is subtle, not obvious or evident. I also classify the use of music in broadcast thus:

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• Filler-interlude: this is when music is played to fill the airtime between the end of a programme and the beginning of another. Music interlude is most noticeable when a particular programme is unavoidably absent at the time it is supposed to come on air. To fill the air space at this time, various musical records or video clips are played for the entertainment of listeners or viewers. • Interlude within a programme: music is played for the purpose of enlivening a programme. This type usually comes up during discussion programmes. To break the boredom of talk, music is sometimes played in between as an interlude. • Chitchat programme: this is the use of music during chitchat programmes. The presenter interjects his chat with music. • Request programme music: this is the use of music, ostensibly, for the enjoyment of people who are being greeted through the request cards sent to presenters of such programmes. People buy specially designed cards (by the broadcast station) and use such to request that certain music be played for their loved ones (sometimes, for an event like birthday, marriage etc.) whose names are listed in the cards. • Special music programmes: these are specially designed programmes meant for the play of music. Such could be music of an age, music of a genre, music of a culture or a place. Barnard (2000) also says that traditionally, music has been used by radio stations as an aid to relaxation, as a means of establishing a link with the audience (record request shows) and to provide a background to working activities. As we consider what broadcast media do to music, we also need to look at what music does to the media. Barnard (2000, p. 133), for instance, notes that radio’s demand for and use of music has a profound effect on the repertoire and promotional strategies of record companies. He explains: Prior exposure on radio can influence a company to sign an artist; and how a songwriter, record producer or band approaches the process of creating a single or album may be influenced not only by what is currently selling but what is likely to be chosen for airplay. If a record is not heard on radio, its chances of selling are limited. (Barnard, 2000, p. 133)

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Barnard also talks about the use that listeners make of music radio, in the process of distinguishing between different types of music radio listeners. According to him, daytime listeners use radio in a secondary way, as background, while evening listeners (emphases, mine) make a deliberate choice to listen (emphasis supplied) (Barnard, 2000, pp. 134–135). There are a myriad of music programmes on radio and television. Apart from just play of music, such programmes also feature news about musical, and sometimes, general entertainment world, as well as analyses of music played, artistry of a particular musical artiste and events surrounding the lives and careers of particular artistes. Because of the visual advantage of television, music programmes on the medium, sometimes, include tourism and dancing. Examples of broadcast music programmes—past and present—in Nigeria include ‘Sunday Rendezvous’, ‘Bala Miller Show’, ‘Video Vibes’, ‘Highlife Music’, ‘World of Music’, ‘Highlife My Life’, ‘Goje Africa’, ‘Prime Time’, ‘African Fusion’, ‘Aremote’, ‘Ojo n re bi and’, ‘L’aye ojo hun’ and so on. Onabajo (2001, p.  67) contends that many radio stations’ programming is made up of 90% music. Presumably, Onabajo is referring to Nigeria. The question is how much of this percentage is given to indigenous music. Uche (1986) seemed to have answered this question when he observed that a Radio Nigeria station must have been responsible for the nation’s youth’s preference for foreign music. Whereas many government radio stations, especially those on Medium Wave, seem to have improved on their programming local contents, those on Frequency Modulation (FM), especially the privately owned ones are still very much guilty of this (Salawu, 2004). Quite to the contrary, the draft national cultural policy of Nigeria (which sadly enough has not been given life to) recommends that: the media should be used for the dissemination of cultural and artistic products for the purposes of preserving Nigeria’s cultural heritage. (Federal Dept. of Culture, 1982)

Similarly, the broadcasting cultural objectives as contained in the National Broadcasting Code are: • To seek, identify, and preserve Nigerian culture and promote the study of Nigerian history and language.

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• To select, critically, relevant foreign culture for the purpose of enriching Nigerian culture. • To develop and promote the appreciation of indigenous aesthetic values. (Cited in Onabajo, 2001, p. 44) Even on stations that have been ‘generous’ with the use of indigenous music, it is the base type of indigenous music that is largely jejune and of un-edifying content.

The ‘Aremote’ Programmes In this study, ‘Aremote’ refers to such programmes like ‘Aremote’, ‘Ojo n re’bi ana’ and L’aye ojo hun’, all on the Ibadan station of Radio Nigeria. This study is, however, focused on ‘Ojo n re bi ana’ (meaning, the day is setting). It comes up on Wednesdays between 9 p.m. and 10  p.m. Its anchorman goes by the sobriquet, Dokita Oloogun oorun (Doctor of Sedation). This sobriquet has been adopted by the presenter because of the gentle and slow nature of the music, especially, that of Yusuf Olatunji, played on the programme. The music has the capacity of rocking the listeners to sleep at that late hour, after a hard day’s job. This is where ‘Ojo n re’ bi ana’ links back to ‘Aremote’, which simply means lullaby. Importantly, both ‘Aremote’ and Ojo n re bi ana’ usually climax with the music of Yusuf. The two programmes usually start with other music like fuji and apala. Sometimes, they bring in slow pace juju. When the programmes enter their second halves or about 20 minutes to the end, the presenters usually switch over to the music of Yusuf, which serves as the epitome of the programmes. The ‘Aremote’ programme comes on air between 9  p.m. and 10  p.m. on Mondays. Both ‘Aremote’ and ‘Ojo n re’bi ana’ feature on the AM station of Radio Nigeria, while ‘L’aye ojo hun’ features on the FM station (Premier) of the Radio. ‘L’aye ojo hun’ (In the olden days) comes on air between 8 p.m. and 9 p.m. on Mondays. The title of this programme is intrinsically suggestive of nostalgia. It is anchored by the same presenter of ‘Ojo nre’bi ana’. In its own case, a particular old artiste is brought on the programme on a particular edition for interview. The music of the interviewee is interspersed with the interview. But, on occasions, because of the obvious love the presenter has for the music of late Yusuf, the programme, sometimes, ends with the sakara music.

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‘K’a sun’re’ (May we sleep well) is another programme that we can subsume under the broad umbrella of ‘Aremote’. It has, however, been laid to rest. ‘Ojo nre’bi ana’, the focus of this paper actually started in the year 1983. It was, then, aired between 10 p.m. and 12 midnight. The timing, however, changed in 1992 to 9 p.m. to 10 p.m. as we, currently, have.

Data Presentation During the programme edition of November 24, 2004, a total of 15 calls were received. The calls came in repeatedly, disrupting the flow of music. Calls were even jamming with one another on the two mobile phones held by the presenter. The calls came from far and near. One of the callers disclosed that people keep vigil for the late evening programme. All the callers had pleasant words for the programme. Certain things stand this programme out from similar ones. One of such is that life musical recordings of the artistes featured are played. This provides a lot of excitement for the listeners. For instance, during the November 24, 2004, edition of the programme, a live performance record of Yusuf Olatunji was played. This impressed a listener who called in to say that such records are rare. This definitely evokes the feeling of nostalgia. Yusuf died some 30 years ago. The presenter’s rich knowledge of Yusuf’s music is not in doubt. On the programme, he offers scintillating analyses of the music, gives information about historical backgrounds of the records, provides explanations of the lyrics and the drum messages, and reels out details about life and style of Yusuf. All these help in winning listenership for the programme and the music. The December 29, 2004, edition of the programme was sponsored by Lisabi Club ’98. The club does this every year, to mark either the end or the beginning of a year. During this programme edition, letters written to the producer/presenter were mentioned. A total of 16 letters were mentioned. The writer of one of the letters wanted to know when the programme Fans Club would be launched. Another writer inquired how to become a member of the proposed fans club. To the question asked about when the club would be launched, the presenter answered that the club would be inaugurated in the year 2005. One other writer, a female, wondered if the presenter thought that the programme should just be for men. Another female writer disclosed that

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she was first attracted to the programme by the music of Ayinla Omowura. She is, now, appreciating the music of Yusuf through the programme. A few calls were also received during this edition. A caller adjudged the programme to be okay, and could not really find any weak point in it. Another caller appreciated the life play record of Yusuf being played on the programme. Yet, another caller called for robust featuring of the music of Haruna Isola on the programme. The following are the contents of some of the letters written to the producer/presenter: Letter 1 To the Doctor of Sedation, This programme makes us, young people, to know about the music of the past. Both the young and the old listen to the programme (dated January 19, 2005). Letter 2 I chose to be listening to this programme for some important reasons. One, I was, before, not getting the lyrics of apala (and sakara), but the presenter has made me to understand the wisdom contained in these songs. Two, the programme does not make us to forget our (Yoruba) culture and tradition. Three, there has been no time when I listen to this programme till the end, its sedative must have rocked me to sleep. There are some pieces of advice for the presenter. Since this programme has become a favourite of all the listeners to Radio Nigeria, a Listeners’ Club for the programme should be inaugurated. I also want to suggest that there should be a question and answer session where questions about the musicians being featured (the year the album was released and the artiste) will be asked. In addition, I want you to be playing music of such artistes like Ebenezer Obey, I.K.  Dairo, Hubert Ogunde etc. (dated August 20, 2004). Letter 3 I listen to this programme to demonstrate my love for Yusuf’s music. I am excited about a piece of information heard during one of the editions of the programme that one of Yusuf’s son wants to resurrect the music of his father like a son of Haruna Isola is, currently, doing. I want to know more about this. Concerning the proposed inauguration of the Yusuf Fans Club, let us expedite action on this (dated November 2, 2004). Letter 4

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Your programme reminds me of the music of Yusuf, even those albums of his that were released before I was born. His music is full of wisdom. Please, do not let the programme die (dated January 12, 2005). Letter 5 I suggest that life play record of Yusuf be played 10 to 15 minutes to the end of the programme (dated January 10, 2005). Letter 6 There is wisdom in the music. The music is didactic. In an album of Yusuf played last week, he said we should not be desperate for money (dated December 3, 2004). Letter 7 The music is sedative. It reminds me of our culture (dated October 10, 2004). Letter 8 The programme makes me restful. It is a source of relaxation for me after a hard day’s job. I want to suggest that the programme duration be extended by 30 minutes. The young, the old, men and women benefit from the programme. I appreciate the programme more because of the old music aired on it. The old music comes fresh (dated December 3, 2004).

Data Analysis and Discussion No doubt, the programme, ‘Ojo n re bi ana’, has brought the music of Yusuf and other traditional music back again into the consciousness of its listeners. It has succeeded in reminding the people of their past. And, from the calls and letters received, it is evident that people are appreciative of this. Writing about a similar programme on Metro FM (another Radio Nigeria station in Lagos), Benson Idonije in The Guardian (Nigeria) of November 12, 2004, wrote that “the success of ‘Highlife my Life’, an on-­ going documentary on our musical past is thriving on its identification with the people—whose expectations are being met” (p. 31). ‘Ojo n re bi ana’ is not just about playing the music. It also provides background information about the music and the musicians. In this case, it would be right to say that the programme is entertaining, informative and educative. The popularity of the programme is evident by the heavy traffic of calls and volume of letters received about it. From the data, it is also observed that listeners to the programme and music of Yusuf cut across various

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segments of the society—the young, the old, men and women. In one of the interviews with the programme producer/presenter, the researcher gathered that on requests, the presenter had made recording of all the 37 albums of Yusuf for some bank employees, including the young and the female. Other young people, in preparation for their sojourning abroad, had made similar requests. This, obviously, must have been done to take care of nostalgia. One other inference from all this information is that not only people without or with little Western education listen to the music; the educated, equally, listen. Similarly, some young former honourable members of the Oyo State House of Assembly used to sponsor the programme in the past. This point raises the issue of sponsorship, which the programme is currently lacking. In fact, this point was a major cry of the presenter during the January 26, 2005, edition of the programme. It is believed that with more efforts, regular sponsorship can be obtained for the programme. A sister programme, ‘Aremote’, is currently enjoying the sponsorship of an indigenous publishing company. An inference from this is that due to the parlous state of the economy, most media programmes have been finding it difficult getting sponsorship. However, in the case of programme like ‘Ojo n re’bi ana’, it has been extremely difficult. And, this underlines the fact that the appreciation for music of the past particularly sakara and apala is still inadequate. All the same, ‘Ojo n re bi ana’ still lives up to the sobriquet of its presenter, ‘Doctor of Sedation’. The presenter disclosed that it was because of the nature of the programme that its fans tagged it ‘Aremote’ (lullaby). This was very well before the actual programme with the name ‘Aremote’ started in 2004.

Conclusion This chapter appreciates the fact that life is dynamic, and as such things of the past always give way to things of the present. This is why the appreciation for the music of Yusuf and such other music has not been totally adequate. Yet, we appreciate the programmes like ‘Ojo n re bi ana’ in their efforts to enliven the past because in the past is wisdom. Significantly, creativity is an enduring phenomenon. In other words, these creative works that have been recorded cannot die, even though the artistes may have, long, died. Works featured on the programme are classical and canonical. It is in this sense that ‘Ojo n re bi ana’ becomes

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relevant. Such programmes should be supported by the government if only for the purpose of nostalgia and the wisdom that the music aired on them offers. The present can only be understood with the appreciation of the past. This however does not mean we should be too idealistic about the past. Certain things in the past should not be encouraged. For instance, in the music of the past, we find traces of unhealthy rivalry amongst musicians of that period. In the music of Yusuf Olatunji, there are instances where abusive references are made to rival musicians. Such music also carries the notion that the battles are not just verbal, they are also spiritual, as there are innuendoes to the fact that certain physical harms are done against each other through the occult means. Yusuf Olatunji, for instance in one of his LPs, discloses that he suffered a sore on one of his legs, alleging that this was caused by a certain rival musician who thought the leg would finally be amputated. Olatunji sang this song to celebrate his victory and deride his rival for failing to make him a cripple. The story again was that the sore came back on the leg soon after the said LP was released. This tradition of the music of warfare was inherited by the immediate next generation of musicians as we found in Sunny Ade versus Ebenezer Obey and Sikiru Ayinde Barrister versus Kollington Ayinla. And, even of recent some younger fuji musicians have also engaged in this kind of musical diatribes. The fact however is that there is as yet no suspicion of any use of occultic means in this kind of battles since the days of Yusuf Olatunji and his contemporaries. In fact, the assertion now is that musicians engage themselves in musical diatribes as a marketing strategy. This is because the fans of each of the musicians in the duel would always want to buy their musician’s new LP to listen to the latest diatribe against the rival musician. Again, while Nostalgia should not be taken as a phenomenon of extreme idealisation of the past against the present (i.e., time), it should also not be taken as extreme idealisation of ours against theirs. Certain good aspects of music of other lands can be emulated. The game of exclusiveness in the name of nostalgia may not be all wholesome, especially in this age of globalisation where fluidity in the passage of cultures is at utmost ease.

References Anderson, J. R. (1976). Language, memory and thought. Erlbaum. Barnard, S. (2000). Studying radio. Arnold. Boym, S. (2001). The future of nostalgia. Basic Books.

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Federal Dept. of Culture. (1982). Draft cultural policy for Nigeria. Lagos. Hilliard, R. L. (2000). Writing for television, radio, and new media. Wadsworth/ Thomson Learning. Legg, S. (2004). Review essay: Memory and nostalgia. Cultural Geographies, 11. Miyoshi, M. (1993). A borderless world? From colonialism to transnationalism and the decline of the nation-state. Critical Inquiry, 19(4 (Summer)). Mustapha, O. (1975). A literary appraisal of Sakara: A Yoruba traditional form of Music. In W. Abimbola (Ed.), Yoruba Oral tradition: Poetry in Music, dance and Drama (pp.  517–549). Dept. of African Languages and Literatures, University of Ife. Olatunji, L.A. (1971). A study of NBC radio programme contents from 1968 to April 1971. Unpublished B.A. thesis, University of Lagos. Onabajo, O. (2001). Broadcast management and programming. Gabi Concept Ltd. Radstone, S., & Hodgkin, K. (Eds.). (2003). Regimes of memory. Routledge. Salawu, A. (2004, September 29–October 1). Cultural imperialism, integration and projection of Africa. Some emerging trends in the information media. Paper Presented at the SACOMM Conference, University of Port Elizabeth, South Africa. The Guardian. (2000, June 24). p. 28. The Guardian. (2004a, December 8). p. 67. The Guardian. (2004b, November 12). p. 31. Uche, L.U. (1986). Youth and music culture: A Nigerian case study. Gazette (37). Uche, L.  U. (1996). Cultural imperialism hypothesis revisited. In L.  U. Uche (Ed.), North-south information culture: Trends in global communications and research paradigms. Longman Nigeria Plc. Vidal, T. (1977). Traditions and history in Yoruba MUSIC. Nigerian Music Review, 1. Vidal, T. (1993, January 26–29). From traditional antiquity to contemporary modernism: A multilateral development of music in Nigeria. Paper Presented at the Conference on Music and Social Dynamics—The Nigerian Situation, University of Ilorin.

Internet Sources http://plato.stanford-­edu/entries/memory/; http://alzheimers.about.com/ treatmentoptions/a/reminiscence.htm Interviews with the producer/presenter of ‘Ojo n re bi ana’, Mr. Lekan Jeariogbe on November 16, 2004 and December 29, 2004.

CHAPTER 14

Celebration as Choice in Nigerian Indigenous and Modern Music: A Critical Analysis of Osondi Owendi by Osita Osadebe and Chinedu Okoli (Flavour) Ihuoma Okorie

Introduction To begin with, it is expedient to state that the culture of a people is often visible through their way of life. Thus, music is one aspect of culture that is often used to create cultural identity. In Nigeria, Omojola (1995) explains that while music might be used as pure entertainment, it has a strong peculiarity with the people’s cultural activities. This according to him is where its application becomes visible and handy; hence, it can be

I. Okorie (*) Department of Theatre and Performing Arts, Bayero University Kano, Kano, Nigeria Department of Theatre and Performing Arts, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, Nigeria e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 A. Salawu, I. A. Fadipe (eds.), Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 1, Pop Music, Culture and Identity, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97884-6_14

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said that societies use music to portray their culture. The above points to the fact that music as culture remains a viable tool for promoting, documenting and preserving the culture of a people. Particularly, indigenous music before now played a pivotal role in the society. This is succinctly buttressed by Odey (2017) who explains that music was used to communicate the cherished culture and values of a people as knowledge gained through this means of communication stuck to the brain. However, Oladosu (2011) avers that today, there is an influence on the indigenous music as seen in the various ways through which modern artistes, inspired by a deep cultural legacy, incorporate indigenous styles while forging modern sounds, using the method of code-mixing and code-switching. Therefore, this chapter will shed adequate light on music and how it has been used to communicate certain held truths and beliefs in the society. This amazing tool shall be explicated from the angle of its role in communicating and reinforcing the culturally held value known as choice.

The Concept of Celebration in Africa: Music as an Ornament Africans are very proud of their culture and heritage which is often expressed through the material and non-material aspects of culture, namely food, music, dance, festivals, dressing and so on. This is glaring in the way they love and celebrate life in all its many aspects. To adequately buttress the above fact, Mwakabana (2002, p. 18) writes: All stages of human life are celebrated particularly those that signify the abundance or fullness of life; birth, the attainment of sexual maturity and the return to the spirit world, (death). These celebrative events and festivals honour individuals build community and revive the contact with the natural world and the world of the departed. Very often, celebrations bring all together in a communal meal as culmination.

The above points to the fact that the celebration of culture through art, literature and music make Africa so special, especially when one considers the fact that they have become deep-rooted. In fact, many of such celebrations focus on either the cultural, religious or ethnic topics and seek to inform community members of their traditions. Furthermore, Zalmay (2017) states that

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Africans are brought up, taught and trained to seek after and attain a life which must be enjoyed to the fullest which is not attained in isolation or apart from ones community because it is a social life, a communal life, nurtured and sustained by a network of interdependencies of individuals and community.

This brings to fore the truism that in Africa, people are taught to maintain connectivity with each other because celebration is not to be done alone but with others present. Thus, from the above, one obvious truth is the fact that the life of the African is all about happiness. Hence, as human beings, social interaction with others during these celebrations not only brings happiness but also helps the society grow. Having stated the above, one veritable tool that was and is still deployed in every celebration is music. An accurate and concise definition of music is fundamental and imperative in the discussion and understanding of what people consider as music. Thus, music in the context of this chapter is defined as a combo of sounds and beats put together to create harmony, often used as an ornament of celebration. This definition is imperative to this chapter because music has always been integral to any celebration in Nigeria because it always adds vibes to events. In the world today, music has become a huge part of people’s lives that they may probably be lost without it. It has a huge impact on people as well as their cultural identity. This explains why it is often said that the world’s most famous and popular language is music. Hence, a celebration without music is not a celebration at all as music and celebration go hand in hand. This corroborates with the view of Loko (2014, p. 2) who states that “music plays vital roles in various aspects of celebrations among societies in Nigeria”. This also explains why cultures everywhere take pride in and relish the opportunity to enjoy music while celebrating. It further brings to fore the fact that music has been used throughout history for different occasions. By and large, it is clear that music exists in societies mostly for societal benefits which include work, war, recreation as well as celebration.

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The Influence of Indigenous African Music on the African Modern Music: The Case of Highlife The word indigenous is captured in this chapter as that which originally belongs to a people. Hence, it would refer to the music created primarily by Nigerians. According to Mapaya (2014, p. 207), the concept of indigenous African music refers to an aggregation of regionally, customary, culturally and ethnically constituted musical practice commonly christened in the language of a people. Thus, to discuss music as a phenomenon in and of itself would not be possible without acknowledging the ways in which both the cultural context and society impact music practices. With regards, Ogosi (2004, p. 13) explains that there has been a change and impact of the modern on the indigenous music. Expatiating on the reason for this, Friedman writes that globalization which is inevitably present remains the culprit and has empowering and disempowering homogenizing tendencies all built into it as the music hybridization of world intercultural music. Therefore, the attainment of modern musical identity has witnessed the emergence of a myriad of recorded sounds arising from experimental collaborations by music artistes in a bid to achieve an evolution of music acculturation. This brings to bear the fact that the growing digitalization of indigenous music in Nigeria has become the recent trend. Thus, despite the negative impacts of globalization, the influence of indigenous music on modern music is ideal for preserving and promoting indigenous cultures even in the face of globalization. Even more, considering the advancement in technology, the nation might be chasing the wind if it insists on returning completely to indigenous music as there must be snippets of the western influence on it even though attempts will be made to retain certain aspects that are pertinent. Thus, due to the changing tasks of values, music cannot be static but must reflect what society has come to regard as relevant, particularly, as it relates to its needs, functions and use. In the Nigerian musical scene, Agu (1978, p. 116) describes highlife music as the first locally produced musical idioms to become a national idiom. Its songs were either in Pidgin English or local language derived from folk music and was a synthesis of African and Western musical traditions like black music in the New world. Accordingly, Okoro (2007) highlights the fact that highlife is believed to have reached the apogee of its glory a generation ago and has remained reasonably ever since. Highlife emanated in Gold coast, now Ghana characterized by African traditional

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music idioms. Its pioneers in Nigeria include Bobby Benson, Jim Lawson, of blessed memory to mention a few. Some albums include “Taxi Driver” by Bobby Benson and “Baby Pancake” by Sahara all stars. Their aim was to create growing awareness of African identity in the global market, using African music to feature the nation’s values and mores. However, the situation now is quite different from the days when it was evolving. Commenting further, Okafor (2005) states that highlife music touches on familiar themes and issues of the moment which is often an explication of a people’s topical reflection and worldview. However, Nigerian highlife music in terms of sound matrixes, role and receptivity, performance practice, compositional techniques, costumes and musical instruments has been revitalized through globalization effect as the musicians themselves have through globalization learnt how to satisfy more than one cultural group. This is achieved through the instrumentality of remix. For instance, a majority of them merge English with native language, including the Pidgin English; this is popularly known as the method of code-mixing and code-switching. Thus, there is no doubt that in recent times, there has been an influence of the indigenous music by the modern popular music, particularly with the way these songs are remixed. Modernity in this context connotes the adaptation and fusion of modern elements, with particular emphasis on language and the values it dishes out through the lyrics. Interestingly, various modern genre artistes take inspiration from the traditional music because of the positive factors which influence them to duplicate certain features. This impact is visible in the instruments deployed which are sometimes combined with local instruments. In sum, it should be noted that Nigeria is a fast developing nation where new musical idioms are being developed and are constantly welding the modernized style with the traditional. The question worth asking is how well such artistes maintain the original content of the songs in the remixed versions.

The Theory of Selective Remix The theory of remix often referenced in popular culture derives from the model of music remixes which were produced around the late 1960s and early 1970s in New York City, though, an activity with roots in Jamaican music. Music remix in general is a reinterpretation of a pre-existing song, achieved through altering meaning, even though the aura of the original dominates the remixed version. Basically, remix is the activity of taking

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samples from pre-existing materials to combine them into new forms according to personal taste. It is created when a remixer gets the stems and then alters them in terms of tempo, beats, effects and more to essentially create a new track. This suggests that when making a remix, the genre of the song can be drastically changed since there are literally no limits to creative options. The essence oftentimes is for the artiste to expand their fan base and further make it more accessible to the broader public. Particularly, Navas (2012) defines selective remix as the process of adding or subtracting material from the original song, containing new sections as well as new sounds, but with the intention of keeping the essence of the song intact. Simply put, the artistes take and add part of the original composition, while leaving its spectacular aura intact. The essence is to open up to a brand new market of listeners. Toeing in the same line, Hetcher (2009) defines selective remix as a new work produced by adding new parts to and /or removing sections from an original. The sections tempered with oftentimes are the language (lyrics) as well as the beats. This method of remix has so much penetrated into culture that it has now become the norm for artistes. This theory shall be used in the explication of the songs, Osondi Owendi by Osita Osadebe and Flavour feat MC Loph, focusing on the language deployed as well as its content. This is with the sole aim of bringing to fore the actual message communicated.

Methodology The qualitative method is adopted for this chapter which involves the interpretation of music. Since this chapter is in the field of music, it will be largely interpretative and will depend on conceivable data. The sources of data will be both primary and secondary sources. The primary source of data is the music under study while the secondary sources of data are other relevant information on critical works on music which are fundamental to the subject of discourse. Within the qualitative domain, Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) will be used to analyse the songs under study. Critical Discourse Analysis attempts to understand sub-surface meanings of language in the music to be analysed. This is because CDA rests on the notion that the way language is used is purposeful. Hence, the need to understand language to gain information on how people make sense of and communicate life and life experiences.

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An Explication of Osondi Owendi by Osita Osadebe and Flavour Feat MC Loph Global Rhythm Magazine news (2007) aver that Chief Stephen Osita Osadebe often referred to as Osadebe was a Nigerian highlife musician from Atani in South Eastern Nigeria whose interest grew in music in a major commercial city near Atani in Anambra State. He came from a line of singers and dancers in Igboland whose genre, known as Highlife, encompassed Igbo traditional elements. As a prolific composer, he released his first album in 1958 and went on to write over 500 songs. He died on 11 May 2007 after suffering from severe respiratory difficulties. Accordingly, it was noted that his most popular hit was the 1984 Osondi Owendi “one man’s meat is another man’s poison”, establishing him as a leader in the highlife genre being the most popular record ever in Nigeria. On the other hand, Chinedu Okoli better known by his stage name, Flavour N’abania, is a prolific Nigerian recording artiste, songwriter and performer born on 23 November 1983. He began his musical career as a drummer for a local church in his home town of Enugu State and is popularly known across Africa and the world for his massive banger, “Nwa Baby” (Ashawo Remix). He presently lives in Lagos, State Nigeria. One of his numerous tracks is Osondi Owendi which was a remix of the original version by Osita Osadebe. The remix which featured MC Loph was released in 2009. An explication of both songs is illustrated below: Stanza one What appeals to one is what he chooses What appeals to one Does not appeal to the other One man’s meat is another man’s poison Though some people choose to celebrate despite all likewise, some people choose not to stay happy One man’s meat is another man’s poison Stanza Two God accepts what I choose to celebrate .Do not spoil the celebration of another if your own is good and you have it all That’s the same way that of the other person is okay for him What one appreciates is different from what the others appreciate. Don’t talk down your fellow man.

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What one chooses to celebrate or appreciate should be left with him because one chooses to celebrate what he wants because it comes from my heart What another chooses to appreciate or celebrate is what he wants There is nothing to hide Though, some people aren’t happy when others are Despite the fact that God wants everyone to be happy which is the desire of everyone However, what one appreciates often differs from that of another. God created everyone differently, with different hearts Everyone is created different and unique everyone is given the liberty to choose his path no one should dictate what the other person should love, celebrate and appreciate as no one can live in this world alone. This is what is obtainable my people. What I am saying is what is obtainable in the society today. which is the truth that one man’s meat is another man’s poison What one appreciates and celebrates differs according to people What another celebrates or appreciates is acceptable by me That is the only way peace can be fostered. because God created different kinds of people. What one appreciates may be appreciated by another Likewise, what one appreciates and celebrates may be different from that of another. That is exactly what we are communicating. What I choose to appreciate and celebrate, may be different from that of another. However, lets us make effort to live in peace. Though everyone thinks differently One man’s meat is another man’s poison Stanza Three Do not talk down your neighbour One man’s meat is another man’s poison What appeals to me might not appeal to another person. It is not a matter of life and death One man’s meat is another man’s poison What I appreciate and celebrate might not appeal to the other person. One man’s meat is another man’s poison Instrumental till fades…

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Remix by Flavour and MC Loph (Interpretation) The King of all music, my brother Do you know what this song is called? One man’s meat is another man’s poison. From MC Loph and Flavour One man’s meat is another man’s poison. Enjoyment One man’s meat is another man’s poison. Rap Hasten your steps and prepare to dance. MC Loph is here in the party. I appreciate all the Nigerian people here and are listening Everybody present whether Igbo, Hausa or Yoruba. Anyone happy should make a loud noise If you are angry please stay away Because I want to celebrate I don’t want to see anyone with an angry face Lets us be happy If you are angry You are an enemy of progress. .If you are happy, celebrate If you choose not to embrace celebration, leave Because I don’t want anyone to slow my celebration down Especially those who will stop me from making money Come close let us celebrate Every day is meant to be for celebration Chorus .One man’s meat is another man’s poison My friend, you can choose to be happy or unhappy Stanza Two It doesn’t matter what you do, people will never be satisfied with your efforts. If you choose to be angry, carry on Whoever is happy should keep up with the celebration Because this world is meant for enjoyment let us celebrate and enjoy ourselves Let the women be satisfied with whatever they need my friend what is your problem with that? I say what is your problem? One man’s meat is another man’s poison

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Stanza Three To make money for life no be by hustling….. If it is not your time, the hard work may not really pay off All my enemies go bow down for their knees…. All my enemies will be ashamed .Before now, I used to be very angry at myself But now, I am extremely happy. Because nobody go stop my shine Even my time………… Who you go blame Everybody’s problem is not the same….. There are some who have not eaten Some have excess food Our destiny’s are different You can be a carpenter others can also be presidents That’s why some people are angry .While some others are enjoying and celebrating One man’s meat is another man’s poison That is the way it is My brothers and sisters, please take it easy Choose to celebrate because life is sweet Rest in peace…

The Value of Choice To begin with, it is important to state that a remix is created when an artiste gets the stems of an original music and alters it in terms of tempo, beats, effect and also the language, to essentially create a new track. This is seen in the way the original version of the song (highlife) was turned into a hip-hop thus, making it accessible to the broader public. As seen in the remix version, there is an alteration of the original song in terms of its tempo and beat. However, a critical look at the lyrics shows that the original idea of the artiste which is the power of choice was maintained though, using a different language comprising a combo of the indigenous and foreign language. According to Merriam Webster Dictionary (1999), choice is the power or opportunity of making selection. Accordingly, Mahmodi (2016) avers that the freedom of choice is the most important freedom any person can enjoy which can make or mar one. This is because the choices that people make define them. This suggests that what people are today and what they

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will be tomorrow depend on the choices they make. This makes choice an essential ingredient in the life of every human being. Choice is something that one determines and should be used as a driving and fuelling factor. This brings to bare the fact that for everyone, choice is a central part of life. However, against the backdrop of the recent economic and security challenges in the country, does the notion that the life of the African man is that of perpetual celebration still stand? This is where the power of choice comes in. Particularly, Heschel, a famous Jewish Theologian, in one of his famous quotes avers that People of our time are losing the power of celebration. Instead of celebrating, people seek to be amused or entertained. Celebration is an active state, an act of expressing reverence or appreciation. To be entertained is a passive state. Celebration is a confrontation giving attention to the transcendent meaning of our actions.

Despite the inevitability of celebration in its various forms, it is pertinent to state that celebration is a thing of choice. Using the original version of the song by Chief Osita Osadebe titled Osondi Owendi, meaning, one man’s meat is another man’s poison, it is clear that the writer of the song has a good grasp of his message as contained in the music. In the first verse, the artiste began by stating the obvious which is the fact that what appeals to one is exactly what he chooses. This, in turn, may not necessarily appeal to another person considering the differences and uniqueness of each individual. Accordingly, the line, “Maka ka ife uwa aso ndi ufodu nu”, exposes the fact that some people choose to celebrate despite all the negative happenings in the society while some others choose not to celebrate as buttressed in the line, Etu a ka o na ewezi ndi ufodu. Going further, the preceding lines of the first stanza tell the listener more about the title, “Osondi Owendi”, translated as “one man’s meat is another man’s poison”. This is succinctly repeated until the end of the stanza. Particularly, the idiom, “one man’s meat is another man’s poison” is used today to communicate the fact that people do not all share the same preferences. Basically, the underlining reason people have preferences is simply because they have the right and liberty of choice to choose what they prefer. In fact, a recent idiom which expresses a similar idea is, “one man’s trash is another man’s treasure”. Hence, the clause is often used to explain that people can strongly disagree on what is good, right or wrong;

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this lies in the fact that in life, everyone is faced with options to choose what one desires or aspires. The second stanza of the song explains that if a person has chosen to be happy and celebrate, others who have chosen otherwise should not interfere or even go as far as talking down and maligning such people as they also have the liberty to make choices. This oftentimes comes from the heart as buttressed in the lines, “Nke solu mu na osolu mu na obi mu nu”. This is because everyone is created differently with a different heart as seen in the line, Okwazi obi ka Chukwu ji wee kee anyi nu. Thus, it is clear from the remixed version that problems have the power to deter one from engaging in celebration. Furthermore, the original version has it that it is the wish of our maker(God) for everyone is always to be happy and celebrate but he also infused the liberty of choice in man to choose whether to celebrate or not. Everyone is given the liberty to choose his path, but no one is expected to dictate what someone else should love, celebrate and appreciate as explicated in the lines Ma onye asina ibe ya nwuzie nu. According to the songwriter, accepting the choice of others is simply the only way that peace can be fostered in the society considering the fact that people’s differences impact their choices. Hence, because of the liberty of choice that has been given to everyone, no one should take life so seriously to the extent of hurting another because of the choices they have made. Coming down to the remixed version of the music, it is imperative to state that though, it was an ode to highlife sound, it was wholly resonated in the hip-hop sound of the present moment. Thus, the theory of remix is succinctly showcased here through the language deployed. Particularly, the underlining message communicated by the original artiste was still intact; even though some of the lyrics were tampered with. Considering the influence of the modern on the traditional, MC Loph through the instrumentality of rap dished out lines that are impactful and didactic using the technique of code-switching and code-mixing. Particularly, it should be noted that the concept of celebration was further communicated in the music via the use of instruments which were consistently played for minutes before the lyrics follow suit, virtually in every stanza. In a way, Osondi Owendi was the introduction to the pairing of artistes harnessing their indigenous influences for distinct aesthetics; while Flavour retained the traditional melodies, MC Loph went the hip-hop route, rapping in a fluid mix of Igbo and English.

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Applying the concept of selective remix, it is clear from the above that through the remixed version of the song, cultural heritage is actively manipulated. This is showcased via the way the original version of the music was disrupted while adding a new layer to it. Rap music was communicated through the mixture of English, Pidgin and the Igbo language. The result is a new hybrid song with a narrative that links the past and present together. In this song, the selective remix deployed assisted in expressing their creativity, and further expressed new ideas with the intention to communicate and impact the society. As seen, the selective remixed version of the music underwent a selective transformation because some attributes of the original music were lost following the additions and subtractions of parts from the original composition. Thus, cultural heritage is re-directed towards contemporary digital interact. Flavour, as popularly called, begins the remixed version by introducing the artistes. He goes ahead to ask a rhetorical question, as to whether the listeners have an idea of what the music is called. Afterwards, the concept of celebration was unravelled through the instrumentality of rap. In the introduction of the music, he is seen asking the listeners to come and celebrate, not minding the tribe or ethnic group they belong to; particularly, the phrase Oyolima which means enjoyment/celebration reinforces that fact. Afterwards, MC Loph through the instrumentality of rap calls on everyone to hasten their steps so they can make it to the celebration party going on; however, he categorically sets the rule for the celebration, namely whoever chooses not to be happy should not join the celebration because their bad energy could kill the mood and atmosphere coupled with the fact that such people will slow his progress. In fact for him, every day is meant to be celebrated as captured in the lines, “Everyday suppose to be jolly jolly…” In the second stanza, MC Loph further dishes out some vital facts about celebration through the aid of rap. Firstly, he upholds the certitude that no matter what one does, people will definitely react as people would never be satisfied with one’s efforts. Therefore, he advocates that people should learn to engage in what excites them because the world is filled with enjoyment and celebration. Hence, everyone should choose to celebrate. However, he reinforces the fact that those who choose otherwise are problematic. Still through the instrumentality of rap, the artiste expresses the actuality that one becomes wealthy only when the time is right, though, he has the confirmation that he would be affluent but even though it is yet to come, he has chosen to celebrate despite his current

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state. He categorically chooses to celebrate even though his blessing is yet to come to fruition. Furthermore, he notes that as humans exist, troubles are inevitable but everyone has the ability to choose his state of mind at every point in time, whether to celebrate or remain sad or angry. Therefore, he advises everyone to take life easy, be happy and celebrate because life is sweet as captured in the lines, Nwe wu nu anwuli na owero. The above sheds light on the idea put forth by Feeley (2017) who states that people should not put celebration off, rather they should learn to tap into it, step in and live the joyous power of celebrating and being grateful for life. At this juncture, it should be noted that one of the biggest keys to getting the most of life is to have celebrations; however, all these are dependent on the choice of individuals. To this end, this chapter deviates from that standpoint by averring that celebrating boils down to the choice made. This explains why Mahmodi (2016) avers that Choice is something unique and justified for an individual as any decision made by one can be a domino effect upon another individual in life; which can truly impact them for good, better or worse depending on the matter ultimately.

The above explains why Flavour and MC Loph categorically state that anyone who chooses to be angry should stay away as they have the tendency of altering the celebrative atmosphere. This was further buttressed by Chief Osita Osadebe where he states that liberty is resident in everyone to make a choice whether to celebrate or remain sad. Truth be told, the nature of the country and the happenings in recent times could deter one from engaging any form of celebration. This is further captured in the lines rendered by MC Loph: Everybody’s problem is not the same…. There are some who have not eaten Some have excess food Our destiny’s are different You can be a carpenter others can also be presidents That’s why some people are angry While some others are enjoying and celebrating

The above captures the reasons why some may not choose to celebrate even though celebration is diverse and is often used to bring people

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together. Hence, choice remains one of the values that should be held tenaciously in any society since it has capacity to guide the behaviour of people and further produce an underlining force for the action of an individual.

Conclusion This chapter is an attempt to re-conceptualize the concept of celebration as generally understood in Africa using the music of Osita Osadebe and Chinedu Okoli (Flavour) titled Osondi Owendi and to bring to fore the value of choice in the African culture. An explication through the use of the concept of selective remix is carried out on both music, and it was realized that the concept of celebration remains a thing of choice as against the popular notion which states that Africans generally love to celebrate. This chapter has taken a critical look at the concept of celebration as understood in Africa and puts forward the notion that though people love to celebrate, the value of choice determines what each person engages in the society. Thus, it is important not to assume that what one cherishes may carry the same level of importance for another. This stems from the fact that people’s values change as they begin to experience new things or move through life. Therefore, the value of choice is pertinent in life activities as it promotes the dignity of all individuals and remains a very essential life skill that can make or mar an individual. Though current happenings have affected celebrations a whole lot, the decision to stay happy and celebrate is dependent on everyone not minding the problems they encounter.

References Agu, D. C. C. (1978). The influence of technology on music creativity and performance in present day Nigeria: The humanities in contemporary Nigerian education. College of Education, Eha Amufu (pp. 116–121), 1980 Davis, J. B. The Psychology of Music. London: Hutchinson. Feeley, M. (2017). What is the power of celebration. Retrieved December 13, 2020, from https://www.huffpost.com Global Rhythm Magazine News. (2007, May 15). Chief Stephen Osita Osadebe passes away on May 11, 2007. Retrieved July 30, 2020, from https://www. globalnewsmagazineonline.com Hetcher, S. A. (2009). Using social norms to regulate fan fiction and remix culture. University of Pennsylvania Law Review, 157(6), 1869–1935.

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Loko, O. O. (2014). Song Tests, theme and roles of vocal music in Egungun traditional festival. Akesan, Awori Land of Lagos State in Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences, 5(7), 615. Mahmodi, N. N. (2016). Why choice is important: Politics and activism. University of Kentucky. Mapaya, M. G. (2014). The study of indigenous African music and lessons from ordinary language philosophy. Mediterranean Journal of. Social Sciences, 5(20). https://doi.org/10.5901/mjss.2014.v5n20p2007 Merriam Webster’s Collegiate Dictionary. (1999). Merriam Webster Incorporated (10th ed.). Mwakabana, M. A. O. (2002). Crisis of life in African Religion and Christianity. Switzerland. The Lutheran World Federation. Navas, E. (2012). Remix theory: The aesthetics of sampling. Springer. Odey, R. (2017). The imperative of promoting developing and sustaining indigenous music. New Frontier Ind. Research and Publications. Ogosi, A. A. (2004). Popular music in Nigeria music education: A call for examination. A paper at the Monthly Departmental Seminar on 24th September. Okafor, R. C. (2005). Music in Nigerian society. Enugu: New generation books. Paper presented at the International Conference of Africa Arts, Delsu, Abraka. Okoro, J. C. (2007). Globalisation impacts on highlife. Retrieved July 28, 2020, from https://www.globalization-­impacts-­on-­highlife Oladosu, M. A. (2011). Code-mixing as a sociolinguistic medium in some selected songs in the Nigerian music industry. Unpublished Project. Department of English, Faculty of Arts, University of Ilorin. Omojola, B. (1995). Nigerian art music. University of Ibadan, Nigeria. ISBN 978-2015-38-5. Zalmay, K. (2017). Why festivals are important. https://www.thenews.com

CHAPTER 15

Yorùbá Socio-Cultural Norms and Values in Selected Songs of Bùkọ́lá Ẹlémìdé (Áṣà) Olugbenga Elegbe and Stephen Odebiyi

Introduction Culture and its components like norms and values are important for both the safeguard of a society and its continued existence. No matter how big or heterogeneous a society becomes, there must be shared values, rules, beliefs, ideals and norms that its members have to follow to foster peace, for the growth and sanctity of the society. Socio-cultural norms and values are commonly held beliefs on what is acceptable or unacceptable, important or unimportant, right or wrong, workable or unworkable and so on, in a society or community. According to Mondal (2015), “values are general conceptions of ‘the good’, ideas about the kind of ends that people should pursue throughout their lives and throughout the many different activities in which they engage”. With the advent of Western culture and cultural contact with other cultures, moral decadence and utter disregard for the norms and values of African culture has accelerated.

O. Elegbe • S. Odebiyi (*) Department of Communication and Language Arts, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 A. Salawu, I. A. Fadipe (eds.), Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 1, Pop Music, Culture and Identity, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97884-6_15

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Arowolo (2010) posits that the trend of cultural Westernisation of Africa has become very pervasive and prevalent, such that Western civilisation has taken precedence over African values and culture, and the latter is regarded as inferior to the former. Further, Arowolo argues that the impact of Western civilisation on Africa has occasioned a discontinuity in forms of life throughout the African continent. He says that this, in turn, has led to a cultural dualism that often presents itself as a real dilemma in concrete, real-life situations. Africa is confronted with how to have a true identity, a new culture that is African in nature. Also, Ugbam et al. (2014) state that globalisation, as a double-edged sword, has impacted both positively and negatively on the Nigerian culture. For example, some people have been conditioned through neo-colonialism to jettison African culture and identity because it is backward, in favour of everything Western. Meanwhile, music, a vital aspect of a people’s culture, has been described as a veritable platform for cultural reengineering. Through music, values and morals are upheld and passed across to the younger generations. However, in the case of many African countries, music recently, instead of being a platform for promoting the indigenous cultural values, has itself suffered from the adverse effect of cultural erosion. Music itself has lost its African flavour. Okafor (2005) says that a very strong factor for the imitation of foreign popular music models by contemporary Nigerian popular musicians can be associated with the explosion of Western electronic media, including the internet. Okafor (2005) notes that this imitation produces some negative effects, as some pop musicians copy some dressing and other habits not acceptable to local culture. Some men wear earrings, while some lady singers cast away accepted conventions of dressing—all in imitation of what their contemporary pop stars do in some Western cultures. Furthermore, Arukwe and Chukwu (2012) say that most contemporary Nigerian popular musicians prefer American and European names as their stage names than indigenous ones. This is indicative of a cross-­section of some of these names such as M I, Dr Sid, D Prince, J Martins, Dare Art, P’Square, Style Plus, KC Presh, Burna Boy, Whiz Kid, Slim Brown, Tuface and Faze. Arukwe and Chukwu (2012) believe that these sorts of names influence and affect their musicality. However, Arukwe and Chukwu are of the view that in the lyrical compositions of these artistes, the lyrics seem to digress from the moralistic and character-moulding milieu to inconsequential, vulgar and culturally devastating texts that corrupt the populace, especially the youth.

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Most contemporary popular music is influenced by mass culture of consumerism. The lyrics of these songs emphasise narrative culture that promotes unlimited satisfaction of impulse, body beautification and commodification, ostentatious lifestyle and a life where sexuality has become a question of aesthetics rather than ethics. Reuben Abati, cited in Onanuga (2019), expresses abhorrence for contemporary Nigerian popular musicians, submitting that they “lack the patience to … think through a subject to its logical end.” Nwankpa (2012) points out that socio-economic circumstances make contemporary popular musicians in Nigeria neglect their socio-political, economic and cultural environment in their songs. Instead, many musicians and performing artistes engage in quick substandard activities for the immediate pleasure of their patrons, and, of course, gratification just to enrich their pockets, to the detriment and debasement of creativity and integrity. Nwankpa adds that many musicians find themselves shorthanded and short-changed by the circumstances of our socio-political and cultural environment whereby the rate of development and growth does not translate into increase in integrity, the income level and awareness of the majority of the members of the society. Meanwhile, Onyeji (2012) posits that indigenous popular music does not only have an entertainment purpose, but it is also a veritable platform for social and cultural leadership, guidance and propagation of accepted societal values in given contexts. Onyeji adds that as a socio-cultural product, indigenous music moulds people morally and constrains them to conform to acceptable values in order to be deemed responsible members of the society. In spite of the erosion of influence of alien cultural norms and values on African indigenous popular music, some indigenous popular musicians still stand out. One of such musicians is Bùkọ́lá Ẹlémìdé, with the stage name ‘Áṣà’. She is known for singing in the Yorùbá language, which has endeared many people to her music. Sado (2008) says Áṣà is known for rich lyrical content of her songs; it is to this effect that the study examines Yorùbá socio-cultural norms and values in Áṣà’s songs.

Brief Biography of Bùkọ́lá Ẹlémìdé (Ásạ̀ )

Bùkọ́lá Ẹlémìdé, with the stage name, Áṣà (translated hawk), was born on 17 September 1982  in Paris, France, to Nigerian parents from Itoko, Abeokuta. She was two years old when her family returned to live in Nigeria. She grew up in Festac Town, Lagos. At a time, she also lived in Jos, where she attended the Federal Government College. Áṣà was the

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only girl in her family, with three other boys. At a tender age, she began to look after the house during her parents’ frequent absence. That was when Áṣà started to sing. The desire to sing came to her and did not go away, carving out a permanent place in her soul. Similarly, circumstances surrounding her life also made Áṣà turn to music; Áṣà’s parents’ divorce was traumatic but this helped her find solace in music. Áṣà’s music is influenced by the music of Fela Kuti, Aretha Franklin, Bob Marley, King Sunny Ade, Ebenezer Obey, Marvin Gaye and so on, most of which she listened to from her father’s fine collection of records, featuring soul classics and Nigerian music. These artistes influenced the style of her music and her appearance. For example, her long dreadlocks are influenced by the wearing of same by Bob Marley (Sado, 2008). According to Movienaija (2016), at 18, Áṣà signed up secretly for the Peter Kings School of Music, where she learnt to play the guitar for 6 months. She sings Yorùbá songs differently and this attracted more Yorùbá people to her. In 2004, Áṣà met her manager and friend, Janet Nwose, who introduced her to Cobhams Emmanuel Asuquo, who in turn became her musical partner and producer. He enabled the free spirit in Áṣà find its bearings. Áṣà sings songs in the English and Yorùbá languages. Her music can be categorised somewhere between pop and soul. Her songs talk about her country, life generally, her life in particular, all delivered with feigned naïveté and real irony. Áṣà has played alongside Les Nubians, Manu Dibango, Doctor L and Tony Allen. She has collaborated with well-known Nigerian artistes such as 9ice, Tuface and Jeremiah Gyang. Áṣà, partnered by Cobhams and Christophe Dupuoy, produced her first album, Asha, which was released in 2010. Her second album titled Beautiful Imperfection was released on 25 October 2010. By 24 August 2014, she released her third album titled Bed of Stones, while her latest album Lucid was released on 11 October 2019. In the year 2009, the album Asha won Top Heatseekers 32 times and Top World Music Albums 3 times. In the years 2011 and 2012, her album Beautiful Imperfection won the Top World Albums 6 times.

Yorùbá Socio-Cultural Norms and Values The Yorùbá people of Southwest Nigeria have rich socio-cultural norms and values embedded in the concept of “Ọ mọlúàbí” (meaning ‘one with high moral character/principles’). According to Abayomi (2015), for the Yorùbá people, their values are taken to be a set of institutional ideals,

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which guide and direct the patterns of life. Abayomi adds that the Yorùbá, by the use of various oral traditions prescribe, describe and modify the character of their people, making sure that societal unacceptable actions are discouraged and virtue is encouraged. Societal enshrined values are what comprise character for the Yorùbá. And this includes moral uprightness, good conduct and good character. A moral person, according to Abayomi (2015), is called “Ọ mọlúàbí”, one who is an embodiment of “Ìwà”, that is, good character. Abayomi says that at the base of what appears to be Nigeria’s present moral crisis, which appears to have defied various modern solutions, is the need to seek to address it by an application of certain trado-ethical methods as practised by its people in the pre-­ colonial era. Major traditional Yorùbá values, according to Abayomi, are hard work, integrity, diligence, self-reliance, honesty and social responsibility. Furthermore, Salawu (2011) reflects that Yorùbá is rich in values. One Yorùbá poem that speaks on values is ‘Iṣé lò gùn ìṣé’, by J.F. Odúnjo in 1934 translated as ‘work is the antidote to poverty’. According to Salawu, the first line of the poem speaks about the beauty of good character. The second stresses the advantage of good reputation over abundance of riches. He says the poem centres on the fact that a society that thrives on materialism needs to regenerate itself. Meanwhile, Salawu (2011) says that the original African spirit cherishes the virtues of good conduct, altruism, hard work and productivity, fairness and honesty, and that it is committed to the well-being of the society. Westernisation and modernisation undermined these African values and replaced them with materialism, egocentrism, and a myriad of vices and traumas. Although Westernisation and modernisation brought good things like Western education and technology, they did so at a heavy cost. African people lost their values and developed a warped sense of values. Salawu (2011) explains in relation to the display of values alien to the Yorùbá culture that, because of worldly riches, many have become involved in corruption, stealing, robbery, murder and related ills. If political office holders, for instance, were to inscribe this saying on their hearts, Salawu says, they would care more about having good names than the dubious wealth amassed through nefarious activities. Salawu (2011) notes that communication is pivotal in this regard, as the message of ethics needs to be communicated to people from time to time. African songs are an important medium for the task of communicating the ethics of the society.

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Music as a Form of Communication, Development and Social Reengineering Music has a strong power over humans. Music awakens the soul from a state of depression into hope; similarly, important aspects of culture, like language, identity, values and norms can be passed across through music. Importantly, music, according to the anthropologist Alan Parkhurst Merriam (1964) cited in Onyeji (2012), is a veritable platform for enforcing conformity to social norms, validating social institutions and religious rituals, the continuity and stability of culture, and the integration of society. Furthermore, Onyeji (2012) says indigenous music in particular, aside from its entertainment role, is an avenue for the promotion of social and cultural leadership, guidance and propagation of accepted societal values in given contexts. Meanwhile, Arukwe and Chukwu (2012) say contemporary Nigerian popular musicians in their lyrics digress from the moralistic and character-­ moulding milieu to inconsequential, vulgar and culturally devastating texts that corrupt the populace, especially the youth. They say one of the most obvious implications of the phenomenon called ‘the loss of the people’s voice of popular music’ is the progressive decline of socio-cultural consciousness among the Nigerian populace. Arukwe and Chukwu (2012) say the immediate post-independence era, up to the middle of the 1980s, coincided with the period when the Nigerian popular musicians were inspirers, educators and ones who critically advanced the intelligence of the people. After this period, the Nigerian popular music space has become an extension of the American/European music scenes. The values at variance with our culture, being portrayed in the musical space of the Western world, have become a mainstay in our culture. This is because our popular musicians see the Western world as the model for the entertainment world. Therefore, the ‘sex sells’ images in America has metamorphosed into sex and fake sexual narratives in the lyrics of Nigerian musicians. These are expected to make the most unprofessionally put-together albums sell. Similarly, the Western-controlled global media, through the process of ‘make-believe’, give the impression that a lazy lifestyle of pop stardom is easy to achieve and maintain. This is what indigenous popular musicians also portray in the lyrics and musical videos of their songs (Arukwe and Chukwu, 2012), thereby misguiding the youths in their perception of the

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route to wealth and success. It is to this effect that Olaide (2013) cited in Arinze-Umobi and Ebekue (2014) explains that he will simply stick to his numerous collections of the grand oldies. However, he notes that our young innocent kids have no choice. Thus, Olaide asks if we should simply ignore the trend and build a meaningless society all for the benefit of the social-economic growth and impact of the musical industry or do something about it. It is for this reason that indigenous popular music must be (Onyeji, 2012) channelled to moderating the social lives of the people and dispensing required doses of social, moral and cultural values and norms intended to shape and build credible people with esteemed personality and integrity within the society. In pursuance of this motive, indigenous music and musicians adopt both stringent and harsh means such as the employment of satires, lampoons, derisions, admonitions and outright insults. However, it does not lose sight of the need to praise, cajole, thank or recognise noble acts to motivate everyone. These are contained in and communicated through song texts, dance motifs, dramatic gestures and body languages, plastic arts, metaphors and general performance dynamics of a given ensemble (Onyeji, 2012).

Method This study adopts a textual analysis research design. The study population comprises a selection of all Áṣà’s albums from 2007 to 2014, excluding the recently released album. The broad time frame was considered so as to ensure representativeness. Similarly, the first three albums were selected because of their popularity and acceptance by the listening audience. The selected albums are Asha (2007), Beautiful imperfection (2010) and Bed of Stone (2014). From the selected albums, the following songs were purposively selected, transcribed and translated (as the case is) from Yorùbá into English language. The selected songs are ‘Jailer’ and ‘Awé’ (Friend) (Asha); ‘Preacher Man’ and ‘Brọ̀dá olè’ (The brother who steals) (Beautiful Imperfection); and ‘Society’ and ‘Dead Again’ (Bed of Stone). The lyrical content of the selected songs got online were analysed textually. Excerpts are drawn from the songs from time to time to bring out the socio-cultural norms and values in the songs.

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Synopsis of the Selected Songs JAILER—The song JAILER is a song that has justice/fairness, moral principles and good leadership as its major themes. Áṣà used this song to inform people who oppress and treat other people like slaves, that indirectly, they themselves are also slaves of their own prison and evil deeds. DEAD AGAIN—DEAD AGAIN is a song that talks about dishonesty, disloyalty and betrayal. AWÉ (Friend)—The song AWÉ is a traditional song laced with the values of sexual chastity, moral principles and good leadership. BRỌ̀ DÁ OLÈ (The brother who steals)—BRỌ̀ DÁ OLÈ is a strictly traditional song that deals with moral principles, good leadership, honesty and sexual chastity. Áṣà uses this song to idolise a typical traditional African woman who wades off bad influence from her child. PREACHER MAN—PREACHER MAN is a song that preaches moral values, and talks against greed and the materialistic nature of man. The song also projects that even while man is morally bankrupt, he is still capable of repentance and change. SOCIETY—In the song SOCIETY, Áṣà talked about good leadership in a symbolic way. She uses the lyrics in this song to point out the faults in the Nigerian leadership.

Socio-Cultural Norms and Values in Ásạ̀ ’s Music Yorùbá social-cultural norms and values presented in the selected songs of Áṣà are outlined below. The themes of justice and fairness, sexual chastity, greed, materialism and good leadership, honesty and loyalty pervaded the selected songs.

Ásạ̀ ’s Message on Justice and Fairness The major theme of the song ‘Jailer’ is justice and fairness. Áṣà uses this song to inform humans who oppress and treat other humans as slaves, that indirectly, they themselves are also slaves of their own prison and evil deeds. In the song, she represents this thus: I’m in chains, you’re in chains too I wear uniforms, and you wear uniforms too

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I’m a prisoner, You’re a prisoner too, Mr Jailer I have fears, you have fears too I will die, you sef go die too Life is beautiful Don’t you think so too, Mr Jailer You suppress all my strategies You oppress every part of me What you don’t know You’re a victim too, Mr. Jailer, oh!

The lines of the song are to tell oppressors of the people that they also are in one form of oppression or the other, “I’m in chains you’re in chains too, I’m a prisoner, You’re a prisoner too Mr Jailer”. They are also a prisoner whether they like it or not. So, the singer notifies oppressors of the people that they should forgo oppressing the people so that they may also not be oppressed. The fact that one has access to certain things does not mean that one has it all. That does not immune one from facing trials of life. The supposed privileges they think they enjoy cannot, unfortunately, immune them from the problems of life that we all face: “You suppress all my strategies. You oppress every part of me. What you don’t know, you’re a victim too Mr Jailer”. This point to the fact that both parties, the oppressed and oppressor, are all equal. The singer further sings: I’m talking to you jailer Stop calling me a prisoner Let he who is without sin— Be the first to cast the stone Mr Jailer, Mr Jailer Man.

From this, the singer advises those placed over others, in particular, those who have the final say over others, that they should be fair in giving justice. This is because we are all not perfect. The singer then advises those given this prescribed role that they should think of tomorrow in giving their verdicts. Similarly, the singer sings: Life is not about your policies All the time

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So, you better rearrange your philosophies And be good to your fellow man

These lyrical lines are also directed at people in the position of power, especially political leaders. She claims that they should look out, that if they do not perform their duties as they should as leaders, things they did not do might come back and haunt them. This piece of advice is for political leaders, especially down south Sahara, engaged in policies and projects that do not have direct impacts on the lives of the populace, but bad roads, poor health facilities and a disadvantaged education sector that litter African countries are the results to show. In reality, the leaders believe that they have a haven abroad, where they can meet their own needs because they can afford it. However, Áṣà thinks circumstances can change, and these leaders or members of their families may have to make do with these derelict infrastructures. Hence, the singer advises, Life is not about your policies, All the time, So you better rearrange your philosophies, And be good to your fellow man. It is noteworthy that Movie Naija (2016), while reflecting on the lyrics of the Jailer, says a critical analysis of the song shows that Áṣà is very concerned about the socio-economic situation of the world. Thus, she uses her song to try and correct the anomalies of many oppressors who use their wealth, position and social status to oppress others. In oppressing others, Áṣà says, they are also oppressing themselves. In one of the verses in her song, ‘Jailer’, she admonishes everyone to be good to their neighbours. Indeed, oppressing those below us as seen nowadays is alien to the Yorùbá culture. This is because in the pre-colonial Yorùbá land, the Yorùbá culture promoted fairness and equality. As mentioned earlier, Salawu (2011) buttressed this fact by claiming that the Yorùbá culture promoted fairness, and it was committed to the well-being of the society. Therefore, unlike other musicians whose music portray crass materialism and get-­ rich-­quick themes, Áṣà’s songs aim at upsetting the wave of societal injustice and promote a just society.

Ásạ̀ ’s Message on Sexual Chastity Sexual chastity is an important virtue in the Yorùbá tradition. Irrespective of gender, Yorùbá people are required to be chaste and avoid pre- and extra-marital sexual relationships and contacts. This theme pervades the song, ‘Awé’.

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Awé níbo lo lọ ká Ta n fí wá ọká Ibi obá lọ, jẹ́ ámọ̀

Friend, where have you been? That we have been looking for you? Let’s know where you have been to

Àntí tó n gbélé ìtòsí Ó wá ọ wá lé yìí Àti ọ jọ́ meṭ́ a àtàbọ̀

The aunty living in the house nearby Came to this house Since three and half days ago

Ó wípé o, o Ó lóyún fún ọ Oyún oṣù méjì Ó lóyún fún ọ

She said She’s pregnant for you Two months pregnant She’s pregnant for you

Àní wípé o Ó lóyún fún ọ Ìwọ ìwọ náà

I said She’s pregnant for you Yes you

Àntí tó lóyún fún ọ Ó tó bí ọ l’ọ́mọ Ìwọ ìwọ náà Àntí tó lóyún fún ọ Àní ótó bíọ lọ́mọ

The older Lady’s pregnant for you She’s old enough to be your mother Yes you The older Lady’s pregnant for you She’s old enough to be your mother

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The song advocates sexual chastity, and this is achieved through the story of Wahidi (Waheed). Waheed is described as a promiscuous man, who engages in sexual acts with a different range of women. He is chided by the singer for having sexual intercourse with women old enough to be his aunty and mother: Àntí tó n gbélé ìtòsí (The aunty living in the house nearby), Ó lóyún fún ọ (She’s pregnant for you), Àntí tó lóyún fún ọ (The older Lady’s pregnant for you), Àní ótó bíọ lọ́mọ (She’s old enough to be your mother). The Yorùbá culture frowns at a loose sexual life, which encompasses pre-marital and extra-marital affairs, same-sex sexual relationships, aristos (sugar mummies and daddies) and so on. In particular, the song speaks against a man having a sexual relationship with someone old enough to be one’s mother. This type of relationship, though prevalent in the Western world, is alien to the Yorùbá culture. Although through contact with the Western media culture, youths engage in this act, and it is not done openly, as the society frowns at it. And adherence to the value of sexual chastity according to Abayomi (2015) is what promotes one to be called “Ọ mọlúàbí”, one who is an embodiment of “Ìwà”, that is, good character in Yorùbá.

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Unlike her contemporaries who through their songs promote vulgar and culturally devastating texts that corrupt the populace especially the youth, Áṣà harnesses the power of indigenous popular music (Onyeji, 2012) in dispensing required doses of social, moral and cultural values and norms.

Ásạ̀ ’s Message on Greed, Materialism and Good Leadership A theme that also pervades the songs of Áṣà is the need to eschew greed and the excessive focus on materialism. This Áṣà speaks against in the songs, ‘Preacher Man’ and ‘Brọ̀dá olè’ (Brother who steals). In ‘Brọ̀dá olè’ (Brother who steals), Áṣà says: Oh ah, mo gbọ pé e ̣yìn ní brọ̀dá olè Oh ah, I heard you’re the brother who steals Ẹyìn lẹ n kọ’m’ mọ mi l’ olè, ah ah ah You’re the one teaching my child how to steal, ah, ha Oh, ah, mo gbọ pé eỵ ìn ní sister olè Oh ah, I heard you’re the sister who steals Ẹyìn lẹ n’fẹ brọ̀dá olè, ah ah ah You’re the lady dating the brother who steals Ìyá Sidi onidiri mí Sidi’s mum, my hairstylist Sisi Uche, ègọ́n ọre ̣ mí Aunt Uche, my friend’s elder sister Àwọn ló n ran mí wá oh oh, yo oh oh, oh oh They sent me here oh, oh, yeh, oh, oh, oh, oh Bọbọ Musa òníreke wá Musa, our sugarcane seller Ìyá Mulika ọlọmọ méje  Mulika’s mum, who has 7 children Àwọn ló rán mi wá oh oh, yo oh ohohoh They sent me here oh, oh, yeh, oh, oh, oh,oh Oh ah, mo gbo pe eyin ni ọga olè oh ah I heard you’re the boss of thieves Orí abiyamọ a mú e l’óni o  The mother’s creator will catch you today

The song revolves around a thief and his supportive lover; both defrauding other people, especially the commoners, of their valuables. The singer lists the people who have been victims of Brọ̀dá olè (The brother who steals) to include a hairstylist, the elder sister of the narrator, a sugarcane seller and a mother with seven children to take care of. The song reflects on how

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people driven by greed defraud even the most vulnerable people in the society. Yorùbá values and norms go against defrauding other people of what they have worked for. The Yorùbá culture places value on wealth gained through hard work and frowns at disposing others of their hard-­ earned money. Salawu (2011) buttresses this that the Yorùbá people cherish the virtues of good conduct, altruism, hard work and productivity, fairness and honesty and is committed to the well-being of the society. Salawu says in the name of making money, people are ready to do anything without minding those who are affected by the consequences of their actions. Finally, the song projects that those involved in defrauding others will eventually face justice. Similarly, the song ‘Preacher Man’ speaks against the greed and materialistic nature of man. Oh lord, I’ve been very greedy I worshiped money, and wouldn’t help the needy Their pains just didn’t move me What am I and who have I become? I’m reaching out, I need you now Come ease this pain, I need you now I’m down on my knees, I’m ready to change Save me lord, I’m feeling low

The song ‘Preacher Man’ meanwhile is a confession by an individual who had amassed much materially, without recourse to the needs of those around him. It also portrays privileged people with access to positions and resources of the state who enrich themselves with the state coffers, but fail to contribute meaningfully to the growth and development of the society and the lives of the citizenry. The song foretells that their end will be bitter and painful. By extension, Áṣà also speaks against the irresponsible behaviour of people who are supposed to be leaders and mentors. In the song, ‘Brọ̀dá olè’ (The brother who steals), the singer frowns at the action of an older person, who is supposed to teach a younger person good virtues like hard work, but instead teaches him how to steal. The analogy extends to people in positions of authority who are supposed to be models to their followers, but instead lead them astray or take advantage of them. In the Yorùbá

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culture, old age or high status is revered, and people at this stage try not to disrespect themselves by engaging in anti-social behaviour. Also, in ‘Jailer’, Áṣà throws a jab at the political class: I hear my baby say, I wanna be president, I wan chop money, From my government

The lyrics are directed at the political class whose main reason for gaining political power is to siphon public funds. These sets of politicians, overcome with greed, impoverish the people instead of improving their lives. This results in poverty, infrastructural decay and underdevelopment in African countries. If political office holders, for instance, were to inscribe this saying on their hearts, Salawu says, they would care more about having good names than the dubious wealth amassed through nefarious activities. In addition, in the song ‘Society’, Áṣà speaks against the amoral acts of leaders in the society: Water you drink, air that you breathe Sky above, ocean beneath The oil you steal; the fire you burn The lives you take will never return

The lyrics of the song speak against leaders who defraud the people of the economic resources of their countries, a practice that in turn expose citizens to untold hardship and or deaths. Áṣà goes on to say that what the politicians have deprived the citizens of can never be got back. African leaders are known for embezzling public funds meant for the development of the society and for the uplift of the poor for their self-interest. Most of what is stolen or lost as a result of the greed of the political class cannot be recovered. African countries in general and Nigeria in particular need leaders who have the interest of citizens at heart, and not those who are after their self-interest.

Ásạ̀ ’s Message on Honesty and Loyalty Honesty and loyalty are other themes that pervade Áṣà’s music. Honesty and loyalty are core Yorùbá values because the Yorùbá people believe that a dishonest person does no good to the society. In the songs, ‘Dead Again’

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and ‘Society’, Áṣà emphasised the moral principles of honesty and loyalty. In the song ‘Dead Again’, the artiste says: No more your freaking bullshit No more of your talking lies No more you putting me down Deceptive blue eyes Words got around You talking me down But I found out So it was you So it was you You pick up the knife And you cut me in two You stab me in the back And then you twisted it in Oh oh ooh You left me for dead again

Furthermore, in the song, ‘Society’, Áṣà also speaks against dishonesty and disloyalty. You fill your mouth with words and words You twist them well oh yes I heard Suits and ties don’t cover your lies All is not well in the world One man’s truth, another man’s lie The more you see, the less you know

From the above lines, Áṣà speaks against the unfaithful nature of a supposed friend. The friend is referred to as a liar and a backstabber. The unfaithful and disloyal friend is confronted by the artiste. As the artiste is non-accommodative of disloyalty and dishonesty, so also are the Yorùbá people. According to the Yorùbá, an “Ọ mọlúàbí”, translated as amorally upright person, should always be forthright and faithful in all his endeavours (Abayomi, 2015). This shows that Áṣà upholds the values of the Yorùbá people in her music, values which have become extinct with the society focused on the success achieved at all costs.

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Conclusion and Recommendations Music is a very effective medium for enculturation and the preservation of socio-cultural norms and values. Áṣà’s music promotes socio-cultural norms, and in years to come, her music will still be referred to as a means of exploring and preserving the Yorùbá socio-cultural norms and values. Apart from these norms and values that her songs portray, her music is also another way to persuade people to adopt the original ideals, norms and value system of the Yorùbá society so that moral decadence can be corrected and peaceful co-existence can be achieved. With the growth of Westernisation and the globalisation of the media, it is recommended that the media should encourage the preservation and enculturation of these values by airing the songs filled with these values more often. In the present age, youths easily adapt, adhere to and accept what the media portray to them as the definition of the real world, and if they are to imbibe socio-cultural values as their real world, the media has to expose them to it. This way, moral decadence and other social vices will reduce. In addition, families, the first agent of socialisation, should inculcate in their children the right values and norms that will help uplift them and the society.

References Abayomi, O. (2015). Ọ mọlúàbí: Perspectives to value and character in traditional Yoruba societies. www.academia.edu/17302435/Omoluabi Perspective To ValueAndCharacterInTraditionalYorubaSocieties Arinze-Umobi, S. O., & Ebekue, E. O. (2014). Thematic and aesthetic patterns in the Nigerian contemporary popular music: A study of Tuface Idibia. Awka Journal of Research in Music and the Arts (ARMA), 10, 123–146. Arowolo, D. (2010). The effects of western civilization and culture on Africa. Afro Asian Journal of Social Sciences, 1(1), 1–13. Arukwe, N. O., & Chukwu, K. I. (2012). Loss of the people’s voice to imperialism: From suffering of the masses to sex and ‘love’ in contemporary Nigerian music. Nsukka Journal of Musical Arts Research, 238–251. Mondal, P (2015). The meaning and functions of social values. www.yourarticlelibrar y.com/sociology/the-­m eaning-­a nd-­f unctions-­o f-­s ocial-­v alues-­ sociology/8522/ MovieNaija. (2016). The Nigerian music addressing African consciousness. www. movienaija/theNigerianMusicAddressingAfricanConsciousnessMovenaija.html

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Nwankpa, O. (2012). (Re) branding: Creativity, integrity and conscientization in Nigeria contemporary art music? Nsukka Journal of Musical Arts Research, 9, 37–48. Okafor, F. C. (2005). Music in Nigerian society. New Generation Books. Onanuga, P. (2019). Nigerian hip-hop, youth subculture and facets of development in selected contemporary popular music. OYÉ: Journal of Language, Literature and Popular Culture, 1(1), 21–37. Onyeji, C. (2012). Toward Nigerian social and cultural integrity: The contributions of the Nigerian Indigenous Musicians (with particular reference to Abigbo music of Mbaise). Nsukka Journal of Musical Arts Research, 48–67. Sado, J. (2008, May 16). Iba to Áṣà. www.iNigeria.com/IbatoÁṣà-­ iNigerian.com.html Salawu, A. (2011). The paradigm of ethical development for civilised leadership in Africa. Leadership, 8(1), 17–27. Ugbam, O., Chukwu, B., & Ogbo, V. (2014). The effects of globalisation on African culture: The Nigeria perspective. IOSR Journal of Business and Management, 16(4), 62–71.

CHAPTER 16

Rethinking Values and Principles: An Examination of Osita Osadebe Songs in Igbo Cultural Value Preservation Ufuoma Akpojivi and Chike Mgbeadichie

Introduction The centrality of music in any society cannot be overemphasized most especially within an indigenous African society like the Igbos. This importance of music has been well documented in both literary and African studies. Indigenous language music does not only seek to entertain, but acts as a communicative tool to pass across cultural messages and values to society. Igbo indigenous language music and society are intimately intertwined, as music helps in promoting the Igbo values, and worldview: a

U. Akpojivi (*) Media Studies Department, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, South Africa e-mail: [email protected] C. Mgbeadichie School of Media and Communication, Pan-Atlantic University, Lagos, Nigeria e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 A. Salawu, I. A. Fadipe (eds.), Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 1, Pop Music, Culture and Identity, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97884-6_16

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people’s understanding of society is based on their interpretation and understanding of the musical performance (Nzewi, 2007, p. 29). Hence, Agawu (2016) argues that indigenous language music is ethnically bound, as they are structured and confined within the milieu of the cultural context in which they exist. To Okafor (2005), Igbo indigenous language music is grounded on the philosophy of feelings of creativity of the mind which translates into sounds and visual imagery. Such creativity of mind is meant to promote the wellbeing of individuals in particular and the society in general, as the wellbeing of individuals is at the heart of the Igbo society. The promotion of individual and societal wellbeing in many instances could be by advocating for law and order, social change, socio-cultural unity and spirituality (Norman, 2013). The Igbo highlife music genre is considered to be pivotal in the attainment of this individual wellbeing and societal good, due to its rich cultural ethos that teach, entertain and preserve the history and culture of the Igbos. This genre of music, as made popular by Osita Osadebe, Victor Uwaifo, amongst others helps in depicting and promoting the fundamental values, norms and mores of the Igbos that are germane to the development of the Igbo heritage and society (see Nzewi, 2007). Several studies have examined indigenous music as tools for entertainment, and the aesthetical dimension of indigenous music (see Ibekwe & Ojukwu, 2020). However, to our knowledge, there has been little or no study that has examined how Igbo indigenous language highlife music promotes the cultural realities and values of society. Therefore, this chapter seeks to examine how Igbo indigenous highlife music promotes cultural values creation and regeneration in contemporary Igbo society. To this end, the study seeks to answer the following research questions: . Does indigenous highlife music convey any cultural values to society? 1 2. What cultural values can be derived from Osita Osadebe songs: ‘Onye Lusia Olie’ and ‘Oge chukwu ka’? 3. Are Osita Osadebe songs and their cultural values still relevant in contemporary Igbo society and its values regeneration?

The History of Nd’igbos Many historians, anthropologists and sociologists have written on the history of the Igbo people of south-east Nigeria. The Igbo are one of the three largest ethnic groups in multi-ethnic Nigeria, with the Hausa-Fulani

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and Yoruba completing the top three (Njoku, 2006, p. 4). The heartland of the Igbo is located in the central Bights of Benin and Biafra with their current home spanning 7 Nigerian states out of 36: Abia, Anambra, Delta, Ebonyi, Enugu, Imo and Rivers (Njoku, 2006, p. 6). Discussing the history of the Igbo, there are speculations that Igbo history and culture goes back at least to the last decades of the eighteenth century (Afigbo, 1980, p. 305). Traits such as circumcision, names, sentence formation and word sounds similitude, religion and ritual are used to categorize the Igbo people. Through these traits, historians believe that ‘the Igbo’s came from the Near East or that their culture evolve under the influence of a small elite of culture carriers from there. Two places were usually favoured—Egypt and the Holy land’ (Afigbo, 1980, p. 306). The Igbos have similar way of life to the Israelites such as circumcision, naming, seclusion and purification. Equiano (1789, pp.  25–28) insists ‘the Igbo are most likely one of the lost tribes of Israel’. Afigbo (1980) argues, ‘pointing to certain constructions found in the Igbo language, the Igbo culture probably evolved under the impact of the levitical code’. To Jeffreys (1956), cited in Nwoye (2011),  the Igbo sun-worship and the idea of dualism in their social organization suggest that ‘the Igbo at some stage in the past had come under Egyptian influence, the carriers of this influence probably being the Nri of Awka in northern Igboland’. However, Nwoye holds a different opinion, as he argues the Igbo have not migrated from elsewhere (see Nwoye, 2011, p. 305). Whether one accepts the stand of Nwoye or believes the views of Equiano and Afigbo, whose position have been criticized for having colonial ethnographic colouration, there is a fundamental crux of both sides about the Igbos: the Igbos have an ‘unchanging custom and tradition, an inherited ancestral mores and practices and are known for their well-articulated religious worldview’ (Nwoye, 2011, p. 306). Although understood as a people, the cultural, economic and social style of life in the Igbo region are heterogeneous. According to Chambers, ‘the most comprehensive ethnographer contend some 29 sub-tribes and 59 clans; another estimated that there must be at least 2,000 [distinctive] Igbo clans’ (Chambers, 1997, p. 73). There are diverse groups and communities according to their size and level of social pattern and allegiance. Each group is marked by minor dialectical and cultural differences. Despite the different sub-groups and their cultural nuances from dance, music, traditional rites and language variations which mark one group from the other, there is a homogenous nature of a pan-Igbo culture. The

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Igbo people share a common basic culture centred on a common language, common institutions and common religious and cosmological beliefs (Okeke, 2008). This type of unity within a heterogeneous cultural mix is seen in areas such as ‘the kola-nut and white chalk customs, the vigor in Igbo music and dance movements, their highly developed arts of wall decoration and delicate body paintings, their pottery designs, weaving, folklore, oral literature, “mmuo” dance and drama and traditional games and pastimes such as wrestling, acrobatics, archery and fencing’ (Uchendu, 1965).

The Igbo Cultural Values Ebigbo’s presentation in Iguaro Igbo heritage lecture of 2002 entitled ‘The Igbo Lost Worlds’ cites few cultural values of Nd’igbos (the Igbos) as follows: Regard and Respect for one another; Selflessness (concern for others than one’s self); Transparency or Proven Character—the belief that ‘imebi aha mmadu ka ogbugbu ya’ (to destroy one’s name is a fate worse than death) and ‘ezi aha ka aku n’uba’ (a good name is worth more than riches and wealth), although this has been badly affected by the 419 phenomenon (advance fee fraud under the Nigerian criminal law); Self-Esteem and Self-Belief—the Igbo man has strong self-reliance in his ability to achieve his goal in life; Dedication to Duty; Rectitude—the Igbo believes he is being cultured to do things in a proper manner; Ambition; Perseverance (the reflection of Ikenga-to never give-up); Self-Control; Spirituality (onye kwe, Chi’ ya ekwe) and Hard Work—the Igbos are believed to be hard workers, because they believe in the philosophy that one is the architect of one’s destiny. Therefore, they are determined to work hard and succeed (Ebigbo, 2002, pp.  43–46). These values are fundamental to the Igbo identity, personality and community. As a result, the preservation of these values is the crux of all Igbo literature, arts, music and dance. Whilst one can draw reflections of these values in the Igbo of past generations, ‘the Igboman of the twenty-first century has become a ghost of his former vibrant and dynamic self who was capable of contributing selflessly to the creative and productive development of his society’ (Ekei, 2002, p. 46). Since the Igbo’s value is crucial for the Igbo worldview, one way through which the Igbo explain and preserve not just their values but reality, life, human environment, and predict space-time events from one generation to another is through their indigenous music.

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Igbo Indigenous Music Music is a universally recognized synthesis of the substance and style of human existence, promoting values and greater experiences for both the makers and listeners and turning perilous emotional edges, vulnerabilities, triumphs, celebrations and antagonisms of life into hypnotic, reflective tempos that can be experienced privately or shared with others (Lull, 1992, p. 50). In the Igbo culture, music is an integral part and it is an epitome of the Igbo social and philosophical beliefs. Igbo indigenous music functions as a system of cultural awakening, re-awakening and identity representation. By Igbo indigenous music, we refer to the music of the Igbos in the Igbo language as well as other non-vocal, dance, drama and non-sonic Igbo performances, which incorporates the Igbo ‘value system of aesthetic evaluation dependent on the religious, social, political and cultural sensibilities’ (Osigwe, 2014, p. 187). Although certain typologies such as ‘mode of creation’ (Igbo songs created through the means of acculturation, that is, the use of both African and Western musical elements) and the ‘mode of instrumentation’ (Igbo songs based on Western Brass bands, Guitar bands and many more which the Igbo indigenous musicians like Osadebe heavily used) have created some problems in defining what the indigenous Igbo music means and should be. We reiterate our definition of the Igbo indigenous music as the music that evolved basically from the traditional settings and socio-cultural tendencies of the Igbos. Hence, whilst the instrumentations and creation of the indigenous music in Igbo have been slightly influenced by acculturation, which is inevitable in our world, it is unarguable that the Igbo indigenous music, performed in Igbo language with heavy local materials—percussions, aesthetics, metaphors, proverbs and cryptic utterances—is a reflection and representation of the core Igbo sensibilities, values and beliefs. The Igbo indigenous music has existed before the colonial period. It was especially in the 1960, 1970 and 1980, after Nigeria’s independence, that the Igbo musicians learnt specific melodic instruments of Western origin such as Trumpets, Guitars and Saxophone to enhance their performance (Osigwe, 2014, p. 194). The inclusion of these foreign instruments and the advancement of Information Technology did not take anything away from the traditional substance, origin and originality of the messages contained in the songs. Instead, it helped to disseminate the Igbo message of value creation and recreation to the Igbos in diaspora and to non-Igbos as well. There are many non-Igbo audience and fans who listen to the

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Igbo highlife music, particularly those of Osadebe, because of its melodic and rhythmic structure fused with guitar and percussion, and for the message of values the songs promote. The Igbo indigenous music serves several cultural purposes in Igbo society. As a mode of communication, knowledge repertoire and a form of intellectual and life expressions that represent their sound image identity (Ewens, 1992, p. 6), Igbo indigenous music is a critical art that transmits their way of life in a pleasant and soothing way. Also, it functions as a nursery for Igbo history, people, systems and ideologies. The Igbo indigenous artists use their music as a forum to articulate the Igbo cultural stands on politics, life, society and other socio-cultural issues, while entertaining their audiences, thereby re-echoing Igbo values and regenerating from generation to generation. There are different genres such as Atilogwu, Igba ndi Eze, Nkwa umu agboho, Ekwe, Odomodu and the Igbo highlife, with the Igbo highlife being the most popular within Igbo indigenous music. In this study, we dwell on the Igbo highlife genre of Igbo indigenous music for the obvious reason of its popularity in the Igbo culture.

Theoretical Framework This study is grounded within the African music theory which argues for a holistic understanding of music within African Society. This theory differs significantly from ethnomusicology which studies music from the prism of an outsider and anthropological circumstance, but entails a systematic study of music from the insider perspective and from the first-­hand knowledge circumstance (Ekwueme, 1974). African music theory is rooted within the orality (indigenous language) and the cultural formation and values of the society (Kubik, 2010; Mapaya, 2014). Ekwueme (1974) argues that the theory calls for an understanding of music not only from the lens of culture but from the combined lens of culture and arts, as such an investigation will establish the true principles, cultural practices and values underpinning indigenous music. That is, African indigenous music is not part of culture but ingrained in culture and other salient arts of rhythm, harmony, scale, melody, form and notation. Although, within the context of African music, these arts are not written like Western music, but they are reflected orally within the principles of African music to promote and sustain the cultural values of society. Within the context of this study, this study argues that Igbo indigenous language music communicates cultural values via the orality of the music, as cultural practices and values of society inform the creation of music,

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since music is ingrained within the culture (Ekwueme, 1974). Also, during the creation and performance of music, the arts (rhythm, harmony, scale, melody, form and notation) associated within the genre of the music, in this case, highlife, also helps in pushing and communicating cultural values. Kubik (2010) buttressed the above by arguing that African music is shaped by different factors, and these factors are instrumental in communicating messages to the audience. Consequently, Ekwueme (1974) posits that the basic principle grounding African music theory is what ‘Africans are doing musically’, and within the context of this study, we argue that highlife musicians like Osita Osadebe used their music (orality and arts) to communicate cultural values that are ingrained within the Igbo traditional society which people could relate to, thus, helping in cultural values creation, promotion, sustenance and regeneration.

Methodology This study adopts a qualitative research approach to collect and analyse data. Data for the study was via content analysis of Osita Osadebe’s songs and semi-structured interviews with purposively selected Igbo language native speakers. Content analysis is the study of documents to ascertain common patterns and meanings (Bryman & Bell, 2011). In the context of this study, content analysis of Osadebe’s songs is germane, as it enables us to unpack and understand the meanings (values) which are being communicated. Two of Osadebe’s songs, ‘Onye Lusia Olie’ (Hard work provides food) and ‘Oge chukwu ka’ (God’s time is the best), were purposively selected. These songs were transcribed to identify the themes, meanings or values being communicated. Also, semi-structured interviews that lasted between 30 and 40 minutes were conducted with four purposively selected participants that reside in Igbo land. One of the participants performs Osadebe’s songs as part of his highlife band which comprises of Osadebe’s old band members. It was important to get his understanding of value creation, preservation and regeneration within Osadebe’s music since Osadebe’s songs are crucial to his musical performance. The other three participants were selected because they are fans of Osadebe music, as they appreciate Osadebe’s style of music. The purpose of the interviews was to further understand if the selected participants could relate with the values being communicated through the songs, and to ascertain the extent to which Igbo indigenous language songs are central to values preservation and regeneration in society. Kvale (1996) argues that interviews are

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pivotal to understanding the experiences of people, the factual and meanings they ascribe based on their experiences. Therefore, interviews will enable us to ascertain the role of Igbo language indigenous music in value creation and preservation based on the experiences of the interviewed participants. Since some participants requested anonymity, codes P1–P4 were used to represent their views in the study. The collected data (content analysis and interviews) were analysed using thematic analysis.

Analysis and Discussion The Igbo Highlife: Osita Stephen Osadebe Osita Osadebe was born in March 1936, in Atani, Ogbaru local government area of Anambra State, South-East, Nigeria. He came from a family of singers and dancers. It was in his high school years in Onitsha that he picked up interest in music. His musical career started in Lagos where he performed at nightclubs and also became a member of ‘The Empire Rhythm Orchestra’ led by E.C.  Arinze. His first album ‘Adanma’ was released commercially in 1958, after which he wrote and performed over 500 songs during his music career. In 1984, he released the hit album ‘Osondi Owendi’ which sold so well and earned him the status of the leading highlife musician in Nigeria. Osadebe popularized the Igbo highlife genre both nationally and internationally. To properly contextualize Osadebe’s contribution to Igbo highlife music, it is safe to state that what Osadebe is to Igbo highlife music is similar to what Chinua Achebe is to African literature, particularly amongst the Igbos. He is the face and pioneer of the Igbo highlife music. The discussion below will firstly provide a brief description of the songs ‘Onye Lusia, Olie’ and ‘Oge Chukwu ka’, and secondly carry out content analysis of the songs based on common themes. By this approach, we draw out, from these songs, the Igbo values that Osadebe promotes and explain the fundamental principles behind them and what they mean to the Igbos. ‘Oge Chukwu Ka’ Year of release: 1986 Duration: 16:41 Language: Igbo Translation: ‘God’s Time is the Best’

‘Onye lusia, Olie’ Year of release: 1983 Duration: 15:19 Language: Igbo Translation: ‘He who works, must eat’

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‘Oge Chukwu ka’1 is a song with nine stanzas, wherein Osadebe addressed a total of six fundamental Igbo cultural values. These are Spirituality (Chukwu/God), Contentment, Hard Work/Industry, Peace, Benevolence and Respect. These values are fundamental to the Igbo socio-­ cultural world, then, and now. With the use of interludes, one of Osadebe’s techniques, otherwise known as ‘moments’, a time when the beats and rhythm of the song are all the listeners hear, a period intended for deep reflection and retrospection, Osadebe drums home these values to the listeners, allowing them sufficient time to think these values through (see Akpan, 2006). There are at least eight distinct interludes in this song, with each acting as an agency to re-echo the cultural values in the song. Not only did Osadebe adopt ‘moments’ to drive his message, repetition, occasional reference to Igbo proverbs and the idea of dualism were used as well. Dualism, the double meaning or idea in a construct, is demonstrated in Igbo cosmology. As the Igbo proverb goes, ife kwulu, ife akwudebe ya (when one thing stands, something else stands beside it), the Igbo believe that, where one thing stands, another always stands as well. Osadebe employs this technique in this song as he places one value beside another in each stanza. Hence in the description of a particular value in a stanza of the song, he incorporates another value within that stanza, thereby providing the listeners with dual values per stanza. This strategy affords him the opportunity to explore multiple cultural values of the Igbos in a single song. As P1, an academic and highlife band musician, puts it, to understand Osita’s music, you cannot ignore the different techniques, his creativity and the use of these techniques in passing important cultural messages (Personal Communication, 28 August 2020). This juxtaposes the arguments of the African music theory used in this study that states that African music are not simply about songs but a combination of arts and principles such as rhythm, harmony, scale, melody, form and notation, and all these are embedded in music (Ekwueme, 1974). Osadebe’s usage of these arts and principles could be seen in his techniques of interludes and dualism which allows for harmonization of the musical scale, rhythm to communicate deep cultural values to his listeners. Therefore, we argue that to understand Osadebe songs and their cultural value creation, this must be done within the different arts and techniques of African music used in communicating his message.

1

 See appendix 1 for full lyrics of songs in Igbo and English.

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In ‘Onye lusia, Olie’, the cultural values preached are Hard Work, Reward of Labour, Peace and Greatness. Compared to ‘Oge Chukwu ka’, this song has only two stanzas with less words but heavy on instrumentation and interludes. Despite the short lyrics, this song is about 15 minutes long. Hard Work, over many decades, has been synonymous with the Igbos, and there is a need to re-instil this value which is gradually fading away in this generation. Describing the ideal relationship between father and son in a typical Igbo homestead in this song, Osadebe ends up promoting the culture of hard work and the reward in a relationship between a worker and an employer. He expresses, as contained in the Igbo culture, the disposition a father and employer should hold towards his son and worker, and the attitude a son and worker should put on as well. With this dual technique, he is able to address both relationships side by side: father/ son, employer/worker. The connecting value between these set of relationships that are central to the Igbo identity is the idea of hard work and the reward thereof. Value Analysis, Generation and Regeneration Given the constraint for space in this chapter, we shall limit the discussion of the Igbo values derived to three: Hard Work, Patience/Believe in God and Contentment. We chose these for reason of their crucial importance in the Igbo worldview and because they are the fundamental values of the Igbos that are being ignored in today’s generation. Regenerating Hard Work: An Igbo Cultural Value Hard work is an important value in the Igbo culture. It is one value that is traditionally associated with the Igbo. This principle is evident in the everyday life of the Igbos and it is a part of their identity formation. According to Egwu (1998, p. 46), ‘the Igbo are noted for their activity, their persevering effort in pursuit of their objectives, they are always meaningfully occupied in one useful activity or the other’. For the Igbos, one must work hard in order to earn a living. They adore hard work so much that hard workers are spotted and rewarded in the community. By way of reward, they are respected, adored and given leadership positions. This reward system encourages people to believe in the value and efficacy of hard work, to improve themselves and their families.

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Whilst hard work is considered an important value for the Igbo, laziness is seen as a taboo and an abnormal practice that goes contrary to the Igbo value system. A lazy man is considered non-Igbo, a mis-fit, one who is not respected, nor considered relevant and therefore should be avoided. By this, we remember Unoka in Achebe’s masterpiece, Things Fall Apart, who was criticized by his son, Okonkwo, for his laziness, poverty and constant borrowings. Hard work for the Igbo creates room for self-dignity, provides the basic needs of life and eliminates any form of dependency on others. An Igbo man, like Unoka, who does not work hard, should not eat. This is what Osadebe’s ‘Onye lusia, Olie’ (he who works, must eat) admonishes. The value of hard work is the central message of ‘Onye lusia, Olie’. Onye lụsịa na ọ ga eli Onye lụlụ ọlụ lụsịa na ọ ga eli He who works must eat, When he is done working, he shall enjoy the fruit of his labour.

The chorus of two lines, repeated about ten times, encourages everyone to embrace hard work instead of idling away one’s time because only the hard worker gets food. The reward for hard work is prosperity, surplus and increase. To encourage hard work, a value which is almost non-existent in this generation who live on immediate gratification, Osadebe, in the first stanza, enumerates the reward an apprentice or diligent son gets for his faithful and hard work: asịlị na ọ na eme Nwa fesia Nna, Nna abịa duzie nwa ya ụnọ maka na Nwa felụ Nna ya alụgolu Nna ya ọlụ, ya wetaziri na Nna ya duzili ya ụnọ. They say an apprentice must be settled by his master For a good apprentice (or in this case a son) that worships his father, has worked for his father. Which made his father (or master) to settle him.

From this point, such hard worker has a bido na ebea welụ gbakwasa ụkwụ welu na alị n’enu n’enu, maka na ife ana ekpe ekpere n’ụwa bụ onye mụta kwa Nwa ka Nwa ya pụta karikwa ya. … stepping stone, as [he] climb[s] to the top,

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For what one prays for is for one’s child to come out and be greater than one.

In the second and last stanza of three lines, Osadebe reiterates the reward of hard work. He opens the stanza with a sinewy question: Ya bụ na onye lụsịa n’ụwa nụ, olili ọ ga eli bụzi gịnị? When one is done working on earth, what is his reward?

In the last line of the stanza, Ya bụ na onye lụsịa ọlụ n’ụwa, ọ ga eli zi ife olụtalụ. He who works on earth, must reap the fruits of his labour.

He answers the question: the reward of hard work is a commensurate profit and gain for the labour and diligent work. The virtue of hard work is important to Osadebe and replete in most of his songs. Even in ‘Oge Chukwu ka’ which speaks more on the place of the Supreme Being in the Igbo worldview, he addresses the need for hard work as a value in line three of stanza six: maka na onye lụlụ ọfụma nụ, ọ ga eli kwa ọfụma, for he who works well, will eat well.

Like in ‘Onye lusia Olie’’, Osadebe argues here that the extent of one’s work determines the level of reward one gets. If one works well, one eats well; if one does not, then one does not eat well. A man who displays wealth without corresponding hard work is questioned and condemned in the Igbo culture. He is categorized as lazy, a criminal and one who lives by the principle of immediate gratification. In our contemporary society, the opposite is the case as the standard of measuring success is by wealth, not hard work. The Igbo system is ordered, in that hard work precedes wealth and there is no ‘good wealth’ without hard work. With this, it condemns the ‘get rich quick’ syndrome amongst people and encourages them to return to hard work. The essence of hard work is evident in the names people bear in Igbo society, for example, Dike (Strength), Ikedinma (Strength is good), Nwadike (Strong one), Ikeakor (Never be deprived of strength) etc. Also, the concept of hard work is prominent in some Igbo proverbs: Ngana

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kpuchie ute, aguu e kpughee ya (if laziness pushes one to sleep, hunger will wake one up) and Aka aja aja na-ebute onu nmanu nmanu (the hand that labours shall eat) among others. Although having a very short lyric, ‘Onye lusia Olie’ has displayed the compelling message of hard work and its reward thereof, for only the hard worker eats and he who does not work, will end up a pariah. P2 sums this up by stating, ‘Osita’s songs are rich in values, if you listen to his songs, you are aware of the compelling values which the Igbo society is built upon. Osita Osadebe used his music to inform people of the benefits of hard work, respect, therefore, creating awareness and conscientizing people of the rich cultural values which the Igbo society is embedded’ (Personal Communication, 28 August 2020). On Chukwu (God) and Contentment: The Igbo Values The Igbo are a very religious people with clear reverence to Chukwu, the supreme God, who is the maker and giver of all things including wealth, wisdom, strength and life. Nwoga writes: ‘the Igbo are in their ways a religious people. Chukwu, the supreme God, all powerful, all knowing, benevolent creator is a force in the Igbo pantheon’ (Nwoga, 1984, p. 25). As a creator, the Igbo believe that it is Chukwu’s prerogative to decide when to bless any man. It is fundamental that the Igbo accepts and embraces Chukwu’s timing as the best. The values were captured in Osadebe’s music, ‘Yoba Chukwu’ (Make Requests to God), but in this chapter, our focus is on ‘Oge Chukwu Ka’ where Osadebe re-emphasized the Igbo value of total surrendering to the timing of Chukwu as the best. This principle of ‘waiting on Chukwu’s time’, otherwise known as ‘patience’, in traditional Igbo culture, is one that has been eroded in society. Broken into nine interesting stanzas filled with resounding Igbo cultural values, ‘Oge Chukwu Ka’ underscores the Igbo fundamental value of ‘patience on God’ with the Igbo belief that since God knows all, sees all and created them, His time is simply best for them. The song opens with the admonition that: Ogechukwu kasị akasị n’ụwa, maka na ọ bụ nke Chukwu ga eme. God’s time is the absolute best on earth, for His will must prevail.

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This speaks of the Igbo belief in the supremacy of God’s will, plan and time over man’s. Hence, it calls on man to rethink his actions of running faster than his chi2 because at the end, it is the will of Chukwu that will prevail. In the third line, he sends an advice to anyone who is considering abandoning God’s time: Onye aghakwana oge Chinyelu ya, Let no one abandon God’s time for them,

In the next line, he asks a very important question: maka ọghalụ oge Chukwu nyelụ ya, ọ na eche nke onye ọzọ? If they do, whose own do they await?

This question underscores the fact that abandoning God’s supreme time to focus on man’s perceived timing for himself will be to underrate and undermine God. This, Osadebe says, is against the Igbo culture. It is anti-Igbo to be impatient; for patience on God for His blessings, after a hard work, is the hallmark of the Igbo. The second stanza opens with a repetition to re-emphasize the message that: Oge Chukwu kasị akasị, onye aghakwana oge nke ya nụ ọ, God’s time is the absolute best, Let no one abandon God’s time for them.

Speaking on the value of patience and waiting on God’s time, Osadebe throws in another important Igbo value, contentment: ọghalụ oge nke ya chebe nke mmadụ, onye zi ka ọ ga analụ nke ya nụ ọ. …. maka onye ghalụ oge nke ya, ọ bụ nke onye zi ka ị ga echezị nụ? …. Ogechukwu dị kwa mkpa nụ ọ. Onye aghana oge nke Chukwu nyelụ ya, 2

 The Igbos believe that every individual has a personal God guiding him/her.

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ọghalụ nke ya chobazia nke mmadụ, nke onye ka oga analụ, ebe nke Chi nyelụ gị agago? If one abandons one’s time and await the time of another, Whose own (time) shall he grab, then? …. For if one leaves one’s appointed time, Whose own shall one take or wait for? …. God’s time is quite important, though, Let no one abandon God’s appointed time for them. If they leave theirs and seek another’s, Whose shall they take, since their appointed time from God has passed?

The idea of contentment is again re-emphasized in the third stanza: Oge nkem kasịzị akasị, maka na m’ghalu nkem chobazia nke onye ọzọ, unu afụ go zi na ọ bụ njọ? Oge Chukwu kasị akasị, oge nke mụ ka, onye aghakwana nke ya zoba nke mmadụ, nkem bụ nkem, nke anyị bụ nke anyị, oge Chukwu ebuka, oge Chukwu dị mkpa nụ, onye aghana nke ya. My time is the absolute greatest For if I abandon mine and seek another’s, can’t you see that it is a sin? God’s time is the absolute greatest, My time is greater, let no one leave theirs and seek someone else’s, Mine is mine, ours is ours, God’s time is great, God’s time is important, Let none abandon theirs.

From the above, the idea of covetousness is discouraged and contentment, on the other hand, is the ideal way of life every Igbos should be encouraged as Osadebe equates one’s time as God’s time because, what one has is given to one by God, at His time. As covetousness and impatience are the reasons for many vices amongst youths today and to nip this in the bud, Osadebe sends a strong message in the one-line statement of the fourth stanza: Ọnọ na be ya agụ oge mmadụ, gusikwa oge nke yị ọ. Let one who stays in his home to count another’s time, count his own too.

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From the above, it can be argued that Osadebe’s songs are heavily embedded with Igbo cultural values. According to P3, ‘Osadebe songs are informative, as the songs are framed to tell people about their cultural heritage and historical development. You learn a lot of cultural things and values from listening to Osadebe music’ (Personal Communication, 28 August 2020).

Conclusion and Recommendations: Value Regeneration The study has shown that Osadebe’s songs communicate inherent values of hard work, belief in God, contentment and patience that are enshrined within the Igbo society. His songs reflect the beliefs and philosophies of the Igbo society. As P1 puts it, ‘Osadebe’s songs informed some of my personal philosophies which are part of the Igbo cultural value: detest to rumor-mongering and the principle that life is transient’ (Personal Communication, August 2020). However, findings from the interviews for this study support the position that there is a decline of these values due to the embrace of Westernization, foreign religion and lifestyle. As P1 puts it, modern Igbo musicians have contributed to this decline because their songs no longer embody the Igbo cultural values, as they are rather laced with materialism and the mad quest for riches and fame (Personal Communication, August 2020). As a result, people of this generation are extremely individualistic and capitalist in thinking. Therefore, return to Igbo Indigenous music laced with cultural values, which is pivotal to cultural values regeneration, has become imperative. According to P2, one way of society preserving its cultural values is through reviving indigenous music that is rooted in Igbo cultural values (Personal Communication, August 2020). Such a revival will lead to an appeal to the people without losing content and values the music is known for.

Appendix Osita OSADEBE – “OGECHUKWU KA” Ogechukwu kasị akasị n’ụwa, maka na ọ bụ nke Chukwu ga eme.

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Onye aghakwana oge Chinyelu ya, maka ọghalụ oge Chukwu nyelụ ya, ọ na eche nke onye ọzọ? Oge nke Chukwu agagonu. Oge Chukwu kasị akasị, onye aghakwana oge nke ya nụ ọ, ọghalụ oge nke ya chebe nke mmadụ, onye zi ka ọ ga analụ nke ya nụ ọ. Así na oge Chukwu kasị akasị n’ụwa, maka onye ghalụ oge nke ya, ọ bụ nke onye zi ka ị ga echezị nụ? Ndị oyibo weré nasu zi si, “opportunity calls but once”, maka na ọge ịghalụ nkeyi nụ, onye ọzọ ewelụ, maka oburo zi sọ gị ka Chukwu kelunu. Ogechukwu dị kwa mkpa nụ ọ. Onye aghana oge nke Chukwu nyelụ ya, ọghalụ nke ya chobazia nke mmadụ, nke onye ka oga analụ, ebe nke Chi nyelụ gị agago? Oge nkem kasịzị akasị, maka na m’ghalu nkem chobazia nke onye ọzọ, unu afụ go zi na ọ bụ njọ? Oge Chukwu kasị akasị, oge nke mụ ka, onye aghakwana nke ya zoba nke mmadụ, nkem bụ nkem, nke anyị bụ nke anyị, oge Chukwu ebuka, oge Chukwu dị mkpa nụ, onye aghana nke ya. Ọnọ na be ya agụ oge mmadụ, gusikwa oge nke yị ọ. Asịlị na ife ọbụna mmadụ na eme n’ụwa, ọ na adịkwa mma ka ewelụ udo na ebido ya, ọ dị zị kwa mma ka ewelụ Udo weré mechie ya; kama na onwelụ ndị ọ na aka mkpa ewelu Udo bido; ewelụ okwu n’uka gbasaa, mana ọbụrọ zi otua ka ụwa siri chọ ya.., maka na onye Anambra kwulu sị na ife dị mma siri si megbue ya mma nụ., ya na ife ebidoro n’udo, ka emechi kwa ya n’udo. Anyị bido ebido na ọ bụ n’udo, anyị na-emechi na ọ ga abụ n’udo. Onye ewetana ogbaayara, ọ chọrọ Udo na gboo bụ Udo ka ọ ga eji bi,

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ọchọlụ nsogbu na gboo bụ nsogbu ka ọ ga eji bi. A sikwanụ na ọchọlụ nsogbu bido na gboo, odoo onye ọbụna anya nụ, maka na onye lụlụ ọfụma nụ, ọ ga eli kwa ọfụma, maka na mgbe anyị bidoro na anyị bidoro n’udo, oluzie na oge olili, onwezie ndị ọ bụ sọ fa ga elizi nị, ọbụ otua ka osi agazini? N’ezie na anyị bidoro nụ n’udo, udo ka anyị ga ejizi mechie, onye ewetana mgbasasi nụ A sikwanụ nwata malụ okenye o, mana okenye ga amakwazi nwata, maka otu nsọpụrụ dịrị okenye, otua ka odi li nwata, okenya anakwana nwata nke ya, mana nwata ejekwana imebi nke okenye. Anyị jebe ejebe, na ọ bụ n’udo, anyị naba na ọbụ n’udo. English Translation God’s time is the absolute best on earth, For His will must prevail. Let no one abandon God’s time for them, If they do, whose own do they await? God’s time for them would have passed. God’s time is the absolute best, Let no one abandon God’s time for them. If one abandons one’s time and await the time of another, Whose own (time) shall he grab, then? They say God’s time is the absolute best on earth; For if one leaves one’s appointed time, whose own shall one take or wait for? The White man then says, ‘opportunity calls but once’, For when you leave your time behind, another takes it, For you are not God’s only creation. God’s time is quite important, though, Let no one abandon God’s appointed time for them.

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If they leave theirs and seek another’s, Whose shall they take, since their appointed time from God has passed? My time is the absolute greatest For if I abandon mine and seek another’s, can’t you see that it is a sin? God’s time is the absolute greatest, My time is greater, let no one leave theirs and seek someone else’s, Mine is mine, ours is ours, God’s time is great, God’s time is important, Let none abandon theirs. Let one who stays in his home to count another’s time, count his own too. They say that all one does on earth, it’s good to start it with peace It is also good to end it with peace; But then, there are some people that prefer to start with peace and end in chaos, But the world no longer wants it this way. For the Anambra man says that ‘a good thing says that it should be overwhelmed with good deeds.’ Therefore, let what is started in peace, end in peace. When we start, it is peace, When we end, it will be in peace as well. Let no one bring chaos, Let he who wants peace from the beginning, live with peace; And let he who wants war from the beginning, live with chaos. They also say that he who wants trouble from the beginning, It will be clear to all, For he who works well, will eat well. For when we started, we started in peace, When it then got to the time of reward, Some got selfish and decided to keep all for themselves; Is that how it is done? Truly, we started in peace, In peace we shall end too, Let no one put asunder.

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They say, ‘let the young know the old and the old shall know the young as well.’ For just as respect is for the old, so it is for the young (respect is reciprocal). Let not the old snatch what is for the young, And let not the young spoil what’s for the old. When we go out, it is in peace, And when we come back, it’s in peace. Osita OSADEBE – “ONYE LUSIA OLIE” Chorus: (5x) Onye lụsịa na ọ ga eli Onye lụlụ ọlụ lụsịa na ọ ga eli Asịlị na ọ na eme Nwa fesia Nna, Nna abịa duzie nwa ya ụnọ Maka na Nwa felụ Nna ya alụgolu Nna ya ọlụ, ya wetaziri na Nna ya duzili ya ụnọ. Ife Nna ji eduzi Nwa ya ụnọ bụ ịsị ya Nwa m, ngwa bili n’udo bido na ebea welụ gbakwasa ụkwụ welu na alị n’enu n’enu, maka na ife ana ekpe ekpere n’ụwa bụ onye mụta kwa Nwa ka Nwa ya pụta karikwa ya. Ya bụ na onye lụsịa n’ụwa nụ, olili ọ ga eli bụzi gịnị? ọ mụta lụ nwa chọlụ ofufe nwa. Ya bụ na onye lụsịa ọlụ n’ụwa, ọ ga eli zi ife olụtalụ. Chorus: (20x) Onye lụsịa na ọ ga eli Onye lụlụ ọlụ lụsịa na ọ ga eli English Translation Chorus: (5x) He who works must eat When he’s done working, he shall enjoy the fruit of his labour They say that an apprentice must be settled by his master For a good apprentice (or in this case a son) that worships his father, has worked for his father.

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Which made his father (or master) to settle him. What a father settles his son with, is to tell him to go and live in peace. Let this place be your stepping stone, as you climb to the top, For what one prays for is for one’s child to come out and be greater than one. Therefore, when one is done working on earth, what is his reward? He who bears a child should seek to be worshipped (or served) by the child, Therefore, he who works on earth, must reap the fruits of his labour. Chorus: (5x) He who labours, must reap, He who has laboured, must reap.

References Afigbo, A. E. (1980). Prolegomena to the study of the culture history of the Igbo-­ speaking people of Nigeria. In B. K. Swartz & R. Dumett (Eds.), West African culture dynamics: Archeological and historical perspectives (pp.  305–325). Mouton Publishers. Agawu, K. (2016). The African imagination in music. Oxford University Press. Akpan, W. (2006). And the beat goes on? Message music, political repression and the power of Hip-Hop in Nigeria. In M.  Drewatt & M.  Cloonan (Eds.), Popular music censorship in Africa (pp. 91–106). Ashgate Publishing. Bryman, A., & Bell, E. (2011). Business research methods. Oxford University Press. Chambers, D. B. (1997). ‘My Own Nation’: Igbo Exiles in the Diaspora. Slavery and Abolition, 18(1), 72–97. Ebigbo, C. (2002). The Igbo lost worlds. 2002 Iguaro Igbo Heritage Lecture. Ezu Bks Ltd., Enugu. Egwu, R. (1998). Igbo Ide of the Supreme Being and the Triune God. Echter Verlag: Wurzburg. Ekei, J. C. (2002). Justice in communalism: A foundation of ethics in African philosophy. Realm Communication, Ltd. Ekwueme, L. (1974). Concepts of African musical theory. Journal of Black Studies, 5(1), 35–64. Equiano, O. (1789). The interesting narrative of the life of Olaudah Equiano (Written by Himself, Robert J. Allison, Ed.) (original edition, 1789; Boston, 1995 edition). Ewens, G. (1992). Africa O- Ye!: A celebration of African music. Da Capo Press. Ibekwe, E., & Ojukwu, E. (2020). Africa-Sensed Music Education and Creativity: Examples of Children’s Folk Songs in Igbo Culture. Journal of Nigerian Music, 11(1).

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Kubik, G. (2010). Theory of African music, Volume 1. University of Chicago Press. Kvale, S. (1996). Interviews An introduction to qualitative research interviewing. Sage Publications. Lull, J. (1992). Popular Music and Communication (2nd Ed.). London: Sage Publication. Mapaya, M. (2014). Indigenous language as a tool in African musicology: The road to self-assertiveness. South African Journal of African Language, 34(1), 29–34. Njoku, O. (2006). The Imperative and Challenge of Igbo History and Culture Studies. Journal of Igbo Studies, 13–18. Norman, L. (2013). The power of music: Issues of agency and social practice. Social Analysis: International Journal of Social and Cultural Practice, 57(2), 21–40. Nwoga, D. (1984). The Supreme God as Stranger in Igbo Religious Thought. Ekwereazu: Hawk Press. Nwoye, C. (2011). Igbo cultural and religious worldview: An insider’s perspective. International Journal of Sociology and Anthropology., 3(9), 304–317. Nzewi, M. (2007). A contemporary study of musical arts informed by African indigenous knowledge systems (vol. 4). Centre for Indigenous Instrumental African Music and Dance (Ciimda). www.compress.co.za Okafor, R. (2005). Music in society. New Generations Books. Okeke, E.  C. (2008). Igbo traditional food system: Documentation, uses and research needs. Pakistan Journal of Nutrition, 7(2), 365–376. Osigwe, C. (2014). The Creative use of Themes in Contemporary Igbo Popular Music in Nigeria. Unilag Journal of Humanities, 2(1), 186–207. Uchendu, V. C. (1965). The Igbo of South-East Nigeria. Holt Rinehart & Winston.

PART III

Indigenous African Popular Music and the World

CHAPTER 17

Valódia: A Transatlantic Praise Song Jorge Luis Morejón-Benitez

Santocas’ Golden Age Growing up in Cuba, as a child, my only connection to the war in Angola and the death of young Cuban soldiers in that war was “Valódia,” a song composed by António Sebastião Vicente “Santocas.” However, it was in the voice of Cuban singer Beatriz Marquez that the song captivated the tender imagination of the child I was then. Her soft and maternal timber introduced me, inadvertently, to ancestral lamentations I was not aware of at the time, but that now I rescue as one of the many treasures lost all the way from the “middle passage” to the unfortunate casualties of a twentieth-­ century ideological war. This chapter pays tribute to the only Angolan song of praise I grew up listening to, “Valódia.” As such, I frame Santocas’ composition as a praise song that, in the midst of radical socio-economic and political changes in Angola, achieved a historic relevance, a political impact, a dramatic significance and a cultural competence that traveled across the Atlantic to the island of Cuba.

J. L. Morejón-Benitez (*) Vocal Performance Department, Frost School of Music, University of Miami, Coral Gables, FL, USA © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 A. Salawu, I. A. Fadipe (eds.), Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 1, Pop Music, Culture and Identity, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97884-6_17

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Born in Luanda’s Bairro Indígena in 1954, Santocas reached the golden age of his career in 1974–1975 by singing political songs during Angola’s struggle for national independence. Among his main discographic achievements, there were two albums that enhanced his reputation as an agitprop, a quality that earned him the accolade of a leader of political songs (Alves, 2013). At a time when the liberation movements competed for power control in Angola, Santocas wrote at least one song in native kimbundu, the second-most-widely spoken Bantu language in Angola. He also used traditional percussion instruments such as dikanza, to identify with the Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola, translated as Angolan Popular Independence Movement (MPLA), and its main social base, the Mbundu people. Created in 1965, the MPLA is the political party that has ruled Angola since independence from Portugal in 1975. The MPLA has used nationalist popular music as a tool to legitimize its ideology. “Valódia,” between quotation marks, when referred to as song, is analyzed here as an example of Angola’s popular culture. As such, the song put forward a political agenda of decolonization and secularization that contributed to build one of Africa’s most expansive anti-colonialist projects.

Historic Relevance Selected African Songs of Praise The written origin of praise poems could be traced back to Juan Latino (1518–1596), the first Sub-Saharan African descendant to publish a book of poems in a Western language. Latino, a black ex-slave born in Guinea, became a professor of Latin at the Cathedral School in Granada, Spain, in 1566. Gates and Wolff (1998) explain how Latino’s professorial appointment and the publication of his poems in Latin in 1573 were viewed and celebrated as novel academic success in the history of black Africans in Europe. Self-identified as Ethiopian-Christian, Latino is known for producing a panegyric poetry thought to have been based on transposing the model of the African praise poem to a European context. Seo (2011) is of the opinion that Latino’s tactical deployment of African bard’s tradition to his Latin poetry positioned him as the greatest singer of the Spanish monarchy of his time. Although the, then prevalent, aristocratic and military contexts no longer exist, praise poems have continually been transformed by new interests and preoccupations which have maintained an existing form and tone that

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sets them apart from other forms of poetry. Finnegan (2012), for instance, states that Bantu praise poems represent “a complex form of art” which can envelop great imagination and power (p. 141). The Shona-speaking people of Zimbabwe, one of the most wide speakers of Bantu languages, use praise poems as a tool for worship. Hodza and Fortune (1976) collated studies that document the importance of praise poems as a “free sequence of stanzas of very varying patterns” (p. 116). In addition, Shona oral traditions are classified into categories that serve the common purpose of praising. Hawn (2003) states that praise poems contain “truths in shorter segments or proverbs,” that exhort the common folk, directly or otherwise, to become assimilated into society (p. 173). Hawn adds that through sharing and practicing both moral and material values, praise poems, turned into songs of praise, made Shona society not only distinct but also functional. Like the Shona’s, Zulu praise poems are short sentences commemorative of notable actions and events. Stuart and Cope (1968) argue that Shakan praise poems, that is, King Shaka’s izibongo, a genre of oral literature among various Bantu peoples, illustrate not only the development of praises into praise-stanzas, but also the development of the stanza into a unit able to express an episode from “statement to conclusion” (p. 84). It is useful to acknowledge that the chronological order of Shaka’s izibongo corresponds roughly with the life and times of King Shaka (1787–1828). Thus, it is understandable why praise poems are also delivered “as praise songs” in which, as stated by Knappert (1983), “history serves only as background for the praises of the kings” (p. 41). The following panegyric is, for instance, a praise in Ganda, a subsect of Bantu language spoken in Uganda, which honors the powerful nineteenth-century King Mutesa I of Buganda (1837–1884). Thy feet are hammers, Son of the forest Great is the fear of thee Great is thy wrath Great is thy peace Great is thy power Finnegan (2012, p. 114)

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Angolan Songs of Praise In Angola, songs of praise were sung in Kimbundu, Kikongo and Umbundu, which are the country’s three main native languages. Portuguese and a mixture of Portuguese and Kimbundu also became the languages used for post-colonial praise songs. Although music was sung in all Angolan local languages, Kimbundu was the most predominant. As explained by Moorman (2008), in Angola, “many musicians learned Kimbundu as adults and used it only in song” (p. 113). Subsequently, by the early twentieth century, the urban elites no longer spoke Kimbundu. Eventually, as a language, Kimbundu was associated with rural Mbundu provinces, the reason why Angolan praise songs eventually integrated the Portuguese language with the rural sounds of music. According to Hamilton (1975), praise poems bear the same characteristics of the African praise song in its “rambling, detailed and imagistically picturesque” accounts, as well as “mnemonic and rhythmic designations” (p.  156). However, Kimbundu made it to academic discourse through the Portuguese language. Described by Gugelberger (1986) as “Angola’s first significant asimilado intellectual,” it was Dias Cordeiro da Matta (1857–1894), who introduced to academia the first accounts of Kimbundu culture, religion and history translated to Portuguese (p. 137). One could say that, given the nature of translation itself, Kimbundu cultural production was at the time a product of Portuguese colonial intervention and assimilation. Because certain African tribal religions had no documented sacred writings at the time, it became imperative to study them in a Western language. Subsequently, Angolan Portuguese specifically became lingua franca for the different ethnic groups that shared the territorial extension of the country. This may be how people’s religious journey in Angola, as well as what Johnson (2018) describes as their beliefs concerning God and the spirits, became expressions of praise in Portuguese. Professor John Mbiti, in his book African Religions and Philosophy, introduces the spiritual aspect of praise poems. He explores the essence of African diverse spirituality, religious constructs and belief systems by focusing on the concept of time. According to Mbiti, the key idea to understanding African religious and philosophical perspectives on religion is the understanding or appreciation of the flow of time and its tenses. Time in Africa is “a two-dimensional phenomenon with a long past, a dynamic present and virtually no future” (Johnson, 2018, p. 173). For this reason,

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the lineal concept of time shared in the West, where the future is limitless, may not be as defined among South-Saharan Africans. One could assume that this important nuance could have been lost in translation, but it has not. Mbiti calls attention to the fact that, at least in East African languages, there are no specific words to express the distant future (Kebede, 2004). In praise songs the past is implicit in the griot’s narration of the story, while the present is manifested through the immediacy of the music and dance performances that accompany it. The following fragment of a non-religious Bantu praise poem from the regions of Angola and South Africa illustrates the way love is communicated by an Aandonga father to his daughter. The poem, even when translated to English, still expresses praise in the present and in the past, but not in the future. O my Nehoja, you are my adornment! All the young men offer you their beads My treasure is the most beautiful among all strings of beads, She is like a delicately cut thong Her mother bore her for me. Since she was born, she has belonged only to me. I love her dearly, even when I am sleep, But when I am wake, a thousand times more. Chipasula (2009, p. 27)

Civil Song of Praise The Mbundu people of Angola had their own societies, kingdoms and religions before they began trading with the Portuguese, whom eventually developed the slave trade in the region. They built the Ndongo Kingdom, which was led by a monarch called the Ngola. Thomas (2018) explains how for the Mbundu, the Creator God rested after creation and left humanity under the influence of ancestral spirits and heroes who were considered gods and goddesses (p.  173). This may explain why singing and dancing the stories about their own origin, in honor of their ancestral spirits and heroes, has remained so sacredly prevalent. The imposition of Christianity upon Angola’s traditional tribal religions has given birth to a syncretic worldview in which praise poems are still a valid form of religious expression. However, they have evolved as an extension of people’s struggle for cultural and religious survival. Poetry about

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chiefs and kings transitioned into a secular version of praise poems which in turn became part of “civil religion” (Omer & Springs, 2013). Civil religion, as opposed to just religion, which is the belief in a superhuman controlling power, is seen to guarantee subservience to a specific enduring ideology. Therefore, within the context of the MPLA’s songs of praise, the introduction of Marxist-Leninist doctrine could be considered a new layer of syncretism effectively proselytized through what could be defined as civil songs of praise. These are non-religious songs which praise a system of ideas through an archetype that symbolizes it. Defining Parameters “Valódia,” as a hit of Santocas’ civil songs of praise, used Valódia, the archetype, to define the parameters of postcolony in protest of the neocolonial system that took place in many African nations after becoming independent. However, the song’s obvious ideological undertones replaced traditional subjects of praise, such as gods, goddesses, chiefs, queens and kings, with revolutionary leaders. It turned praise poems into what Benitez-Rojo (1997) has described, in reference to poems of this nature, as a “communist stanza” (p. 131). They are poems that advocate for freedom of the proletariat from the capitalist class. Therefore, “Valódia,” as part of Angola’s popular culture, advanced a political agenda not only of decolonization but also of secularization. It became a song used for social control to stir emotions about the MPLA’s politics. It provoked a type of mass reaction against those who did not favor “non-conformist practice” (Ebewo, 2001, p. 49). Expectedly, the song’s dramatic content resonated not only with the MPLA’s sympathizers, but also with the agenda of the Cuban Communist Party (PCC), who approved its divulgation in the island.

Political Impact of Valódia’s Alienation Based on the history of praise poems, one could conclude that the political and ideological impact of “Valódia” was possible due to the particular sensitivity that Angolan people have for song praising. Ebewo (2001) agrees that as one of the most important elements of traditional African poetry, as if following a natural progression, the praise poem became song. One could argue that songs may be more accessible to the masses than oral poems. Yet, in the case of “Valódia,” though more accessible, rather

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than being a source of elevated ancestral knowledge, the song was just a harangue which failed to develop a common national identity for the entirety of Angolan people. Instead, Angolans found themselves immersed in a lethal civil war that lasted decades. The Mbundu, represented by the MPLA, alienated other Angolan ethnicities in the same way that the Portuguese had done for centuries before them. Santocas’ songs promoted a form of musical representation that othered Angolans who did not belong to the MPLA and who were part of the oppositional political factions. The English translation of “Valódia” illustrates, at least in writing, what a civil-religious praise song, invoking the spirits of the dead (nkitas), may look like when used as a tool for indoctrination. Notice how the poem, seen below, not only defines, but names Valódia, the hero, as an example of patriotism. He is portrayed as a model to be followed in the fight for socialism, against neocolonialism, capitalism and imperialism. As traditional songs of praise did, and still do in sub-Saharan African languages, the narrative places Valódia’s death in the past. Yet, different from traditional songs of praise, the harangue implicit in the song’s chorus points toward the future. Bem longe ouvi aquele nome Far away I heard that name

Inesquecível dos filhos da Angola… Unforgettable children of Angola.

Volódia, Volódia, Volódia tombou em defesa do povo angolano! Volódia, Volódia, Volódia fell in defense of the Angolan people!

Volódia, Volódia, Volódia tombou na mau imperialista Volódia, Volódia, Volódia fell to the bad imperialist

Que pretende impôr-nos neocolonialismo. That intend to impose neocolonialism on us.

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Povo angolano todo bem vigilante Angolan people all well vigilant

Que no neocolonialismo a repressão é pior! That in neocolonialism repression is worse!

A miséria é um martírio, Misery is martyrdom,

A pobreza também Poverty also

E o neocolonialismo não tem cor. And neocolonialism has no color.

Volódia, Volódia, Volódia tombou em defesa do povo angolano! Volódia, Volódia, Volódia fell in defense of the Angolan people!

Volódia, o filho bem amado do povo angolano Volódia, the beloved son of the Angolan people

Volódia deu a sua vida por uma causa justa Volódia gave his life for a just cause

Volódia morreu, mas o seu nome ficou cá com o povo! Volódia died, but his name stayed here with the people!

Volódia, Volódia, Volódia tombou em defesa do povo angolano! Volódia, Volódia, Volódia fell in defense of the Angolan people!

Abaixo capitalismo! Down with capitalism!

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Abaixo imperialismo! Down with imperialism! Abaixo neocolonialismo! Down with neocolonialism!

Avante socialismo! Forward with socialism!

A reacção não passará! The reactionary will not pass!

A opressão não passará! Oppression will not pass!

A luta continua até à vitória final! The fight continues until the final victory!

A luta continua até à vitória final! The fight continues until the final victory!

A reacção não passará! The reactionary will not pass! A opressão não passará! Oppression will not pass!1

As observed, “Valódia” is indeed a praise poem turned into a civil song of praise, but it is also a communist lyrical stanza that glorifies Valódia’s death. Besides being a tribute to those who died fighting at war, the song is an important historic and literary expression of at least a portion of the Angolan people’s anticolonial sentiment. It is a poetic expression that not only defines but also names Valódia as the ultimate socialist martyr. The song’s poetry, written with evoking imagery, that is, “Valódia tombou,” 1

 (To listen to the song, please visit the following link: https://youtu.be/5HjHWlmPIfI).

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expresses, in purposely chosen lyrics, the tragedy of the Angolan people as a whole, but it also proselytizes its meaning. The portrayal of Valódia as an ennobled hero, however ideologically charged, accentuates the melodramatic character of the song.

Dramatic Deconstruction of Valódia Tragic Hero Once “Valódia” was brought to Cuba in the voice of Cuban balladist Beatriz Marquez, it was mainly broadcast to an all-Spanish-speaking audience that was also mourning its own fallen, young men.2 As a result of the Cold War, “Valódia” made evident Angolan and Cuban soldiers’ meaningless death at the same time that it became the dominant praise song of an era. One could say that at least in Cuba, the song indirectly honored the death of young Cuban soldiers. Furthermore, it revered the death of the MPLA’s own “tragic hero” ignoring other Angolan soldiers who died fighting for the opposite cause (Misra, 1992, p.  1). Marquez’s melodic voice, however partial to the MPLA’s and Cuba’s communist party’s agenda, assuaged the pain of death. It provided a symbolic sense of closure for Cuban and Angolan soldiers, who were or had been at war, as well as their relatives and friends. The epic nature of the song, an abridged version of the African epic poem, focused on the hero, “his greatness of character, his deeds and his death” (Knappert, 1983, p. 58). Valódia, along with the epic style of the poetry that praised him, allowed the civil war to be portrayed as the MPLA’s fair and necessary right. Being an expression of remembrance, the song was informed by “a heroic ethos, accepted and even shared by the listeners with a bracing effect on their morale” (Knappert, 1983, p. 7). It is possible that, for both, Angolan and Cuban audiences who had relatives fighting, the war became easier to acknowledge and accept through the melodic lyrics that justified the ideology behind it. Ultimately, the song provided a plane for negotiating identity for these separate governments connected mainly, at least officially, by their avowed support for communism. Due to the song, one could suppose that both Cubans and Angolans

2  (To listen to Marquez’s interpretation of the song, please visit the following link: https:// youtu.be/DysLKq8UOy0).

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directly affected by the conflict saw themselves as sharing the same heroic fate. Dramatist Perspective Played on the radio, “Valódia” was a performative tool that, through the methodological framework of “meaning practices,” could generate further readings (Jagger & Hobub, 2017, p. 15). Along Austin’s theory of speech acts, once deployed, Santocas’ song became musical revolution utilized as a mode of action performed in allegiance to the MPLA’s and the PCC’s political interests. Different from a mode of knowledge, in which language serves as the basis for intercultural cognition and communication, “Valódia” became an act of loyalty and commitment. The song used the narration of the fallen soldier as a mode of action that took place during the song’s affirmation of socialist ideals. The purpose of the song, described by Fortunato (2011) as an “elegia,” was to deflect Valódia’s identity from being a mere soldier to becoming a contrasting symbol. Valódia is presented both as a victim and as a winner, as a fallen hero and as a victor, as an ordinary soldier and as a partisan. The lyrics’ poetic nature is a powerful example of oral tribute with deep roots not only in praising poetry but also in West-African storytelling practices. Through oral narratives, the recording, preservation and interpretation of historical information are passed from generation to generation. However, they are also based on the storyteller’s personal experience. Therefore, “Valódia,” the song, constitutes an oral document that preserved Santocas’ poetic and musicalized account of the events as oral tradition has historically done for griots. Because of its archiving nature, the song has become the version of history that wins, that remains, that counts, not as a testament to truth but as an enduring, partialized, official story that echoes the MPLA’s. Methodologically connected to oral history as an approach to narrative, Santocas explicitly portrays music as a form of intangible memorial that serves the emerging socialist state. When analyzed through a “pentad of key terms” such as “act, scene, agent, agency and purpose,” one realizes that the song’s propagandistic message was made easily understandable to the common folk for a reason (Burke, 1969, p. xv). Chosen as a tool of metaphoric action, those invested in the socio-political naturalizing of the war found in the song an effective and well-rounded statement about human motivation turned political. Seen through the pentad, the song

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delivers the story’s main answers to the questions of what, when, where, who, how and why that the Angolan soldier and the common folk could have (Burke, 1969, p. xv). The questions and answers below illustrate the relatively explicit, static and transportable-across-contexts nature of the pentad when used to understand the effectiveness of Santocas’ song. • What was done (act)? The killing of Angolan soldier Valódia • When and where was it done (scene)? During the Angolan war of liberation. • Who did it (agent)? The imperialist military forces. • How was it done (agency)? Through fighting the enemy. • Why was it done (purpose)? To defend socialism against colonialism, capitalism and imperialism. The pentad overtly simplifies the subject “almost at a glance” since the song narrates a story about a hero (Burke, 1969, p. xv). “Valódia” appeals to those who believe that the warrior, in sacrificing his life, has transformed into a spirit who needs special praise. It also appeals to the “everyday simplicity and miraculous easiness” of ordinary people for whom the dead live among the living (Burke, 1969, p. xv). As most spiritual chants, Santocas’ easy to remember song, in turn, affects how simple it is to remember its lyrics, its music and its message. Besides its symbolic meaning, as a civil song of praise, “Valódia” produces in the listener a sense of intangible memorability that becomes an essential condition of the act of remembrance. Linguistic Bonds From a purely linguistic point of view, the Angolan Portuguese—Cuban Spanish continuum finds in “Valódia” deeper lexical bonds that, although not obvious to the Spanish-speaker and listener, are present in its phonological and morphological features. The breadth and depth of the audience’s knowledge of Angolan Portuguese’s cognates contributed to their efficient understanding of the song’s lexical semantics. The song’s lyrics, exclusively written in Portuguese, represent an example of a hybrid text that creatively weaves together narrative, music and information. The narrative is delivered through the soldier’s story; the music through the contrasting slow and up-beat tempos of the melody, and the information through the anti-imperialist message implicit in the lyrics. Subliminally,

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the song conveys a message similar to that of ancient epic poems in which the hero dies to live in song. As a culture-specific item, the song was relocated through linguistic insertion into a Spanish-speaking country, Cuba, where some words were pronounced slightly different but were still understood.

Cultural Competence Intercultural Communication “Valódia” illustrates the use of song as an item to express sociocultural reality involving geographically distant countries. There has been no “extensive inquiry into the significance of a shared history as a motivator for the unprecedented mobilization” of Cuban troops and military equipment despite alluded historic connections between Angola and Cuba (Peters, 2012, p. 2). However, the production and acceptance of “Valódia,” the song, served as a bridge between the histories of the two countries. It also brought Cuban people’s attention to a war they barely knew about. For those whose close relatives had been drafted to serve the MPLA, the song emerges as a testament to the unique and influential cooperation between the socialist governments of two formerly colonized countries. Separated by the Atlantic Ocean, yet united by the mid-passage and the strong blood ties of their peoples, now the two countries were, once again, historically involved. Seen as an example of intercultural communication, “Valódia” serves as a means to re-engage with the past through the tools offered by the phenomenology of musical appreciation (Lovesey, 2019). Through this lens, “Valódia” represents a type of musical experience which allows one to become aware of a unique mode of historical consciousness useful in reshaping one’s own ideas about music. Vested with a richer conception of the song’s poetic nature, as it pertains to a Cuban sense of musical groove, “Valódia” brought attention to the emotional conflict it evoked as testimony of unspoken war casualties. Cultural Moment The similarity between Angolan Portuguese and Cuban Spanish facilitated the weaving of the song into the Cuban imaginary of that cultural moment. Both music and interpretation played a big role within the metaculture of

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that time, specifically within the culture of war (Gasser, 2019). Here, socialism becomes a subculture of affinity, propelled by a gigantic propaganda apparatus. As expressed by Gasser, intra-cultures provide us with access to music just because you’re a part of a group, and that group means something to you. Both, Angolan and Cuban audiences, were affiliated to an intra-culture that used music to promote war as a means of alienating one political system to accommodate another. The internationalists, as young Cuban soldiers drafted to the obligatory military service (OMS) were called by the Cuban government, were the catalyst between the MPLA’s quest for ideological dominance and the Cuban Communist Party’s expansive ideological ambitions. As the two governments committed themselves to win the proxy war between the West Bloc (represented by the United States and South Africa) and the East Bloc (represented by former Soviet Union and its allies), the song’s role, in the process of socialist “en culturation,” became more decisive. Music became a matter of personal belief, which in socialist countries, with the one-party system and controlled mediatic apparatus, becomes a very effective way of negotiating the political identity of young people. Furthermore, the music people listen to at an early age becomes their native-home-comfort-music (Gasser, 2019). For a whole generation of Angolans and Cubans, including the author of this chapter, the events narrated in “Valódia,” the song, will always be a reminder of the suffering caused by irreplaceable losses. As “Valódia” was playing on the radio, Cubans and Angolans were anonymously dying at war fronts. According to some official not-to-be-­ quoted sources, 3800 Cubans died in Angola, with around 10,000 wounded, incapacitated or missing in action. When Angola resumed the war in 1992, the death toll reached 1000 people a day. This great internationalist experiment of the 1970s and 1980s failed to honor Cuban soldiers (George, 2005). Although ceremonies took place across the island in December 1989, as an overt gesture of recognition to the thousands of Cubans affected by the war, no song of praise seems to exist. Thus, there has been, to this day, no closure to the wounds of war caused to the Cuban people, of that generation, by the war in Angola. Memorial Production The role of music in memorial production and discourse, as well as the interplay of a song’s narration with a song’s music, amplifies the argument

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on the effectiveness of music as an agent of memory production. Musical memory, generally referred to as the ability to remember music-related information such as melodic content and other progressions of tones or pitches, is an integral part of creating memorable songs. Song is a combination of both verbal and nonverbal information, which implies, as assumed by Deutsch (2013), that “separate memory systems exist for retaining information at different levels of abstraction” (p.  291). Thus, “Valódia,” with its rather simple lyrics and simple tonal segments, once interpreted by Santocas or Marquez, contributed to the retention of its semantic message at two intersecting abstract levels, that is, the performative and the discursive. The performative aspect was implicit in the utterance of the song while being vocalized, which was an act in function of the message it declared. Performative acts, such as the interpretation of the song, must be repeated to be considered efficacious, for example, “Valódia” was efficacious because it was continuously played on the radio (Butler, 1993). The performative and the discursive characteristics of the song are not mutually exclusive since the performative quality of the singing is also the locus of the discursive, which in this case is the song’s praising message. Music also contributes to a song’s “semantical impact” (Jagger & Hobub, 2017, p. 16). For instance, in “Valódia,” the internal semantics are self-referential in its use of formal symbols that utilize logical structures of praise, for example, Valódia’s sacrifice within the war context. This is enhanced by its external semantics, which are presented through the meaning of the music at different levels. These levels are (1) gradual development of the story as it introduces the children of Angola, (2) a progression toward identifying Valódia as the hero among them, (3) a climax signaled by Valódia’s death and (4) a resolutional statement, that is “down with capitalism.” Both internal and external semantics complement more technical but equally important aspects. Tone, a musical or vocal sound as measured in terms of pitch, quality and strength, is steady and periodic to enable the listener to understand and assimilate the meaning of the lyrics. Dynamics, the variation in loudness from soft to forte, between notes or phrases, when the verse is sung or chorused, is moderate throughout the song. The timbre, also known as tone color or tone quality, in “Valódia” is sustained even when it ranges from attacks and decays during the chorus and the verses, respectively. The sound of Santocas’ guitar adds to the harmonious quality of the overall timbre as the regular and cyclically repeated pattern of the sound makes the song rhythmically steady.

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Semiotic Impact From a semiotic point of view, the song could also be an abstract and subjective symbol designed to strengthen the impact of the MPLA’s message. It represented the guiding ideals that characterized the emerging nation and its ideology as a new member of the anti-capitalist Soviet bloc. Several justifications exist for the song’s own ethos. Firstly, it became part of the Angolan people’s archival memory, at least in theory, at least of that generation and ethnicity. It also vindicated the role of indigenous song-­writing in the retelling, even if partially, of the people’s own story. Barrow (2014) explains the importance of symbolism when referring to the always tragic death of youth. Valódia, for instance, achieves his own anagnorisis when, as it happened in the Ancient Greek world of drama, he dies young. Barrow reminds us that in the classical world a boy’s most desirable age was at the cusp of manhood. Rooted in the universal aspects of epic poetic tragedy, “Valódia” is worth singing. Like in Beowulf, the Old English epic poem, Valódia shows “his highest greatness not alone in winning glory by victory, but rather by finding his supremely noble qualities specially in the moment of death in battle” (Greenfield, 1962, p. 91). One may assume that the song’s lyrics not only built a fan base for the MPLA’s hero, but also united the Mbundu soldiers under the familiar tune of their own epic drama.

Conclusion “Valódia” is an example of how indigenous African poetry became civil music of praise in order to fit the narrative of a specific ideology. After becoming part of Angola’s and Cuba’s popular culture, “Valódia” advanced a political agenda not only of decolonization, rooted in Marxist-­ Leninist doctrine, but also of socialist assimilation. More than just a song of praise, “Valódia” became a powerful hegemonic political tool, a civil poem, aimed to get both Angolan and Cuban audiences to support the MPLA’s and the PCC’s cause. The song’s evoking sounds and lyrics, though historically questionable, still remain native-home-comfort-music for those who lived through the war, its losses and its sadness on both sides of the Atlantic.

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References Alves, P. (2013). Angola: musicalidade, política e anticolonialismo (1950–1980). Revista Tempo e Argumento, Florianópolis, 5(10), 373–396. Barrow, R. (2014). Mad about the boy: Mythological models and Victorian painting. In D. Ricks & M. Trapp (Eds.), Dialogos: Hellenic studies review. Taylor and Francis. Benitez-Rojo, A. (1997). The repeating island: The Caribbean and the postmodern perspective. Duke University Press. Burke, K. (1969). A grammar of motives. University of California Press. Butler, J. (1993). Bodies that matter: On the discursive limits of sex. Routledge. Chipasula, F.  M. (2009). Bending the bow: An anthology of African love poetry. Southern Illinois University Press. Deutsch, D. (2013). The processing of pitch combinations. In The psychology of music (3rd edn., pp. 249–325). Academic Press, Inc. Ebewo, P. (2001). Satire and the performing arts: The African heritage. Pre-­ colonial and post-colonial theater in Africa (L. Losambe & D. Sarinjeive, Eds.). New Africa Books. Finnegan, R. (2012). Oral literature in Africa. Open Books Publishers. Fortunato, J. (2011). Canto Santocas volta aos discos. Jornal de Angola. http:// jornaldeangola.sapo.ao/cultura/musica/cantor_santocas_volta_aos_discos Gasser, N. (2019). Why you like it: The science and culture of musical taste. Flatiron Books. Gates, H. L., & Wolff, M. (1998). An overview of sources on the life and work of Juan Latino, the ‘Ethiopian humanist’. Indian University Press. https://www. jstor.org/stable/3820842?seq=1 George, E. (2005). The Cuban intervention in Angola, 1965–1991: From Che Guevara to Cuito Cuanavale. Taylor and Francis Group. Greenfield, S.  B. (1962). Beowulf and epic tragedy. Duke University Press on behalf of the University of Oregon. https://www.jstor.org/stable/1768635 Gugelberger, G. M. (1986). Marxism and African literature. Africa World Press. Hamilton, R. G. (1975). Voices from an Empire: A history of Afro-Portuguese literature. University of Minnesota. Hawn, M. (2003). Gather into one: Praying and singing globally. Eerdmans Publishing Company. Hodza, A., & Fortune, G. (1976). Shona praise poetry. Clarendon Press. Jagger, B., & Hobub, S. (2017). Post-colonial histories: Trauma, memory and reconciliation in the context of the Angolan civil war. Transcript Verlag. Johnson, W.  G. (2018). Mbundu beliefs. In D.  Thomas & T.  Alanmu (Eds.), African religions: Beliefs and practices through history. ABC-CLEO. Kebede, B. (2004). Africa’s Quest for a Philosophy of Decolonization. Rodopi. Knappert, J. (1983). Epic poetry in Swahili and other African languages. E.J. Brill.

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Lovesey, O. (2019). Popular music and the postcolonial. Routledge. Misra, K. S. (1992). The tragic hero through ages. Northern Book Center. Moorman, M.  J. (2008). Intonations: A social history of music and nation in Luanda, Angola from 1945 to recent times. Ohio University Press. Omer, A., & Springs, J. (2013). Religious nationalism. ABC-CLIO. Peters, C. (2012). Cuban identity and the Angolan experience. Palgrave Macmillan. Seo, M. (2011). Identifying authority: Juan Latino, an African Ex-slave, professor, and poet in sixteenth century Granada. University Press Scholarship Online, Oxford. https://www.oxfordscholarship.com Stuart, J., & Cope, T. (1968). Izibongo: Zulu praise-poems. Clarendon Press. Thomas, D. (2018). Mbundu beliefs: African religions: Beliefs and practices through history (D. Thomas, & T. Alanamu, Eds.). ABC-CLIO.

CHAPTER 18

The Adaptation of Zimbabwean Mbira Dzavadzimu Music, from Traditional to Modern Popular Band Format; the Case of Thomas Mapfumo Claudio Chipendo

Introduction The instrument mbira dzavadzimu and its music has always been a central symbol of the Zimbabwean Shona culture and played a crucial role in the religious activities of the indigenous people of that country (Chipendo, 2015). However, global influences and technological advancement have resulted in the modernization and commercialization of the instrument and its music as evidenced by the works of some artists such as Thomas Mapfumo who, in the early 1970s, reinterpreted and reformulated mbira dzavadzimu music in order to meet the demands of the newly emerging modern audience. As a result, innovations have been carried out on the instrument mbira dzavadzimu resulting in the fusion of the instrument C. Chipendo (*) Department of Music Business, Musicology and Technology, Midlands State University, Gweru, Zimbabwe © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 A. Salawu, I. A. Fadipe (eds.), Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 1, Pop Music, Culture and Identity, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97884-6_18

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with modern Western ones such as guitars, drum sets, percussion, wind and brass to create urban music which Turino (2000) refers to as Guitar Mbira Music. According to Brusila (2002), music becomes reconstructed as an object of new forms of knowledge, meanings and ways of thinking in what can be referred to as cultural hybridization. Colwell (2010) views cultural hybridism as the blending of Western on African ideas involving adoption, integration and indigenization. He further claims that each becomes unique and cannot be reduced to predictable patterns. Marti (2002) mentions that hybridisation is associated with innovation. One needed to have a creative mind to combine aspects of different cultures to come out with a music product. Werbner and Modood (1997) identified two types of hybrids in music, namely organic and intentional. They viewed organic as a routine hybrid in which new images, words, objects, art forms, among others are integrated into a culture unconsciously. From a closer examination, very few people would take note of the integrated aspects mentioned in this type of a hybrid. Werbner and Modood viewed intentional or aesthetic hybrid as that which is carried out to come up with a specific art form. It is well calculated and purposely done to achieve a well set out goal as evidenced by the works of some artists such as Thomas Mapfumo, Leonard Pickett Chiyangwa, Jonah Sithole, Joshua Dube and Ephat Mujuru who internationally combined mbira music with Western popular musical instruments to produce what Eyre (2001) termed mbira pop sound. It is under this background that this chapter seeks to review the contributions made by one of the artists, Thomas Mapfumo in the adaptation of mbira dzavadzimu music onto the modern popular music band format. This chapter will give a historical perspective on mbira dzavadzimu adaptations as well as Thomas Mapfumo’s experiments and innovations which resulted in his mirror and partial adaptations.

Towards the Adaptation of Mbira Dzavadzimu Music, a Historical Perspective Brusila (2002) informs that in the current Zimbabwean music industry, mbira dzavadzimu music does not sell on the domestic market if it has not been rearranged and adapted to the electric pop band format. Consequently, in the early 1970s, many mbira performers decided to combine mbira dzavadzimu with Western popular musical instruments to create urban music which Turino (2000) refers to as Guitar Mbira Music. The guitar

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had become a popular instrument among the Zimbabwean populace in the early 1940s, and thus it was not new to the Zimbabwean artists. Most of the music genres played on the guitar at that time were from Europe. Many players were influenced by rock ‘n roll music. Turino (2000) mentions that one of the popular music bands in Zimbabwe at that time, De Black Eving Follies, incorporated rock ’n’ roll imitations of Elvis Presley. This became very popular, especially in nightclubs around the country. However, this trend changed in the late 1960s and early 1970s when the liberation struggle for the independence of Zimbabwe heated up. Many artists such as Oliver Mutukudzi, Zex Manatsa, Tinei Chikupo and Thomas Mapfumo began to play indigenous music on modern pop instruments to support the freedom fighters. Thomas Mapfumo was one of the first artists to play indigenous music on electric instruments and to accompany his Chimurenga music with an electric band. Eyre (1994) mentions that while Mapfumo developed this, he was not the first one to adapt Shona traditional songs onto rock band instrumentation. Dutiro believes that the late Picket Chiyangwa, not Mapfumo, was the real originator of the mbira guitar sound (Eyre, 1994). Mapfumo admits that he was not the outright founder of the beat, but was the one who perfected and performed it on modern electrical instruments (Turino, 2000). He also claims that he popularized the beat, exported it and made it to be liked by many people, both the old and young. Turino (1998) explained that Thomas worked with Joshua Dube in adapting songs from the ancient mbira repertoire and worked them into the band’s Afro-rock repertoire, recapturing the songs with guitars, brass and drums. “This music was a fusion of Shona music and some Western styles” (Zim92 as cited in Turino, 2000, p.  270). Joshua Dube further explained that he played the chords in a six pulse feel, two equal pulses on each chord clearly spelling out the four phrases characteristic of a traditional mbira piece. Turino (1998) also explains that Joshua Hlomayi and Jonah Sithole helped Mapfumo create his band-arrangements on the guitarized mbira music. Turino (2000) mentions that Thomas Mapfumo’s guitar mbira music was based on four phrase mbira ostinato with the drummer playing the hosho triple patterns on the hi-hat. He also mentions that the bass guitar largely doubles up the vocal melody or plays patterns that are roughly modelled on the middle or high key mbira lines. He confirms that Mapfumo sings consistently with soft mahonyera and high huro techniques doing more of vocables than with actual texts. Turino (2000) states that in 1974, Mapfumo’s Ngoma Yorira Limpopo Jazz Band

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released their album called Taireva. Mapfumo also released Chamunorwa in 1991 which became very popular. The instruments he used to accompany his music include an electric mbira, hosho, electric guitar, bass guitar, Western pop drum set and keyboards. Mapfumo’s fusion of mbira and modern electric instruments such as the guitar, drums and trumpets were well received by the Zimbabwean populace. Thomas Mapfumo states that young people are attracted by the electric instrument while the older especially in the rural area are attracted by the traditional forms (Turino, 1998). This is because the people identify themselves with the music. Mapfumo’s efforts helped many musicians to appreciate mbira music on modern instruments. This gave rise to many pop groups who performed mbira music on pop instruments, for example, Ephat Mujuru and the Spirit of the people, Pio Farai Macheka and the Black Ites, Legal Lions and Sweet Melodies. “It was through the work of these and other electric guitar bands musicians that mbira music performed on the guitar continued to grow in national and ultimately international fame in the 1970s and 1980s” (Turino, 1998, p.  91). It is therefore important to find out how some of the artists adapted mbira dzavadzimu music onto the popular band music format, hence the study of Thomas Mapfumo.

Methodology In an effort to collect the much-needed data, personal interviews, document analysis and discography were made use of. Some of Thomas Mapfumo’s music was purposively collected, transcribed and analysed. Staff notation was used to notate the type of music that had some Western elements. Transcription according to Ramzy (2012) should be best understood as the writing down of musical sound. However, transcribing African music using Western staff notation has many limitations because it cannot fully describe the music, actions and behaviour in totality. Nzewi and Nzewi (2007) is of the opinion that scholars should not have an obsession with precision, regimentation, consistency of the intervals, cultural scales, timing, tempo, starting pitch or anything else in the jargon of precision when studying African music. He is of the opinion that tempo markings or pitch measurement in the transcription and analysis of a recorded African music can only be relative to the functional aesthetics, that is, evoking and interpreting a desired mood in a performance or instrumental music.

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In view of the above, staff notation was not used to bring out regimentation, intervals, cultural scales among others, but merely as an aid to illustrate how Thomas Mapfumo adapted mbira dzavadzimu music onto the popular music band format. Verbal descriptions, over and above the staff notated music, were employed to show how Thomas Mapfumo adapted his music to popular music band format.

Thomas Mapfumo’s Adaptations: From Traditional Mbira Dzavadzimu to Popular Music Thomas Mapfumo’s mbira dzavadzimu music adapted on the popular music band format was based on a four phrase mbira ostinato with the drummer playing the hosho triple patterns on the hi-hat. This section will focus on the idea coined from this study that Thomas Mapfumo adapted mbira music in two ways: (a) Mirror and (b) Partial adaptations. (a) Mirror Adaptations When one looks into a mirror, one sees his/her face exactly the way it appears. In the same manner, in mirror adaptations, Thomas Mapfumo tries to adapt mbira music to the pop music band format in such a way that the music is a reflection of the original one, especially its form and structure. This is achieved by utilizing the general characteristics of the music which include kushaura, (call) kubvumira (response), kudeketera (improvisation), vocables, ululation, melody, rhythm, among others as alluded to by Berliner (2007). The music also maintains its traditional title and lyrics. In other words, the music is performed in almost the same arrangement as that of traditional times except that the sound is produced by modern instruments, imitating the mbira. Mirror adaptations can be achieved in two ways: (1) fusing the mbira instrument with popular music instruments such as the guitar, keyboard, saxophone, trumpet and modern drums and (2) surrogation, that is, using modern instruments such as the guitar to imitate the sound of mbira in the absence of the actual instrument. However, mirror adaptations carried out by Thomas Mapfumo have not been 100% reflective of the original music because he effected some changes in the adaptation process.

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(1) Fusing Mbira with Pop Music Instruments In this instance, the mbira is accompanied by popular musical instruments. Thomas Mapfumo combines a traditional mbira instrument with modern pop instruments. The mentioned artist performs mbira music in its original acoustic form. He maintains the same traditional arrangement by making use of mbira chord progressions in common mbira tunes such as nhemamusasa, chemutengure, nyamaropa, dangu rangu and chigwaya which already exist. Joshua Dube explains that when adapting mbira music onto the modern popular music band format, the following basic four phrase chord progressions are used, E-A-C#m  F#m-AC#m E-G#m-B E-G#m-C#m (Eyre, 1994). “Its distinctive harmonic progression, for example: C,F,Am/Dm,F,Am/C, Em,G/C,Em,Am/ are typically organised within a fluid, 12/8 rhythmic structure that sometimes sound like 4/4 and sometimes 6/8 even with the song” (Eyre, 2008, p. 36). When adapting mbira music to pop band format, Thomas Mapfumo moved the songs from a traditional to a contemporary setting. He also moved it from a private1 to a more public2 and commercialized domain. One of Thomas Mapfumo’s songs entitled Chigwaya (see excerpt 1 below) has been transcribed to give an example of how the mbira is fused with modern pop instruments. In the song, Thomas Mapfumo fuses one 22 key mbira dzavadzimu with the kick drum, hosho (hand rattles), lead vocals, backing vocals, the rhythm and bass guitars. In an effort to adapt mbira to popular music band format, Thomas Mapfumo maintained the general characteristic of mbira dzavadzimu music which includes its cyclic nature, vocables, mupururu (ululations), kushaura (lead) and kutsinhira (repository), among others. In his adaptations, the mbira played the leading role (kushaura) and other instruments played the accompanying role (kutsinhira) as shown by excerpt 1 below. In the above song arrangement (Fig.  18.1), the mbira dzavadzimu (Mb) plays the kushaura part (bars 1 to 3) while other instruments are silent. All the other instruments then enter at the beginning of the second cycle in bar 4 except for the rhythm guitar which enters one and a half 1  Private domain is where the music is performed to evoke ancestral spirits during a bira (all night ritual ceremony). 2  Public domain is when the music is performed for an audience in a modern performance setting. Performers play the music on stage while the audience listen, dance and enjoy.

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Fig. 18.1  The song Chigwaya

beats after the beginning of bar 3. In this instance, Thomas Mapfumo makes a small adjustment from the traditional concept of kushaura and kutsinhira. For example, in the traditional mbira music performance set up, kushaura instruments play a complete cycle before kutsinhira instruments enter (in bar 4). But in this song arrangement, the rhythm guitar enters just before the end of the cycle. With reference to kutsinhira parts on mbira music, Berliner (1993) advances that these could be divided into three parts, kutsinhira kwekutanga (first response), kutsinhira kwepamusoro (upper response) and kutsinhira kwepasi (lower response). In the above song (Chigwaya), Thomas Mapfumo made use of the rhythm and bass guitars to play the roles of the kutsinhira kwepasi and kutsinhira kwepamusoro. The rhythm guitar played the kutsinhira kwepamusoro while the bass guitar played the kutsinhira kwepasi. There

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was no kutsinhira kwekutanga as shown in excerpt 1 above. This is an indication that Thomas Mapfumo replaced the instrument mbira with the mentioned modern instruments. This gave the music a richer and diversified sound. Instead of just hearing the sound of mbira in the kutsinhira parts, one hears the sound of the rhythm and bass guitars. • Vocal Accompaniment In his vocal accompaniment, Thomas Mapfumo maintains the traditional lyrics of the song. He does not add nor remove anything, but sings it exactly as it is sung during traditional mbira dzavadzimu performance as shown below (Fig. 18.2). He makes effective use of ululation in his music. However, he does not make use of mahonyera and vocables. He divides his voices into two, the lead and two backing vocals (LV and BV). The lead vocal performs the leading role while the backing vocals take the repository one (see excerpt 3) (Fig. 18.3). There is no explicit harmony from the way the singing is done, thus monophonic textures characterize the singing. The two backing vocals sing the song an octave apart as indicated in excerpt 4 (Fig. 18.4).

Fig. 18.2  From the song Chigwaya

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Fig. 18.3  Excerpt 3 from the song Chigwaya

Fig. 18.4  Excerpt 4 from the song Chigwaya

It should be noted that Thomas Mapfumo makes an adjustment to the traditional singing of Chigwaya by adding a ‘re’, in his singing. For example, the traditional vocal melody of Chigwaya, {chinotamba mudziva macho chigwaya} translated to mean ‘it plays in its own path {d, d, d, t, l, l, d, s, m, m, s}’. The ‘bream’ is constituted by the following notes: d,t,l,s,m, an indication that the music is in the pentatonic scale. It does not resolve in perfect cadences, but in the form of rising or falling thirds (m.f.s.). “The perfect cadence serves as an essential function in common practice music; it is virtually required for a sense of closure at the end of a piece …” (Temperly, 2001, p.  335). But Thomas Mapfumo sings it as: d,d,d,t,l,l,m,d,t,r,m,s. The added ‘r’ is a second-degree note to bring it to a hexatonic scale which becomes d,r,m,s,l,t. Thomas Mapfumo incorporates the ‘re’ to make the music fit into the contemporary form and to accommodate the guitar, other accompanying instruments and himself. The guitars that accompany Chigwaya resolve as perfect cadences. Therefore, there has been interference to the original Chigwaya scale from a pentatonic to a hexatonic one. Scale change is a result of the inclusion of Western instruments into indigenous music genres as well as infiltration of the Western music concepts into African. These changes are a result of assimilations3 and truncations.4 Many Africans have been exposed to Western  Assimilation is the incorporation and bringing together of certain musical elements from various traditions, old and new techniques of contemporaries and bringing in different approaches in a view to improve the music (Landy, 1991). 4  Baker (1985) views truncation as a “technique of omitting a note or notes from the end of the musical phrase” (p. 19). 3

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characteristics of music such as harmony, chord progressions, cadences and performance practice, among others. In that perspective, many Zimbabwean music artists perceive sound using the Western scale because that is what they have been trained to do in schools, churches and other institutions. “In traditional African Music these days, you almost never hear the original harmony. There is always someone putting in that 3rd note and you have this sickly-sounding western harmony all the time” (Simon, 1987, p. 26). • Cyclic Nature of the Music In mirror adaptations, artists maintain the cyclic form of the music as evidenced by the isorhythms5 in their music. For example, in Thomas Mapfumo’s song Chigwaya, the rhythms and melodies are repetitive in both the instrumental and the vocal lines as indicated by the repeat signs in the music (see excerpt 2) above. Thomas Mapfumo also retained the aspect of mellow rhythms when adapting mbira dzavadzimu to popular music band format. According to Nzewi and Nzewi (2007), a mellow rhythm is a complete and full melody on its own. He is of the opinion that in the principle of complementarity, no entity is complete in isolation and that whatever exists needs a complement. He is also of the view that an instrument or voice used in a performance assumes a full independent rhythm. The author in question argues that a dance pattern is a complete unit on its own. In the same way, the melody of a drum, hosho rhythms and makwa are complete and full rhythms in themselves. When the nheketo lamella is being played, it has its own complete independent rhythm or melody, with a meaning that it puts across. If the performer stops singing during a performance, people continue to enjoy the dance in response to the sound of mbira; if people stop dancing, they continue to enjoy the singing; if people stop singing and dancing, they continue to enjoy the mbira instrument. This shows that each rhythm is complete on its own and can be performed individually. The above-mentioned rhythms form layers which when put together result in the formation of polyrhythms (see excerpt 5). This means that all the people and their instruments are regarded as valuable active contributors in any performance and that there is no passive audience/spectators like in the Western music performance practice (Fig. 18.5). 5  Bent (2001) submits that isorhythm refers to a periodic repetition of a fixed pattern of pitches.

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Fig. 18.5  Excerpt 5 from the song Chigwaya-

In the above excerpt, Kick Drum (KD), Mbira (Mb), Rhythm Guitar (RG), Lead Vocal (LD), Backing Vocals (BV), Bass Guitar (BG) and Hosho (HS) produce independent rhythms which form layers which in turn produce polyrhythmic textures.

Use of Surrogation in Adapting Mbira Dzavadzimu Music to Popular Music The adaptation of mbira music onto modern music instruments has become common in Zimbabwe. In many instances, Thomas Mapfumo uses surrogation in his adaptations. In this instance, the guitar takes the place of the mbira dzavadzimu instrument. In some of Thomas Mapfumo’s music, there is a displacement of the mbira instrument substituted by some modern instruments such as the guitar. In other words, the lamella sound is replaced by that of strings, thus a shift from the use of a lamella to stringed instruments. As a result, the African sonic characteristic, the metallic crispy mbira sound (lamella) is masked. Below is an example of one of Thomas Mapfumo’s songs Zeve zeve rinamambo (whisper is with the king) that has been adapted onto modern music instruments (Fig. 18.6). The song Zeve zeve rinamambo (whisper is with the king) was rearranged by Thomas Mapfumo.

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Fig. 18.6  The song Zeve zeve rinamambo (Whisper is with the king)

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The original composer is unknown. Transcribed by Claudio Chipendo. In the above excerpt, Thomas Mapfumo did not use the actual mbira instrument in his adaptations but made use of modern instruments such as the lead, rhythm, bass guitars, hi-hat and the foot drum. One of the challenges he faced in adapting mbira music to modern pop band format was to bring the guitar instrument closer to the sound of the traditional mbira so that it (the guitar) keeps the traditional mbira dzavadzimu sonic nuances. To achieve this, he damped the strings of the guitar to make it sound like the mbira. In this instance, the sound of the mbira is imitated by the staccato effect played on the guitars. Simon (1987) mentions that the effect is achieved by damping the required strings with the palm of the plectrum hand whilst plucking it. He views it as a plectrum style, unlike the finger styles of early Zimbabwean guitarist. He also mentions that the guitarist may change the amount by which he dampens the strings to set off a phrase from another. Eyre (1994) is of the view that “many mbira players play pizzicato, rolling the edge of the right hand over the bridge to damp the notes and mimic the plink of the mbira,” (p. 121). Chartwell Dutiro in Eyre (1994) explains that a key to getting the right sound is to play on the beat using downstroke and the pick-up notes using the upstroke. He also points out that each note is to be played with the same accent. When listening to the effect of damping the required strings, one gets the impression that the music is being played by a traditional mbira dzavadzimu. Thomas Mapfumo uses the lead guitar to play the kushaura (lead part) in place of the mbira when performing the adapted music. In the excerpt below, the lead guitar plays the kushaura part while other instruments are on rest (Fig. 18.7).

Fig. 18.7  Excerpt 7 from the song Zeve zeve rinamambo

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Fig. 18.8  Excerpt 8 from the song Zeve zeve rinamambo

In most instances, the lead guitar imitates the lyrical melody that gives the song identification. It assumes the original nheketo melody or high keys of the upper register of the mbira. Upon hearing the imitated lyrical melody played by the lead guitar, one is able to identify and name the song being played even before other parts such as the rhythm and bass guitars enter. For example, in the song Zeve zeve rinamambo the lead guitar plays the opening Zeve zeve melody, (see excerpt 8) (Fig. 18.8).

Opening Melody for Song Identification Played by the Lead Guitar The use of the lead guitar to play the opening of Zeve zeve rinamambo helps in differentiating the song from other songs derived from the same Taireva (we used to tell you) tune. In the same way, if the lead guitar imitates the Taireva opening melody, one would be able to identify and name the song as Taireva ahead of Zeve zeve rinamambo. The kutsinhira instruments in Thomas Mapfumo’s song Zeve zeve rinamambo entered in bar 8 (see excerpt 9) after a complete cycle of the kushaura part (Fig. 18.9).

Kutsinhira Instruments Entering in Bar 8 In the above song, the rhythm and bass guitars play the kutsinhira kwepamusoro (upper response) and kutsinhira kwepasi (lower response), respectively. In the traditional sense, hosho plays a pivotal role of keeping the mbira act together. It helps to maintain the much-needed constant rhythm of the music. In Zeve zeve rinamambo, Thomas Mapfumo used the hi-hat to surrogate the hosho (hand rattle). The adaptation from hosho to hi-hat is a shift which saw Thomas Mapfumo doing away with the traditional hosho. The song is in the cyclic form as indicated by repeat signs in bar 9 and 16 (see excerpt 10), typical of traditional mbira dzavadzimu music (Fig. 18.10).

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Fig. 18.9  Excerpt 9 from the song Zeve zeve rinamambo

Repeat Signs Indicating the Cyclic Nature of the Music Thomas Mapfumo’s song Zeve zeve rinamambo is also characterized by mellow rhythms. Excerpt 10 shows that the rhythm guitar, lead, bass guitars, hi-hats and bass drums provided complete mellow rhythms that interwove themselves. These in turn become layers building into the song (see above discussion on this subject). Thomas Mapfumo also incorporated the traditional way of singing to accompany his mbira. However, in this particular song Zeve zeve rinamambo, Thomas Mapfumo made use of linguistic contrivance in an effort to hide the actual meaning of the song. The lyrical content, Zeve zeve zeve zeve rinamambo, Zeve zeve rinambo (whisper is with the king), does not give a clear meaning. This allows for multi-correct interpretations. The implication of this is that the song could mean that people should first find

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Fig. 18.10  Excerpt 10 from the song Zeve zeve rinamambo

out the true facts about a case they would want to deal with before taking action. Otherwise, they would be embarrassed if they discover that there was no case in the alleged case(s) after all. It could also mean that a respectable person should be able to keep confidential information entrusted unto him or her. Thomas Mapfumo’s song Zeve zeve rinamambo shows that the artist has continued to maintain the general form, structure and characteristics of mbira dzavadzimu music when he adapted it to pop music band format. Such characteristics as polyphonic structures, interlocking and inherent rhythms are evident in the music. The concept of kudeketera and mahonyera as discussed by Berliner (1993) is also evident in these and some of Thomas Mapfumo’s works which include Chemutengure, Nhemamusasa, Gwindingwi rineshumba, Dande,

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Chigwaya, Mukadziwangu, Kuenda Mbire, Nyokamusango and Chamunorwa. All players retain something of the basic mbira music characteristics (Simon, 1987), In modern mbira, the staccato effect and gestalt effects, the use of polyrhythms, the contrast of variant and invariant parts and the extension of the concepts like that of the 3 registers of mbira are all traditional processes which are taken and applied to the different and sometimes more flexible technology of the modern electric band. (p. 26)

However, the artists’ quest to adapt mbira music onto popular music band format results in some alterations in the music. For example, the song Zeve zeve rinamambo has some points of flow and rapture, climax and anti-climax when performed in a traditional context. In an African traditional mbira performance setting, the song starts low, on a slow tempo and gain momentum as the performance progresses. The intention being to allow the kutsinhira player to select the correct point at which to join the kushaura players with his or her second interlocking parts. Also, improvisations were very common in such performances. Israel Anyahuru (in Nzewi & Nzewi, 2007) posits that a performer of integrity should not remain on repeating the same musical statement throughout the performance but should show some creativity. This is evident in Thomas Mapfumo and other traditional mbira musicians who come up with new playing lines during their performances, showing a high level of creativity and virtuosity. These catapult traditional mbira performances to a climax. But when modern music instruments are used to surrogate the mbira, the song starts on a high momentum because instrument players find it difficult to start low due to the nature of electronic instruments which in many instances have challenges in controlling their volumes during a live performance. On a general view, electronics have been abused to the demise of dynamics to the extent that most songs lack life. The high momentum is maintained throughout the performance as evidenced by Thomas Mapfumo’s song Zeve zeve rinamambo, Chigwaya and others. Also, some lines in the music are static right through the performance with very little or no variations, which according to Small (2011) is a result of musicking.6 This includes the different performance settings, the kinds of action 6  Small (2011) views musicking as a way a human being takes part in a musical performance.

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taken and the different ways artists organize, respond, improvise or embellish the musical sound. Heterophonic7 textures which are usually experienced during traditional mbira performances are limited because performers maintain the same lines they would have been assigned to (from the beginning to the end of the performance) without making any improvisations. Maintaining the same lines fails to hurl the performance to a climax. As a result, many traditional mbira lines have fallen out in what Nzewi and Nzewi (2007) termed ‘retrenchment.8’ In Thomas Mapfumo’s Zeve zeve rinamambo, the same bass and rhythm guitar lines were maintained throughout without any variation or improvisations. (b) Partial Adaptations In partial adaptations, Thomas Mapfumo takes a part or a component of a particular mbira tune, adjust and modify it to suit the contemporary pop music band format. He rearranges the tune, effecting some changes in the traditional form and structure of the music. Some changes include (i) the use of new lyrical content, (ii) the use of a modern singing style and (iii) the incorporation of jazz into mbira music. Paraphrasing, modelling, colouration, retrenchment and borrowing have been used by artists in partial mbira adaptations. In some instances, they combine different music styles. (1) Change in Lyrical Content Change in lyrical content has become one of the most popular techniques used by Thomas Mapfumo in adapting mbira music to pop band music format. He adapts the traditional mbira music form and structure, including most of the elements and general characteristics (alluded to in earlier discussions), but add a different lyrical content to accompany the music. He composes his own lyrics, completely different from the original ones. The newly composed lyrics have a different message and are performed in a different context, to a different audience setting. The lyrics are also meant to pass on a specific message or suit a particular occasion. The use of new lyrics makes the song sound new although Thomas Mapfumo 7  Pandey (2005) is of the view that heterophonic textures refer to “… two or more musicians performing the same melody at the same time by embellishing it in different ways” (p. 335). 8  In this context, retrenchment refers to the process of cutting down or elimination of some musical aspects to make the music fit into the required music format.

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would not have changed the form and structure of the music. For example, he adapts the traditional mbira tune of Taireva, stripped away the original lyrical content and added a new lyrical composition of his own to accompany the music. He entitled his composition, Chamunorwa (what are we fighting for). However, he makes use of some traditional aspects of singing which include call and response, ululation, huro and vocables. (2) The Use of Modern Forms of Singing Thomas Mapfumo, in some instances, composes his own lyrics and sings them in a modern form to accompany mbira dzavadzimu music. It does not include many traditional characteristics of the Shona people’s way of singing such as ululation, vocables, yodelling and mahonyera, among others. In the modern form of singing, performers are expected to mould their voices in order to produce a rounded voice similar to that of an artist performing in an opera. In one of his songs entitled Corruption, Thomas Mapfumo sings in English, with a moulded voice that does not depict the traditional way of singing. Some African characteristics such as ululation, vocables, call and response and other such characteristics are not evident in this song.

Conclusion It can be concluded that global influences and technological advancement have resulted in the modernization and commercialization of the Zimbabwean traditional mbira dzavadzimu music. This has seen many artists in the modernized society reinterpreting and reformulating mbira dzavadzimu music in order to meet the demands of a new emerging public taste. In this process, mbira dzavadzimu music was fused with modern Western instruments as a way of adapting it to modern popular music band format as evidenced by the works of Thomas Mapfumo, among others. The latter’s adaptations were basically in two forms: the mirror and the partial. In the mirror adaptations, the artist adapted the music in such a way that it was a reflection of the original one, especially its form and structure. In partial adaptations, the artist took a part or a component of a particular mbira tune, adjusted and modify it to suit the contemporary pop music band format. Thomas Mapfumo will always be remembered for his innovations which have ushered a new perspective in the aspect of creativity in mbira dzavadzimu music and performance practice.

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References Baker, D. (1985). Arranging and composing for the Small ensemble. Frangipani Press. Bent, M. (2001). Isorhythm: The new grove dictionary of music and musicians. Macmillan Publishers. Berliner, P. (1993). Soul of mbira: Music and traditions of the Shona people. University of Chicago Press. Berliner, P. (2007). The soul of mbira: Music and traditions of the Shona people of Zimbabwe: With an appendix building and playing a Shona Karimba. The University of Chicago Press. Brusila, J. (2002). Modern traditional music from Zimbabwe: Virginia Mukwesha's mbira record ‘Matare. In M. Palmberg & A. Kirkegaard (Eds.), Playing with identities in contemporary music in Africa (pp. 35–45). Nordiska Afrikainstitutet. Chipendo, C. (2015). Towards a changing context and performance practice of Mbira Dzevadzimu music and performance practice in Zimbabwe. Unpublished Doctoral Thesis, University of Fort Hare. Colwell, R. R. (2010). An anxiety of authenticity? Fusion music and Tunisian identity. Unpublished Honours Thesis, Oberlin College, Obelin. Eyre, B. (1994). Zimbabwean roots guitar player. Guitar Player, 28(12), 117. Eyre, B. (2001). Playing with fire, fear and self-censorship in Zimbabwean music. Free muse. Eyre, B. (2008). Gilbert Zvamaida. Guitar Player, 42(1), 34. Landy, L. (1991). What’s the matter with today’s Experimental Music? Organised sound to rarely heard (1st ed.). Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/ 9780203066003 Marti, J. (2002). Hybridization and meaning in the Catalan music tradition. ResearchGate. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/39402745_ Hybridization_and_its_Meaningsin_the_Catalan_Musical_Tradition Nzewi, M., & Nzewi, O. (2007). A contemporary study of musical arts: Informed by African indigenous knowledge systems. Centre for Indigenous Instrumental African Music and dance (ciida). Pandey, A. (2005). Encyclopaedic dictionary of music volume 1. Isha Books. Ramzy, C. M. (2012). Notatic coptic music: A brief historical survey. Library of Congress. http://lcweb2.loc.gov/diglib/ihas/loc.natlib.ihas.200155974/ default.htm Simon, T. (1987). Continuity and change in the work of Mapfumo, a popular Zimbabwean musician. Unpublished Master's Thesis, University of London. Small, C. (2011). Musicking: The meaning of performing and listening. Wesleyan University Press. Temperly, D. (2001). The cognition of basic musical structures. MIT Press.

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Turino, T. (1998). The mbira, worldbeat, and the international imagination. World of Music, 40(2), 85–106. Turino, T. (2000). Nationalists, cosmopolitans and popular music in Zimbabwe. University of Chicago Press. Werbner, P., & Modood, T. (1997). Debating cultural hybridity: Multi-cultural identities and the politics of anti-racism. Zed Books Ltd.

CHAPTER 19

Macheso’s Sungura and Social Identity Narratives in Postcolonial Zimbabwe Vimbai Chamisa

Introduction Zimbabwe achieved colonial independence in 1980 and the first decade after independence was full of hope with Popular music of the time mainly “celebrating a new social life bought by independence” and “capturing the ebullient mood of the moment” (Musiyiwa, 2013, p. 61). The 1990s onwards was largely characterised by suffering, resentment and disillusionment in the country as the independence failed to translate nationalist goals into reality (ibid., 71). As such, since the 1990s, Zimbabwe has been severely affected by a number of social, economic and political crises (Palmberg, 2004, p. 21). As explained by Palmberg (2004) and Vambe (2004), this situation is marked by deterioration in people’s living conditions. Zimbabwean townships, also known as ‘high density’ suburbs, have

V. Chamisa (*) University of South Africa, Pretoria, South Africa Department of Music Business, Musicology and Technology, Midlands State University, Gweru, Zimbabwe e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 A. Salawu, I. A. Fadipe (eds.), Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 1, Pop Music, Culture and Identity, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97884-6_19

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been particularly affected by critical problems including severe unemployment, electricity and water cuts, forced displacements such as Operation Murambatsvina (restore order),1 food shortages, high rate of migration to neighbouring countries particularly South Africa and the AIDS pandemic (Palmberg, 2004, pp.  21–22). Surprisingly perhaps, it is within these increasing economic and social constraints that Sungura music, a style that emerged and gained popularity after independence in Zimbabwe, has become the most popular style of music in the country. Sungura is a Swahili word which means ‘hare’ or ‘rabbit’ (Pfukwa, 2010, p. 174, Mhiripiri, 2011, p. 108; Muwati et al., 2013, p. 107). The style named Sungura is a “fast, punchy, electric guitar and vocal” Zimbabwean Popular music (Eyre, 2001, p. 95). Its “giddy, free-wheeling guitar work” (ibid. 96) and rapid moving beat distinguish it from other local styles and, as Mhiripiri assumes, that is why the music and dance associated with Sungura are invariably referred to as museve literary an arrow (2011, p. 109). Compared to other local styles, Sungura music genre is the highest selling style in the country (Mhiripiri, 2011, p. 2). The Sungura musician, Leonard Zhakata, for example, released an album Maruva Enyika (1994), with the hit song “Mugove” which became the first album to sell more than 100,000 copies since the country obtained independence in 1980. Related to this, Leonard Dembo’s albums Chitekete (1991) and Shiri Yakangwara (1995) have sold more than 250,000 copies each in a market where the sale of 10,000 copies and beyond is regarded as a hit (Scannell, 2001, p. 15). These are massive sales in a local market where some musicians barely sell a thousand copies for the entire lifespan of an album (Mhiripiri, 2011). Additionally, as noted by Mhiripiri, Sungura star musicians, particularly Alick Macheso, sell more albums and have more people attending their shows as compared to all other genres (2011, p.  104). Describing Macheso’s influence in Zimbabwe’s Popular music industry and in the performance of Sungura, Perman (2012, p.  394) writes, “Alick Macheso is the most Popular musician in Zimbabwe. By many measures, he is the most Popular musician ever in Zimbabwe”. Using Social identity theory, this article explores the relationship between Macheso’s Sungura and the everyday lives and experiences of its 1  Murambatsvina is a large-scale Zimbabwean government campaign that took place in 2005 to forcibly clear slum areas across Zimbabwe. According to Action Aid Southern Africa Partnership Program (2005), this campaign affected at least 700,000 people directly through loss of their homes or livelihoods.

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performers and audiences in Postcolonial Zimbabwe. According to the Social identity theory, “sonic soliloquies are maps by which we will chart…self-definition and unweave the tapestry of [people’s] lives” (Grove, 2015, p.  3). As such, “music constructs our sense of identity through the direct experiences…which enable us to place ourselves in imaginative cultural narratives” (Frith, 1996, p. 124). Focusing on the life history of the ‘King of Sungura’, Macheso, I assert that Sungura’s performance articulates discourses of Social identity as it parallels the nature of the “production of power within everyday human interactions” typical in Postcolonial Zimbabwe (Kyker, 2011). My focus on Macheso’s history is premised on the idea that a particular life story enables understanding the “significance that people give to their life experiences” because these stories are also embedded in particular social and cultural contexts (Chaitin, 2004, p. 2). Therefore, by studying these stories, people “gain not only understanding of the individual and his or her experiences but also insights into the particular social structures and dynamics and cultural values, mores, and norms in which the individual lives” (ibid.). As such, the life story is not only a recounting of one’s life but moreover a process through which individuals construct their identity. I also found Bourdieu’s cultural capital theory relevant here, particularly his idea relating to the concept of habitus. The habitus is a set of “durable, transposable dispositions that emerge[s] out of a relation to wider objective structures of the social world” (Bourdieu, 1977, p. 72). Determined by factors including life background and experience, socio-­ economic status and education, the habitus shapes an individual to interpret and engage with cultural artefacts in particular ways, also determining their embodied responses to them (Boise, 2016, p.  180). As I examine Macheso’s life history and experience in relation to Sungura I seek to show how these impact the way he conceives and performs the music.

Macheso’s Early Years Alick Macheso was born on 10 June 1968 in Musana rural area in Shamva2 located in Mashonaland Central Province which is about 90 kilometres to the north-east of Zimbabwe’s capital, Harare. His father, Hudson Chisale, and mother, Emilia Macheso, are both of Malawian origin who migrated 2  Shamva is a gold mining area and it is characterised by fertile soil which has resulted in increased farming activities in the area.

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from there to Mozambique and later to Zimbabwe in the 1960s searching for employment opportunities. Macheso himself is then Malawian by origin and Zimbabwean by birth. Macheso’s father, Hudson, was a musician—an occupation that caused Emilia’s parents to forbid him to marry their daughter. As a result, Alick Macheso was named after his mother’s surname and he grew up without his father. His mother did not have any formal employment and so they lived entirely from peasant farming in Shamva. As Macheso explained to me, life was not easy for them as his mother strived to make ends meet. Macheso’s experience of being raised by his mother alone is narrated in his song entitled ‘Baba’ [Father] on the album Tsoka Dzerwendo (2016) where the musician openly expresses the challenges that his mother faced and how he wished his father would have been there for them as clearly reflected in some of his lyrics in the song: Dambudziko ramakasiya kuna mai The problem that you left for mum Rakava guru kwazvo Became so huge Nhai baba kuna mai voga Father you left mother alone Makavasiya vane pamuviri chokwadi You left her pregnant nhai baba Nhai baba mungadaro here? How could you do that? Kusvika pakuzosunungukwa ndizove Until she gave birth to me pano panyika  Kutumidzwa zita imi musipo I was named in your absence Kuita semakafa baba vangu wee As if you were dead my father

As Macheso presents in the song ‘Baba’, he grew up in a struggling family. Typical of the jobs that many people have assumed in Postcolonial Zimbabwe, his mother would raise money through musika [flea market trading], engaging in maricho (a Shona word which refers to a daily contract for weeding and seeding on another person’s farm) and she was also involved in cross-border trading to nearby countries, especially South Africa. Macheso’s mother did not have a stable income, and as such, Alick was not able to complete his secondary education; he had to drop out of school at form two.3 As such, this song mirrors Macheso’s childhood experience which is still vivid in his mind. He reveals that “growing up without a father is not easy, but I am grateful to my mother and her family 3  The age group for form two level in Zimbabwe ranges between 14 to 16 years, and it is equivalent to the form two that is offered by Cambridge.

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for the support that laid the foundation for the background that led to the man I have become” (Mazuruse, 2018). Macheso’s early life at the farm in Shamva inspired him to become the guitarist and dancer he is today. Shamva, being a mining area, is a multinational area which has attracted many people, especially the Southern region from Zambia, Malawi and Mozambique. Now I am musician, and I can trace that back to the days when my uncles [at the farm] taught me how to play a guitar. It started off rather slowly, then I realised I could do a melody with two strings, the three strings and it went on from there. (Interview with Guchu 2011)

Narrating why he later chose to focus on Sungura, Macheso told me that: I did not sit down and decide to say I want to be a Sungura musician, no. In fact, when I was young I did not know that the music was called Sungura, I just enjoyed the music my grandmother and many people around me during that time in Shamva just listened to Sungura and I can’t recall seeing people around me that time play mbira and other types of traditional music. (Personal Interview 2018)

“Ndakatanga kugona kutamba ndisati ndagona kuridza” [I mastered the dancing skill before I could play a musical instrument] (Interview 2018). These two skills, dancing and guitar playing, have come to define Sungura today. Macheso’s music was founded around guitar playing and dancing, and these form an important part of this type of music. His combination of guitar virtuosity and signature dancing has proved irresistible in his music (Perman, 2012, p. 386). The dance is referred to in Shona as museve or chibhasikoro. As Macheso recalls, people would play banjos4 at the farm and he became interested in music at a tender age whilst undergoing his primary education at Enterprise Primary School in Shamva. Macheso never had the opportunity to attend a music school, but his uncles, Julius and Rogers Macheso, who had 4  The term banjo refers to a musical instrument with a circular resonator made up of four or five strings. In Zimbabwe there are home-made banjos whose strings are made from twine, and the resonators are constructed from olive oil tins. A banjo also called home-made guitars can substitute a guitar under circumstances where a musician (mainly in the rural areas) could not afford to buy a guitar.

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relocated to Shamva from Mozambique, introduced him to dancing and banjo playing. His talent in playing banjo became very vivid as he surpassed his mentors. He constructed his own banjo at the farm where he added more strings. Practising his instrument on a daily basis Macheso would imitate what other musicians were doing, for instance, he would listen to songs such as ‘Solo na Mutsai’, by Jonah Moyo and the Devera Ngwena Jazz band and imitate the songs on his banjo. Macheso did not struggle to become a musician at a young age, but his parents did not want him to be involved in music or to become a musician. He explained to me the criticism and discouragement he faced from his grandmother while at the farm in Shamva. As he remembers his grandmother once warned him saying “magitare ndomabasa emarombe ukugumisira, mabasa emapenzi anongotevedza ndari” [Playing guitars is work done by people who do not have direction of life, people of bad morals, they are drunkards]. Macheso further explained how musicians were viewed in the society in which he grew up: Nguva yatakakura magitare ainzi ndeemarombe. Mbuya vangu vaindirova pose pavaindiwana ndichiridza banjo; Havana kumbofungidzira kuti ndaizowana raramo kubva munezvokuridza izvi. Asi vasati vasaika mbuya vangu makore mashoma apfuura ndainyemwerera pandaivaona vachitamba vachinakidzwa nemumhanzi wangu. When we were growing up, guitar playing was associated with loafers. My grandmother would always beat me up each time she found me playing my banjo. It never dawned on her that I was going to sustain my life and that of others through music. But before my grandmother passed on a few years ago, I would always smile seeing her dancing or nodding to my music. (Interview 2018)

True to that assertion, Macheso composed a song entitled ‘Gogogoi’ on his debut album Magariro (1998) that alludes to earlier disdain for his trade by family members. Yet he went on to become a professional musician sustaining his family through the art: Ndaizviziva kuti hazvikufadzei imi I knew what I was doing was not pleasing you Zvizhinji kwazvo izvo zvainditadzisa There were a lot of challenges Basa rangu riye tarirai zvandava nhasi That job look and see what I have become

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Mudzimai, vana ava pamwe My wife and children we nekuraramazve have a life Maishora zvandaibata ndisati ndakura You criticised my work when I was young Hezvo chero nemi vedzinza But today you are proud of me motozvifarirawo Zvipo zvekushanda mabasa People should use their ekuzvibatsirawo talents to work Changu chipo chakava chekufadza My talent has been to make vamwe. people happy.

Growing on a farm, especially before Zimbabwe’s Independence, the environment did not offer him many opportunities as a banjo player and upcoming guitarist. In 1983, at the youthful age of 15, he left the farm compounds of Shamva to head for Harare. Arriving in the capital at the invitation of a relative, Shepherd Chinyani,5 who had been inspired by Macheso’s guitar-playing prowess at the farm compounds, Macheso had to learn how to play the guitar rather than the banjo as the environment required him to do that. Macheso was invited to join the Vhuka Boys band which was led by Chinyani. The band was based in Chitungwiza, a high-­ density suburb located around 30 kilometres from Harare. During his early years in Harare, Macheso was exposed to various guitar-­playing techniques as a lead and bass player. He worked mostly as a bass guitarist for the band, and this forced him to polish his skill as a bassist. He emphasises the bass in his music, an element that makes his Sungura outstanding compared with other popular Sungura musicians in the country such as Nicholas Zacharia, and the late Simon Chimbetu. However, Macheso had to abandon the Vhuka Boys in 1987 because they did not have equipment. Macheso later met Madzibaba Nicholas Zakaria,6 who led a Sungura group called the Khiama Boys. Macheso was also playing the bass guitar. 5  Shepherd Chinyani is a guitarist who also performs Sungura. He is regarded as one of the pioneers of Sungura music in Zimbabwe and has mentored a number of Sungura musicians including John Chibadura, Nicholas Zakaria and Alick Macheso. At the time when he met Macheso, Chinyani led a band called Vhuka Boys. 6  Zakaria also has Malawi origin. He was born in Mazowe to a Malawian father, Maluva Chekani.

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Like the Vhuka Boys, the Khiama Boys band was entirely based on guitar playing accompanied by the drum set and vocals. During Macheso’s days with Khiama Boys, they released a number of successful albums and their group became a household name in the 1990s. Some of their albums include Kuva Nemari, Chikumbiro, Zvirimudzimba, Mabvi Nemagokora, among others. The Khiama Boys became the last band Macheso affiliated himself with before he went to form his independent group as I explain further below. A reflection on Macheso’s musical career development so far shows that, different from musicians such as Mtukudzi and Mapfumo who were exposed to the well-known Shona indigenous music as they shaped the foundation of their music, his inspiration was not informed by Zimbabwean indigenous sounds.7 The well-known Zimbabwean indigenous music includes mbira and ngoma (drum) styles such as jiti, dinhe, mhande, just to mention some. As Macheso explained, these were rarely performed in Shamva mining area where he grew up because, as he assumed, in the colonial and early Postcolonial periods in Zimbabwe, the mining areas were, to a considerable extent, occupied by migrants from various African countries especially Zambia, Malawi and Mozambique who were working in the mines. Lacking the cultural ties to the Zimbabwean indigenous music, the migrants would, in certain circumstances, acquire entertainment from artists who also identified themselves with foreign communities. Zoë Groves noted something similar in his work on Malawian citizenship in Postcolonial Zimbabwe when he explained that Malawian Nyau society “provided entertainment for Africans from a multitude of ethnic backgrounds” in colonial times (2012, p. 493). While I later in this article examine how Macheso’s migrant experience influences his performance of Sungura, I wish to highlight here that at the core of the foundation of his career are Zimbabwean Sungura gurus namely Stephen Chinyani, Jonah Moyo and Nicholas Zacharia, who also identify foreign communities and did not incorporate local indigenous sounds in their music. In 1997, Macheso formed his own band named ‘Orchestra Mberikwazvo’ which he mainly refers to as ‘Band revanhu’ [The people’s band]. In 1998, he recorded his debut album Magariro [Way of life] under tough financial constraints as narrated by Marwizi (2019): “Macheso had no money to record the songs forcing him to walk by foot from  Kyker (2016) and Turino (2000) are among some of the scholars who explore Mapfumo’s and Mtukudzi’s music in relation to Zimbabwean indigenous music. 7

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Chitungwiza to Msasa to negotiate for a recording contract with Gramma Records. Gramma Records was reluctant to give him a contract because they thought he had no capacity, but Bothwell Nyamondera negotiated with them and pledged two months’ salary if the project should fail and that is how Macheso managed to record Magariro”. It is, however, noteworthy that though the early years were marked by difficulties in as far as recording is concerned, in 2005 he managed to move from reliance on other studios to establish his own studio currently known as Alema Studios located at his Aquatic Complex offices in Chitungwiza.

Malawian Chewa and African Heritage in Macheso’s Sungura While Macheso’s musical journey began in Zimbabwe, his family, in particular his mother as well as his grandmother and uncles, upheld their Malawian cultural values. Macheso told me that he never had the opportunity to go to Malawi to visit his relatives from his mother’s or father’s side. Thus, as a second-generation Malawian born in the former Southern Rhodesia, Malawi is more of an imaginary homeland for Macheso. Despite this fact, Macheso identifies himself with the Chewa ethnic group in Malawi and thus confidently recognises himself as part of the Malawian diaspora community in Zimbabwe.8 The term diaspora here concerns “being part of an ongoing transnational network that includes dispersed people who retain a sense of their uniqueness and an interest in their homeland…. It is a social construct…that narrates and gives meaning to a particular group identity” (Shuval, 2000, p.  43). Following Perman who observes that “Sungura only makes sense when considered through the broader lens of regional migration and cultural exchange” (2012, p. 387), in this section, I examine how Macheso’s Malawian roots have influenced his performance of Sungura. His ability to speak fluently not only in Shona language that is largely spoken in Zimbabwe, but also in Chewa and Sena indigenous languages (from Malawi and Mozambique, respectively) has seen him singing in these languages. Writing about Malawians’ history in Zimbabwe, Anuta Daimon explains that Malawians migrated significantly into Southern Rhodesia (now 8  A number of Zimbabwean popular Sungura musicians have been of Malawian ancestry. These include Alick Macheso, Nicholas Zacharia, Simon Chimbetu, Daiton and Josphat Somanje and Fred Manjalima.

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Zimbabwe) from 1895 until the 1970s as part of migrant labour pools under the infamous colonial labour migration system when Nyasaland (former name of Malawi) acted as a labour reservoir for Zimbabwean and South African colonial capitalist economies (2015, p.  3). Southern Rhodesians embarked on an extensive quest for cheap African migrant labour supply in the region from the 1890s to work on farms, mines and industries. This saw an influx of labourers not only from Malawi but also from Northern Rhodesia (Zambia) and Portuguese East Africa (Mozambique) (Daimon, 2015, p.  3). Some of these migrants never returned to their original homes as they settled permanently in Zimbabwe. For instance, Jonas Kasamba, the band’s singer is originally from the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Charles Chembe, his sub-bassist (explain) is originally from Tanzania, and his former rhythm guitarist Zacharia Zacharia (correct as it stands?) is originally from Malawi. As such, Orchestra Mberikwazvo tends to be multinational not only in terms of band membership but even in its compositional sources of inspiration, reflecting the blending of various African musical traditions in the constitution and development of Sungura in Zimbabwe. While the majority of Macheso’s Sungura songs begin at a fast tempo and continue like that to the end, ‘Chisoni’ starts with a relatively slow part and moves to fast sections characterised by Congolese rumba derived dance rhythm. Singing in upper register Macheso’s chanter, Kasamba assumes the special role similar to that of the animateur in rumba, whose job is “to incite dancers with cries of ‘Kwassa kwassa!’ often designating the appropriate dance” (Wheeler, 2005). Kasamba shouts slogans calling the names of the band members and popular places in certain sections of ‘Chisoni’. These shouts in ‘Chisoni’, performed within the fast dancing part consisting of densely textured guitar rhythms, resembles the fast dancing part section called seben in Congolese rumba. Therefore, the rhythmic structure of melodies in both instruments and vocals in ‘Chisoni’ illustrates the close connection and inspiration of Congolese rumba on Macheso’s Sungura. It is also interesting to note that the lyrics in ‘Chisoni’ are composed of a combination of inter-regional African languages namely Chewa, Shona and Swahili. The performance of these inter-regional languages on this rumba-charged Sungura enables songs such as ‘Chisoni’ to be “a multi-ethnic, multilingual form of expression” (Perman, 2012, p. 380). In the context of Sungura, this makes such songs not only to represent the immigrants who have settled in Zimbabwe

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from the African region but to appeal to various people in Africa and beyond. While Macheso mainly sings in Shona, which is the most spoken language in Zimbabwe, a number of his songs have been sung in Chewa. He learnt Chewa at home as it was his mother’s first language. These songs include the songs ‘Mundikumbuke’ [Remember me] from the album Simbaradzo (2000), ‘Chisoni’ from Zvakanaka Zvakadaro (2001), ‘Amakebhoyi’ [Mother of my child] from Vapupuri pupurai (2005), ‘Kumuzi Kwatu’ [My home] from Vakiridzo and ‘Amuna wanga’ [My husband] from Ndezvashe (2007). The first with Chewa-based lyrics to be recorded by Macheso with his Orchestra Mberikwazvo is ‘Mundikumbuke’. The lyrics of ‘Mundikumbuke’ are based around the following lines: Mundikumbuke amayo ndasala ndeka Remember me mother I am left alone Amai sanafe anasiya mawu-oo Before mother died, she said something Usafune-fune Don’t try to seek information Moenda bamboo ulinawo because you don’t have a father Ine mwana wamachilifine wokula I am child raised by a single ndiamai mother Ine mwana wasiye-ile wokulila mumpawi I grew up an orphan

Articulated in Chewa, Mundikumbuke presents hardships and challenges that orphans go through in their day-to-day lives. ‘Mundikumbuke’, thus, is a dedication to children who are raised in the absence of parents. Duplicating verbatim Chewa lyrics of a Malawian popular song entitled ‘Ndasaka Ndekha’ [I am left alone] composed by a Malawian musician named Lucius Banda, Macheso’s ‘Mundikumbuke’ has the potential to attract the attention of Malawians in and outside Zimbabwe and those who are familiar with both songs as they try to establish how these two songs relate. The difference between ‘Ndasala ndekha’ and ‘Mundikumbuke’ is that the former is Reggae while the latter is Sungura.

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Thus, even though Macheso seemingly adapted Banda’s lyrics, he composed new music for the song to fit within his Sungura style. While Macheso’s adaptation of Banda’s lyrics might have been interpreted negatively in certain quarters, I argue that the apparent relationship between these two songs encourages renewed links between Zimbabwe and Malawi reminding especially Malawians in Zimbabwe of their original home. I have observed that Macheso mainly uses Chewa when he sings about this [imagined] home which Malawians in Zimbabwe always remember. In the song ‘Kumuzi kwatu’ Macheso sings: Kumuzi kwathu ndikutalitali Our home is very far away Tikafikako anzanga timabwelela when we reach there my friends, we will return Tima bwela madzulo popanda pokoso we come in the evening without rushing

Sung in Chewa, the song ‘Kumuzi kwatu’ narrates how Malawian migrants who have settled permanently in Zimbabwe and, in certain instances, have never been physically in their original home Malawi still think about this home. Macheso also disclosed to me that he was initiated into the Gulewamkulu cult of Malawi (known as Nyau or Zvigure in Zimbabwe) and that he is a Gulewamkulu dancer.9 For him Gulewamkulu ‘mutambo wakafana ne bhora’ [is a game like football]. He further explained that ‘ndoomutambo waitambwawo kwatakakurira’ [that’s the game that was played where I grew up]. Performed by the Chewa people of Malawi, Mozambique and Zambia, the Gulewamkulu is a dance that accompanies initiation ceremonies, weddings, funerals and the installation of chiefs. Male dancers wear full costumes and masks made of wood and straw, representing a wide variety of spiritual and secular characters. The Gulewamkulu is accompanied by specific drumming patterns played on six different drums.10 There are two foundational rhythm patterns for this dance, referred to as the kapelegede and the kali kumunda nkambeu rhythms in the Chewa concept 9  The dance reflects religious beliefs in spirits and is connected to the activities of secret societies in which dancers (termed zilombo or wild animals) are dressed in ragged costumes of cloth and animal skins, wearing a mask, and occasionally performing on stilts. 10  The six Gulewamkulu drums are mjidiko, kamkumbe, mpanje, gunda, mbalule and ndewele. See Ntala (2009) for more detailed explanation of the Gulewamkulu drumming patterns.

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Fig. 19.1  Kapelegede rhythm

Fig. 19.2  Kali kumunda nkambeu rhythm

of drumming (Ntala, 2009, p. 66). As Ntala explains, these foundational rhythms form the basis of ritual dances such as Gulewamkulu. See Figs.  19.1 and 19.2 which show the transcription of the Gulewamkulu foundational rhythms. A close listening to Macheso’s music performances especially during live shows reveals that he sometimes incorporates both the kapelegede and kali kumunda nkambeu rhythms within his articulation of Sungura. One of the instances in which the musician played these rhythms was during a live show in 2018 when he was performing the song ‘Kusekana kwanakamba’ from the album Simbaradzo. Towards the end of the performance, that is, from about 9:05–11:28, all other instruments stopped playing while Macheso reproduced verbatim the foundational Gulewamkulu drumming rhythms on his bass guitar.11 When I asked Macheso why he played this drum rhythm, he explained how he sometimes consciously choose to integrate his Malawian musical resources within his music highlighting the importance of this in bringing people together both socially and culturally. As Erol (2012) comments, connections to home countries foster social cohesion in diasporic communities cementing relations and encouraging exchanges with the society 11   See YouTube video on the following link: https://youtu.be/Y8LY-AktXoM. As Macheso played his bass guitar his band members danced rhythmically to the Gulewamkulu.

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around them. Macheso also strongly believes that his music has helped in the general appreciation and integration of migrant descendants in Zimbabwe.

Conclusion Macheso’s background history has had a powerful influence on his Sungura style. I have suggested in this article that Macheso’s Sungura particularly songs such as ‘Mundikumbuke’ and ‘Baba’ can be read as a musical autobiography as the musician narrates the events that shaped his life and career. Having grown up in a single-parented family in rural Shamva and dropping out of school at an early age before moving to Harare to start his musical career at the age of 14  in the early 1980s resulted in Macheso experiencing challenges that are common to socially disadvantaged groups in Zimbabwe. As he sings about these social struggles, I assert that Macheso’s background has, to a considerable extent, shaped his Sungura. His background history which is associated with Malawi, Mozambique and Zimbabwe connections has informed his choice to focus on Sungura music performance as the style is a process of regional migration and cultural exchange in Eastern and Southern Africa. Despite the lack of physical connections to his ancestral homeland, Macheso has managed to establish Malawian connections through his music and such connections have come to define and shape his life and musical identity. As such, though colonial independence in Zimbabwe brought unexpected fears and challenges particularly to foreign descendants through events such as the Gukurahundi crisis and unprecedented loss of economic livelihoods during droughts and ESAP (Daimon, 2015, p. 197), I suggest that through Sungura, the Postcolonial landscape in Zimbabwe has offered people with a foreign background a platform to cope, assert and express themselves, as well as seek integration. Infusing identifiable elements of Malawian cultural motifs such as Gulewamkulu drumming, as well as other musical resources from the African region, Macheso’s Sungura not only enables the expression of collective identities but also establishment of points of syncretism with other regional migrants, local communities and the Zimbabwean state (Daimon, 2015, p. 198). Therefore, as Born articulates, music conjures up and animates imagined communities, aggregating its listeners into virtual collectivities and publics based on musical and other identifications (2011, p. 378).

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Drawing also from Congolese rumba and identifiable Shona indigenous resources, Macheso’s Sungura music development in Zimbabwe reflects the blending of various African musical traditions. Additionally, while Perman (2012) have argued that indigenous musical elements associated with certain nationalities play no role in Sungura, I suggest that through the use of indigenous resources from Zimbabwe and Malawi Sungura music allows those who are familiar with the sounds to either identify themselves as Zimbabweans or as Malawians.

References Boise, S. (2016). Post-Bourdieusian moments and methods in music sociology: Toward a critical, practice-based approach. Sage Journals, 10(2), 178–194. Born, G. (2011). Music and the materialization of identities. Journal of Material Culture, 16(4), 376–388. Bourdieu, P. (1977). Outline of a theory of practice. Cambridge University Press. Chaitin, J. (2004). My story, my life, my identity. International Journal of Qualitative Methods. Retrieved August 5, 2020, from https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/pdf/10.1177/160940690400300401 Daimon, A. (2015). Mabhurandaya’: The Malawian diaspora in Zimbabwe: 1895 to 2008. PhD Thesis, University of the Free State, South Africa. Erol, A. (2012). Identity, migration and transnationalism: Expressive cultural practices of the Toronto Alevi community. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 38(5), 833–849. Eyre, B. (2001). Playing with fire: Fear and self-censorship in Zimbabwean music. Copenhagen: Freemuse Frith, S. (1996). Music and identity. In Hall, S and P. Du Gay (Eds.), Questions of cultural identity (pp. 108–127). Sage Publications: Inc. Grove, R. D. (2015). Popular music and identity in Southern Rhodesia, 1930–1960. PhD thesis, The University of Texas, Austin. Groves, Z. (2012). Urban Migrants and Religious Networks: Malawians in Colonial Salisbury, 1920 to 1970. Journal of Southern African Studies, 38(3), 491–511. https://doi.org/ 10.1080/03057070.2012.707507 Kyker, J. W. (2011). A person among others: Music, morality and postcolonial politics in the songs of Oliver Mtukudzi. PhD thesis, University of Pennsylvania. Kyker, J. W. (2016). Oliver Mtukudzi: Living Tuku music in Zimbabwe. Indiana University Press. Marwizi, T. (2019, June 20). Macheso at 51: A short story. Business Times. Mazuruse, T. (2018, May 13). Macheso’s 20-year music journey. The Standard.

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Mhiripiri, N. A. (2011). Welcome singing Sungura queens’: Cultural studies and the promotion of female musicians in a Zimbabwean male-dominated music genre. Muziki Journal of Music Research in Africa, 8(1), 103–119. Musiyiwa, M. (2013). The narrativization of post-2000 Zimbabwe in the Shona popular song-genre: An appraisal approach. PhD thesis, University of Stellenbosch, South Africa. Muwati, 1., Gambahaya, Z., & Mutasa, D. E. (2013). A potentially dystrophic era: Analysis the lyrical sociology of selected sungura songs in Zimbabwe in the 1990s and beyond. Muziki Journal of Music Research in Africa, 10(1), 107–121. Ntala, G. M. M. (2009). The Chewa Art of drumming and its influence on modern Malawian music. Masters thesis, University of the Free State, South Africa. Palmberg, M. (2004). Music in Zimbabwe’s crisis. In S.-M. Thosen (Ed.), Sounds of change: Social and political features of music in Africa (pp.  18–46). Sida Studies. Perman, T. (2012). Sungura in Zimbabwe and the limits of cosmopolitanism. Muzik Journal of Music Research in Africa, 21(3), 374–401. Pfukwa, C. (2010). When cultures speak back to each other: The legacy of Benga in Zimbabwe. MuzikI Journal of Music Research in Africa, 7(1), 169–178. Scannell, P. (2001). Music, radio and the record business in Zimbabwe today. Popular music, 20(1), 13–27. Shuval, J. T. (2000). Diaspora migration: Definitional ambiguities and a theoretical paradigm. International Migration, 38, 41–56. Turino, T. (2000). Nationalists, cosmopolitans and popular music in Zimbabwe. University of Chicago Press. Vambe, M.  T. (2004). Popular songs and social realities in post-independence Zimbabwe. African Studies Review, 43(2), 73–86. Wheeler, J.  S. (2005). Rumba Lingala as colonial resistance. Image and Narrative, 10.

CHAPTER 20

“One Beat, One Pound”: Kasumu Isola Sanni—The Sákárà Master Drummer Odunayo Peter Ogunnaike

Introduction The focus of this chapter is the man Kasumu Isola Sanni (hereafter, KIS). Hardly would African music flow without the various African drums to back it up. Music scholars continue to examine music through rigorous academic studies. Abel Akponome describes the functions of traditional folk music in most traditional societies… as a means to “create pleasure and satisfaction during ceremonies as it provides an excellent means of expression and communication with other people”.1 Also, he submits that “traditional music is used to summon people to a meeting, welcome visitors, signal danger and advertise articles, announce the death of a king or an important personality”.2

 Abel O. Akponome, “Folk Music in Contemporary Nigeria: Continuity and Change”, PhD thesis, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, Kaduna, 2014, p. 15. 2  Ibid. 1

O. P. Ogunnaike (*) Department of History, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 A. Salawu, I. A. Fadipe (eds.), Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 1, Pop Music, Culture and Identity, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97884-6_20

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Existing literature on African indigenous music, African drum, African drummers and drumming, is modestly sizable, but this work is aimed at opening up a new dimension in the study of professional drummers and the interpretation of their percussions in form of the essence of the drummer’s drumbeats. It in particular emphasises the achievement of the subject of this study. Few attentions have been paid by scholars to the devotion of African drummers, both professional and non-professional despite their vital contributions to the huge success recorded by African folk music and their achievements. This is necessary when it is considered that entertainers in Yorùbáland are often depicted as alágbe, that is, ne’er-do-well minstrel. In one of the earliest works on the role of music in traditional Yorùbá religion, Ademola Adegbite extensively examined various Yorùbá traditional drums, categorised them, highlights the roles of the respective drums, and their significance to each of the Yorùbá deities.3 James Adebayo (2015), examining the usefulness of the African drum, highlights the African talking drum “as a unique means of information dissemination in the rural areas of Africa”.4 Importantly, Adebayo identifies five significant processes of drumming. These include the fact that the drummer conceives an idea, looks for an appropriate kind of drum to disseminate the idea, the drummer next looks for a choice language through which the idea would be delivered, the audience factor comes next, and it requires that the audience receive and decode the message and that the audience, after receiving the message, sends a feedback.5 He concludes that drums serve as the effective means of communication where “the drummer is the source, the drum is the channel, the sound is the message, the dancers to the drums are the receivers and the kind of dancing reaction is the feedback”.6 Ovunda Ihunwo (2018), in her article, examines the significant role the drum plays in the life of Africans. In doing so, he uses the Nigerian Drums Festival annually held in Abeokuta, Ogun State, as a case study. Therefore, this chapter is aimed at studying the professional 3  Ademola Adegbite, “The Role of Music in Yoruba Traditional Religion”, Odu: A Journal of West African Studies, New Series, No. 21, January/July 1981, pp. 17–27. 4  Adebayo J., James, “Talking Drums: Delineating between the Boundary of Uses and the Border of Abuses in South-Western Nigeria”, New Media and Mass Communication, Vol. 34, 2015, p. 44. 5  Adebayo J., James, “Talking Drums: Delineating between the Boundary of Uses and the Border of Abuses in South-Western Nigeria”, pp. 46–47. 6  Ibid., p. 49.

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career of a drummer, Kasumu Isola Sanni, a man that contributed immensely to the success of Yusuf Àjàó Ọ látúnjí (hereafter called YO), one of Nigerian finest musicians ever. KIS was the man that handled his band’s Sákárà or the Ọ rùn’ṣà7 (pot-­ neck) drum for what is described as “…more than a quarter of a century”.8 In so doing, we shall attempt answering these questions: What is the Sákárà drum? Who was KIS? What were his contributions to the musical bands he belonged to? By answering the above questions, the study aims to submit that KIS was as significant to the YO’s band to which he belonged throughout the greater part of his professional career, that he was an energiser, not only to the bandleader, YO, but the entire group and that he was as well a very professional merry-maker like YO. The study employs historical analysis through the use of qualitative research method, embracing both primary and secondary sources. Primary sources used include newspaper articles and recorded songs, and for secondary sources, journal articles, theses and books, respectively.

What Is the Sákárà Drum? Before we turn our attention to what the Sákárà drum is, it will be necessary to examine what drum generally is and does. Drum is “a musical instrument made of a hollow round frame with plastic or skin stretched tightly across one or both ends”.9 For Africa, “drums are wonderful instruments that produce pleasant sounds for the purposes (sic) entertainment, rhythm or music”.10 Beyond that, for Africans again, “drums hold a deeper, symbolic and historical meaning…” unlike the Western culture where the culture of drumming “is nearly always associated with entertainment or just to add to the musical quality in the orchestration of music”.11 Jamal Anibaba, 7  Christopher A.  Waterman, “Aṣíkò, Sákárà and Palmwine: Popular Music and Social Identity in Inter-War Lagos, Nigeria”, Urban Anthropology and Studies of Cultural System and World Economic, Vol. 17, Nos. 2 and 3, 1988, p.  239; Interview With Pa Tajudeen Ọ látúnjí 77 Years Old, Yusuf Ọ látúnjí’s Residence, Lafenwa Area, Abẹ́òkúta, 11/06/2014, 11:54 a.m. 8  Author unknown, Kasumu Sanni now leads Baba L’Egba’s Reformed Band, Lagos Weekend, 7 July 1979, p. 9. 9  A.  S. Hornby, Oxford Advanced Learner’s Dictionary of Current English (Oxford: University Press, 2000), p. 359. 10  Ihunwo Ovunda, “Drums as a unifying deity in Africa: Reminiscing the Nigerian drum festival”, International Journal of Applied Research, IJAR, Vol. 4, No. 10, 2018, p. 343. 11  Ihunwo Ovunda, p. 344.

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a Sákárà enthusiast and an Ọ rùn’ṣà drummer, refers to drum as “a musical percussion instrument that generates sound when struck by stick or hands”.12 It is claimed that world over, the tradition of drumming is identical with many cultures13 as an essential part of music. It is noteworthy that different African drums are essentially made from diverse animal skins. Some of the animals whose skins are used to make drums in Yorùbáland include goat, buffalo, gazelle, deer, bush-goat and more. This is why the Yorùbá of Southwest Nigeria often refers to drums as “òkú ewúrẹ́ tí n fọ’hùn bí ènìyàn” meaning the dead goat that is as vocal as human. This saying is aptly describing the value attached to drums in Africa for not only do African drumming intended to represent human voices, but it is equally used to code and decode messages to particular audience or listeners. For the Sákárà drum, Anibaba describes it as “a type of Yorùbá talking drum used in Sakara social and religious genre”. Further, he claims that “it is cast on the neck of a clay pot”.14 It is noteworthy that because of this, the drum is accurately called Ọ rùn’ṣà15 (pot-neck). Both Isaac Delano and Olasebikan Ojo argue that the Sákárà genre basically derives its identity from this major functional instrument, the Sákárà or the Ọ rùn’ṣà drum.16 This particularly serves as a pointer to the significant role of the drum in playing the genre of Sákárà. Therefore, Sákárà could be regarded as a kind of drum used in the traditional Yorùbá Sákárà style of music. Distinguishing between the Ọ rùn’ṣà and other Yorùbá traditional drums, Anibaba submits that the Ọrùn’ṣà has just one face like tambourine. Its notes are strictly bent by the drummer mostly by finger tips, because unlike dundun and apala drums, it does not have strings17

 Interview with Anibaba Adio Jamal via Whatsapp, retiree, aged 60, 28/04/2020.   Akwaaba 2015, “Akwaaba”, online, http://www.akwaaba.com.au/events.html, accessed 23 May. 14  Ibid. 15  Christopher A.  Waterman “Aṣíkò, Sákárà and Palmwine: Popular Music and Social Identity Inter-War Lagos, Nigeria”, in Urban Anthropology and Studies of Cultural System and World Economic, p.  239; Interview With Pa Tajudeen Ọ látúnjí 77 Years Old, Yusuf Ọ látúnjí’s Residence, Lafenwa Area, Abẹ́òkúta, 11/06/2014, 11:54 am. 16  Isaac Delano, The Soul Of Nigeria (Nendeln: Kraus, 1973), pp. 153–154; See also Ojo, Olasebikan, “Sákárà Music”, Long Essay, Department Of African Languages And Literatures, University Of Ibadan, 1978, p.1. 17  Interview with Anibaba. 12 13

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Pa Tajudeen Ọ látúnjí likens the Sákárà drum to the Saudi Arabian drum called bandi.18 Other indigenous Yorùbá genres such as Fuji, Apala and Juju have embraced the Sákárà or Ọ rùn’ṣà drum as a key instrument. Delano Isaac lucidly descries the Sákárà or Ọ rùn’ṣà drum as a “diametrical instrument of about nine inches…”19 The opposite side is open, and a variety of tunes is obtained by pressing the face of the leather with the left-hand fingers while beating the drum with the right fingers. On the other hand, I have argued elsewhere that Sákárà music itself is a cultural genre that forms a fundamental ingredient in the social system of its era, particularly in the Yorùbáland. It is a genre that “not only to inform, educate and entertain but also to express public opinion…”.20 From the above, it could be concluded that African drums, including the Orunsa, aid other musical instruments to give messages and cońtents that are propagated unto the audience. Through the above-mentioned functions, Sákárà music, with the aid of the Ọ rùn’ṣà drum, helped to propagate the elite of the society into fame. This was especially in the days of the pioneer players of the genre namely Abibu Olùwá and YO.

The Man Kasumu Isola Sanni KIS was a born-drummer and a motivator. He was an Egba man of the Àgùrá quarters of Abeokuta. The actual year of his birth, like that of YO, has been a matter of controversy among both Onífàájì—the merrymakers—and scholars. The reason for this was that the practice of birth registration has not taken root in Nigeria by the period of their births. However, available information suggests the year 1910. This is gleaned from three sources which were thrown up by my findings. The first source was an interview session I conducted in 2014 with Chief Tajudeen Olusegun Ọ látúnjí, the heir to the late YO.  In that interview, Tajudeen Ọ látúnjí argues that “both my dad and his master drummer, KIS were age mates, although, my dad was about a year older than him”.21 It has been sufficiently argued that YO might have been 18  Interview With Pa Tajudeen Ọ látúnjí, 79 Years Old, Yusuf Ọ látúnjí’s Residence At Lafenwa Area, Abẹ́òkúta, 16/10/2016, 12:00 Pm. 19  Delano, The Soul Of Nigeria… pp. 153–154. 20  Afolabi Olabimtan “The Efe/Gelede Poet Of Ẹ̀ gbádo Ketu Yoruba” Abalagu, U. N. et al. Oral Poetry in Nigeria (Lagos: Nigeria Magazine, 1981), pp. 157–167. 21  Interview with Pa Tajudeen Ọ látúnjí… 2014.

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born in 1909.22 The second source is a Lagos Weekend newspaper report of 1979. The newspaper specifically referred to KIS as a “65 years old Kasumu”.23 The third source is flimsy but very probable. It is the unarguable fact that both men belonged to almost the same social clubs and societies. This can be affirmed from the numerous serenades of members of such clubs and societies by the band throughout their career. Prominent among these clubs are the Oredegbe Egba and the Fourteen Members Club. Similarly, his professional career may have started with the iconic Yusuf Ọ látúnjí’s Baba L’Egba & His Sakara Group. This, evidently, could be discerned from the allusion of KIS in 1979 that he had played music for 30 years as shall be seen soon. If by 1979, he had indeed played music for that long and with YO that again would mean not only that he was of the same era with YO, but that indeed, both men started together in that band around the 1920s. The argument that YO was not just one of the pioneers of professional Sákárà players in Nigeria, but the leading figure especially from the 1950s till his demise in 1978 has been adequately argued elsewhere with the conclusion that the late 1920s was the most probable time YO emerged on the Sákárà scene.24 Throughout his career, KIS did not only have significant contributions to the Sákárà band, but he equally rose to the position of the master drummer and the captain of the band. It is instructive to also mention the fact that after the passing away of YO in December 1978, KIS succeeded in putting the band together to continue where YO ended. The adventure this time yielded two musical albums. Thereafter, the band split and the various groups continue with the pieces to carry on their enterprise. I shall next interrogate the very reason he is reverentially referred to as “a born-drummer and a motivator”. In a nutshell, we shall be looking at his exploits on the Ọ rùn’ṣà as a professional drummer. This will be done through studies of his contributions to selected albums of their numerous musical albums.

22  Peter Ogunnaike, Yusuf Àjàó Ọ látúnjí: A Sákárà Music Magnum-Opus and Virtuoso, paper submitted for publication in Ibadan Journal of History, February 2021. 23  Author unknown, “Kasumu Sanni now leads Baba L’Egba’s Reformed Band”, 1 July 1979. 24  Peter Ogunnaike, Yusuf Àjàó Ọ látúnjí….

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KIS the Ọ̀gá Onílù: Analysis of Selected Drumbeats Here, I shall attempt a critical analysis of selected KIS’ drumbeats that stand him out. However, it is important to point out that KIS started his drumming career right from his childhood at Abeokuta, his hometown. He never engaged in any other job than drumming. This conferred on him the status or the moniker, Ọ̀gá Onílù, a grand veteran in the drumming unit among veterans in the Nigerian entertainment industry. As a matter of fact, he started playing drum before YO with an Abeokuta musical band. By the time he joined YO’s band, he was on the Ìyá ìlù Sákárà. Although, both KIS and YO never had it smooth all through their careers in the band because it is on record that both had moments of disputes and disagreement,25 yet both were not just able to achieve monumental achievements through sakara music, but were best of friends. This enabled both men, and other members of the band, to work hand-in-hand to achieve glorious feat that placed not only the Sákárà genre, but the two men in a gloriously enamoured position. They must have had a clear understanding of the professional demands of the genre for them to sheathe their swords and unite to forge a musical band that was awed in their days. It was this mutual understanding between the two men that largely resulted in situations whereby YO’s lyrical libretto easily influenced the choice of drumbeats rendered by KIS.  Both the musical lines and the drumbeats combined to make a pleasant propagation of their subjects especially when it involved the serenade of individual patrons. KIS, as a matter of fact, customised special drumbeats for some bigwigs among their patrons. The patrons included personalities such as the three Awolesus—Waidi Alao Mofolorunso, Ganiyu Adebayo and Latifu Akanbi; Tijani Alabi Bakare, Busari Salami Agbaje aka Baba Jebba, Abudu Amodemaja and Falilatu Amoke Siwooku among others. Three of the customised drumbeats suffice here. The Awolesus, particularly Mofolorunso Alao Waidi and Bayo Akanbi, were not just ordinary patrons that merely patronised YO in his lifetime, the trio were friends to both YO and KIS. Waidi Alao, the eldest, was as well a member of social clubs especially the Oredegbe Egba and the Fourteen Members Club to which YO and KIS also belonged. In all the  Interview with Pa Tajudeen Ọ látúnjí… 2016.

25

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albums where YO serenaded all or any of these brothers KIS was certain to render their customised drumbeats which is Ó Kiri, kiri, kiri, Ó rìn, rìn, rìn, Ó wó’lé ès ̣ù ba’lẹ̀…26

He wandered around, he meandered as well, Devil’s camp he annihilated…

The Awolesu brothers rocked the Southwest Nigeria in the 1960s and the 1970s. In volume 22, while introducing Shewu Tijani Alabi Bakare, not only did KIS introduce him with a very affectionate drumbeat: Sun mo mi, fa mo mi, oni temi atata, a signature beat he often used for selected patrons, later, when YO was admonishing Tijani that he should be wary of fake friends and that he should never confide in them was going on, KIS drumbeat changed to Shewu Tijani, Ko si’hun t’Olorun ko le se, Shewu Tijani… 27

Shewu Tijani, There is no impossibility with God, Shewu Tijani

This last percussion by KIS, like the above-mentioned instance of the Awolesus, particularly featured in all other albums in which Tijani’s name was mentioned by YO. Similarly, Busari Isola Agbaje, a prominent patron of YO’s band has a customised drumbeats that sound more like hailing. It goes thus Bàbá n Jebba Busariyu, Busariyu Bàbá n Jebba.28 This drumbeat is an acknowledgement of the fact that Agbaje had a masterpiece building on Jebba Street, Ebute Meta, Lagos. The last drumbeat to be analysed here was for an influential Egba woman, Falilatu Amoke Soaga nee Siwooku. Lasisi Siwooku was then the Chief Oluwo of Ijemo, an important traditional chieftaincy title in Abeokuta. Falilatu, on completion of her masterpiece edifice in the 1970s, got crooned in that epic album. The crooning of Falilatu by YO got KIS, in one of the drumbeats in volume 21, hailing Falilatu thus Olúwo! Oluwo! Àgbágọ́ mìnìjọ̀jọ̀ Gaily dressed Olúwo!29 Oluwo  Yusuf Olatunji, Ó ye ̣ ká ní fura, Vol. 6, c. 1971; Ikù l’òpin, Vol. 18, unknown date.  Yusuf Olatunji, Ìwà Vol. 22, c 1975. 28  Yusuf Olatunji, Àtòrì kó ma ṣe ̣́ weḷ̀ ej̣̀ e ̣, Vol. 3, unknown date. 29  Yusuf Olatunji, Ìjímèrè ṣọ́gigùn, Vol. 21, c 1974. 26 27

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This percussion was to duly inform the audience of the influence and wealth of Siwooku, Falilatu’s father. It should be noted that drumbeats in this epic volume were described as “throbbing beats” by an observer.30 Apart from the customised drumbeats highlighted above, KIS equally have other significant drumbeats for special purposes. One of these drumbeats is the lewd lines that had formed a part of African folklore, but most often coded. The essence of coding these lines, whether in lyrics or percussions, is to prevent unwanted audiences such as the minors from deciphering the message. KIS, and by extension, YO, the lyrical leader of the band, was never left out of this practice. Three of the lewd drumbeats of KIS as recorded in musical albums will suffice here. In volume 13, two different patrons, Adio Alimi and Chief Sufianu Amodu, aka Ejalonibu, were lewdly applauded by KIS for having numerous wives. Immediately YO mentioned the names of Alimi’s 5 wives, and 5 out of Chief Sufianu Akande Amodu aka Ejalonibu’s 23 wives, KIS got enthralled and percussively responded thus O torí ẹni kàn dá’kó! B’ e ̣ni kàn ó s ̣e, Ẹni kàn á s ̣e! O torí ẹni kàn dá’kó! 31

You’re not circumcised for just a woman! If one refuses your advances, Another will yield! You’re not circumcised for just a woman!

Essentially, KIS was urging both men that polygamous has blessed them with option of snubbing any nagger among the numerous wives when nature requires. In the same vein, in volume 16, KIS in percussion and by extension YO in a lyric expressed lewd conducts that were explicable and glaring to their audience, thus Ìyàwó n lọ’ta, ìleḳ̀ ẹ̀ n s’asọ̀! Ìyàwó n lọ’ta, ìleḳ̀ ẹ̀ n s’asọ̀! Ìleḳ̀ ẹ̀ má s’asọ̀ mọ́, je ̣́ ki’yàwó lọ’ta! Ó kù rébété… Èmi e ̣ méjì n bọ̀ wa f’ojú kan ra’wa, Ó kù rébété!32

Wife’s grinding pepper, waist-beads yearn all through, Wife’s grinding pepper, waist-beads yearn all through, stop yearning, o waist-band, Get through with the grinding! Very soon… Both of us are bound to meet Very soon

30   Author unknown, “Baba L’Egba still going strong”, Sunday Sketch, 12 January 1975, p. 11. 31  Yusuf Olatunji, Àsìkò wa ni, Vol. 13, c.1972. 32  Yusuf Olatunji, Òjís ̣ẹ́ nlá, Vol. 16, c. 1972.

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In what could be described as a lewd conversation between KIS and YO in another of their albums, while YO was telling one of his patrons, how he dreamt about him in an amorous mood with his wife, KIS’ drumbeat was busy saying telling the patron in a complementary manner that Kò gbọdọ̀ f’o… Kò gbọdọ̀ f’ojú ko’jú! Ṣóns ̣ó méjì!33 Loosely translated, this means that once a couple meets there is bound to be an exchange of pleasure. Further, one more significant virtue of KIS’ drumbeat was his deft ability to use his skill to settle rift among quarrelling individuals. An example of this instance could be seen in his Ọ lọ́run ò fe ̣́ bé!̣ Ká ṣẹ̀’ra wa, Ká fi’ ra wa sí’nú, Ọ lọ́run ò fe ̣́ bé!̣ 34

It’s despised by God, To have wronged one, and keep malice, It’s despised by God.

Similarly, throughout their career, prayer for patrons featured in the lyrical renditions of YO. Whenever YO rendered such prayer lines, KIS always responded to the prayers rendered by drumming Amin! Amin nla, nla!! Amin! Amin gbangba! Amin; translated this means amen, big amen, amen, huge amen. Last but not the least, YO musical lines often feature dirge for the departed kith and kin of his patrons, hence the need for the band to croon the departed. In response to such lyrical lines, KIS would respond percussively with drumbeats such as Ikú! Death! Alumuntu!! Death!! Ikú mu Alumuntu, Death! Death!! Kó s’eni ti o ni’kú.35 None is immortal.

Ikú and Alumuntu actually mean death. The latter was corrupted into Yorùbá from Hausa. Habitually, these drumbeats, when rendered, were in a sober mood. It is noteworthy that throughout his professional career, KIS was not static with his style or with his tones. Rather, he was consistently very instructive with these drumbeats with time. This is evident in the latter part of his professional career as reflected in volumes 30–37 that were  Yusuf Olatunji, Mej̣́ ej̣̀ ọ ni o bùn mi (Short Play), unknown date.  Yusuf Olatunji, Orin Fàájì (Short Play), unknown date. 35  Yusuf Olatunji, Ìlú tá o mọba, Vol. 5, unknown date. 33 34

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waxed at the peak of the band. In those albums, he did display high level of maturity in his coded messages; he also disguised his drumbeats from his fans just the way a professional teacher cloak his examination paper from his students that are accustomed to his past questions.36 With the above-highlighted factors, KIS did not only earn himself the moniker, Ọ̀ gá Onílù—the master Drummer—it equally positioned him on a pedestal unmatched by any professional drummer before him because of his professionalism on the Ọ rùn’ṣà. KIS’ deftness on the drum also fetched him another signature Kọ́kọ́rọ́ kan, pọ́ùn kan meaning “one drumbeat, one pound” by the bandleader, YO.37 This was to prove the extent to which the drumming trade earned KIS huge monetary reward in an era when the Nigerian pound was of high economic value. In addition, at the peak of his drumming career in YO’s Sákárà band, KIS had been mingling with the crème-de la crème of the society just like YO. This is evident in the communal and social societies both he and YO belonged to. One of such was the Ẹgbẹ́ Ọ̀rẹ́dẹgbẹ́ Ẹ̀ gbá, an Abeokuta social club that consisted Ẹ̀ gbá notables such as Waidi Awolesu, Arubi Salami, Amusa Bello, Yekini Soaga and Lamidi Akinola. In that particular club, both KIS and YO were not ordinary floor members; they had chieftaincy titles, a great mark of honour in those days.38 In the same vein, most members of Òṣùpá Ẹ̀ gbá (Ẹ̀ gbá Moonlights), an Abeokuta Social Club, were frequent patrons of their band. The membership of the Club included first class Ẹ̀ gbá sons and daughters such as late Oba Oyebade Lipede (5 August 1972–3 February 2005), Chief of the Aṣípa Ẹ̀ gbá, Àjàdí Muraina and 29 other prominent Ẹ̀ gbá “moonlights” of yore. It needs to be stressed that the fact that the band, and by extension KIS, mingled with such a high calibre of people indicates how far his profession positioned him. This would suggest that KIS actually rose to the peak of his drumming career to have rubbed shoulders with eminent personalities of his time. KIS’ achievement evidently climaxed when he erected a masterpiece mansion at Lafenwa quarters in Abeokuta. This got YO awed, and the Master Drummer was openly acknowledged by the bandleader in a serenade. YO enquired why it is still believed that drummers cannot prosper. He pointed to the achievement of KIS who he claimed to have not only succeeded in  Ibid.  Yusuf Olatunji, Kasumu Ọ̀ gá Onílù, vol. 33, 1981. I am grateful to Mr Jamal Adio Anibaba for telling me the correct meaning of this expression. 38  Yusuf Olatunji, Ó wọlé olombo keṛ́ i, Vol. 2, unknown date. 36 37

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mingling with the rank and file in the society, but that his monumental achievement is typified by the mansion he erected at Lafenwa.39 Indeed, with the above analysis, it could be seen that KIS succeeded in proving critics wrong that drumming was a profession for the ne’er-do-well. As we shall see soon, KIS did not end his career on the passing of his bandleader and friend, YO; rather he attempted his musical prowess on another aspect in the Sákárà industry.

From a Drummer to a Musician Attention will now be focussed on the period when Kasumu Isola Sanni, on the demise of YO, became a vocalist. By the time YO passed away in 1978, his band boys, including KIS, came together to form another band. The new band was christened Baba L’Egba Reformed Sákárà group. The new group, like its predecessor, was based in Abeokuta. This time, KIS led the band. The major reasons the band was sustained are not farfetched. One was because of “the reputation of the band and that of Baba L’Egba”. They wanted the fans to “hear the true rebirth of Baba L’Egba’s sound”.40 Another reason was KIS’ belief that a professional musician of his fame and stature cannot engage himself in any other profession than Sákárà music. This was because he strongly believed that music was his business and that “after playing music for the past 30 years as a profession”, there was no need nor would it be easy for him to engage himself in other professions.41 However, the attempt at continuing where YO ended in 1978 was not without resistance from, not only the scion of YO, Tajudeen Olatunji, but other members of YO’s band. Thus, they were never united after his death. This resulted in the emergence of musical groups out of the original band. One of such bands was led by KIS as I mentioned earlier. Before then, crises, according to Tajudeen Olatunji, had been brewing just a week after

39  Yusuf Olatunji, Kasumu Ọ̀ gá Onílù, vol. 33, 1981. YO, in that particular album, enquired the rationale behind the belief that no drummer can prosper. He pointed out the fact that not only did drummer succeed in building a mansion, but that he dines and wine with the elite, a feat that indicates he is influential. He called the attention of the public to the fact that KIS achieved the above through no other job than drumming. 40  Advert: “Kasumu Sanni & his reformed Baba L’Egba Sakara Group now on sale”, Lagos Weekend, 26 October 1979, p. 13. 41  Author unknown, “Kasumu Sanni now leads Baba L’Egba’s Reformed Band”, Lagos Weekend, 7 July 1979.

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the demise of YO. This was when the band, led by KIS, came to pick the musical instruments for a play. Tajudeen did rebuff this attempt.42 However, by 1979, the band waxed an album. The band then claimed that they chose to remain one not just as a sign of respect for the late leader, YO, but also because members of the group had been together for almost 40 years.43 The vocal of the band by this time was led by KIS. However, it is important to mention the fact that the pact among the group members was to suffer setback by the following year. This time, another factional band was led by Tajudeen Olatunji, YO’s heir.44 In that same year, another group emerged under the leadership of Wahabi Sekoni who was also a member of the original group. None of the splinter groups survived the volatile Nigerian music scene as all of them faded out before long. Lagos Weekend newspaper hinted the public of this development in one of its publications. The newspaper had enquired that about who succeeded him as the bandleader.45 This was an indication that the band by this time was not in good shape. The question became necessary in the face of bitter struggle that had erupted among the band members. The rivalry among the original members of YO’s band was not limited to the above-highlighted incident. This was because more forces that seemed stronger than the above-mentioned groups emerged before long as oppositions. The emerging forces equally nursed the ambition of replacing YO on Sákárà scene. The first of these forces was Olatunde Akanbi Popoola, a back-up vocalist with the original band. Incidentally, at the peak of the struggle between the factional bands, Popoola was busy scheming taking over the leadership of Sákárà music. This was because by 1980, 15 months after the demise of YO, he did not leave “any stone unturned to see him succeed into the band leadership”.46 In addition to the above, YO’s informants abandoned the band in the trying period. I have discussed the roles the informants played in the success of the band elsewhere. In fact, one of the informants, Lasisi Popoola, had waxed a musical album before the exit of YO in 1978.47

 Interview with Pa Tajudeen Ọ látúnjí… 2016.  Unknown Author, “Yusuf lives on”, Lagos Weekend, 2 February 1979, p. 9. 44  Interview with Pa Tajudeen Ọ látúnjí… 2016. 45  Author unknown, “Who succeed Yusuf Olatunji?”, Lagos Weekend, 8 August 1980, p. 8. 46  Ibid. 47   Author unknown, “Lasisi Popoola: New Sakara Sensation”, Lagos Weekend, 24 November 1978. 42 43

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Before then, Omo Salamo, another important informant of YO, had been waxing musical albums.48 In the same vein, Teslim Sonibare waxed two albums before the passing of the legendary YO.49 The implication of this on the efforts of KIS and the team was that one of their main sources of inspiration, namely the informants, was no more with them. It could thus be submitted that the original band left by YO could have succeeded and avoided division if, on the one hand, the leadership rift never occurred. Also, if Omo Salamo and others had not formed their own bands, they might have served the purpose of rallying point to the members. That marked the end of the glorious career of one of the finest drummers in the traditional genre. He passed away in 1990 in his Abeokuta home.

Conclusion This chapter has examined the career of Kasumu Isola Sanni, one of the earliest professional Ọ rùn’ṣà drummers, that practised drumming as a profession in Yorùbáland. It is established that KIS did not only complement the leader of the band, YO, in the trade, but he, as well, was the engine that propelled the band to success. He harmonised YO’s lyrics with drumbeats that served the purpose of propagating their messages and trade to their patrons. The patrons were thus crooned to appropriate lyrics by YO on one hand and KIS’ drumbeats on the other hand. It is also mentioned that apart from being a professional Ọ rùn’ṣà drummer, KIS equally attempted leading a band in order to exploit other musical prowess deposited in him. These endeavours fetched KIS unprecedented fame and wealth in an era when the society disregarded the drumming profession. He equally mingled with influential men and women of the society during his lifetime, a feat hitherto unknown and unseen of drummers in the land, an achievement that proved wrong the notion that traditional Yorùbá entertainers are never-do-well.

References Adegbite, A. (1981, January/July). The role of music in Yoruba traditional religion. Odu: A Journal of West African Studies, 21, 24, New Series. Advertisement. (1976, December 23). S. A. Salamo. Lagos Weekend. Advertisement. (1979, October 26). Kasumu Sanni & his reformed Baba L’Egba Sakara Group now on sale. Lagos Weekend.  Advertisement: “S. A. Salamo”, Lagos Weekend, 12 December 1976, p. 13.  Interview with Pa Tajudeen Ọ látúnjí… 2016.

48 49

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Akponome, A.  O. (2014). Folk music in contemporary Nigeria: Continuity and change (PhD thesis), Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, Kaduna. Akwaaba. (2015). Akwaaba, online. Retrieved May 23, 2015, from http://www. akwaaba.com.au/events.html Author Unknown. (1975, January 12). Baba L’Egba still going strong. Sunday Sketch. Author Unknown. (1978, November 24). Lasisi Popoola: New Sakara sensation. Lagos Weekend Author Unknown. (1979a, February 11). Yusuf lives on. Lagos Weekend Author Unknown. (1979b, July 1). Kasumu Sanni now leads Baba L’Egba’s reformed band. Lagos Weekend. Author Unknown. (1980, August 8). Who succeed Yusuf Olatunji? Lagos Weekend. Delano, I. (1973). The SOUL of Nigeria. Nendeln. Hornby, A.  S. (2000). Oxford advanced learner’s dictionary of current English. University Press. Ihunwo, O. (2018). Drums as a unifying deity in Africa: Reminiscing the Nigerian drum festival. International Journal of Applied Research, IJAR, 4(10), 343. Interview with Anibaba Adio Jamal via Whatsapp. (2020). Retiree, Aged 60, April 28. Interview with Pa Tajudeen Ọ látúnjí. (2014). 77 Years old. Yusuf Ọ látúnjí’s residence, Lafenwa area, Abẹ́òkúta, June 11, 11:54 am Interview with Pa Tajudeen Ọ látúnjí. (2016). 79 Years Old, Yusuf Ọ látúnjí’s residence, Lafenwa area, Abẹ́òkúta, October 16, 12:00 pm James, J. A. (2015). Talking drums: “Delineating between the boundary of uses and the border of abuses in South-Western Nigeria”. New Media and Mass Communication, 34, 27–24. Ogunnaike, O. P. (2021). Yusuf Àjàó Ọ látúnjí: A Sákárà Music Magnum-Opus and Virtuoso. Paper submitted for publication to Ibadan Journal of History. Ojo, O. (1978). Sákárà music, Long essay. Department of African Languages and Literatures, University Of Ibadan, Ibadan. Olabimtan, A. (1981). The Efe/Gelede Poet of Ẹ̀ gbádo Ketu Yoruba. In U. N. Abalagu et al. (Eds.), Oral poetry in Nigeria. Nigeria Magazine. Olatunji, Y. (c.1971). Ó yẹ ká ní fura, Vol. 6. Olatunji, Y. (c.1972a). Àsìkò wa ni, Vol. 13. Olatunji, Y. (c.1972b). Òjís ̣e ̣́ nlá, Vol. 16. Olatunji, Y. (c.1974), Ìjímèrè sọ ̣́gigùn, Vol. 21. Olatunji, Y. (c.1975). Ìwà Vol. 22. Olatunji, Y. (1981). Kasumu Ọ̀ gá Onílù, vol. 33. Olatunji, Y. (n.d.-a). Àtòrì kó ma sẹ ́ ̣ wẹ̀lẹ̀jẹ, Vol. 3, 19. Olatunji, Y. (n.d.-b). Ìlú tá o mọba, Vol. 5. Olatunji, Y. (n.d.-c). Ó wọlé olombo keỵ́ in, Vol. 2. Olatunji, Y. (n.d.-d). Ikù l’òpin, Vol. 18.

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Olatunji, Y. (n.d.-e). Mẹ́jej̣̀ ọ ni o bùn mi, (Short Play). Olatunji, Y. (n.d.-f). Orin Fàájì (Short play). Waterman, C. A. (1988). Aṣíkò, Sákárà and Palmwine: Popular music and social identity in inter-war Lagos, Nigeria. Urban Anthropology and Studies of Cultural System and World Economic, 17(2 and 3), 239.

CHAPTER 21

When Culture and Tradition Aren’t Archaic: The Song Semantics of Zimbabwean Mbira’s International Appeal Enock Nyambo

Introduction The inseparability of music and the expression of human experience have been acknowledged by many music-linguistic scholars (Blacking, 1995). As much as the standard approach to rhythmic organisation used in the music from the island of Bali, Indonesia is linked to basic cultural values and practices relating to Balinese concepts of social interdependence, Mbira music is at the core of Zimbabwean traditional and cultural practices. In the wake of Zimbabwean colonial legacy that resulted in the hybridisation of culture, it is fascinating to note the Mbira foundational touch and therefore its enduring semantic implications in the face of musical and cultural change. Despite somewhat less popularity at home, Mbira music seems to have managed to stand the test of time as it has maintained its vitality and relevance even having been transported to locations around

E. Nyambo (*) Legae Academy, Gaborone, Botswana © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 A. Salawu, I. A. Fadipe (eds.), Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 1, Pop Music, Culture and Identity, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97884-6_21

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the globe (Bakan, 1999). Stella Chiweshe is popular in as far as that far reaching reality of Mbira influence goes. It is in this vein that this chapter considers a case study of qualitative approach based on Stella Chiweshe, to analyse the traditional and cultural semantics of Mbira music, examine the extent to which Mbira music is archaic and to evaluate the peculiarities and semantics of Stella Chiweshe’s Mbira music.

Background and Rationale of the Study The study of musical meaning backed by the findings of modern linguistics semantics is still scarce in spite of the universally acknowledged power of music. As such, at the centre of this enquiry is the ambivalence with which the Mbira musical semantics is interpreted. Due to the growth of computer-generated musical genres in Zimbabwe and elsewhere, traditional music is now seen by some as archaic and antiquated. It is the ironic national denigration and international valorisation of the Mbira songs that is puzzling. In this vein, this chapter ascertains the meaning that both Zimbabweans and international music lovers ascribe to Mbira songs. Stella Chiweshe is one of the Zimbabwean musicians who popularised Mbira music. She is relatively popular locally and perhaps, more recognised internationally; hence, her music is the subject of this enquiry.

Review Traditional and Cultural Semantics of Mbira Music Turino (2008a, p.  85) asserts that the story of Mbira instrument is an interesting example of perceptions of the meaning of being Zimbabwean. The instrument was used traditionally in ceremonies (Bira) of the Shona people and is believed to be very old. Instruments similar to Mbira can be found in many parts of Southern Africa under different names, but the name Mbira is exclusive to Zimbabwe. It is important to note, as confirmed by Turino (2008b) that it is only in Zimbabwe that the Mbira music possesses a deep traditional and cultural significance; Mbira music has become the focus of modern music movement, revivalist in ideology and part of ‘world beat’ in orientation. Mbira Dzawadzimu (music meant to appease spirits) has become synonymous with Zimbabwean music in the international imagination.

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Mbira Dzawadzimu was played among the Zezuru, a group that live in the area near the capital. Turino (2008b) explains the revival of Mbira music through reference to two ideological conceptions: ethnomusicologists who think traditional cultures are dying out, and nationalists who think that they represent the rebirth of the nation’s culture, broken by colonialism. One of the most significant traditional and cultural connotations of Mbira music is its link to spirituality (Vadzimu in Shona). Mbira music therefore connotes nuances of disapproval of self-material aggrandisement; hence, it distances itself from the vices of modern society. Is Mbira Music Archaic? Deschênes (2005) observes that in many parts of the world, modernity is equated with Westernisation and many traditions are ‘trampled’ to make way for this so called western modernity, which sometimes is likened to some kind of universality. The same scenario applies to the Zimbabwean traditional Mbira music which could be easily construed as archaic, especially within the context of the majority of Zimbabwean younger generations. Ironically, there is massive acceptance of Mbira music in the Western word. Hence, one wonders whether the non-acceptance of Mbira music by natives denoting it as old-fashioned is not a way of depriving oneself of their traditional heritage. In contrast, in other parts of the world, more and more westerners are showing interest for non-western traditional and classical music which in turn helps in keeping this music alive. Stella Chiweshe is a typical Mbira Maestro who is held in high esteem and regarded as more successful in the western world than in her native territory. One perhaps undisputable concept to do with the way Mbira can be considered antiquated is the change of its function due to the legacy of colonialism. According to Okumu (2004), it is well documented that African traditional music is functional in the sense that music was part and parcel of community life. It was common knowledge that there was music for celebrating the birth of a child, naming ceremonies, work, rituals, initiation, weddings, recreation and even funerals. Makobi (1986) quoted in Okumu (1998, p. 13) observes, “The musical culture of a people in urban areas is a far cry from what traditionalists know.” This is a clear illustration of the effect of colonialism on the way of life of a people.

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The International Appeal and Semantics of Mbira Music The actual meaning of the apparent western interest in traditional music from other parts is worth examining as some scholars feel that the explanation goes beyond mere musical aesthetic value. Interestingly, Keister (2004) observed traces of quest for spiritual mentors when it comes to learning and appreciating music of ‘others’. Consequently, he suggests that one’s interest is more than simply musical, but it is often a search for the spirituality one does not find within the Western culture. The spiritual semantics of Mbira music has been acknowledged in many researches, including the much celebrated ‘Soul of Mbira Music’ by (Berliner, 1993). An interesting question is whether the Mbira international appeal is genuinely because of the world’s embracement of cultural diversity or a veiled cultural imperialism. Bohlman (2000, p. 188) suggests that “Europe defines its ‘selfness’ by creating cultural objects outside of the history and progress that it wishes to claim solely for itself”. He adds that “By no means can one talk of cultural integration, but rather of an exoticization of the surface of European society.” As such, one is bound to agree with Deschênes (2005), who opines that Western music makes its ‘others’ and magnifies them for itself, to the point that those who are being exoticized are somewhat secondary in the equation. Deschenes admits that westerners do not see the others for what they are but for what they want them to be through a psycho-cultural filter. The people themselves remain distant, but they are dominated through the use of their objects that are manipulated as seen fit by the international community. The Peculiarities and Semantics of Stella Chiweshe’s Mbira Music Stella Chiweshe’s Mbira music semantics can be best summed up as a Zimbabwean traditional heritage that has been promoted to be part of international cultural assortment as shown by the acclaimed Stella Chiweshe’s prologue of a UNESCO 2010 publication titled “World Heritage and Cultural Diversity”. In that prologue, Stella Chiweshe (UNESCO, 2010) highlights the concept of intangible musical heritage. She says: The materiality of the Shona people in the twenty-first century has become a force that breaks away from the spirituality of musical heritage, which had been the cornerstone of society.

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Stella Chiweshe goes on to lament the disintegration of communal spirituality and questions the traditions that can move across to be accepted in the new. More interestingly, she emphasises the fact that people are lost without their traditions, which contributes to mental and physical diseases and disharmony in a society. Remarkably, the meaning of Stella Chiweshe’s Mbira music is multifaceted. According to Palmerg (2004), the presentation of Stella, before her concert in New York on 10 February 2003 demonstrates spiritual connotations of Stella Chiweshe’s music: Stella Chiweshe makes her 1st NY performance in 9 years in not-to-be-­ missed solo performance! Her soulful music moves from mourning to revolt, from suffering to spiritual prowess with songs of liberation, spiritual experience and social commentary, but Chiweshe delivers the genuine article. Portions of her repertoire come straight from the religious rituals of the Shona people, and audience members at her concerts have claimed spontaneous healings or visits spirits in response to the beautiful melodies she coaxes from her Mbira. (Dandemutande 20 December 2002)

In addition, Stella Chiweshe’s Mbira music can be construed as a breakthrough in gender emancipation, as Zimbabwean music has always been very much a male domain. According to Makore (2001), at the time that Stella Chiweshe started playing, not only men criticised what they considered an invasion of their domain, even women were resentful. Chiweshe confirms: Just look at her! Just look at where she is sitting in the, idle of men! What kind of woman is she?—Really they were blaming me—Now they admire what I did to learn Mbira. (Dandemutande 20 December 2002).

The inextricable link between the semantic meaning of music and the philosophical and cultural identity of the musician is best illustrated by Stella Chiweshe herself. In response to a question on some background information about herself, Stella Chiweshe refers to her deceased grand-­ daughter as if she is still alive as she counts “her because she talks to me through my dreams sometimes and, giving advice or asking questions”. (Dandemutande 20 December 2002) This is apparently an apt illustration of Stella Chiweshe’s deep rooted spiritual ideology accompanying her Mbira music. Her international

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appeal therefore could be ascribed to her music signifying Zimbabwean tradition, culture, spirituality, communalism and heritage, amongst other peculiar identity indexing connotations The Future of Mbira Music According to Chimedza A (2020) of the Gonamombe Mbira Centre, the Mbira instrument is genuinely the only instrument, which could be played in all kinds of musical genres. Because of that versatility, he believes that Mbira will definitely become prevalent with time, as the instrument becomes more exposed internationally. It is also interesting to note that Mbira music has spread internationally but what makes its future hopeful is the possibility of its global spread. However, Turino (2008a) interrogates the essence of musical globalisation. Turino posits that as a cultural category, ‘global’ is at once too all-­ encompassing and vague, and too deeply indexical, tied to the contemporary discourse naturalising increased capitalist expansion and control throughout the world—a discourse referred to as ‘globalism.’ It is the intricacies of a ‘globalised’ musical traditional instrument that makes the future of Mbira music worth estimating. Tanyaradzwa Tawengwa’s 26 May 2020 Daily News article titled “Cultural Vampires: White Exploitation of Zimbabwean Mbira Music” makes an interesting read with regard to the semantics, international appeal and the future of Mbira music. Tanyaradzwa begins the article with a somewhat ironic response to the international recognition of the Zimbabwean instrument by Google, perhaps the most effective engine to showcase Mbira’s and indeed anything’s international credit. The article opens, “I woke up this morning to my phone buzzing at the news of today’s Google Doodle focusing on Mbira. Thank you to everyone who recognises that this music is my calling and respects my voice in this discourse.” Tanyaradzwa’s story ends fascinatingly as she later relocated to U.S.A on an educational scholarship and at some point asked her father for Mbira in an act of self-liberation. She asserts, “I have no words to describe what happened the night I played Mbira. I played all night in my dorm room, and I played songs no one had ever taught me how to play. Mbira had chosen me.” It is clear therefore that Tanyaradzwa moans the loss of Mbira Heritage to the US international community. Amongst a plethora of manifestations

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that she despises, she talks about the discomfort felt when a white man walked in to teach the ‘Music of Africa’ course on Mbira music. It has been observed that the future of Mbira music is veiled in controversy as the hope connoted in its international appeal is considered as Western exploitation by some academics, while others, especially layman music lovers view such international inroads as signs of limitless horizons for Mbira music.

Theoretical Framework One of the most difficult components of linguistics inquiry is semantics. There have been many approaches but the success has been minimal. According to Antovic (2004), contemporary semantic theories are largely mind-oriented because they hypothesise exact mental representations responsible for the production of meaning. It is in this vein that this study considered cognitive semantics as the theoretical framework. The specific approach for this study is more inclined to memetics, which according to Antovic (2004) is more socially oriented as it proposes that meaning spreads to social groups by imitation. It is important to emphasise that there is dearth of literature with regard to musical meaning backed by findings of modern semantics. According to the Popperian memetics, though music certainly has no truth-conditions, “it is believed that native listeners (parsers) do have intuitions about the acceptability of music in certain extra musical contexts.” Antovic (2004). The different contexts in which Mbira music finds its space, both in Zimbabwe and internationally, makes cognitive semantic theory appropriate as it extends the neo-­ Fodorian module for metaphor. Antovic (2004) posits that the approach is irrespective of the symbolical form of the realisation of musical denotations and connotations. At the core of this chapter is a substantive role of intuition in musical meaning generation, comparable to some aspects of native speaker’s intuition. In the wake of the controversy around English as a Global language with regard to ownership and influence, the spread of Mbira music internationally poses parallel pertinent issues of identity, future, categories and proprietorship.

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Data and Method A case study of qualitative design was used in order to collect qualitative data on a subjective subject to do with musical instrument’s meaning. It involved the administering of in-depth semi-structured interviews as research instruments. Interviews were used to gather qualitative data as they afforded the researcher to make follow-up open questions in order to get as much information as possible. The participants in this study were Zimbabweans and Non-Zimbabweans (18–65 year olds) willing to participate in the study. The widened age groups deliberation was meant to ascertain how Mbira music impacts people of different age groups. The data was analysed using coding and comparative analysis. Participants were sampled on a volunteer basis. The study was informed by the linguistic cognitive semantics theory. The theory, as highlighted earlier, values the symbolic abstract meaning making of musical instruments among other semiotic affordances.

Findings and Discussion This section addresses all the research questions by presenting participants’ understanding of the semantic manifestations of Mbira music. Drawing on cognitive semantics theory, this section examines the meaning of Mbira music as construed by the different people with different musical experiences. Existing literature acknowledges the significance of tradition and culture and dynamism, cultural imperialism veiled in international celebration of cultural diversity and lack of political support for traditional music. The Gist of Mbira Music Most participants agreed that Mbira music is an emblem of Zimbabwean culture and tradition. This notion is buttressed by Turino (2008b) who asserts that it is only in Zimbabwe that the Mbira music possesses a deep traditional and cultural significance. He goes ahead to clarify by adding that instruments similar to Mbira can be found in many parts of southern Africa under different names, but the name Mbira is exclusive to Zimbabwe. This therefore confirms the uniqueness of Mbira music as a genre special to Zimbabwe.

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In the words of a Mbira music lover and teacher, “Cultural music is the music that represents a certain type of people and has a history that is linked to it. For example, in Zimbabwe, we have the Mbira instrument which dates back to more than thousand years ago. The Mbira represents the Shona people of Zimbabwe and it’s their main cultural instrument. However they have also other instruments such as drums and shakers.” Despite the fact that the participant highlights the existence of other traditional and cultural instruments in Zimbabwe, it is interesting to note that his understanding concurs with Turino’s (2008b). It is also curious to note one participant’s observation that Mbira music connotes the uniqueness of the Zimbabwean tradition and culture and he referred to the fact that the traditional symbolical nature of Mbira music is undeniable as underscored by the largest and most popular general reference work on the World Wide Web—Wikipedia. To illustrate the traditional and cultural semantics of Mbira music, a fascinating analogy was used by one of the participants who said, “Mbira acts like a ‘telephone to the spirits’ since it used to contact both deceased ancestors and even more ancient tribal guardians at all-night Bira ceremonies”. Similarly, another participant highlighted that Mbira is synonymous to the Zimbabwean tradition “due to the instruments which are used. These instruments were used long time ago”. He also averred, “It reflects our culture, it’s our tradition. It defines who we are as a people. Its roots are in our traditional and cultural beliefs”. All these thought-provoking interpretations resonate with Berger and Negro (2004) who note that cultural identity is a particular way of making sense of social conduct and expressive culture. Hence, Mbira music can be construed as a traditional and cultural emblem of Zimbabweans as a people. The all-encompassing view of the traditional and cultural significance of Mbira music was summarised by a long speech (here cut short) by one participant whose observations seemed to have been based on wise reading of literature on Zimbabwean music. In concurrence with Berliner P (1993), he said, “Mbira was started in the 1960s and during this period, there was a great respect in the culture and traditions of Zimbabwe. Mbira was used for sacred ceremonies and celebrations in the Mashona culture.” This is clear illustration that Mbira music reflects the Shona people’s entire way of life.

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Mbira Music: Antiquated or Fashionable? This was one of the most controversial questions of this research as responses demonstrated polarisation due to difference in generations and music orientation. The responses were so ambivalent to the point of confusion on what constitutes ‘antiquated’ and ‘fashionable’. A representative of the young generation who seems more fascinated by modern music said, “Mbira music is Old-fashioned because it was used by the shona many years ago. There are very few people who still observe the traditions and culture of Zimbabwe.” This response is best evaluated by Deschênes (2005) who observed that in many parts of the world, modernity is equated with Westernisation and many traditions are ‘trampled’ to make way for this so called western modernity, which sometimes is equated with some kind of universality. An interesting observation was made by another participant who confirmed that indeed, Mbira music is archaic but hastened to refer to its relevance today. “Yes it is, because it’s been there for many many years, and is associated with traditional cultural ceremonies. Though old fashioned, it’s still relevant in our culture. One can still go to a Mbira concert”. On the contrary, three participants sharply refuted the idea of Mbira music being old-fashioned. Their responses were summarised and contextualised by another participant, a Mbira music player, teacher and promoter who said, “Mbira is old-fashioned in reality but tradition is as old as humanity hence can’t be abandoned”. Okumu (2004) summarises the main reason for the so called old-­ fashioned nature of Mbira music by conceding that perhaps one undisputable concept to do with way Mbira can be considered antiquated is the change of its function due to the legacy of colonialism. The next section clarifies some of the changes that have come alongside colonialism and globalisation. The World-wide Charm of Mbira Music Although many participants expressed the notion that Mbira music is old-­ fashioned, virtually all of them confirmed the view that Mbira music has more world-wide charm than all the other Zimbabwean musical genres. One participant summarised the international appeal and semantics of Mbira music by subscribing to its authenticity, “because it’s original, has the tastes and lyrics that are linked to its people”.

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It is ironic to note that one participant who expressed the idea that Mbira music is old-fashioned confirmed the idea that it has more international appeal than other musical types. Consequently, it is from such observations that one can wake up to the ethnographic semantics and international appeal of Mbira music. The cultural and traditional semantics stands out as one of the notions around Mbira music’s international appeal. In the words of another participant, “our musicians took it out there earlier than the rest. The genre sticks out boldly because it displays our culture. The musicians are engaged fully because of passion as well as connection with the Traditional arena; hence, its depth is original rather than a fund raising activity.” To give a cultural flavour to the discourse of Mbira’s international appeal, one participant opted to use the Shana language by saying “Chitsaru chemumwe chitsva chemumwe—Someone’s old stuff can be new to someone else”. As such, the international community appreciates the novelty of Mbira music more than Zimbabweans themselves do. The same participant went ahead to give the analogy of staple foods that are cherished more outside their borders, a typical example being rice which is liked more in Zimbabwe than in China where it’s a staple every day meal. To reiterate the same idea, another participant said, “It is original and unique for Zimbabweans. So it’s something alien to the international community and thus captures attention. It’s a unique sound, unlike any other instrument. It’s indigenous to Zimbabwe, and it exhibits ethnic music.” As much as literature review is inundated with cultural imperialism in relation to the international appeal and semantics of Mbira music, very few participants looked at it that way. Therefore, as much as scholars such as Bohlman (2000) emphasise cultural imperialism, it seems such notions are limited to the musicology academic world—the real consumers highlighted Mbira uniqueness, traditional and cultural aspects as being the genuine drivers of its international appeal. Stella Chiweshe’s Mbira Idiosyncrasies and Insinuations A noticeable and somewhat unanimous response to the question on the peculiarities and semantics of Stella Chiweshe’s Mbira music was summarised by one participant who said, “Stella Chiweshe is a female artist from Zimbabwe who sings and plays Mbira dzevadzimu. Stella Chiweshe was one of the female artists who started the Mbira music in Zimbabwe

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and this made her to gain an international recognition and she moved to Germany where she is now based””. ‘Dzevadzimu’ is a Shona name meaning spiritual. Therefore, Stella Chiweshe’s Mbira music connotes the spiritual connotations of the Zimbabwean African traditional religion. This idea is confirmed by Palmerg (2004). Stella’s international exposure was highlighted by most participants who also reiterated the traditional and cultural connotations of her music. One participant observed that Stella’s music is “about the Shona people’s traditions and culture. It touches on the place of spirit mediums, vadzimu, in our culture. It has cultural identity which she was willing to share even on intercultural platforms.” It is in the context of participants’ responses that one appreciates both the cultural/traditional semantics and international appeal of Stella Chiweshe’s music. The international appeal of Stella Chiweshe’s music was concluded by one participant who said, Stella Chiweshe “is amongst few Zimbabwean female Mbira musician from Mhondoro. She performed internationally in Germany, USA, Australia, Spain, England from 1994 onwards. She performed in many countries in the world besides the ones mentioned above, including African nations”. Such a fact is confirmed by UNESCO (2010) which specifies more than a dozen countries where Stella Chiweshe has played Mbira music to full capacity. The gender inequality issue raised by many scholars was seldom raised by the participants in this research. It appears the gender stereotype of the 1960s Zimbabwe has been taken over by events. Contemporary Zimbabwean musical roles seem to show gender parity—thanks to the likes of Stella Chiweshe who braved it, and levelled the playing field. The Prospect of Mbira Music: Bright or Bleak? Again, this ‘bright or bleak’ debate on the future of Mbira music sparked interesting arguments. Yet once more, respondents’ perspectives differed according to familiarity, age, sex and preference. A participant representative of the younger generation of teenagers living in Zimbabwe observed, “Mbira music is now declining and there are now few people who are really interested in such music.” Such a response paints a very bleak future of Mbira music. The same notion was complimented by another participant who said, “The future is not encouraging as most of the youths are more inclined to different genres such as urban

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groove. The other challenge is that the music producers are not accommodating Mbira music Artist with a bias of other genres.” In addition, one participant said that Mbira music “will undergo extinction because of generational gap. The older generation is dying and the current generation have their own musical genres which they will uphold”. Such observations go against Albert Chimedza’s (2020) observations on the future of Mbira music. Chimedza thinks that the future of Mbira music is bright because of its international exposure. Being a representative of Gonamombe Mbira Centre, it appears there is a sea of difference in perspectives between Mbira professionals and the potential consumers of Mbira music. Amidst all the negativity, it is interesting to note that some Zimbabweans of the younger age group who are exposed to Mbira’s international appeal think otherwise. However, some of these people subscribe to the bright future of Mbira music with some reservations over its authenticity. In fact, Tanyaradzwa Tawenga’s 26 May 2020 Daily News article titled “Cultural Vampires: White Exploitation of Zimbabwean Mbira Music” suggest the ‘bright’ future of Mbira music but laments the cultural exploitation that she feels is part of the foreign international promotion of Mbira music. Her ideas are controversial but it suffices to note that she is an academic and a Mbira music player based in United States, a clear testimony of the huge future potential of Mbira music. Actually, a substantial number of participants believe in the bright future of Mbira music. One participant observed, “Mbira does have a great future. It is still a big part of our culture and represents Zimbabwe on the international scene.” From the above responses, one can note that as emphasised by the value of Cognitive Semantics cultural and ideological symbolism of an entity, the future of Mbira music is entrenched in its deep rooted cultural and traditional essence. Turino (2008a) concurs with such observations though he has some reservations on the outcome of the “globalisation” of Mbira music, as noted earlier. One of the outstanding and perhaps most significant observations by participants is the idea of local promotion as an indispensable factor in the survival of Mbira music. “Mbira does have a great future. It is still a big part of our culture and represents Zimbabwe on the international scene. Also, as long as ancestral worship and ceremonies still exist, Mbira music will always be relevant”. It is from such responses that one appreciates the fact that the future of Mbira music is bright.

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One participant who again happens to be a Mbira music teacher said, “We have the brightest future than anything else. When Dumisani Maraire came back from abroad in 1968, he was delightfully shocked to notice the proliferation of Mbira teachers, training centres, festivals, and Mbira genre blending even in set ups such as churches where the Mbira instrument was once considered unorthodox.” Amidst all this hope expressed here, it is prudent to reiterate one succinct response from one participant who summed it all by saying sharply, “If not promoted, it will die a natural death”. There is dearth of cultural and traditional promotional Literature on Mbira music. Remarkably, participants were able to highlight the need for promotion for the survival of Mbira music. There is no doubt therefore that such music endowed with semantics of Zimbabwean heritage, international appeal—represented by one of the long serving prolific Mbira players, Stella Chiweshe—has a bright future.

Conclusions The chapter was focused on the traditional and cultural semantics of Mbira music and its international implications. The semantics packed title, “When Culture and Tradition Aren’t Archaic: The Song Semantics of Zimbabwean Mbira’s International Appeal”, was unpacked by answers that were sought as guided by the research questions that were clearly spelt out in the preliminary sections of the chapter. This chapter used the case study of Stella Chiweshe’s Mbira music. Purposive sampling was used to select the participants. This section focuses on the summary of salient findings and the chapter arrives at conclusions. The enquiry found out that Mbira music represents the Zimbabwean tradition and culture. It is fascinating to note that this was a semantic interpretation that was unanimously agreed on. It was discovered that Mbira music reflects the original way of life of the Zimbabwean people such as religion, communalism, celebration of communal success, and inversely, social criticism or protest. In other words, the Zimbabwean uniqueness and exclusiveness of Mbira music was discovered. Again, the mere fact that Mbira music dates back to ancient times and has been passed from one generation to the other points to its progression with time, albeit with different views about its standing in the future. Based on the findings of this enquiry, the “Mbira music: antiquated or fashionable” debate witnessed an equal share of subscribers, depending on

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the generation. The younger generation, especially the teenagers felt that Mbira music was archaic and hence not as relevant as modern genres such as hip hop and dancehall. The elderly and more academic participants acknowledged the old-fashioned nature of Mbira music in the strictest sense of the word, but were quick to highlight that Mbira music is still just as fashionable as before. And in the context of its international appeal, some participants were quick to express the opinion that it is actually becoming more fashionable. Accordingly, the writer can safely conclude that Mbira music is as old as humanity, as one participant emphasised, “It is still relevant and appealing but being impacted on by changes happening to our traditions and culture.” The international appeal of Mbira music was ascribed to its traditional and cultural signification. It is this unique and exotic nature that gives it an edge over other musical genres. The writer can safely conclude that the ‘familiarity breeds contempt’ mantra is applicable to Mbira music as the international community is thrilled with traditional and cultural music emanating from beyond their borders. A few academics who lamented cultural imperialism were in turn attacked for failure to promote Zimbabwean Mbira music from the grassroots level. As such, the writer can determine that cultural imperialism or not, the international appeal of Mbira music as an emblem of Zimbabwean culture and tradition is unquestionable. An interesting conclusion from the discussion of the peculiarities and semantics of Stella Chiweshe’s music is its association with the Shona people traditions and culture. In other words, Stella’s Mbira music is an epitome of the religious, social, political and economic traditions of the Zimbabwean people. As a result, she has emerged as a great case study of the semantics of the Mbira music. In fact, she adds another dimension to the gender stereotype that characterises Zimbabwean culture that she managed to challenge by playing Mbira, initially a total domain of the males. It is therefore Stella’s Mbira music that brought about the much needed positive dynamism. As such, the writer can safely conclude that Stella’s Mbira music is at the centre of the instrument’s international appeal, much as it is traditional, cultural as well as forceful. Typical of any debate, there were divergent views on “The future of Mbira music: bright or bleak” discussion. The younger generation (teenagers) expressed bleakness while the elderly and some more exposed youth highlighted the limitless horizons associated with Mbira music. Nevertheless, one observation that was unequivocal was the need for indigenous promotion of Mbira music, without which it would die a

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natural death, or taken advantage of by the international community to the point of its losing the much acclaimed traditional and cultural signification. Reiteration of a participant’s observation suffices as an apt conclusion of the future of Mbira music debate; “Has bright future if its relevance is accepted and promoted mainly by the owners of the tradition and culture. It should not be learnt merely as a subject at school but people should practice it. For its survival again, it should be seen as a musical instrument not necessarily for Zvemashavi (Spirituality) such that it can be played even in other religious and nonreligious domains.”

References Antovic, M. (2004). Linguistic semantics as a vehicle for semantics of music. Researchgate. Bakan, M. B. (1999). Music of death and new creation: Experiences in the world of Balinese Gam elan Beleganjur. University of Chicago Press. Berger, H., & Negro, P. D. (2004). Identity and everyday life, essays in the study of Folklore, music, and popular culture. Wesleyan University Press. Berliner, P. (1993). The soul of Mbira. University of California Press. Blacking, J. (1995). Music, culture, & experience: Selected papers of John Blacking. University of Chicago Press. Bohlman, V. (2000). Music and the racial imagination. University of Chicago. Deschênes, B. (2005). The interest of westerners in non-western music: The world of music Vol. 47, No. 3, the music of “Others” in the western world. JSTOR. VWB— Verlag für Wissenschaft und Bildung Keister, J. (2004). Shaped by Japanese music: Kikuoka Hiroaki and Nagauta Shamisenin. Routledge. Makore, S. (2001). Playing with identities in contemporary music in Africa. Nordic Africa Institute and Åbo Academy University. Okumu, B. (2004). Learning aesthetic values in African musical world. Researchgate. Tawengwa, T. (2020, May 26). Cultural Vampires: White exploitation of Zimbabwean Mbira music. Daily News. Turino, T. (2008a). Are we global yet? Globalist discourse, cultural formations and the study of Zimbabwean popular music 1. Published online. Routledge, May 31. Turino, T. (2008b). Music as Social Life: The Politics of Participation. ResearchGate: Berlin. UNESCO. (2010). World heritage and cultural diversity. USA.

Correction to: Social Cognition and Advertisement in Yusuf Olatunji’s Music Adesina B. Sunday

Correction to: Chapter 6 in: A. Salawu, I. A. Fadipe (eds.), Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 1, Pop Music, Culture and Identity, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97884-6_6 The book was inadvertently published without properly formatted text alignment for the lyrics of Yusuf Olatunji and the translation texts in Chapter 6. This has been updated in the book.

The updated version of the chapter can be found at https://doi.org/10.1007/978-­3-­030-­97884-­6_6 © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 A. Salawu, I. A. Fadipe (eds.), Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 1, Pop Music, Culture and Identity, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97884-6_22

C1

Index1

A Aandonga father, 307 Abeni, Salawa, 89 Abe Numo, 91 Abridged, 312 Abstraction, 317 Academic discourse, 306 Acceptance, 315 Accessible, 308 Accolade, 304 Act, 313 Act of loyalty, 313 Adaptations, 322–331, 333, 334, 338, 339 Adegator, Ayinla, 88 Ade, King Sunny, 90 Adekunle Gold, 93 Adornment, 307 Advocacy, 195–206 Advocate, 308

Affirmation, 313 African bard’s tradition, 304 African modern music, 38 African music, 81 African poetry, 308 African popular music, 27, 35 African praise poem, 304 African Religions and Philosophy, 306 Africa popular music, 26 Afrobeat, 92, 95 Against neocolonialism, 309 Agency, 313 Agent, 313 Agitprop, 304 Ajao, Y.K, 88 Aka, S., 86 Akanbi Eri, 91 Aladuke, Iya, 91 Alake, Batili, 89 Alaragbo, Kabira, 89

 Note: Page numbers followed by ‘n’ refer to notes.

1

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 A. Salawu, I. A. Fadipe (eds.), Indigenous African Popular Music, Volume 1, Pop Music, Culture and Identity, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97884-6

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INDEX

Albums, 304 Alienated, 309 Alienating, 316 Allegiance, 313 Almost at a glance, 314 Anagnorisis, 318 Ancestral lamentations, 303 Ancestral spirits, 307 Ancient epic poems, 315 Ancient Greek, 318 Angolan Popular Independence Movement (MPLA), 304 Angolan Portuguese, 306, 314 Anonymously, 316 Anti-capitalist, 318 Anticolonial sentiment, 311 Anti-imperialist, 314 António Sebastião Vicente “Santocas,” 303 Apala, 84, 87, 95, 194 Apepe, 84 Apocalyptic, 209–223 Archetype, 308 Archival memory, 318 Archiving nature, 313 Aremote, 237, 238, 242 programmes, 228, 238–239 Aristocratic and military contexts, 304 Asa, 93 Áṣà, 261–276 Asimilado intellectual, 306 Assimilate, 317 Assimilated into society, 305 Assuaged, 312 Atlantic, 318 Atlantic Ocean, 315 Attacks, 317 Austin’s theory, 313 Avowed support, 312 Awurebe, 84, 85, 90, 95 Ayefele, Yinka, 94

B Balladist, 312 Bankole, Seun, 94 Bantu language, 304, 305 Bantu praise poems, 305 Barrister, Chief Sikiru Ayinde, 89 Battle, 318 Beads, 307 Beautiful, 307 Beliefs, 306 Belief systems, 306 Belonged, 307 Beloved, 310 Berom, 169–186 Black Africans in Europe, 304 Black ex-slave, 304 Blood ties, 315 Bongo music, 133–148 Born, 307 Bracing effect, 312 Brands, 151–165 identity, 152, 153 Bridge, 315 Broadcast, 312 Buganda, 305 Built, 307 C Capitalism, 309, 310, 314 Capitalist class, 308 Catalyst, 316 Cathedral School in Granada, 304 Celebrations, 246, 247, 253, 255–259 Ceremonies, 316 Chalie Boy, 93 Chiefs, 308 Chimurenga, 26, 28, 29 music, 29–38 Choices, 246, 254–256, 258, 259 Chollom, Dung, 169–186

 INDEX 

Chollom, Mark, 174 Chorus, 309, 317 Christianity, 81–84, 90, 307 Chronological order, 305 Civil poem, 318 Civil religion, 308 Civil songs of praise, 308, 314 Civil war, 312 Classical world, 318 Climax, 317 Cognates, 314 Cold War, 312 Colonialism, 314 Colonized countries, 315 Color, 310 Combination, 317 Commemorative, 305 Commitment, 313 Common folk, 313, 314 Common purpose of praising, 305 Communication, 211, 212, 218, 221, 313 Communism, 312 Communist lyrical stanza, 311 Communist party, 312 Communist stanza, 308 Complex form of art, 305 Composition, 303 Conception, 315 Concept of time, 306 Conflict, 313 Connection, 303 Contrasting symbol, 313 Conveys, 315 Cosmology, 151, 152, 156, 157, 162, 165 Country, 306 Creator God, 307 Crusading, 195–206 Cuban Communist Party (PCC), 308 Cuban imaginary, 315 Cuban Spanish, 314

393

Cuban troops, 315 Cultural, 279–284, 294 Cultural and religious survival, 307 Cultural competence, 303 Cultural frames, 133–148 Cultural moment, 315 Cultural production, 306 Cultural values, 280, 282, 284, 285, 287–291, 294 Cultures, 80, 245–250, 306 Culture-specific, 315 Cyclically repeated pattern, 317 D Dadakuada, 84, 85, 90, 95 Dagbanli/Dagbani, 62, 68, 69, 72–74 Dagrin, 93 Dairo, I.K., 90, 92 Daughter, 307 Dbanj, 93 Dearly, 307 Death, 303, 312 toll, 316 Decades, 309 Decays, 317 Decolonization, 63, 304, 318 Deep roots, 313 Defend socialism, 314 Defense, 309 Delicately cut thong, 307 Deployed, 313 Descendant, 304 Detailed, 306 Dias Cordeiro da Matta, 306 Dikanza, 304 Discographic achievements, 304 Discourse, 153, 316 Discourse narrative, 153 Discursive, 317 Distant future, 307 Distinct, 305

394 

INDEX

Diverse spirituality, 306 Documented sacred writings, 306 Dominant praise song, 312 Drama, 318 Dramatic content, 308 Dramatic significance, 303 Drumming, 360–362, 365, 368–370, 372 Dynamic present, 306 Dynamics, 317 E Early twentieth century, 306 East African languages, 307 East Bloc, 316 Effectiveness, 314, 317 Efficacious, 317 Elegia, 313 Elevated ancestral knowledge, 309 Emerges, 315 Emerging nation, 318 Emotional conflict, 315 Emotions, 308 En culturation, 316 Enduring, 313 ideology, 308 Enemy, 314 English, 307 Ennobled hero, 312 Entirety, 309 Epic drama, 318 Epic nature, 312 Epic poem, 312 Epic style, 312 Episode, 305 Epo Akara, Alhaji Akanmu, 90 Ethnicities, 309, 318 Ethos, 318 European context, 304 Everyday simplicity and miraculous easiness, 314 Evoking imagery, 311

Exhort the common folk, 305 Existing form, 304 Expansive anti-colonialist projects, 304 Expansive ideological ambitions, 316 Expressions of praise, 306 Extensive inquiry, 315 External semantics, 317 F Fabiyi, Chief Ebenezer Obey, 90 Fallen soldier, 313 Fear, 305 Feet, 305 Fight for socialism, 309 Fighting at war, 311 Final victory, 311 Flow of time, 306 Forest, 305 Formal symbols, 317 Freedom, 308 Fuji, 84, 85, 88, 89, 95 Function, 317 Functional, 305 Future, 307, 309 G Ganda, 305 Generation, 313, 318 Globalization, 61 Glorifies, 311 Glory, 318 God and the spirits, 306 Goddesses, 307, 308 Gods, 308 Golden age, 304 Great, 305 Greatness of character, 312 Griots, 313 Griot’s narration, 307 Guiding ideals, 318 Guinea, 304

 INDEX 

H Hammers, 305 Harangue, 309 Harmonious, 317 Hegemonic political tool, 318 Heroes, 307 Heroic ethos, 312 Heroic fate, 313 Highlife, 283, 285–287 Highlife music, 91 Hip hop/Afro-hip hop, 93, 95 Historical consciousness, 315 Historical information, 313 Historically questionable, 318 Historic and literary expression, 311 Historic connections, 315 Historic relevance, 303 History, 308 translated, 306 Hit, 308 Honor, 307 Honored, 312 How, 314 Human motivation, 313 Hybrids, 322 Hybrid text, 314 I Identity, 153–155, 313 Identity negotiation, 152, 153, 155, 156 Ideological dominance, 316 Ideologically charged, 312 Ideological war, 303 Ideology, 312, 318 Igbos, 133–148, 279–294, 287n1 cultural values, 287, 291, 294 culture, 283, 284, 288, 290 highlife, 284, 286–288 highlife music, 280, 284, 286 indigenous, 283, 284

395

indigenous highlife music, 280 indigenous language highlife music, 280 indigenous language music, 280 indigenous music, 283, 284, 294 music, 282 values, 279, 284, 286, 288, 289, 291, 292 Illustrates, 309 Imagistically picturesque, 306 Immediacy, 307 Immersed, 309 Impact, 308 Imperialism, 309, 311, 314 Imperialist, 309 Implicit, 317 Impose, 309 Imposition, 307 Incapacitated, 316 Independent, 308 Indigenous, 279, 280, 284, 318 Indigenous African music, 25, 26, 28, 33, 34, 36, 38 Indigenous and indigenised, 79 Yoruba music, 94 Indigenous highlife music, 280 Indigenous Igbo music, 283 Indigenous music, 280, 282–284, 286, 294 Indigenous popular music, 263, 266, 267, 272 Indigenous song, 318 Influential cooperation, 315 Innovations, 321, 322, 339 Intangible memorability, 314 Intangible memorial, 313 Integral, 317 Intercultural cognition, 313 Intercultural communication, 315 Internal semantics, 317 International, 376, 378–382, 384–390 Internationalist experiment, 316

396 

INDEX

Internationalists, 316 Internationally, 376, 380, 381 Interplay, 316 Interpretation, 313, 315 of the song, 317 Intersecting abstract level, 317 Intra-cultures, 316 Irreplaceable, 316 Ishola, Haruna, 87 Islam, 81–84 Island, 303 J Juju, 84, 90, 95 Julius, Orlando, 93 Just cause, 310 K KaChollom, 173 Kasumu Isola Sanni, 359–372 Kikongo, 306 Killing, 314 Kimbundu, 306 Kingdoms, 307 Kings, 308 King Shaka’s izibongo, 305 King, Tunde, 90 Kuti, Fela Anikulapo, 92 Kuti, Femi, 93 Kuti, Made, 93 Kuti, Seun, 93 L Lagbaja, 93 Laomi Odolaye Aremu, 91 Latin, 304 poetry, 304 Latino, Juan, 304

Latino’s tactical deployment, 304 Legitimize, 304 Lende rhythm, 47 Lethal civil, 309 Lexical bonds, 314 Lexical semantics, 314 Liberation, 314 Liberation movements, 304 Life, 310 Lineal concept, 307 Lingua franca, 306 Linguistic, 314 Linguistic insertion, 315 Listeners, 312, 314 Local languages, 306 Locus, 317 Logical structures, 317 Loudness, 317 Love, 307 Luanda’s Bairro Indígena, 304 Lyrics, 314 M Mabiaku, Dede, 93 Malende music, 45 Manhood, 318 Mapfumo, Thomas, 26–29, 31, 32, 34–38 Marquez, Beatriz, 303 Martyrdom, 310 Marxist-Leninist, 318 doctrine, 308 Mass reaction, 308 Mbira, 375–390 Meaningless death, 312 Meaning practices, 313 Mediatic apparatus, 316 Medley, 95 Melodic content, 317 Melodic lyrics, 312

 INDEX 

Melodic voice, 312 Melodramatic character, 312 Melody, 314 Memorable songs, 317 Memorial production, 316 Memory production, 317 Message, 314, 315 Metaculture, 315 Metaphoric action, 313 Metaphors, 134–137, 147, 148 Methodological framework, 313 Methodologically connected, 313 Middle passage, 303 Mid-passage, 315 Military equipment, 315 Military forces, 314 Misery, 310 Missing in action, 316 Mnemonic and rhythmic designations, 306 Mode 9, 93 Mode of action, 313 Mode of action performed, 313 Mode of knowledge, 313 Moderate, 317 Modern African music, 25–29, 33–38 Modern African musicians, 26 Monarch, 307 Moral and material values, 305 Morale, 312 Morphological, 314 Mother, 307 Motivator, 315 Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola, 304 Music, 245–251, 253–257, 279–287, 291, 294 and dance performances, 307 Musical appreciation, 315 Musical experience, 315 Musical groove, 315

397

Musicalized account, 313 Musical memory, 317 Musical representation, 309 Musical revolution, 313 Musicology, 151, 155–157, 159, 162, 165 Music-related information, 317 Mutually exclusive, 317 Muzika wa sialala, 43 N Name, 309 Narration, 313 Narrative, 309, 313, 314 National identity, 309 National independence, 304 Nationalist popular music, 304 Native-home-comfort-music, 316, 318 Native kimbundu, 304 Native languages, 306 Natural progression, 308 Ndongo Kingdom, 307 Necessary right, 312 Negotiating identity, 312 Nehoja, 307 Neocolonial, 308 Neocolonialism, 310, 311 New interests, 304 Ngola, 307 9ice, 93 Noble qualities, 318 Non-conformist, 308 Non-religious, 307 Non-religious songs, 308 Nonverbal information, 317 Northern Ghana, 62, 67, 69, 70, 72, 73 Nostalgia, 229–230 Novel academic success, 304 Nuance, 307

398 

INDEX

O Obligatory military service (OMS), 316 Official, 316 story, 313 Ogunkoya, Kola, 93 Ojo n re bi ana, 228 Okulu, 91 Olatunji, Alhaji Abideen Yusuf, 86 Olatunji, Yusuf, 86, 100–102, 104, 105, 107, 110, 112, 113, 228, 234–235, 238, 239, 243 Oluwa, Habibu, 86 Ọmọlúàbí, 264, 265, 271, 275 Omowura, Ayinla, 88, 196–200, 203, 204, 206 One-party system, 316 Onífàájì, 363 Opposite cause, 312 Oppositional political factions, 309 Oral document, 313 Oral literature, 305 Oral narratives, 313 Oral poems, 308 Oral tradition, 313 Oral tribute, 313 Origin, 307 Osadebe music, 285, 291, 294 Osadebe, Osita, 280, 283–294 Osita, 291 Osita’s music, 287 Othered, 309 Overt gesture, 316 Owoh, Orlando, 92 Owonikoko, Raji, 88 P Pain, 312 Panegyric, 305 Panegyric poetry, 304 Parameters, 308

Partial, 312 Partialized, 313 Partisan, 313 Past, 307, 309 Patriotism, 309 Peace, 305 Pentad of key terms, 313 People’s struggle, 307 Performance, 170, 171, 173–182 Performative, 317 Performative acts, 317 Performative quality, 317 Personal experience, 313 Phenomenology, 315 Philosophy, 195–206 Phonological, 314 Pitch, 317 Poetic expression, 311 Poetic nature, 313, 315 Poetry, 312 Political agenda, 304, 318 Political identity, 316 Political impact, 303 Political interests, 313 Political party, 304 Popular, 169–186 Popular culture, 304, 318 Popular music, 64, 67, 68, 192–194, 231, 343, 344 Popular Venda music, 42 Portion, 311 Portrayal, 312 Portrayed, 309 Portugal, 304 Portuguese, 306 colonial intervention, 306 language, 306 Postcolonial, 306, 343–357 Postcolony, 308 Poverty, 310 Power, 305 Power control, 304

 INDEX 

Powerful, 313 Praise, 307 Praised, 312 Praise-stanzas, 305 Praising, 317 Praising poetry, 313 Predominant, 306 Preoccupations, 304 Present, 307 Preservation, 313 Production, 315 Professorial appointment, 304 Progressions, 317 Proletariat, 308 Promoted, 309 Propaganda apparatus, 316 Propagandistic message, 313 Prophecy, 203 Prophetic, 210, 212–214, 220, 223 Proselytized, 308 Proselytizes, 312 Protest, 308 Proxy war, 316 Purpose, 313 Purposely chosen lyrics, 312 Q Quality, 317 Queens, 308 R Radical, 303 Radio, 227, 236, 237, 313 Rambling, 306 Reactionary, 311 Readings, 313 Recognition, 316 Recording, 313 Religion, 306, 308 Religious and philosophical perspectives, 306

399

Religious constructs, 306 Religious expression, 307 Religious journey, 306 Religious music genre, 94, 95 Relocated, 315 Remembrance, 312, 314 Representation, 213, 214, 218, 221 Represented, 309 Repression, 310 Reputation, 304 Reshaping, 315 Resolutional statement, 317 Retaining, 317 Retelling, 318 Revolutionary leaders, 308 Rhythmically steady, 317 Rhythmic texture, 45 Rural Mbundu, 306 Rural sounds of music, 306 S Sacredly prevalent, 307 Sakara, 84–86, 95, 100, 101, 113, 231, 232, 242, 362, 364, 365 Sákárà, 359–372 Sakara music, 233–234, 238 Salami, Lefty, 86 Scene, 313 Secular, 308 Secularization, 304, 308 Self-referential, 317 Semantical impact, 317 Semantic message, 317 Semiotic point, 318 Semiotics, 214 Sensitivity, 308 Senwele, 84, 85, 90 Separate memory system, 317 Shakan praise poems, 305 Shared cognition, 101 Shared history, 315 Shona speaking people, 305

400 

INDEX

Simple lyrics, 317 Singing, 307, 317 Slave trade, 307 Sleep, 307 Small Doctor, 93 Social control, 308 Social identity, 343–357 Socialisation, 118, 122–125, 128, 129 Socialism, 311 Socialist assimilation, 318 Socialist governments, 315 Socialist ideals, 313 Socialist martyr, 311 Sociocognitive, 100, 101 Sociocultural, 134, 135, 137, 141, 142, 148 Socio-cultural metaphors, 133–148 Socio-cultural norms, 261–276 Sociocultural reality, 315 Socio-political naturalizing, 313 Son, 305 Song, 308 Song of praise, 316 Sound Sultan, 93 South Africa, 307 South-Saharan Africans, 307 Soviet Union, 316 Spain, 304 Spanish, 312 Spanish monarchy, 304 Speech acts, 313 Spirit, 314 Spiritual aspect, 306 Spiritual chants, 314 Srumming, 365 Stanzas of very varying patterns, 305 Statement to conclusion, 305 Static, 314 Storytelling practices, 313 Strings of beads, 307 Subculture of affinity, 316 Subjective symbol, 318 Subliminally, 314

Sub-Saharan African, 304 languages, 309 Sungura, 343–357, 349n5, 351n8 Superhuman controlling power, 308 Surrogation, 325, 331–334 Sustained, 317 Symbolic meaning, 314 Symbolic sense of closure, 312 Symbolisms, 159, 160, 318 Sympathizers, 308 Syncretic worldview, 307 Syncretism, 308 T Tempos, 314 Tenses, 306 Territorial extension, 306 Testament, 315 Testament to truth, 313 Testimony, 315 Thousand times, 307 Timber, 303 Timbre, 317 Tonal segments, 317 Tone, 317 Tool for indoctrination, 309 Tool for worship, 305 Trading, 307 Traditional, 169, 172–181, 308, 323–331, 337–339, 375–378, 380, 382, 383, 385–390 Traditional percussion instruments, 304 Traditional tribal religions, 307 Traditions, 377 Tragedy, 312 Tragic death, 318 Tragic hero, 312 Transformed, 304 Translation, 307 Transportable-across-contexts, 314 Transposing the model, 304

 INDEX 

Treasure, 307 Tribute, 303, 311 Truths in shorter segments or proverbs, 305 Two-dimensional phenomenon, 306 U Uganda, 305 Umbundu, 306 Unforgettable children, 309 Unfortunate casualties, 303 Unique, 315 Unique mode, 315 Unit, 305 Unprecedented mobilization, 315 Urban elites, 306 Urhobo/Isoko, 151–153, 156–165 musicology, 154, 155, 157, 161, 165 Utterance, 317 V Valódia, 303 Values, 118–124, 127, 130, 246, 248, 249, 259, 261–276, 279, 280, 282–284, 287–289, 291–294 Verses, 317 Victim, 313 Victor, 313 Victory, 311 Vigilant, 310 Vocalized, 317 W Waka, 89 Wake, 307 War, 309, 314 casualties, 315 context, 317 fronts, 316

401

Warrior, 314 Weaving, 315 Weid MC, 93 Were, 84, 85, 95 West Bloc, 316 Western language, 304, 306 What, 314 When, 314 Where, 314 Who, 314 Why, 314 Winner, 313 Wounded, 316 Wounds of war, 316 Wrath, 305 Written origin, 304 Y Yoruba/Yorùbá, 99, 102, 110, 198, 261–276 culture, 80–82 Highlife music, 92 indigenised music, 84, 89, 92 indigenised popular music, 83, 91–94 indigenous popular music, 80, 82–91, 94 music, 81, 83, 85, 95 music genres, 89, 117–130 nursery rhymes, 117–130 people, 79–85, 88, 90, 91, 93, 95, 118–122, 127, 129, 130 popular music, 79, 82, 83, 94 Young men, 307 Youth, 318 Yusuf Àjàó Ọlátúnjí, 361 Yusuff, Ayinla Wahidi, 194 Z Zimbabwe, 305 Zulu praise poems, 305