Hindu Kingship Rituals: Power Relation and Historical Evolution 9781463240479, 1463240473

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Hindu Kingship Rituals

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The 2SHUD 0LQRUD series of the century-old +DUYDUG 2ULHQWDO 6HULHV aims at the swift publication of important materials that cannot be included in the mainly textoriented Harvard Oriental Series. Therefore, 2SHUD0LQRUD include thepublication of seminal conferences, archeological reports, important dissertations, currently controversially discussed topics in Indology and South Asian studies,biographies of outstanding scholars, supporting materials such as linguistic or historical atlases or indexes of important works. 

Hindu Kingship Rituals

Power Relation and Historical Evolution

Nawaraj Chaulagain

gp 2019

Gorgias Press LLC, 954 River Road, Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA www.gorgiaspress.com Copyright © 2019 by Gorgias Press LLC All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without the prior written permission of Gorgias Press LLC.

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2019

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ISBN 978-1-4632-4047-9 Cover image: courtesy of Jean-Pierre Laffont (2016)

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A Cataloging-in-Publication Record is available from the Library of Congress. Printed in the United States of America

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS I would first like to express my deepest gratitude, inexpressible in words, to my mentor Professor Michael Witzel, Wales Professor of Sanskrit at Harvard University, for his invaluable and most generous guidance. He initiated me into the study of the coronation of Hindu kings in South Asia and sustained me with his unfailing intellectual support. He gave the Sanskrit coronation manuscripts from his private collection and spent countless hours with me reading those and other Sanskrit texts. I am extraordinarily thankful to him for his support, scholarship, and guidance. Professor Leonard van der Kuijp’s outstanding research and academic caliber were sources of inspiration from the very beginning of my academic life at Harvard. I am very thankful to him for his guidance, comments, and all great support. Professor Anne Monius guided and helped me expand the scope of this research which would explore the domain of the Goddess and its relation to royal power. I am grateful to her for her enormous support and compassionate guidance. No words can express how deeply indebted I feel to this Professor of outstanding merits. I am very fortunate to have Professor Francis X Clooney in my life. He inspired me for the quality work and provided me with many valuable comments. He went through every detail and gave the intellectual grounding to my work. I extend my life-long gratitude to him. I owe a special debt of gratitude to Professor Diana Eck. She guided me when I was taking her course on Sacred Space and later while working as a teaching Fellow for her course on “Hindu Myth, Image, and Pilgrimage.” Her outstanding research inspired me well before I went to Harvard for my doctoral work, and I am truly thankful to such an extraordinary Professor. Professor Nathan Katz was my mentor at Florida International University, Miami. His guidance was unique and instrumental for any of my academic successes, and I am very indebted to him. I also extend my gratitude to Professors Steven Heine, Erik Larson, Oren B. Stier, Terry Rey, and Daniel Alvarez for their guidance. Professor Rey’s theory and method class was foundational for this research, and I am very gratefult to him for his excellent support. Similarly, I would like to thank Ellen Goldberg and Rafael Katz for their support. I extend my deepest gratitude, inexpressible in words, to Professor Lesley Northup for her guidance and immense support. She went through every detail of my drafts, made corrections, and gave her intellectual inputs. I am most thankful and feel deeply indebted to her in this life. I also thank Dayle and Evan for their support and best wishes. I offer my sincere gratitude to Professor Vasudha Narayanan, Religion Department, University of Florida, Gainesville for her guidance, compassion, and exceptional support. I would like to express my thankfulness to Professors Parimal Patil and Lawrence J. McCrea for their intellectual and emotional support. I needed someone very tough while learning and writing, and they inspired me for good work right from the start.




B. K. Rana inspired me to work on the indigenous communities of Nepal and supported me from the beginning. His immense knowledge about the history of Nepal, including that of the indigenous people, its religious cultures and politics, helped me address many questions. I extend my abundant thanks and gratitude to him. Thomas Burke supported me and taught me Sanskrit. His deep knowledge of Sanskrit and Indian literature helped me understand the ritual texts better. I have my life-long gratitude to him. I received unbelievable support from Professor Rajaram Subedi (History Department, Tribhuvan University, Nepal), Bhanu Aryal, Balaram Aryal, priests of the Nepalese temples, and many other Nepalese in the process of this research. Some of them, especially belonging to the Nepalese Army and Nepalese Police, wanted to be anonymous. I am most grateful to them. I am indebted to my colleagues at the Department of Religion, Illinois Wesleyan University, Bloomington, IL. Professors Kevin Sullivan, Carole Myscofski, Robert Erlewine, Tao Jin, Rev. Elyse NelsonWinger, and the multiprogram co-ordinators Regina Linsalata and Wendy West were very supportive in my intellectual pursuit. Karen Schmidt helped secure funding to procure coronation pictures from Jean-Pierre Laffont, and Michael Limacher helped me scan many pictures. I thank and remain grateful to all of them. I am also grateful to Jean-Pierre Laffont who permitted me to use his coronation pictures, including the one on the cover page. Likewise, I extend my deepest gratitude to Professor Abhi Subedi for his exceptional guidance during my Masters at the Central Department of English, Tribhuvan University, Nepal. I am equally thankful to Professor Shreedhar Lohani for his guidance and compassionate support. I remain grateful to other outstanding academics, including Professors Mohan Lohani, Padma Devkota, Rameshwor Adhikari, Durga Prasad Bhandari, Taranath Sharma, Ammaraj Joshi, Sanjeev Upreti, Ananda Sharma and Arun Gupto. My grand parents (Biru Prasad Chaulagain and Chandrashova Chaulagain) and parents Hari Prasad Chaulagain and Lila Devi Chaulagain taught me the most valuable things in my life. Their abundant love and compassionate care were instrumental for any good qualities I embody. Likewise, my grand mother (mom’s mom), my grand parents-in-law, and parents-in-law (Trilochan Phuyal and Padam Maya Phuyal) were extraordinarily supportive for my academic pursuits. I express my eternal reverence to all these family members. Equally, my younger brother Devraj Chaulagain deserves countless special thanks for supporting us and taking care of our parents in my absence; without him fulfilling that most valuable sacred duty and service in life, I would never have been able to remain in the US to continue my academic work. In the same breath, I have my heartfelt thanks to my sisters-in-law Kalpana Chaulagain and Barsha Lamichhane for their excellent support. I also thank Professor Ali Asani, Richard Delacy, and Cheryl Henderson of South Asian Studies Department, Harvard University. I thank my friends Dhan Basnet, Kailash Ghimire, Pradeep Giri, Bhojraj Ghimire and the family, Danduraj Ghimire, Hari Timilsina, Ishwor Adhikari, Prem Chapagain, Shankar Kunwar, Shankarlal Shrestha, Yagya Bahadur Hamal, Anirudra Thapa, Ramesh Pokharel, Dhruba Karki, Hari Kafle, Hari Adhikari, Amar Khatri, Nataliya Yanchevskaya, Cuilan Liu, Finnian Moore Gerety, James McHugh, Nyingcha Duoji, Rajam







Raghunathan, Haesook Ra, Michael Allen, Mari Jyväsjärvi Stuart, Elon Goldstein,
Shankar Nair and many others for their friendship and encouragement. At this time, I would also like to remember and thank some of the many kind-hearted people. My maternal uncles (Ram Prasad Regmi and late Krishna Prasad Regmi) and aunts (late Mana Kumari Regmi and Surya Kumari Regmi), our youngest grandfather Krishna Prasad Chaulagain, Thulobubas (including Mitralal Sapkota, Loknath Chaulagain, Padam Prasad Chaulagain and Kuber Prasad Chaulagain), Thulimoms, Pushkar Dahal and the family, Yagya Prasad Ghimire, older brothers (including Arjun Prasad Chaulagain, Dhana Prasad Chaulagain, Shambhu Rimal, Shiva Rimal, Arjun Rimal and Haribamsa Regmi), sisters (including Bindadevi Neupane, Sita Timalsina, Gita Dahal, “Thulididi” and “Kanchhididi”), sisters-in-law (Nayaghara Thuli-andkanchhi bhaujus, other bhaujus, Bhagavati Bajgain, and Saraswoti Phuyal), brothers-in-law (including Arjun Prasad Neupane, Arjun Prasad Timalsina, Madhav Dahal, and Pratik Lamichhane), nieces (Laxmi Neupane, Sita Neupane, Bhavana Dahal, and Elina Dahal) and nephews (Aabishkar Timalsina, Abhisek Timalsina, Badri Neupane, Kedar Neupane and Raj Dahal) and many others in our extended families had their exceptional support during these many years. I also take this time to remember my school and college mentors, including my beloved uncles Meghraj Chaulagain and late Bhim Prasad Chaulagain, teachers Krishna Bahadur Gautam, Padam Shrestha, Chowk Bahadur Dahal, and Professor Dhurva Ghimire. They were extraordinarily supportive and inspirational, and I extend my deep gratitude to them. Likewise, I thank Prasid Chaulagain, Prahlad Chaulagain, Prajwal Chaulagain, Bishwamani Chaulagain, Badri Chaulagain, Arjun Sapkota, Suman Chaulagain, Suresh Regmi, Nabaraj Regmi, Ishwor Chaulagain, Kishwor Chaulagain, Krishna Bajgain, Jhanak Phuyal, Shanti Phuyal and Ramchandra Phuyal (including all family members), among many others, for their enormous love and support. My wife and children exhibited extraordinary patience and supported me in every best way. I am most fortunate to have such exceptionally wonderful people in my family and I thank all of them: Anjali Chaulagain (AJ), Suchana Chaulagain, Shradha Chaulagain (our three daughters), and Mina Kumari Phuyal Chaulagain (my spouse). Likewise, I would like to extend my special and heartfelt thanks and gratitude to our very close family friends Kairi Reid and Morgan Flynn for their abundant love, sincerity and support. Most importantly, without the exceptional research works done by many scholars, I would not have been able to know many things. I have cited all of them to the best of my knowledge, and I remain very deeply grateful to all of them.







Table of Contents

Pages

Acknowledgements Part I: Theoretical Approaches: Rituals, History and Power

1

Part II: The Royal Navartri and Coronation Rituals

31

Chapter I: The Goddess and the King: Religious Dimension of Power

31

Chapter II: The Goddess Worship: Ritual, Power, and History

56

Chapter IIII: The Royal Navartri in Gorkh and Hanumnhok Palaces in Nepal (first to seventh days) 88


Chapter IV: The Royal Navartri in Gorkh and Hanumnhok Palaces in
Nepal (seventh to fifteenth days)

125

Chapter V: The Rjybhieka of King Brendra: Religious Dimension of Power

160

Chapter VI: The Rjybhieka: Text, History, and Politics

192

Part III: Kingship and Sacred Space: Changing Configuration of a "Hindu" State

221

Conclusion

240

Appendix-I: Other Popular Kingship Rituals in Nepal

253

Appendix-II: Coronation Program of King Birendra Br Bikram hdev

258

Abbreviations

261

Bibliography

262

Index

280

Appendix-III:

289




,


Part I: Theoretical Approaches: Rituals, History and Power It is not a question of how you feel about it [i.e., “being looked upon as God”]. There are local customs and traditions. This relates to our religious background. I have [a] responsibility (under the Vedic Scriptures) to protect the people against injustice. The concept of God is among the people. In Nepal, the monarch and his subjects have been governed by dharma, a system drawn from the Hindu religion. The king cannot change this value system. Therefore, he too is governed by this ethical code according to which the king lives and has his being only to protect the people, to dispense justice to them and punish the wrong-doers. Indeed, the king embodies the collective identity of the people and, as desired by the people, it is he who grants and amends the constitution.1 (King Brendra, Newsweek, September 10, 1973) 1.1. Preamble The fateful night of June 1, 2001 was a turning-point in Nepalese history. King Brendra and most of his family were massacred, purportedly by the crown prince Dpendra, inside the Nrya!hi$ Royal Palace in Kathmandu at a royal dinner. This tragedy occurred during the violent armed rebellion of the Nepalese Maoists against the state, and it left the centuries-long Hindu monarchy in tatters, ultimately leading to its official dissolution in 2008.2 In the aftermath, the ambiguity or irony of the traditional Hindu belief that the reigning king was an incarnation of Vi!u, the Lord of the preservation of the cosmic order, was exposed: the king, protected as he was by his body-guards and well-trained military personnel, could not even save himself, let alone the lives of his family members and others. The king was reportedly a pious person, visiting temples, worshiping deities, and observing many Hindu and non-Hindu religious events and ceremonies in and outside of the country (See Appendix III for pictures). Religion was deep in his heart, and he seemed wellsuited to the divine throne of the Nrya!hi$ Royal Palace, named after Nrya!a, one of the archetypal personifications associated with Lord Vi!u, in the country which he referred to as “a sacred land of divinities.”3 The king, whom people often called “gentle,” “polite,” and “caring,”






























































1 Quoted in Rishikesh Shah, An Introduction to Nepal (Kathmandu: Ratna Pustak Bhandar, 1975), 182; Newsweek, September 10, 1973. 2 As Nathan Katz and Ellen Goldberg state, the terms “Hindus” and “Hinduism” are “highly reified” and “nonIndian” concepts, initially used by non-Indians in order to refer to Indian people of a certain geographical location and religious category. In this work, these terms are used as they are commonly understood by the followers of Hindu traditions themselves. “Hindus” are people who categorize themselves as the followers of “Hindu” religion, however multiple, contradictory, or, alternatively, all-encompassing the term might sound to the outsiders. For the ideological formulation of these terms, see Katz and Goldberg, “The Ritual Enactments of the Cochin Jews: The Powers of Purity and Nobility,” Journal of Ritual Studies 4, no. 2 (1990), 205-206. For a general definition of the term and its implications today, see John Grimes, Sushil Mittal, and Gene Thursby, “Hindu Dharma,” in Religions of South Asia: An Introduction, eds. Sushil Mittal and Gene Thursby (London and New York: Routledge, 2006), 15-84. 3 H. M. (His Majesty) King Brendra Br Bikram hdev, Proclamations, Speeches, and Messages, 1972-81 (Kathmandu: His Majesty’s Government, Department of Information, 1982), 90. The word nrya#hi  is formed of two words–nrya#a, another name of Vi!u whose temple is located in the southern side of the palace, and hi i, a Newr word referring to the “water-spout” (hi ) located in the eastern side of the main entrance of the palace. The place features in a legendary account of how the ancient king Svayamvrata brought the waters from the places of the four Nrya!as (Ca%gu, Ica%gu, Visa%khu, and eanrya!a) located in the four directions of the valley, and of how he constructed both the Nrya!a temple and the water-spout by the side of his palace. This legend connects the




@


the monarch who had relinquished his absolute power to the people at the height of the People’s Movement in 1990, had become increasingly popular for acting in accordance with the constitution. It was, thus, natural that religious questions were raised after the massacre.4 Were the rituals, including the tntric ones in which king Brendra was reportedly initiated and trained by his gurus and which were believed to enhance his divine substance and to protect his person, carried out improperly? Did the deities, including h king’s tutelary deity, the goddess Kl, disapprove of the king and his actions? Why were the divine qualities ascribed to him and to his throne unable to save him? Were the deities he relied on really not in control? Or, catastrophically, perhaps no divine rule actually existed in the universe to thwart evil and prevail in worldly matters, and various representations of the king as a god or some kind of divine figure in human form were no more than religious, political and ideological (re)constructions of the past which could be deconstructed and demystified in alternative and, in this case, adverse political settings. These questions bring into focus the issues of divine king and kingship, and of ritual efficacy in Nepalese tradition. In order to discuss these issues, this study concentrates on two major kingship rituals as they were practiced in the royal palaces of Gorkh and Hanumnhok (Kathmandu, Nepal) during the reign of the h dynasty (since 1559 from Gorkh, and 17682006 from Kathmandu as the capital city) and as they were related to the king’s religious and political power. The first one is the navartri (literally, “the nine-night,” sometimes translated as “the nine-day-and-night”) festival, which is observed for fifteen days during the lunar fortnight of the month of vina,5 and the second one is the rjybhieka ritual (literally, consecration into kingship),6 which was formally and ceremoniously accomplished after the king’s enthronement.7 Key related questions ask how these rituals were performed during the h kingship in Nepal, how they were spiritually and politically empowering for the king, what Hindu ideals and conceptions specified with regard to the king’s duties (rjadharma), and how sociopolitical power was gained in actual historical circumstances.8 As seen in the Nepalese history, these rituals exhibit certain continuities across time and space, chiefly that they were constructed principally to gain, expand, consolidate, and legitimate royal powers. These rituals also give expression to, and produce, sacred and divine features of the king and of kingship and have farreaching social, political, historical, and geographical implications. They have also undergone



































































































































































































Nrya!a temple with the royal palace as well as with other Nrya!a temples of the Kathmandu valley. The mythical connection of the king with Vi!u seems to have been established from early on, and the construction of the Nrya!hi$ palace by the h dynasty seems to follow similar beliefs. Krishna Prakash Shrestha, SthnanmaKoa (Kathmandu: Royal Nepal Academy, ca. 1987), 77. It was also believed that a portion of Vi!u (in this case, the king) was born in this palace dedicated to Vi!u. See Prakash A. Raj, “Kay Gardeko?” The Royal Massacre in Nepal (New Delhi: Rupa & Co., 2002), 19. 4 Bibek h, Maile Dekheko Darbr (Kathmandu: Yeti Publications, 2010), 56. Bibek h worked in the palace for nearly twenty-five years and was also the chief secretary to the Royal Nepal Army. 5 The month vina (i.e., from around mid-September until mid-October) derives its name from the position of the moon in the Avin constellation. Dhana amer R! mentions that the festival is called navartri because nine different forms of akti (divine power) are worshiped, one on each day, over the nine-day period. Dhana amer R!, radyadurgpjpaddhati (Kathmandu: Royal Nepal Academy, 1975), ka. 6 Although the word rjybhieka means “the consecration into kingship,” the word is also used in Indian literature to refer to the consecration of the king. Sometimes the term rjbhieka is preferred when it refers to the king’s consecration. 7 The translation “consecration into kingship” would be more meaningful in a discussion of the religious dimension of power, as the rituals carry religious connotations. However, in this monograph, I use the more common and palatable term “coronation” 8 The concept of “power” has been discussed in subsequent paragraphs and sections of this chapter.




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transformations over time, and this gives a perception of how certain sociopolitical situations influenced the transformations of the rituals that were considered timeless and changeless. 1.2. Hindu Kingship and Religious Literature In traditional Hindu contexts, kingship may be defined as the central institution of the state ruled by or centered upon the person of the king.9 A traditional Hindu society ruled as a kingdom was characterized by a complex and hierarchical internal structure. It often comprised different social classes for which the monarch represented the center or pivot of power, and other institutions directly or indirectly helped to consolidate that power. The traditional Hindu kingdom was envisioned as formed of seven limbs (sapt&ga-rjya)—the king, country (land and people), associate ministers, army, fortified towns, treasure, and allies10 in which the king was the apex and hub of power of the organic political system. Hindu monarchy was a common form of government in ancient and medieval South Asia, and was often represented by a katriya (a person of the “warrior” class in the traditional four-fold class system consisting of brhmin, katriya, vaiya, and dra) class (var#a),11 a feature that distinguishes Hindu kingship from the kingship of non-South Asian religious traditions.12 Similarly, royal and priestly functions were often differentiated in Hindu kingship, although the king was enjoined to perform rituals and sacrifices (VDhP. II.65.48) that were traditionally priestly duties, and to protect the kingdom by continence, chastity, asceticism and study of the Vedas13 (AV II.5.17). The priestly function was usually performed by brhmins (alternatively, brhama#as, priests, or traditionally, the ones learned in the Vedas) and sometimes by non-brhmin priests, but the king also had a role mediating between various parts and interests that made up the social order and that connected the human and suprahuman worlds. Moreover, since in Hindu myths and rituals the kingship was regarded as itself divine (i.e., created and sustained by God, or Goddess, or other divine beings, directly or indirectly through some kind of mediation, and deified through rituals), or at least sacred, it connected different agencies of divine and human powers. Hindu kings were also guided by their traditional duties and religious laws (rjadharma), which were mainly devised and handed




























































9

For a definition and an overview of kingship in different societies, see Gaetano Riccardo, “Kingship: An Overview,” trans. Paul Ellis, Encyclopedia of Religion, ed. Lindsay Jones (Detroit: The Thomson Corporation, 2005), 5154-5161. 10 Vi#udharmottara Pur#a (VDhP), II. 65.20-22. The seven limbs consist of the king (svm), ministers (amtyas), territory and people (janapada or r ra), fort (durga), treasury (koa), force (da#a) and allies (mitra). ukrantisra compares these seven components with different organs of the body, i.e., “the king is the head, the ministers the eyes, treasury the mouth, the army the mind, forts and territory the hand and feet.” Usha Mehta and Usha Thakkar, Kautilya and His Arthastra (New Delhi: S. Chand & Company Ltd., 1980), 21. 11 The term katriya is derived from the word katra, meaning supremacy, power, and dominion. The word first occurs in the RV (I.24.11; IV.17.1), where it refers to the power of the gods, primarily of Indra and Mitra-Varu!a. In contrast, for the secular ruler and his temporal power, the word rjanya (RV X.90; AV III.3-4) was first used. In later literature, these terms came to be used synonymously. Margaret and James Stutley, Harper’s Dictionary of Hinduism: Its Mythology, Folklore, Philosophy, Literature, and History (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1984), 153. 12 Even if not stated explicitly, the katriya var#a seems to have been desirable for kingship even in Buddhist traditions in India, but it was not an absolute precondition for the king to assume power. Gen’ichi Yamazaki, “Kingship in Ancient India as Described in Literary Sources and Inscriptions,” in Kingship in Indian History, ed. Noboru Karashima (New Delhi: Manohar Publishers & Distributors, 1999), 18. 13 The term used for these religious austerities is brahmacarya, often translated as religious study and self-restraint. Jan Gonda mentions that the Indian ruler was not a priest-king, as the priestly function was taken care of by the priests belonging to the brhmin class. Jan Gonda, Ancient Indian Kingship from the Religious Point of View (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1966), 71.




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down by brhmins.14 In addition, the ideal king was expected to have such qualifications and qualities: from a noble family; godly, spirited, virtuous, truthful, unfailing in promises, and grateful; broad-minded; prompt; powerful enough to control his feudatories; firm in mind; of good fortune; having a council of ministers of no mean caliber; and desirous of selfdiscipline.15 They had to have the ability to protect and impart justice and righteousness; they were also required to embody the virtues such as (ritual) purity, auspiciousness, truthfulness, compassion, impartiality, restraint of the senses, and valor.16 It was believed that the kings with such qualities would then be able to carry out their rjadharma (duties of the king) well. The king’s religious, judicial, executive, and military authority was symbolically represented by the royal staff (da#a), and his power effected the royal policy through the skillful use of this authority (staff) for maintaining law and order. Traditional Hindu texts emphasize the need of a strong king to enforce law and order. It is for this reason that the king is referred to with such epithets: as having long arms (drghabhu) or mighty arms (mahbhu), as being a supporter (foundation) of the kingdom (r rabh%t), and as a worshiper of what is worshipable (pjitapjaka).17 In fact, punishing wrong-doers, honoring the righteous, and protecting the people are among the most important duties traditionally expected of the king. It is also mentioned that the kings who possess the means of punishment are honored and those who do not have this ability are not (VDhP. II.70.12; Manu VII.14-32). The kings are enjoined to engage in the righteous war; they are instructed to be strategic while employing the (traditional) methods such as: conciliation (sama); offering material wealth for negotiated settlement of disputes or inducement (dna); dissension or subversion (bheda); and force or violence, or deterrent action (da#a). However, it is advised that these methods be adopted in order of importance: if sama does not work, then dna; if dna does not work, then bheda, and if none works then da#a. Other methods such as deceit (my) and jugglery (indrajla) are also recommended, especially in the contexts of warfare.18 Hindu religious texts emphasize that the king needs to establish the harmony of the kingdom with the visible and invisible powers of the universe in order to ensure peace, welfare and prosperity of the nation. In varied texts, the king is also regarded as a mediator between nature and society. The king’s office is therefore entrusted with many religious duties and responsibilities because the fate and prosperity of the nation are believed to depend on the personality and actions of the king: “As is the king, so are his people” (Mbh II.8.32); “Where the ideal king lives, the people are prosperous, cheerful, healthy, pure in conduct, expert in works; there the sacrifices are performed and the clouds always pour waters” (Mbh IV.28.15).19 Likewise, the king’s dharma-based conduct is required for rainfall and fertility. For example, the Mbh mentions that Indra, the king of gods, “seeing that all the katriya sovereigns ruled their kingdoms very virtuously, poured down vivifying showers of rain at the proper time and at the proper place, and thus protected all creatures” (Mbh. I.64.16). The dharma-observing king is thus qualified for deva-ship or god-hood (Mbh XII.90.3), and by the same token, the






























































14 According to P. V. Kane, the rjadharma is said to comprehend within itself “all rules of custom/practice (cra), administration of justice (vyvahra) and penance (praycitta).” P. V. Kane, History of Dharmastra, Ancient and Medieval Religious and Civil Law, vol. III (Poona: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, 1930-62), 3. 15 Kane, III, 45. 16 Ibid., 45-63. 17 Gonda, Ancient, 5-6, 15. 18 Kau$ilya, Arthastra, IX. 19 Gonda, Ancient, 7. These and other quotes from the Mahbhrata are directly adapted from Gonda’s Ancient Indian Kingship.




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transgression of dharma (which generally refers to the moral and religious duty, law, custom, righteousness and so on) by the king is believed to lead to drought and suffering (Mbh III.110.42).20 Hindu texts also underscore that the dharma-bound actions help the king automatically gain religious power which, according to the Vedic text, Aitareyabrhma#a (8.7.10), includes “not only lordly power but also the essence of nutritious food, the essence of water and useful plants, any refreshing draught, a well-nourished condition and generative power.”21 The royal power connects the central authority of the kingdom and various orders of supernatural powers, and it is influenced by the actions and moral compass of the king. For example, the Laws of Manu (cf. Manu) states that if the king and his priests act well (including offering proper ritual sacrifices to the deities), happiness and prosperity will prevail in the kingdom; if he does not act well and commits evil or sins, he becomes the root cause of people’s suffering. The king is also responsible for the correct worship of deities such as Indra and Varu!a because these deities hold the scepter (da#a) even over kings (Manu 9.245), as the king reigns over his people. The religious texts also correlate the interrelationship and identity of gods and the king. For example, the god Agni, like the king, serves as an intermediary by conveying the sacrifice (offerings) to the deities and by bringing the deities to the sacrifice (RV II.9.2, III.6.5). The king is enjoined to be morally responsible to the deities and various orders of supernatural beings; his behaviors are similarly related to four yugas (Ages, spans of time): whatever happens in the kingdom is understood as directly correlated with and even dependent on the actions of the king (Manu IX. 303-325). The Nepalese Hindu kingship draws on and participates in aspects of the vast panIndian religious landscape. The ancient Indian royal rituals22 and ceremonies, such as consecration into kingship or coronation, Indraytr (often called the Indrajtr in Nepal), and navartri (also called dussehra, dasara, navartra, and popularly dasain in Nepal) were performed with great fanfare and rejoicing, and many of them find vibrant expression even after the deposition of the monarchy. On different occasions, under the rule of monarchy, living kings were officially projected as or given the ritual roles of representatives of divinities such as Indra, Vi!u, Bhairava (a tntric form of iva), and Bodhisattva Dp&kara. Many people of the older generation–perhaps the majority–also seemed to have some kind of belief in the divine aura or essence of the king. Brendra’s (regnal, 1972-2001) case was unique in Nepalese history. His gentleness, liberality, democratic disposition (after 1990), and nationalistic fervor may also have added to the glory and dignity of the kingship.23 He was deeply immersed in the Nepalese cultural life. He used to exchange his sword for the sword of the deities Klabhairava




























































20

The text also mentions that the rain can cease and drought can prevail if the priest makes mistakes in the ritual performance. Therefore, the proper functioning of nature, including rainfall, depends on the virtues of the king and his purohitas (personal priests). Also, Gonda, Ancient, 8. 21 Gonda, Ancient, 8. 22 In this monograph, the “royal ritual” means the kingship ritual, and the royal power means the religious and sociopolitical power invested in the kingship in different contexts. 23 Despite the People’s Movement of 1990 and the subsequent transformation from the absolute monarchy to the constitutional monarchy, and despite the Maoists’ bloody insurgency (1996-2006) to supplant the constitutional monarchy with a communist republic, the Nepalese kingship maintained a certain stature and dignity until June 1, 2001. Within the eleven years of democratic dispensation (from 1990 to 2001), people seemed to have become gradually fed up with the misuse of political power by democratic parties; this retroactively added dignity to the constitutional king Brendra, who most often did not interfere with day-to-day governance. People’s faith in and outpouring of sympathy and support to Brendra and his family could be seen in the aftermath of the massacre, as thousands of people shaved their heads and mourned the loss of their beloved king.




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and Bhairav (tantric forms of iva and akti respectively) in the twelve-yearly empowerment rituals. He was also honored as a living incarnation of a Bodhisattva (an enlightenment being), an embodiment of selfless compassion and enlightenment. He was associated with multiple divinities, such as iva (with iva Paupatinth as the national deity and the king as the patron),24 akti (e.g., in her Kl and Taleju forms as the king’s tutelary goddess(s) and in the living virgin goddess Kumr as the state deity), Vi!u, Indra, and Macchendranth. He offered worship to all such deities and other powerful beings (including Gorakhnth) as part of his religious duties. In the polycentric Hindu religious culture of Nepal, the king was involved in various Vedic, pur!ic, tntric, and local rituals (including those dominated by spirit worship, shamanism, animal sacrifices, and animistic representations), and he exhibited religious tolerance and liberality. During the h dynasty’s rule, the king was projected as the central unifier of the cultures and politics of the Nepalese nation. As the summit of the Hindu kingdom, he was considered an intermediary of social, natural and supernatural powers, connecting different orders of life. Any unusual happening, such as a chariot breaking down during the celebratory worship of deities like Indra or Macchendranth, was directly correlated to the fate of the king and the kingdom. At least from the time of Mahendra (regnal, 19551972) to Gynendra (regnal, 2001-2008), the kings also projected themselves as pious figures, visiting temples and involving in religious rituals. Through their participation in the local rituals, they brought diverse people together and created a sense of social and cultural cohesion. 1.3. Rituals of Royal Navartri and Coronation: An Overview Although the navartri is theoretically performed four times over the year, the autumnal navartri is the most popular religious celebration and it is observed variously in different parts of South Asia.25 The festival is celebrated as an enactment of the mythical battle,26 as recounted in the pur!ic texts such as the Dev Mhtmya (DM), Devbhgavata Pur#a (DBhP), and Klik Pur#a (KP)27 between the goddess and the demons, with the ultimate victory of the




























































24

The Paupati temple is located to the east of Kathmandu, in the small town of Deop$an. Regarded as the royal deity and the protector of the kingdom, the Paupati temple is a major pilgrimage destination of the Hindus of South Asia. The word paupati means the lord of the paus (cattle, creatures), and iva Paupatinth is accordingly worshiped as the savior god of all beings–both humans and non-human–that are bound (pa) to the wheel of life, death, and rebirth. 25

The popular conception is that it is the same great goddess called Mahdev who assumes and is worshiped in many different names and forms. Dhana amer R!, ka. 26 The term myth has been used more in the sense of sacred narratives “shared by a group of people who find their most important meanings in it.” Wendy Doniger, The Implied Spider: Politics and Theology in Myth (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998), 2. Cornelia Dimmit and J. A. B. van Buitenen mention that “India, extraordinarily rich in myth, has no special word for it.” Cornelia Dimmit and J. A. B. van Buitenen, eds. and trans. Classical Hindu Mythology: A Reader in the Sanskrit Pur#as (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1978), 3.The Sanskrit words pur#a (“belonging to the past”) and itihsa (“thus it was said”) taken together might give some sense of the sacred narratives of the past. The stories of the deeds of gods and goddesses are found from the Rigveda onward, but such stories cannot be regarded as hard evidence of the actual history of the people, although they might give some sense of how the composers of such stories may have thought about certain ideas and events. 27 The Dev Mhtmya (DM) and the Bhgavata-pur#a (BP) are recited every day until the ninth day, and they provide a mythological backdrop to the festival. However, the Klik-pur#a (KP) has been especially useful for ritual purposes, as it directly relates to the Kl form of the goddess who is most revered by the Nepalese royalties.




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goddess over many demonic forces.28 In these texts, the goddess is variously named as Durg, Kl, Cmu!, and Ktyyan, while the demonic forces are represented by such figures as Mahisura, umbha, and Niumbha. Although the navartri is presented as the most important Hindu festival in Nepal, which was until 2008 ruled by various dynasties of kings, it is observed by people of all religious affiliations. Among the dominant Hindus, the festival takes the form of devotional worship to the goddess Durg in her many different forms. It is also a time for getting together with families and friends, wearing new clothes, and enjoying good food. The symbolic meaning of the victory of the divine over the demonic is as important for Hindus as it is for Jain, Buddhist and other religious communities of Nepal. Those who oppose crude violence in the form of animal sacrifices often spend time in prayers for the liberation of (the souls of the) sacrificed animals or for campaigning against religious violence. The campaign against state-sponsored animal sacrifices has been more pronounced since 1990. Sometimes, even those who do not directly involve in sacrifice are indirectly responsible for this. Some Buddhists of the village of L&g$&g, Rasuv, for example, sell their goats for sacrificial purposes although they do not themselves perform animal sacrifices, and many of them instead spend their time in Buddhist centers (gumbs) in prayers. Some Tibetan Buddhists in Kathmandu visit their relatives’ houses to receive the red k (often a mixture of red or vermilion color, milled/husked rice grains and yogurt; and it is offered or received as an auspicious mark on one’s forehead) and new (barley) seedlings as divine blessings without participating in animal sacrifices. For the past couple of decades, the sacrifice has been much condemned by animal rights activists and others who call for the complete abandonment of the practice or for replacing the existing sacrifices with vegetarian items such as gourds (kum#a, variously named such as the pumpkin-gourd, ash gourd, winter gourd, and wax gourd), bananas, and coconuts. Similarly, the Muslim communities also participate in the festival by exchanging greetings and sometimes by receiving k. As the festival has been popular for centuries, it has influenced and impacted all Nepalese, not just Hindus, in one or another form.29 Similarly, in Hindu traditions, the coronation (rjybhieka)30 is regarded as a religious ceremony for the installation of a person into kingship. The candidate does not get the formal recognition and authority to reign as king without first being officially consecrated through this ritual.31 If the contents of the religious texts reflect the actual practice in some ways, this ritual






























































28

The terms “religious acts,” “rites,” “festivals” and “rituals” are used rather loosely and interchangeably because the word “ritual” connotes a variety of meanings and activities in Hindu traditions. Axel Michaels, “‘Sanskrit’/ ‘Ritual’: A Survey of Some Related Terms,” in Theorizing Rituals: Issues, Topics, Approaches, Concepts, eds. Jens Kreinath, Jan Snoek and Michael Stausberg (Leiden: Brill, 2006), 86-90. For the sake of consistency, the term “goddess” (with a small ‘g’) has been used most of the time even if it means the ultimate divine power and creator (creatrix) of the universe. 29 Jitendra Sh, “Sabai Dharmvalambl Dasain Pyro,” Kantipur, September 30, 2011. 30 For a dictionary definition of the term abhieka, see Sir Monier Williams, Ernst Leumann, and Carl Cappeller. A Sanskrit-English Dictionary Etymologically and Philologically Arranged with Special Reference to Cognate IndoEuropean Languages (Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 2002), 71; Vaman Shivaram Apte, The Practical SanskritEnglish Dictionary, 3rd edition (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1965, 2003), 127. In both these dictionaries, the term has been variously defined: “sprinkling,” “anointing,” “coronation,” “installation,” “royal unction,” “ablution, or religious bathing,” and “bathing or sprinkling with water (of a divinity to whom worship is offered).” 31 Kulacandra Koirl, Neplako S"sk%tika Parampar ra Rjmuku (Kathmandu: Nepal Rjakya Prajñprati$hn, 1988), 82. Koirl mentions that it is for this reason that the consecrated king is called mrdhbhiikta (consecrated on the head, or the consecrated one). Also, Buddhisgara Parjul, ubharjybhiekavidhnakrik, 1.




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seems to have been popular from the time of the Atharvaveda-Pari a (AVP 4.2.6-7)32 and was performed at least once in the lifetime of every new king.33 As seen in post-1950 Nepal, it was also meant to be celebratory, with the participation of the people, diplomats and delegates from around the world. 1.4. Methodology This study is based on the published and unpublished manuals employed for the performance of these rituals. It adopts textual, ethnographic and historical methods for the discussion of rituals, and draws on the manuals, interviews, and secondary literature. For this study, the purohitas (appointed priests; literally, set in front) and officials of the palace, as well as those of the military and police headquarters, were consulted and interviewed. In addition, the following manuals important in the palace rituals and composed at different times were utilized: a short Sanskrit manual of about fifteen pages credited to Nrya!ds Arjyl, the royal purohita of Dravya h (regnal, 1559-1570) who conquered Gorkh in 1559; two short manuals composed (one in 1907 and the other in 1931) during the oligarchic R! rule (1846-1951); and the recently published Durg-pj manual by Balaram Aryl of the royal priestly clan.34 Most of the rituals mentioned in these manuscripts are short forms of the elaborate description as given in the Sanskrit texts supposedly composed and compiled by the h kings themselves, and they are also sufficiently consulted: B%hatpuracaryr#ava by Pratp Si%ha hdev (regnal, 1775-1777) and Satkarmaratnval by Grv!yuddha Bikram hdev (regnal, 1805-1816 CE).35 Lok Prasd arm Bha$$ar’s description of the navartri rituals contains a good amount of information, and this research has drawn on his work as well. Rjrm Subed, a prominent historian and professor of history in Tribhuvan University, Kirtipur, Kathmandu, shared all the details (of the navartri) that he had collected through his extensive interviews with the Gorkh palace official Sryanth Aryl, an eighty-nine year old man (2015 CE) who served at the Gorkh palace for many years and trained his own son, Raghunth Aryl, to be a royal priest in the Gorkh and Hanumnhok palaces. Some of these manuals were composed and compiled during the expansion and consolidation of the Gorkh Hindu kingdom, which was officially called Nepal only from the 1930s, and the earlier texts were foundational for later compositions. However, the short manuscripts do not mention what particular mantras are recited on different occasions. The priests as experts possibly did not need any elaboration of the mantras in written form as it was a standard practice for them to use different mantras at specific times during the rituals. They may






























































32

Dipak Bhattacharya, ed. The Paippalda-sa"hit of the Atharvaveda (Calcutta: The Asiatic Society, 1997). Yasuhiro Tsuchiyama, “Abhieka in the Vedic and post-Vedic Rituals,” in From Material to Deity: Indian Rituals of Consecration (New Delhi: Manohar Publishers & Distributors, 2005), 51. It is difficult to ascertain the date of the Atharvaveda-Pari a. However, one may surmise that this text may have come into circulation by the beginning of the Common Era. 33 There are examples that the kings had their crowning and consecrations performed more than once. For example, Jaya Prak Malla (regnal, 1736 to 1746; 1750 to 1768) of Kathmandu is said to have been crowned thrice. Similarly, Ra!a Bahdur h (regnal, 1777–1805) was crowned twice. Rishikesh Shah, Three Decades and Two Kings (1960-1990): Eclipse of Nepal’s Partyless Monarchic Rule (Kathmandu: Ratna Pustak Bhandar, 1990). 34 The fact that these valuable manuals were used for palace rituals was testified to by Balarm Aryl himself and his son, Bhnu Aryl, from whom I received them, as well as by Sryanth Arjyl, who has had ritual experiences in the Gorkh palace for many years. Rjrm Subed, “Manuscripts,” 3. 35 Pratp Si%ha hdev, B%hat Puracaryr#ava, 4 vols (Kathmandu: Nepal Press, 1974); Grv!yuddha Bikram hdev, Satkarmaratnval, vol. 4 (Kathmandu: His Majesty’s Government’s Press, 1973), 201- 244.




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also have wanted to maintain secrecy and the sacredness of the mantras to ensure ritual efficacy.36 These manuals may be taken as paradigmatic forms of the rituals, and they provide some insight into how the rituals were conceived and actually performed. Coinciding with Brendra’s coronation year (1975), Dhana amer Ja&g Bahdur R!,37 a tntric and then a Royal Nepalese Army general, published a detailed manual for the worship of the goddess during the navartri as part of the Nepalese palace’s professed aim of creating a standard practice across the kingdom. A close associate of the kings, he belonged to the palace secretariat and is said to have trained king Brendra in tantra and tntric rituals.38 He was involved in the publication of different ritual handbooks and culturally important documents during the reigns of Mahendra and Brendra. It is stated that king Brendra had “arranged a mystical group of three persons at the royal palace. This group, affiliated with the king’s Principal Secretariat, was headed by Lt. General Dhana amer R!.”39 Dhana R! published important religious texts, such as the navartri manual entitled radya-durg-pj-paddhati and the manual for the fire installation (Agni-sthpan-vidhi) with the support of and in collaboration with the royal purohitas.40 His ritual texts and those of the royal purohitas, including that of Balarm Aryl,41 are the best I have been able to locate for my study of the navartri. Together with the interviews and secondary literature and description found in the Royal Nepalese Army’s journals (Siph), they provide us with reliable accounts of these rituals. Similarly, the discussion of coronations is based on the Sanskrit manual prepared for the coronation of Brendra in 1975.42 This ritual handbook draws on earlier manuals prepared by the royal priests and other officials for the coronation of Mahendra in 1956 and Dravya h in 1559. These manuals are adaptations of the descriptions found in medieval Indian literature, such as the Vi#udharmottara Pur#a (VDhP), Agni Pur#a (AP), Nlamata Pur#a (NMP), Rjantipraka and Ntimaykha. The study of the rjybhieka and that of the navartri complement each other; the former ritual has Vi!u as its main deity, while the latter is dedicated






























































36 Pratp Si%ha hdev, B%hat Puracaryr#ava, vol. 4 (Kathmanu: Royal Nepal Academy, 1974), 1-207; Grv!yuddha Bikram hdev, Satkarmaratnval, Uttarrdha (Kathmandu: His Majesty Government’s Press, ca. 1972), 201-238. 37 His name will be cited as Dhana R! (in short form) or sometimes as Dhana amer R!. Whenever the citation is made to “Dhana R!,” it mainly refers to his ritual handbook entitled radyadurgpjpaddhati, unless otherwise stated. 38 Bibek h, 56. The word tantra is traditionally defined as “extension,” and “warp on a loom.” It is also used in the sense of liberation (tan- “to stretch, expound” and tr- “to save”). 39 Sanu Bhai Dangol, Palace in Nepalese Politics, with special reference to the politics of 1951 to 1990 (Kathmandu: Ratna Pustak Bhandar, 1999), 202. Sanu Bhai Dangol served the Nepalese royal palace for more than two decades and is often regarded as an authority on many issues pertaining to the palace. 40 This is attested by the main royal purohita, Si%harj, in the ritual handbook, Agnisthpan (1969): “With a view to preserving and circulating the religious activities as given in the karmak#a (that part of the Veda which relates to ceremonial acts and sacrificial rites and the merit arising from a due performance thereof) protected by the lord (prabhu), His Majesty the king Mahendra Br Bikram hdev, the protector of dharma and bestower of the fortune of Nepal, the only Hindu kingdom in the world, and with the wish of His Majesty the crown prince (Brendra), this book on Agnisthpan (Installation of Agni) prepared by the general Dhana amer Ja&gabahdur R! and Pa!it K#!a Prasd Bha$$ar has been thoroughly read and corrected by me.” (“Sammati” by the main purohita Si%harj). Dhana amer Jagabahdur R  and K#!a Prasd Bha$$ar, Agnisthpanvidhi (Kathmandu: Dhana amer Jagabahdur R, 1969). 41 Balarm Aryl, Navartri tath Yamapañcaka Pjvidhi: Dev Devatk Yantraharu Sahita (Kathmandu: Keava Aryl and Bhnurj Aryl, 2005). 42 Nearly four hundred pages of Sanskrit manuscripts were made available to me by Michael Witzel, Wales Professor of Sanskrit at Harvard University.




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to the supreme godddess as akti, or Durg or another manifestation, Kl. In addition to iva Paupatinth, these are the two other deities widely worshiped in Nepal. For an expanded understanding, this study also describes aspects of the religious life of the Hindu kings and the formation of religious traditions in Nepal. 1.5. Review of Related Literature 1.5.1. The Navartri Rituals and their General Implications in Nepal Lok Prasd arm Bha$$ar’s description of the year-long palace rituals in Gorkh attempts to interpret the navartri rituals in terms of their continuity from earliest times, especially in the context of the Vedic horse sacrifice (vamedha).43 Other extant interpretations often deal with moral lessons, such as the victory of truth over falsehood or of justice over injustice.44 In these rituals, the goddess Durg is regarded as “the ultimate cleanser”; it is thus believed that worshiping her removes evil qualities, which reside in humans and create instability in life. The goddess is believed to accept the offerings (both vegetables like coconuts, sweets and flowers, and animals like buffalos, goats, ducks, roosters, and pigs) devotionally presented to her. Whenever animals are sacrificed, people symbolically associate specific animals with definite attributes, calling for the abandonment of those qualities in life: lust (goat and duck), anger and intoxication (water buffalo and sheep), greed (sheep), envy or jealousy (chicken), and attachment (pigeon).45 The navartri falls in the post-monsoon season when nature appears most glorious, and people thank the mother goddess and the earth for providing them with the fresh harvest, blessings, and bounties of nature. For many Nepalese, the navartri is also a cultural festival celebrating the reunion of friends and families: people renew ties of clan, family, and hierarchical relations, most visible as people visit each other’s houses to receive k and blessings from their seniors.46 It is an occasion to extend gratitude and goodwill to others by forgiving any misunderstandings of the past. Individuals and communities engage in enjoyable activities like playing games, riding swings, flying kites, giving and receiving gifts, wearing new clothes, and eating delicacies (including the meat of the sacrificed animals for the nonvegetarians). Women too feel empowered by the focus on the goddess Durg as the universal female and ultimate power.47 The Nepalese kings used to visit the goddess temples in Gorkh and in the Kathmandu Valley, and deliver messages of good wishes to all Nepalese, especially on the tenth day (called the vijay daam, i.e., the victory tenth day), promoting the festival as an occasion of celebration for all Nepalese, not just for Hindus.48 In their speeches, they offered homage to the mother






























































43 Lok Prasd arm Bha$$ar, Gorkhdarabrako S"sk%tika Paka: Yasako Udbhava ra Viksa (D&g: Mahendra Sanskrit University, Nepal, 1997), 34-88. His description was foundational at the beginning of this research on navartri at Gorkh, although some descriptive points he made in the navartri section did not quite match the details given by Rjram Subed. I am very grateful to Lok Prasd arm Bha$$ar for his study and Rjram Subed for sharing information about these rituals. 44 Anup Ojha, “Another Look at Dasain,” The Kathmandu Post, September 21, 2012. 45 There does not seem to be a neat categorization of these attributes, though, and the discussion varies as in the following: https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=400&v=x2gURNXHUuA 46 For the study of kinship ties during the navartri, see Lynn Bennett, Dangerous Wives and Sacred Sisters: Social and Symbolic Roles (New York: Columbia University, 1983). 47 Manisha Neupane and Kritika Parajuli, “Forms of the Goddess,” The Kathmandu Post, October 08, 2010; Pramod Mishra, “Dashain Meditations,” The Kathmandu Post, September 26, 2009. 48 One may find the documented evidence of king’s messages on the daam day at least from 1955 to the present. The multi-volume Proclamations, Speeches and Messages by kings Mahendra and Brendra was published by the Department of Publicity of His Majesty’s Government of Nepal.




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goddess on behalf of all the people and requested her to grant peace, prosperity, and happiness to the nation: “On this sacred day my heart’s prayer to goddess Durg is that all may succeed in building a prosperous Nepal”49; “May r Mahkl, Mahlakm and Mahsarasvat keep every one of us Nepalese endowed with unity, organization, courage and intelligence to continue rendering dedicated service to the cause of our country as well as of humanity”50; “I pray Navadurg Bhavn to confer upon all of us wisdom, strength and inspiration.”51 Despite the relatively recent beginning, they often mentioned that the festival had been observed by the Nepalese since time immemorial and that it imparted enduring messages such as “truth triumphs over falsehood,” “compassion is more human than egotism and arrogance,” and “every human endeavor is laced with divine grace.”52 The festival was defined by the king as (1) “symbolizing a continual renewal and regeneration of life in the stream of time marked by creation, preservation and destruction”; (2) “man’s struggle with grace against the forces of evil”; (3) an occasion to “foster unity through exchange of mutual goodwill and blessings of the elderly…and fight against ignorance, egotism and backwardness”53; and (4) a time to reflect on the perennial human aspiration to move “from darkness to light, from falsehood to truth, from evil to goodness.”54 However, despite its religious significance, people have also been critical of the navartri. For many, the festival is very expensive; the poor even interpret it as an occasion of a bad luck (da, in Nepali), rather than auspicious heralding good fortune, because it increases family debt. Its modern variants are also criticized for its promotion of consumerism and for becoming a “burden to the poor, subsistence farmers, and daily wage earners.”55 Others, such as the revolutionaries during the Maoist insurgency (1996-2006), see the festival as a relic of the country’s feudal past, which disregarded human agency by promoting blind faith in deities and other powerful supernatural beings.56 Further, many people are critical of animal sacrifice on this occasion; they interpret the practice as cruel, bloody, inhumane, and frightening. They argue that such violent practice does not help create peace, order and human happiness but instead promotes a culture of violence: “The carnage of animal sacrifices, the open flouting of naked knives and swords (khukuris, in Nepali) glorify bloodshed.”57 The animal violence in the navartri is sometimes correlated to the structural violence in Nepalese society;58 instead of diminishing the evil inherent in the human condition, it is argued, the festival further intensifies “the violence inherent in (the) male psyche,” “gender and social oppression and exclusion,” and fosters “violent habits in the minds of the people and children by normalizing insensitivity to the suffering of living beings, including humans.”59 Those who oppose animal sacrifice speculate on how the practice crept into the Hindu world. They regard it variously as: (1) a residue of the




























































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King Mahendra’s message in 1961. H. M. King Mahendra Br Bikram Shahdev, Proclamations, Speeches and Messages, vol 2, December 1960-1965 (Kathmandu: Department of Publicity, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, 1982), 53. 50 King Mahendra’s message in 1962. 51 King Brendra’s message in 1972. H. M. King Brendra, Proclamations, 13. 52 Brendra Br Bikram h, 1972. Proclamations, 13. 53 King Brendra’s message in 1976. 54 King Brendra’s message in 1978. 55 “Secular Dasain,” Nepali Times, no. 317 (29 September 2006- 05 October 2006). 56 Bachhu BK, “No Dashain for Some,” The Nepali Times, no. 523 (08 October - 14 October, 2010). Cf. Himal Khabarpatrika, 2 October-1 November, 2010. 57 Rajendra Pradhan, “Our Cult of Violence,” Nepali Times, no. 219 (29 October 2004- 04 November 2004). 58 Ibid. 59 “Novel Drive against Animal Sacrifice,” The Kathmandu Post, October 07, 2010.




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hunting age;60 (2) a perception of meat as a desirable delicacy; (3) a ritual practice of the wealthy that was gradually adopted throughout society; (4) a misunderstanding, misinterpretation, and misappropriation of the sacred (battle) myths; and/or (5) an expression of the warrior cult and state domination of the past.61 Many of these critics suggest that the mother goddess can never be propitiated by offering a blood sacrifice of innocent animals, who (like humans) are also the offspring of the goddess, and that such sacrifices can never destroy, but only enhance, the “demonic” forces (such as violence, greed, anger and lust) within the practitioners who engage in violent sacrificial rituals. For others, the tntric form of slow and dispassionate blood-letting in front of the Taleju temple in Hanumnhok, Kathmandu, and other cities is abhorrent. They castigate the lack of compassion of the sacrificers and participants who rejoice in the killing and suffering of powerless animals. They are also often opposed to the practice of worshiping weapons, which is integral to the rituals, and they argue that such practices promote the brutality of war, violence, and subjugation and destruction of enemy forces. 1.5.2. The Rjybhieka Rituals in Nepal and their Implications The coronation illustrates different themes that are discussed by many scholars. According to Khemrj Keavaara!, the coronation ritual is about the king’s assumption of the responsibilities of the state, and in the Nepalese context, it symbolizes the Nepalese people’s aspirations.62 Satyamohan Jo concurs, noting that this ritual is performed “in order to make the king pure and worthy of upholding the kingship.”63 In Nepal, the designation rjybhieka is often preceded by the word ubha (auspicious), suggesting that the ritual heralds good things for the kingdom.64 According to Jo, the coronation is performed for “immaculate and complete kingship/sovereignty” by removing any deficiencies (nynat) and/or faults (hnat) of the king. As a special rite of passage, it is believed to transform the king and enable him to manifest creative qualities,”65 which will help him govern his kingdom successfully. Dhanavajra Vajrcrya takes coronation as “an occasion and a medium to strengthen the bond and good will between the king and the people.”66 This theme is echoed by Vivarj P!e, who regards the occasion as “auspicious” and “glorious.”67 The Nepalese kings interpreted this occasion elevating it as a Vedic and national festival, which evoked a “feeling of goodwill and unity” among its people,68 and as a symbol of “national unity” and “historical continuity.”69
































































60 For a detailed discussion of the origin and development of sacrifice, see Michael Witzel, The Origins of the World’s Mythologies (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), 393-410. 61 Gokar!a Bha$$a, “Janajtiko Nidhram Dasainko k,” Kanung Lam 9, no. 23 (2003), 10-15; O% Guru&g, “Dasain Mnnu-Namnnuko Pharak,” Mlya&kan (October, 2004), 20; Durgha&g Yakhr, Brhma#bd Bruddha Janajti ra Utpiitvarga (Kathmandu: Dhanarn Yakhr, 1996). This aspect will be discussed in the later chapters. 62 Khemrj Keavaara!, “ubha Rjybhiek: R$riya k&kko Pratik,” ubha Rjybhiek Vie&k: Muku ar, eds. Meghrj arm, et al. Dharan (1975), 16. 63 Satyamohan Jo, Rjamuku a ra Rjybhieka (Kathmandu: His Majesty’s Government, Department of Information, 1975), 81. 64 Ibid, 81. 65 Ibid, 81. 66 Dhanavajra Vajracrya, “Rjybhiekako Aitihsik Mahatva,” Contributions to Nepalese Studies, 2:1 (February 1975), 1-9. 67 Vivarj P!e, “ubha-Rjybhieka: Neplko Gauravmaya C,” ubha Rjybhieka Vie&ka (Kathmandu: Department of Information, HM, 1975), 23. 68 King Mahendra’s coronation message in 1956. H. M. Mahendra, Proclamations, vol. 1, 42.




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Buddhisgar Parjul, one of the composers and compilers of the manual for Brendra’s coronation (See Appendix III for pictures), similarly notes that the ritual engenders “new energy,” “splendor” and “divine power” in the king, although he does not mention how these things are actually effected.70 Many scholars have studied Hindu kingship and its rituals in terms of their power relations. For A. M. Hocart, for example, Hindu kingship itself is a form of ritual rather than of political organization. By drawing parallels between traditional Fiji and caste societies of South Asia, Hocart argues that the king’s state is an organization meant to promote prosperity by due observance of traditional rules, and that primary among these rules is the repetitive performance of sacrificial rites for the regeneration of kingship by removing any pollution.71 Contrary to the most commonly held notion of caste, which would regard the priest as an embodiment of purity, Hocart posits the priest as a vessel for removing the pollution of the king and other royalty. In his study of coronation ceremonies, Hocart provides a list of rites and observances that are found across many traditional societies in Fiji, India, and Egypt, and in Judeo-Christian traditions. While Hocart is correct in his assessment of the pollution in the king because of his involvement in running the government, thus requiring constant ritual purgation, the Nepalese kings were presented as auspicious figures untouched by pollution, even during the death of their own parents and other family members. Even the sight of the king was traditionally deemed capable of removing personal sins and evils, and the reigning king was considered ever auspicious. J. C. Heesterman follows some of Hocart’s ritual paradigms in his study of the rjasya, literally, the ritual of “pouring upon” or “the pressing out (of Soma) for the king,”72 especially in his analysis of the rebirth of the king as a sacrificer, for whose benefit the cosmic processes are set in motion. He is primarily concerned, however, with how the king and the brhmins negotiate their powers in different Hindu texts. He argues that a consistent overall scheme for a consolidated theory of sacred kingship is lacking in India, and kingship remains “suspended between sacrality and secularity, divinity and mortal humanity, legitimate authority and arbitrary power, dharma and adharma.”73 The reason he offers for this “conundrum” is that, in traditional Hindu societies, it is not the king but the brhmin who held the key to religious values and who were actually the sources of authority and legitimation.74 Heesterman is right in suggesting that the brhmins, as composers of Hindu texts and upholders of spiritual authority, had a key role in the king’s deification, and that this is one of the reasons why there are contradictions and variations in the texts that glorify the king in differing ways. Yet brhmins were not always the most powerful personalities controlling the palace and state affairs. In Nepal, for example, the status of the king was always higher than that of the brhmins. However, kingly status of this type is not uncommon, even in religious texts such as Ahirbudhnya Sa"hit (16.16-17), which mentions that the king is “twice so great as a brahman (brhmin), and his praises are sung in the





































































































































































































69 Meghrj arm, ed., “His Majesty’s Proposal to Declare Nepal a Peace-Zone,” 6-10. The speech included in this text is the Nepalese version of the king’s speech to the foreign delegates. For the English version, see H. M. Brendra, Proclamations, 94. 70 Buddhisgar Parjul, ubharjybhieka-vidhnakrik (Kathmandu: R$riya Abhilekhlaya, 1973), 2. 71 A. M. Hocart, Kingship (London: Oxford University Press, 2005); Hocart, Caste: A Comparative Study (London: Methuen, 1950), 97. 72 The rjasya (literally, “pouring upon,” or “royal consecration”) is “a vedic sacrifice performed by a universal monarch (in which the tributary princes also took part) at the time of his coronation as a mark of his undisputed sovereignty.” Apte, 1336. 73 J. C. Heesterman, “The Conundrum of the King’s Authority,” in Kingship & Authority in South Asia, ed. J. F. Richards (Madison: University of Wisconsin, 1978), 3. 74 Ibid, 4.




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Vedas and stras (scriptures).” In Nepal, however, the royal brhmins’ status and function did not remain the same but changed considerably over time. In fact, they were no more than handmaidens to the king’s authority; in palaces, they assumed very humble positions and showed deferential honors to the king and his key officials. Ronald Inden, in his carefully executed study of the royal installation, concentrates on how the transcendent and immanent aspects of kingship are combined in the ceremony. He suggests that the apparent contradiction of these two natures are both stated and resolved in the ritual by the device of alternation or oscillation between the opposing pairs on a cyclic, periodic basis.75 He says that the divinity of the Hindu king, though central to the Hindu concept of kingship, has nothing to do with divine right, or “absolutism” (as in early modern Europe and elsewhere). According to Inden, the Hindu king “cannot be classed with the kings of early Egypt or Japan as a transcendent divinity, a source of authority himself separated from and uninvolved in the immanent and day-to-day affairs of his kingdom; nor, on the other hand, can he be grouped with the monarchs of ancient Mesopotamia, Persia, China, or, for that matter, medieval Europe, as a mere human agent or servant of the transcendent divine, an immanent administrator of his kingdom ever dependent on the authoritative grace of a god.”76 He builds his thesis on Heesterman’s idea of the conundrum and oscillation of the king’s authority, but he deals with this issue from a structuralist perspective. While Heesterman argues that the apparent contradiction occurs mainly because the ritual or religious authority was in the hands of the priests, who composed Sanskrit texts and ritual manuals and who sometimes expressed reservations in the divinity or divine supremacy of the king. However, Inden sees this kind of contradiction as inevitable because the ritual must integrate both the transcendentalist and immanent types of kingship, and because both centralize and decentralize the royal authority in the king and the people:77 … the royal rituals, of which the king’s installation ceremony is the archetype, are binary in structure. The first half of this ceremony takes the king-to-be out of the kingdom and infuses him, by means of a bath, with (among other things) royal authority, thereby centralizing it in him. The second and complementary part of the ceremony returns him as king to his kingdom where he in turn infuses the various constituents of the community with transvalued forms of the very things by which he himself was symbolically bathed; as a result, authority once again becomes decentralized. Inden’s study of the installation ceremony is based on the ritual as described in the Vi#udharmottara Pur#a. Inden deals with kingship and authority from the religious perspective, largely in line with the studies of Hocart, Louis Dumont, Gonda, and Heesterman, and interprets important symbols and ritual occasions in terms of how they fit into the Hindu conception of kingship. Despite his detailed discussion of the royal installation, Inden’s study suffers from some glaring problems, especially if the rituals are considered in terms of how they were practiced in different times and places. Interestingly, he picks up a very short description of the coronation from the Vi#udharmottara Pur#a and generalizes it, as if this text had been strictly followed by all the Hindu kings since medieval times. He also fails to mention that, even while using certain portions of the Vi#udharmottara Pur#a, the later manuals have subtly modified certain






























































75 Ronald Inden, “Ritual, Authority and Cyclic Time in Hindu Kingship,” in Kingship and Authority in South Asia, ed. J. F. Richards. South Asian Studies, III (Madison: University of Wisconsin, 1978), 29-30. 76 Ibid., 42. 77 Ibid., 43.




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rituals (of VDhP), or emphasized one aspect and de-emphasized others for particular purposes. Inden understands that there is an imperialistic ambition of the brhmins and Hindu kings in the composition of this text, and that this ambition is reflected and illustrated in the coronation through the assimilation of the solemn (rauta) and devotional (pj) variants of rituals. Inden argues further that the primary purpose of the coronation is to transform a human being into a divine king, who according to him is a microcosmic Purua (Cosmic Person) or Vi!u.78 He accordingly correlates the Hindu king with the primal Purua from whom the entire universe, with its multiple animate and inanimate forces, is said to have emerged and evolved (RV X.90). Again, this correlation for him is not merely symbolic but literal: “It would be wrong, however, to argue that the king was ‘merely’ a symbol here and that the idea of him as a microcosm meant that he was an ‘imitation’ of the Cosmic Man (Purua).”79 As we will see in our discussion of the coronation, the main purpose of the ritual is to consecrate a human being into kingship that is often regarded as a sacred office in traditional society. Furthermore, the strict binaries Inden creates between the transcendental and immanent aspects of the rituals are difficult to defend because the rituals integrate and make use of both the Vedic and pur!ic (pj) types of worship. Therefore, there is no strict demarcation indicating that the first half is transcendental (Vedic) while the second half of the ritual is immanent. Similarly, his depiction, as in the following, of the king and the land (earth) relation in psychosexual terms is problematic:80 Like husband and wife, the king and earth were to act as a single, corporate entity, guided by him, in producing good offspring and good crops. Every spring, for instance, the earth’s menstruation was to be celebrated and the king was to perform a ceremonial ploughing (sexual intercourse) and sow seeds in (impregnate) her ploughed field (womb). Although Inden begins his essay by criticizing some of the European and American typologies in the study of authority in ancient and medieval India, his approach ironically appears not so vastly different from those he criticizes. Indeed, conflating the Hindu kingship with a simplistic model of the classical Western “fisher king” is an oversimplification of a complex relationship. Inden ignores the fact that the actual coronation was often performed long after the king ascended the throne and assumed office; this means that the king was already installed and his coronation was largely a reconfirmation or an orchestration of his new dignity and power. The question of the divinity of kingship is also addressed by Witzel in his article on the coronation of the Nepalese king Brendra. His work is based on the actual coronation manuscripts as well as on his personal observation. Unlike Inden, who interprets the notion of divine kingship in terms of non-dual Indian philosophy and by connecting the king with the Cosmic Purua/Vi!u, Witzel analyses the installation of the deity and that of the king in order to show the similarities in their ritual activities, and he explores how the notion of the divinity of the king might be understood through this type of comparison. His discussion of the correlation of the two types of installation is foundational to the analysis here. He also examines the development of the ritual in South Asian history and opens avenues for future researchers.




























































78

Ibid., 47. Ibid., 47. In the cotext of his reference to the medieval Nepalese Malla kingship, Gerard Toffin also mentions that coronation rituals “transformed an ordinary mortal person into a celestial monarch viewed as an incarnation of Vi!u, the god of preservation, symbolizing manifold aspects of the royal function” (147-148). Gerard Toffin, “Royal Images and Ceremonies of Power in Nepal (17th-21st Centuries), Rivista Di Studi Sudasiatici III (2008), 145180. 80 Inden, “Ritual, Authority, and Cyclic Time in Hindu Kingship,” 44. 79




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However, the available research is not focused on the question of the religious and sociopolitical dimensions of power with which these rituals are mainly concerned. Neither do these scholarly understandings deal with how these rituals reflected sensitivity to historical contexts. Although it is difficult to speak with historical certainty while dealing with ancient and medieval Indian rituals, the study of these rituals in the context of Nepalese kingship allows a holistic and historically grounded view. In addition, the ritual transformations in the context of socio-political changes must be documented and discussed. 1.6. Kingship Rituals: Religious and Socio-political Dimensions of Power As discussed in this work, the king worships various deities and participates in religious activities such as the homa and other ritual sacrifices. In a broader divine context, such rituals are also understood as a means for gods to gain positions of power that are then imitated by the kings in the earthly realm.81 Within the Hindu religious traditions, the divine power is understood to manifest itself in many ways. For example, for his followers, the god iva is the ultimate controller of all that is–the creator, maintainer, and destroyer of the world. The devotees of the god Vi!u and the goddess akti have similar, but not identical, views about their deities. Although the ultimate power is said to reside in one or the other deity, other forms of divine and non-divine beings are also regarded to have their own positions and power to reshape the course of events. In the Brhma!a period (ca. 900 BCE-500 BCE) of the Hindu history,82 the cosmic power was generally understood to be impersonal, and the law of nature was said to intrinsically govern everything: the priests offering sacrifices (vegetarian or otherwise) understood that they could bring about desired results through the proper performance of rituals. In this scheme, the gods, even if powerful in their own ways, did not have any other option but to grant whatever was requested, since the rituals were understood to be unfailingly efficacious if they were performed correctly. By contrast, in the earlier phase of the Vedic period (ca. 1500-1000 BCE), as in much of the later classical period of temple and domestic worship, the deities being honored and propitiated were thought to grant blessings out of their abundant compassion, not through coercion. The divine power was also localized in one or the other deity, or understood as shared by a number of them (e.g., in the concept of Brahm, Vi!u, and iva as respectively the creator, maintainer, and destroyer of the universe). While discussing the phenomenology of power, Barbara Holdrege proposes its four different dimensions: ontological, existential, material, and sociopolitical.”83 She develops a twoaxes model in which sacred power (which encompasses phenomena such as the cosmic force creating and maintaining the universe, the power in charismatic human beings, and the power invested in particular objects) is divided into ontological, existential, and material dimensions, while the axis of sociopolitical and economic power is divided into material and sociopolitical dimensions. She defines the ontological dimension of power as “inherent in the very nature of the sacred/ultimate reality,” “the absolute ground of all power,” the “cosmic power of creation, maintenance, and destruction,” “the cosmic ordering principle” and “a power that inheres in




























































81

Gonda, Ancient, 15. Scholars have done the periodization of Hindu religious tradition variously. For the sake of convenience, this study follows the timeline as given in Axel Michaels, Hinduism, Past and Present, trans. Barbara Harshav (Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press, 2004), 48-49. I am very grateful to Axel Michaels for his insights into Hindu traditions, and I have drawn on his works on many occasions. 83 Barbara Holdrege, “Introduction: Towards a Phenomenology of Power,” Journal of Ritual Studies 4, no. 2 (Summer 1990), 7. 82




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relative phenomena.”84 In this formulation, the ritual is believed to “serve a variety of functions, including, on the one hand, the appropriation of this ontological power internally to catalyze existential transformations of consciousness and, on the other hand, the harnessing of its potential externally to attain specific material and sociopolitical ends.”85 Similarly, she defines the existential dimension of power as an appropriation of the ontological power on the individual level. Likewise, the material dimension includes the “supernatural powers” gained by the worshiper:86 Rituals that are concerned with harnessing the material dimensions of power comprise any type of ritual practice that involves the maintenance, manipulation, or control of the material realm, including rituals that seek to perpetuate the natural order, or to attain some specific material end such as wealth, fertility, or good health. According to Holdrege, the material dimension of power can have different implications. For example, it can socio-economically “serve the economic status or resources of particular individuals or groups or to sustain the dominant socioeconomic power structures that control access to material and intellectual resources.”87 In the same way, the sociopolitical dimension “encompasses the social structures, institutions, and practices, together with their ideological representations, that control and sustain power relations both within and among different groups in the social hierarchy.”88 In her model, the seeming autonomy of sacred power (vertical axis) is challenged by the focus on the sociopolitical foundations of power (horizontal axis). For example, ritual practices are used to legitimate and sustain the hegemony of dominant classes in the religious or social hierarchy, such as the priestly and/or the ruling class, as well as to reaffirm or raise the status of other upwardly mobile groups. Such ritual practices may “involve strategies of domination whereby asymmetrical relations of power within a society are inscribed in the social body of its constituent members or legitimated through ideological discourse.”89 Holdrege argues that the rituals may also be employed to “resist domination and to empower the otherwise powerless, marginalized groups within the larger social order, or may be used to expose existing social structures through fictively reframing them, or even to subvert the social order through overturning its established norms and traditions.”90 Holdrege discusses the question of how the sacred and sociopolitical interpenetrate. She says that rituals aimed at appropriating sacred power often have sociopolitical ramifications, while ritual practices that are aimed at secular forms of power may also serve religious functions.91 Following Gilday in his study of Japanese rituals (matsuri), she contends that the way in which we construe the relations among various dimensions of power is a matter of perspective:92 Within a given tradition we may find a variety of cosmological orientations, each with its own conceptualizations of power and its own ritual modes for harnessing that power. Which types of rituals one adopts and which dimensions of power one seeks to harness




























































84

Ibid, 8. Ibid, 9. 86 Ibid, 10. 87 Ibid, 10. 88 Ibid, 11. 89 Ibid, 11. 90 Ibid, 11. 91 Ibid, 26. 92 Ibid, 27. 85




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will be determined by one’s perspective, and that perspective is to a large extent defined by one’s position in the religious and social hierarchy. However, Holdrege’s conclusion that “rituals are not intrinsically ideological, although they may serve an ideological function of legitimating the interests of a particular group” is untenable in the case of the kingship rituals that are programmatically organized in specific ways and for definite political results. These rituals obviously tend to sustain the dominant position of the ruling, priestly and other clans, although they also act as opportunities for other classes and sections of society to assert their own power through open support, consent, resistance, oppositions, subversion, and recreations. In this work, for convenience’s sake, Holdrege’s “ontological power” is replaced with the more common term “religious power,” yet it tacitly utilizes her scheme in studying kingship rituals. However, it will discuss these two dimensions, religious and socio-political, in light of the ritual theories espoused in Brhma!ic Sanskrit literature (mainly for “religious”) and in the ritual discourses of Maurice Bloch (mainly for “socio-political”). 1.6.1. The Brhmaic Theories of Rituals: An Emic Worldview The brhma#ic notions of rituals provide various emic (insider’s) perspectives.93 It should be remembered that there is no single word that could be considered equivalent to “ritual” in Indian traditions, although Axel Michaels lists a variety of terms and actions that are related: karman (religious rites and ceremonies); sa"skra (purificatory rites of passage); pj (worship); yajña (sacrificial rite); utsava (festival), and kalpa (prescribed sacred rule).94 In fact, religious acts have been variously classified by Indian philosophers and ritual specialists. A basic distinction is often made between worldly (laukika) and religious (vaidika), and between acts that are compulsory (nitya), occasional (naimittika), or optional (kmya). Further, sacrificial rituals (e.g., the Vedic fire ritual) are divided by acts, numbers, accessory details, contexts and names.95 The mm"sakas, or hermeneutical interpreters of Vedic rituals, for example, define sacrifices (yajña) by three constituents: material or substance (dravya), deity (devat), and abandonment (tyga)96; in its basic form, this simply means that the sacrificers offer (thereby abandon) substances to the deities.97 On the other hand, the philosophic hermeneutical prvamm"s divides rituals into primary acts and subsidiary acts,98 arguing that only primary acts bring about transcendental effects (aprva), which are seated in the soul of the performer and remain effective for his/her next life. In this view, every act is related to some material substance, but only in primary acts is the result not seen immediately; the Vedic injunctions (or their ritual acts)






























































93 I have dealt with the brhma#ic emic conceptions a little more extensively in my interpretation of the navartri in the first chapter of this work (Part II, Chapter I), but here I give a brief overview of the understanding of the rituals in relation to how they can engender religious power. 94 Axel Michaels, “Sanskrit,” in “‘Ritual’: A Lexicographic Survey of Some Related Terms from an Emic Perspective,” in Theorizing Rituals, 86-90. I have mainly drawn on this article for my description of the ritual in this paragraph. Francis Clooney’s opinion on the mm"s has been equally fruitful for my discussion of the religious dimension of power. 95 Mm"sstra 2.1.1-2 and 2.2.21-24; Ganganatha Jha, Prvamm"s in its Sources, 2nd ed. (Banaras: Banaras Hindu University, 1964), 235 ff. 96 Mm"sstra 4.2.27. 97 The term sacrificer is used in the sense of the offerer of ritual items–such as clarified butter, grains, and animal products, including their flesh–into the fire. 98 Mm"sstra 2.1.6-8. If the aim of the ritual (this is especially in the context of fire sacrifice) is not to produce any visible effects, the ritual act is said to be a principal act. On the contrary, if the object is to produce visible effects, it is called subsidiary.




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would otherwise be meaningless if the relationships between the sacrificial act and its future result(s) were not separable. For Kumrila, the seventh-century CE philosopher of Indian rituals, the transcendental effect is a potency created by the sacrifice and not by the sacrificer (or his wishes). He argues that the potency of the sacrifice makes it possible for the ritual act to show its result later (for example, in heaven). From the idea of causal efficacy, Kumrila develops an elaborate theory of relationship between primary and subsidiary acts regarding the accumulation or hierarchy of transcendental effects. For him, any correctly performed sacrificial act (i.e., the ritual act that follows the Vedic injunction) creates an unending potency that becomes a disposition (sa"skra) in the sacrificer’s soul, and within it, develops spiritual results. Kumrila connects the efficacy of a sacrificial act with the sacrificer but not with the sacrificer’s personal motives, and develops a theory of the unseen results of primary acts. Indian ritual theorists (as opposed to some western theorists of rituals), especially in studying Brhma!a texts, also separate ritual acts from normal or worldly acts. In Vedic rituals involving fire sacrifices, every offering is thought to be split during the process into its life force (asu) and its essence (medha); both these are then believed to rise to heaven “in the fold of the gods” (RV 1.161).99 The fire ritual transforms the offering and transmits it through the visible or invisible string (tantu) to the world of the divine. There are references in the Brhma!a texts that the gods want human flesh and blood (Vdhla Brhma#a 4.108). However, the substitutes are sometimes regarded as acceptable offerings, such as a horse, cow, goat, sheep, rice or barley (VdhB 4.19), libations (clarified butter), and/or fruits and flowers, interpreted as substitutes for the humans or simply as expressions of devotion.100 For the rituals to be effective, there has to be a relationship of trust (raddh) (Ka$hU 1.2; RV 10.151) or, as in the post-"gVedic period, “trust in the efficacy of rituals.”101 In other accounts, there are descriptions of the Vedic gods coming to the offering ground (vedi),102 taking their seats on the sacred grass around the fires (barhi), being feasted with food and drink, and honored with the






























































99 Michael Witzel, “Macrocosm, Mesocosm, and Microcosm: The Persistent Nature of ‘Hindu’ Beliefs and Symbolic Forms,” International Journal of Hindu Studies 1, no. 3 (1997), 511. 100 The Vedas present humans as the earthly image of the cosmic Purua, and therefore the offerer is accepted as food (medha) for the vir -purua (B 13.6.2.10). However, it is arguable whether human beings were actually killed in the Vedic sacrificial rituals. Hriday Sharma mentions that it was more of a symbolic devotional sacrifice (e.g., the sacrifice of one’s life and pr#a/breath), and human beings offered as sacrificial animals were sent away after their parygnikara#a-sa"skra (i.e., the ritual of carrying fire around them as sacrificial animals). However, Wendy Doniger argues that perhaps human beings were once offered as sacrificial objects and were later replaced with golden images and animals as humans’ ransom: “Archeological evidence of human skulls and other human bones at the site of such fire altars, together with the bones of a wide variety of other animals, both wild and tame (horses, tortoises, pigs, elephants, bovines, goats, and buffalos) suggests that humans may once actually have been sacrificed in these rituals” (152). Yet, she also speculates, “It may well be that the human sacrifice (purua-medha, “sacrifice of a man”) was simply a part of the brahmin imaginary, a fantasy of ‘the sacrifice to end all sacrifices’”(152). Wendy Doniger, The Hindus: An Alternative History (New York: The Penguin Press, 2009), 152153; Hriday Sharma, “The Spirituality of the Vedic Sacrifice,” in Hindu Spirituality: Vedas through Vedanta, ed. Krishna Shivaraman, vol. 1 (New York: The Crossroad Publishing Company, 1989), 37. 101 Witzel, “Macrocosm,” 512. 102 The Vedic gods, whenever they are offered fulsome praise, are regarded as the makers or supporters of all the worlds, and this notion mainly applies to the Vedic deities Indra, Vi!u, and Uas (RV 1.52.14 and 8.37.3 for Indra; 1.154.4 for Vi!u, and 8.58.2 for Uas). The constitution of human beings is often said to be the same as that of the Vedic gods, making humans natural partners with the gods in material and spiritual terms. It is also argued that the Vedic sacrificer is ultimately transformed into the Immortal Man, the Divine Lunar Being in whom all the sixteen lunar digits are fully formed (cf. B 10.6.4.10): “the one who is of sixteen parts” (sodai) (Vjasaneyisa"hit 32.5). Hriday R. Sharma, 31.




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mantras that often glorify their deeds.103 In this transaction of giving and taking, the gods “return the favor by a counter-invitation (to heaven) or by a more substantial return of gifts (for example, rain or children).”104 In the larger scheme of things, this process is said to sustain the order of the universe (for example, by providing rain and fertility and regulating the movement of the planets), referred to by the word %ta (“the active force of truth”), or (in the post-Vedic literature) dharma, which the king and the gods have a special responsibility to protect and maintain against the forces of deceit (druh) and adharma.105 Underlying the Vedic worldview is the notion of the relation between the macrocosm (later called adhidevat, adhytman, adhiyajña) and microcosm, which the rituals connect: “For the Vedic priest, it is of extreme importance to find the hidden, secret knowledge, i.e., the true nature of the entities involved, and to establish their relationship.”106 These identifications, or rather, correlations (bandhus) are established by “discovering a noematic category into which both entities to be identified fit.”107 Sometimes the identifications are between the priest and the deities (e.g., in utterances such as “with the arms of Pan, with the hands of Avins,” TS 1.3.1.1); at other times, the identification is between various body parts of the devotee and the cosmic elements (e.g., sun with the eye, wind with breath, atmosphere with soul, earth with human body, AV V.9.1; RV X, 16). This homological mode of thought is the basis of the Vedic ritual, which is also explained in the following rhetorical questions: “What was the transcendent prototype (pram), what was the immanent counterpart (pratim), and what was the connection (nidna) between them?” (RV 10.130.3).108 Likewise, the ritual of fire sacrifice is often identified (correlated) with the cosmic sacrifice of Purua (or later Prajpati), following the Vedic paradigm, “Prajpati is sacrifice; sacrifice is Prajpati” (B 3.2.2.4; TB 3.2.3.1), or with the cosmos to which the Purua was identified: “Creator God is no different from cosmic whole” (B 3.6.3.1). In this scheme, the sacrificial object is identified with the very life of the sacrificer by means of substitutes such as “human, horse, bull, ram, and goat” (B 6.2.1.1-3), or non-meat items like butter and grains. It is argued that the paradigmatic sacrifice is self-sacrifice, and, therefore, what is sacrificed in the place of the sacrificer also represents him: “Each time man offers the sacrifice, it takes the shape of man” (B 1.3.2.1). The idea of identification and substitution is at the center of the Vedic sacrifice, regardless of what the offerings consist of.109 The priest in this process trusts that there will be “an effect on the mind of the god not through coercion, but through the awakening of enormous goodwill in favor of human beings.”110 As seen in this work, the more effective strategy employed in the navartri is predominantly tantric; it is through this method that a deeper connection and identity between the




























































103

Witzel, “Macrocosm,” 512. Ibid, 512. 105 Ibid, 513. 106 Michael Witzel, “Magical Thoughts in the Veda,” http://www.people.fas.harvard.edu/~witzel/Magical_Thought.pdf 107 Ibid. 108 This translation is by Wendy Doniger. For details, see Brian K. Smith and Wendy Doniger, “Sacrifice and Substitution: Ritual Mystification and Mythical Demystification,” Numen 36, Fasc. 2 (Dec., 1989), 189-224. Stephanie W. Jamison and Joel P. Brereton translate this Rigvedic verse slightly differently, as “What was its model, its image? What its connection?” (The Rigveda, 1610). 109 For a detailed discussion of Vedic identification and substitution, see Brian K. Smith and Wendy Doniger, “Sacrifice and Substitution: Ritual Mystification and Mythical Demystification,” Numen 36, Fasc. 2 (Dec., 1989), 189-224. The Rigvedic quotes given in this section are mostly from their article. 110 Hermann Oldenberg, The Religion of the Veda, trans. Shridhar B. Shrotri (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1988), 184. 104




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worshiper and the supreme akti is maintained. However, different Vedic, tntric and pj oriented rituals are not disparate and disjointed, but unified by the intentionality of the performer, which is verbally expressed at the beginning of each ritual. Since most of the rituals are directly performed by the purohita (or other royal priests), he expresses the solemn intentions on behalf of the yajamna (i.e., king), while the yajamna often just confirms the words/intentions of the priests with the short aha" mama (I, of me). Although it is questionable whether the purohita and the yajamna really share and remain mindful of their intentions (which theoretically they should), their wishes at least act as the “psychological frame.” This is in line with what Clooney observes in his discussion of the mm"s theory of Jaimini, especially in that, despite the apparent aim of the Vedic ritual to please the deities (devats) who in turn motivate the ritual performer to undertake certain actions, the ritual performance achieves its aims (artha) and results: “The devat is necessarily projected as a goal, but psychologically, the possibility of getting results is all the more forceful and conducive to action.”111 In line with Clooney’s observation, as coronation manuals repeatedly mention (e.g., MSS I.2-9; NGMPP reel no. E1814/5), every solemn declaration for each major ritual is carried out for such specific purposes: learning, intelligence, power, or heroism; money and grain; continued uncontested kingship; thriving sovereignty; and peace, prosperity, satisfaction, comfort, long life, health, good governance, affection between the king and the people, victory in battle; stability of the seven-limbed kingdom; and propitiousness, happiness, wealth, welfare, prosperity, and universal peace.112 When the purohita expresses the solemn intention of performing worship for each and every action, a reference is usually made to the wishes expressed earlier (“prva-uktaphala-prptaye”) and to the ruti, sm%ti and pur!as which variously document diverse types of wishes. It therefore makes sense that the deities addressed and the mantras used are not arbitrary and meaningless, and that the ritual acts employed are those primary acts envisioned by the philosophers of mm"s as very much in line with the objectives of the rituals. One objective of the coronation ritual, for example, is to gain the supernatural power to defeat enemies, for which the abhytana homa (literally, “overpowered”; the fire ritual performed for taking hold of enemies) performed for three consecutive days, for example, is believed to be very effective.113 Similarly, following Clooney in his study of mm"s, one may add that the ritual force of gaining victory over enemies, now and in future, remains prominent in the navartri, with its emphasis on animal sacrifice, offering liver to the fire, worshiping weapons, and the ritual of going to war (e.g., when the king, with the sword in his hand, takes seven steps in all directions and the royal entourage participates in the sword procession).




























































111

Francis X. Clooney, “What’s a God? The Quest for the Right Understanding of Devat in Brhma!ical Ritual Theory (Mm%s),” International Journal of Hindu Studies 1, no. 2 (August 1997), 352. However, according to Clooney, the problem still remains unresolved in the mm"s discussion regarding whether it is the devat (deity) who brings the ritual to fruition after being duly pleased, or the sacrifice itself that automatically eventuates in its own results, or whether it is the combination of the intentions, actions, and the will/blessings of the deities that leads to the fulfillment of the desired results. 112 sm%ti, literally, is that which is “remembered” or “known.” It is a class of Hindu religious literature that is highly prestigious but does not have the same status as ruti, that which is “heard” or “revealed”–that is, the Vedas. The Vedic corpus is classified as ruti while the dharma literature, the Epics, and the Pur!as are classified as sm%ti. However, the boundary between these two classifications remains very fluid. Laurie L. Patton, Bringing the Gods to Mind (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005), 245-246. 113 The jyabhga homa usually comes before the main offering, as in the new and full moon sacrifice (darapr#amsa), which is the main model of the i i type of offering consisting of butter and fruits, and not actual animal or soma sacrifice. The darapr#amsa is a relatively simple sacrifice of butter called i i, in which four priests are involved and which is performed on the new and full moon days (Patton, 238). See Patton for more details, 238.




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1.6.2. The Sociopolitical Dimensions of Power and Kingship Rituals A study of the religious dimension of power does not fully explain the richness and complexity of these rituals. While the religious dimension of rituals–which include the interpretation of the mythological narratives (on which some of the rituals are founded) in symbolic terms (e.g., the battle between the forces of the light and the darkness and of the divine and the demonic) and the representation of the king and his office as embodying divine essence–is crucial, it does not give a full picture of the purpose of the rituals, which are often openly politically loaded and have meanings rooted in the world of power and politics. For example, the image of the sacred kingship projected in these rituals has sociopolitical and historical implications. As Holdrege argues, the way in which we construe the relations among various dimensions of power is also “a matter of perspective–both our own perspectives as scholars and the perspectives of the religions and cultures we analyze.”114 Within the religious dimension, there are again different ways through which religious powers are constituted. It is, therefore, difficult to distinguish neatly between religious and sociopolitical dimensions of power; the former can, in the case of the kingship rituals, often have sociopolitical ramifications, and secular forms (such as burning the effigy of a politician who holds office) can also serve religious functions. In the context of the Nepalese Hindu kingship, where religious symbols penetrate almost every sphere of social life, the distinctions between the religious and the social can be very ambiguous. The very fact that the “Hindu” king is at the apex of the state and above constitutional limits and that all the state mechanisms are responsible to him makes the king’s office both religiously and politically connected and meaningful. When the kings ruled in Nepal, they presided over important religious ceremonies of the state; the auspicious times for major events of national importance were also determined on the basis of the king’s horoscope (janmaku#al, birth-chart). The royal insignia, such as the royal staff or scepter (rjada#a) and the umbrella (chatra), symbolized his role of providing justice and protection in his kingdom (For pictures, see Appendix III). His office (e.g., the lion’s throne), including the Nrya#hi  palace where the king resided, was associated with other religious symbols. This was a form of divine kingship, and the reigning king, through the exercise of his heroic power, was inseparably connected to the human and the divine worlds. Further, the hierarchically built class-based society is social and ideological. In such a traditional society, as Katz and Goldberg note, the brhmins and priests often gain their power by maintaining “symbols of purity” (such as pure food, white clothes, an ascetic life-style, and self-distancing from sources of pollution, including low-born people), while the nobility “traditionally employ the symbols of royalty, conquest, and wealth.”115 In the Nepalese context, the social status is often maintained through one’s lineage; people often tend to associate themselves with a particular clan and caste within a particular class (var#a) and claim the traditional authority of that class (e.g., brhmin or katriya). However complex its ideological formation may have been in Indian history, the construction of such a system as part of a brhma#ic ideology often placed the priestly and brhmin class at the apex and their sacred scriptures as transcendental givens and relegated other groups in the hierarchical social order and (especially in the case of the dras and dalits) on the margins.116






























































114

Holdrege, 27. Nathan Katz and Ellen S. Goldberg, 200. 116 For the relation of the Vedas to rituals, see Francis Clooney, “Why the Veda Has No Author: Language as Ritual in Early Mm%s and Post-Modern Theology,” Journal of the American Academy of Religion 55, no. 4 (Winter, 1987), 659-684. 115




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1.6.3. Theoretical Premises: Sociopolitical Dimensions of Power The concept of power in sociopolitical contexts has been conceived and defined variously. Sociopolitical power is understood to reside in the model of sovereignty, which is defined as the “power localized or invested in a monarch, a community of citizens or a class of dictatorship” consisting of “some substantive instance or agency of sovereignty.”117 Bell defines sovereign power as “a locus of will, as a supreme agency to which other wills would bend, as prohibitory; the classic conception of power as zero-sum; in short, power as negation of the power of others.”118 This form of power extends into “dominion over individual subjectivity, giving rise to false consciousness and the unrecognized loss of an autonomous will.”119 It includes both positive notions, like influence, and negative aspects of force, both direct and indirect, intentional or otherwise: “Whether it is formulated as influence or coercion, symbols or weapons, power has consistently been seen as something one possesses or not, and something that gives one some form of control over others (to the benefit of one party and the detriment of another).”120 It can also be collective, if a significant portion of the people rally behind the leader and participate as an expression of their collective identity, and positive if the purpose is to contribute to the common good. The renowned post-structuralist Michel Foucault rejects this sovereign model of an essentialist form of power centered on a person or an institution. For him, power is not a substantive entity but a relation between multiple forces that circulate as a complex web of interconnections. It is also multi-directional, operating not only from the top down but from the bottom up. For Foucault, it is a matter of “mechanisms” or “techniques,” such as the prison discipline discussed in his Discipline and Punish (1979). He argues that in modern society power has been “separated from the will of the sovereign, becoming independent, in fact, of any central organ of the State. It is now to be found at the microscopic level of timetables, surveillance regimes, (and) minute corrections to bodily dispositions.”121 Foucault resists any generalization of power, saying instead that power works in multiple ways: he describes the old monarchical type, in which the vengeance of the sovereign was marked on the body of the victim; the reformist jurist type, in which punishment is seen as “a procedure for re-qualifying individuals as subjects;” and the prison system model, in which punishment becomes a “technique for the coercion of individuals.”122 Foucault’s concept of power is exercised over “free subjects, and only insofar as they are free,” i.e., with the option of acting differently or in resistance.123 Although the theories of power espoused by Foucault can be useful for understanding different types of power relations under Nepalese kingship, we are focused here on the substantive type of state power invested in Hindu kingship. However, not all Nepalese kings from P#thiv Nrya!a h down to Gynendra had opportunities to exercise their executive, judicial, and legislative powers in the same way. The Nepalese kings P#thv Nrya!, Mahendra, and Brendra did exercise full sovereign power as much as possible, while the rest of the kings ruled sometimes as minors, at other times under dictatorships (like those of the R! Prime Ministers in 1846-1951); and, in the case of one, Gynendra, through one of the most chaotic and




























































117

Quoted in Catherine Bell, Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992), 199. Ibid, 199. Ibid, 198. 120 Ibid, 198. 121 Mark Gibson, Culture and Power: A History of Cultural Studies (Oxford: Biddles Ltd., 2007), 25. 122 Ibid, 25. 123 Bell, Ritual Theory, 200. 118 119




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volatile political climates of the country’s history amidst Maoist insurgency and democratic instability. Traditional Nepalese society is often presented as dominantly agrarian and feudal (or semi-feudal, with a republican production-based system in some ethnic groups, such as the Kirtis in the east and the erps in the Himalayan regions), with varied relationships between those who own the land and extract surplus, and those who subsist on others’ lands.124 Scholars studying South Asian Hindu kingship have defined South Asian societies variously-- as “utilitarian despotism” (J. S. Mill); “oriental feudalism” (James Tod); “feudal” (Alfred Comyn Lyall, R. S. Sharma); “caste-controlled” (L. Dumont); “divided into an individualized realm of ritual and renunciatory transcendence on the one hand and a social realm, including caste on the other” (Heesterman); and as a “segmentary state and ritual sovereignty” (Burton Stein).125 However, the constantly expanding Gorkh kingdom (at least from 1743) had to negotiate with many different local practices and communities (including republican type of communities in some of the ethnic groups), and it adopted different political strategies over time. It was mainly centered on Hindu kingship (or during R!a’s time, on premiership, in terms of the actual exercise of power) and the state power was largely absolute. However, the Gorkh state, which has been called the Nepalese state from the 1930s, may not be fully explained in terms of the kingship models mentioned above. Kings ruling in different times of Nepalese history negotiated their powers differently, and the Nepalese state was also called “semi-feudal” and even “semicolonial” because of the presence of regional powers (British India and later independent India) exercising their influences on the Nepalese government and its people.126 While the religious dimension of power suggests that the reigning king has a principal responsibility to maintain relationships between divine, human and other realms and to harness divine powers for the overall stability and prosperity of the kingdom, the royal rituals are also deeply ideological, strategic, and politically significant, as they place the king in positions of power in relation to other social groups. This study of the sociopolitical dimension of power is also informed by Maurice Bloch’s theoretical insights, which appear most productive in our discussion of kingship rituals that are often interlaced with violence. Bloch defines ritual as an extraordinarily “formalized” mode of communication, with characteristics such as oratory, intoning, spells, ambiguity, repetition, non-logicality, and fixity of form (dancing and singing): “The extreme formalization of language with its accompanying exercise of power is characteristic of the traditional authority.”127 Bloch says that the ritual is enacted in fixed scripts and in controlled contexts. Because of this, it cannot say much and




























































124

Sohan Ram Yadav notes that no more than twenty to thirty percent of families in the Tarai (plain areas), and forty to fifty percent of the families in the hills till their own land. Even those who till their own land also till others’ lands (as tenants) for subsistence. Outside this general estimate, he mentions that a great majority of cultivators are “those who do not have any proprietary or occupancy rights on the land…. A large number of peasants of Tarai are landless labour, or labour with holdings of less than one bigh each (about 6,773 square meters).” Sohan Ram Yadav, Nepal: Feudalism and Rural Formation (New Delhi: Cosmo Publications, 1984), 208. For a detailed examination of the land-owning and taxation system, see Mahesh C. Regmi, Land Tenure and Taxation in Nepal, 4 vols. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1963-1968); Baburam Bhattarai, The Nature of Underdevelopment and Regional Structure of Nepal: A Marxist Analysis (Delhi: Adroit Publishers, 2003); Murr Aryl, Nepalam Smantavd (Kathmandu: aha-rbd Prakana Private Limited), 2004. 125 For a detailed examination of different models of kingship, see Inden, “Divine Kingship, the Hindu Type of Government,” Imagining India (Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1990), 162-212. 126 Baburam Bhattarai, Nepal: A Marxist View, 37. 127 Ibid, 24.




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cannot be argued against. Therefore, the ritual becomes a potent tool for asserting authority.128 In line with Max Weber’s arguments, Bloch states that those who acquire power institutionalize it and, to make it less vulnerable from the attack of rivals, they put it “in the bank of the ritual” by creating an office that has a reality beyond them but of which they are the legitimate holders.129 According to Bloch, this has two consequences: power, having become authority, appears less and less challengeable, but at the same time it becomes less the power-holder’s own. In our study of rituals, this corresponds, for example, to the notions that the Vedas and the social hierarchy inscribed in the Vedic texts are the transcendental given and are not to be questioned in any way, and that the king is a sacred and divine being worthy of worship by his people who empower him. Because the power is expressed in the form of rituals, the ruler continually switches between the religious and secular modes of communication; he uses the transcendental mode for his unchallenged role as “father of his people” and the secular mode for the more obvious political purposes.130 In kingship rituals, this situation is expressed, as Heesterman says, through the constant oscillation of the king from the transcendental to the immanent/mundane, or as Inden argues, from the sacred sphere of the ritual to the secular realm of governance. In any case, the transcendental aspects do not remain isolated, but instead also serve political ends. Bloch elaborates on this through his discussion of the ritual of circumcisionin the Merina kingdom (Madagaskar) between 1780 and 1970. This ritual started as a private, small-scale, and irregular event, initially limiting itself to the immediate relatives of the boys going through the ritual. However, with the expansion of the Merina kingdom in the middle of the nineteenth century, the ritual became more elaborate and had wider socio-political implications when the circumcision of royal princes became a seven-yearly festival and involved the entire country and state apparatus. As the country expanded, the role of the army was foregrounded and the ritual came to celebrate the Merina expansion and conquests. A clear symbolic link was then made between the violence of the ritual and the domination over neighboring peoples. In the Merina kingdom, as the circumcision ritual gained royal significance, the boys undergoing this ritual were directly or indirectly linked to royalty and the ritual demonstrated the participants’ allegiance to the throne. However, with the adoption of Christianity in 1869, the ritual receded into the background, becoming again a small-scale family affair as in the early days of the Merina kingdom. After independence from France in 1960, the ritual came to be performed more openly and was regarded as an anti-Christian and anti-colonial rite. Although the same ritual served different needs at different times, its purpose of legitimizing domination remained constant and relatively immune from the vagaries of history. Yet it served, and was capable of being used by whoever was in power.
































































128 Ritual is defined in different ways, and some of the common terms used to define rituals are that they are culturally constructed; traditionally sanctioned; behavior; praxis; performance; bodily actions and/or speech acts; marked off from the routine of everyday life; framed; luminal; anti-structure; taking place at specific places and/or times; collective; public; multi-medial; creating/organizing society/social groups; creating change/transition; purposeful (for the participants); repeated; standardized, rehearsed; religious, sacred, transcendent; rigid, stereotyped, and stable; redundant, repetitive; symbolic, meaningful (for the participants); communicative; prescribed, having a script; formal(ized); conventional; stylized; structured, patterned, ordered, sequenced, rulegoverned; channeling emotion; and guiding cognition. Jan A. M. Snoek, “Defining ‘Rituals,’” in Theorizing Rituals: Issues, Topics, Approaches, Concepts, eds. Jens Kreinath, Jan Snoek and Michael Stausberg, vol 1 (Leiden: Brill, 2006), 11. 129 Ibid, 80. 130 Ibid, 81.




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Bloch says that ritual can serve to legitimate domination. According to him, rituals lie “somewhere between an action and a statement,”131 and they “do,” “express” and “say,” but in such a way that they permit different and sometimes opposed levels of understanding: “The ritual is a vague, weakly propositional, construction of timelessness built on an antithesis that will do for any domination….It offers (the Merina) order in exchange for submission.”132 Through the historical account and symbolic interpretation, Bloch presents the Merina circumcision ritual as a collective blessing related to unity and continuity. However, he contends that the ritual is not life-affirming and celebratory because it mainly displays “conquest by the ancestors of the vitality of the young.”133 According to him, the ritual produces an ideology that a created order is in fact a blessing from the higher and transcendental world and that it is capable of producing social coherence based on that world.134 Bloch says that the devaluation of human actions in this way transforms the ritual into a form of ideology and legitimates exploitation.135 One important function of the ritual is that it serves to legitimize power for the rulers. For Bloch, the ritual is not primarily about the spiritual transformation of the individual experience but a political force in the production and legitimation of hierarchy and leadership.136 In his analysis of ritual and symbolism, Bloch is more interested in showing how these work to maintain certain structures of power and inequality. In this context, Bloch criticizes the Durkheimian view of religion and society as unified, homogeneous, organized and selfreproducing: “If we believe in the social determination of concepts (cognition)… this leaves the actors with no language to talk about their society and so change it, since they can only talk within it.”137 Bloch regards Durkheim’s projection of a unified society as problematic and instead studies the ritual’s construction of order in political terms. Similarly, he counters the cultural interpretivism of Clifford Geertz and suggests that the study of ritual should go beyond any monolithic and unified theory of cultural analysis and take into consideration paradoxes, ambivalences, conflicts, and historical ramifications. According to Bloch, rituals transform humans from “prey” into “hunters” and from victims into partners in and enforcers of social order. Bloch demystifies the ritual and says that rituals are often connected to violence. Bloch illustrates this through his example of the initiation rite: the initiation begins with the symbolic killing of the initiate in order for him or her to prepare for transition to the world beyond the mundane. Although the world created by ritual generally represents permanence, eternity, immortality, and collective power, as opposed to transience, temporality, and mortality, this opposition is not static but dialectical. Bloch locates this dialectic in the ritual process involving, first, the symbolic negation, or killing, of the vital,






























































131 Maurice Bloch, From Blessing to Violence: History and Ideology in the Circumcision Ritual of the Merina (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 10. 132 Ibid, 191. 133 Ibid, 191. 134 The term ideology might be defined as a system of ideas, beliefs, and practices which, from a Marxist point of view, reflects an unequal class structure and which is used to perpetuate the class interests of various social groups, mainly the dominant class. The ideology of the dominant class can create a “false consciousness” among people and a sense of complacency about the established social order. Often, the function of ideology is to preserve the vested interests as a justification of certain ideas and practices. The ideology of one class can, therefore, be the motivation for change for other groups. Michael Freeden, “Ideology,” in Concise Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy (London and New York: Routledge Taylor and Francis Group, 2000), 381-382; Catherine Bell, Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice, 187-188, 191-192. 135 Bloch, From Blessing, 175. 136 Maurice Bloch, Ritual, History and Power: Selected Papers in Anthropology (New Jersey: The Athlone Press, 1989), 45. 137 Ibid, 16.




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local, or natural element of personhood, enabling ritual participants to identify more easily with transcendent realities; second, the return to the mundane is represented as the violent conquest of vitality due to the newly acquired potency from the supposedly transcendental world. He calls this irreducible structure “rebounding violence,” for it involves two phases–the first is an expulsion of some “native vital element” (e. g., animality or domesticity) from the worldly existence of process and change to a permanent transcendental realm; the second phase is a return to the mundane without abandoning the transcendental–i.e., an aggressive return in which some external vitality replaces the original native vitality. The rebounding violence that Bloch traces in many rituals (if not universally) has the potential to break out of the ritual boundary and enter real sociopolitical life through political violence and military aggression. The transcendentalized actors then legitimize their actions and through this conquest seek permanent legitimacy.138 Bloch builds his ritual theory on Arnold Van Gennep’s and Victor Turner’s tripartite ritual models but comes up with a different result. Van Gennep’s model stresses that life-crisis rites display a three-stage sequence of separation, transition and incorporation, a pattern found “among ceremonies of birth, childhood, social puberty, betrothal, marriage, pregnancy, fatherhood, initiation into religious societies and funerals."139 In this, he echoes the natural cycle and the three stages (birth, death and rebirth) of the dying and rising god as discussed in James Frazer’s The Golden Bough. For Van Gennep, rituals reconstitute life in a larger order; it is because, according to him, life itself means “to separate and to reunite, to change from form and condition, to die and to be reborn.”140 Turner, for his part, combines both a functionalist’s concern with the maintenance of social order and a structuralist’s perspective on symbols, and recasts Van Gennep’s sequence into a dialectic between the social order (structure) and a period of social disorder and liminality (anti-structure). Rituals for him affirm the social order by legitimizing and modifying the original order (structure). Bloch appropriates these earlier models for a new understanding of rituals. For Bloch, the ritual separation is not so much between the primary actor and the group he or she leaves behind, but is the dichotomization located within the body of the ritual participants themselves. After this internal division, the participant gains the transcendental part of his identity that determines his future life. Similarly, the third stage is not the reintegration into society (as in Van Gennep) or into the mundane world (as in Turner) but “an aggressive consumption of a vitality which is different in origin from that which had originally been lost.”141 Bloch says that besides this rebounding violence, rituals reflect the need to dominate, the threat of being dominated by more vital others, the more basic need to survive;142 more importantly, they also attempt to create the transcendental in religion and politics.143 Bloch concludes that the rebounding violence in rituals is the root of many social evils, such as the construction of hierarchy or gender.144 Bloch’s theory of rebounding violence moves through the ritual territory of immanence (mundane selves) and transcendence (transcendental selves), and it is very applicable for




























































138

Bloch, Prey, 21. Arthur Van Gennep, The Rites of Passage, trans. Monika B. Vizedom and Gabrielle L. Caffee (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1960), 3. 140 Bloch, Prey, 12. 141 Ibid, 6. 142 Ibid, 105. 143 Ibid, 7. 144 Bloch’s theory, therefore, contradicts the transcendence-celebrating tradition of ritual studies from Mauss and Hubert to Victor Turner, who did not consider violence, conquest, and consumption of outside vitality in their ritual theories. 139




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unraveling the political dynamics of kingship rituals. In the royal rituals, the king’s entry into the ritual realm is marked by his separation, at least symbolically, from the secular aspect of his life, leading to his closeness or identification with the deity or deities. This is the first conquest (“violence”) of the transcendental over the secular aspect of the king’s life as an individual, and this violence is symbolically turned toward himself. The momentary unification with the deity, accomplished through mantras and rituals, is followed by the king’s return to his kingdom with the claim of transcendental authority as a conquering figure. This return, or “rebounding violence,” is the conquest then asserted over the people and the land. The king further guarantees his legitimacy by periodically participating in the rituals. The transcendental aspect of the king, however, is ritually manipulated, and is only momentarily and intuitively experienced in his identification with the deity. All that manifests throughout his life is his immanent aspect, the periodic sanction of his power and the ritual celebration of his conquest. Bloch’s ritual theory of violence departs from that of his predecessors, such as Rene Girard,145 who sees an indissoluble link between violence and religion and assumes that the innate aggressiveness in humans is expressed and purged by ritual violence. Kingship rituals can also be translated in the idiom of Girard because the king, already a conqueror figure, has to give vent to his violent nature through ritual means. According to Bloch, the symbolism of rebounding violence offers at least three avenues of legitimate practice that can occur alone or in combination, the second of which is most applicable in our context: (1) the assertion of reproduction; (2) the legitimation of expansionism, which itself takes one of two forms: (a) it may be internally directed, in which case it legitimizes the social hierarchy, or (b) it may be externally directed and become an encouragement to aggression against neighbors; or (3) the abandonment of earthly existence.146 In his theoretical formulation, Bloch also touches on the Hindu kingship. He refers to the king as “the consuming conqueror”147 and discusses the political nexus between the brhmins and the kings:148 … in Hindu political theory, the king must always be associated with the Brahman (Brhmin) or the ascetic because it is only thanks to the co-operation between Brahman and king that sacrifice can be performed. Thus, it is the duty of the Brahman to prepare the sacrifice, as it is the duty of the king to reap its fruits. The Brahman is given the ascetic task of the attack on native vitality, the first part of the rebounding violence, and the king aggressively recovers vitality from external beings whom he consumes, the second part of the rebounding violence. Nevertheless, Bloch’s theory has some obvious limitations, even in the context of the powercentered kingship rituals. For example, he does not deal with such directly pertinent questions as why the first stage of the ritual cannot in and of itself be constitutive of an ideology that the rebounding violence replaces,149 or what happens when “the return of the repressed” (the buried or violently replaced non-ideological content) manifests itself in the dialectical process of history. Nor does he concede that certain rituals can be simply non-political. Furthermore, the images, symbols, and myths respond to a need and fulfill the spiritual needs of humans without




























































145

Rene Girard, Violence and the Sacred, trans. Patrick Gregory (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1977). Bloch, Prey, 98. 147 Ibid, 49. 148 Ibid, 50. 149 As stated earlier, Bloch takes the first stage as a representation of non-ideological cognition, which is negated in the second stage in order to be transcended by ideological cognition. 146




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any reference to violence, domination or subjugation, and Bloch does not address such issues. His theory nonetheless retains validity for the study of state-level rituals, especially when such communities, as in Nepal, have experienced some form of internal and external colonization in their history. 1.7. Chapter Overview This study concentrates on the religious and sociopolitical dimensions of power in the two important kingship rituals of Nepal. The religious exploration will mainly relate to the question of how the deities are represented in the ritual manuals and in actual ritual activities, and their relations to the king and people. It focuses on the methods whereby the divine power is believed to be harnessed and ensured. It also systematically looks at how these rituals were utilized in Hindu traditions in general and in Nepalese traditions in particular. The sociopolitical dimension of power is examined in terms of the implications of these rituals in actual social and historical settings, whether they might be strategic in some ways, and how they have impacted the people in real-life Nepal. It also inquires into the evolution of the rituals and the possible causes for any changes. The first chapter of Part II attempts to interpret the navartri rituals, addressing questions such as: how these rituals are based on the mythology of the Dev Mhtmya to help the king establish connections with the goddess and other deities; how the goddess is represented in this important and foundational text of the navartri; how her relation to the king is established; why the kings of Nepal should worship the ferocious form of the goddess as their main tutelary deity; what different forms of rituals are performed for them; and what ritual strategies are employed and how the divine powers are engendered in the king and kingship. The religious aspects are inextricably connected to politics and political power. The second chapter picks up this theme and concentrates on the sociopolitical implications of the ritual as they play out in a given space and time as well as in actual history (both Nepalese and Indian). Following Bloch’s theoretical understanding, it argues that these rituals are coercive and politically motivated and that they have an effect of rebounding violence. They have a major thrust toward gaining religious power and utilizing religious moments for political purposes. There is also a discussion of how these rituals have adapted themselves to colonial and postmonarchical times in Nepal and in India and have served different purposes. The chapter argues that the blurred boundary between sacrificial practices and political violence in the rituals illustrates the raw brutality and (symbolic) manifestations in real history. The third and the fourth chapters describe in detail the royal navartri rituals as performed in Nepalese royal palaces, especially in Gorkh and Hanumnhok. Because the navartri has been arguably the most important Nepalese festival and many other devotional rituals (such as the coronation) are similar, a significant amount of space is devoted to the description of these rituals based on the extent ritual manuals. The chapter describes and discusses their symbolic implications, including their formation in South Asian history. It also underscores the magical, Vedic, tntric and devotional aspects of the rituals and their overall implications. The thick descriptive details reflect on the paradigmatic version of the rituals, and generally they match the ritual depiction as found in Indian Pur!ic and other relevant manuals. The next two chapters study the coronation on the basis of ritual manuals and historical documents. The fifth chapter discusses the religious aspects of the ritual, while the sixth deals with its social, political and historical implications. The study also investigates whether the installation of the king into divine kingship correlates in any way with the installation of the




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deities, considering that the king has often been eulogized as a divinity, or a representative of different deities on earth. Part III expands on the notion of sacred kingship in relation to the space over which the king rules. It explores how this concept is both religious and political and what purposes it has served in Nepalese history, from its early days until today. It also investigates the questions of whether the notion of the relationship between the king and the Nepalese space was in any way inviolable, whether it included all the people living within the geographical boundary of the country, and whether it has been contested in varying ways at different times of Nepalese history. The final section reflects on some interesting findings, and on the interrelationships between ritual and dimensions of power, on the one hand, and religion and politics, on the other. Religion is political, and politics can also be religious. It is not enough to say that rituals have political ramifications; rituals themselves are constitutive of politics.




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Part II: The Navartri and Coronation Rituals CHAPTER I The Goddess and the King: The Navartri and Religious Dimension of Power May Aindr protect me in the east, the Goddess of Agni in the southeast….May the flame-faced one protect the luster of my nails, the unbreakable one (abide) in all my joints. O Brahm!, protect my semen, the queen with the umbrella of royalty my shadow…. May the victorious, sin-destroying Goddess protect every place that has been left unprotected, excluded from this Kavaca (armour). The Dev Mhtmya, 4.23-26.150 1. Introduction The navartri, as performed in the Nepalese palaces, is a pan-Indian festival, which recreates the sacred time and space of myths through ritual actions. It celebrates the divine power of the goddess as supreme akti and regards multitudes of gods, goddesses, and cosmic processes as extensions of her own power. The rituals bring together the divinities, the king and the people, and thereby empower the king as the center of the kingdom. The rituals at these places are allinclusive as they invoke and propitiate many different divinities and powerful beings, and involve diverse people under the king’s leadership. The rituals also employ varied forms of religious expressions–including Vedic, magical, devotional (pj type), tntric, and local–and beseech the divine powers to enhance the power and prestige of the king. The goddess Durg, or her most powerful form Kl, is the center of attention, and she is worshiped as both a compassionate mother and a destructive agent. Through these forms of rituals, the devotee–in this case, the king as the main worshiper–and the deity are intimately connected and identified, and the divine power is believed to be channeled through the person of the king to the entire nation. The power of the goddess (and other divinities) is also visible in the world of nature filled with harvest and symbols of fertility, and the king as a conduit of this power performs and enforces the divine order to his kingdom. 1.1.The General Structure of the Rituals in Gorkh and Hanum nhok The navartri is filled with diverse and interconnected rituals, and is observed for fifteen days in Nepal. The apparently disparate devotional rituals as observed in the royal palaces of Gorkh and Hanumnhok have a general structure comprising an invitation of the deity, her (and his) installation, offering of services (upacras), and bidding farewell.151 The set of rituals concludes with the request that the deity will return to the devotee when sincerely requested in the next cycle of rituals. This pattern can be observed both in the spring and autumnal festivals as well as in the domestic pjs, in which the goddess is regarded as the akti, the divine power and dynamic aspect of the universe. In her transcendental aspect, she is invoked as the supreme




























































150

In this section and whenever the Dev Mhtmya is cited in this work, I have utilized Thomas B. Coburn’s translation of the Dev Mhtmya as given in his Encountering the Goddess: A Translation of the Dev Mhtmya and A Study of Its Interpretation (New York: SUNY, 1991). His translation is fairly accurate, and it also retains the flow and smoothness of the Sanskrit verses. The translation of the verses quoted here is from Encountering the Goddess, 179. 151 One standard list of services (upacras) is the following: invitation (vhana), offering the seat (sana), water to wash the feet (pdya), water for rinsing the mouth (camanya), water for guest worship (arghya), ritual bathing (snna), sacred garment (vastra), sacred thread (yajñopavta), perfume (gandha), flower (pupa), incense (dhpa), lamp (dpa), rice milk (pyasa), fruit (phala), betel nut (tmbula), circumambulation (pradaki#), and sending off (visarjana).




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Brahman, while in her manifest aspect she is envisioned as having innumerable names and forms and worshiped as the prak%ti (primary constituents of nature, or material elements), cosmos, earth, water, vegetation, virgins, yantra (literally, something that holds; in this case a geometric and magical diagram),152 and mantra (as an embodiment and power of the deity). The myths and rituals related to the goddess show that everything in this universe partakes of her existence and embodies her essence. Considering this, it makes little sense that the deity is actually bidden farewell at the end of the rituals (of navartri) because she remains present all the times, whether one offers prayers and devotional services or not. In the Nepalese palace rituals, she is understood to be permanently abiding in the temples and in the hearts of her worshipers.153 She is also represented in her iconic (e.g., the yantra or the divine icon) or aniconic (e.g., the water pitcher) forms in the pj room or in the ritual pavilion of the palace. Her return to her permanent abode (the Kailsa room at the top of the temple) is carried out at the end, but in her permanent abode she is also regularly offered devotion. This cyclic pattern may thus be presented as follows: Figure 1: The Cyclic Pattern of the Ritual in Gorkh The goddess on her divine throne in Mt. Kailsa

Her journey back to Mt. Kailsa (on the 15th day)

Invitation and her journey to the pj room (on the1st day)

Her worship in the room of the virgin goddess Kumr

Installation and worship in the pj room (1st-10th)

(10th- 15th) The entire ritual creates a cyclic pattern, and it also suggests that the goddess is part of the cycle of life in her relationship with humanity and other beings. The journey is circumambulatory, as the goddess is taken to the pj room, then to the room where the virgin goddesses are worshiped, and, at the end, back to her permanent abode in Kailsa, which is symbolic of her transcendental abode.






























































152 The word yantra is derived from the root yam meaning to sustain, hold or support the energy inherent in a particular element, object, or concept (11). Madhu Khanna, Yantra: The Tntric Symbol of Cosmic Unity (London: Thames and Hudson Ltd., 1979). 153 The Taleju temple in Hanumnhok was built in 1564 by Mahendra Malla (regnal, 1562-1574), and this is the most famous of the Taleju temples in the Kathmandu valley. The temple is 120 feet high, and it is located in Trislcok. Brendra hdev, Ludwig F. Stiller, and Gautamavajra Vajrcrya, An Introduction to Hanumnhok (Kathmandu: Institute of Nepal and Asian Studies, Tribhuvan University, 1975), 35-36.




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During this festival, the goddess Durg is worshiped in different names and forms.154 However, the worship of the Kl form of the goddess (called Gorakhkl) is most popular in Gorkh, while in Hanumnhok, the goddess Taleju in her tntric form is worshiped.155 Both forms of the goddess are related to war and bloodshed and are addressed with various names.156 The topmost room of the palace in Gorkh is called Mt. Kailsa, which derives its name from the mythical mountain range in which the god iva and the goddess akti reside eternally.157 It is in this Kailsa room that the goddess is permanently ensconced.158 The goddess is brought to the pj room from her permanent abode at early dawn (brahmamuhrta)159 on the first day, and only after the goddess is carried back to her permanent residence on the fifteenth day do the rituals formally conclude. The same pattern occurs in the Taleju temple of Hanumnhok: the tntric yantra of the goddess is brought to the ritual pavilion from the Taleju (tntric form of the goddess Durg) temple only on the seventh day and returned to her abode on the tenth day.160 This structure is repeated periodically at the annual spring (March-April) and autumnal (September-October) navartris.161 Activity increases as the moon waxes, from the slender crescent of the first day (pratipad) to the full moon (pr#im) of the fifteenth day. However, of these fifteen days, the first nine are of special importance in the mythological texts because






























































154

Rjrm Subed, 29. It is reported that there is only the yantra of the goddess Gorakhkl in the Gorkh palace. However, an oral narrative suggests that the central image may well be that of the conjoined form of iva and akti. In one of his hunting expeditions, king Rma h is said to have received this kind of image from a sage and established it as the hidden Kl (Gorakhkl) (Rjrm Subed, 5). 155 However, the actual object of worship is not known to the public, although in the Taleju temple in Hanumnhok, the goddess is represented in the form of a yantra and brought outside the temple for public viewing (darana). 156 In the Dev Mhtyma, goddess Kl emerges from the forehead of the goddess Durg at the time of the battle. She is presented as black; she wears a garland of human heads and a tiger skin; and she wields a skull-topped staff. She is gaunt, with sunken eyes, gaping mouth, and lolling tongue (7.3-22). All alone, she is often regarded as an embodiment of ultimate anger, wildness, disorder, and destruction. However, with her consort iva, she is projected as controllable and as the other half of the ultimate. 157 Kailsa literally means “crystalline” or “icy” (from kelas: crystal; “ke”: water; “las”: to shine). It is the name of a single peak, formed like a li&ga, to the south of Mount Meru. It is generally regarded as the fabulous paradise of iva and Kubera and as the center of the universe. The river Ga&g is said to rise from the roots of a mythological jujube tree (Mbh., 3.142.4). Margaret and James Stutley, Harper’s Dictionary of Hinduism: Its Mythology, Folklore, Philosophy, Literature, and History (San Francisco: Harper & Row, 1817), 134. 158 It is said that the Kailsa room of the Gorkh palace enshrines the divine images and yantras of the deities for regular worship. For the pictures, see Rookmangud Katawal, “The History of the Nepalese Army: The Unification Battles,” The Nepalese Army (Kathmandu: The Nepalese Army Headquarters, Directorate of Public Relations, 2008), 5. 159 A muhrta is the thirtieth part of a day, lasting for about forty-eight minutes. The brahmamuhrta is the time around 4 a.m. (3.36- 4.24 am). Gaya Charan Tripathi, Communication with God: The Daily Pj Ceremony in the Jaganntha Temple (New Delhi: Aryan Books International, 2004), 129; Apte, 767. 160 The rituals in the Taleju temple are carried out by the Newr priests, while the rituals in the dasainghar, in the pj room of the Hanumnhok palace, are performed by the royal purohitas, currently (2015 CE) by the Aryl clan. 161 R!, citing the Kulgama-rahasya, states that the ktas observe the navartri of vina and caitra while the people belonging to the Vra and Kaula sects observe all four different navartris, marking important activities of the goddess, at different times of the year: awakening (bodhana) in vina, feasting (bhojana) in Mgha, sleeping (ayana) in Caitra, and renewing (parivartana) in ha. However, all the ryans, including the Vai!avas, are required to observe the navartri of vina (Dhana R!, ka- kha).




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during these days the goddess Durg is said to have fought various demons. This leads to the victory celebration on the tenth day and afterwards.162 During this nine-day period, virgins aged two to ten (the two-year old virgin on the first day, the three-year old on the second day, and so on) are worshiped as the earthly manifestations of the goddess Durg in her nine different forms.163 The ritual is also structured in a pattern of nine, which is regarded as one of the most auspicious numbers in Hindu traditions: the goddess takes nine different forms,164 which is also replicated in the worship of the navapatrik165 (literally, “nine leaves” but in reality nine different plants) on the sixth and seventh days; the navr#a mlamantra of the goddess is formed of nine syllables (e.g., durge durge raki#i svh);166 the tntric mlamantra has nine syllables/akaras (e.g., o" hr" du" du" durgyai nama);167 the mlamantra has her nine names;168 and the mantras are usually recited in multiples of nine. Multiples of nine are also used, for example, in fifty-four, or one hundred and eight major sacrifices offered to the goddess, and there are one hundred and eight, as well as a






























































162 Madhusdan Subed, Santana Dainika Pjvidhi tath Vrika Parva Nirdeik (K$hm!du: r Siddhabb Offset Press, 2001), 157. 163 The nine goddesses worshiped during this festival are variously designated. For those following the rvidy tradition, the form of the main goddess is Tripursundar, and her nine names are Tripur, Tripure, Tripursundar, Tripuravsin,Tripurr, Tripurmlin, Tripursiddh, Tripurmb, and Mahtripurabhairav (Dhana R!, cha- ja). However, the ritual manuals have a common understanding about the ultimate goddess, her appearance (manifestation) and worship. When the supreme goddess is taken as Durg, she is also worshiped as having three main forms of Mahkl, Mahlakm, and Mahsarasvat (Nrya! Ds Arjyl, “Dasain Manuscripts,” 1: “r mahkl mahlakm mahsarasvat svarpi# rdurgdev…”). 164 The names of the navadurg as given in Aryl are the following: ailaputr, Brahmacri!, Candragha!$, Ku%!, Skandamt, Ktyyan, Klartr, Mahgaur, and Siddhidtr (Aryl, Navartri tath Yamapañcaka Pjvidhi, 7). This list matches that of Dhana R! (in radyadurgpjpaddhati), who cites the authority of Bhadraklkalpa (Dhana R!, ca) (also cited in Pratp i%ha hdeva, B%hat-puracaryr#ava, 27-29). However, there is a different list in the Ugraca#kalpa: Rudraca!, Praca!, Ca!ogr, Ca!anyik, Ca!, Ca!avat, Ca!arp, Atica!ik, and Mahograca!ik (cha). Since the ritual awakening (prabodhana) of the goddess is performed on the first day before the installation of the pitcher, it is not repeated on the following days; only general worship is offered to the respective deities until the ninth day of the navartri (Dhana R!, cha). Although Pratp i%ha hdev’s B%hat-puracaryr#ava gives some details about the meditation on various pur!ic (27-29) and tntric (21-23) forms of the goddess for each day of the nine-day period, it does not appear that there is any distinct rituals recommended for each goddess on each day of the festival except in the perimeter of the old Bhaktapur city, where each of the nine forms of the goddess is specially worshiped on a certain day of the navartri. Following the authority of rkramacintma#tantra, the text called the Bhadraklkalpa, of uncertain origin, is mainly for the followers of Kl while Ugraca#kalpa is for the followers of r (Dhana R!, radyadurgpjpaddhati, ja). The Nepalese ritual system (paddhati), however, does not seem to follow one particular tradition, as both the r and Kl forms exist side by side in the Gorkh palace and in the Nepalese pantheon. It appears that the royal priests or the ritual specialists belonging to the Nepalese palace seem to be attempting to construct their own manuals (based on the earlier ones), as one can see in the ritual handbooks of Dhana amer R! and of the former kings. This coincides in time with Dhana amer R!’s ritual manual, which assimilates earlier traditions or adaptations and appears to be closer to what is actually done inside the palaces. 165 The navapatriks are composed of nine plants: banana plantain, pomegranate, bunch of grown-up paddy/rice, turmeric plant, arum indicum, arum colocasia, leaves of aegle marmelos, jonesia asoka roxb, and sesbania aegyptiaca. 166 The nine-syllable (akara) mlamantra is formulated variously. One such example of the mantra is o" durge durge raki#i svh (Grv! h, 206). 167 Aryl, Navartri tath Yamapañcaka Pjvidhi, 15. The text also gives the eight-lettered durgmlamantra, “" hr" du" durgyai nama” and the three-lettered one, kr" hr" hr" (15). It appears that such mantras have a long history, and one or the other type is recommended for the worshiper. It is also said that the goddess may be invoked with just a one-syllable mantra such as du", or with a combination of sounds beginning with o". 168 The names of the nine goddesses are Jayant, Ma&gal, Kl, Bhadrakl, Kaplin, Durg, Kam, iv, and Dhtr (Grv! h, 206).




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thousand (sahasra), names of the goddess regularly recited.169 During the navartri, the Dev Mhtmya, the central mythological text of this occasion, is recited nine times every day, and the Devbhagavatapur#a is recited until the ninth day. All those nine days, dedicated to forms of the goddess, are understood as a period of mythical battle between divine and demonic forces. The important ritual moments are also marked by firing gun shots into the air as part of the celebration and by singing local songs (mlr songs, in Nepali). The priests involved in ritual activities wear the red dress that is available from the royal treasury (kau toskhn, in Nepali); the red color is regarded as suitable to the ambience of the battle and for magical rites.170 The entire fifteen-day period may also be divided into three sub-periods: the first to the sixth days are mainly devoted to worship; the seventh to ninth days are centered on the increasingly intense battle, as illustrated through the animal sacrifices; and the tenth to the fifteenth days are dedicated to the celebration of victory. The entire festival may also be understood in terms of power: the first nine days are increasingly devoted to the worship and re-enactment of mythical battle, while the ritual from the tenth day onward (until the full moon on the fifteenth) is centered on mundane (political) power relations. In terms of ritual topography, the relationship between the center and other locations of the kingdom is constantly maintained. For example, for the major activities (such as planting barley seeds, receiving sacred plants or shrubs, bidding farewell to the goddess, receiving k as divine blessings), the same auspicious time as determined by the royal astrologer is followed across the kingdom. Although centered on the goddess and her power, the festival also gives some importance to the worship of iva, the consort of the goddess, who receives the daily arghya (sacred water offered to the deity and the guest as an honorific service) in each place of worship, suggesting that the universe integrates the powers and attributes of masculine and feminine aspects of the divine. 1.2.The King and the Goddess: In Myths and Rituals During the rule of the h kings, the king as the main participant or center of the kingdom was linked with the goddess, and he represented on a mundane scale what the goddess stood for on the cosmic level. The central text (the Dev Mhtmya) for the rituals of the navartri, for example, presents the goddess as formed of the combined splendors (tejas) of the gods. This projection reflects the creation of the king out of the divine particles of gods on the worldly level; this is mentioned in The Laws of Manu, which was probably compiled a few centuries earlier than the Dev Mhtmya:171 For when this world was without a king and people ran about in all directions out of fear, the Lord emitted a king in order to guard this entire (realm), taking lasting elements from Indra, the Wind, Yama, the Sun, Fire, Varu!a, the Moon, and (Kubera) the Lord of Wealth. Because a king is made from particles of these lords of the gods, therefore he surpasses all living beings in brilliant energy, and, like the Sun, he burns eyes and hearts, and no one on earth is able even to look at him (Manu 7.3-5)




























































169

Aryl, Navartri tath Yamapañcaka Pjvidhi, 5-6. arm Bha$$ar, 38; 41. Laws of Manu, trans. by Wendy Doniger and Brian K. Simith (New Delhi: Penguin Books India Private Limited, 1991), p. 128. Also, in Upendra Ghoshal, A History of Indian Political Theories (London: Forgotten Books, 2013), 172-73. This book was originally published in 1923. The quotes related to the divine kingship are from Ghoshal’s book. Doniger places The Laws of Manu around ca. 100 CE and the Dev Mhtmya between the fifth and seventh centuries. Doniger, The Hindus, 199, 388. 170 171




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In the Laws of Manu, the king’s divine status has been stated in terms of functions as well. In this conception, the king assumes the roles of various deities on the human plane (7.11): “The lotus goddess of Good Fortune resides in his favour, victory in his aggression, and death in his anger; for he is made of the brilliant energy of all (the gods).”172 Like the goddess, the king is regarded as the preserver of order and dharma, and this role is much emphasized during the rituals as ordering principles. He is the chief warrior, charged with protecting his people and punishing (and even destroying, when necessary) the enemies and evil-doers. The consecrated king embodies the qualities of heroism, security and centrality, although his own power is circumscribed by other divine and human agencies.173 The king embodies the heroic power that he gains as the prime worshiper of the goddess. Similarly, the lion is often the mount of the goddess; the king’s throne is also called the “lion’s throne” (si"hsana) carved with the images of lions (and sometimes tigers). Furthermore, the royal consecration in the navartri is comparable to the installation and consecration of the goddess in the temple. The king’s power is based on the religious substance he acquires from the goddess for his legitimation. He is an upholder and guardian of the divine power, a ceremonialist, and the chief supplicant for his own and the kingdom’s welfare and prosperity, and this aspect of the king is amply illustrated in the royal rituals under discussion. Likewise, as the mythologies of the navartri rituals are grounded in the battles and destruction of enemies, the goddess Kl is the center of rituals and her role in empowering her devotees (in this case, the king) for securing victory remains predominant. 2. The Dev Mhtmya: The Vision of the Goddess as the Ultimate akti The navartri celebrates the akti as the ultimate power and reality, and this concept is transmitted in the narrative and religious expressions of the Dev Mhtmya.174 The festival endorses this vision and enacts the divine supremacy of the akti that is understood as the goddess. In the mythologies of the Dev Mhtmya, she is presented as (1) responsible for creation, maintenance, and destruction (91.8, 10) which are understood as manifestations of her ontological power; (2) abiding in the form of akti in all beings (85.18); and (3) the power of both existence and non-existence (81.83): “Whatever and wherever anything exists, whether it be real or unreal, O you who have everything as your very soul/ Of all that, you are the power (akti)” (81.63). She is eternal, but when she reveals herself in various forms, it appears that she was born. She is the embodied cosmos (81.47), maker of the bodily forms of Brahm, Vi!u, and iva (81.65- 66) and superior to them (81.66).175 She is the cause of all the worlds (91.3-5), and




























































172

Wendy Doniger, 128. Michaels, Hinduism, 277. 174 Thomas Coburn briefly discusses the evolution of this concept of akti in his Dev-Mhtmya: The Crystallization of the Goddess Tradition (146- 153). He suggests that the earliest available textual uses of the term (akti) give such meanings as “service, ability, power, and capacity that the god or man possesses” (RV 1.31.18; 10.88.10; 10.134.6). However, he notes that in late Vedic times this word gained philosophic significance. For example, in the vetvatara Upaniad, the supreme power (parakti) is multifarious (6.8), and the devotee of the controlled mind also embodies akti (2.2.). However, Coburn notes that, despite kti being implicitly identified with prak%ti, the idea of akti is not well developed in this text (vetvatara Upaniad), which is filled with s"khya terms and which seems to effect the rapprochement between theism and the dualistic s"khya (see DevMhtmya, 150). In the epics, the idea about akti is fragmentary: there is a male seer by this name in the Rmya#a and the Mahbhrata; in the Mahbhrata, akti is also associated with the goddess and the birth of Skanda, initially the son of Agni and in the later tradition of iva (Coburn, 51-53). The Dev Mhtmya, therefore, seems to be the first text in which various conceptions of akti are dovetailed into an all- encompassing akti. 175 The sectarian nature of the purnic texts is obvious here as various pur!as promote their own deity or deties. For example, the Vi#u Pur#a (ca. 300-500 CE) celebrates Vi!u as the supreme godhead and other deities as aspects of Vi!u, whereas Li&ga Pur#a (ca. 700-1000 CE) regards iva as supreme and all other deities as subsidiary. 173




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she is the abstract, cosmic principle of materiality (prak%ti), manifesting in the triad of gu#as (fundamental qualities; 81.59; 81.78) as well as my (i.e., the cosmic feminine principle, a changeable nature of creation, a power of delusion, or a dispeller of illusion). Her divine power (akti) is said to connect and sustain the manifest and non-manifest worlds,176 while her transcendental dimension is recognized in her forms of mahmy (great delusion) and yoganidr (yogic sleep). This is explained, for example, in the first cosmic narrative of the Dev Mhtmya: only after her withdrawal can Vi!u act, and only with her intervention in the cosmic battles was the just and divine order established. In the same way, her immanent aspect is manifested as the cosmos (prak%ti) and the power that connects and sustains all. This integrative and all-encompassing vision provides a sense of the sacred cosmos and human participation in the celebration of the divine order.177 In this sacred scheme, the gods and other beings are presented as creations of the goddess herself, whose power is “unfathomable even by Hari (Vi!u, or K#!a), Hara (iva), and other gods” (84.6). However, in the Dev Mhtmya, as the gods embody the goddess’s powers, their combined splendor (tejas) also gives rise to goddess forms. This mythological narrative about the creation of the goddess out of the splendors of many gods and goddesses to defeat the demons may be interpreted in symbolic terms as a collection of all divine powers required for overcoming the demonic force in the universe. The story of aktis emerging from the gods and goddess (Ca!ik) and wielding their weapons in the critical moment of the cosmic battle (88.10-21) also illustrates the importance of a unified action for any successful enterprise. In this text, the goddess is presented as the ultimate hope in difficult times (e.g., in battle), and she remains the agent of protection and restoration of dharma, as well as a gracious destination for liberation. Thus, whatever aktis the gods have, they converge into the ultimate power of the goddess. This is expressed, for example, in a magical battle scene in which both male and female divine forms come to be united in the goddess (90.3-5):178 I alone exist here in the world; what second, other than I, there? O wicked one, behold these my manifestations of power entering back into me! Thereupon, all the Goddesses, led by Brahm!, Went to their resting place in the body of the Goddess; then there was just Ambik, alone. When I was established here in many forms, it was by means of my extraordinary power. That has now been withdrawn by me. I stand utterly alone. May you be resolute in combat! 3. The Supreme akti and Her Forms: The Dev Mhtyma and Royal Rituals The narratives draw us into the world of mythic time and space. These stories describe an eternal and cyclic conflict among gods and demons followed by the restoration of cosmic order. Although the goddess envisioned in this text is outside of time and space, she appears to fulfill the prayers of the gods and humans (84.33; 12.30). She is presented as literally pervading the entire cosmos, which is understood as her own manifest form (81.47) sustained by her visible and invisible powers (81.40; 84.2). She is called the primordial prak%ti of everything,




























































176

Tracy Pintchman, The Rise of the Goddess in the Hindu Tradition (New York: SUNY, 1994). In this work, she traces the origin and development of these concepts (akti, my, and prak%ti) in stages. 177 Coburn also notes that this is the earliest text in which “the object of worship is conceptualized as Goddess with a capital G” (Crystallization, 63-65, 68-69, 84-85). 178 Thomas B. Coburn, 71.




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manifesting the triad of constituent strands (81.59; 84.6); everything that exists and does not exist is regarded as her soul (81.63). The universe thus presented is sacred in which the goddess takes infinitely varied forms (81.47) through her extraordinary power (90.5). Although her actual form is inconceivable (84.5) and is too vast to be portrayed in any name and form, she willingly works for the well-being of all and protects this world. She compels Brahm, Vi!u, and iva to take forms; she is also said to have been incarnated, as in the case of Vi!u, in the forms of animals such as the boar (91.16) and the man-lion (91.17) for the periodic restoration of order (dharma) when this world is ruled by the demonic forces, which are unrighteous and disorderly by nature and in action.179 She is honored in her forms of earth, water (91.3) and of women (82.12, 91.5). This is also symbolic of how humans and elemental forces of Nature are her own life-forms and how they are intrinsically interconnected: All the various knowledges, O Goddess, are portions of you, as is each and every woman in the various worlds. By you alone as mother has this world been filled up; what praise can suffice for you who are beyond praise, the ultimate utterance? (91.5). As she is integral to the creative order, she is connected to every being and form of the universe. The navartri, therefore, provides an occasion to meditate on her dynamic form and power. In this understanding, all beings in some ways embody the goddess, and therefore have natural and spontaneous devotion to her. It is thus no wonder that the text clearly mentions that she abides in the hearts of every individual in the forms of faith (85.24), memory (85.28), mind (85.34), consciousness (85.13), and intelligence (85.14). She is the ultimate controller of the senses in all creatures (85.33), and she abides in the activities of her devotees (85.27), for example, in their sleep, hunger, and thirst. As the ultimate universal presence and power (85.33), she molds the behavior of her devotees, manifesting in the forms of modesty, contentment, tranquility, forbearance (81.60), patience (85.20), loveliness (85.25), and compassion (85.29). As embodied compassion, she is attentive to humanity’s needs and is the resort of all (84.6), a granter of heaven and ultimate freedom (91.7), a giver of boons to humans for the sake of (their) release (81.43); supreme knowledge for moka (84.8); a supreme destroyer of pain (84.9); and the one who leads even the enemies of gods to heaven and liberation (84.22). The navartri rituals project this vision of the ontological, existential, and material dimensions of the goddess and her power, and provide an occasion for humans to reflect on their infinite connection with the divine. 4. The Vedic Rituals and the Navartri180 A few chapters of the ukla Yajurveda (Vjasaneyi Sa"hit) and the Smaveda are recited on the eighth day, but these texts are only recited in their entirety on the tenth day, providing the impetus for religious activities.181 The Smaveda consists primarily of verses from the Rigveda




























































179

This seems to follow the doctrine of divine descent (avatra) as given in the Bhgavad Gt, 4.6-8, although it mentions only two of the ten forms of Vi!u’s descents. Vedic rituals may be classified as rauta and g%hya: the former is often called “traditional,” “public,” and “solemn,” and the latter is considered household rituals. The rauta ritual is primarily dedicated to Vedic deities like Agni and Soma, and it often consists of vegetable (barley and rice) and animal (mainly clarified butter and milk) substances, including libations of juice extracted from the stalks of the Soma plant. The marriage ceremony performed by the Hindus may be regarded as an example of the Vedic g%hya type of rituals. Frits Staal, Ritual and Mantras: Rules without Meaning (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers, 1996), 65-68. 181 The six brhmins (four brhmins for the Yajurveda and two for the Smaveda recitations) recite these texts nine times over the nine-day period (arm Bha$$ar, 118; Rjrm Subed, 9, 20). The Smaveda recitation has been 180




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set to music, and the hymns are mainly prayers to various gods for their blessings. The Yajurveda (YV) is composed of formulaic verses employed in performing such Vedic rituals as the New and Full Moon Sacrifices (darapur#amsa), agnihotra (fire-sacrifice), the soma sacrifice, vjapeya (literally, a draught of strength or battle; a kind of Soma sacrifice), and rjasya (a great sacrifice performed at the coronation of the king), agnicayana (arranging to preparing the sacred or sacrificial fire-place), satarudriya homa (a fire ritual with the celebrated hymns and prayers of the Yajurveda addressed to Rudra/iva in his hundred aspects occurring in VS.xvi, 166), the sautrma# sacrifice (originally performed for expiation or counteracting the evil effects of excessive indulgence in drinking soma),182 vamedha (horse sacrifice), puruamedha (human sacrifice), and sarvamedha (sacrifice for universal success). Most of these rituals are popular sacrifices meant to enhance the power and prestige of the kings, and the recitation of the Yajurveda during the navartri puts this occasion on a par with other empowering royal rituals. This also suggests how the devotion-oriented navartri replaced the earlier rauta rituals (e.g., the horse sacrifice and rjsya) by incorporating some rauta components, such as animal sacrifices and ritual ablution of the king, while at the same time avoiding exorbitant expenses and elaborate rituals that lasted for months (as in the case of the horse sacrifice, for example). However, in the recitations of the Yajurveda during this navartri occasion, an attempt is made to cast the Vedic ritual in the smrta (i.e., enjoined by sm%ti) devotional context, while also benefitting from the results of the rauta (solemn and public) rituals. In the Yajurveda, the royal rituals of varied types are prescribed for such mundane purposes as gaining eminence, victory, wealth or, in the case of rautama# ritual, the restoration of the king;183 in the eighteenth book of the Yajurveda, there is also a long list of wishes, as in the navartri rituals, that the sacrificers seek to ensure (see chapters, 24-25; 31.6, 8). These examples show how these rituals are geared toward gaining, preserving and exercising the power, and how they are very much relevant for the king and kingship. The homa is one such empowering Vedic ritual incorporated in the navartri. In the Nepalese royal complexes, the fire altar is installed according to Agnisthpanvidhi, a Sanskrit manual composed under the auspices of the palace. The navartri homa, however, is executed with one fire, as in post-Vedic devotional rituals (not three, as in the Vedic rauta sacrifices). It is performed in the devotional context, with the recitation of the Dev Mhtmya (traditionally, with all seven hundred verses) on the eighth and ninth days (of navartri),184 and with the pur!ic verses employed to empower the weapons. In different forms of homa, both vegetarian (rice pudding and grains) and animal products (liver and other parts) are offered into the fire to draw the attention and compassion of various deities. The tntric dimension of homa is equally prominent, as it is done with animal livers (and other animal parts, in the case of Newrs)185 and with the tntric (main) formulaic expressions (mlamantra) of the goddess Ca!ik, one of the many forms of the goddess.The fire sacrifice is embedded in the cycle of nature and performed for the maintenance of natural and cosmic order.



































































































































































































performed only by the Tivr brhmins, who receive the income from the Vindhyavsin Gu$h/Trust (Rjrm Subed, 9). The (ukla, white) Yajurveda (“knowledge of sacrifice, sacrificial texts, and formula”) has two versions, Ka!va and Mdhyandina; we can know which version is recited only by comparing the recited text with these extant versions (Rjrm Subed, 20). However, the Mdhyandina version is typical of Nepal, and the recited text needs to be compared with these extant versions. 182 Vjasaneyi Mdhyandina ukla Yajurveda Sa"hit, with English Translation by Prakash Sarasvati and Udaya Vir Viraj, vol. 1(Delhi: Veda Pratishthana, 1989), 131. 183 Ibid, 131. 184 Rjrm Subed, 17. 185 Ibid, 12.




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It is based on an ancient belief that the ritual fire purifies burnt offerings and takes them to the sun, which sends down rain helping to nourish the natural world and giving continuity to the cycle of nature.186 There is also an underlying belief that by influencing the gods and goddesses to take part in offerings, the ritual specialist (or the worshiper) can gain divine power and influence his surroundings.187 The sacrifice also brings together both the deity and the sacrificer, connecting the three different realms of the sacrificer, the ritual object and the deity, thereby ritually reordering the kingdom and the cosmos as a whole. As discussed in Part I, the Vedic ritual is strategic, using the technique of identification, through which divine powers are believed to be channeled and secured. According to Witzel, the ritual establishes links, equivalences, and nexuses (or correlations, bandhu/nidna) between two entities, things, beings, thoughts, states of mind and so on.188 Witzel disproves some longstanding opinions that such homologies were the wild fantasies of the brhmins.189 Instead, he argues that the aim of the Vedic priest and theologian is to discover such relationships of cause and effect and to establish their connection (bandhu), with the understanding that everything in the world is closely interrelated and interdependent with its particular cause.190 The basis of the Vedic rauta rituals, therefore, is the identification of the offering ground and fires with the universe and its entities, and of the priests with the gods.191 For example, during the navartri, the fire is produced by rubbing sticks, drawing the sacrifice out of the sacrificer himself (the priest in this case). This ritual act is symbolic, connecting, as Hesterman notes, the sacrificial fire, the offerer and the longed-for result: “Independent from the mortal world, it cannot but be immortal and inalienable, hence, the inextricable junction of fire, self and immortality.”192 In Vedic ritual, especially during the Brhma!a period, the bandhu is not simply a symbolic simulacrum of the macrocosmic world with its multiple divine realities, but a point of control over forces that operate largely in impersonal and esoteric ways, and this technique is employed to connect and harness multiple divine powers. 5. The Homa Ritual with Mantras for the Consecration of Weapons Apart from worshiping the weapons through reverences and mantras, an independent homa is performed every day until the eighth day. This ritual, called lohbhihrika" karma (literally, the act of taking up iron arms), is done with the mantras used for the consecration of weapons, and it shows the importance of the actual weapons for the king’s victory. This is emphasized in a nineteenth century Nepalese king Grv!yuddha Bikram h’s manual which recommends this ritual for the king who wishes a victory in the battle. For this ritual, all weapons of importance are brought to the ritual pavilion (ma#apa). The brhmin wearing the pure white garment puts




























































186

Manu 3.76; Michaels, 246. Dhana amer Ja. Ba. R. and Krish!aprasd Bha$$ar, Agnisthpanvidhi, 20, 22. Time and again, the verses mention that such and such deities conquered such and such realms with such and such Vedic hymns/meters, suggesting that the sacrificer may do the same with the same mantras for the same kind of result (22-24). 188 Michael Witzel, Ka ha ra#yaka: Critical edition with a translation into German and an introduction (Cambridge: Department of Sanskrit and Indian Studies, Harvard University, 2004), xxxi. 189 He quotes several scholars such as Max Muller, L. v. Schroeder, A. B. Keith, J. Gonda, and K. Hoffmann and discusses the significance of bandhus in terms of the magical interpretation of the world. 190 Ibid, xxxiv. He, however, makes a distinction between the scientific thinking, in which differing causes lead to distinctive effects, and the Vedic thinking, in which a minor relation is sufficient to indicate the cause-and-effect relation (xxxiv). 191 Ibid, xxxiv. 192 J. C. Heesterman, “Vedism and Hinduism,” in Studies in Hinduism: Vedism and Hinduism (Vienna: Verlag der Oesterreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1997), 58; Michaels, 246-47. 187




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into the fire a mixture of rice pudding and ghee, along with the mantras that were already used for the worship of royal objects and weapons, such as the sword (khaga), knife (churik), bow, arrow, armor (hla), drum (dundubhi), conch (a"kha), and elephant. After this ceremony, the king and his royal horse receive the remainder (in the form of prasda) of the offering, which is said to empower the horse and the king, as the army’s leader. The priests of the temple say that this ritual was also performed whenever the institution of kingship and the security of the nation were in grave danger.193 6. Why the Dev Mhtmya and its Recitations during the Homa? The Dev Mhtmya (chapters 81-93), also called Ca#imhtmya or Saptaat, is part of the Mrka#eya Pur#a (MP), which consists of 137 chapters (adhyyas) of a dialogue between the sage Mrka!eya and Jaimini, one of the disciples of the legendary sage Vysa.194 This text is widely popular among the Hindus; it is venerated as “the principal text of the worshipers of Durg in Northern India”195 and in Nepal. Its relevance to the kingship is important because the text imparts lessons to a king called Suratha and a merchant (vaiya) by the name Samdhi. It also subtly legitimizes violence and weaponry for the restoration of dharma. In the narrative, for example, these two worthies are driven out of their respective places into the woods where they seek instructions from a sage called Medhas. After the instructions, these characters are inspired for devotional worship to the goddess. At the end, the king is restored back to his former kingdom and reborn as a Manu of the next manvantara (i.e., the Manu period consisting of seventy-one yugas, cosmic ages, and ruled by a special Manu) while the merchant attains liberation after his current life.196 In addition, the text narrates that the goddess reincarnates in different forms to support the gods, defeat the demons, and restore cosmic order as well as the order of sacrifices.197 The text also speaks about its significance, recommending that its recitation brings about positive results: “And whoever with mind composed shall praise me constantly with these hymns, I will quiet down every trouble for him assuredly” (12.1); “Where this poem is duly read constantly at my sanctuary, I will never forsake that place, and there my presence is fixed” (12.9);198 “At the offering of bali (an oblation) and during worship, in the ceremonies with fire, and at a great festival, all of this story of my exploits must verily be proclaimed and listened to. I will accept with kindliness both the bali worship and the oblation by fire that is offered” (12.10-11, emphasis added). The importance of this text for the autumnal worship is stated in the text itself, and this suggests why this festival became popular from the time of its composition (ca. 5th CE to 7th CE): “And at the great annual worship that is performed




























































193

Rjrm Subed, 27. Scholars generally agree that the text in its present form was completed by the seventh century CE (Rocher, 195196). 195 Quoted in Rocher, The Pur#as, 193. 196 The period or age of a Manu comprises about 71 mahyugas, each of which is 12, 000 years of the gods or 4,320,000 human years. Each of these periods is presided over by its own special Manu. Six such manvantaras have already elapsed , and we currently exist in the seventh, presided over by Manu Vaivasvata; seven more are to come , making 14 manvantaras, which together make up one day of Brahm, the creator god (Monier Williams, SanskritEnglish Dictionary, 784-786). 197 One manifestation, in which the goddess battles against the demons Madhu and Kai$ava, is given in the first chapter; another manifestation in which the goddess kills the Mahia and other demons is recounted in chapters two to four; and the other one in which the powerful demons umbha and Niumbha, along with their retinue, are killed is told in chapters from five to eleven. The last two chapters discuss the ways of worshiping the goddess, the most important ritual being the recitation of and listening to the Dev Mhtmya itself, and the “justifications for exhibiting the mhtmya at this particular juncture of the pur#a” (Rocher, 194). 194




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in autumn time, the man, who listens filled with faith to this poem of my majesty, shall assuredly through my favor be delivered from every trouble, and be blessed with riches, grain and children” (12.12). 7. Liver Offering and Recitation of the Eighth Chapter The eighth chapter recounts the battle, mainly between the goddess Kl and various troops of demons. The battle has two parts: first, the scene is filled with gods–including Brahm, iva, Guha, Vi!u, Indra, Hari, and N#si%ha–who form the goddess; other feminine powers too converge in the formation of the same goddess who is then endowed with the weapons of respective deities, including those of the goddesses. In this process, the energy of the goddess Ca!ik forms other goddesses (variously named as iva-dt, Ktyya!, and Kl), who collectively involve in the battle to crush the demons. Then, the demon Raktabja comes to the scene and fights the goddess Kl. No energy of the gods can defeat him, for this demon multiplies with each drop of his blood and pervades the entire world. The goddess Kl then opens her mouth wide, swallows the blood springing from innumerable Raktabja demons, and turns them bloodless and lifeless. The choice of the eighth chapter for the offering of liver into the fire for the homa of the eighth day serves a magical purpose, and it also underscores the necessity of violence to restore the order. The homa ritual itself is analogous to the mythical violence. In the Gorkh palace ritual, for example, the goddess is continuously fed with an oblation of liver offered into the fire while the actual blood sacrifice is enacted in the pavilion outside. Such ritual acts are believed to empower and rejuvenate the goddess as she fights off the demons, and they in turn empower the king against his enemies. 8. The Navartri Magic: Identification and Substitution Oldenberg regards Vedic sacrifice as a gift meant to gain the sympathy of a god (or deities, male and female) “through the awakening of (his) enormous goodwill in favor of human beings,” “not through coercion.”199 However, he also notes that the surroundings where the sacrifice takes place and the past that legitimages it are “full of the conceptions and practices of magic that claims to guide directly the course of events without the aid of external goodwill.”200 Witzel argues that “certain parts” of Vedic texts and rituals are filled with magic as the priest/magician performs rituals “aimed at controlling impersonal supernatural forces held responsible for the succession of events.”201 Similarly, Keith suggests that the desire to see “magic in everything was growing in the period of Brhma!as, which degrade the sacrifice from being understood as an appeal to the bounty of heaven to the greatest power on the earth, which controls the gods and produces whatever is desired by the priest.”202 Despite differences in understanding, the magical effect of harnessing and controlling supernatural forces is a hoped-for outcome in all these ritual variations. Underlying magic is the assumption that the world of nature is governed by impersonal laws that can be controlled and used if the laws are rightly understood and if the rituals are correctly performed. According to this principle, even the gods are part of the larger cosmic system, and their powers can be harnessed according to the wishes of the ritual expert. One technique employed in the ritual is the idea of identification, i.e., that “like produces like,”




























































199

Hermann Oldenberg, 184. Ibid, 185. 201 Quoted in Witzel, Ka ha, xxxvi. Cf. Max Marwick, ed. Witchcraft and Sorcery: Selected Readings (New York: Penguin, 1982). 202 Keith, Religion, 379; Witzel, Ka ha, xxxvi. 200




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or that “an effect resembles its cause.”203 Another technique is substitution, a scapegoat mechanism according to which we can “transfer our guilt and sufferings to some other beings (or objects, by wiping off the disease or guilt with certain plants, apmrga), who will bear them for us.”204 The techniques of identification and substitution are adaptations from the Vedic religious worldview, and they are considered very potent. The navartri rituals appropriate these ancient magical practices for the purpose of gaining divine powers, including the power to subjugate and destroy enemies as well as the physical and esoteric power embodied by them. This is in consonance with the ritual’s preoccupation with enemies. One such magic ritual occurs on the night of the ninth day, when a dough effigy is pierced with a sword and offered to Skanda and Vikha;205 this is in line with what is mentioned in the pur!ic texts such as the GaruaP. 1.134.3, AgniP. 185.13-14, KlikP. 60.50 (also see GaruaP. 1.134.3, AgniP. 185.13-14, KlikP. 60.50).206 The ritual is carried out after the sacrifice of an animal and after the king’s (or the representative priest’s) ritual bath in front of the sacrifice. The mythical demons destroyed in the form of animals are analogous to the current and potential enemies of the king.207 This ritual may also be taken as a reminder of the ancient goddess cult of Durg/Kl, often associated with private and magical rites on the periphery of Indian society.208 Some of the important magical rites of the festival are: offering the liver of the sacrificial victim to the midnight (ritual) fire (which symbolically stands for Kl herself), eating some portion of it after the homa ritual, and putting the black paste of burnt liver on the forehead as tilaka, i.e., the colored mark on the forehead.209 Since all sacrificed livers belong to the king or his representatives, putting one into the fire as an offering is meant to harness the power of the goddess embodied in fire and consequently fulfill the king’s wishes, especially for the destruction of his enemies; similarly, eating a portion of the liver of the personified enemy is intended to transfer the enemy’s former strength and vitality onto the king. The ritual significance of liver is very popular across the world, both in the ancient period and in some traditional societies still extant today. The inspection of liver seems to have been an early instance of divination across ancient central Asia, Africa, and parts of Europe,210 and the




























































203

James C. Frazer, The Golden Bough (London: Macmillan, 1922), 11. James C. Frazer, The Scapegoat (London: Macmillan, 1913), 1. Skanda is a god of war, and Vikha is another god closely associated with Skanda. Both these deities are propitiated to avoid any possible illnesses. 206 The construction of the effigy of the political enemy and burning it in public (e.g., during demonstrations) is a common practice in South Asia. See http://www.ekantipur.com/2012/03/19/intl-coverage/nepal-maoist-leaders-sonrefuses-250000-grant-amid-row/350819.html; For an example from India, http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2012-03-03/guwahati/31119412_1_brahmaputra-river-siang-river-maintributaries; Even dissatisfied and revolutionary groups from within the same political party observe this practice. In many parts of India, the effigies of the “demon” king Rva!a are still burnt in public places during the navartri. 207 Frazer calls this type of magic “homeopathic” for the use of an apparent similarity. 208 David R. Kinsley, Hindu Goddesses: Visions of the Divine Feminine in the Hindu Religious Tradition (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), 116-118. For a fuller discussion of Kl, especially the transformation of her status from the margin of Indian society to the central devotional cult, see Kinsley, 116-131. 209 Offering the fresh liver of the sacrificed victim is also popular outside the royal complex, and it is, for example, still being practiced in the Sa&khuvsabh district of Nepal. The ritual of offering liver into the fire is carried out in some Nepalese Army barracks too. About the implication of offering a human liver in fertility rites in medieval India, see the quote from Pinkerton in Carmel Berkson, The Divine and Demoniac: Mahia’s Heroic Struggle with Durg (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1995), 159. Cf. John Pinkerton, General Collection of the Best and Most Interesting Voyages and Travels in All Parts of the World, vol. 6 (London: Longman, 1810-12), 216, 319, 323. 210 Erica Reiner, “Astral Magic in Babylonia,” Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, New Series, 85, no. 4 (1995), 78-79. 204 205




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evidence shows that it was in practice in Nepal at least from the sixteenth century onward. As an important symbol in occult physiology, it was prominent in ancient Babylonian and Assyrian temples, as seen in the twenty-first chapter of the biblical “book of Ezekiel”; in healing rituals in Morocco and Iban (Borneo), the liver of the sacrificed animal (in this instance the pig) is inspected.211 It is also used for medicinal and shamanistic purposes (especially its ashes),212 for example, among the Yakuts.213 For its use in royal rituals, we have at least two modern examples from Swaziland, a landlocked Southern African country, and Mamprusi, Ghana. In the Great Incwala, part of the Swazi royal ritual, the king’s black ox is put in contact with the nude king, who then makes the gesture of eating the liver of the sacrificed ox-bull to increase his supernatural attributes;214 in Mamprusi, the king eats a stew of the liver of a dog captured on the night of the king’s investiture ceremony, something otherwise forbidden to eat, but very important for magical purposes.215 Norman H. Smith mentions that sacrifices in Leviticus (III.1, III.14, VI.III.14 ff) involved burning the livers of animals, like the goat and a sheep, on the altar.216 The Dictionary of German Superstitions (1933, 1987) discusses the use of liver in France for divination and also for sorcery.217 Willy de Craemer also comments on the prevalent belief in Central Africa that some harmful substance is hidden in the body of a witch that will give him/her powers; one of the locations of the harmful substance is the liver.218 Magic as a sub-set of ritual is believed to imply the ability to metaphysically use and alter elements of the natural world. In the navartri, such ritual correspondences are maintained to ensure magical efficacy: the choice of a black goat and the ritual’s occurrence at night as a sacrifice for the dark goddess Kl; the recitation of the eighth chapter for the eighth night ritual (klartri); the mythic narrative of the regeneration of the demon Raktabja (literally, the seed of blood) out of his own blood drops and of his liver, the only part of the body that regenerates (as in the Prometheus myth); nine day-long animal sacrifices and recitation of mantras in magical numbers, such as nine and the multiplication of it (e.g., one hundred and eight); the recitation of the Dev Mhtmya nine times every day until the ninth day of the festival; and the ritual battle mimicking the mythical one (the king slays his enemies’ image in the midnight ritual and chops a gourd/ash gourd that represents his enemy/demon). Using an amulet, holding a ritual of expiation, wiping off the demons, and burning away the hostile power (sun magic, through the homa with the animal liver and flesh) are other magical acts meant to drive away inimical forces and to safeguard the sacrificer.




























































211

W. Carleton Wood, “The Religion of Canaan: From the Earliest Times to the Hebrew Conquest,” Journal of Biblical Literature 35, no. 3/4 (1916), 221; Paul Haupt, “Babylonian Elements in the Levitic Ritual,” Journal of Biblical Literature, 19, no. 1 (1900), 56. 212 Allen Howard Godbey, “The Hebrew Masal,” The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures 39, no. 2 (1923), 99. 213 A. Popov, “Consecration Ritual for a Blacksmith Novice among the Yakuts,” The Journal of American Folklore 46, no. 181 (Jul. - Sep., 1933), 262. 214 T. O. Beidelman, “Swazi Royal Ritual,” Africa: Journal of the International African Institute 36, no. 4 (Oct., 1966), 377. 215 Susan Drucker Brown, “Horse, Dog, and Donkey: The Making of a Mamprusi King,” Man, New Series 27, no. 1 (Mar., 1992), 71-90. 216 Norman H. Smith, “Sacrifices in the Old Testament,” Vetus Testamentum 7, Fasc. 3 (Jul., 1957), 310. 217 Hanns Bächtold-Stäubli, Handwörterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens, herausgegeben unter besonderer Mitwirkung (Berlin und Leipzig, W. de Gruyter & Co., 1927). 218 This information was obtained from Michael Witzel who translated the contents of the referred books from German.




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9. The T ntric Paradigm: Inversion and Release of Divine Power (Heroic Religiosity) The magical aspects of the ritual are channelled through kta tntric rituals (sarvmnya, or all sacred traditions, in the Nepalese context) to ensure divine power. The purohitas speak about the eight attainments or magical powers (a asiddhis) of such rituals, including khagasiddhi (a sword over which mantras have been recited, enabling the user to succeed in battle) and bhcara (the ability to go swiftly anywhere on earth).219 The khagasiddhi ritual is actually performed on the tenth day, with the king exchanging his royal sword for those of Bhairava and Bhairav (See Appendix III for the picture), a practice that has been continued since the Malla period (ca. 12001769). As Hugh Urban suggests, the tntric rituals defy traditional Vedic norms and hierarchies and create their own unified order by dismantling the old forms. In ritual context, the altar shaped like the female generative organ (yon)220 and the homa fire of the eighth and ninth nights are regarded as embodying Kl herself (sometimes the raging fire is understood as her tongue). Instead of Vedic gods, Kl is the recipient of the sacrifice, including the blood and heads of the sacrificial animals. Similarly, the animal victims are identified with mythical demons and sacrificed cruelly. In Gorkh, the sacrifice of the buffalo (called satrarngo in Nepali and regarded as an embodiment of the demon Mahia)221 is done with no less than seven strokes on its head. Depending on the place, animals are sacrificed in two distinct ways that illustrate opposed ways of handling enemies. In the non-Newr sacrificial contexts, the animals are treated relatively benignly and are honorably offered as forms of iva, symbolically in line with the mythology of the buffalo demon as an incarnate form of this deity.222 By contrast, the Newr mode of sacrifice appears to be cruel and more intensely oriented to tantra, although it is built on the same myths and similar rituals. The Newr sacrifice is the legacy of the Malla rituals, drawn from medieval Indian traditions. In the Newr context, no compassion is shown in the killing of the gods’ arch-enemies, represented by the sacrificial victims. For example, in the sacrificial ritual of Taleju, the buffalos’ throats are cut, and the spurting blood is continuously offered to the goddess for one hour;223 we see a similar type of violence in the courtyard of Kl’s temple in the






























































219 According to Sdhanml, the a asiddhis (eight divine powers) are khadgasiddhi (which bestows power to defeat the enemies), a&janasiddhi (collyrium applied to eyes, enabling a person to see buried treasure), pdalepasiddhi (ointment applied to the soles of the feet, enabling a person to move anywhere undiscovered), antardhnasiddhi (the ability to become invisible), rasarasyanasiddhi (the power to transmit baser metals into gold or to find an elixir for immortality), khecarasiddhi (being able to fly in the sky), bhcarasiddhi (going swiftly anywhere on earth), and ptlasiddhi (diving underneath the earth). Quoted in Kane’s History of Dharmastra, 1115. 220 In the text, it is mentioned as yonyvatthadalbhay, in which the shape of the yoni should resemble the leaf of ficus religiosa (avatthapatra, fig tree). 221 In Gorkh, the mahiabali occurs on the ninth day of the festival. The satrar&go (the well-fed large water buffalo) is sacrificed by seven different people, and the beheading has to occur with at least seven strokes on the buffalo’s head. It is believed that watching the sacrifice of the mahiabali absolves the evils and sins of the past seven generations, and, therefore, a large throng of people gather to see the Mahia demon beheaded when the sun is half-set. 222 Klik Pur#a, 62.154: “Therefore, the Goddess accepted the demon Mahia, who was actually the great god (himself). In three brths, the Lord iva was Rambha’s son.” Klik Pur#a, translated by K. R. van Kooij, Worship of the Goddess According to the Klikpur#a, Part I, A Translation with an Introduction and Notes of Chapters 54-69 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1972), 119. 223 Rjrm Subed, 15. The Newr mode of animal sacrifice is similarly carried out in Dolakh, a city located in the eastern part of Nepal and inhabited mainly by Newr communities. On midnight of the ninth day, four water buffaloes are killed by slitting their veins, and their heads are shown to the public on the eleventh day of swords display (khagaytr). War tunes are played in the evening of the eighth day, traditionally calling people to




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P$an palace square on the fifteenth-day ritual, in which the blood of two buffalos and two sheep is offered to eleven incarnations of Kl, traditionally decorated with masks and religious dresses, who suck the blood issuing from the victim.224 In this Newr form, the sacrifice becomes more meritorious if the blood spurts high on the temple roof, or at least into the temple from the sacrificial pavilion below which is decorated with diagrams, sacrificial posts, and military standards.225 This is in direct contradistinction to the Vedic ritual, in which the sacrificial animal is identified with the cosmic person (purua), and the sacrifice recreates the cosmogonic moment. The Vedic sacrifice offers traditionally pure animals, but this is inverted in the tntric ritual: the impure victim (e.g., a buffalo) is offered to the goddess as the one who cleanses impurity and combats evil; similarly, the pig is sacrificed to the tntric form of Bhairava.226 The Vedic sacrifices often tend to be accomplished with bloodless strangling outside the sacrificial enclosure, because beheading was seen as a kind of demonic act despite its possible prevalence in the earlier Vedic period, but in the tntric orientation the ritual is as bloody and impersonal as possible. Further, in the Vedic sacrifices, the victims’ gender, color, and other features often matched those of Vedic gods, for example, a bull for Indra, representing defiant manliness; a reddish goat for reddish-colored Avins; a female sheep for Sarasvat (B V.5.4.1); a goat for Agni; a white goat for the Sun and a black goat for Yama (Vj. Sa"h XXIV.1; Taitt. Sa"h. II.I.2.7). However, the goddess’s choicest animal victims are mostly males. In addition, in Vedic offerings, clarified butter (jya) and other vegetable ingredients are predominant, along with the recitation of Vedic verses, while in the tntric ritual, the liver is mixed with ingredients like salt and oil and is offered into the fire. Even the blood of the sacrificial animal is offered to the images of the goddess made of the cow- dung.227 Using meat and wine and having traditionally low-caste people to perform important tasks inside the temple indicate, again, tntric role reversals. In the Gorkha and Hanumnahok palaces, the actual sacrifices are carried out by traditionally “low-caste” people, such as the magars and jypus (traditionally, the lower caste Newrs of the Kathmandu valley), and the sacred water in the sanctum of the goddess in Gorkh is brought daily by magar virgin girls. According to Urban, the extreme blood-letting breaks the boundary between clean and unclean, at least from the orthodox brhma#ic point of view, and the worshiper interrupts the worldly bondage of duality, oversteps the limitations of social order, and affirms the akti and unity of the phenomenal world.228 The magical aspect of the ritual is here concerned with maximizing the attainment of specific goals for the sdhaka (tntric adept or worshiper) by manipulating rituals and their symbols. The goddess Kl is deeply connected with the blood, wine and weapons, and she is associated with death and destruction for which her power is harnessed. In the Vedic ritual, the deity is invoked to descend from heaven, while in the tntric



































































































































































































participate in war, and people join in the procession of swords on the eleventh day, marking their journey to war and conquest. See Kantipur, http://www.ekantipur.com/np/2068/6/18/full-story/336688.html 224 Kantipur, “When Goddess Kl Lives, and Drinks Blood,” October 23, 2010. 225 Anderson, 149. 226 Urban, 279-80. 227 This seems to have been a standard practice in other parts of South Asia as well. For example, Kalingatteuparani, V.110, a twelfth- century CE Tamil poem, mentions the offering of blood as ghee and of bones as fire sticks in the homa ritual in the Kl temple. R. Nagaswamy, Tntric Cult of South India (Delhi: Agam Kala Prakashan, 1982), 27. 228 Hugh Urban, “The Power of the Impure: Transgression, Violence and Secrecy in Bengali kta Tantra and Modern Western Magic,” Numen 50, no. 3 (2003), 287. URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3270489




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pj, he/she is drawn from the heart of the worshiper and asked to become manifest in some concrete object.229 The divine presence is maintained through a vivid visualization of the deity. In this, the deity stands as the singular reality with which the individual’s identity is constantly affirmed, and by maintaining such identity, the deity’s power is believed to be released for the fulfillment of the worshiper’s wishes. 10. The kta Tntra: Its Theology and Investiture of Powers Tantra may be defined as a collection of practices and symbols of a ritualistic, sometimes magical character (e.g., mantra, yantra, cakra, mudr, nysa),230 with its main objectives being the attainment of supernatural powers and ultimate liberation:231 Tantrism may be briefly characterized as a practical way to attain supernatural powers and liberation in this life through the use of specific and complex techniques based on a particular ideology, that of a cosmic reintegration by means of which the adept is established in a position of power, freed from worldly fetters, while remaining in this world and dominating it by union with (or proximity to) a godhead who is the supreme power itself. The tntric rituals performed during the navartri may be categorized as kta tntra, “characterized as the worship of akti…, i.e., the universal and all-embracing dynamic which manifests itself in human experience as a female divinity…inseparably connected…(to) an inactive male power, at whose power of action and movement the akti functions.”232 Tntrism and ktism may therefore be understood as “two intersecting but not coinciding circles,”233 with the former referring to a specifically characterized, integral convergence of doctrine and practice and the latter to the worship of the central power (akti) of the universe as a female deity.234 The rituals in the Gorkh palace bring together both rvidy and Kl traditions of kta tntrism, but the focus of the ritual is on the worship of the goddess Kl, elevated as the ultimate reality. In tantra, the ritual is not just an obeisance to the deity; rather, it attempts to harness the divine power. Although the ultimate result of the tntric ritual is liberation by way of union, the sdhaka is said to gain various supernatural powers on the way to liberation, and he appropriates the available mundane powers and the supra-mundane liberation.235 Tntric rituals as performed in the palaces employ various techniques through the mediums of sound (mantra), form (yantra), postures and gestures (nysas and mudrs), breath control (pr#yama), meditation (dhyna), and offerings. External and internal purification methods are employed to divinize the body and to help realize the divine body of the sdhaka. What is gross is regulated and ritually made more subtle until a sense of unity is attained. In the ritual process, the deity is viewed as part of one’s self, and the self as an inalienable part of the deity. In this process, the sdhaka (in this case, the king) is initiated by the guru through the initiation ritual called the mantradk which is believed to prepare the sdhaka for gaining supernatural powers.






























































229 Wade T. Wheelock, “The Mantra in Vedic and Tntric Ritual,” in Understanding Mantra, ed. Harvey P. Alper (New York: SUNY Press, 1989), 112. 230 Teun Goudriaan, “Introduction, History and Philosophy,” in Hindu Tantrism, eds. Sanjukta Gupta, Dirk Jan Hoens, and Teun Goudriaan (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1979), 6. 231 Andre Padoux, “Tantrism,” in The Encyclopedia of Religion, ed. Mircea Eliade (New York: Macmillan, 1986), 14: 273-275; also in Coburn, Encounters, 123. 232 Gupta, Sanjukta et al., Hindu Tantrism, 7. 233 Ibid, 6. 234 Coburn, Encountering, 125.




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One tntric ritual to effect the divine power is the nysa (literally, setting down or inscribing) in which the priest touches various parts of his body while reciting the associated mantra in order that “with the mantra’s powerful resonance the adept may gradually project the power of divinity into his own body.”236 During the navartri, for example, placing the mantra on six different body parts is very common: touching the heart with the palm, while reciting ai" h%dayya nama; the forehead with four fingers, saying o" kl" irasi svh; the top of the head with the tip of the thumb while the fingers are closed into a fist, with o" sau kavacya hu"; touching the closed eye with middle and forefinger, along with o" bhva netratrayya vaua ; and finally placing those two fingers on the left palm, chanting o" bhr bhuva pha .237 As seen above, the nysa acts and other rituals are accompanied by hand gestures (mudras). At the center is the yoni mudra (the hand-gesture mimicking the female generative organ) which represents the akti’s yantra (the diagram representing the akti), “performed with the sole object of invoking the divinity to bestow her energy and infuse it into the sdhaka.”238 This is followed by the ritual of purification of fundamental elements and spirits (bhtauddhi), in which the grosser elements of which the body is composed are dissolved back into more subtle ones, while the mantras are recited. Here the body is envisioned as the microcosmic universe, and the sdhaka undergoes a process of cosmic involution within his body. After destroying any guilt hidden in the psychosomatic body (pppurua), he recreates the universe within, which is considered pure and which unites his self to the larger cosmos. After this purification, the sdhaka performs ku#alin (coiled, power/akti) yoga, in which he gradually raises his inherent ku#alin power through various energy centers (named from bottom up as mldhra, svdhi hna, ma#ipura, anhata, viuddha, jñ, and sahasrra) of his body until this power unites with the divine (often symbolically called iva) on top of his head. At this point, there is a unity and integration of the opposite poles of the divine within his body. This process is described as the tntric quest “for salvation by realizing and fostering the …divinity within one’s body.”239 Another way the deity is identified with the sdhaka is by means of a yantra, which is the “trans-form” (par-rpa) of the deity, although it may (e.g., in the case of the male and female generative organs represented in the magical diagram) or may not bear any resemblance to the iconographic representation.240 There are various ways of projecting the deities in the yantra forms. For example, in the Kl yantra, the goddess is also represented “in the central dot, or bindu, as a conscious source…the energy aspect of material nature…and the bindu shows her non-separability and non-difference from the Supreme Male Principle, iva.”241 In the ritual of meditation, the sdhaka interiorizes this into himself, in his body, and identifies the goddess Kl within himself.242 In the p ha-yantra, similarly, the sdhaka revisits all the power places as sacred pilgrimage sites that are associated with the goddess (Sat) and recreates the sacred geography in the ritual pavillion and in his own being. Likewise, the ryantra (the diagram representing the goddess r) worshiped in the goddess rvidy temple in Gorkh embodies the divine male and




























































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Ajit Mookerjee and Madhu Khanna, 136. Ibid, 140-41. 238 Ibid, 141. 239 Teun Goudriaan and Sanjukta Gupta, Hindu Tntric and kta Literature (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1981), 1. 240 Khanna, Yantra, 12. 241 Ibid, 55-56. 242 Ibid, 56. 237




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female principles as well as the evolution and involution of the cosmos.243 The symbolic representation and inscription of the divine onto the body and abstract forms makes the sdhaka part of the goddess and, in the ritual process, unites him “with the primordial void prior to creation.”244 In this form of liberation oriented symbolic reading, as Kinsley argues, even the sword employed for representing the goddess and for unting the king with the goddess, is interpreted as a symbol of knowledge or sdhan (spiritual practice; literally, to be accomplished),245 similarly, the animal sacrifice is regarded as the destruction of ignorance and the dawning of knowledge. Kl’s lolling tongue is interpreted as her victory over the rjasic power (i.e., passion related as seen in her red tongue) by the sattvic power (i.e., purity related as seen in her white teeth) and attainment of moka (liberation) by the sdhakas, including the demons (the animal victims; see the Klik Pur#a).246 11. The Smrta Conception: The Navartri and Devotional Worship (Pj) The myths and rituals of this time show a universe of divine powers, generated out of the tapas (ascetic heat arising from asceticism) and tejas (splendor, luster) with the goddess as the ultimate Divinity. In the Dev Mhtmya, it is the ascetic practice that helps the demons gain the divine power (or blessings) and take the positions of deities (gods and goddesses) in a universe governed by the truth (%ta), and, again, it is the divine splendor (tejas) that enables gods and the goddess to combine into indomitable force of the goddess. However, the story also suggests a negative side of the accumulation of such powers as demons, for example, continue to accumulate more tapas in order to gain the position of gods, and create imbalance and anarchy in the world. It is because of this constant imbalance that the ultimate power is required to assert itself and perpetuate the cosmic rhythm. As noted earlier, the navartri celebrates the ultimate and manifest power of the divine feminine. Unity in multiplicity and multiplicity in unity are constantly foregrounded in these myths and rituals.247 In the rituals, for example, the all-powerful supreme akti is represented variously as: (1) a multi-armed goddess Durg, or Kl; (2) Mahsarasvat, Mahlakm, and Mahkl and their cosmic functions of creation, protection, and dissolution for recreation; (3) feminine powers of the gods (both in benign/mild and dangerous/wild aspects); (4) groups of seven, eight, and nine goddesses (e.g., saptamt%k, a amt%k, and navadurg); (5) the mother of all the gods (e.g., Ambik in the Dev Mhtmya); (6) the world and the earth (including Prvat, “mountain daughter”), along with the water and earth (including the earthen pitcher) and plants; (7) virgins/women; (8) the abstract yantra and diagram; (9) sounds/words/mantras; and (10) the supreme devotion itself. Devotion (bhakti) to akti in her many forms is at the center of these rituals, and it is expressed variously, including recitation from religious texts, prayers, and offerings of gifts and sacrifices to the goddess. The living communion is maintained through




























































243

For an example of the ryantra, Madhu Khanna, Yantra, 72. Kinsley, 41. 245 Ibid, 87. 246 Ibid, 87. 247 The tendency to seek one god in the many, one sacrifice behind the many, was present from the Vedic time onward (e.g., RV 1.164.46), although the idea was not fully developed until the philosophical speculation of the B%hadra#yaka Upaniad (3.9.1), in the Mahbhrata (13.17.7), and in the devotional expression of the Bhgavad Gt (11.15-16). With regard to multiplicity, there is no single word for god in Sanskrit, and the notion of god is conveyed by many words such as deva (god), prabhu (mighty), bhagavat (elevated), and a/vara (ruler). Similarly, with regard to the goddess, the Dev Mhtmya refers to her and her power in multiple terms, and texts like durgsahasranma (a thousand names of Durg) praise the goddess with her thousand (possibly pointing to infinite) names. 244




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prayers, including silent devotion, verbal recitation and gestural communications. This suggests the existence of the divine in personal and experiential terms, and underscores the notion that the deity hears the voices of the devotees and blesses them when he/she is pleased. The ritual of installation and consecration shows that divine power can be transferred into objects of worship, such as the image and the water pitcher, or it can be invested in the divine icons through the infusion of vital breath and imparting of divine sight.248 The divine power can also be bidden farewell at the end. These rituals combine both priestly formalist devotion and private prayers to the goddess. In Gorkh, the devotional songs and chants are sung by local Magar women in the local rhythmic pattern (the Nepali mlr rhythm). In the devotional forms of pj, the offerings are largely vegetarian.249 In the palace, the pj is mediated by the royal priests although it also directly establishes the contact between the deity and the devotee (individualization), and the deity and the community (communal religious service). The king as the patron and sacrificer represents the community and the nation, and the people’s reverence to him implies the reverence toward the entire nation and its people. Throughout the Dev Mhtmya, there is a pervading sense of devotion and grace (anugraha, 2.2.1) and this is translated during the navartri. Even the demons are granted salvation by the goddess after their egos and arrogance are destroyed and after they realize the supereme authority of the goddess. In the devotional context, neither the caste hierarchy nor the gender is theoretically an obstacle to attaining grace, and people from all walks of life become equally eligible for the divine grace and freely celebrate together. This fact is particularly striking during the holi on the tenth day of the festival in the Gorkh palace, when people smear red powder on each other and celebrate the victory of the divine over the demonic. Social cohesion is maintained through the collective participation, and people recognize and share the divine omnipotence and their own united strength to recreate the order. 12. Mantras and Their Powers: From Vedic Mantras to Local Songs Among the ritual participants, there is a strong belief in the efficacy of mantras. Thieme defines the mantra as an instrument (-tra) of activity designated by the root man, and therefore “the instrument of thought and mental perception, a well-formulated idea” that may be chanted to help enhance reflection and meditation.250 A mantra is regarded as an instrument for exercising power, “a tool designed for a particular task, which will achieve a particular end when, and only






























































248 In the case of the main icons (or representations in idol forms) of the goddesses in the Gorkh temples, these rituals are excluded. This is because the goddesses are thought to permanently reside in their abode, and only the prayers that request them to stay in a particular sacred space are deemed sufficient. However, in the case of other installations, such as the sacred water pitchers and yantras, a number of rituals including the infusion of vital breath are mandatory. 249 Axel Michaels and Lawrence Babb relate the sixteen proofs of respect (upacra) to hierarchical social positions between the master and the servant (and husband and wife) and commensality. They state that the hierarchical relations are also abolished in the pj. The offered food is believed to have been either eaten or consecrated by the deity. However, Babb stresses the identificatory process of the pj: “The result is the closest possible intimacy, tending toward identity (between the deity and the devotee), and any analysis not taking this into account is incomplete” (307). Christopher Fuller, on the contrary, relates this relationship between the god and the believer to the marriage relation between man and wife. Since the god does not eat the food offered, he contends, the wife does not have to eat her husband’s leftovers and show her subordination to him. Fuller also considers the connection between the deity and the devotee symbolized by light (dpa), as both the devotee and the deity see the light and the former takes the heat into himself/herself. Lawrence A. Babb, “The Physiology of Redemption,” History of Religions 22 (1982), 293-312; Axel Michaels, Hinduism, 245; Christopher Fuller, The Camphor Flame: Popular Hinduism and Society in India (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1992), 78. 250 Quoted in Ellison Banks Findly, “Mantra Kaviasta: Speech as Performative in the "gveda,” Understanding Mantra, ed. Harvey P. Alper, 26.




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when, it is used in a particular manner.”251 Gonda argues that mantras evoke divine powers by “creating, conveying, concentrating and realizing intentional and efficient thought” and help to identify the self with the essence of divinity present in the mantra.”252 Andre Padoux’s study of the Indian mantra rests on the assumption that sacred speech (vc) is divine energy through which ritual actions become efficacious.253 Scholars also have classified mantras on the basis of their functions. Gonda, for example, speaks about the mantras being “invocatory,” “evocatory,” “deprecatory,” and “conservatory.” Bharati proposes a threefold division of the purpose of mantras: propitiation, acquisition, and identification.254 Alper similarly classifies them in terms of intentionality and their use for either practical or transcendental goals. Frits Staal, however, does not think that it is possible to make a systematic distinction between Vedic, tntric, and other Hindu mantras, but he believes that the language overall is used in mantra not just for naming but for doing something.255 In the Rigvedic tradition, a mantra is believed to have power, and the source of that power is the truth and order that stand out at the very center of the Vedic universe:256 O Agni, the ungenerous one wishing us ill and full of hostility who harms us by his duplicity, let this heavy spell be back at him: he should bring harm upon his own body by his evil words. (RV 1.147.4) The mantra must also have the meaning in the Vedic tradition: “May we pronounce that mantra well which was well-fashioned for him from the heart; he will understand it, to be sure” (RV 2.35.2). However, as Oldenberg and Witzel argue, a number of "gvedic and Atharvavedic verses are also oriented to magic.257 According to them, the idea of the sacrifice as a gift and homage was gradually replaced by, and sometimes corresponded with, the idea of magical coercion, the aim of which was to subjugate the gods through the sacrifice. They trace the magical aspects even in such Rigvedic verses: “May the mortal command over such an Agni, the bountiful, with sharpened teeth” (RV IV 15.5); “Mighty is worship. I dispose worship towards myself. Worship has held in place the heaven and earth. Worship to gods! Worship commands and rules over them. I make amends for even committed sin through homage” (RV VI 51.8). Reciting mantras also transmits sacrifice to the deities: “The speech conveys the sacrifice to the gods” (B 1.4.4.2). In the tradition of Jaimini’s Prva Mm"s (cf. Jaimini’s Prva Mm"s Stra, ca. 200 BCE), the idea of and the relationship among ritual actions became primary, and it subordinated the earliest Vedic idea of prayer and gift-giving between the deity and the sacrificer.258 In tantra, on the other hand, the mantra of a devat (deity) is the devat,259




























































251

Harvey P. Alper, “Introduction,” Understanding Mantra, ed. Harvey P. Alper (New York: SUNY Press, 1989), 6. Jan Gonda, “The Indian Mantra,” Oriens 16 (1963), 259. 253 Andre Padoux, Vc: The Concept of the Word in Selected Hindu Tantras, trans. Jacques Gontier (Albany: SUNY, 1990). 254 Alper, 7. 255 Frits Staal, “The Meaninglessness of Ritual,” Numen: International Journal of the History of Religions 26 (1979), 9. 256 Gonda, 1963b, 257 ff.; Ellison Banks Findly, “Mantra Kaviasta: Speech as Performative in the "gveda,” 17. The quote from the RV is from Stephanie W. Jamison and Joel P. Brereton, trans., The Rigveda: The Earliest Religious Poetry of India (Oxford: Oxford University of Press, 2014), 324. 257 Oldenberg, 186; Witzel, “Magical Thoughts in the Veda,” http://www.people.fas.harvard.edu/~witzel/Magical_Thought.pdf 258 For an extensive historical and comparative treatment on the topic of sacrifice, see Francis X. Clooney, “Sacrifice and Its Spiritualization in the Christian and Hindu Traditions: A Study in Comparative Theology,” The Harvard Theological Review 78, no. 3/4 (Jul.- Oct., 1985), 361-380. For a study in Jaimini, see Francis Clooney, Thinking 252




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and by repeating the mantras many times the sdhaka produces the deity in sonic form and is united with it. Tntric mantras are also cast in smrta context, in which the mythic narrative itself constitutes a meaningful unit of the mantras. For example, during the navartri, the Dev Mhtmya is recited after the recitation of kavaca (“the armor”), argal (“the bolt”), and klaka (“the pin”) sections of mantras (of the DM) for certain ends: “Having first done the kavaca, one should recite the Ca! of 700 verses.”260 During the kavaca recitation, seventy-nine divine feminine forces are invoked for the protection of the worshiper and for empowering his body with divine forces (cf. The Dev Mhtmya 4.23-26):261 May Aindr protect me in the east, the Goddess of Agni in the southeast….May the flame-faced one protect the luster of my nails, the unbreakable one (abide) in all my joints. O Brahm!, protect my semen, the queen with the umbrella of royalty my shadow…. May the victorious, sin-destroying Goddess protect every place/ That has been left unprotected, excluded from this Kavaca. The argal recitation indicates definite petitions: “Give the form or beauty, give the victory, give the fame, kill the enemies.”262 The importance of this wish is obvious, for it runs like a refrain twenty times in argal recitation. The klaka also emphasizes that the mantra should be recited at an auspicious time and with proper intention and attitude (7-8),263 for the fulfillment of desires such as “lordship, auspiciousness, health, success, destruction of enemies, and the highest moka.”264 The thousand names of Durg (durgsahasranma) are also recited throughout this period, and this points to the omnipotence of divine names.265 13. The Worship of Weapons and the Role of the Military Over the navartri, there is a gradual shift from the devotional to the martial; what belongs to the goddess in the beginning becomes the possession of the king toward the end. Every ritual is performed in a controlled context and oriented to certain goals. The roles of the actual weapons and of the military are foregrounded. Along the line of the Dev Mhtmya and the Klik Pur#a, the rituals describe many different weapons the goddess employed in battling the demons.266 The navartri marks this occasion by offering the actual weapons to the goddess and



































































































































































































Ritually: Rediscovering the Prva Mm"s of Jaimini (Vienna: Sammlung De Nobili Institut Für Indologie der Universität Wien, 1990). 259 Sir John George Woodroffe, Mahnirv#a Tantra (Madras: Ganesh, 1963), 235. 260 “Kavaca,” verse 49, see Thomas Coburn, Encountering, 179. 261 All translations from the Dev Mhtmya are from Coburn’s Encountering. 262 The dhra# most often “consists of an introductory formula paying honor to some deity; this is followed by an invocation of some power which is requested to protect the speaker and to destroy all evils that beset him/her. Its most lively element is the use of a chain of imperatives….” (quoted in Coburn, Encountering, 107); see Teun Goudriaan, My Divine and Human (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1978), 77. 263 Coburn, Encountering, 182. 264 Ibid, 183. 265 A thousand names of other deities, such as Ga!ea and Vi!u, are recited on this occasion, illustrating the polytheistic context of worship in which the ritual has remained predominant. 266 The Dev Mhtmya mentions that the goddess (and her contingent) employed various weapons including the sword (khaga), pike/dart (la), club (gad), discus (cakra), conch (a"kha), bow (cpa, r&ga), arrows (b#a), slings/fire-arms (bhuu#), iron club/bludgeon (parigha) (I.80), spear (akti), thunder-bolt (vajra), bell (gha# ), arrow (iu, b#a, ara), rod (da#a), noose (pa), ax (parau, paravadha), bow (dhanu), lion (si"ha), cup of wine (pnaptra"), waterpot (kama#alu), shield (carma) (II.20-29), spear/halberds/lances with a sharp edges (pa ia) (II.53), trident (trila), and the pestle (musala) (II.58). The stones and trees (ilv%kdi), teeth, feast, and feet




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worshiping them as forms of akti. During the reign of the h kings, the weapon worship was carried out not only inside the pj room of the goddess but also in the armory of the Royal Nepalese Army and Police quarters, and it has been continued until the present time. During the h dynasty’s rule, most of the army battalions were (and still are) named after very powerful names and forms of the goddess–Devdattaga!a, Klja&gaga!a, Klprasdaga!a, Kldhvajaga!a, Klaktiga!a, Klbahduraga!a, Vajradalaga!a, Ca!ga!a, Ca!iprasdaga!a, Bhairavga!a, Durgbaksga!a (Durgbhakaga!a), and Naybhairavga!a. Similarly, the temple of the goddess Kl/Durg was established in each army station across the country, and her regular worship was (and is) done in different forms, such as military flags, sacrificial posts,267 and images. The main military flag brought from Gorkh was situated in the main fort (mlko ) of the Hanumnhok palace, called the Kampuko$, and was worshiped daily with pjs, often involving the sacrifices of a male buffalo, goats and gourds. This pattern of worship of ninas (military colors, flags and standards) and maulos (posts and pillars) in the temples was later followed by the police across Nepal. The goddess temples were also established in strategically important places (for example, Kli&cokabhagavat and Kliñcokma in Dolakh district) previously used as military forts. With their consecration, the weapons were charged with the divine powers, and they were believed to defeat the king’s political opponents. The consecrated weapons did not simply symbolize the goddess’s akti, but they themselves were considered the embodied akti. The king as the divine agent, embodying the institution of ideal kingship, was also responsible for periodically purifying the kingdom, which he did partly by defeating his enemies and reestablishing an order. Various weapons of the goddess also had symbolic value; the entire analogous scenario of killing demons in myths and sacrificing animals in rituals was then symbolically illustrative of the human need to repeatedly defeat internal demons that obstruct union with the ultimate akti. The main weapons actually used in the festival were swords, placed by the side of the goddess in her pj room and worshiped as the embodiment of Kl.268 Some of these swords were used for beheading animals and for offering the blood and heads of the victims to the goddess. The sword had a role in the empowerment ritual: on the morning of the tenth day, for example, the king exchanged his royal sword with that of the goddess Bhadrakl, or alternatively her consort Bhairava, which happened with each once every twelve years. In the absence of such ritual acts, the royal sword always led local ritual processions (e.g., Pcal Bhairava jtr). The royal sword kept inside the Hanumnhok palace was used for leading every important Newr ritual procession in the Kathmandu valley, underlining the leadership of the h kingship. In the tenth-day ritual, the king (or his representative) held the sword in his



































































































































































































(dantamu itala) (III.17), weapons (astrni) (IV.27) and a many-colored skull-topped staff (kha &ga/kha v&ga) (VII.6) are also used in the killing of the demons for the protection of human beings and gods. However, the sword is the principal weapon in the Dev Mhtmya. 267 The nina and maulos (ypa) are the standards (flags) belonging to the army units. There is a common nina for the entire Nepalese Army and also a specific nina for each military unit. There is a long tradition of the use of the military standards, and one may find the references from the time of the Atharvaveda (which has a reference to the image of the Sun) through the Mahbhrata (e.g., Arjuna’s standard with the image of Hanumn). In the navartri, all the ninas representing the Nepalese Army and its particular units are regarded as actual embodiments of the powers of the goddess Kl/Durg. The main and other standards are studded with the images of the goddess and regularly worshiped for the empowerment of the army. The special worship of the goddess in the form of ninas was carried out before the army launched various battles. 268 The Rjaput rulers of Mewar, Rjasthn, India, also kept a sacred sword on the altar of the goddess of Navartri. James Todd, Annals and Antiquities of Rjasthn (New Delhi: M. N. Publishers, 1983), 465.




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hand and moved seven steps in eight different directions from the center as a symbolic display of the conquest of the four quarters; he then chopped the gourd (kubhi#o in Nepali and kum#a in Sanskrit), symbolic of his enemy.269 The navartri manuscripts even stipulated that the king kept the same sword used for slaying the sacrifices under his bed until the next round of festivities, and it was meant to preserve the divine power and ensure his success. The importance of the sword, or its incarnation in the form of the Nepalese curved knife, which was also used during this festival, remained prominent at least from the time of Dravya h (regnal, 15591570). 14. The Royal Consecration (abhieka) in the Navartri270 The abhieka ritual is believed to invest the powers of divinities and those of ingredients (e.g., the milk, curd, and fruit juices employed for this purpose) in the person being consecrated. During the navartri abhieka of the king, the mantras from the Vedic and pur!ic texts were chanted, and the king was intimately connected to various cosmic powers. The mantras called for universal peace across the elements of earth, water, atmosphere, and sky, and all the gods were requested to bestow blessings (AV 19.9.14; VS 36.17; TA 4.42.5) such as peace, victory, success, and the three pururthas ( dharma, artha, and kma). More importantly, main abhiekas were performed on the king on the ninth night and the tenth day before the goddess was bidden farewell. Mantras from Vedic and pur!ic texts, especially from the Vjasaneyi Sa"hit (VS),271 Vi#udharmottara Pur#a, and Agni Pur#a were chanted, asking for the destruction of evils and of the king’s enemies, as well as for his victory, supremacy, and wellbeing. The pañcagavya, pañcam%ta and sacred waters containing precious ingredients were used, along with the empowering mantras, investing the king with their qualities. Consecration with the sacred liquids from the main durgkalaa (the pitcher representing the goddess Durg) and varu#akalaa (the pitcher representing a Vedic god Varu!a) invested him with multiple divine powers. The king was transformed through this ritual, and became an effectual means of contact between different orders of existence. 15. Fertility and the Cosmic Cycle The power of the goddess is manifest in the world of nature, including the elemental forces of nature–earth, water, fire, atmosphere, and sky. In the rituals, for example, the earth element is represented by the earthen water-jar, and it symbolizes the creative and sacred power of the goddess and other deities. The barley seedlings that are grown on the earthen-bed are similarly regarded as embodying her power and are used as auspicious blessings. Likewise, different waters from the sacred fords and rivers, pañcagavya, pañcm%ta, and waters mixed with herbs and gems are used for purification and salvation. The flowers, fruits (especially, coconut, ash gourd, and wood apples), perfumes (incense), and plants evoke a richly sensuous world filled with divine life and beauty. The worship of the virgins in their red attire equally evokes a world filled with life and creativity; in fact, the goddess is represented as prak%ti, the dynamic aspect of the universe pulsating with life forms and creative possibilities. Since the autumnal worship occurs when fields are ripe for harvest, this provides an opportunity to pay homage to nature.




























































269

Dhana R!, 81. A comparison of the abhieka of the king and that of the goddess in her navapatrik forms will be done in our discussion of the coronation. 271 Ibid, 295; Aryl, Navartri tath Yamapañcaka Pjvidhi, 78-79. Aryl gives a long list of Vedic and pur!ic mantras for the abhieka. From the VS, the following mantras have been selected, 12.44, 100; 18.4; 22.22; 25.19; 26.2; 30.3; 34.51; 36.17-24. 270




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The worship of nine different types of plants (navapatrik) signifies abundance and life-forms as aspects of the goddess herself. The focus on blood and sacrifice also points to fertility, as the cycle of life, death, and rebirth is an inseparable and inescapable part of the world of nature. In the myths and rituals, the goddess is revered as the earth. The awe for the sacrality of the earth has a long tradition in South Asia, continuing from the RV onward (1.159; 1.185). The sky and the earth (dyvp%thiv) are regarded as the universal parents who created the world and its creatures, including various deities. In Vedic texts, the goddess earth is worshiped as the maintainer and supporter of everything that exists. She is said to encompass all things (RV 6.70); she is broad and wide (RV 1.185), and both motionless (RV 1.185) and moving (RV 5.84). The sky and the earth together are represented as a world pervaded by order (%ta), abundance and fertility (RV 1.22), and they are invoked for riches and power (RV 6.70). However, in the Atharvaveda (AV) and later Vedic literature, the earth appears both as an independent fertile goddess; she is coupled with other deities such as Indra (AV 1.6), Agni (AV 12.1.19), Prajpati, and Vivakarma. Despite varied and contradictory mythologies built upon the concept of the earth, she is represented as warm and nourishing, the provider of sustenance to all who move on her expanse. The navartri plentifully draws on this ancient concept to connect the worshipers to the world of nature. Also, the pattern of increasing ritual activities and an increasing number of offerings to the goddess every day depicts the expansion and proliferation of her power. Similarly, as living things, plants partake in the creative process of the world, and they embody essential cosmic elements in microcosmic forms. Unlike images (divine icons) or diagrams, they have life and vitality of their own, and they follow the natural rhythm of life and death. As the navartri falls in the autumn, just before the harvest, the festival pays proper honor to the very creative process and order. Because the goddess is worshiped in her form of the earth and as the dynamic power (of prak%ti) of the universe, the plants also are regarded as her own embodiments, vitally necessary for the sustenance of all creatures of the caring and compassionate goddess.




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Chapter II: The Goddess Worship: Ritual, Power, and History The astrologers have said that it will be good if the sword of my hand is sent to you on the auspicious occasion of the Vijay-Daam (i.e., the tenth day of the navartri). Accordingly, I have kept my khorasan sword (i.e., from the Persian province of Khorasan) on my waist for a few days after ritually consecrating it, and am sending the sword to you through Subedr (an army officer) Chandrabhan Khatr (katriya). Keep this sword with you. Remain ritually pure so long as this sword lies on your waist. Keep it there at the time when there is fighting, and victory will be assured. King Grvnyuddha (1815).272 1. Introduction The navartri durgpj as performed in the Gorkh and Hanumnhok palaces during the h kingship was not just individual devotional worship. Nor was it a royal family affair, as it used to be before the conquest of nearly fifty kingdoms, often termed as clusters of twenty-two and twenty-four principalities, by P#thv Nrya! h and his descendants. It was organized and orchestrated by the state, whose power was invested in the king. In fact, the impact of the ceremony was pervasive, and it directly affected all Nepalese society. The king and his state machinery, including the royal Nepalese army and the police forces, were deeply involved in the festival, through which the king annually renewed his authority and empowered himself, with the blessings of deities and the tacit consent of the people. However, the people’s participation was not always spontaneous, as the rituals were introduced, promoted and enforced from the top, incorporating many ethnic groups gradually. The socio-political implications of this festival are significant, especially in its roles of legitimizing the king’s rule, helping in the conquest of enemies, and culturally unifying the country. At the same time, the ritual’s transformation in Nepalese and Indian history shows how the ritual, despite its essential thrust for royal power, has adapted itself to colonial and postmonarchical periods and has served different purposes. The ritual also underscores the blurred boundary between sacrificial practice and political violence and shows how violence, both raw brutality and its symbolic manifestations, remains at the center of the martial cult of the goddess Durg/Kl. What appears solely religious is also loaded with political import as the rituals serve multiple purposes and act as strategies for leadership and worldly power. Although the ritual actions in these ceremonies lead participants into sacred and mythic time and connect them to the world of the divine, the ritual is enacted in the human world and is performed by human actors. The mythic narrative of the eternal battle between divine and demonic forces, the victory of the gods with the help of the goddess, and the restoration of the cosmic, divine, and human orders is replicated in time and space in the ritual. The stories as given in the Dev Mhtmya, Bhgavata Pur#a, and Klik Pur#a have strong connections to the human world, as these narratives were composed and promoted by humans for both devotional and socio-political ends.273 The mythic narratives underscore that the correct




























































272

Mahesh Chandra Regmi, Kings and Political Leaders of the Gorkhali Empire 1768-1814 (Hyderabad: Orient Longman Limited, 1995), 70. 273 There are some variations in the ways the battle myths are presented in these texts, and this demands a separate study. The Devbhgavatapur#a (tenth skandha) includes the narration of the appearance of the goddess in the form of Mahkl and Vi!u’s killing of the demons Madhu and Kai$ava, her appearance as Mahlakm to kill the demon Mahia, and her appearance as Sarasvat to kill demons umbha and Niumbha. The Klik Pur#a is tntric in orientation, and it seems to promote the left-handed tantra. However, these pur#ic texts are unanimous in promoting the devotion to the goddess.




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performance of the rituals leads to both worldly and other-worldly success for kings and commoners. The story in the Dev Mhtmya, for example, demonstrates how the successful enactment of the festival helped the deposed king Suratha regain his throne and how the merchant Samdhi obtained emancipatory wisdom. Other pur#ic texts and ritual manuals, including those produced in Nepal, recommend this festival for the king, especially for his successful rule and the conquest of real enemies.274 Myths were reenacted in the form of rituals, and the rituals further consolidated the power of the myths as people’s belief systems and religious behaviors were shaped by these traditions insofar as they believed in the efficacy of the rituals. People from various sectors participated, and the royal center was connected to spaces across the kingdom. The periodic rituals thus renewed and revitalized the whole country. Similarly, the goddess’s connection to the world was strongly maintained, as she was honored as the king-maker, the restorer of divine as well as sociopolitical order, and the ultimate liberator from the worldly cycle of birth and rebirth. Her divine power was connected to the creative power of the universe. She was glorified as the creative process, including the earth and all females (especially virgins), who are biologically closer to women in their procreative capacity. 2. Power Relations in the Gorkh Palace Rituals Although the palace rituals have wide implications for the public and for the kingdom as a whole, they seem to have been mainly constructed by the priests (including the composition of the texts such as the Dev Mhtmya) for worldly and other worldly powers. In the Gorkh palace, for example, people of various ethnic communities actively participated; as the communities came together, their unity further buttressed the king’s legitimacy. The participants were from all walks of life: brhmins; katriyas; and people from other tribes (or castes), such as the Magar, Kuml, Dar, Cure$, Dam, Kms and Srks, who are traditionally categorized as belonging either to the dra (e.g, Magar, Kuml, Darai, Cure$) or Dalit classes (e.g., Dam, Km, and Srk).275 The ritual realm in the palace was not the preserve of the “twice-born” alone, and the lower strata of society still had certain authority and agency. For example, the kas (a butcher of Dalit class) working in the palace was given the responsibility of finding the most corpulent buffalo of a certain size two months before the actual festival, and the kas himself visited different places in Gorkh and reserved such animals for sacrificial purposes. Similarly, the Magar officials were given the responsibility of finding and reserving other buffaloes, goats, sheep, and pigs for sacrifices. Of all the clans involved in the rituals, the Magars of Gorkh were at the center, and they appear to be the most trusted of the local ethnic people. The responsibilities assumed by various strata of people indicate how they exercised their ritual agencies and how they were empowered within their domain. Unlike the traditional brhma#ic notion of purity, it was on some of these people that the purity of the ritual largely depended. In Gorkh, it was not the brhmins but the Khavsa Magar girls who brought the sacred clay for preparing and purifying the ritual space of the goddess; it was they who planted barley seeds on the first day and brought sacred water every morning for worship. The Magars alone could bring the palanquins of the goddesses Kl and Sarasvat from Mt. Kailsapur to the pj room of the palace, and it was their duty to take the goddesses back




























































274

The Devbhgavata Pur#a 27.15-29. The ritual manuals are filled with verses pleading with the goddess to help conquer enemy forces. 275 Parashuram Tamang, Nepal Statistics and Indigenous Peoples (Kathmandu: Nepal Tamang Ghedung, Central Secretariat), 5-6. Harka Gurung, Social Demography of Nepal: Census 2001 (Lalitpur: Himal Books, 2003), 30; arm Bha$$ara, 19.




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to her heavenly abode (of the palace itself) at the end. It was not the brhmins, but the Bohrs (katriya), who had the authority to carry the palanquin of the goddess Mahlakm.276 Likewise, the Rn Magars of Gorkh had a special privilege–the main attendant Rn Magar offered the first and the last sacrifices, while the Magar women sang the local mlr songs praising the powers of the goddess in her fight against the demons. In the same way, the Sru Magar working inside the temple had the distinct privilege of seeing the icon/image of the goddess Kl, whose daran was possible only for the reigning king, the queen, and the crown prince, and the main priests working in the palace. The Muslims of Gorkh, whose ancestors were brought from India by P#thv Nrya! h to manufacture weapons for his conquests, were given the responsibility of offering ornaments to the goddess.277 The participation of people from different strata of life created a sense of group cohesion and consciousness. For the king, it was one of the most important occasions for asserting his leadership and power as the diverse sections of society came together inside the palace and showed their allegiance to the throne. The willing participation of the local people in the past and present created what Durkheim would call a sacred community. However, the composition of this society might not have been as unified or spontaneous as it was depicted in the media, since certain clans had to contribute in cash or kind, and their contributions were required and recognized by the state.278 For example, the Kumls and Dars, indigenous but traditionally regarded as “auspicious” clans, had to bring the required bananas and clay pots from Salyn$r, in the adjacent district (Dhdi&g); only after they completed this job could the ritual of the day begin.279 Likewise, the tailor caste played the musical instruments and sewed red clothes for the priests and others. The Kms sharpened the weapons and made them ready for actual sacrifices. Some of these duties were caste and clan specific, and the opportunity to participate in the palace rituals must have given these people a sense of pride and ownership. The devotional rituals also implied that the goddess was equally concerned with and would take care of everyone in difficult situations.280 This was the time for the local people to show their involvement in the rituals and also the allegiance to the throne and connection to society’s power holders, while for the king and royals, it was a moment to annually bring together diverse people and gain their trust. 3. Royal Priests and the Kings Although the role of various clans was crucial, the royal power also depended on the authority of the brhmins. It was the priestly class (some brhmins, though) that composed the mythological texts and ritual handbooks and systematized the rituals over time. The Nepalese




























































276

Nagendra Kumar Singh categorizes the Magars into six distinct clans: Bohor, Rok, Chohan, Jhankrim, Konwar, and Uchai (55-56). However, at another place, he gives another set of division of the Magars: Allea, Burhathoki, Gharti, Pun, Rana, and Thapa (56). Narendra Kumar Singh, Nepal, Refugee to Ruler: A Militant Race of Nepal (New Delhi: APH Publication Corporation, 1997). However, Subedi takes the Bohora clan involved in this ritual as belonging to the katriya class; it appears that the katriya status might have been a later development arising out of the mixture of castes/clans through intermarriage (2). 277 arm Bha$$ara, 20. The descendants of the Muslims brought by P#thv Nrya! still work in the Nepal Army manufacturing and maintaining army weapons. See Premsi%ha Basnyt, “Nepl Senko Aitihsika Viksakrama,” Siph 41, no. 42 (Kathmandu: h Nepl Ja&g A, 2008), 1-63. 278 The people had to contribute cash or kind (in the forms of what is called in Nepali bhra, saguna, valaka, and sirto) and would also receive remuneration from the palace. It was the duty of the local people to support the ritual and follow the rules ordained by the palace (arm Bha$$ar, 21). The contribution to the rituals in Kathmandu was similarly made mandatory, especially during the R!’s rule (ca. 1846-1951). 279 See arm Bha$$ar, Appendix (48-50) for the list of people of various clans involved in the service of the palace and the temple. 280 This was one of the answers by a Magar participant when asked about his relative status in the royal rituals.




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situation, however, differs from the assumption of scholars such as Dumont and Hocart, who argued that the religious and secular powers were independent and that the priests upheld religious authority while the king exercised secular power. According to these authors, the dynamic of caste relations, especially in its emphasis on the purity and spiritual superiority, placed the brhmins higher than the kings, with untouchables remaining at the bottom of the ritual hierarchy in terms of purity and auspiciousness: 281 It is exclusively political power that is in question, the political domain being defined as “the monopoly of legitimate force within a given territory.” Power is thus legitimate force… It has the advantage of corresponding quite well to Indian notions: power is roughly the Vedic katra, the principle of the katriya var#a (literally “people of the empire”); it is force made legitimate by being subordinated to the Brahman and the Brahma!s. It was assumed that the kings could not perform the rituals all by themselves and that they had to rely on the priestly brhmins for this job. On the other hand, the kings had to govern the nation without worrying about how and when certain ritual honors had to be paid to the deities. It was also believed that the priests would interiorize and purge accumulated evils, sins, or death through the correct performance of the rituals, while the kings continued involving in secular pursuits. The navartri situation in Nepal, however, differs from that in India. Although the royal priests and other brhmins were assigned the top jobs, the kings were not totally aloof from the ritual activities. The kings underwent purification, actively participated in ritual actions, led the processions holding the sword of the goddess Taleju, and positioned themselves as the major ceremonialists and the conduits of the divine power(s). Some Nepalese kings were themselves projected as compilers and composers of the ritual manuals, and they knew what role they were expected to perform as kings. Some other kings are also said to have undergone religious austerities (tapas) for spiritual development as well as for gaining supernatural powers.282 The religious world was as important for the king as for the secular world, and therefore the king simply assigned the ritual duties to the priestly brhmins and kept such duties for themselves to the minimum. Although the royal priests were well-respected inside the palace, they had to do what the king’s office told them to do. The priests and astrologers could make suggestions regarding what kinds of rituals were required on what occasions, but the priests largely followed the dictates of the kings and their offices, not the other way around. The kings could choose and replace any priests, although this did not happen frequently in Nepal. For example, king Rm h chose the Mishra Brhmins from Benares, India, as the chief priests instead of the local Arjyl priests from the Midhills of Nepal. The superiority of the king was also evidenced in the way the participants addressed each other. The priests addressed the kings by using high honorifics (sarkr, hajur, gth, etc.), as befit the prestige of the king, but the king often addressed the priests using midlevel honorifics, such as tim (the familiar “you”) or at the most, tapin (a somewhat higher honorific than the mid-level one).283 There are also instances of the king severely punishing the brhmins and depriving other people of their caste status.284




























































281

Louis Dumont, Homo Hierarchicus: The Caste System and its Implications (London: Paladin, 1980), 153. Dangol, The Palace, 182. 283 See the letter from Grv!yuddha h to the priest in arm Bha$$ar, “Appendix,” 67. 284 Mahesh Chandra Regmi, Kings and Political Leaders of the Gorkhali Empire 1768-1814 (Hyderabad: Orient Longman, 1995), 9. 282




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Again, not all priests or brhmins had equal rank or privilege. Those who occupied prestigious posts were closer to the palace and would have greater influence over the others on religious matters. The status of the royal guru, as well, did not remain constant, but changed over the period of royal rule, especially after the state formally withdrew support for the caste system in the Civil Code of 1963:285 In the warrant of precedence, the royal guru and the royal priest were ranked first and second among the king’s subjects in 1844; by 1974, they had been pushed down to twelfth and thirteenth respectively, well behind the chief justice, the ministers, and others. In the revised warrant of precedence of 1995, the royal guru and the royal priest (were) jointly placed in the thirty-sixth position. This situation changed dramatically, of course, after the overthrow of the monarchy in 2008. In the wake of the changes brought about by the people’s movement and the Maoist revolt, the status of the former royal priests was no more than that of any ordinary citizen, although they retained a certain degree of respect and religious authority within their own circles.286 The alliances between the Hindu kingship and royal priests in their capacity as state advisors were maintained in one form or another; however, the king as the lord of the land ensured his superiority by secularizing the brhmins’ ritual status, and incorporating them within the civil administration.287 Importantly, there was a shifting alliance between the Gorkh kings and different priestly clans, with a king granting more prestige to one or the other clan at different times. The Arjyl family was prominent from Dravya h’s time, but this changed by the time of Rm h, who had Mira brhmins from Benares and, later on, Pa!e priests managing the religious domain.288 In the course of time, the Pa!e brhmins, too, lost influence in the court, and none of them was chosen as royal guru for some time.289 The Arjyl brhmins nonetheless retained the post of dharmdhikr, the brhmin officer-in-charge (Chief Justice) of religious administration, discharging functions and duties related to caste and communal and sexual relations, although the kings asserted their privileges quite independently. Until the overthrow of the monarchy, Pa!e, Aryl and Bha$$ar worked various roles for the palace and retained their superiority over other brhmins in religious matters. Until at least 1950, the
































































285 Sudhindra Sharma, “The Hindu State and State of Hinduism,” in State of Nepal, eds. Kanak Mani Dixit & Shastri Ramachandran (Kathmandu: Himal Books, 2002), 26. 286 In the Indian context, Dumont’s thesis has been similarly criticized in that the brhmin was not always at the top of the social scale; that his influence waned when he was in the minority; that there was considerable quarrelling and competition for the highest position; that the brhmins traditionally adopted several professions and activities (ascetics, religious and secular teachers, house priests, priests and advisors to the king, temple priests, astrologers, healers, pilgrim priests, potters or death priests); that not every priest was at the top of the socio-religious hierarchy; that brhmins also aspired to worldly power (by being soldiers and kings); that non-brhmins have also been priests in popular Hinduism; and that the dominant classes in many of the village areas are not the brhmins. Michaels, 188-194; Gerald D. Barreman, “The Brahmanical View of Caste,” Contributions to Indian Sociology, 5 (1971), 1623; Owen M. Lynch, “Method and Theory in the Sociology of Louis Dumont: A Reply,” The New Wind: Changing Identities in South Asia, ed. K. David (The Hague: Mouton, 1977), 239-262; Declan Quigley, “Is Caste a Pure Figment, the Invention of Orientalists for Their Own Glorification?” Cambridge Anthropology 13, no. 1 (1988), 2036. 287 Ibid, 37. 288 Singh, Nepal, 18. 289 Ibid, 29. For the role of the dharmdhikr as stated in the Civil Code of 1854, see Mahesh Chandra Regmi, Nepal: A Historical Miscellany (Delhi: Adroit Publishers, 2002), 61-105.




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brhmins, along with the king’s collaterals, monks and mendicants, were also immune from capital punishment.290 Although the royal priests working inside the palaces could not change the traditional rules of the rituals arbitrarily, the brhma#ic superiority in religious affairs was undisputed. An example of this is that their own virgin daughters were worshiped over the navartri period as the embodied goddesses for empowering and legitimizing the king’s authority. Some of these priestly clans had helped the Gorkh king Dravya h expand his kingdom, and their spiritual authority is still recognized today, even after the deposition of the monarchy.291 The Rn and Bohora, along with P!e, Pantha, Arjyl, and Khanl–collectively called chathar (six clans, the first two clans being non-brahmins)–were instrumental in the conquest of Gorkh. The festival recognized their support for the h dynasty and celebrated the collective victory in the sixteenth century CE.292 The situation, however, was different in Hanumnhok, where the virgin goddess, the tutelary deity of the king and the nation, was chosen from a kya Buddhist family, and this underscored the traditional power relations between the Hindu kings and the local Buddhists in Kathmandu. 4. Power Relation and Syncretism The syncretism of the local and dominant Hindu rituals in the Gorkh palace illuminates the complex history and power relations there. The local Magars brought the sacred water, planted the barley seeds, sacrificed the animals offered to the goddess, and led the ritual procession. They had the most prominent roles, and they were considered closest to the deities in worship. The Magars also were the custodians of the Kl temples outside of Gorkh, and they served as the principal priests in the important goddess temples that were associated with the h dynasty (e.g., in the lamdev temple in Lasargh in Sy&gj district and Manakman temple in Gorkh).293 Similarly, Kuml, Dar and Khavs were regarded as auspicious clans; they too were given important sacred tasks, such as bringing the water for the worship of the main pitcher (pur#aghapj). Of special importance were the ritual activities in which alcoholic beverages, fish and meat, and pig were used. Such rituals often associated with the traditional “low caste” clans and communities and utilized in the tantric forms coexisted with the purity-conscious brhma#ic rituals. This complex mix suggests the possibility that the festival might have been observed as early as the time of the local Magar rulers in Gorkh, well before the h conquest. The new dynasty might have continued the tradition, adding new elements, as it happened during and after the conquest. Considering that ethnic peoples are still deeply immersed in the most important ritual inside the palace, it is possible that the local tradition might already have undergone a Sanskritization process (i.e., adopting the practices of the higher class and caste people) before Dravya h took over Gorkh (in 1559) from the local Khadk Magar ruler.294 Moreover, they




























































290

Ibid, 19. See Nagendra Kumar Singh (13-14) for the names of the priests and clans who supported Dravya h for his conquest of Gorkh and surrounding principalities. 292 Dravya h, soon after his conquest of Gorkh, granted the following people responsibilities in Gorkh: Nrya!ds Arjyl as royal guru; Sarvevar Khanl as royal purohita; Ga!ea P!de as minister; Bhagrath Pant as the chief of Gorkh army; Keav Bohor as the chief of the Department of Land; and Ga&grm Rnmagar as the Chief- Justice. Gautamvajra Vajrcrya and Dev Prasd Bha!r, eds. r 5 Bamahrjdhirja P%thv Nrya# hko Upadea (Lalitapur: Jagadamb Prakan, ca. 1968), 546-47. 293 B. K. Rn, Sa"kipta Magar Itihsa (Kathmandu: Raj Tribandhu, 2002), 31. 294 The participation of traditionally low caste people inside the palace rituals does not function only for the tntric purpose of inverting the traditional social hierarchy and releasing the divine powers of the goddess for oneself. It has 291




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might indicate that the ruling h dynasty was, at least from the maternal side,295 connected to the Magar clans. This seriously questions their claim of being a pure katriya/ hakuri.296 Magars had come in contact with the immigrant Rjputs and brhmins, and may well have assimilated with them. Singh says that the Rjput immigrants had not only wrested power from the locals but also intermarried with them; P#thv Nrya! h, for example, called himself the rj (king) of the Magar country (Magrt).297 The navartri also illustrated the role of the military in the conquest of Nepal and in the subjugation of enemies. In Gorkh, as in Kathmandu, the military was represented by nine different military standards (ninas), which were regarded as embodiments of the goddess.298 However, these standards were also called by clan names–Khapta Basnet, Sirupl Basnet, Boga$, Khatr, Thp, Bniy, Gara%j Magar, Ream Magar, and Bhusl Magar–as reminders of P#thv Nrya!’s army, and the people representing these clans held their own standards.299 This tradition of worshiping the standards also suggests that military power was at the center of the ritual, and that the power of the king depended on the military. Importantly, the h kings, at least until P#thv Nrya!, used to grant the sacrificial pole (maulo)–regarded as symbolic of divine and royal power–to those individuals who contributed commendable services to the nation. As this tradition evolved, the king began granting a military standard to a newly formed martial contingent.300 Animal sacrifices were offered to these standards, which are posted on the ritual pavilion decorated with tntric diagrams and worshiped as forms of the goddess. This displayed the power of the state. Either the actual military, as in the case of the Hanumnhok, or the clan members of the traditional military, as in Gorkh, was involved in the animal sacrifices. The celebration that followed such occasions included the military victory slogan: jayajayakl jayajayakl (victory to the goddess Kl). Most of the military units were associated with deities, with the central military icon formed of the intersecting triangles



































































































































































































mainly to do with this complex historical development. The h chronicle mentions that the local Guru&g community had a tradition of annually choosing the king through a racing match on the tenth day of the navartri. This also suggests the significance of the navartri, including the victory tenth day among local ethnic rulers. One document of Narabhpl h’s time mentions that the corpulent buffalo (satrarngo) escaped from Lamju&g to Gorkh (two separate kingdoms during that time) on this occasion, which might suggest that sacrificing the fattest buffalo as the demon Mahia was a distinct ritual practice of the hs. 295 Dor Bahadur Bista contends that P#thv Nrya!’s maternal uncle Digbandhan Sen and his own mother were from the Magar clans (quoted in Dangol, 185). 296 The Magar-centric rituals of the Gorkhkl temple might point to a similar speculation. It is also possible that the ritual was practiced by the local Magar rulers, who may already have been Sanskritized, and the h dynasty might have continued the religious practices of the local Magars. 297 Singh, 31. 298 It is, however, never explained how each contingent relates to a particular type of the goddess. 299 arm Bha$$ar, 78. The tradition of maintaining the nina as symbolic of one’s clan is traced back to Rajasthn, whence the h dynasty allegedly brought it to the Himalayan foothills (153) via Klga!ak to Gorkh to Kathmandu. Initially, the goddess was called lamadev (on account of her disappearance) of Lasargh (of Sya&gj district) who is said to have inspired and led the h princes to conquest (155). The chronicle account mentions that the goddess then incarnated in a local Magar girl (cf. the goddess Taleju incarnating in the Buddhist kya girl) who asked king Rm h in his dream to take her from Bhirko$ to Gorkh. The Magars from Bhirko$ (of Aslm and Pulm clans) are still in the service of the goddess in Gorkh (155). During the royal rule, a certain budget was set aside for the performance of periodic rituals in the goddess temple in Lasargh; to this day, the local Magar priest of Msk Rn clan officiates in the rituals. The goddess is regarded as the clan deity of the h king; she received special pj on Ca!pr!im (often in April-May) through sacrificial offerings. 300 Siph (2002), 35; Also in Siph (Phgun 1, 2066 BS; 2009), which mentions that the president of the country granted the military color (standard) to the military unit called Kliakti.




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symbolizing iva and akti, and the names of the royal Nepalese army battalions were (and are still) associated with the deities. In fact, most army quarters across Nepal housed a temple of the goddess as akti (divine power), empowering the army and protecting the sites.301 Military officials regularly took their oath of office in front of the military standard and worshiped it. Temples of the goddess Kl still exist in important locations used for forts, set there to protect the kingdom and the people, and to help the king defeat enemy forces. The royal power was, thus, strategically enhanced by harnessing the powers of the deities in key places of the kingdom.302 Despite recognizing the contributions of various strata of people, the festival also illustrated traditional hierarchy and asymmetrical relations, exemplified by the predominant position of the royal purohitas. They were entrusted with performing rituals that would help achieve the successful reign of the king and bring about peace and harmony. During the navartri, the royal purohita offered the consecrated water and blessed items to the king and his throne every day, and they consecrated the king at the conclusion with divine waters and names. The purohita first offered the blessed k and jamar (barley seedlings) to the king and others. Also important was the order of distribution of the sacrificed goats as the goddess’s prasda (blessed items such as flowers and fruits) illustrating the hierarchical relations: heads were given to the main purohitas; lungs to the main officer of the palace; the liver to the representative of the king; the breast to the barber; the rear two haunches to the Magar attendants; the front haunch to the purohitas; the heart, kidney, and shoulder to the Magar attendant working inside the palace; the skin to the Srk, and the belly and intestines to the Roce. Although every participant received a share, this list was in keeping with the traditional hierarchical status in Hindu society. The brhmins’ symbolic connection with the head, for example, has mythical precedence in the "gveda (RV X.90), which describes their origin from the head of the Purua. Magars, one of the bravest clans who fought for P#thv Nrya!’s conquest, received, along with the king and the purohita, the haunches. Similarly, the king’s association with the liver of the victim was central to the festival, suggesting his victory and mastery over his enemies as he gained their strength through eating it. The caste system was also reflected in the Hanumnhok rituals. Equally important was the lack of direct involvement of the royal brhmins in the bloody rituals; they directed and participated, but apparently did not touch the blood. The navartri thus displayed varied relationships among caste groups and between the ruler and the ruled, and helped maintain traditional power relations.303 5. Power-Relations in the Rituals of Hanum nhok The rituals performed in Kathmandu brought together two different royal traditions, illustrating the negotiation of powers after the conquest of the Kathmandu valley: one was the predominantly tntric rituals centered on the Taleju temple inside the palace; the other was more Vedic and pur#ic/smrta (pj), as performed in the house for navartri worship. P#thv Nrya! h’s overthrow of the Newr Malla kingdoms did not result in the simultaneous abolition or cooptation of the Newr rituals. Instead, the pre-existing Malla religious tradition




























































301

The special worship of the goddess in the form of ninas was performed before the army went into battle. For a picture of the emblem of the former Royal Nepal Army, see Subarna Chhetri & Suresh Malla, 55. 302 Kulachandra Koirl, Nepl S"sk%tik Jtrparva, 28. 303 For similar types of relationships in the twenty-four principalities, see Marc Gaborieau, Minorites musulmanes dans le royaume du Nepal (Nanterre: Laboratoire d’Ethnologie, 1977); Philippe Ramirez, De la disparition des chefs. Une anthropologie politique nepalaise (Paris: Ed. Du CNRS, 2000), 99-100. For the gu h system in Dhulikhel, the eastern border of the Kathmandu Valley, Declan Quigley, “The Guthi Organization of Dhulikhel Shresthas,” Kailash 12, no.1-2 (1985), 5-62.




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was continued, despite the superimposition of the new regime’s ritual authority. The local traditions that developed during the ancient and medieval period in the Kathmandu valley were carefully constructed to enhance the power of the Hindu Malla kingship, and it was liberal and strategic for the new regime to continue them to help strengthen their authority. The rituals in the capital city brought together people from all walks of life under the leadership of the h king, and they were orchestrated in spectacular fashion. Inside the Taleju temple, the Karmacryas, assisted by the re$has and Jypu farmers, performed the esoteric rituals involving the offering of meat and alcohol,304 while the royal Nepal army staged massive animal sacrifices and a virtual blood-bath outside the temple. In the dasainghar, on the other hand, the royal purohita supervised all the rituals of the pj type of installation and worship. The Magars were at the forefront of the rituals in the Hanumnhok dasainghar, and they led, along with the old-style Gorkh regiment, the procession of the navapatrik from Gorkh to Hanumnhoka. For the ritual of Taleju that was the king’s source of his military power, the local Newr people, including tntric and brhma#ic priests, astrologers, farmers (for cooking), gardeners (for flowers), butchers (for the sacrifice), washer-men, musicians, fishermen and sweepers (Poes), were involved and they collectively contributed to the establishment of the social and divine order.305 In the distribution of prasda (blessed items by the goddess) of the sacrificed animals, the brhmins and the purely Tntric Karmachrya priests each received a thigh, whereas the tail, entrails and hooves went to the Khagi butcher.306 In the pavilion in front of the military headquarters, the king reviewed his army on the seventh day, along with other royals, politicians, bureaucrats, foreign diplomats and the general public. The army’s exhibition of military arts proved their capability, and the king honored those who performed the best. The participation of people from all sectors demonstrated their allegiance to the throne and the continuity of tradition. During the navartri, royal army units that housed temples of the goddess within their precincts offered regular worship and sacrifice. In the case of the army headquarters in Kathmandu, the ritual began only after the army priest offered pjs in the adjacent temple of the goddess Bhadrakl, with whom the king of Nepal exchanged royal swords on a periodic basis. Bhadrakl, in her temple beside army headquarters had a traditional link with the Nepalese army. She is said to have instituted the tradition of the annual horse race in honor of the goddess after she was brought to Nepal from Kmkhy, India.307 The Nepalese police were similarly connected to the center of royal power in Hanumnhok. They used to proceed from the Police Headquarters to the Hanumnhok and receive the standard of the goddess. Only after taking the standard to their headquarters and offering pj services did they begin the main rituals. All




























































304

They still work as the main priests in charge of powerful kta divinities. The local chronicles mention that they came to settle in the Kathmandu valley in the fourteenth century CE with the king Harisi%ha Deva and the goddess Taleju (Gerard Toffin, From Kin to Caste, 334; Levi, La Doctrine, 22). 305 Toffin, From Kin to Caste, 7; For the upkeep of the rituals in the Taleju temple of Bhaktapur, see Anne Vergati, Gods, Men and Territory: Society and Culture in Kathmandu Valley (Delhi: Manohar/Center de Sciences Humaines, 1995). There are other Taleju temples, for example in P$an, Sankhu, and Dolakh, and the rituals of these places are supervised by the religious institutions. 306 Toffin, From Kin to Caste, 9. 307 “Pica Caturda, Phncahre tath Ghoejtr,” Nepal Samcrapatra, October 2, 2011. Since the living goddess Kumr was an incarnation of the goddess Durg (Kl), it was in her presence and after the military salute to the living goddess that the annual horse racing was performed to please the goddess of power. The king used to visit Bhadrakl early in the morning of race day, which has continued at least from the early twentieth century CE, from the time of the R! Prime Minister Juddha amer (reign, 1932-1945). This ritual activity occurs annually on caitrak%#uns on the dark lunar night of the month of caitra (March-April).




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the police and military posts and all the government offices across the country used to begin the major rituals at auspicious times, as determined by the palace, for connecting the divine center to various places across the nation and creating a sacred and temporal order.308 The officials in both government and non-government agencies participated in the national festival. This participation was compulsory during the royal reign, especially before the restoration of democracy in 1990. All officials from all sectors received one month’s extra salary to observe this festival. This was one of the ways the royal government consolidated rituals and political control across the country.309 Similarly, local people of various ethnicities were encouraged, and sometimes forced, to observe the festival, which was made into a national celebration after the conquest period (1743-1816). The practice was vibrant among the Gorkhl army battalions, some of which were specifically ethnic, recognizing their valor in the process of conquest: the Gorakhkl company (1745) whose name was changed into Purnogorakhga!a in 1762, from the Magar communities;310 the Bhavndal battalion from the Magars (1785); the Klibahdur battalion from Guru&g (1798); and the Bhairavnth battalion from R and Magar communities (1810).311 This tradition was continued even among the Gorkh battalions in India and Britain. Strict rules were enforced for the ritual propitiation of the goddesses inside army units. All personnel, including those not originally Hindu, actively participated in the rituals. They also buttressed the tradition in their localities as they returned home during this and other occasions. This trend further helped the Hinduization process.312 The festival was an occasion to purify the whole kingdom, and all prisoners were transferred outside the capital to neighboring villages, where they remained until the festival was over. Also at this time, the ruler either renewed or terminated office holders (called pajani): “the annual period for the renewal of all public service is always brought to a close by the first day of Dassera.”313 The national flags posted in government and other offices across the country were also changed at the auspicious time. This ritual act demonstrated that the entire kingdom was undergoing the process of renewal and purification.314 The king also gained power from the living goddess Kumr, regarded as an incarnation of the goddess Durg in her tntric form who annually blessed the king with divine authority.






























































308 In the past, each ministry and department of the state had a separate room for the purpose of astrological work, and each major undertaking began at an auspicious time as determined by the astrologer. ivasa%kara Nyaupne, “Sitko Mahatva eva% Prayoga,” Siph 36 (2003), 70. 309 However, this situation changed after the overthrow of the monarchy and the introduction of the federal democratic order. Now government and non-government officials can take one month’s extra salary at any point of the year to celebrate festivals of their choice, or use it any way they wish. 310 Vsudev Nepal, 77. P#thv Nrya! h used to establish goddess temples or special trusts in the areas he conquered. For example, after his conquest of the Salyan$r lying east of Gorkh, he founded the temple of the goddess Salynm. He also made it a rule that the goddess Bhagavat be worshiped in the form of the nina in each army battalion (77). 311 Bijaya Kumr h, “Senm Jtya Eki, Sambekara!a tath raka!a,” Sipbh Vrka (2068) 44, no. 45 (2012), 12. In order to give an opportunity to socially marginalized communities, the Royal Nepal Army opened up other two battalions in 2006, forming r Ripumardanaga!a mainly from the Kirnti communities and Naysabujaga!a from the Madhe people. 312 For an example of how the navartri festival was performed in the army units, see Vsudev Nepal, (77-81). This article gives an account of how the unit of the Magar communities practiced this ritual under the guidance of the brhmins. It mentions similar rituals, including weapon worship, offering liver into the fire, consecration and reception of ka and prasda. It also mentions the text radya Durg Pj Vidhi by Dhana amer R!. 313 H. A. Oldfield, Sketches from Nepal, vol 2 (Delhi: W. H. Allen & Co., 1880), 343. Also, S. Levi, Le Nepal, vol. 2 (Paris: E. Leroux, 1905), 55. Even the minor king’s regent used to be dismissed during the navartri occasion. See Rishikesh Shah, An Introduction to Nepal (Kathmandu: Ratna Pustak Bhandar, 1975), 98. 314 For the auspicious times for such activities of 2011, see Kantipur, September 30, 2011.




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The royal virgin goddess of Kathmandu paid a visit to the temple of Taleju, with whom she identified and where she underwent her ordeal and consecration when she was selected. Although Kumr worship was pervasive across the valley, with each city having its own Kumrs (including the kumris called ga#akumr),315 the virgin goddess of Kathmandu became most respected after P#thv Nyya! h moved the capital to Kathmandu in 1768 and made her the tutelary deity of the h king and of the nation.316 She was intimately connected to the reigning king, and her selection was carefully managed by the royal priests and astrologers, paying special attention to whether her horoscope matched that of the reigning king, how many of the perfections suitable for the goddess she had,317 and whether she successfully underwent a ritual ordeal, which involved her walking among the bloodied and severed heads of the animals offered for the goddess Taleju during the navartri. Royal power was enhanced through the continuation of the pre-existing rituals practiced by the Malla rulers and the local Newrs. It also brought the local Buddhist Newrs (as represented through the selection of the goddess from a kya Buddhist clan) in relation to and under the authority of the Hindu kings, who renewed their powers on a periodic basis and gained ritual legitimacy to rule the local Newrs. The Kumr worship was given special prominence without simultaneously recognizing the similar status and role of the female in Hindu-Buddhist society:318 The gods ever desire a Brhman, a virgin, akti, fire, ruti, and a cow for worship on their sacrificial grounds. If one virgin be worshiped, it will be a second pj. The fruit of virgin worship cannot be told by me. All this (universe) movable and immovable belongs to Kumr (virgin) and akti. If one young damsel be worshiped, seen only in spirit, then actually all the high goddesses will be worshiped without doubt….Where Kumr is worshiped, that country purifies the earth; the places all around will be most holy. There one should do Kumr pj: there breaks forth great light manifest in the land of Bhrata. It is important to note how the virgin girls in Gorkh and Hanumnhok, including the living goddess Kumr, are singled out, ritually invested with power and appropriated by different people for various worldly ends and achievements. The unequal power relationship in the society between the male and the female is evident in the rituals. For example, the royal Kumr is




























































315

On the ninth day of the navartri, the priests of the Taleju temple worship the group of Kumrs as representatives of the navadurgs and as eight mother goddesses and the goddess Ugraca!. 316 Before the division of the valley into three kingdoms after the death of Yaka Malla in 1482, the Malla kings used to rule from the capital city Bhaktapur, and the Kumr of Bhaktapur was the most important of all. 317 Michael Allen mentions the thirty-two bodily perfections, such as well-proportioned feet; spiraling lines on the soles of the feet; well-proportioned nails; long and well-formed toes; feet and hands, like those of a duck (with netlike lines); soft and firm feet and hands; the body broad at the shoulders and narrow at the waist; thighs like those of a deer; small and recessed sexual organs; chest like that of a lion; well-spread shoulders; long arms; pure body; neck like a conch-shell; cheeks like those of a lion; forty teeth; teeth white and nicely shaped; no gaps between teeth; small and sensitive tongue; moist tongue; clear and soft voice like that of a duck; blue/black eye;, eyelashes like those of a cow; a beautiful complexion with white luster; a gold-colored complexion; small skin-pores; hair-whorls stiff and turning to the right; black hair; large and well-proportioned forehead; head round with cone-shaped top; body shaped like that of a banyan tree; and a robust body. In addition to these, the premenstrual state of virginity, an unblemished body, signs both of calmness and fearlessness in the girl, and the general reputation, especially in terms of piety, of her family were considered. Above all, the girl’s horoscope had to be in absolute harmony with that of the reigning king (134). These were the ideal criteria, and the reality of selection may have been different. 318 Quoted in Michael Allen (“Endnotes”) from K. S. Macdonald, The akta Religion and Female Sex (A Pamphlet held by the Haddon Library, Cambridge University, U. K., 1902), 41-42.




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selected from the akya Buddhist clan by a core group of males319 consisting of the royal priest (Ba Guruju), the royal astrologer, the Newr Tntric priest (the Acju priest) of the Taleju temple, and the Pañca (five) Buddhas.320 Significant to this was how the androcentric traditional Nepalese society conceptualized the ideal female purity, beauty and perfection, how it deified such concepts and how it exploited them for its own benefit. Kumr also embodies the dual aspects in her personality, and it might suggest the society’s ambivalent attitude toward women as an embodiment of both creative and destructive aspects. She is unable to directly receive blood offerings, and in this, the virgin goddess represented the divine feminine, the purest aspect of the mother goddess. However, she was also said to be infused with the spirit of the powerful, blood-thirsty goddesses, such as Taleju/Drg, who must be constantly assuaged with the blood of sacrificed animals amidst which she is initiated. Also, rather than appearing in the sattva colors of white, gold, and silver normally associated with virginity, the virgin goddess was always garbed in red, a color linked with fertility and with the dress of married women whose husbands are still alive. The large red k on her forehead and red polish on her toenails also indicate the girl’s potential motherhood. Those who reverence the virgin do not often do so for the sttvik or for other-worldly ideals, but for rajas or worldly ones, and many women petition her to solve one or the other problems, such as bleeding or childbirth. As regards the royal goddess Kumr in Kathmandu, as Michel Allen suggests, the divine embodiment of Kumr also reflects the contradiction in Newr Buddhist society, which amalgamates both renunciation (Theravda) and life-affirmation (Mhynist/Vajraynist worldview). She also regarded as an incarnation of Vajradev, the fully enlightened and life affirming female Buddha. Equally important is the amalgamation of cultures, one superimposing on the other. The Newrs in the Kathmandu valley (and outside) had a rich navartri tradition called mwani (or Mwanhi). It involved rituals such as the installation of the swords, planting the barley seeds in an earthen pot, bringing the navapatrik from the Guhyevar temple to the (Kaelcok) Bhagavat temple located by the side of the Hanumnhok palace,321animal sacrifices, and a sword procession.322 The h dynasty gave continuity to such rituals and added new ones, such as (a) bringing the navapatrik (nine types of plants and leaves) from their ancestral kingdom in Gorkh to Hanumndhok, Kathmandu, in a procession led by the old-style Gorkh army; (b) the display and firing of guns and cannons; (c) worshiping the military standards, and (d) offering k and barley seedlings by the king to his subjects (See Appendix III for pictures). These ritual activities were the new additions to the ones already practiced in Kathmandu during the Malla rule, and they suggest the centrality and the victory of the new regime. The earlier rituals that were continued by the new regime included the king receiving the blessings from the goddesses




























































319

The only female who inherits the right to inspect the bodies of the candidates is the wife of the royal priest after the potential candidates are brought from the akya Buddhist families. 320 The Pa#ca Buddhas are the five Vajrachrya priests, who dress in the fashion of the Five Buddhas and are involved in tntric rituals of Kmr. As they carry the vajra (instrument signifying the void, or Buddhist nya) and the bell, they assume different postures that portray the emanation of the Buddhist pantheon. Also, in the Vajrayna tradition of the Kathmandu valley, the vajra and the bell together are said to represent the god Guhyasamja (i.e., vajra) and the goddess (prajnparamit)–the male and the female principles together representing the supreme ecstasy (mahsukha). 321 See “Varakriy” (cited in Phlapt Ytrk Srathi,” Kantipur, October 1, 2011; Also, “ja Phlapt Bhitryindai,” Gorakhpatra, October 2, 2011. 322 D. R. Regmi states that the Newr form of the navartri was popular in the late seventeenth century CE. D. R. Regmi, Medieval Nepal: A History of the Three Kingdoms 1520 A. D. to 1768 A.D. Part II (Calcutta: Firma K. L. Mukhopadhyay, 1966), 674-679.




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(through the royal priests of Gorkh, Taleju, and dasainghar of Hanumnhok) as the most important victory celebration on the tenth day, marked by the thirty-one-gun salute and the king’s formal inauguration of the victory ceremony nationwide by offering k and blessings. These strategies reinforced the king’s leadership in the nation. They also enhanced the traditional conception that religious power and fertility were results of blessings from those who were higher in position and power, and that such powers could be channeled through the center. This center is represented by the ideal form of divine kingship in the ritual’s association with the mythology of Rma who got victory over the demon king with the blessings of the goddess, and this victory celebration coincides with the goddess’s victory over the demons on the tenth day of navaratri. The festival also enabled the subjects to “celebrate” their own subordination and allegiance to those who are higher on the socio-religious pyramid. The power of the king was strengthened through various religious and secular institutions. One such institution was the gu h (from Sanskrit, go h, association or assembly; religious association) for the maintenance and upkeep of the temples and the rituals. During the time of the Malla rulers, there were many gu his established on the local level and also by the state, and such institutions were continued during the h period.323 However, as Regmi suggests, the gu h concept was applied to the lands endowed, rather than the religious body formed, probably only after the Gorkhl conquest.324 In Kathmandu, there were and still are multi-caste gu hs, such as Taleju and Kumr gu hs that were responsible for the daily and periodic rituals.325 There were about seventy gu hs in Kathmandu, forty-one in Bhaktapur, and nineteen in Patan for the rituals and festivals connected with the Taleju temples of these cities.326 Each gu h included the multi-caste representatives from the local Newr communities and was mainly funded by the gu h sa"sthn (corporation) established in 1964.327 In the case of the navartri, there existed other state-run institutions too, such as the Department of Archeology, the Royal Treasury (kau tokhn), and the Ministry of Culture, which regulated the rituals and granted the required expenses for the ritual performances. 6. Rituals and Violence The pur#ic texts used for the rituals of this festival are replete with violence and bloodshed, but these texts hardly give any access to the actual historical and political milieu in which they were composed.328 However, based on the battle narratives of the Dev Mhtmya, one may speculate






























































323 Under the gu h system, the land and other sources of income were endowed for religious and other charitable purposes. Gu$h endowments were liberally made by the Nepalese kings, royalties and others for centuries (first recorded by Mnadeva in 464 CE), mainly for financing rituals and ceremonies. For the government rules regarding this system as stated in the Civil Code of 1854, see Mahesh C. Regmi, Nepal: A Historical Miscellany, 268-290. For the general assessment of gu h system, see Gerard Toffin, From Kin to Caste: The Role of Guthis in Newr Society and Culture (Patan: Social Science Baha, 2005). 324 Mahesh Chandra Regmi, Land Ownership in Nepal (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976), 43. 325 Saphalya Amatya, Rjasatt ra Nepl Sansk%ti (Lalitpur: Sajha Prakashan, 1997), 72. However, there also appears to be a shield associated with the goddess, along with a sacred pitcher, sword, and yantra that are worshiped in the Taleju temples. Over time, the eighteen-armed goddess with weapons in her hands seems to have been added, at least for the ritual worship, if not in the iconic form. Amtya, 68, 72. 326 The tradition of worshiping Taleju is not limited to these cities alone; in fact, the temples of the Taleju goddess exist in other places outside the perimeters of these cities such as Krtipur, him, Nl, Panaut, Plu&g, Cpagun, Banep, Nuwko$, and Dolakh. The temple is said to exist even in Tibet, where the medieval Malla rulers seem to have had their political dominion at some point. Amtya, 70-72. 327 Before this time, the government used to directly fund and supervise the rituals. Amtya, 3. 328 Rocher offers tentative dates and places of the composition of various pur#ic texts. According to him, Bengal, Benaras and Assam are the three important places where the pur#ic texts that describe the navartri seem to have




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that the text might have indirectly reflected the potential or even actual wars. In addition, the framing narrative certainly legitimizes violence and the world-ordering power of the goddess. In this text, the kings are at war, and one king is displaced by the other; with the blessing of the goddess, the former king of the narrative is re-enthroned and the divine order is re-established. The pur#ic texts also recount intense battles between the gods and the demons, or between the forces of good and evil. However, the stories about the battles are narrated from the point of view of the victor, and these stories demonise the opposing forces. The centralization of the Kl form of the goddess involved in blood and killing also has the potentiality for the king and his regime to wreck violence against the enemies as is often attested in actual history.329 Despite underscoring feminine divine power as most powerful, the goddess as the battle queen is created mainly by the male gods themselves out of their own tejas for their own benefit and political order. Scholars are even tempted to interpret this event as a reflection of a traditional practice of using alluring women as tools to infiltrate and secretly poison the enemy in the battle.330 However, in her more benign aspect, the goddess in the Dev Mhtmya represents and encompasses the actual women in their nurturing and procreative powers. Because of her creative power, the goddess is represented and worshiped in the form of the virgin, earth, and plants. She is also deeply connected to the world, while the god iva is somewhat detached from worldly things. The biased androcentric view (e.g., Manu II.213; IX.15-17) that sometimes projected women as embodying anger, destructive power, and the ability to lure males (e.g., the goddess luring the demons to fight, as presented in the Devbhgavata Pur#a) might have played a part in the projection of the goddess Kl in these Pur!ic texts. Violence is at the center of the myth and the rituals of the navartri. The battle between the forces of the gods and the demons has both religious and secular implications. In the Dev Mhtmya, it was for the restoration of the cosmic order that Indra, king of the gods, was restored to divine kingship;331 it was for the restoration of his worldly kingship that a human king (Suratha) performed the ritual worship of the goddess and regained his throne. In actual history, Hindu kings of South Asia participated in this festival for the ritual restoration of order in their kingdoms and for peace and harmony in their nation. Further, the goddess Kl is the central presence in the myths and rituals,332and she embodies terrifying anger and destructive violence. The rituals were appropriated for her power to subjugate and kill enemies and protect her



































































































































































































been composed at various times from the early CE (e.g., Dev Pur#a) until the seventeenth century (e.g., Skanda Pur#a). The following Pur!as recommend the sacrifice of animals: Skanda (5.1.14.4; 7.1.83.50-51); Devbhgavata (3.26.32); Dev (22.13-14); Garua (1.133.16-17); Agni (185.11); Nrada (1.118.20-21); Bhaviya (4.138.96-98), and Klik (60.10; 60.34-35). However, DevbhgavataP mentions that the bali (tribute, offering) to the goddess does not involve the sacrifice of animals if it is done for pj rituals (3.26.33-34); this pur!a also restricts animal sacrifices only to meat eaters: “Killing of animals should be done by those who practice meat eating; animal sacrifices of buffaloes, goats and boars are best” (3.26.32). Cf. BrahmavaivartaP. 2.64.10-12; Kane V.1, 168, 434. 329 However, the role of iva is different in pur#ic sources. While the Dev Mhtmya presents him as a messenger by foregrounding the power of the goddess, the Dev Bhgavata Pur#a projects him, along with the goddess, as the ultimate maker of the destiny of the gods and demons. 330 The Devbhgavata mentions the beauty and splendor of the goddess after she was created by a group of gods. It also recounts how the demons got attracted to her and how she lured them to battle and killed them. 331 The Dev Bhgavata Pur#a mentions that the observance of the festival leads to military success, as happened in previous ages: in Indra’s killing of V#tra, iva’s killing of the demons of the three cities, Vi!u’s killing of Madhu and Kai$ava, and Rma’s in his victory over Rva!a (3.30.25-26). 332 Coburn notes that the goddess Kl first appears in the K haka G%hya Stra 19.7 in the list of deities to be propitiated with a perfume offering (110), but in the Mu#aka Upaniad 1.2.4, she is presented as one of the seven quivering tongues of Agni, symbolic of an agent of the world’s incineration (111).




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followers. In another episode of the Dev Mhtmya, Kl emerges to swallow the blood of the demon Raktabja. The goddess Durg, or her fierce projection, is associated with blood, alcohol, death, and destruction. She is propitiated in the pur#ic texts with offerings, including her devotee’s own flesh and blood (13.8).333 These goddesses are armed with various weapons which they use in the killing of the demons and the enemies of their devotees, and which the worshipers offer to the goddess to kill their own mundane enemies in battle. The navartri illustrates this power struggle, pitting one side against the other, but depicting the mythic battle from the perspective of the victor. The domesticated animals, which can neither argue nor retaliate, were made scapegoat by being regarded as representing the mythic or symbolic demons (such as lust, anger, greed, attachment) within human beings.334 The actual blood sacrifices, some of them very cruelly performed,335 displayed the crude physical power the participants are capable of engaging in; such acts underscored the importance of physical force for gaining and regulating power. The symbolic show of victory is also illustrated through another ritual in which the effigy of the demon is either shot with arrows or burnt down. The burning of the effigies of the demon Rva!a still occurs in public in India,336 while in Nepal it is enacted in the midnight palace ritual in which the effigy embodies both the mythic demons (such as Mahisura and Rva!a) and the actual ones (especially the arch-enemies of the king or other political opponents).337 However, the violent enactment of the mythic battle was played out not just as the celebration of the past deeds of gods and demons. The ritual was also a celebration of the king and his dynasty’s own past victory in real history, its continuation in the present and wish fulfillment for the victory in future. For these reasons, the actual weapons used in the conquest were worshiped as the weapons of the goddess, and the effigy of the most hated enemy was burnt or shot down in the midnight ritual of the ninth day. These violent ritual enactments were indicative of what would be done to the enemies if they attempted to defy the state.338 The massive animal sacrifices by the military amidst the enthusiastic celebration of victory, the military bands playing war tunes during the sacrifices, the slow killing of the animals, with their blood rising toward the top of the Taleju temple in Hanumnhok and forming a pool on the






























































333 Coburn also notes that the seventh-century Chinese Buddhist pilgrim Hsuan Tsang describes how a group of thugs attempted to sacrifice him to their deity, Durg (121). 334 For the theories of scapegoating, see Brian K. Smith and Wendy Doniger, “Sacrifice and Substitution: Ritual Mystification and Mythical Demystification,” Numen 36:2 (December 1989), 189-224. However, the concepts of sacrificial animals as the demonic attributes within human beings and as the actual enemies in the yet-to-be-fought battles do not seem to be underscored in any scholarly writings. 335 For example, in the main palace of the P$an Durbar Square and in Bhaktapur on the day of the full moon, an animal is tied by its legs. The veins of the animal are cut, and the blood is continuously offered to eleven incarnations of Kl, who are traditionally decorated with masks and dresses and who suck the blood of the sacrificed animal. See Kantipur, Saturday, October 23, 2010. 336 Ramdev P. Kathuria, Life in the Courts of Rajasthan During the 18th Century (New Delhi: S. Chand & Company Ltd., 1987), 149-153. In Banras and Ramnagar, the navartri ends on the tenth day, when large effigies of Rva!a are shot with flaming arrows and burned. Hillary Rodrigues, Ritual Worship of the Great Goddess, 346. In other parts of north India, the mythical demons (Rva!a, Kumbhakar!a, and others) are burned in effigy, and the crowning of Rma is celebrated on the tenth day. See Rajeshwari Ghose, “The Feminine in Tamil Tradition,” Goddess Durga: The Power and Glory, ed. Pratapaditya Pal (Mumbai: Marg Publications, 2009), 139. 337 Atharvavedapari a 33.1.8 and B%hatsa"hit 43.21 also mention the ritual of piercing the clay enemy with a sword. The rituals performed before going to war are already described in Kauikastra (14.1-16.26) and valyana G%hyastra (3.12.1-20). Einoo, 55, 61. 338 Sacrificing the effigies of the enemies has pur#ic precedents. The ritual is recommended in the following Pur#ic texts: Dev (22.16); Garua (1.134.3); Agni (185.13-14); Klik (60.50).




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ground–all such events showed what type of power the state embodied and what it was capable of doing to its actual enemies.339 Equally striking was the drawing of the liver of the sacrificial goat (symbolic of the archenemy) and its offering into the homa fire,340 along with the recitation of the appropriate verses from the Dev Mhtmya.341 It showed that the sacrificer was not content simply with the killing of the enemy. He also gave vent to his fierce anger and satisfaction by taking out one of the most vital organs of the projected enemy, offering it into the fire as a sign of his wish to totally eliminate the existence of the enemy, and eating part of the cooked liver or placing the ashes on his forehead to gain the enemy’s power for himself. The priest of the Gorkh temple speculated that it might have been a secret practice that the liver of the arch-enemy, once dead in the battlefield, was sometimes extracted and offered into the fire, so that the enemy of that type would not arise in future. Also, there was an actual practice of offering the liver of the sacrificial animal (symbolic of the projected enemy) before going to war. The sacrificial animal represented the projected enemy to be faced in battle.342 The priest mentioned that this was the tntric method of gaining power and maintaining peace and prosperity of the nation by defeating the enemy forces.343 Despite the importance of worshiping the mother goddess and her multiple powers for one’s wellbeing, the navartri festival underscored and promoted violence, befitting the martial tradition of the Gorkhs and their institution of kingship. It is with the Kl form of the goddess Durg that the h dynasty is associated from its earliest history, and it is to this goddess that the festival is dedicated. The Nepalese chronicles stress that the ancestors of the dynasty migrated from Rjasthn in India to the Himalayan foothills, along with this form of the goddess and with the military standard that belonged to her. The dynasty continued and continued worshiping her as their clan deity wherever they migrated, settled, and ruled in Nepal: in Sy&gj as lamadev;344 Klik of Bhrko$ Bamaul;345 Klik of Kskko$ in Ksk; Klik of Lamju&gko$; and Gorakhkl (Kl of Gorkh).346 These goddess




























































339

The tntric mode of slow and painful killing of animals by cutting their veins and spurting the blood of the animals on the images of the deities is also practiced outside the Kathmandu valley, especially in those areas formerly ruled by the Newrs. For example, in the Bhmevar Temple in Dolakh district, four buffaloes are sacrificed in this way at midnight of the ninth day, in addition to thousands of animals by regular beheading, and brought to public viewing on the eleventh day–the day of the swords procession (khagajtr)-- marking the beginning of war for the expansion of the kingdom. Kantipur, October 3, 2011. 340 The Klik Pur#a mentions that sesame, ghee, and meat should be offered to the fire (66.51), while Devbhgavata Pur#a (5.34.14-15) gives a list of offerings, including goat’s meat (others on the list are sugar, ghee, milk, gruel with honey, flower, sesame sprinkled with sugar). 341 It appears that offering the liver to the goddess in her shrine was a common practice in the past, and the practice still exists especially among the warrior castes. For example, in the navartri sacrifice as practiced by the Bagale Thapas of Sa&khuvsabh district, the liver of the main black goat is immediately drawn out after the goat’s beheading and placed in the goddess’s shrine, in which she is represented in the form of the sword (s). The head of the sacrificed animal is placed alongside for a few days until the dismissal of the goddess on the tenth day. The main sword of the goddess is safely kept for the rest of the year and is said to embody the power of the goddess. For example, if a woman in the village suffers during childbirth, or her umbilical cord and after-birth do not fall off afterwards, water from this sword is given to her with the belief that it will help for an easier delivery. 342 Rjrm Subed lists some important types of homa: with clarified butter and caru (chiefly, milk, butter, and barley) in the installation of Agni; with mustard seeds for the naming ceremony; with vegetation in the coronation ritual; with gold while entering the house (g%hrambha); and with liver before going to battle (Subedi 19). 343 Subedi, 15, 18, 19, 26. 344 As mentioned earlier, she is worshiped as the family deity at ca#ipr#im (full moon day festival) in April. 345 Her name, Klik of Bamaul, suggests both the goddess and the large sacrificial pole installed in her name. 346 Here, the term ko refers to the military station or the fort used for the purpose of defending the kingdom and repelling enemy forces.




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temples (formerly open sanctuaries) appear to have been established for military purposes.347 With their conquest of the Kathmandu valley, the h kings further consolidated the ritual worship centered on other Kl temples of the valley, such as Bhadrakl, Daki!akl, Kliksthn, and Guhyakl. Because of her militant nature, she has been depicted as granting the h rulers with the blessing of the actual sword and guiding them to victory.348 Her association with the military is part of the tradition, which is why certain religious texts eulogize the goddess in the form of a sword (e.g., Devpur#a 98) and why certain kings (e.g., the seventeenth-century Marathi military leader ivji; regnal, 1674-1680) received the sword directly from the goddess.349 The identity of the goddess with the sword and its relation with successful kingship were most visible in the actual twelve-yearly empowerment rituals in Kathmandu, as well as when the goddess Kumr granted an audience to the king by touching his shoulder with her sword during the Indraytr festival. Also, important religious processions at different times of the year were led by the king or his representative by carrying the sword of the goddess.350 The goddess is installed in the form of a sword by the side of the clay bed in the navartri. At the conclusion of the festival, sword processions are held in different places in the kingdom. Clearly, the might of the weapons and swords is at the center, and these swords are ceremoniously propitiated and empowered through regular worship, blood sacrifice, and the homa ritual.351 In Gorkh, the actual sword used by Dravya h to kill and unseat the reigning (Khag) Magar king of Gorkh in 1559 was worshiped on the seventh day, along with other weapons (altogether thirteen) used for the conquest of Nepal.352 Even the goddess Sarasvat, carved in stone, carries a sword in the upper-left hand in Gorkh Hanumnbhanjy&g. This reflects the tntric warrior cult of rvidy, whose worship is believed to lead the king to the conquest and destruction of his enemies’ power. In Nepal, there was a tradition of sending the ritually empowered sword, rice grains with blood mixed in, and a red handkerchief tied onto the sword in order to increase the heroism of the warriors in the battle fronts. There was also a tradition of going to war after taking the tilaka (mark) on one’s forehead, along with other prasda items such as rice grains and flowers offered to the goddess during the Ca#ipj (worship to Ca!i, a form of the Goddess) or the navartri.353 The




























































347

One may compare the Nepalese situation to the following practice of the Rjputs in Rjasthn: “The Rajpoot chiefs, on the evening of Dussera, worship the Fort-protectress...they join together in bands, brandishing their spears, galloping their horses, and enacting in other ways the part of an army taking the field.” Alexander Kinloch Forbes, Rs-Ml: Hindu Annals of Western India (New Delhi: Heritage Publishers, 1973), 614. 348 One early example is the Magar girl granting P#thv Nrya! the sword and blessing him for his conquest. 349 ivaji’s words as quoted in David Kinsley, Hindu Goddesses: “I received that famous sword very early in my career as a token of a compact with the Chief of Gowalker Sawant.... the sword, which I reverently named after my tutelary deity Bhavn, always accompanied me, its resting place when not in use generally being the altar of the goddess, to be received back from her as a visible favor from heaven, always on the Dasara day when starting out on my campaigns.” David Kinsley, Hindu Goddesses: Vision of the Divine Feminine in the Hindu Religious Tradition, 109-110. P. K. Gode, “Hari Kavi’s Contribution to the Problem of Bhavni Sword of Shivaji the Great,” New Indian Antiquary 3 (1940-41), 82-83. See Kinsley, 110-111, for other examples of the goddess granting the sword to kings in their battle against their enemies, both Hindu as well as Muslims. 350 Even the early text of Dravya h mentions that the king should hold the sword and lead the procession after the coronation is over. 351 The worship of weaponry is one of the central occasions of the navartri, and this tradition goes back to ancient times. Some of the pur!as recommending the worshiping of weaponry, besides the main sword of the goddess, are the following: Agni (185.9-10; 268.14; 269.3-37); Klik (60.53-54); Nrada (1.118.18-20); Vi#udharmottara (2.158.4, 2.160.3-32); and Bhaviya (4.138.30-31, 33-34, 42-83, 89). 352 Subedi, 10. 353 Subedi, 22, 14, 19. Also, Kulachandra Koirl, Nepl, 22-31.




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popularity of the festival also had to do with the necessity of going to war whenever required. It was fitting that everyone was prepared with worship and ritual sacrifice, which was suggested in the ritual of the sword procession (khagaytra) at the end, marking the victory parade and the preparation of the battle in future.354 The most important aspect was the involvement of the Gorkh army in the sacrificial rituals. While in Gorkh, the former Gorkh army’s battalions were represented by the military standards (ninas) and embodied by the descendants of various clans that originally formed the military units of the Gorkh kings. In Hanumnhok, the major sacrifices were begun by the military in the Kampukot (alternatively, Kampuko$) (Hanumnhok), the main station for the army rituals, followed by 108 sacrifices in the main courtyard (mlcok), performed by the army itself. The ninas placed in Kampukot were regularly worshiped as the form of the goddess. It was to these ninas that the first sacrifices of the day on the eighth and ninth days were offered. Kampukot was the site of the notorious kot massacre of 1846, when Ja&ga Bahadur Kunwar, later self-elevated as R!, killed dozens of his major political opponents, including the prime minister of the time, and rose to power, heralding the rule of the R! dynasty (with himself as the Prime Minister) that lasted until 1951.355 Sacrificing animals to the ninas was carried out across the country where there were military and police stations. The major emblems of the ninas, such as the sun, moon, and sword, were also variously used by the king, his army, and the police to indicate the rank and file of the person involved and to designate his/her status (and power).356 It is to the nina that the army regularly sang its song, honoring the valor of the Gorkhs and extolling the niana’s red color. The divine power was thus channeled through the kings and maintained by the army and police. This was suggestive of the role played by these institutions for the maintenance of the royal power in the country. 7. The Tradition of Worshiping the Goddess Durg in Nepal In some ways, the medieval Nepalese history is a history of conquest and displacement, and the navartri festival demonstrates this cultural contact and transformation. The navartri provided an appropriate occasion for the Gorkh rulers to begin their conquest. It allowed them to display their might and success in battle. According to the Nepalese chronicles, on the day of vijay daam (victory tenth) when the local Guru&g tribal leaders were busy selecting their king through the annual racing match, Dravya h and his supporters conquered the fortress of Liglig in the northwest of Gorkh. Some chronicles and the Nepalese text books printed during the absolute Pañcyat rule (1960-1990) even recount that Dravya h actually participated and won the race.357 According to some other versions, the battle lasted for fifteen days, ending in slaying the local king and taking over his throne.358 The tradition of observing the dasain festival for fifteen days may also have reflected the fifteen-day battle of Gorkh.






























































354 The sword parade through cities and towns has pur#ic precedence (e.g., Skanda Pur#a 7.1.83.45-46). It is carried out in the Kathmandu valley and outside (e.g., Dolakh and Sa&khuvsav). Kulachandra Koirl, Nepl, 28. 355 The Kunwars were an old Gorkhl family, and Ja&g Bahdur’s great-grandfather had been a successful commander under P#thv Nrya!. John Whelpton, A History of Nepal (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 45. 356 Durgnth Aryl, 100. 357 However, this appears part of the propaganda mission that the party-less government of the Pañcyat period was involved in. 358 Nagendra Singh, 14.




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The documented evidence from Nepal shows that many times the Nepalese kings performed special durg-pjs and animal sacrifices before going to war.359 The army fortresses were previously called durgas (the word cognate with the name of the goddess Durg) suggesting that they were also the places of worship of the goddess Durg.360 A sword-wielding girl (an embodiment of the goddess) and a saffron-clad sage are said to have led the military expedition of Rm h to victory. Satya Mohan Jo notes that r Durg and Bhavn are “other names of the chosen goddess (i adev) Kl of the h dynasty of Gorkh.”361 The dynasty minted coins with the names of this goddess from the time of Rudra h (regnal, ca. 1658-1669). It was during P#thv Nrya! h’s reign (ca. 1743-1775) that the circular coins contained the name “Klik” and the image of her sword. Similarly, the red vermilion powder was used for the worship of Kl, and the minted coins (ll mohr, ll mohor in Nepali) also embodied this color. Because of the high status of the goddess with the Gorkh kingship, she has been honored to this day on Nepalese coins, which mention r r r Bhavn, a tradition begun by P#thv Nrya!.362 The tradition of goddess worship has been very vibrant in Nepali religious life. People in the medieval Kathmandu valley worshiped different types of the goddess, among them were the tntric ones often propitiated with blood and alcohol; the somber Lalittripursundar; the goddess Kl in her different forms (e.g., Bhadrakl, vetakl); jim (the smallpox goddess); and the goddess incarnated in the virgins. The kings who ruled the valley and the surrounding areas popularized myths and rituals related to these goddesses and their power for maintaining the kingship. However, the navartri festival did not gain national status before the h dynasty ruled the present-day Nepal, as other traditional festivals, such as Indraytr and Biske ytra, were most popular during the Malla period. The Nepalese chronicle mentions that the h kings used to perform this festival in their Kl temple in Lamju&g and other places before Dravya h’s entry to Gorkh.363 One such legendary account states that their tutelary deity Kl was brought from Rjasthn, India, in the medieval period364 as their ancestors left India in the wake of Muslim invasion. During the reign of Rm h, the rituals of the palace were further systematized. The notion of divine kingship was well-established by this time, as the chronicle mentions that the king Rm h and his queen consort were regarded as incarnations of the god Vi!u and the goddess Klik (not Lakm, unless one regards these goddesses as permeable to each other).365 Each household of the Gorkh principality had to pay the tax called dhunv-birt (in Nepali) for the performance of the ritual and for the reconstruction of the palace premises that housed the goddess and other deities. A rule was then made that only the reigning king, queen and the crown prince, in addition to a few attendants working inside the sanctum sanctorum of the Gorakhkl temple, could see the image




























































359

Purusottamalocana Shrestha, Bhaktapurako Navadurgga#a (Kathmandu: Babita Shrestha, 2003). Siph, December 16 (2009), 3; Siph, January 1 (2010), 3. Satya Mohan Jo, Rjamuku a ra Rjybhieka (Kathmandu: His Majesty’s Government, Department of Information, 1975), 87 362 Ibid, 87. 363 arm Bha$$ar, 156. 364 Ramdev Kathuria documents how this festival was the most important one for the Rjput warrior class in the eighteenth century CE Rjasthn, India. It records rituals such as the installation and worship of the sword and weapons, sacrifices of goats and buffaloes to the goddess, worship of the horses and elephants, shooting arrows that are empowered with Vedic mantras, the public’s reception of the betel leaf granted to them by the rulers/courtiers, and firing the guns and cannons. Ramdev P. Kathuria, Life in the Courts of Rajasthan During the 18th Century (New Delhi: S. Chand, 1987), 149-153. 365 The later chronicles mention that Rm h’s spouse Ratnavat embodied the goddess Gupta-Klik (Subedi, 4). 360 361




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(or icon) of the goddess, although it is never clear what this image actually looked like. Some people assume that it was just the yantra form of iva and akti, and others speculate that it was the black iva li&ga conjoined with the aktip ha (seat of power).366 The navartri ritual also involved animal sacrifices, but they were not substantial until the reign of Narabhpl h (regnal, 1716-1743). One of the early inscriptions mentions that at least eight buffalos, including the biggest buffalo as a representative of the mythical demon Mahia, were sacrificed to the goddess Kl.367 P#thv Nry! h’s time was the turning point in the history of this festival. It was the time of expansion of the Gorkh kingdom from a rather impoverished hill principality to an empire (in the traditional sense), which his descendants expanded up to i$ (Sikkim) in the east and Knga (Himcal province) in the west, both lying in modern India. As the goddess of royal power and conquest, the goddess Kl was very important for P#thv Nry! h. In his time, r Gorakhkl was regarded as the tutelary deity of the h dynasty, and her temple was constructed for extensive worship (Bhagavatpj).368 As a devotee of both iva and akti, P#thv Nry! h systematized the worship of Gorakhnth and of Kl. The copper plate inscription in the Manakman temple shows that P#thv Nrya!, after his conquest of Makavnpur, set aside the land in a gu h for the upkeep of the temple rituals throughout the year.369 The temple by this time was regarded as siddhap ha (power place). It appears that the king had his priests perform the puracara#a (preparatory rites) of mantras for his conquest. Later, he also established a religious institution for the occasional pjs of the goddess Manakman and had his own statue (placed there) set in the gesture of folded hands (namaskra). Although the tradition of inscribing the name of the goddess Durg on the rectangular coins began with P#thvpati h (regnal, 1669-1716), it was from the time of P#thv Nyya! h that the goddess was projected in her martial form, appropriate to the contemporary era of conquest and expansion: the sword and the vermilion (sindra) color appropriate to the worship of the goddess Kl, instead of the black color used earlier, were added to the circular coins.370 P#thv Nyya! h is projected as a visionary. He is said to have been guided by the goddess; he is even said to have offered human sacrifices to her. However, the deity is reported to have reprimanded him (while he was still a prince) in a dream, and ever since the victims (offered) have been buffaloes, sheep and goats.371 Despite the grand rituals during his reign, the goddess Kl was worshiped only twice a year, on the caitra-a am day (spring commemoration of the victory of Rma against Rva!a) and during the autumn navartri. However, from 1799 when the Gorkh kingdom expanded, a tradition was established to formally worship the goddess on each eighth day of the lunar fortnight, along with the sacrifice of a sheep and an ash gourd accompanied by virgin worship.372 For P#thv Nry!, the worship of Kl was inseparably connected to his conquest. The h chronicles mention various legends about how this king




























































366

The former official and priest of the temple recounted a story of the establishment of the Gorakhkl temple after the king’s hunting expedition, in which he is said to have received the conjoined form of the iva-akti image from a wandering mendicant. 367 arm Bha$$ar, 26. 368 Ibid, 12. 369 See the inscription in Jagada Candra Regm, Durg Bhavn Vie&ka: Nepal Antiquary Research Journal (Kathmandu: Office of Nepal Antiquary, 2006), 25. 370 It is said that the word lalamohora (literally, the red coin, but it means the royal seal as an authority or decree from the king). Regm, 62. 371 F. B. Hamilton, An Account of the Kingdom of Nepal (New Delhi: Asian Education Service, 1819), 211. 372 arm Bha$$ar, 22, 190. The Devbhgavata Pur#a (3.26.38-62; 3.27.1-7) gives details about the virgin worship. Cf. Kane, vol.1, 170-71.




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received the sword from the goddess and how he was already chosen to be the future king when the Kumr of Bhaktapur granted him, not the ruling king of Bhaktapur, the blessing, while he was still the prince of the Gorkh kingdom. The Durg pj in Belko$, a Nepalese fortress in Nuvko$ district conquered by P#thv Nyya! in 1745, provides a glimpse of how the central authority ritually controlled the place traditionally associated with indigenous people such as the Tam&gs and Magars. Of the local people, the Magars maintained their alliance from early on with the high-caste people of the hilly regions and the rulers of Gorkh. After the conquest, P#thv Nrya! granted lands to several families as a payment to perform the navartri rituals,373 which was both an encouragement on the part of the central authority and a push to expand its reach for cultural homogeneity and unification. On the seventh day of the navartri, the nine plants and other flowers worshiped on this occasion were brought from Gorkh, the ancestral kingdom of the dynasty.374 The ritual of the tenth day shows how the ritual authority of the king was most prominent. On this day, the priest of the local temple used to distribute the k and flowers– all regarded as the blessed items of the goddess Durg– in the following order, underscoring the importance of the ruling monarch: the first k offering went to the reigning king, the second to the god Vi!u, the third to the lineage deity of the Magar priest himself, the next to the political head of the village, and the final one to the local people.375 The local Magars were asked to celebrate the entire festival in the fort and send their tribute (in the form of taxes) to Gorkh. The representatives of all households had to be present at the fort on the tenth day, and receive the blessed items of the goddess. During the rule of the R!s, it was mandatory that the Guru&g (not the Magars) leaders (mukhiys) had to go to the capital city of Kathmandu with the regular festival tribute and bow in front of their immediate superiors (R!s and hs). It appears that the central authority had much more confidence in the Magar community than in the Tam&gs. This might explain why Tam&gs were some of the first to boycott the festival after the restoration of democracy in 1990 (certainly due to their “enslavable status” under the Muluki Ain), on the grounds that it showed their continued subservience to the central authority, despite their support of the h kings in their conquest and afterwards.376 In the Bhairav temple ritual in Nuwko$, on the rim of the Kathmandu valley that was conquered by P#thv Nyya! in 17441745, a shaman used to impersonate the king of Nepal by wearing royal insignia. The Newr shamanic priest went to Nuwko$ on behalf of the king and take part in the ritual, which consisted of drinking blood directly from sacrificed animals.377 Nuwko$ was for some time the capital city before the Gorkh dynasty finally moved to Kathmandu after its conquest in 1767, but the navartri rituals were (and are still being) carried out in the Nuwko$ palace by following the rules as laid down by the royal center in Kathmandu. It appears that Nuwko$ was ruled from Kathmandu during much of the Malla period, and the shamanistic rituals in the Bhagavat temple there were given continuity by the h dynasty.






























































373 Joanna Pfaff-Czarnecka, “A Battle of Meanings: Commemorating the Goddess Durg’s Victory over the Demon Mahia as a Political Act,” Kailash 18, no. 3-4 (1996), 65. 374 However, it appears that the plants and flowers were brought from Nuwko$ (the preliminary capital before moving it to Kathmandu) in later times, the tradition which has been kept alive even in the present time. 375 Pfaff-Czarnecka, 75. 376 The klprasda battalion was entirely formed of the Guru&g. The Guru&gs also joined the Gorkh battalions for Indian and British governments and paid back the tribute to the Gorkh government back home. 377 Elizabeth Chalier-Visuvalingam,“Bhairava and the Goddess,” in Wild Goddess in India and Nepal, eds. Axel Michaels, Cornelia Vogelsanger and Annette Wilke (New York: Peter Lang, 1996), 270.




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8. The Malla-time Navartri in and outside the Kathmandu Valley The navartri festival seems to have been popular in the Kathmandu valley centuries before its conquest by P#thv Nrya! h, and the h dynasty simply gave continuity to the rich Newr Malla traditions.378 The groups of seven and eight mother goddesses (mt%ks) were popular in the valley at least from the second or third century CE.379 An inscription of 489 CE, during the reign of Mnadeva I, mentions the installation of Bhagavat and her worship;380 another inscription of 503 (the same king) refers to the establishment of Bhagavat Vijayevar.381 It is believed that the Licchav king A%uvarman (605-621) had a tutelary goddess named rdev. The Kl statue near the Paupati temple in Kathmandu located in Vanakl (literally, the goddess Kl of the forest) is considered to be the oldest Kl image from the Licchav period (ca. 300 CE-879 CE). The Goplarjava"val mentions the establishment of Vidyp$ha (i.e., in this context, a power place of the goddess) during the reign of king Somevara, who ruled in the latter part of the twelfth century. It appears that the tntric tradition had already made headway in the culture of the valley by this time. An inscription of 1410 CE describes the power-seat (aktipi ha) of goddess r Tripuravidy and suggests the tradition of worshiping the goddess Tripursundar, whose temples were later constructed in the palace precincts of the three major cities of the valley.382 In a n yastra (dramatic art) text copied in 1224 CE, the king Abhaya Malla is addressed as a devotee of r Mnevar located at Hrigun, Kathmandu.383 This reference linking the king with the goddess Mnevar suggests the possible existence of a royal cult of worshiping the goddess, which was continued through Jayasthiti Malla (regnal, 1382-1395), associated with the goddess Mnevar and the god Paupatinth.384 Some chronicles even erroneously mention the goddess Mnevar as the tutelary deity of king Mnadeva I (regnal, 464-505). Dozens of manuscripts of the Dev Mhtmya from the early twelfth century onward testify to the popularity of this text central to the goddess worship tradition in the Kathmandu valley. Harasi%ha Deva (14th CE Mithil king) of the Kar!$aka dynasty, a dynasty that originated in Ayodhy (India) but whose ancestor Nnyadeva (ca. 11th/12 CE Mithil king) allegedly migrated from Deccan (e.g., Tulajpur in ndhra Pradesh, India), is said to have introduced the Tulaj cult in Nepal.385 He used to rule Simraongarh, the lowland plain in Terai. After his defeat at the hands of Ghiyasudin Tughlaq h (regnal, 1320-25), he fled to the






























































378 After the conquest of Kathmandu, P#thv Nryan brought the royal throne, along with the royal insignia (an umbrella, a yak tail, and a standard) from Gorkh to the Hanumnhok palace in Kathmandu, and the main nina was installed by the side of the throne. A new national flag of the Gorkh kingdom was also devised by changing the national flag popular among the Newr kings. In the new flag, the image of the moon was placed above the sun, suggesting the supremacy of the lunar dynasty to which the hs are said to have mythically belonged, as opposed to the solar dynasty of the Newr Malla kings. Durgnth Aryl, “h Nepl Sen ra Nina Bhagavat,” Siph: Commemorative Volume on the Auspicious Brthday 37 (2004). 379 Lain Singh Bandel, Early Scultpures of Nepal (New Delhi: Vikas, ca. 1982), 4-5. 380 Dhanavajra Vajracrya, Licchavklak Abhilekh (Kathmandu: Tribhuvan University, 1973), 600. 381 Ibid, 67. 382 D. R. Regm, Medieval Nepal, Part III. 41. 383 Gautamvajra Vajracrya, Hanumnhok Rjdarabra (Kathmandu: Nepla ra Aiyl Adhyayana Sa%skthna, Tribhuvana-Vivavidylaya, 1976), 162. 384 Mary Shepherd Slusser, Nepal Ma#ala: A Cultural History of the Kathmandu Valley, vol. 1 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982), 316-320. 385 The goddess Taleju was also the tutelary deity of the Mratha kings of medieval India. Michael Allen, The Cult of Kumr: Virgin Worship in Nepal (Kathmandu: Institute of Nepal and Asian Studies, University Press, Tribhuvan University, 1975), 65.




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mountainous regions. Although he died on his way to Kathmandu,386 the image (or yantra) of the goddess Taleju was brought to the kingdom of Bhaktapur in the valley and was subsequently honored as a state deity by Jayasthiti Malla (regnal, 1372-95), replacing the goddess Manevar,387 the tutelary deity of the earlier kings. It is also mentioned that Jayasthiti Malla came from the south and entered Bhaktapur on the ninth day of the bright half of the month of vina in NS 474 (1354 CE), i.e., on Mahnavam, symbolizing his victory and divine rule.388 The temples of the goddess consequently spread in every kingdom in the valley and outside in later years, but with the conquest of the h dynasty, the goddess Taleju and her incarnation Kumr were venerated as most prominent of the goddesses. It appears that the Hindu Malla kings of Kathmandu utilized the Taleju cult to rule their Buddhist subjects. The legendary accounts mention that the Malla king used to have a daily daran (divine sight) of Taleju in person as their tutelary deity, spend time by playing dice with her, and rule the kingdom with her advice. However, as the narrative goes, the goddess decided not to appear before the king anymore and instead suggested that she be worshiped in the form of a virgin from a kya Buddhist clan.389 After this event, the goddess was worshiped accordingly, and an annual chariot procession of the virgin (Kumr) was held in her honor in order to receive regular blessings for the successful rule in the kingdom. This tradition was continued by the h kings, along with the general worship of Durg/Kl.390 The goddess Kumr was connected to other mother goddesses installed within the boundaries of the cities of the Kathmandu valley. In these cities, nine girls (ga#akumr) from the kya Buddhist clan were selected and invested with divine powers as mother goddesses; they were then worshiped by the priests in the sacred precincts of the Taleju temple. In some cases, such as that of the Kumr of Panauti, the virgin goddess ate only the leftovers (prasda) of the dishes offered daily to goddess Taleju.391 The rituals also maintained connections between the center and the periphery that was guarded by various mother goddesses, and this connection is still mediated by the virgin goddesses as well as by people’s pilgrimages to the shrines of the goddesses. Upon the conquest of the Kathmandu valley, the Kl worship was further expanded across the kingdom and included the already popular Kl cult centered on Ghyakl of the valley and on Daki!akl of Pharpi&g, which is located about eleven miles south of Kathmandu. The goddess Kl was propitiated regularly in power places (aktip has), including royal palaces, military quarters, and police stations across Nepal.392 On the tenth day, people of all walks of life (including even foreign dignitaries) used to stand in line to receive the k and barley seedlings from the hands of the reigning king and queen. On this day, the king used to exchange the ritually empowered sword with the goddess




























































386

Astrid Zotter, “Conquering Navartra: Documents on the Reorganisation of a State Festival,” in Studies in Historical Documents from Nepal and India, eds. By Simon Cubelic, Axel Michaels, and Astrid Zotter (Heidelberg: Heidelberg University Publishing, Documenta Nepalica- Book Series, Vol. 1), 2018. 387 However, it is often stated that the main symbol of the goddess Taleju in Kathmandu and Bhaktapur is the jar itself, and the goddess is worshiped in the form of the jar and the yantra. 388 Astrid Zotter, “Conquering Navartra,” 497. 389 The story is again associated with the Malla king who reportedly got sexually attracted to the goddess, because of which the goddess vanished. However, the goddess is said to have given the instruction that she would thenceforth incarnate in the virgin girl from a kya clan and give him the daran through this intermediary. The king is then said to have started the chariot procession of kumr (kumrytr) during the Indraytr time in order to propitiate Taleju. See Anderson, 132. 390 Manavajra Vajrcrya, Hmr Cda-parvaharuko Vivecan (Kathmandu: Ratna Pustak Bhanr, 1968), 67-77. 391 Ibid, 330. 392 Haribhakta Sigdel, Daki#aklko Serophero (Kathmandu: New Nepal Press, 2011), 17.




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Bhadrakl to empower and ritually legitimize his rule. The participation of the living virgin goddess (Kumr) on such occasions (for example, in her act of directly offering k to the king and the public) was a testimony to how the divine power was transmitted for mundane rule and how the king tried to gain continued allegiance to his throne.393 The tenth day was of special significance and auspiciousness for the kings because on this day the mythological figure Rma is said to have gained victory against Rva!a and the goddess killed the demons to restore order. In another account, on this day, god Rma was crowned king and the ideal Rmarjya (Rma’s ideal rule) was introduced in mythical time.394 This mythical moment is marked in a large swath of north India by burning effigies of Rv!a, as the representative demon, while the mythical victory is celebrated across the Hindu world. 9. Cultural Conquest and Unification of the h Kings The h kings of Nepal allowed the continuity of the traditional rituals in the areas they conquered, and in keeping with their strategy of giving people their cultural rights and identities.395 After the conquest of the Kathmandu valley, both the h dynasty’s (original) tutelary deity Klik of Gorkh, in her ten-armed form of Durg Mahisuramardin, and the local Malla kings’ Ugraca! in her eighteen-armed form of Durg Mahisuramardin were worshiped side by side.396 However, the local rituals of the Mallas may have been discontinued for some time, as in the case of the Buddhist Sa%yakamahdna (ritual) discussed in the Appendix-I, they were resumed at least by the time of Ra!a Bahdur h (regnal, 1777-1806).397 Similarly, in the Arghkhnc district of modern Nepal, the tradition of celebrating the navartri was centered on the local goddess temple (of the Argh Bhagavat) before this principality was conquered by the h dynasty. After the conquest, the former kings and their descendants were granted the ritual authority to observe the festival, with some support from the central government. However, they were obliged to follow the prescriptions stipulated from the central government; they also had to pay obeisance to that authority in the forms of the navartri taxes and send the blessed items to the royal palace in Kathmandu.398 The central authority adopted different strategies depending on what type of community they were dealing with. In the case of the non-Hindu communities that were conquered militarily, it was more of an imposition from the top, primarily during the autocratic rule of the R!s, than any willing acceptance of the local ethnic people themselves. As stated earlier, the representatives of the Tam&g communities of central of Nepal had to come to the capital and pay their tributes to the central authority as part of their continued allegiance to the throne, while






























































393 However, this situation changed after the restoration of democracy in 1990, when the people belonging to various ethnicities gradually started challenging this festival as an instance of Hindu domination. 394 Rajeshwari Ghose, “The Feminine in Tamil Tradition,”in Goddess Durga: the Power and Glory, ed. Pratapaditya Pal (Mumbai: Marg Publications, 2009), 139. 395 P#thv Nrya!’s Divyopadea mentions that Nepal is a garden of four classes (var#a) and thirty-six castes (jti). His reign seems to have promoted the multi-religious identity of the country, but it was in the later years, especially during the R! period and afterwards, that multicultural identity of the nation was discouraged in favor of one culture, one religion, and one language. 396 Zotter, however, thinks that the sword worship and display was at the center of the Malla rituals while the hs inherited the general brhma!ic practices from India, such as the setting up of the water jars on the first day, invoking the goddess on the branch of the wood apple tree on the sixth day, worshiping nine plants on the seventh day, sacrifices on the eighth and ninth days, and dismissing the deities on the tenth day (502-503). As the installation of the sword alongside the water jar is common in the Gorkh palace and across Nepal, Zotter’s distinction might not be quite true and it demands further research. 397 Zotter, “Conquering Navartra,” 504. 398 Ramirez, 48-51.




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at the local level representatives of all the households had to appear in the temples of the goddess and participate in the ritual worship/sacrifices.399 In the case of the indigenous Kirt communities of eastern Nepal (e.g., Rs and Limbs), who practiced their own traditional rituals, the navartri was a direct and forceful imposition by the central authority. The festival was unknown to these communities before the conquest, for their religious texts do not mention anything about the Hindu goddess Durg or Kl and/or ritual slaughter in the name of the goddesses.400 From the time of P#thv Nyya! h, local administrative agents were created in various Kirt populated places in the East and they were persuaded to observe the Durg pj. They were appointed on behalf of the government to collect taxes and to look after the land of the new regime. These agents were variously designated as aml, r, majhay, jimidr, tlukdr, thar, mukhiy in the eastern (Kirt) part of modern Nepal and the kipa iy Limb local agents called subbs.401 Through the royal seal, the agents were also given the authority to collect cash and kind for themselves and for the king. During Ra!a Bahdur h’s reign, the Gorkhl army further expanded its territory, conquering on the western front of the Himalayan regions, such as Garhwal and Kumaon (now in India), and the navartri occasion there was celebrated with special fanfare. In difficult times, the king would even send the ritually consecrated sword of the goddess to his military commander posted on the war front, as seen in the following royal order of 1815 by king Grvnyuddha, and ask him to keep it at the waist, i.e., not used in the battle: 402 The astrologers have said that it will be good if the sword of my hand is sent to you on the auspicious occasion of the Vijaya-Dashami. Accordingly, I have kept my khorasan sword on my waist for a few days after ritually consecrating it, and am sending the sword to you through Subedr (an army officer) Chandrabhan Khatri. Keep this sword with you. Remain ritually pure so long as this sword lies on your waist. Keep it there at the time when there is fighting, and victory will be assured. In the east, the local agents (called subbs), chosen from among the Kirt people mainly for the purpose of collecting taxes for the Gorkh kingdom, once asked the reigning king for weapons in order to fight the armies from across the border in Sikkim, Tibet, and India. The fifty-two subbs who came to Kathmandu under the leadership of Ya&y& subb were instructed to observe the Durg pj and were given weapons, military standards, conches, and small drums (amarus). Then, the tradition of celebrating the festival began in the Kirt land, for which the local leaders used to install sacrificial poles,403 worship weapons and military standards, sacrifice animals, and propitiate the goddess. It was the responsibility of the local agents to show evidence of the animal sacrifice by posting the imprint of their blood-soaked hands on the front parts of their houses. The officials deputed from Kathmandu used to visit the areas in order to check whether




























































399

Pfaff-Czarnecka, 82-83. Ykthumb, 4. 401 The Kirti land is divided into three areas (names in Nepali are given within brackets)– the kirt of this side (vallokirt), the kirt of the middle (mjhkirt), and the kirt of other side (pallokirt). The kipa iy is the community that owns and uses the kipa land and is free from taxes. 402 Mahesh Chandra Regmi, Kings and Political Leaders of the Gorkhali Empire 1768-1814 (Hyderabad: Orient Longman Limited, 1995), 70; Astrid Zotter, “Conquering Navartra,” 499. 403 P#thv Nrya! h began the tradition of giving sacrificial poles as presents to the citizens who best worked for his conquest and expansion of the Gorkh kingdom. The sacrificial pole was often used to tie the animal victims during animal sacrifices, and the recognition of the service to the Gorkh nation was often done by granting such poles. 400




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the people actually observed the festival in a proper way, and people were penalized if there were no such imprints.404 Every subb was given the authority to collect certain taxes from the people and then to pay their own dues to the central authority to celebrate this festival. It was ordained that the goat sacrifice at the pole was sufficient if the Limbs could not afford buffalos, and this royal decree was in effect from 1786 to 1804. However, the rule of buffalo sacrifice was imposed on the Limbs in 1805 after Hemakar!a Thp was deputed to the areas as a subb (a government official; in this case, an agent). Such an imposition was an economic burden on the people, and they appealed to the king to repeal his earlier ruling. The central authority then made it optional that those who could not afford the buffalo sacrifice would be relieved of this burden, although the observance of the festival was mandatory. During the R! rule (1846-1951), when the R! Prime Ministers upheld all executive powers and ruled the country with an iron hand, this ritual occasion was the most important tool to systematically Hinduize the indigenous people. Stringent measures were adopted by the central authority, and those opposing the dictates were brutally punished. The R!s were mostly successful, except for one instance in Dhanku$. During the reign of Prime Minister Ja&ga Bahdur R! (1846-1877), the founder of the R! dynasty, the representatives of $hapahariy Rs of the Dhanku$ district objected to the Durg pj as an alien practice and tried to stop it in their localities. This was a very daring act on the part of the local people as no one, including royalty, could so easily defy the R!’s dictates. This situation was reported to the prime minister, by whose orders the R leaders such as Ridm and Rmalh& were mercilessly executed. Their followers were then cordoned off by the Gorkh military stationed in Dhanku$ and compelled to observe the festival. That incident made the R-s rebel against the state authority, as their native religion was under attack and they were gradually forced to practice something which was very alien to their tradition.405 The central authority finally had to yield to their demands, and the Kirt Rs of that place (eastern Nepal) did not observe the state festival from the next year onward.406 In other conquered areas, the festival was gradually introduced, and no resistance of this kind seems to have taken place. Among the rank and file of the army, every regimental officer was required to offer a buffalo as a present to the goddess and receive blessings through his seniors. The Durg puj
a was also the main ritual occasion among the Gorkh army in British India. The local people such as Limb, R, and Magar who returned home to celebrate this festival with families and friends introduced the proper ways of observing it, thus promoting the Sanskritization process already underway among the ethnic communities. Although the power of the king was severely limited during the R!a regime, he still enjoyed the ritual status as the head of the kingdom and offered k and jamar to the prime minister and others.407 People from across the kingdom had to pay taxes, and the officers of the government had to offer buffaloes, for the governmental sacrifices. This tradition was discontinued only under the premiership of Chandra amer R! (1901-1929),408 when the name of the Gorkh




























































404

The residue of this tradition is visible in rural areas and bloodied hands are still imprinted on the walls of the houses. 405 The tradition still persists in the far-western region Sinj of Kar!l zone, from where the Nepali language originated, and there still exist the temples of the goddess Kanaksundar in the place called Lmth and of Tripursundardev (Jlpdev). These temples of the goddesses receive royal worship. The bringing in of the flowers and navapatrik (phlpt) on the seventh day, the installation and offering of the silver coins in the akti pillar (maulo) belonging to the Nepalese kings, offering of salutes in honor of the Nepalese king, and receiving k are still in practice (Jo, 94) 406 Ykhr, 266. 407 Oldfield, 351. 408 Perceval Landon, Nepal. 2 vols (London: Constable, 1928), 160, 207.




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kingdom was changed to the Government of Nepal and that of the Gorkh Army into the Nepal Army.409 After the dissolution of party-less pañcyat regime in 1990 and restoration of the constitutional monarchy, the indigenous communities became relatively freer to express their opinions and started raising their suppressed voices, so far relegated to the margin, for the preservation of their cultural identities, which were at odds with the pañcyat-era state policy of promoting one religion, one culture, one language and one national identity. The Nepalese government started granting public holidays to various ethnic communities to observe their own ethnic festivals such as Gaur (for the Hindus of the far-western region), Cha$h (people of Terai region), Id (Muslims), Lhosr (Sherp, Tam&g, Guru&g), and Sakela udhauli or Csoka Ta&gnma (Limbs, Kirtas). There was a growing realization among the ethnic communities that the navartri festival was imposed on them from the top and did not actually form part of their indigenous culture before the conquest of Nepal. For example, scholars from the Kirt communities started raising their voices, asserting that there were no legendary accounts of the battle between the goddess Durg and Mahia or between Rma and Rva!a in their religious text Mundhum, which proved that the navartri festival came from outside of their tradition.410 They further argued that since the ethnic people, such as the Guru&g and Magar of the west and R and Limb of the east, were categorized as dras by the Nepalese h rulers, as evidenced in the coronation ceremonies, observing the festival was tantamount to accepting the serf and dra status within traditional Hindu society.411 In a period of ethnic awareness, many diverse voices were raised against the state ideology centered on Hindu kingship and its customs, and the governments formed after the restoration of democracy in 1990 had to respond to the new awakening and cultural resurgence in similar fashion. Ethnic groups’ call to boycott the navartri was intensified in the wake of the Maoist rebellion when the rebels galvanized the sentiments of the masses against the state, although the Maoists also utilized the festival time for cleaning and storing their weapons, disseminating their ideology by using the same idiom of sacrifice (balidn).412 The Nepalese Maoists often associated various forms of exploitation with the Hindu religion and opposed the Hindu identity of the nation. When divisive politics and Maoist-inspired violence were the order of the day, some ethnic communities started openly boycotting this festival, which was interpreted as an occasion for the Hindu rulers to impose their repressive ideology on non-Hindus. The mythology about the battle between the gods and the demons related to this festival was interpreted as symbolic of the victory of the Hindus over the indigenous people. The mythical demon Mahia was consequently regarded as the ancestral father of all Mongols, the Tibeto-Burmese people, and the state’s orchestration of the battle through animal sacrifices was understood as a celebration of the actual victory of the ryan kings over the indigenous people of the country.413 The blood of the sacrificed animals was taken as symbolic of the blood of their own ancestors who fought against the encroachment of the ryan kings into their lands. Similarly, the vermilion mark put on the forehead on the tenth day of the navartri was interpreted as the




























































409

Premsi%ha Basnyt, 1-6. Ykhr, 267. 411 Ibid, 269. 412 See Susan Hangen. She deals with the role of the Mongol National Organization (MNO), especially the Guru&g community, for boycotting the dasain in Maidel, Ilam district in eastern Nepal. Susan Hangen, “Boycotting Dasain: History, Memory and Ethnic Politics in Nepal,” in Studies in Nepali History and Society, ed. Pratyoush Onta et al. 10, no. 1(Kathmandu: Mandala Book Point, 2005), 105-133. 413 Hangen, 117. 410




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symbolic blood of their ancestors and therefore as a demonstration of the victory of the Hindu king. According to this new ethnic understanding, celebrating the festival by the indigenous nonHindus (or those who were previously not part of the Hindu traditions) was tantamount to the acceptance of their own defeat in the battle against the Gorkh expansion and their submission to the Hindu kings of Nepal.414 10. The Goddess Durg and Rituals in the Hindu Tradition Pal notes that the Durg images, found mostly around the Mathura region southeast of Delhi and in Rajasthan and rarely more than six inches high, did not become prevalent until the early centuries of the CE, although the references to Durg can be found from at least around the fifth century BCE.415 He speculates that these images were either used in domestic piety or carried as talismans into battle, and by the first century BCE, terracotta plaques were underscoring the goddess’s association with weapons, though as hair ornaments rather than armaments.416 In Pallava (ca. 3rd to 4th centuries CE in South India) art, the goddess is sometimes portrayed as a multi-armed woman standing triumphantly and holding a bow over a contorted lion, or, as in the well-known tableau in Mamallapuram (a town in the south Indian state of Tamil Nadu), engaged in a vigorous battle with the colossal buffalo-headed titan. Pal regards this as the most dynamic and dramatic battle scene in all of ancient Indian plastic art and assumes that the warring dynasties gave importance to Durg to enhance their power of kingship.417 In the same vein, Odile Divakaran states that the representations of the goddess of the early centuries CE did not show bloodshed, even while the images presented the goddess subjugating the demon. However, as he argues, in the early Gupta period (ca. 300 CE to ca. 647 CE), weapons came into active play and real violence began to be expressed.418 However, as Shivapriyananda speculates, the Durg pj cult did not become a splendid and spectacular tenday war festival in north India until after the Gupta period and the end of the Chola rule (Chola Empire, c. 850-1240) in southern India.419 There appears to be less violence in the projection of art from roughly the mid-fifth to the mid-seventh centuries. But toward the end of the seventh century, starting in Pallava country (founded in c.375 CE), a new heroic interpretation gained ground; the demon’s stature is exalted, and the demon assumes a human body. The lion, now magnificent and fearless, is turned into a prime participant in the titanic struggle. The eighthcentury temples of Pa$$aakal (in Kar!$aka, India) and Ellora (in Mahr$ra, India), as well as those of Orissa, adopt the form of the demon (asura) with a human body. And, probably coming from north India, there appears a new bloody version of the slaying: the animal is beheaded and the demon is shown as half-emerging from the severed neck.420 Divakaran’s reading suggests,




























































414

Ibid, 120-21. Coburn states that the Vedic reference to durga carried a general sense of “a place difficult of access” or “danger,” and it is only from TA (10.1) that we have a definite sense of this name being used as a goddess. Coburn, 115-121. 416 Pratapaditya Pal, Durga: Avenging Goddess Nurturing Mother (Pasadena, Calif.: Norton Simon Museum, 2005), 21. 417 Ibid. 418 Odile Divakaran, 271-288. 419 He cites Burton Stein, stating that the Gupt rulers did not need a separate war festival because they already occupied themselves with the costly Vedic yajñas such as the rjasya (royal consecration) and the vjapeya (drink of strength) to proclaim their divinity and sovereignty. After the Gupt period, when there was a marked change, the emphasis shifted from the divinity of kings to the sanctity of the institution of kingship, and this festival provided the required meaning for the legitimation of kingship. ivapriyananda, 31. 420 Divakaran, 285-286. 415




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without overtly stating, that certain forms of representations of the divine images were products of the sociopolitical climate. Additionally, the need to fight in battle might have necessitated a violent form of the goddess for worship and victory, and the reality of fighting human enemies might have contributed to the representation of demons in human form. It is, therefore, appropriate that in the Jaina religious tradition, the image of the goddess Durg is devoid of any implications of violence.421 The ancient and medieval texts unanimously relate the navartri rituals to royal power and recommend that the kings perform the Durg pj for the conquest of enemies and success in battle. Some early examples are found in the Mahbhrata and in pur#ic texts. In the Mahbhrata, Yudhi$hira worships the goddess for victory in battle and for regaining the lost kingdom (Mbh, Vir$aparvan, chapter 6); Arjuna too worships the goddess for victory, and he does so with the suggestion of K#!a (MBh, Bhma-Parva, chapter 23). Other examples are found in the pur#ic texts, including the one in which the worship is offered by Rma for his successful battle against the king Rva!a (Devbhgavata Pur#a 3.30; Klik Pur#a 60.25-38; K#ttivasa’s Bengali Rmya#a).422 In the pur#ic texts, the descriptions of the navartri seem to variously integrate multiple traditions, such as tribal abarotsava, the royal martial ritual for the conquest of enemies, and fertility-oriented rituals, but the pur#ic descriptions are invariably connected to royal power, as the goddess is invoked to bless the king. The festival also brings together the ancient cults of worshiping the goddesses and the mythology of Rma. The pur#ic texts such as the Vi#udharmottara, Dev, Mrka#eya (Dev Mhtmya), Bhaviya, Agni, Garua, Devbhgavata, Klik, Nrada, B%haddharma, Brahmavaivarta, and Skanda, composed at different times from the early centuries CE onward, similarly incorporate various methods of worshiping the goddess Durg (or her many different forms) through homa, pjs, and propitiations that involve both vegetarian and non-vegetarian items. The standard list involves the installation of the goddess and her worship in different forms for ten days with or without animal sacrifices (such as goats and buffaloes), worship of nine different types of plants on the seventh day, oblations into the fire, worship of weapons and of the army, honoring the virgins as embodied goddesses, slaying the enemy in effigy and offering to Skanda and Vikha, the display and parade of swords, celebration with dance and song, and finally, the dismissal of the goddess.423 These varied texts, composed at different times, however, suggest that the navartri was a living tradition among the Hindu kings of ancient and medieval India and must have been an occasion to renew their kingship through divine and human powers. After the conclusion of the festival, military campaigns began in ancient and medieval India; the tenth day was regarded as auspicious for undertaking a war expedition. On this day, the king had to leave his palace and walk toward the east; along with his military, he worshiped various deities and made an offering to the am (mimosa suma) tree, which was supposed to have power to destroy his enemies.424 The festival was very popular among the Vijayanagara kings (14th to 16th centuries CE), who used it as a way to gain power and legitimacy to rule their kingdom: “All the tributary chiefs




























































421

Pratapaditya Pal, “Introduction,” in Goddess Durga: The Power and The Glory, ed. Pratapaditya Pal (Mumbai: Marg Publications, 2009), 17. 422 However, the mythology of Rma worshiping the goddess Durg does not appear in the Dev Mhtmya and in the original Rmya#a by Vlmki. 423 However, these pur#ic texts have some variations in the ways they emphasize certain rituals. Shingo Einoo, “The Autumn Goddess Festival: Described in the Pur!as,” in Living with akti: Gender, Sexuality and Religion in South Asia, eds. Masakazu Tanaka and Musashi Tachikawa (Osaka: National Museum of Ethnology, 1999), 33-70. 424 Kane, History of Dharmastra, vol. V: 191.




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and provincial governors, revenue collectors, foreign ambassadors, eminent merchants and bankers of the capital–in brief, anyone of any importance–were to attend the durbr (king’s court or a formal meeting in the king’s court) on that occasion. They paid tribute to the king, even if only in a token form, and the king rewarded them.”425 Similarly, in Mysore, South India, the festival was attended by the colonial rulers under whose protection the kings enjoyed political and cultural rights. It provided an opportunity to the colonial rulers to show their authority, while on the local level the king enjoyed their ritual authority. As Akio Tanabe suggests, there was an anxiety in the colonial period to “recover masculinity by performing the goddess festival oriented towards royalty and martial tradition.”426 On this occasion, the royal throne would be reconsecrated, and the weaponry of the king and his army received empowerment rituals. The display of weapons was done on the tenth day, as the exhibition of royal power.427 Similarly, in the eighteenth-century CE Rjasthn, the Rjput warrior kings participated in the navartri with pomp and splendor. The weapons were placed on or by the side of the image of the goddess Durg and worshiped, and the rituals involved sacrifices of goats and buffaloes. One of the great spectacles was the slaying of the demon Mahia in a buffalo form. The Mewar king himself used to shoot the buffalo with his arrow. This tradition was later discontinued by Mahr!a Javn Si%ha (regnal, 1828-38).428 In Jodhpur, Rjasthn (as in north India), burning the effigy of (the demon king) Rva!a and worshiping Rma were other important rituals, along with the shooting of the buffalo.429 The family goddess of the R!s of Mewar used to be the goddess Kl, and the observance of this festival has been continued until modern times. The Rjput princes of Rjasthn worshiped their weapons on the victorious tenth day, maintaining their martial tradition.430 The h and R! rulers of Nepal traced their lineage back to Rjasthn to demonstrate their Rajput lineage, and the Nepalese tradition might have been an adaptation of what is found in Rjasthn. In Bengal, too, the Durg pj became popular in the royal household. It seems to have been introduced by king Kansanarayan of Teharpur (now in Bengladesh) in 1580 for the purpose of repentance for bringing about the downfall of the Nawabs of Bengal (then an independent state) through his alliance with the Moghul emperor Akbar.431 It became more popular in later days as royal courtiers got involved in the composition of texts and promoting the rituals. K#!nanda’s (gamavga Bha$$acrya) tntric text Tantrasra, composed in the late sixteenth or early seventeenth century, is testimony to this. The ritual texts were compiled and composed by Rmnanda Trtha (a court scholar of the king of Nadiya, K#!acandra, who is credited with a






























































425

T. V. Mahalingam, Administration and Social Life under Vijayanagara, Madras University Historical Series, 15 (Madras: University of Madras, 1940), 238-340. 426 Akio Tanabe, “The Transformation of akti: Gender and Sexuality in the Festival of Goddess Ramachandi,” in Living with akti, 138. 427 Cobjeevaram Hayavadana Rao, The Dasara in Mysore: its Origin and Significance (Bangalor: Bangalor Print and Publication Corporation, ca. 1937), 21-28. 428 Even a tree would sometimes be regarded as an embodiment of the demon Mahia, and the landlords (zamindars) used to shoot sacred arrows at the tree. See “Chapter VIII” of Pamela G. Price’s Resources and Rule in Zamindari South India, 1802-1903. Ph. D. Dissertation (Madison: University of Wisconsin at Madison, 1979). 429 Kathuria, 149-153. 430 Pal records his visit to the Jaipur court in 1976 when he observed the ritual of worshiping the weapons. See Pal, Goddess Durga, 17. 431 Anjan Ghosh, “Spaces of Recognition: Puja and Power in Contemporary Calcutta,” The Journal of Southern African Studies 26, no. 2 (June 2000), 295.




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lavish Durgpj celebration in 1757) and Rmatoana Vidyla&kra, the king’s greatgrandson.432 In the eighteenth century, Muslim power was slowly dwindling, and their position was being overtaken by the Hindu kings (e.g., the Singh and Choudary families) and by the East India Company. The tntric dimensions of the pj were emphasized for gaining power in the context of the competing powers of the local kings and of the rising colonial rule. The ritual manuals drew on earlier texts, including Jimtvhana’s Klaviveka (part of his Dharmaratna, 12th CE) and lap!i’s (1365-1445) Durgotsava-viveka, and presented the ritual in devotional form.433 The Durg pj in Bengal was very popular both in its tntric sacrificial and non-tntric forms. Bhabananda (17th CE), founder of the Nadia dynasty, and Laxmikanta of Barisha (17th CE), whose family transferred rights to the East India Company for the area that became Calcutta, are remembered for holding lavish Durg pjs centered on the worship of clay images. The practice spread to other small kingdoms in the region, including Gaur, Rajmahal, and Murshidabad.434 In Bengal, the Durg pj was primarily promoted by the kings of Nadia who, like the Gorkh kings in Nepal, made it mandatory for their subjects to observe this festival, or face punishment by the state.435 The goddess Kl, both as a member of Mahvidy and as an independent deity, became extremely popular among the Bengal followers of Dev in Bengal beginning in the 18th century CE.436 Almost every village in undivided Bengol had a temple dedicated to her, and both her motherly aspect and her militant, avenging nature were stressed.437 Under the rule of Mahrj Kri!acandra Roy of Nadia (regnal, 1728-83), the Durg pj gained immense popularity in Bengal: “It is due to this (pj) that the rich are no longer afraid to flaunt their wealth before the British rulers and are increasingly spending more.”438 Rj Nabak#!a Deb, who was a founder of the ovabazr Rj family and was instrumental for the defeat of Nawab Siraj-ud-Daulah at Plassey in 1757 by the British, organized a big Durg pj to celebrate the victory of the East India Company.439 However, when the Indian freedom movement gained momentum, the festival became an opportunity to further assert divine power against the colonial rule. The mythical demon Mahia was similarly cast in the form of the arch-enemy. For example, the sacrificial goat was sometimes called “the Englishman” to be sacrificed at the altar of the goddess, and offering a goat to the goddess Kl was a cryptogram for “killing an Englishman.”440 Toward the end of the eighteenth century, the pj became more of a communal affair, with many people collaborating and celebrating it as an organized community event. On such occasions, the goddess Durg was






























































432 Hillary Rodrigues, “Fluid Control: Orchestrating Blood Flow in the Durga Pj,” in Studies in Religion 38, no. 2 (2009), 263-292. 433 Ibid, 283. 434 Susan S. Bean, “Durga Images in Bengal,” Goddess Durga: The Power and Glory, ed. Pratapaditya Pal, 50. 435 Cinthara!a Chakravarti, Trantras: Studies in their Religion and Literature (Calcutta: Punthi Pustak, 1963), 92, 102. 436 For a detailed description of the worship and animal sacrifices in Bengal, see Suchitra Samanta, “The ‘SelfAnimal’ and Divine Digestion: Goat Sacrifice to the Goddess Kl in Bengal,” Journal of Asian Studies 53, no. 3 (August 1994), 779-803; Sanjukta Gupta, “The Domestication of a Goddess: Cara!a-trtha Kligh$, the Mahp$ha of Kl,” in Encountering Kl: In the Margins, At the Center, In the West, edited by Rachel Fell McDermott and Jeffrey Kripal (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003). 437 Pratapaditya Pal, Durga: Avenging Goddess, Nurturing Mother (California: Norton Simon Museum, 2005), 3436. 438 Quoted in Bean, 50. 439 Bean, 50. 440 Ernest Alexander Payne, The ktas (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1933), 91-5.




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related to Mother India, encompassing all Indian people: “In the first quarter of the 20th century community-organized pjs with nationalist overtones came to be known as sarbojanin, for all the people.”441 A revolutionary Durg pj image made by Gopeshwara Pal became popular in the late 1930s: “He separated the figures of Lakm, Krtikeya, Ga!e, and Sarasvat, taking them out from arch formation, ek-chala, that had been a defining feature of the image” and “designed a battle-hungry Durg, her trident raised to pierce the demon, as it was chased by the lion, and he gave Mahisura rippling muscles.”442 The fashion soon caught on the imagination and martial spirit of the people across Bengal. For example, in Faridpur (Durgpur of West Bengal) during the Second World War, “a sculptor modeled a European in military garb as [demon] Mahia with Durg’s lion tearing at his abdomen and incorporated a clay likeness of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose.”443 After independence (1947), the image of the goddess Durg was appropriated by the Hindu nationalist organizations: “The goddess is equated with the country itself as Bharat Mt, ‘Mother India,’ whose cult “in combination with militant patriotism has played a central role in the Viva Hindu Pariad’s campaigns.”444 The image of the goddess Durg became “a ferocious inspiration to defend the Hindu nation against demonic usurpers….and was a symbolic source of militant Hindu nationalism.”445 Many different religious traditions have contributed to or merged into the goddess worship tradition in South Asia. In the process of acculturation and integration, many local goddesses came to be identified with Durg, while the goddess herself may have her antecedents outside of South Asia–for example, in the figures of the warrior goddess Aphrodite/Nana (with her mount as the lion) of the Ku!as and the lance-bearing goddess Athena. The kings of various times found her an appropriate vehicle for worship as well as for the victory in battle. The ritual expression of this concept in Nepal was but one living example in modern times. As the ritual played out in Nepalese history, it was not just for gaining ritual sovereignty by the kings but an expression of actual political control and attendant violence. It was also an arena in which the interests of the people, powers, and institutions conflicted and became a site of subversion. However, the fundamental idea of this ritual has continued in various forms in South Asia, and it shows the ritual’s ability to persist and to change by negotiating the relationships among various stakeholders of power.






























































441

Bean, 50. Ibid, 52. 443 Ibid, 52. 444 Fuller, 277. 445 Ibid, 277. Cf. Nancy E. Falk, “Shakti Ascending: Hindu Women, Politics, and Religious Leadership During the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries,” Religion in Modern India, ed. Robert D. Baird (Delhi: Manohar, 1998), 298334; Anja Kovacs, “You don’t understand, we are at war! Refashioning Durga in the service of Hindu nationalism,” Contemporary South Asia 13 (4), (December, 2004), 373-388; Paola Bacchetta, ‘“All our goddesses are armed”: religion, resistance and revenge in the life of a militant Hindu nationalist woman,’ Against All Odds: Essays on Women, Religion and Development from India and Pakistan. Eds. Kamla Bhasin, Ritu Menon and Nighat Said Khan (New Delhi: Kali for Women, 1994), 111-156. 442




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CHAPTER III The Royal Navartri in Gorkh and Hanum nhok Palaces in Nepal446 (Rituals from the first to seventh days) TABLE 1: THE MAJOR RITUAL EVENTS ACROSS THE FIFTEEN-DAY PERIOD Invitation/Arrival of the goddess:

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446

The modern Gorkh palace is the product of a series of construction projects from the time of Dravya h (arm Bha$$ar, 10). The Hanumnhok complex seems to have been built over the Malla Period (ca. 1200-1769). However, the Hanumnhok site seems to have been used from the time of the Licchavi kings, beginning the second century CE. The gate of the palace complex is also called Hanumnhok (Gate of Hanumn). Hanumn was a patron deity of the Nepalese Malla kings, who claimed their descent from the legendary king Rma, who was supported by the monkey king Hanumn in his search for St in the Rmya#a. The Hanumnhok complex is filled with many courtyards and temples, such as the Taleju, Lakm-Nrya!a, iva-Prvat, Bhagavat, veta Bhairava, (Stone) Vi!u, Sarasvat, Kri!a and Jagannth temples. Brendra Br Bikram hdev, An Introduction to Hanumn hok, Special Coronation Issue 2031 BS (1975 CE), eds. Ludwig F. Stiller and Gautamavajra Vajrcrya (Kirtipur: Institute of Nepal and Asian Studies, Tribhuvan University, 1975), 12, 15, 41-57. Hillary Rodrigues’s Ritual Worship of the Great Goddess was immensely helpful for structuring my description of the navartri rituals in Gorkh and Hanumnhok royal palaces, and I extend my gratitude to him for this work.




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1. An Overview of the First Day Rituals Table 2: The First Day Rituals

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The preliminaries consist of preparing the ritual objects; purifying the ritual ground; singing local mlr songs and playing five types of local musical instruments;447 assigning the brhmins the job of performing the rituals; and reciting portions of sacred texts, such as the Dev Mhtmya, Durgsahasranma, Ga#easahasranma, Vi#usahasranma, Smaveda, and Yajurveda. After this, the royal purohita begins the pj inside the room where the goddess was earlier ensconsed. The purohita first undergoes the purificatory rites himself, including both external purification, such as bathing and sipping ritually consecrated water, and inner purification, such as reciting mantras and meditations. The preliminary rituals also involve the preparation of ritual objects; wearing the sacred thread or a ring of kua grass (pavitradhra#a); tying the lock of hair (ikhbandhana); preparing a ritual vessel (karmaptra); making a solemn declaration (pratijñsa"kalpa); controlling the directions (digbandhana); and touching (nysa) different parts of the body. This is followed by a sequence of installation of the deities, including the main deity Durg, and their worship. The goddess is also offered the sacrifices of an ash






























































447 The five types of musical instruments popular in Nepal and used by the band are the following (with the Nepali names given in brackets): a long trumpet (karnl), cymbals (jhym ), a small kettledrum ( hymko), a two-headed drum (holak), and a large kettledrum (damh). Sometimes people replace the long trumpet with shawm (sahn).




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gourd (pumpkin gourd, winter gourd, white gourd, or benincasa hispida) and a black goat.448 Another part of the ritual is the worship of swords. The virgins are also worshiped as embodiments of the goddess herself. After the rituals are over, the king and other participants receive blessed items such as water, flowers, and food.449 The day’s pj concludes with the evening ritual of waving a lamp clockwise around the image or icon(s) of the deity, or around the yantra as the embodiment of the deity. The series of preliminary rituals are presented in the following table: Table 3: Preparatory Rituals *($
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2. Gathering Ritual Objects The royal purohita, acting on behalf of the king, prepares the required objects and substances, such as milk, coagulated or sour milk, butter, honey, and sugar (collectively called pañcm%ta); milk, curds, clarified butter/ghee, urine and cow-dung (collectively called pañcagavya); the aggregate of five sprigs or shoots (pañcapallava) of the mra (mango tree), Jamb (rose-apple tree), Kapittha (wood-apple tree), Bja-praka (citrus medica), and Bilva (Aegle marmelos, bael);450 a collection of five jewels or precious things such as gold, diamond, sapphire, ruby, and pearl; or, alternatively, gold, silver, coral, pearl, and rga-pa a (pañcaratna); seven types of earth–from the elephant’s step, horse’s hoof, wheel of the chariot, anthill, battlefield, cowshed, and crossroads (saptam%ttik); eight kinds of fragrant substances (a asugandha);451 all types of






























































448 For the sake of uniformity, we will use the term “ash gourd” for this variety of gourd used for offering (or for actual sacrificial purpose). 449 In the absence of the king, the royal purohita himself acts on behalf of the king and sends the blessed items (prasda) to the king and other members of the royal family. The prasda is also offered to the king’s throne, which is regarded as a seat of divine power. 450 For the variation of this set of names, see Monier Williams, A Sanskrit-English Dictionary, 576. 451 The eight perfumes (a asugandha) are those of the bilva tree (rkha#a), aloe (agaru), camphor (kapra), deer musk (kastr), yellow pigment of the cow (gorocana), saffron/crocus sativus (ku&kum), red dye obtained from the cochineal insect and from the resin of a particular tree (lkrasa), and juice that exudes from the temple of an elephant in rut (mada). Aryl, Navartri tath Yamapañcaka Pjvidhi, 6. Apte, 282.




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medicinal herbs (sarvauadhi);452 objects indicating good fortune, such as bracelets, glass beads, vermillion, black pigment around the eyes, mirrors, combs, thread, and cloth (saubhgya dravya); and offerings of food items (naivedyas) presented to a deity. Then, wearing the red dress provided by the government treasury, the purohita prepares the ritual altar (vedi) and draws the ritual diagrams (e.g., the Kl yantra) that are representations of the goddess.453 3. The Purification of the Seat (sanauddhi) The purohita first draws the yantra, consisting of bindu (a central dot), triko#a (triangle), v%ta (circle) and caturasra (oblong, rectangle- shaped) on the place where the seat is to be placed:454 Figure 2: The General Yantra (Magical Diagram) of the goddess

The diagram focuses on the point (bindu) at the center, which embodies both iva and akti. This is within the inverted triangle, which is symbolic of the divine feminine. This in turn is enveloped by the hexagon, representing male and femle divine polarities, ringed by the eight-petalled lotus, which is symbolic of creation and transcendence. All these are drawn within a square enclosure that is guarded by the deities in eight directions, four cardinal and four intermediate. Courtesy: Aryl, Navartri tath Yamapañcaka Pjvidhi, 77. Then, the purohita utters the magical expression sau (called aktibja) astrya pha and sprinkles the water from the karmaptra (a ritual vessel).455 By touching the place with his right






























































452 This mainly consists of beeswax (ku a), turmeric, a particular plant from which a drug and red dye are made (ja mas, nardotachys jatamasi), berberis nepalensis, fossil production/ bitumen (iljit), a particular kind of marsh-growing plant called bojho (rhizomatous herb chewed as an antidote for sore throat and the roots of which are hung around the neck to cure fever, and a particular type of grass called cyperus rotundus (mothe, in Nepali). 453 For the ritual diagram, see Madhu Khanna, Yantra: The Tntric Symbol of Cosmic Unity (London: Thames and Hudson, 1979), 150. For another form of Kl yantra, see Fredrick W. Bunce, The Yantra of Deities and their Numerological Foundations (New Delhi: D. K. Printworld Ltd., 2001), 121. Bunce’s book also gives details about the symbolic significance of most of the yantras used in the Hindu traditions. 454 Aryl, Navartri tath Yamapañcaka Pjvidhi, 77. 455 The utterances sau and pha cannot be translated; the former word is the seed syllable of astra, and the latter has been used since early Vedic time in order to dispel demonic forces, and also in tntric ritual (called the astra syllable in tantra). The seed syllables are regarded as magical expressions, and they are believed to contain the essence of a deity or a particular form of power. For the list of some of the seed syllables used during the navartri, see Dhana




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hand, he performs the viniyoga, an application of the mantra, asysanamantrasya merup% hari sutala" chanda krmo devat sanopaveane viniyoga (Of this sana-mantra, the sage is Merup#tha, the meter is Sutala, the presiding deity is the tortoise, and its application is the function of sitting).456 Through this ritual, the purohita symbolically turns the seat into the center of the universe and worships the place with hr" dhraaktikamalsanya nama (hr" obeisance to this seat of lotus, the supreme supporting power) and sits on this seat. 4. Driving away the bhtas and the Ritual Transformation of the Body The next task is to clear the space of any inimical elements like spirits, goblins, and ghosts in order to make sure that no obstacles can infiltrate the sacred space and disturb the (ritual) activities. For this purpose, the purohita first recites the following mantra while strewing the milled grains and flowers:457 O" apasarpantu ye bht, ye bht bhmi sa"sthit Ye bht vighnakartras te nayantu ivjñay|| O%. Let those spirits (bht, spirits, ghosts, or uncanny beings) that are abiding in the earth creep away, and let those ghosts that are the makers of obstacles be destroyed at (by) the command of iva. apakrmantu bhtni pic sarvato diam| sarvem avirodhena pjkarma samrabhe|| Let the ghosts and evil spirits/ogres (bhtas and picas) depart in all directions. I undertake the pj ritual without opposition from all (of them). After driving away the outside bhtas, the purohita expunges the bhtas from his body in order to create the heavenly bhtas. To do this, he first meditates on an orb of Agni (agnipuñja) and invokes it to appear all around himself to prevent any obstacles from penetrating the space; he recites the seed syllable ra", symbolizing Agni (fire deity); and he sprinkles water around. He makes the solemn declaration, o" adyeha devadevpjkryasiddhyartha" bhtauddhdy aha" kariye (o%, today, here, I will perform the bhtauddhi, the ritual of purifying the bhtas, for the sake of accomplishing the task of worshiping gods and goddesses). Then, he meditates on the yogic serpentine power, also a form of the goddess Durg (ku#alin), within himself and on various energy centers (ma#alas) of his body from feet to head.458 After this, he meditates on different parts of his body, successively transforming the grosser elements into more subtle ones until the elements are absorbed into the Supreme Soul (paramtm/Brahman). This form of meditation and visionary transformation are yoga techniques, whose aim is to revert the creative process back to its source and purify the body of the worshiper. Through such acts, the worshiper is reintegrated with the ultimate source. In this



































































































































































































R!, 87-89. It is to be noted that in most of the navartri rituals, especially when the ritual objects or the deities are sprinkled for purification, the purohita utters sau astrya pha and begins the appropriate ritual acts. 456 This may also be translated as, “This sana-mantra has Meruprastha as its %i, Sutala as its meter, (and) sitting down on a seat as its application.” 457 Aryl, Navartri tath Yamapañcaka Pjvidhi, 13. 458 Tripathi notes that “the concept of ku#alin and six cakras was vigorously propagated in the aivite circles of Kashmir and by the Ntha-yogins or the so-called ‘Siddhas.’ (This) took its roots in the eastern part of India. However, this concept was later taken over by the ktas, who were predominant in these regions; the ku#alin came to be identified with the female energy of Paramevara, his female counterpart, who craves to meet and be united with her husband, viz., iva, present in the sahasrra cakra.” Tripathi, Communication, 169.




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process, the elemental forces of the universe are envisioned in the body of the worshiper. One elemental force is merged into the subtler one until all of them are dissolved into the Supreme Principle: the earth into water; earth and water into fire; earth, water, and fire into wind; earth, water, fire and wind into space; these five elements into the conception of individuality (aha"kra), then into intellect (mahtattva, great principle), and then into prak%ti (the original producer of the material world, consisting of the three qualities sattva, rajas, tamas). Finally, all of them are dissolved into the Supreme Self (paramtm). Through this process, the ritual body is turned into the cosmic body, and a unity and identification between them are maintained. The process is thus briefly summed up:459 Figure 3: The Bhtauddhi Supreme Self Prakti Intellect Individuality Space Wind Fire Water Earth The movement upward, from the elemental earth to the Supreme Self suggests the spiritual evolution of the practitioner through the succession of ritual acts. The identification of certain parts of the body with the elemental forces of the cosmos creates bandhu-like relations between the microcosm (human) and macrocosm (cosmos). The two-way evolution and involution is said to create a purified body of the ritual practitioner. 1. The lowermost zone of the body, extending from feet to knees, belongs to the earth-orbit (p%thvma#ala) and is yellow in color. It has a quadrangle shape. The purohita first dissolves this earth-orbit into the water-orbit. 2. The second zone of the body, extending from the knees to the navel, belongs to the water-orbit (jalama#ala) and is white in color. It has the shape of a crescent moon. He dissolves this waterorbit into the orbit of fire (fire circle).




























































459

Aryl, Navartri tath Yamapañcaka Pjvidhi, 13; DevbhgavataP 11.8. For a more elaborate treatment of the bhtauddhi, see Tripathi, 154-157.




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3. The third zone of the body, extending from navel to throat, belongs to the fire-orbit (agnima#ala) and is red in color. It has a triangular shape. He dissolves this fire-orbit into the wind-orbit. 4. The fourth zone of the body, extending from the throat to the middle of the eyebrows, belongs to the wind-orbit (vyuma#ala). It has a sexagonal form. He dissolves this wind-orbit into the space-orbit. 5. The fifth zone of the body, extending from the middle of the eyebrows to the topmost point of the skull, belongs to the element of space (kama#ala). It has a circular form. He dissolves this space element into the element of individuation (aha"kra). Similarly, he dissolves the element of individuation into mahtattva (the great principle, or intellect, second of the twentyfive principles of S"khya philosophy). Then, mahtattva dissolves into the material world, consisting of three gu#as, or Nature (prak%ti, primary substance), and prak%ti transmutes into the Supreme Soul (eternal, pure, and enlightened paramtm). Through this meditative process, the purohita transforms his body into the form of the Supreme Self. 5. Drying up the Black Manikin (pppuruaoaa) One more hindrance lying in the body of the purohita is the pppurua (‘black manikin’ constituted of five great evils or guilts), which he destroys through ritual means.460 Once the pppurua is burnt out, the purohita is set to create a new body endowed with divine characteristics (without any sins or demerits whatsoever), beginning with prak%ti (from the Supreme Self), then mahat and so on back to the earth element. Through this process, the purohita regenerates and makes himself worthy of ritual performance.461 This process includes the following steps:462 First, the purohita takes water in his hand and does the viniyoga (application of mantra), reciting o" arrasyntarym %i devat, prak%ti-purua prachanda pppuruaoa#e viniyoga [O". The sage who is the inner controller of the body is the divinity; Prak%ti-purua is the meter; viniyoga (application) is for (in) the burning of the ‘evil manikin’]. He then recites a series of tntric mantras to extinguish all sorts of bhtas (spirits and elements):463 A. o" bhta%&g c [sic.] chirasuum#pathena jvaiva" paramaivapade yojaymi svh|






























































460

Tripathi cites the Laws of Manu 11.54 and Chndogya Upaniad V.10.9 and states that the pppurua has various parts of his body constituted of the five great sins (mahptaka): His head, for example, consists of brahmahaty (slaying of the brhmin), the two arms of the “theft of gold,” the heart-region of the “drinking of liquor,” the waist of “encroachment upon the bed of one’s gurus (respect)” whereas the smaller sins make up his bodily hair. He has bloody eyes and a red beard with a cruel look, holding a sword and a shield in his hands (157). In fact, all these are already Vedic concepts, well before Manu. radtilaka (Pa ala IV.24-28) and Kramadpika (I.810). 461 As Tripathi notes, one may question how the pppurua can still exist in the ritual specialist’s body after the dissolution of all the elements back to the Supreme Self, for logically there should be nothing left (i.e., no element of creation) once everything is offered back to its source. However, this is an attempt to remove anything impure accumulated in many lifetimes that may have accidentally still stuck to his body. This is in order to purify himself for worship. 462 Another method of doing this ritual is to imagine the jva (life, vital breath) to be in the heart as a flame of light and take it down to the sacral plexus (mldhra). After uttering so’ham (I am that/he), it is raised up through the spinal artery (suumn) to the top and joined with the Supreme Self. Srisa Chandra Vidyarnava, The Daily Practice of the Hindus, Containing the Morning and Midday Duties (New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers Pvt. Ltd., 1991), 141-142. 463 Aryl, Navartri tath Yamapañcaka Pjvidhi, 13-14.




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O%. I harness (join) the individual-iva (jvaiva) to the foot of the Supreme iva (paramaiva) through the path (or channel) of the carotid artery (suumn) in the head, out of the triangular nut (or shape) of the spirit/ghost (bhta). B. o" paramaiva suumnpathena mla%&g ma [sic.] ullasa ullasa jvala jvala prajvala prajvala so’ha" ha"sa svh| O%. Supreme iva! Through the suumn channel, (make) the main triangular nut shine forth (and) shine forth (radiate), burn brightly (blaze), burn brightly, flame (prajvala), flame, (with the syllables) ha"sa (reversed as) so’ham (I am that/he) (with the utterance), svh. C. o" ya" li&gaarra" oaya svh| O%. Burn up the li&gaarra (subtle body) (with the utterance) ya". svh. D. o" ru" sa&kocaarra" daha daha svh| O%. Burn up, burn up the sa&koca body (contraction body, with the utterances) ru". svh. E. o" bhra" bhta" daha daha svh| O%. Burn, burn the elements (with the utterance) bhra". svh. 6. Imprinting Sanskrit syllables onto the fingers and onto six other parts of the body (durgkaraaaganysa) Through the purification, the purohita has already identified himself with the Absolute (the supreme goddess), and now he identifies his own fingers with the seed mantra of the goddess, beginning with the /d/ (representing Durg) sound (dr", d", d", dai", dau", and da), and offers the fingers, beginning with the thumbs and ending with the back of the palms.464 h" dr" a&gu hbhym nama hr" d" tarjanbhym svh hr" d" madhyambhym vaua hrai" dai" anmikbhym hum hrau" dau" kani hikbhym vaua hra da karatalakarap% hbym pha . h" dr" obeisance to the two thumbs hr" d" hail to the two index fingers hr" d" vaua to the two middle fingers hrai" dai" hum to the two ring fingers hrau" dau" vaua to the two little fingers hra da pha to the palm and back of the hands (pha = syllable used in incantation to drive away demons, etc.).






























































464




Aryl, Navartri tath Yamapañcaka Pjvidhi, 15.

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7. The Karanysa of the Vyhti (bh, bhuva, and svh) He next touches different parts of his head, associating each part with a particular mythological region (loka);465 he takes water in one hand and purifies his body in the following way: He then touches his right nostril saying, o" bh puntu [o%, may earth purify (the right nostril)] left nostril saying, o" bhuva puntu [o%, may atmosphere purify (the left nostril)] right eye saying, o" sva puntu [o%, may heaven purify (the right eye)] left eye saying, o" maha puntu [o%, may maha purify (the left eye)] right ear saying, o" jana puntu [o%, may jana purify (the right ear)] left ear saying, o" tapa puntu [o%, may tapa purify (the left ear)] head saying, o" satya" puntu [o%, may satya" purify (the head)] Following this, he invokes the earth, atmosphere and heaven, and sprinkles water on and around himself. Then, he restrains (controls) various directions by clapping his hands. 8. Preparing the ritual vessel (karmaptra)466 Once his body is purified, the purohita467 is in an appropriate position to carry out public ritual activities. First, he touches the karmaptra vessel, chanting the mantras addressed to Agni, Vyu, and Srya and asking for release from any guilt (for vicious acts) that he may have incurred. Then, he puts the pieces of poa cynosuroides (kua) grass in the vessel, pleading with the gods to purify the sacrifice (yajña) and support the sponsor of sacrifice (yajamna). He also puts water, sandal paste (candana), barley seeds (yava), sesame (tila), milled rice grains (akata), and flowers into the vessel, while addressing gods such as Indra and Vi!u, wishing for yajamna’s well-being in this and other worlds. Then, he begins the ceremony of sprinkling with the kua grass, requesting the god Vi!u to purify the sacrificer:468 o" apavitra pavitro v sarvvasth" gato’pi v. ya smaret pu#arkka" sa bhybhyantara uci. o" p#arkkya nama. o" pu#arkka puntu. o" puntu o" puntu o" puntu. O%. Whether impure or pure, whether situated in any condition whatsoever, he who would remember the lotus-eyed One (Vi!u) (becomes) purified (both) inside and outside. O%. Obeisance to the lotus-eyed one! O%. May he purify, may he purify, may he purify. The yajamna then worships a cow before offering the cow to the purohita as part of the expiation (pryacitta-godna). The purohita receives the honor traditionally accorded to the




























































465

Tripathi writes more extensively about the implication of this rite. According to him, the regions (lokas) bhr (earth), bhuva (atmosphere), and svar (heaven) are brought in association with the deities Agni, Prajpati, and Satya, whereas the regions mahas (greatness/sacrifice), janas (generation/people) and tapas (austerity) are associated with P#thiv (earth), Srya (Sun), and Vyu (Wind) (153). 466 The karmaptra, a ritual vessel, is prepared by placing on it, with the recitation of appropriate mantras, ritual objects such as sacrificial grass (kua, poa cynosuroides), water, sesame, barley, flower, sandal, and milled rice grains. During the pj, the objects from the vessel are taken for purification and consecration. Dhana R!, 1-3; Aryl, Navartri tath Yamapañcaka Pjvidhi, 12. 467 In the olden days, the king himself used to participate in most of the navartri rituals. However, later, his representatives or the purohita acted on his behalf, and the kings participated only on the most important ritual moments. 468 Aryl, Navartri tath Yamapañcaka Pjvidhi, 12.




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gods; for this rite, the yajamna offers k on the purohita’s forehead while the purohita recites the following: o" namo brhma#yadevya gobrhma#ahitya ca jagathitya, k%#ya govindya namo nama. O%. Obeisance to the god of the brhmins (and) for the benefit of the cows and brhmins, and benefit of the good of the world, obeisance to K#!a, obeisance to Govinda. Then, he offers the cow to the brhmin. The ritual of sprinkling (abhieka) is done on the yajamna with mantras related to peace (AV 19.9.14; VS 36.17; TA 4.42.5):469 Hari o" p%thiv ntir, antarika" ntir, dyau ntir, pa ntir, oadhaya ntir, vanaspataya ntir, vive me dev nti, sarve me dev nti, nti nti ntibhi| Tbhi ntibh sarvantibhi amaymo’ha", yad iha ghora", yad iha krra" yad iha ppa" tac chnta", tac chiva", sarvam eva am astu na|| Hari o%. (May there be) peace (tranquility, appeasement) on Earth, peace in the atmosphere, peace in the sky, peace in the waters, peace in the herbs, peace in the forest; peace (be) in all the gods (for me), peace in all gods for me, peace to peace; by peace, I am creating peace in what is terrible here. What here is cruel, what here is evil, may that be made peaceful, that (may be) propitious/friendly; may all be peaceful for us. 9. Making a Solemn Declaration (sakalpa) A distinguishing feature of Hindu ritual is that it begins with the solemn declaration and ends with the sending off of the deities. In the pj ritual as practiced in the royal household, the deity Vi!u is usually invoked as the cause of the creation of the entire universe, and all the rituals are dedicated to him. It does not appear contradictory to the Hindu mind that Vi!u is worshiped in this way even if the ritual is dedicated to the goddess Durg/Kl. The declaration begins with the invocation of Vi!u, then moves to a large span of time and space, and becomes more and more specific, ending with the ritual intentions, explaining why the particular rituals are performed.470 Hari o" tat sat tat sat tat sat o" vi#u vi#u vi#u adya rmadbhagavato mahpuruasya vi#or jñay pravartamnasya sakalajagats% kra#asya rbrahma#o dvityaparrdhe, rvetavrhakalpe, vaivasvatamanvantare, a vi"atitame yuge prahlddhipatye manau saptame satyatretdvparnte kalau kaliyugasya prathamacara#e jambdvpe bhratavare bharatakha#e ryvartntargatahimavatparvartakadee nepalap he rpupataketre …nagare…grme v …nadtrthdisa"nidhau …sthne iha pu#yabhmau a isa"vatsar#" madhye …nmasa"vatsare rsrye daki#yanagate arad%tau vine mse uklapake …vsarnvitym…sy" pratipadi pu#yatithau yathnakatrayogalagnakara#amuhrtnvitym …risthite devagurau anyeu graheu yathsthna" sthiteu satsu eva" grahagu#aviee#a vii ym adyeha …gotra…pravara …aham mama saparivrakasya




























































469 470




W. D. Whitney, The Atharva Veda Sa"hit (Cambridge: Harvard University, 1905), 288. Dhana R!, 6-7.

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trividhotptapraamana-putrapautradhanyukrtilbha-sakalaatrukaya prvakasakala-siddhijayptikmo vieata rbhagavatdurgdevprtikma radyrcana-nimittyartha" gha asthpanakarmha" kariye. Hari, O%– that is the being (existence); that is existence; that is existence. O% Vi!u; (O%) Vi!u; (O%) Vi!u. Today, by the order of Vi!u, the great glorious Purua, the blessed lord, in the second part (of a hundred years of Brahm), who is the cause of the creation of the whole world, in the glorious vetavrhakalpa (supposedly just a half-day in the life of the creator god Brahm)471 in the epoch (manvantara) of the Vaivasvata Manu, in the twenty-eighth yuga, under the sovereign rule of Prahlda, in the seventh Age of Manu, in the Kaliyuga, at the end of Satya, Tret, Dvpara yugas, in the first quarter of the Kaliyuga, in the Jamb continent, in the territory of Bhrata, in the region (kha#a) of the Bharatas, in the country of the Himalayan mountains situated in ryvarta, in the seat (p ha) Nepal, in the region of the glorious Paupati, in such-and-such a city, or in such-and-such a village, in the vicinity of such-and-such a sacred ford, a river, etc., in such-and-such a place, here in this sacred (merit-bringing) land, in the year called such-and-such, of (within) the sixty years (sa isa"vatsar#m), in the southward movement of the sun, in the autumn season, in the month of vina (September-October), in the bright fortnight, on the merit-bringing newmoon day associated with such-and-such a solar day, accompanied by a conjunction of stars (yoga) according to the lunar mansion (nakatra), the point of intersection when the sun and the planets rise (lagna), the division of the day (kara#a, one of the eleven divisions of the day), period of time (forty-eight minutes), when B#haspati (devaguru) is in such-and-such a sign of the zodiac, when Jupiter is situated in such-and-such a sign, when the moon is situated in such-and-such a sign, when the remaining heavenly bodies are situated in their proper places, and the lunar day is associated with the specified qualities of the planets, being of such-and-such a paternal lineage (gotra) and of such-and-such an ancestral group (pravara) will today here perform the ritual of the installation of the goddess for the performance of the autumn worship, I being desirous of attaining victory and all perfections/supernatural powers (siddhis), accompanied by the decrease of all enemies and attainment of fame, long life, wealth (of my) sons and grandsons and an allaying of the three-fold ominous portents for me (myself) with my family, and being specially desirous of propitiating the blessed goddess Durg. 10. Preparing the Arghya The argha (or, arghya) consists of rice, drv grass (panic grass, panicum dactylon), flowers, or only water, and is defined as a respectful reception of the guest(s). The argha-ptra (arghyavessel) was originally a small vessel in which water and honey were offered to the guest upon his arrival.472 The argha rituals later seem to have drawn on this tradition of the guest reception. However, the argha may simply be taken as sanctified water for the purpose of general worship




























































471

For a detailed account of the doctrine of the Ages of the World, see Michaels, Hinduism, 300-304.

472

Monier Williams, 839.




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(called smanya arghya), and also used in one of the services to the deity (i.e., viea arghya).473 Both types of arghas (waters) are prepared for navartri pjs, but a special argha (viea arghya) is prepared with a more elaborate process, as described below. Having sat down, the purohita draws a yantra (consisting of a bindu, triko#a, v%ta, and caturasra) to his front right and sprinkles the place with the water from the karmaptra while uttering sau (aktibja) astrya pha . Again, he sprinkles the three-legged base (trikhu ) of the arghya with the same mantra and places the argha on that yantra. Then, he recites ra" vahni ma#alya daakaltmane nama (ra", obeisance to the orb of fire with ten subtle elements). He cleanses the arghaptra with sau astrya pha and places it above the base. He then worships the arghaptra with o" arkama#alya dvdaakaltmane nama (o%, obeisance to the orb of the sun consisting of twelve subtle elements/digits). Once the plate is placed, he pours water on the arghaptra with the viloma mt%k474 (all the syllables as symbols of divine powers) and worships with sa" somama#alya oaakaltmane nama (sa", obeisance to the orb of the moon consisting of sixteen divisional elements). Then, he covers the arghaptra with the krmamudr (the tortoise-mudr)475 and recites ya" and ra" ten times each. He makes the dhenumudr (the milch cow-mudr) and recites va" ten times. He then covers it with the matsyamudr (the fish-mudr) and invites sacred rivers such as Ga&g, Yamun, Godvar, Sarasvat, Narmad, Sindhu, and Kver to abide in the argha water.476 With the a"kuamudr (the hook-mudr), he requests the sun to grant the sacred ford (trtha) to this water. He then performs the six-limbed Durg nysa by touching different parts of the arghaptra, regarding them as the deity’s heart, head, lock of hair, shield, three eyes, and astra (i.e., syllable such as pha ):477 hr", d", h%dayya nama: pointing to the (imagined) heart with the palm, “hr" d", obeisance to the heart.” hr", d" irase svh: pointing to the (imagined) head with the fingertips of the hand, “hr" d", obeisance to the head.” hr" d" ikhyai vaa : pointing to the (imagined topknot) with the tip of the thumb, “hr" d" vaa to the topknot.” hrai" dai" kavacya hu": pointing to the (imagined body) with both hands embracing the body, “hrai" dai" hu" to the body (armor).” hrau" dau" netratrayya vaua : with three fingers (with middle finger pointing to the third-eye) indicating the three eyes, “hrau" dau" vaua to the three eyes,” and






























































473 Tripathi suggests that the installation of the argha water in the beginning of the pj mimics the ancient tradition of worshiping the deity in the water-form (266). However, the arghya seems to have been developed as the fifth of the five sacrifices performed by the householder: to gods (devayajña) by oblations into fire; to beings (bhtayajña) by bali (oblation or gift as an offering); to fathers (pit%yajña) by offerings to the deceased ancestors; to brhmins (brahmanyajña) by reciting the Vedas; and to men (manuyayajña). Kane, II.749-756. Cf. Bühnemann, 30. 474 The viloma (literally, inverted or reverse) mt%k are the following syllables: ka", la", ha", sa", a", a", va", la", ra", ya", ma", bha", ba", pha", pa", na", dha", da", tha", ta", #a", ha", a", ha", a", ña", jha", ja", cha", ca", &a", gha", ga", kha", ka", a, a", au", o", ai", e", !%", !r" %", %", ", u", ", i", ", a" (Dhana R!, 5). 475 The mudrs are the symbolic gestures of hands and body postures. See various types of mudr-s in Tripathi, 45565. 476 The invitation mantra is the following: “ga&ge ca yamune caiva godvar sarasvat/ narmade sindhu kver jale’smin sannidhi kuru//” (Make the Ga&g, Yamun, Godvar, Sarasvat, Narmad, Sindhu, and Kver come to the proximity of this water). 477 Aryl, Navartri tath Yamapañcaka Pjvidhi, 15.




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hra da astrya pha : moving the hands around each other and slapping the palm of the left hand with the index and middle fingers of the right hand, “hra da pha to the astra.” With this, he turns the arghaptra into the embodied goddess herself and puts the fruit and the drv grass on the arghaptra. The arghaptra is now ready for offering and worship-related activities. After this, the purohita installs and worships the bell, conch, and drum used for playing music as an honor to various deities, including the main deity Durg/Kl. 11. The Installation Ceremonies (pratihs) The installation ceremony is one of the most important occasions, and it is performed for the consecration of deities, yantras, plants, water-pitchers, weapons, and the virgins (as the goddess incarnate). It is called prati h in Sanskrit, and means a “standpoint, resting place, ground, rest, foundation, prop, stay, support” ("V), “receptacle, homestead, dwelling-house” (AV), “state of rest, quiet, tranquility, comfort, ease” (MBh), “setting up an idol, etc.”478 Jan Gonda analyses the etymology of the word prati h variously (as pr.a.ti. ha.a) and defines pr. as: “foot, feet” (AV. 19, 60, 12; PB. 6.1.11; B. 6.1.1.3), the “hold” one has of the object on which one is standing (Aitareya ra#yaka. 1.2.4), “standing firmly on, or being supported by one’s feet” (B. 5.5.3.6; 7; 4.2.4.16; 17), “earth” (B. 1.9.3.2; 8.5.2.16; 2.2.7.8; AV. 18.4.5), “lotus leaf” (B. 7.4.1.12), “house,” “womb,” “water,” “fire,” and even as a “heap of rubbish” (B. 8.7.2.16).479 He demonstrates that, from the Vedic time onward, the word referred to spiritual and religious firmness. Besides the word’s implication for sacrifice, he suggests that the word even connotes the ultimate ground of the universe called Brahman. For example, in the B (7.1.2.2), Prajpati himself is believed to be the pr. of the gods; the AB. 7.19.3 also mentions the term, signifying the ultimate ground of everything. Along the same line, the word’s association with the ceremonious foundation of the temple, image, king and the establishment of wells, tanks, parks and similar objects for religious and charitable purposes has also been noted by Witzel,480 Kramrisch481 and Kane,482 Smith,483 and Hikita.484 Similarly, the deity is established as a living presence in the navartri. In Gorkh, the main icon of the goddess is variously understood as the conjoined form of iva-akti or in the form of an abstract magical diagram (yantra); it is brought to the pj room, installed and carried back at the end of the ceremony.485 In the Taleju temple in Kathmandu, where the rituals are in




























































478

Monier Williams, Religious Thought and Life in India: an account of the religions of the Indian peoples, based on a life’s study of their literature and on personal investigations in their own country (New Delhi: Oriental Books Reprint Corp., 1974), 70. 479 Jan Gonda, “Prati$h,” Selected Studies, vol. 2 (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1975), 338-374. 480 Michael Witzel, “Coronation Rituals of Nepal with Special Reference to the Coronation of King Brendra (1975),” in Heritage of the Kathmandu Valley: Proceedings of an International Conference in Lubeck, 1987 (Sankt Augustin: VGH- Wiss. –Verl,1987). 481 Stella Kramrisch, The Hindu Temple, vol. 1 & 2 (New Delhi: Motilal Banarasidas, 1976). 482 P. V. Kane, History of Dharmastra: Ancient and Medieval Religious and Civil Law in India. II.2 (Poona: Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute, 1941), 889 ff. 483 H. Daniel Smith, “Prati$h,” in gama and ilpa: Proceedings of the Seminar held in December 1981 (Bombay: Ananthacharya Indological Research, 1984), 50-68. 484 Hiromichi Hikita, “Consecration of Divine Images in a Temple,” in From Material to Deity: Indian Rituals of Consecration, eds. Shingo Einoo and Jun Takashima (New Delhi: Manohar, 2005), 143-198. 485 It is said that only the reigning king, queen, and crown prince were eligible to see the actual image/yantra/icon of the goddess. This tradition has been maintained even after the suspension and deposition of the monarchy, and no head of state (not even the president of the country) is reported to have been allowed to view the actual deity (Rjrm Subed, 28).




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the hands of the local Newrs, the yantra and the jars are brought for public viewing, but the icon of the goddess (if it exists at all) is not shown to the public. In the royal dasainghar (i.e., the house for the royal rituals of dasain/navartri located inside the Hanumnhok), where the navartri ritual is performed by the hill-brhmin (Aryl) from their ancestral place in Gorkh, the divne icon and pitchers of the goddess are not shown to the public either.486 The establishment of the main water pitcher and icon (image) of the goddess487 and the rituals performed in Kathmandu and Gorkh deserve special attention. As stated earlier, the actual symbol or the embodiment of the great goddess Kl (mahkl) is brought from her permanent abode (Kailsa) to the pj room at the brhmamuhrta (literally, the creator god Brahm’s hour; a period of forty-eight minutes, beginning one hour thirty-six minutes before the sunrise and ending forty-eight minutes before sunrise) around 4:00 a.m. and installed with the secret ritual actions (anu hna).488 The palanquin that contains the goddess Kl under the silver umbrella remains in the middle of the procession, and she is preceded by another palanquin containing Mahlakm and followed by the one bearing Mahsarasvat. Although the handbook mentions these great goddesses as forms of the same Supreme akti,489 special attention is paid to the Mahkl form, who remains both hidden (from actual public viewing) and manifest (through ritual propitiations) over this period. The goddess Kl is then appropriately placed on the lion’s throne (si"hsana) of the pj room and worshiped. Each major ritual occasion inside the palace is marked with the playing of music outside, consisting mainly of the firing of two gunshots into the air to signal a festive celebration and the playing of local mlr songs and music, especially the local drum, called nagar. Other goddesses are also honored similarly.490 The main ritual of the day, gha asthpan (literally, the installation of the earthen waterjar) is carried out at the most auspicious moment, as determined by the royal astrologer.491 This happens with an elaborate procedure and is accompanied as usual with the singing of songs, playing of musical instruments, and the two gunshots into the air. This is followed by planting the barley seeds in the room (called jamarko h, in Nepali) specially set aside for this purpose. Following this, a certain number of brhmins are selected by the main purohita for the recitation of the sacred texts, and they are given clothes (including a red upper garment) and other ritual items.492 The brhmins recite mantras from various sacred texts, and the worship to






























































486 The dasainghar exists in the historical courtyard called the courtyard of dasain (dasaincok), which lies in the eastern part of the main courtyard (mlcok). It is in this building that the royal priests worship the goddesses. 487 Here, I mainly follow Dhana R!’s manual entitled radyadurgpjpaddhati, but I will also cite from other ritual handbooks. Rjrm Subed’s interview with the purohita reveals that the pj, homa and other rituals in the Gorkh palace correspond with the ones performed in the palaces in Kathmandu. However, he cautions that Dhana R! has mentioned only those things that could be made public and has not mentioned other esoteric rituals (Rjrm Subed, 2, 17, 29, 35). It thus appears that, in addition to what is mentioned in Dhana R!’s manual, other secret rituals are also carried out, but this does not form part of our discussion. 488 arm Bha$$ar, 37; Rjrm Subed, 8. However, the time for bringing the goddess to her pj room could be different. For example, on the caitra (March-April) navartri of the year 2011, the goddess was brought to her pj room at 5:30 a.m., and the installation and pj rituals were extended until 10:00 a.m. She was then taken to her abode around 8:00 p.m. of the same day. It should, therefore, be noted that on the spring navartri (unlike the autumnal one), the goddess is taken to her pj room in the morning and returned to her permanent abode on the eighth day itself (Subed, 37). However, the general timing for bringing the goddess to her pj room seems to be around 4:45 a.m. when the pole star (dhruvatr) rises on the horizon (Ibid, 38). 489 Aryl, Manuscripts, 1. 490 Rjrm Subed, 38. 491 arm Bha$$ar, 38. 492 Ibid, 42. The yogis involved in the rituals of Gorakhnth wear the yellow robes.




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the Bhavn form of the goddess is performed.493 This is followed by reverencing the virgins (Kumr).494 The ritual then proceeds in the following order: a solemn declaration for the sacrifice of a goat (chgabalisa"kalpa) and pj; the sword worship; the actual sacrifice of the ash gourd and of the black goat by the main attendant Rn Magar of the palace.495 The rituals of this day are then complete, with the king receiving remnants of the offerings to the goddess, such as sacred water, flowers, milled rice grains, sandal paste, amulets for protection (rakbandhana), and a mark on the forehead (tilaka).496 The gha asthpan (installation of the pitcher) is done the next day at the sunrise. Also, the installations of varu#akalaa, aktis, mt%ks, navagrahas, brahm, krtikeya, sword, book, and so on are ceremonially performed. The pj for five abodes or sanctuaries of the deities (pñcyatana-pj)– with the goddess at the center, Vi!u in the northeast then, clockwise in other directions, iva, Srya, and Ga!ea– is also carried out.497 After drawing the yantra, the purohita awakens it by sprinkling the pañcagavya and pañcm%ta and by infusing it with the vital breath by reciting a mantra for 27, 54, or 108 times.498 Figure 4: The Yantra of the Goddess K l

In this Kl yantra of the fifteen angles of the triangles, various forms of Kl in her different names and forms are invoked and positioned: (1) Kl, (2) Kaplin, (3) Kulla, (4) Kurukulla, (5) Virodhin, (6) Vipracitt, (7) Ugr, (8) Ugraprabh, (9) Dipt, (10)




























































493

This part of the ritual is very secret and esoteric. According to Rjrm Subed, the former purohita did not wish to reveal anything about it. 494 arm Bha$$ar, however, mentions that the virgin worship occurs after the animal sacrifices (43), but he seems to be mistaken about this. The Aryl purohita contends that the worship of the virgin is done before any actual sacrifices of the day. With regard to sacrifices, the ash gourd is sacrificed before the sacrifice of animals (Rjrm Subed, 3). 495 A certain ritual pattern is followed in this: making a solemn declaration (sa"kalpa) of sacrifice, worshiping the sacrificial objects (goat, ash gourd, and so on), worshiping the sword(s), and performing an actual animal sacrifice. Rjrm Subed, 4; arm Bha$$r, 42. 496 arm Bha$$r, 44. After the capital was moved from Gorkh to Nuwko$ and then to Kathmandu, the kings did not seem to have fully participated in the palace rituals in Gorkh except for visiting there on the fifth day and, later, on the ninth day of the navartri. Since the purohitas were assigned the job on behalf of the king, they used to offer the blessed items to the throne of the palace and send them to the king (in Kathmandu) in a specially sealed box (Rjrm Subed, 12). 497 This form of pj seems to have been popular at least from the sixth century CE (e.g., pañcyatana shrine at Devga#h/Deogarh). Gudrun Bu hnemann, Pj: A Study in Smrta Ritual (Vienna: Institut fu r Indologie der Universita t Wien, 1988), 50. 498 For the mantra, see Aryl, Navartri tath Yamapañcaka Pjvidhi, 27; Khanna, Yantra, 55.




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Nl, (11) Ghan, (12) Balk, (13) Mtr, (14) Mudr, and (15) Mit. This is often interpreted as the expansion of the Divine akti in her many forms. Courtesy: Balarm Aryl, Navartri tath Yamapañcaka Pjvidhi, 60. 12. Planting the Barley Seeds While the installations of the pitcher and of the deities are underway, barley seeds (a symbol of creativity and blessing of the goddess in the world of nature) are planted on the clay and sand bed especially designated for this purpose. The barley seeds are sprinkled daily; they sprout and grow into seedlings (jamar, in Nepali) over the navartri period. The bed on which the seeds are planted embodies the yantra of the goddess Durg/Kl, and worship is offered on various places of the yantra. The worship of this yantra is called the p hapj (worship of the seat of the goddess), as it draws on the mythology of the places on which the body of the goddess Sat fell that were subsequently regarded as power places of the goddess across South Asia.499 The seedlings of the barley are also honored as the goddess herself and used as the blessed items (or blessings of the goddess) on the tenth day. For planting the barley seeds, the purohita sprinkles the argha water on the ground and touches the ground with the consecrated kua grass. He draws the caturasrtmakasarvatobhadrama#ala500 and reverences it with sandalwood paste and milled rice, saying, o" ai", hr", r" catu p hsanya nama (O" ai" hr" r", obeisance to the four seats of the goddess).501 He then covers the ma#ala with the sacred earth and draws a half-moon with red lead (sindra). He sprinkles the barley seeds, chanting sau astrya pha (sau, pha to the syllable). He covers them with the fish gesture (matsyamudr) and recites ya" and ra", ten times each, and makes it full of bliss (am%tkara#a) with the milch cow-gesture (dhenumudr) and the mantra va" (varu#abja).502 He makes the fish gesture over it and consecrates (abhimantra#a) it with the main mantra, ai" hr" kl" cmu#yai vicce (ai", hrm, kl", vicce to the goddess Cmu!). Then, he spreads the barley seeds on the earth and sand, and sprinkles the space with water. Above that layer of earth and seeds, bindu, triko#a, a ako#a, a adala, and the caturasrtmaka yantra are drawn. Small yantras are also drawn for each installation, with the main pitcher in the middle of the planting bed, another Varu!a pitcher on the northeast and Ga!ea, lamp (dpa), argha water, and so on.503






























































499

Matsya Pur#a 13; Dev-bhgavata-pur#a 7.30; Klik-pur#a 18; Mahbhgavata-pur#a 11; B%haddharmapur#a, Madhya-kha#a 10. An example of the all-auspicious yantra (the yantra that is auspicious on every side) is found in Madhu Khanna, Yantra, 138. Also, Gudrun Bühnemann, “Bhadrama!alas in the Ritual Practice,” Wiener Zeitschrift für die Kunde Südasiens.31: 43-73, 1987), 63. The eight-petaled lotus at the center is regarded as the throne of the deity and as a symbol of the universe. 501 For the picture of the all-auspicious yantra, see Madhu Khanna, 138. 502 Tripathi states that the act of turning the deity into am%ta is “to make Her assume a character (literally, the state) which is entirely full of bliss” (am%tkara#am = nandapr#atvasthititvam, Rghavaba$$a on rad Tilaka 4.90). It is performed with the dhenu- or surabhi-mudr (the gesture of denoting the wish-fulfilling cow, Kmadhenu) since ambrosia/nectar is identical with the milk of this cow (302). 503 For this image, see Aryl, Navartri tath Yamapañcaka Pjvidhi, 10. 500




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Figure 5: The General Layout for the Pj

This is the common pattern for the pj ritual. The ritual space is filled with different types of yantras, along with the lotus images. On the top left, the sacred pitcher is placed, and it is often worshiped as the Vedic deity Varu#a. In the middle is another pitcher symbolizing Ga#ea, the remover of all obstacles. On the front right stands the witness deity, in the form of the light, that could be Vi#u or some other deity overseeing the entire ritual. The main deity is always placed at the center where the yantra is drawn and the sacred water-filled pitcher is installed, and the image of the deity is placed on the plate at the top. The arghya is prepared and separately placed on the front right side of the worshiper while the conch is placed on the left side. Courtesy: Aryl, Navartri tath Yamapañcaka Pjvidhi, 10. Once the yantras are drawn and placed, the purohita performs the fifty-one p ha-pjs, with the fifty one names of the akti, by reciting relevant mantras,504 beginning from the center (bindu), Vr!as,505 with a" vr#asp hya nama (a", obeisance to the divine seat of Vr!as) and moving outward to the triangle, eight triangles, eight petals, and so on, while paying homage to various p has such as Kmarp (ssm), Nepl, Bhadrakl, Devko$, and Siddhevar.506






























































504

The fifty-one pi has are the power places in which the goddess Sat’s body parts fell, but there are various versions of the tales about how many parts fell at what places. Different local mythologies were consequently developed from this myth to sacralize local places. 505 This shows that the center of ritual attention is still Benares, India. It appears that the ritual handbook may as well have drawn on the manuals used for the rituals in Benares. The DevbhgavataP. (V, 29-30) connects various pi has with the body of the goddess. Diana Eck, India: A Sacred Georgaphy (2012): 253-294; Pratapaditya Pal, ed., “The Fifty-one Shakta Pithas,” Goddess Durga: The Power and the Glory (Mumbai: Marg Publications, 2009), 164-187. 506 For the following image, see Aryl, Navartri tath Yamapañcaka Pjvidhi, 4.




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Figure 6: The Ca Yantra

This yantra embodies 108 names of the goddesses that are invoked, installed and worshiped in different places of the yantra. The 108 names of the goddess suggest the multiple forms of akti and her relationship to the land. Courtesy: Aryl, Navartra tath Yamapañcaka Pjvidhi, 4. At the end, he offers flowers with folded hands (pupñjali) and prayers, or with the main mantra of the goddess.




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13. Installation of the Sacred Water Pitcher, Other Deities, and Objects As shown in the chart above (Figure 5), two different water pitchers are then installed in the main pj space on the first day: the main clay pitcher called the durgkalaa at the center at the place of the mladevat (main deity), and the second one, the varu#akalaa, in the northeast. Although the kalaa may signify any deity (for example, the male deity Varu!a) in whose name it is established,507 the main pitcher– the installation of which is of prime importance on the first day– is worshiped as an aniconic form of the goddess herself.508 The clay form of the pitcher is closely associated with the earth which, before the pitcher is firmly established, is first worshiped as the goddess herself and as Aditi, the mother of the eight ditya gods:509 O" bhr asi bhmir asi aditir asi vivadhys vivasya bhuvanasya dhartr| p%thiv" yaccha p%thiv" d%"ha p%thiv" m hims.|| (VS 13.18; TS 4.2.9.1, 7.1.1.2.1; B 7.4.2.7). O%. You are the earth, you are the ground, you are Aditi, the maintainer/supporter of the whole world, (which is) the basis of all things. Restrain the earth, make the earth firm, (and) do not injure the earth. The installation of the durg pitcher can be performed in two different ways– the traditional Vedic-pur!ic way and the tntric way; the manual suggests that the purohitas should choose whichever way suits them best. The Nepalese manuals used for this study contain both types of description: R!’s manual is the tntric version while Aryl’s is more of the Vedic-purnic type. The major installation rituals consist of the purification of the ground, the drawing of a yantra (either sarvatobhadrama#ala or the tntric one, such as bindu, triko#a, v%tta, and caturasra); propitiation of various mother goddesses (mt%ks) and guardian deities (such as lokaplas and dikplas) on the periphery; and the installation of the deities. After worshiping the p ha (base or pedestal as the seat of the goddess) with o" (hr") siddhevarp hya nama (o" obeisance to the base of the goddess Siddh), the purohita sprinkles the base of the kalaa with argha as an offering to the invited goddess.510 He then places the smanya argha (water) and reverences that with ma" vahnima#alya dhmrrcidi-daakaltmane nama [ma", obeisance to the circle of Agni (made of) ten subtle digits of smoke-colored rays, etc.]. He places




























































507

Bühnemann cites Mahnirv#atantra (5.181) for the mythology of the kalaa that the celestial architect Vivakarman made from various parts (kal) of the gods (Bühnemann, 127). The setting up of water jars for the ablution of the deities seems to appear first in various g%hyastra texts (e.g., BodhGS 2.15.2-10, 4.20.2, 5.8.1; HirGS 1.7.15; KauS 3.1-2). 508 For the following pitcher, see Khanna, Yantra, 17. 509

Aryl, Navartra tath Yamapañcaka Pjvidhi, 16. Although the earth and Aditi are linked as one, it does not appear to be so in the RV, which mentions her name (Aditi) about eighty times. While the earth is (RV 1.6) even referred to as Indra’s consort, Aditi is presented as the mother of Indra, of kings (2.27), of the gods (1.113.19), and of the dityas–that group of seven or eight gods including Mitra, Bhaga, Daka, A%a, Varu!a, and Aryaman (2.27.1). Both Aditi and the earth, however, are connected in terms of their motherhood and in their supportive (enforcing, %ta) roles, but the former appears as an independent deity without a male consort in the RV.

510 Dhana R! leaves out the details and mentions that one can establish the well-decorated pitcher according to one’s own tradition (10).




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the water pitcher on the ground and offers worship o" arkama#alya tapinydidvdaakaltmane nama [o% obeisance to the circle of the Sun (consisting of) twelve digits of heat, etc.]. After this, he puts important objects with the relevant mantras: the earth with la" (p%thvbja), a small god image with the gyatr verse;511 the water to fill the pitcher with all the syllable/akaras (symbolic of all aktis) followed by the main mantra, ai" hr" kl" cmu#yai vicce (ai", hr", kl", vicce to the goddess Cmu!). Once the pitcher is filled with water, he worships it with sa" somama#alya am%tdioaakaltmane nama [sa" obeisance to the disc of the moon (comprising) sixteen digits of nectar (am%ta) and the rest]. Then, he offers other elements: with du" h%dya nama (du", obeisance to the heart), he puts pañcaratna (five gems); with irase svh (hail to the head), he puts fruits; with ikhyai vaa (vaa to the crest/tuft of the hair), he puts five sprouts (pañcapallava); with kavacya h" (h" to the armor), he places the clothes around the jar; with netratrayya vaua (vaua to three eyes), he adds the three eyes made of silver (or three milled rice grains), and with astrya pha (pha to the letter/astra), he places the yantra-drawn plate on top of the pitcher.512 In most of the cases, gold or another type of goddess image is also placed on top of the plate. 14. The Installation of the Varuakalaa The second major installation is that of the varu#akalaa,513 the water pitcher dedicated to the deity Varu!a, one of the oldest of the Vedic gods of %ta (cosmic order), water, and the celestial ocean. The ritual seems to have drawn on the ancient Vedic practice of honoring the deity of cosmic order (%ta); Varu!a in this ritual is regarded as the witness and the recipient of devotional activities.514 For the installation of the varu#akalaa, the purohita first draws the eight-petalled diagram on the northeast side to place the water pitcher dedicated to the deity Varu!a. Then follows the prayer to the earth with flower and milled rice grains with o" bhr asi bhmir asya ditir asi… (VS 13.18; TS 4.2.9.1, 7.1.1.2.1; B 7.4.2.7). The purohita offers flowers and the grains on the ground. He next takes flowers and milled rice grains, touches the unhusked rice grains to be placed on the ground to form the base of the pitcher, saying o" dhnyam asi…. (VS 1.20; TS 1.1.6.1; B 1.2.1.18). After this, he takes flower and milled rice grains, and touches the pitcher with o" jighra kalaam… (VS 8.4.2; TS 7.1.6.6; B 4.5.8.6) and offers them to the pitcher.Then he places the following ingredients, reciting the relevant mantras: waters from various sacred rivers with o" varu#asyottambhanam asi… (VS 4.36; B 3.3.4.25); all the herbs (RV 10.97.1; VS 12.75; B 7.2.4.26); pañcaratna (RV 10.121.1; VS 13.4, 23.1, 25.10; TS 4.1.8.3; B 7.4.1.19); whole areca nut (o" y phalinr y aphal RV 10.97.15; SV 12.89; TS 4.2.6.4); barley (RV 10.97.22; VS 12.96); sandal paste (RVKh 5.87.9, TA 10.1.10); drv (VS 13.20; B 7.4.2.14); earth from seven places (RV 1.22.15, VS 35.21, 36.13); pañcapallava to cover the pitcher (o" avatthe vo niadanam… RV 10.97.5; VS 12.79; TS 4.2.6.2; B 13.8.3.1);






























































511 The Kl gyatr mantra: o" klkyai ca vidmahe manavsinyai dhmahi tan no aghor pracodayt (Aryl, Navartri tath Yamapañcaka Pjvidhi, 31). 512 Dhana R!, 10-11. 513 Dhana R!’s manual gives a very brief reference to the installation of the varu#akalaa (especially the invocation, installation, and prayers) and leaves out other ritual details, asking the worshipers to follow their own traditions. Since Aryl’s description is a standard one for the establishment of varu#akalaa, I will follow his manual which at this point will also give us a perspective on the difference between the tntric and Vedic-pur!ic types. 514 For the devotional worship to Varu!a, the Vedic mantras are re-purposed and made to fit a later ritual, such as here.




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mango leaves to cover the mouth of the pitcher (VS 23.18, B 13.2.8.3); and cloth to wrap around the pitcher (RV 2.23.15; VS 26.23; TS 1.8.22.2). Once these items are positioned, he invokes the sacred fords and rivers to come and abide in the kalaa with o" sarve samudr saritas trthni jaladndy| yntu yajamnasya duritakaya krak (May all the oceans, rivers, fords, the water-giving rivers, i.e., those things whose gift is water, etc., which are the destroyers of miseries of the yajamna, come). • Infusing the vital breath (pr#aprati h) is accomplished with o" manujtir juatm…(VS 2.13; TS 1.5.3.2; B 1.7.4.22). •

Invocation of Varu!a and pj, o" tat tvymi brahma#… (RV 1.24.11; VS 18.49, 21.2; TS 2.1.11.6, 5.7.6.4; B 9.4.2.17).

The pj is then offered by touching various places of the water pitcher:515 Recitation ———— O" kalaasya mukhe vi#u ka# he rudra samrita mle tv asya sthito brahm madhye mt%ga# sm%t kukau tu sgar sarve saptadvp vasundhar

Touching ———– (on the mouth of the kalaa) (on the neck) (on the base) (in the middle) (on the belly) (on seven places of kalaa)

%gvedo’tha yajurveda, smavedo’py atharva#a a&gai ca sahit sarve kalaa" tu samrit atra gyatr svitr ntipu ikar tath| yntu mama ntyartha" duritakayakrik||

(on four places of kalaa) (on all places of kalaa)

O%. Vinu is at the mouth of the water pitcher; Rudra is situated at the throat; Brahm is seated at its base; the groups of mothers are said (sm%t) (to be staying) in the middle. All the oceans are in the belly; the earth (with her) seven islands (continents), the $gveda and (then) Yajurveda, Smaveda and also Atharvaveda; along with (their) limbs, all are situated in the pitcher. In this place is gyatr (verse) (with) Svitr (as the deity), the causer of peace and prosperity. May these who are the destroyers of troubles come for the sake of my comfort (peace). By taking flowers and milled rice grains, he offers prayers to the water pitcher, with o" devadnavasa"vde mathyamne mahodadhau| utpanno’si tad kumbha vidh%to vi#un svayam||1|| In the conversation/dialogue of gods and demons while the ocean was being churned, you then arose, O pot, being carried by Vi!u himself. tvat toye sarvatrthni dev sarve tvayi sthit|




























































515




Aryl, Navartri tath Yamapañcaka Pjvidhi, 17-19.

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tvayi ti hanti bhtni tvayi pr# prati hit||2|| All the sacred fords are in your water, all the gods are in you, the creatures are in you, (and) the breaths are founded on you. iva svaya" tvam ev’si vi#us tva" ca prajpati| dity vasavo rudr vivedev sapit%k||3|| You yourself are iva, you are Vi!u and Prajpati, dityas, Vasus, and Rudras, all gods with the ancestors. tvayi ti hanti sarve’pi yata kmaphala prad| tvatprasdd ima" yajña" kartum he jalodbhava||4|| Since all those (beings) that bestow the results/fruits of desire are situated in you, O you whose origin is water, from water, in water, I strive to perform this sacrifice through your grace. snniddhya" kuru devea prasanno bhava sarvad|| anay pjay varu#dyvhit dev pryant" nama||5|| Be present, O Lord of gods (Vi!u), be always kindly disposed. With this pj, may the gods Varu!a and the rest, being invited, be pleased. Obeisance! varu#adevat prasanno bhava, varado bhava| o" bhr bhuva sva varu#akalaya nama|| As the deity Varu!a may be kindly disposed, be the granter of boons. O%, earth, air, heaven, obeisance to the Varu!a pitcher! The pj to the nine plants, ten guardians of directions, and nysa of the six limbs are also performed. Following this, the installations of Bhairava in the form of a lamp, Ganea, the conch, and the vessel for bali offering are done in their respective places. They follow similar patterns-meditation on the deity, invocation, infusion of the vital breath, and offering various services. All sorts of deities, such as the twelve dityas, sixteen mother goddesses, sixty-four yogins, and seven Maruts are similarly worshiped.516 Once the sacred pitcher is installed, the purohita meditates on the goddess Durg, brings through tntric means the envisioned goddess into the flower held in his hand, and places the flower on the plate on which the yantra is drawn. The flower then remains on top of the main water vessel. Sometimes the image of the goddess is placed on the plate, and a ritual of installation is performed; at other times, the yantra itself is venerated as the embodied goddess.






























































516




Aryl, Navartri tath Yamapañcaka Pjvidhi, 10.

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15. The Installation of the Yantra and the Goddess Table 4: The Process of Installation

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15.1. Meditation on the goddess (dhyna) The goddess is then meditated on with the kara kacchapmudr (the tortoise gesture). 15.2. Invocations (vhana)517 ehi durge mahbhge rakrtha" mama sarvad vhaymy aha" dev sarvakmrthasiddhaye asmin gha e samgaccha sthiti" matk%p kuru rak" kuru sad bhadre vivevari namo’stu te o" hr" durge ktyyani gaccha gaccha svh. I invoke (you), goddess, for the attainment of all (my) wishes and desired objects. Come, O blessed (of great good fortune) Durg Mahbhg, always for my protection. I drive (bring) here (you) O goddess, for the accomplishment of all kmas and arthas (desires and wealth). Come together in this pitcher, with compassion for me, be present. Always protect, O Bhadr Vivevar (good mistress of all things), obeisance to you. O% hr", O Durg Ktyyan, come come, svh. In the process of bringing the goddess to the desired space, the purohita begins with the utterance, “Oh Durg dev!” Then, with the palms and fingers up, and touching their roots with the thumbs, he says, gaccha gaccha (come, come). He turns those positions upside down and says, iha ti ha ti ha (stay here, stay here). Then, he inserts the thumbs inside his fingers, making two fists, and says, sannidhehi sannidhehi (come near, come near). He reverses the positions, turns the wrists up and says, sa"mukh bhava sa"mukh bhava (be face-to-face, be




























































517




Dhana R!, 18.

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faceto-face). He makes a milch cow gesture and says, am%tbhava am%tbhava (be full of bliss, be full of bliss). He turns the thumbs up, clinching the fists, saying paramk%tbhava (be the one who is made highest). Then he does the p hapj with:518 ma" ma#kdiparatattv"tayogap hadevatbhyo nama o" hr" dhrdya apu ksanya nama o" hr" mahisanya nama o" hr" si"hsanya nama o" hr" du" rdurgmrtiyogap htmane nama. ma" obeisance to the deities of the seat of yoga ending in the ultimate elements such as the frog and the rest. o" hr" obeisance to the eight seats of nurture (such as) dhra, etc. o" hrm obeisance to the seat of the buffalo (-demon) o" hrm obeisance to the seat of the lion o" hr" du" obeisance to the self, which is the yoga seat of the image of the glorious Durg. 15.3. Touching the Limbs (aganysa) Through the ritual act of touching different parts of the deity or her yantra, the ritual specialist is said to invest the object with divine power. The nysa and bhtauddhi rituals performed during the preliminary performance already symbolically transform the ritual specialist into a transmitter of divine power to the objects. In this nysa rite, sometimes the sixteen parts of the deity’s body or the divine icon is touched with the recitation of the sixteen verses of the puruaskta (RV X.90), or the last verses for the nysa of five or six limbs. The nysa performed in the Nepalese power places, however, follow the following order:519 On the head, with o" brahm vi#u rudra%bhyo nama (o%, obeisance to Brahm, Vi!u, Rudra, and iva) On the mouth, with o" %gyajusmacchandobyo nama (o%, obeisance to "g, Yajur, Sma and the meter/hymn) On the heart, with o" pr#khya devatyai nama (o%, obeisance to the deity by the name Pr!a/breath) On the private (secret, guhya) part, with o" " bjya nama (o%, ", obeisance to the seed) On the feet, with o" krau" aktyai nama (o%, krau", obeisance to akti) Again, On the head, o" jha" jña" i" abdaspararparasagandhtmane " irase svh (o%, jha" jña" i" (o" jha" jña" i" with regard to the essence of the five senses sound, touch, visible form, taste, and smell. Hail to the head!) On the tuft (lock) of the hair, o" a" ha" a" ha" #a" u" rotratvkcakurjihv brhma#tmane " ikhyai vaa (o" a" ha" a" ha" #a" u" to that which consists of hearing, speech, eye, tongue, to the self who is Brhma#a, to the top-knot. vasa )




























































518 519




Ibid., 19. Aryl, 29-30.

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On the armour with o" ta" tha" da" dha" na" ai" vkp#ipdapaypasthtmane ai" kavacya hu" (o" ta" tha" da" dha" na" ai" consisting of voice, hand, feet, anus, genitals ai" hu" to armor/protector) On three eyes with o" pa" pha" ba" bha" ma" " vcandnavihara#otsargna"dtmane au" netratrayya vaua (o" pa" pha" ba" bha" ma" " with regard to that which consists in speaking, taking, moving around, expulsion, and pleasure. vaua to the triad of eyes) On the weapon (astra) with o" ya" ra" la" va" a" a" sa" ha" ka" a" manobuddhyaha&kracitttmane a astrya pha (o" ya" ra" la" va" a" a" sa" ha" ka" a" to that which consists of mind, discriminating power, ego, consciousness, and intellect. a pha to the syllable/weapon). 15.4. The Infusion of the Vital Breath (prapratih) The ritual of infusion of the vital breath is performed to give life to the image, or to the abstract diagram of the deity. This process is believed to impart the divine life to the image. In the mantra, first the three distinct syllables are uttered: " is the seed syllable (also called pabja), hr" is the aktibja (seed of power), and kro" is the wedge (klaka), the final part of the mantra. After this, the verse is spoken for infusing the life breath (pr#a), soul (jva), and sense organs (indriya), followed by the syllable svh, indicating the completion of the rite. For this ritual, the purohita, having taken the milled rice grains and flower and having touched the yantra drawn earlier with the gesture of a female antelope (m%gmudr) or by touching the heart of the goddess, recites the following mantra either 10, 27, 54, or 108 times:520 o" " hr" kro" ya" ra" la" va" a" a" sa" ha" ha" sa so’ha" durgdevy pr# iha pr# || o" " hr" kro" ya" ra" la" va" a" a" sa" ha" ha" sa durgdevy jva iha sthita|| o" " hr" kro" ya" ra" la" va" a" a" sa" ha" ha" sa durgdevy sarvendriy#i v&manastvakcakurjihvghr#apr# ihgatya sukha" cira" ti hantu nama svh. o" " hr" kro" ya" ra" la" va" a" a" sa" ha" ha" sa so’ha" the vital breath of the goddess Durg, here are the vital breaths. o" " hr" kro" ya" ra" la" va" a" a" sa" ha" ha" sa the soul (jva) of the goddess Durg, is established here|| o" " hr" kro" ya" ra" la" va" a" a" sa" ha" ha" sa may all the Goddess Durg’s sense organs–the speech, mind, skin (touch), eyes (eye sight), tongue (taste), nose (smelling) and vital breath–having come here, long remain happily, obeisance, svh. and leaves the flower on the yantra or on the dev’s feet.






























































520

Aryl, Navartri tath Yamapañcaka Pjvidhi, 27. There is a variation in the mantras as documented in Aryl and R!a, and for the sake of convenience (especially for its brevity) Dhana R!’s (tntric devotional) mantra has been chosen.




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15.5. The Infusion of the Vital Breath to Oneself After the infusion of the vital life breath to the image or the magical diagram, the purohita does the same ritual for himself to make his heart worthy for his worship of the deity. He does this ritual by taking flowers and milled rice grains, then touching his own heart, and repeating the following mantra seven times:521 O" " hrau" krau" glau" hu" kl" j" sa ai" hr" r" haskhphre" hasau raktarakte mahraktacmu#evar avatara avatara veaya veaya " hr" kro" mohansvarpi# ehi ehi " hr" krau" mama h%daye vaha vaha sannidhi" kuru kuru. " hr" krau" mama h%daye sukha" cira" ti he " hrm kro" hu" pha svh. Om. " hrau" krau" glau" hu" kl" j" sa ai" hr" r" haskhphre" hasau. O you who are blood-red, as the great blood-red mistress Cmu!, come down, come down, take possession, take possession (of me). Come, come, establish, establish (your) presence for a long time in my heart. " hrm kro" hu" pha svh. After this, the navr#a mantra of the goddess (ai" hr" kl" cmu#yai vicce) is repeated as many times as practicable, and flowers and milled rice grains are offered to the goddess or to her yantra.522 The purohita also recites the klkmantra (Kl gyatr), as the goddesses Klik and Cmu! are two of the many names of the goddess Durg: o" klkyai ca vidmahe manavsinyai dhmahi tan no aghor pracodayt [we wish to know Klik, we wish to place (her) who dwells in the cremation ground, may the terrifying/not-terrifying one impel us]. At this point, the purohita’s preceptor (guru) may also receive worship and libation, along with the appropriate mantra.523 15.6. Bathing (snna) the Divine Icon It is believed that through bathing the qualities of the substances (used for bathing) are transferred to the object being purified: “In that, there is curd, honey, and ghee, and it is the sap of plants and the waters, verily thus he confers upon him the sap of plants and the waters.”524 The mantras used for bathing the divine images are much simplified in the navartri, with the tntric main mantra of the goddess followed by an act of obeisance. The bathing is done with pure water, milk, curd, ghee, honey, ground sugar (and water), and pure water:525 With pure water: o" ai" hr" kl" cmu#yai vicce uddhajalena snpaymi durgdevyai nama [o%, ai" hr" kl"; hail to Cmu!. I bathe (the goddess) with pure water. Obeisance to the goddess Durg.] With milk: o" ai" hr" kl" cmu#yai vicce dugdhena snpaymi durgdevyai nama [o%, ai" hr" kl"; vicce to Cmu!. I bathe (the goddess) with milk. Obeisance to the goddess Durg.]




























































521

Aryl, Navartri tath Yamapañcaka Pjvidhi, 30-31. Khanna, Yantra, 45. 523 Aryl, 31. 524 AB 8.8.2; AB 8.20.1: “Curd is power in this world; in that he anoints him with curds, verily thus he confers power upon him. Honey is the sap in plants and trees; in that he anoints with honey, verily thus he confers sap upon him. Ghee is the brilliance of animals; in that he anoints with ghee, verily thus he confers brilliance upon him. Waters are the immortal in the world; in that he anoints with water, thereby he confers immortality upon him….” 525 Aryl, Navartri tath Yamapañcaka Pjvidhi, 34. 522




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With curdled milk: o" ai" hr" kl" cmu#yai vicce dadhin snpaymi durgdevyai nama [o%, ai" hr" kl"; vicce to Cmu!. I bathe (the goddess) with curds. Obeisance to the goddess Durg.] With ghee: o" ai" hr" kl" cmu#yai vicce gh%tena snpaymi durgdevyai nama [o%, ai" hr" kl"; vicce to Cmu!. I bathe (the goddess) with ghee. Obeisance to the goddess Durg.] With honey: o" ai" hr" kl" cmu#yai vicce madhun snapaymi durgdevyai nama [o%, ai" hr" kl"; vicce to Cmu!. I bathe (the goddess) with honey. Obeisance to the goddess Durg.] With ground sugar: o" ai" hr" kl" cmu#yai vicce arkaray snpaymi durgdevyai nama [o%, ai" hr" kl"; vicce to Cmu!. I bathe (the goddess) with sugar. Obeisance to the goddess Durg.] With pure water: o" ai" hr" kl" cmu#yai vicce uddhojalena snpaymi durgdevyai nama [o%, ai" hr" kl"; vicce to Cmu!. I bathe (the goddess) with pure water. Obeisance to the goddess Durg.] 15.7. Offering Various Services (upacras) Upacra literally means “service,” “attendance,” “honoring” and “worshiping,” and it is regarded as a mark of devotion and obeisance to the deity. The articles of worship–five, ten, sixteen, eighteen, or sixty-four–are offered to the deity. Each object of worship is a token of respect paid to the deity, who is also regarded as a royal guest.526 Often, the offering of any service is preceded by the recitation of the verse or mantra and followed by the accompanying gesture.527 Many offering items initially belonging to royal worship (rjopacra), such as the umbrella/parasole (chatra), chowrie/flywhisk (cmara), shield with royal insignia, lute (v#), mirror (darpa#a), swing (ndolana), fan (vyajana), bell (gha# ), trumpet (khla), wooden sandals (pduk), sound of the conch (a&khanda), songs (gt), instrumental music (vdya), and dance (n%tya)528 are offered to the deity. It is also important to note that the items offered should be new, pure, and unspoilt in any way and should be offered in the spirit of true devotion. In this phase of the ritual, various services–traditionally five, ten, sixteen, or more–are offered to the goddess (in her image/yantra), along with the appropriate mantras and gestures:




























































526

The number of upacras can vary from one to one hundred and eight, or even more. However, either five or sixteen upacras are the most common forms, although the exact names of the upacras differ from source to source. 527 Tripathi states that the traditional upacra consists of six courses: recitation of the upacra-verse with some flowers in the hands; pronunciation of the basic mantra; offering of the article(s) of the upacra; utterance of the special formula of the upacra; making appropriate gestures; and between every two upacras, pouring some water in a vessel and showing a towel to the Deity. According to the Puruottama Mhtmya (PM), as Tripathi mentions, after the upacras, arghya, madhuparka, snna, vastra/yajñopavta, dhpa, dpa and naivedya, the water prepared for camanya should be offered whereas, after all other upacras, simple water (i.e., sanctified but not meant for any upacra) may be offered (311-312). 528 Bühnemann, 65; Tripathi, 361.




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seat, water for washing the feet, argha water, water for sipping, conch water, water for sipping again, madhuparka (a dish of curds, honey, and clarified butter), water for sipping, elaborate bathing, dressing in a red garment, wearing a sign of good fortune (saubhgya), and wearing an object as an ornament (dravyabha#a). After this, he offers worship with flower and milled rice grains with his right hand, forming the tattvamudr (a special hand gesture)529 and libations with water, again making a similar gesture. The offering of services is resumed, beginning with madhuparka, sandal paste, red paste (vermilion powder, si"dura), saffron (ku&kum), barley and sesame, milled rice grains, oil, bilva leaf, ocimum basilicum leaf (tulas), flowers and garlands, fruits, Panicum dactylon (drv), incense (dhpa), a lamp (dpa), food (naivedya), water for sipping (camanya), a (gold) coin, chowrie (camara), a fan, a mirror, and finally clockwise circumambulation with the following verse:530 o" yni-kni ca ppni brahmahatysamni ca| tni-tni pra#ayantu pradaki#apade-pade|| Whatever wicked deeds which are equal to the murder of brhmins May those deeds vanish at every step of the circumambulation. 16. The Installation of the Virgins Worshiping the virgins is one of the highlights of the festival. The virgins, of two to ten years, are selected from various classes of society and duly worshiped each day as nine different forms of the goddess:531 the two-year-old is regarded as Kumr (Sandhy), the three-year-old as Trimrti (Tridhmrti), the four-year-old as Kaly! (Sarasvat), the five-year-old as Rohi! (Klik), the six-year-old as Vai!av (Subhadr), the seven-year-old as Ca!ik (Bhavedrum), the eight-year-old as mbhav (Bhillin), the nine-year-old as Subhadr (Kubjik), and the tenyear-old as Durg (Klasandharbh).532 It is believed that a one-year-old does not have fully developed senses and is not suitable for this kind of worship. In the Nepalese royal tradition, the number of virgins is increased every day– one virgin on the first day, two on the second day, three on the third day, and so forth until the ninth day, when nine different virgins are duly worshiped.533 These girls should not have any physical or other visible flaws, and are selected from the following updhyya brhmin clans in Gorkh: from the Aryl clan for the first day (as Kumr/Sandhy),534 from the Bha$$ar clan for the second day, from the Khanl clan for the third day, from the P!e clan for the fourth day, from the Koirl clan for the fifth day, from the P!e clan for the sixth day, two virgins from the clan of Pantha and two virgins, one from each, from the Kaariy (Ka$$el) and Lohan clans for subsequent days.535 A little boy, as an embodied iva/Krttikeya, is worshiped only on the ninth day, when twenty-seven virgins and two boys




























































529

See the line drawings of various mudrs used in the rituals in Trip$h’s Communication, 456-465. Also, in Ajit Mookerjee and Madhu Khanna, The Tntric Way: Art, Science, Ritual (London: Thames and Hudson, 1977), 141. Aryl, Navartri tath Yamapañcaka Pjvidhi, 47. 531 R!, 72; arm Bha$$ar, 43-44, 76-77. 532 Grv! h, 207; Aryl’s handbook even states that the virgin worshiped on the tenth day is also named Durg, and her alternative name for this day is aparjit (“the unconquered one”). The aparjit tree is worshiped on the tenth day before the king takes his victory sojourn. 533 Grv! h, 207-208. The increase in the number of virgins each day also suggests the increasing ritual activities. 534 It clearly shows the preeminence of the Aryl clan, as the chief purohita of the temple belongs to the Aryl family. However, it seems that the Bha$$ar clan used to work as the chief purohita of the palace before the Aryl took over, and they reportedly used to worship the virgin from their own family or clan on the first day. 535 Rjrm Subed, 9, 41; arm Bha$$ar, 44. However, the list is not quite clear, especially on the seventh and eighth days. 530




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(including the ones worshiped earlier) collectively receive honors as divine beings. However, this tradition is slightly different in the Hanumnhok, where two little girls (kumr) and one little boy (kumra) are worshiped on the first seven days, and nine virgins and one boy on the eighth and ninth days.536 Most of the rituals performed inside the Taleju temple (where the icons of the goddess in the forms of yantra and water pitcher are worshiped) are secret and esoteric. However, an insider’s account suggests that in the esoteric ritual of the eighth night (klartr), male and female tntric adepts (sdhaka-s) participate in the ritual through the gestures of malefemale union in the presence of the virgin.537 Since these virgin girls are installed as living embodiments of the goddess, the same ritual items, such as karmaptra and arghya, used for the installation of the deities in the pj room of the goddess are brought for the virgin worship.538 This shows a symbolic connection between the supreme goddess and the virgins. The virgin installation follows the pattern of the installation of the deity; and the same pattern of the virgin worship–except for the change of names of the goddesses while reciting certain mantras dedicated to certain forms of the goddess– is repeated each day until the ninth.539 As usual, the ritual begins with the purohita taking a solemn vow, saying540 Hari o" tatsat (3 times) vi#u (three times) prvasa&kalpasiddhir astu o" adhyeha amuka gotrasya amuka pravarasya…amuka arma#e aha" mama, sarvri apraamanaprvaka-devprasdavividhamanobh akmanvpti rjyakara#ottar [sic.] klikdevlokagamanakma kumr" tath va uka" ca pjanaprvaka" bhojayiye. Hari o% that is the totality of that which exists. Let there be success for the previous resolution, here today, for me who am of such- and- such a gotra (family lineage), such-and-such a "i ancestor (pravara), for the protection of such-and-such a person. I, who have the desire of going to the world of the goddess Klik, following the making of a kingship by which there is an attainment of various desires, wished for by the mind, by the grace of the goddess, attended (preceded) by the pacification of my misfortunes, will feed a maiden (Kumr) and likewise a brhmin boy, after offering worship. Then, the goddess is meditated on with folded hands, especially in her best and most beautiful form. The attendants of the palace wash her feet, and the water is sent to the king, who consecrates himself and his throne with this sacred liquid.541 In this process of worship, a seat is offered to her, with o" idam sanam samarpaymi. ai" hr" ha" sau sandhyyai kumryai nama (I offer this seat. aim hr" ha" sau, obeisance to sndhy kumr), and similarly, the




























































536

arm Bha$$ar, 161; Rjrm Subed, 9. Vajracrya, 76. He mentions a medieval tntric text called the Klottaratantra, which is reportedly the basis of the goddess worship at the dark night of the eighth day inside the Taleju temple. The goddess Taleju is regarded as a form of Durg, whose images figure on the tympanum of the temple that houses the virgin goddess (Kumr). 538 arm Bha$$ar, 43. 539 Here, I follow Aryl’s manual (Navartri tath Yamapañcaka Pjvidhi, 40-42) which gives more details about what the virgin worship would look like. R!’s is the shorter description, and he does not mention how this important ritual is performed. Subedi speculates that R! may not have given the details because of the esoteric (tntric) nature of the ritual. 540 Arjyl, Navartri tath Yamapañcaka Pjvidhi, 40. 541 arm Bha$$ar, 43. 537




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foot water (pdya) is offered to her with a similar recitation: o" etaj jala" samarpaymi. ai" hr" ha" sau sandhyyai kumryai nama (I offer this water. ai" hr" ha" sau, obeisance to sndhy kumr). This process continues until all the services are offered to the goddess.542 Then, the following thirteen different body parts (including all limbs) of the virgin are offered worship: feet, shanks, ankles, knees, private parts, navel, heart, throat, hands, mouth, forehead, head, and all limbs. Prayers with the best divine epithets and names are made to her, and the ritual concludes with the virgin (goddess) giving back some remnants of the items offered to her earlier. This culminating event illustrates the tradition of virgin worship and also the worshiper’s desire to be intimately connected with the deity. 17. Worshiping Sacrificial Animals (pauyajña) The sacrifice of animals follows an elaborate procedure, which theoretically applies to all the animals sacrificed during this period.543 At its most basic, the stages of the ritual are as follows: the animal is consecrated; the sword is then worshiped as a form of the goddess Kl; and the ash gourd and the animal are then sacrificed. For the consecration of animals, the rituals of purification and nysas are first performed. The verses employed during the purification recount how the deities, such as Agni (Fire), Srya (Sun), Vyu (Wind), Candra (Moon), and Gandharva, were also once animals and how gods used those animals for sacrifices to conquer this world.544 It is, therefore, implied that the animals sacrificed with similar intent (i. e., to conquer this world) are representatives of the demons. Different parts of the animal’s body are purified and satisfied, and it is hoped that particular parts of the animal return to the respective spheres where the animal was formed. Once the animal is absolved of impurities, a symbolic microcosm-macrocosm relation is maintained by associating the animal’s body parts with various deities. The purification and subsequent rites, such as nysas, deify the sacrificial animal, which then receives reverential worship. After conveying the gyatr mantra to the ear of the animal, wishes are made for the welfare of the sacrificer, especially for releasing the sacrificer from his evils/misdeeds, for the expansion of his dynasty and wealth, and for the destruction of his enemies. The mantras recount that the evils/misdeeds of the animal in its past lives led to its birth into animal form, from which the animal will be permanently released upon its sacrifice. The sacrifice has the capacity to transform and release the victim from its evil-ridden existence and lead it to the heavenly spheres. However, the idea of the transformative sacrifice does not seem to hold true in the Newr form of sacrifices as enacted in the precincts of the Taleju temple (in Hanumnhok). The animals there are sacrificed with cruelty and without any compassion, and apparently no prayers are made for the liberation of animals from the round of life-death-rebirth. 17.1. The Consecration of Animals For the purpose of consecration, the purohita first sprinkles the feet of the animal, with the words,






























































542 The services (upacras) mentioned in Aryl’s manual are the following: water (jalam), foot water (pdyam), arghya water (arghyam), sips of water offered again (punarcamanyam), pañcm%ta", pure water (uddhajalam), fragrance/sandal paste (gandham/candanam), milled rice grains (akat), barley (yava), sesame (tila), flower (pupa), incense (dhpa), lamp (dpa), food offering (naivedya), water (jala), fruit (phala), betel (tmbla), sword (khaga), garland (mlya), collyrium (kajjala), ornaments (bha#a), and saffron and the rest (ku&kumdikam). 543 However, a short form of the collective ritual is sometimes deemed sufficient in the case of the sacrifice of a large number of animals. The animals are placed together, sprinkled with the relevant mantras, and consecrated. They make sure that the animals shake themselves as signs of an acceptance of their own sacrifice. 544 Dhana R!a, 52.




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o" agni paur st, tena ayajanta, sa eta! lokam ajayad, yasmin agni sa te loko bhaviyasi, tañ jeyasi, pibait apa. O%. Agni was an animal. With him, (the gods) sacrificed for themselves. He conquered that world, in which Agni (exists). That will become your world. You will conquer it. Drink these waters! 17.2. The Purification and Worship The purohita then purifies the animal by touching different parts, including the mouth (speech), head, horn, eyes, ears, mouth, throat, the generative male organ (mehra) and all limbs. The purohita first recites the specific mantra and then touches the part of the animal in the following order:545 With o" vca" te undhmi (o%, I purify your speech), he touches the mouth. o" iras te undhmi (o%, I purify your head), he touches the head. o" %&ge te undhmi (o%, I purify your horns), he touches the horns. o" cakus te undhmi (o%, I purify your eyes), he touches the eyes. o" kar#au te undhmi (o%, I purify your ears), he touches the ears. o" vaktran te undhmi (o%, I purify your mouth), he touches the end of the mouth. o" ka# ha" te undhmi (o%, I purify your throat), he touches the throat. o" mehran te undhmi (o%, I purify your generative organ), he touches the organ. o" sarvagtr#i te undhmi (o%, I purify your entire limbs), he touches the limbs. Then, he recites each of the following mantras and offers worship to the respective limb: o" vk te pyyatm (o% may your mouth be satiated/pleased) o" iras te pyyatm (o%, may your head be satiated) o" cakus te pyyatm (o%, may your eyes be satiated) o" %&gan te pyyatm (o%, may your your horns’ ends be satiated) o" kar#au te pyyatm (o%, may your ears be satiated) o" vaktrn te pyyatm (o%, may your snout/mouth be satiated) o" ka# ha" te pyyatm (o%, may your throat be satiated) o" mehrn te pyyatm (o%, may the end of your generative organ be satiated) o" sarvagtr#i te pyyatm (o%, may your entire limb be satiated). 17.3. The Microcosmic and Macrocosmic Correlations Next, the purohita offers a flower on the head of the animal, with o" ca#ikbalirpya chga/mahiya paave nama (o% obeisance to the goat/buffalo, to the form of sacrifice for Ca!ik). A series of correlations between microcosm and macrocosm is maintained, as petitions are offered for the reunion of parts of the sacrificial animal with the deities or elemental forms of the universe: the animal’s speech with Sarasvat, feet with the earth, anus with Mitra, lap (upastha) with water, eyes with light, ears with the sky/atmosphere, nose with the wind, all the limbs with the directions, and the mind with the Supreme Brahman. The ritual homology employed here illustrates that there is an inherent/hidden connection between the individual and




























































545




Dhana R!, 53.

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the larger cosmic sphere. This homology has been prominent in Hindu tradition at least from the time of the RV and the B%hadra#yaka Upaniad (RV 10:90; BU, 1.3.11-16, 1.6, 1.7, 4.1.2).546 ai" hr" r" vk te sarasvaty" lyat" nama pha svh (ai" hr" r" may your speech merge into Sarasvat pha svh) ai" hr" r" pdau te p%thivy" lyat" nama pha svh (ai" hr" r" may your feet merge into earth pha svh) ai" hr" r" pyus te mitre lyat" nama pha svh (ai" hr" r" may your anus merge into Mitra pha svh) ai" hr" r" upasthas te jale lyat" nama pha svh (ai" hr" r" may your lap merge into water pha svh) ai" hr" r" caku te tejasi lyat" nama pha svh (ai" hr" r" may your eyes merge into light pha svh) ai" hr" r" kar#au te nabhasi [sic.] lyat" nama pha svh (ai" hr" r" may your ears merge into sky pha svh) ai" hr" r" ghr#nte vyau lyat" nama pha svh (ai" hr" r" may end of your nose (smell) merge into wind pha svh) ai" hr" r" sav&gni te diku lyat" nama pha svh (ai" hr" r" may all your limbs merge into the directions pha svh) ai" hr" r" manas te parabrahma#i lyat" nama pha svh (ai" hr" r" may your mind merge into the Supreme Brahman pha svh) 17.4. The Nysa (infusion, insertion into, the assignment of various parts of the body to tutelary deities) Then, the nysa (touching different parts of the animals with mantras) rite is performed with the tip of the kua grass:547 On the skull, o" cmunyai nama (o%, obeisance to Cmu!) On both horns, o" yamya nama (o%, obeisance to Yama) On both eyes, o" aibhskarbhy" nama (o%, obeisance to Moon and Sun) On both ears, o" b%haspataye nama (o%, obeisance to B#haspati) On both temples of the head, o" candrya nama (o%, obeisance to Candra/Moon) On the mouth, o" rudhiravadanya nama (o%, obeisance to the blood-faced one) On the teeth, o" raktada"tikyai nama (o%, obeisance to Raktadantik, the blood-toothed one) On the nostrils, o" p%thivyai nama (o%, obeisance to the Earth) On the neck, o" mahdevya nama (o%, obeisance to the great god iva) On the belly, o" p%thivyai nama (o%, obeisance to the earth) On concealed senses, o" prajpataye nama (o%, obeisance to the lord of creation) On the back, o" krmya nama (o%, obeisance to Krma/tortoise (Vi!u’s incarnation)) On the tail, o" s&gop&gya nama (o%, obeisance to all the ancillary limbs and additional limbs) 17.5. The Ritual Assignments of Body Parts The process of purification and deification leads to the ritual assignment of parts of the ritual body to the related deities or elements: the skull to Cmu!, horns to Yama, eyes to the Sun and Moon, ears to B#haspati, temples of the head to Candra, mouth to the blood-faced one, teeth to




























































546 547




For the mantras following this, see Dhana R!, 54-55. Dhana R!, 54-55

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Raktadantik, nostrils to the earth, neck to iva, belly to the earth, concealed senses to the lord of creation, back to Krma, and tail to the Vedas. The animal is accorded divine honor, and his ritual passage to heaven is assured:548 o" yajñrthe paava s%  yajñrthe paughtanam| atas tv" ghtayiymi tasmd yajñevadho bhava|| chga/Mahia tva" balirpe#a mama bhgyd upasthita| pra#ammi tato devarpi#a" balirpi#am|| ima" deha" parityajya bhtv devavapurdhara| modasva pramathai srddha" yvad indr caturdaa|| The animals are created for the sake of sacrifice, and there is killing of animals for sacrifice. Therefore, I will kill you; on that account, be one whose killing has occurred in sacrifice. You are a goat/buffalo in (with) the form of offering, and (you) are present because of my good fortune. I pay obeisance to the form of the deity, the form of offering. Having abandoned this body (and) assuming the body of a god/Pramatha (iva), along with the attendants, enjoy (yourself) until the fourteenth Indra. 17.6. Conveying the gyatr mantra and making a solemn declaration for sacrifice The purohita recites the gyatr mantra in the the ears of the animal (first on the left, then on the right, and then on the left again) with, o" paupya vidmahe vivakarma#e dhmahi tan no jva pracodayt. We wish to know the snare (loop) of animal; we wish to place (him) with all action; may that life (vital breath) impel us. The purohita makes a solemn declaration by taking sesame (tila), kua grass, and water in his hand, saying:549 o" adyetydi amukagotrasymukasya mama sarvappakayaprvaka– vividhotptapraamana-lakm– putrapautrdi–va"av%ddhi–nairujyadrghyuyabalapu iprpti-atrubalahnikara#akmanay amu" chga"/Mahia" vahnidaivatka" daavarvacchinnadurgdevprtaye balitvena dtum aham uts%je. O%. From today on, I, who am of such-and-such a gotra, am “releasing” that goat/buffalo to give as a sacrifice for the pleasure for ten years of the goddess Durg, whose deity is fire, with my desire of causing the destruction of enemy forces and of acquiring a strengthening of my own power, long life and health, the increase of my own clan through sons and grandsons and so on, good fortune, and the quieting of various evil omens–(all of which) is accomplished with the dwindling of all my sins. 17.7. Sprinkling the animal for sacrifice Then the purohita sprinkles the animal from the tail through the back to the head in order to get its permission for sacrifice. He feeds it the argha water with the following mantra and makes it ready for the sacrifice,550




























































548

Dhana R!, 55. Ibid, 56. 550 Ibid. 549




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o" prvajanmak%tt ppt paujanmani jyate/ihaloka" parityajya divyaloka" sa gacchatu. o% because of the evil done in past lives, one is born as (in the form of) an animal. Having abandoned this world, may it go to the divine realm. 18. Worshiping the Sword (khagapj) A specific procedure is followed for the sword worship; theoretically, this applies to all the swords and knives used in the festival. It has a standard pattern of invoking the goddess onto the sword, offering services to it, making prayers, holding the sword in the hand, and using it for animal sacrifice. Since the actual sacrifices are carried out by non-brhmins, the purohita involved does all the ritual while the animal sacrificer (often a representive from the traditional low caste) finally holds the weapon and slays. The ritual begins with the act of sprinkling the consecrated water on the sword with the expression, pha , after which the purohita inscribes the syllable hu" on the sword. Forming the tortoise gesture with his fingers, he meditates on the terrifying image of the goddess befitting the occasion with551 k%#a" pinkap#iñ ca klartrsvarpi#am| ugra" raktsyanayana" raktamlnulepanam|| rakt"baradhara" caiva pahasta"| pibamna" ca rudhira" bhuñjna" kravyasa"hati"|| kobhayanta" jagat sarva" ka"pamna" pracri#am| ve ita" m%tyuklbhy" vmadaki#abhgata|| Appearing in the form of the dark night, with the dark pinka bow (bow of iva) in hand, fierce, with red face/mouth and eye, with red unguents and garlands and wearing red garments, (with) noose (snare, loop) in hand, and drinking blood, eating a mass of raw flesh, causing confusion, upsetting the entire world, shaking, moving about, and surrounded by death and annihilation on left and right sides. After meditating on the goddess in such forms, he invokes her onto the sword with o" hr" hu" phre" ehy ehi bhagavati bhairavi bhairavas"nidhya" kuru kuru/adhi htr bhavdhi ht bhava pha nama svh|| o" hr" hu" phre". come come, O goddess Bhairav, cause cause Bhairava to be present, become the supreme governess, and become the governor, pha , obeisance, svh. He then offers various services, with “o" hr" khagya nama” (o% obeisance to the sword) and worships the animal by offering flowers and milled rice grains three times, with o" hr" kli kli vajrevari lohada#ya nama (o" hr" O Kli, O Kli, O Vajrevar goddess with thunderbolt, obeisance to the iron staff). The worship is then directed to specific parts of the sword. First, he worships its back, with o" brahma#e sarasvatyai icchaktytmane nama [o% obeisance to Brahm, Sarasvat, and to one’s will-power (icchsakt)]; in the middle of the




























































551




Ibid, 57.

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sword, with hr" vi#ave lakmyai jñnaaktytmane nama (hr" obeisance to Vi!u, Lakm, and to one’s own power of knowledge/wisdom); on the edge/blade of the sword, with kl" ivya gaurya kriyaktytmane nama (kl" obeisance to iva, Gaur and to one’s power of action). Then, he prays with552 rasan tva" ca#iky suralokaprasdhik| bhu&kva tasya pao rakta" kravyasa"hatim eva ca|| chinddhi mamnia" atrn ma&galni prayaccha me| daityadnavarakos%&madonmatta namo’stu te|| khagya khalanya aktikryya| pau chedyas tvay ghra" khagantha namo’stu te|| You are Ca!ik’s tongue adorning the world of the gods. Enjoy a mass of the very raw flesh and blood of that animal. Kill my enemies incessantly, (and) grant me auspicious things. O you who are intoxicated with the blood of daityas, dnavas, and rkasas (daityadnavarakos%&madonmatta), obeisance to you, to the sword, for the destruction of the wicked, and for the creation of akti (power). (Following this) the animal is quickly to be slain by you. Obeisance to you, O patron of the sword, O Lord Sword (khagantha). Then, he holds the sword, saying553 asir viasama khagas tk#adhro dursada| rgarbho vijaya ca eva dharmapla namo’stu te|| The blade is the sharp-edged sword equal to poison, difficult to withstand, hard to approach, womb of r and victory itself, O protector of dharma, Obeisance to you! For the ritual killing, the sacrifices of the ash gourd and then the animal are done in order. 19. The Sacrifice of the Ash gourd Offering the ash gourd (kubhi#o, in Nepali) is an important part of the sacrifice, and it often replaces the sacrifice of an animal. The purohita first places the ash gourd in front of the goddess and does the pj, with o" durgvalirpya kum#ya nama (O%, obeisance to ku"#a, a form of Durg). As usual, various services are offered and eulogies are made to the ash gourd as the purohita offers services to it. Similarly, a solemn declaration is made that this ash gourd, which is a form of the demon Mahia, is sacrificed for the satisfaction of the goddess Durg. Then, holding the already sanctified sword and reciting, o" du" khagya nama (O". du" obeisance to the sword!), the purohita chops the ash gourd, like the Buddhists of the Kathmandu valley who often sacrifice the ash gourd instead of actual animals, with one stroke. Having then smeared vermillion powder on the gourd and lit camphor on it, he offers it to the goddess.554




























































552

Ibid, 58. Ibid, 58-59. 554 According to Witzel, humans are born from gourds in many ancient mythologies, and it might be the reason why a gourd is chosen for a sacrificial purpose (i.e., as a replacement of themselves). 553




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20. The Sacrifice of the Consecrated Animal Next, the butcher (Rn Magar or some other deputed for this job in Gorkh) slays the animal while the purohita recites,555 o" hr" udbudhyasva pao tva" hi nivas tva" ivo’si hi| ivotk%tyam ida" pi#am atas tva" ivat" vraja|| o" chinddhi chinddhi h" pha ||| O" hr" awake, O animal. You are not inauspicious (aiva), for you are iva (benign). This ball (mass) is to be made from iva; therefore, proceed to ivaness. O%, chop, chop, h" pha . This mantra used for the sacrifice reminds participants of a story in the Klik Pur#a, which presents the demon Mahia as iva himself born as the son of Rambha, the enemy of gods (60.137). Being much pleased by Rambha’s propitiation, iva had granted a boon and was himself subsequently born of the union of Rambha (father) and a buffalo (mother), which was also iva’s own portion (60.146). This buffalo demon Mahia was later cursed by the sage Ktyyana, who decreed that a woman would kill him; in order to fulfil the curse and meet this destiny, the goddess was then used by iva himself to kill his own form (60.152).556 21. The rt in the Evening In the evening, a ceremony called rt (evening worship) is performed.557 This ritual consists of the recitation of certain eulogistic verses (e.g., from the Dev Mhtmya, “y Dev” hymn, 85.736) accompanied by the clockwise waving of a platter of lamps around the goddess (or her image in any form). After the general worship to all deities, the purohita lights the lamp on the platter and sprinkles the sanctified water from the argha plate, saying sau astrya pha , and worships the lamp-platter with the five seed syllables (pañcaratnabja), gl", sl", ml", pl", and nl". Holding the ratptra in the right hand and bell in the left hand, he first recites the mlamantra: ai" hr" kl" cmu#yai vicce, or alternatively, o" durge durge raka#i svh. He then waves the light clockwise. After placing the light on the foot of the goddess, he recites the mlamantra and sprinkles the goddess from feet to head, and repeats this process nine times.558 This is followed by the people paying homage to the rt platter and receiving the divine heat on their hands and eyes. 22. The Repetition of the Rituals from the Second to the Seventh Days From the second day through the morning of the seventh day, most of the rituals performed earlier are repeated. However, the rituals of invocation and infusion of vital life-breath are not performed, as the deities have already been properly placed on the first day. With the ritual establishment and infusion of the vital life-breath, the deity will remain present in the sacred icons or symbols until she is sent off at the end of the festival. Besides the insignia and other objects she is regularly endowed with, a special additional offering is made to the goddess on each day559 of the festival: an image on the first day; a bronze, plate (k"syaptra) on the second day; the round seat (stool) made of the michelia/manolia tree (cnpa) on the third day; saffron




























































555

Ibid, 59. However, the Klik Pur#a mentions only three consecutive births of this nature, underscoring the cyclic nature of the cosmic battle. 557 The word rti is from rtrik, at the evening ritual. 558 R!, 27-28. 559 It is, however, difficult to say what the goddess looks like and how she is adorned inside the pj room of the palace. 556




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(crocus sativus), incense, two musk pods (of the musk deer) and other parts (avayava) on the fourth day;560 sandal, red-sandal, and madhuparka on the fifth day; the pure white lower garment of women (sri) on the sixth day; the red lower garment on the seventh day.561 Similarly, parts of various Pur!ic (Dev Mhtmya and Dev Bhgavata Pur#a) and Vedic texts (Smaveda and Yajurveda) are recited. The other deities situated in and around the palace area also receive pj and sacrifices, and the body parts of the sacrificed animals are distributed to different people, with the king or his representative always receiving the livers of the animals.562






























































560

Rjrm Subed, 10. arm Bha$$ar, 50. There is a slightly different list for the offerings from the second to the fifth days in Aryl (Navartri tath Yamapañcaka Pjvidhi, 46). Grv! h’s book recommends that the goddess be offered ornaments or other items: the hair of the head on the first day; the hair oil on the second day; the mirror and the red lead on the third day; the madhuparka (an offering of a mixture of honey and milk to the guest, king, deity and so on), the tilaka (a mark on the forehead; the mark is often made with coloured earths, the sandal-wood, or the unguents, either as an ornament or a sectarian distinction) and the netra ma#ana (decoration on the eyes) on the fourth day; ornaments on the fifth day; awakening on the bilva (aegle marmelos) tree on the sixth day; bringing the bilva and other plants on the seventh day; fasting and worship on the eighth day; animal sacrifices and worship of Ugraca! on the ninth day; and victory celebration on the tenth day (209-210). 562 arm Bha$$ar, 46. 561




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CHAPTER IV The Royal Navartri in Gorkh and Hanum nhok Palaces in Nepal (from the Sixth to the Fifteenth Days) 1. The Sixth-Day Rituals 1.1. The Pjs and Bodhana (Awakening) Except for the rites of the infusion of vital breath and bidding farewell, the sixth-day rituals repeat, at least in miniature form, the ones performed on the preceding days. However, in the evening of the sixth and seven days, rituals related to plants and leaves are unique and predominant; nine forms of the goddess are awakened in the following nine plant leaves (navapattrikbodhana): the banana plantain, edible root (colocasia antiaquorum), turmeric, clerodendrum phlomidis (jaya), wood apple tree (bilva/bel), pomegranate, aoka tree (saraca indica), arum plant (alocasia indica), and rice, all of which are transported for worship to the palace on the seventh day.563 This ritual is deemed necessary because the goddess is thought to be asleep in the monsoon season, and with the onset of the autumn, in need of awakening by her devotees.564 These nine plants565selected for the ceremony are significant in the life of the people: barley and rice are the major staple grains; the bel (aegle marmelos), banana, and pomegranate are important fruits; the bel, turmeric, arum plant, pomegranate, and even the bark of the aoka (literally, that which has no grief) tree are often used as herbs; turmeric is an indispensable ingredient in cooking; and arum colocasia is also a very popular food eaten in a variety of ways. Most of these plants grow in a tropical climate. Because they are related to people’s day-to-day living (at least in ancient times), they are also used in religious rituals. The Nepalese religious tradition seems to have adapted the same plants in pan-Indian ceremonial use (equally popular in Nepal), with some important additions, such as the flower of leucas linifolia (dro#apupa), wild




























































563

Pratp h, 101. Coomaraswamy associates the worship of navapatrik with the tradition of yaka and yaks, the supernatural beings living in forests. A. K. Coomaraswamy, Yakas, 2 Vols (Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1971), 32. Cf. Sarat Chandra Roy, “On the Cult of the Jujube-Tree,” Man in India, vol. 4 (1981-2004): 98-110; Also, “On the Cult of the Tree-Goddess in Eastern Bengal,” Man in India, vol. 2: 227-239. It appears that the much more ancient cult of worshiping trees and vegetation may have been integrated later into the tradition of Durg worship. It is also believed that the tradition of navapatrik was a survival of the cult of Durg as a vegetation-spirit or the tree goddess (e.g., vanadurg, Durg of the forest). 564 It is believed that the autumnal navartri was an expanded form of the spring fertility festival (which appears to be the more ancient one) as it later incorporated martial and metaphysical elements. For this reason, the autumnal navartri is referred to as untimely (akla). ivapriynanda mentions that, in contrast to the spring goddess festival, the autumnal navartri falls in dakinyana, when the sun appears to move south of the equator, a very inauspicious period: “Most rituals that are undertaken during this period, and the festivals that fall within it, are for protection and immunity from the harmful effects of nature and malevolent beings (21). ivapriynanda, Mysore Royal Dasara (New Delhi: Abhinav Publications, 1995). The Atharvaveda-Parii a and Dev Mhtmya (12.11) refer to the popularity of the autumnal navartri festival. Kane states that the rainy season was the time for rest for ancient kings, who often spent this time in worship-related activities, and that it was thus appropriate to designate this time as a period of rest (sleep) for the gods. The deity Vi!u is also said to go to sleep during the monsoon (Kane, V. 109). 565 R!a, 28; Aryl, 47; Grv! h, 213: “ra"bh kacc haridr ca jayant bilvadimau| aoko mnav%kaca dhnydi navapatrik.” This is in keeping with the pan-Indian tradition of worshiping the leaves of the plants as forms of the goddess. Pratpchandra Ghosh, Durg Pj: With Notes and Illustrations (Calcutta: Hindoo Patriot Press, 1871), 67-68; Hillary Rodrigues, Ritual Worship of the Great Goddess: The Liturgy of the Durga Puja with Interpretations (New York: Suny, 2003), 129-130.




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rice (nvodhn, in Nepali), a weed which grows among rice (sm, in Nepali); sugarcane; ginger; mango leaves; and sacred fig (ficus religiosa) trees.566 Although nine is a sacred number and is very prominent in this festival, the Nepalese tradition, by adding some more plants to the collection, seems to suggest that the supreme goddess exists in all types of plants and might not be limited to any numerical category. Since these select plants are considered most useful, they are sacralized and invested with divine powers (aktis). At the top of this list is the plantain (banana, kadal) tree, also called Rambh (a beautiful heavenly damsel used by Indra to distract the sage Vivmitra from his religious austerities), and it is worshiped as the goddess Brahm!, the consort of Brahm (the creator god in the Hindu pantheon). Similarly, the arum colocasia plant is honored as Klik; the turmeric plant as Durg; the barley plant (also called Jayant) as Krttik; the bel plant as iv; the pomegranate plant as Raktadantik; the Aoka plant as okarahit; the mna plant (mnav%ka) as Cmu!; and the rice plant as Lakm.567 Table 5: The Nine Plants and the Goddesses Plants Worshiped as the goddess Banana plantain Brahm! kacv (arum colocasia) Klik turmeric Durg barley Krttik bel iv pomegranate Raktadantik aoka okarahit mna Cmu! rice/paddy Lakm Certain relationships between the plants and names are obvious, and the composers of the manuals and practitioners seem to be very mindful of such relationships: rice is traditionally considered a source of income and prosperity and is, therefore, regarded as Lakm; the color of the pomegranate and its seeds are related to the colors of teeth and blood, so it is related to the goddess Raktadantik, which literally means the one whose teeth are blood-red;568 the outer skin of the edible root of arum colocasia appears black, so it may have been connected to the dark goddess Klik through the symbolism of color; aoka literally means the one without sorrow, so it is related to the goddess with the similar name (okarahit, one who is devoid of sorrow); Jayant (victorious one) is related to Krttik (from Krtikeya, the god of war and valor and son of the goddess Durg herself) through their prowess and victorious nature; the turmeric (haridr) may be related to the goddess Durg because of its yellow color; and, importantly, the bel plant and its fruits are connected to iva in the popular imagination. For the invitation and awakening of the goddess in these plants in Gorkh, the local people, comprising (1) the royal attendants/servants belonging to the Rn-Magar clan from




























































566

arm Bha$$r, 53-54; van den Hoek, 107. In addition to these nine plants (leaves), arm Bha$$ar mentions a slightly extended list of plants, including leucas linifolia (dro#apupa), wild rice, a particular kind of weed called sm, two Aegle marmelos fruits, the sugarcane, and the ginger plants. 567 The list of goddesses inhabiting various plants does not correspond with the nine forms of the goddess worshiped during these nine days (ailaputr, Brahmacri!, Candragha!$, Kum!, Skandamt, Ktyyan, Klartr, Mahgaur, and Siddhidtr). Dhana R!, 38. Aryl, Navartra tath Yamapañcaka Pjvidhi, 51-52. 568 The Dev Mhtmya (11.39-41) mentions that the goddess’s teeth would become red like pomegranate while devouring demons, and she would be known in the mortal world as Raktadantik.




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Bhirko$ (Bhirko e susre), (2) the palanquin bearers from the Basnet clan, and (3) the royal brhmin working in the palace, joined by the public, visit the place called Piple, which is about one and a half hours’ walk down the southern side of the Gorkh palace. For the ritual in Hanumnhok, people of the Magar clan and other attendants visit the place called Jvanpur, in the Dhdi&g district, to perform the awakening ritual, and to bring flowers/plants and the welldecorated pitcher sent from the Gorkh palace.569 The central act consists of awakening the goddess on the branch of the fruit-bearing bilva tree. For this, the purohita, having approached the bilva tree, lights the lamp as a witness and makes a solemn declaration, invites the goddess to be present, and then offers prays and pjs.570 The mantras recount the story of how Brahm once awakened the goddess in the tree for the support of Rma in his battle against Rva!a, and how Indra, the god of heaven, also awakened the goddess in order to defeat enemies and obtain kingship:571 o" rva#asya vadhrthya rmasynugrahya ca| akle brahma# bodho devys tvayi k%ta pur|| aham apy vine mse syhne bodhaymy aham| akre#pi ca sa"bodhya prpta" rjya" surlaye|| tasmd aha" tv" pratibodhaymi yath eva rme#a hato dasya|| tath eva atrn viniptaymi| vibhtirjyapratipattiheto|| For the killing of Rva!a and for the favor of Rma, the (rite of) awakening of the goddess was previously performed at an unseasonable time by Brahm. I too in the evening, in the month of vina (September-October), awaken (you). Having awakened (you) in the abode of the gods, the kingship (rjya") was obtained by akra (Indra) himself. I, therefore, awaken you. Just as Dasya (Rva!a) was slain by Rma, in the same way I strike down enemies for the mighty kingdom (in order to gain the reward of sacrifice).572 Then, with the tntric pur#ic mantra: ai" hr" r" ha" sa" kha" phre" hu" sau bhagavati rdurge utti ha utti ha nidr" jahi nidr" jahi pratibuddhyasva pratibuddhyasva mama atrn hana mama atrn hana ptaya ptaya svh.




























































569

Rjrm Subed, 29. The brhmins working in the Gorkh palace assumed the sole responsibility of carrying the flowers and the pitcher before 1968 CE, but after that, the tradition was continued with the involvement of the royal military unit from Triul (Rjrm Subed, 29). 570 Aryl, Navartri tath Yamapañcaka Pjvidhi, 46. 571 The verses are slightly different in Grv! h’s manual, in which the fruit of the wood apple (bilva) is mentioned as originating at the summit of the mountain called raila and regarded as the habitation of the goddess r (“railaekharejta rphala rniketana,” 213). However, it mentions that after being taken home, she will be worshiped as the goddess Durg. Dhana R!, 85. 572 It is to be noted that the purohita uses the first person in the recitation and speaks on behalf of the king. Since he is working for the king, he speaks out the words for the king. The conflation of the first and the third person pronouns may be understood as his dual role in ritual performance, i.e., speaking for himself as well as for the king.




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ai" hr" r" ha" sa" kha" phre" hu" sau, O glorious Durg, rise up, rise up, release (yourself), cast off sleep, cast off sleep, wake up, wake up, kill my enemies, kill my enemies, strike (them) down, strike (them) down, svh. The ritual includes various offerings to the bilva branch, such as perfumes, turmeric, and aromatics, as well as the sacrifice of animals. On this occasion, the goddess is worshiped in three distinct forms--Mahkl, Mahlakm, and Mahsarasvat, and her manifestation in the form of nature is constantly asserted.573 Mahkl is worshiped in her form of having ten hands with various weapons, along with the mantra, o" kr" ai" mahklyai vicce. Similarly, Mahlakm, having eighteen arms and endowed with weapons, is honored with the recitation of o" sr" hr" mahlakmai vicce, and Mahsarasvat, with her eight arms and weapons, is worshiped with the mantra, ai" kl" sarasvatyai vicce. 1.2. The Seventh-Day Rituals The Klik Pur#a recounts that on this day the body of the goddess was formed through the energies of various gods.574 The seventh-day ritual seems to mimic this mythic moment in a different way; nine different types of plants are worshiped as forms of the goddess. As in the previous days, the daily rituals consist of worshiping the deities, reciting from the Vedic and Pur!ic texts, and honoring the virgins. On this day, a very corpulent (satra) local buffalo, regarded as a representative of the mythical demon Mahia, is consecrated with the alcohol prepared in the palace itself and made ready for the sacrifice on the ninth-day. Other rituals of this day comprise the ceremonious welcome of r Bhairava in the form of a lamp (dpa), extended worship of the goddess in the nine leaves/plants, the worship of the goddess in her Bhadrakl form, worship of her weapons, animal sacrifices, and an overnight vigil with songs and dances.575 In the Hanumnhok palace, the yantra of the goddess Taleju is ceremonially brought to the main courtyard (mlcok), where worship and massive animal sacrifices are perfomed over the following days/nights. 2. The Ceremonious Welcome of the Navapatrik One of the main highlights of the day is the ceremonious welcome of the nine plants/leaves (navapatrik) to the palace. For this purpose, the priests and other people working in the Gorkh palace make a pilgrimage to collect the plants, including the branch of the bilva tree. However, no intentional violence of any sort should be done while chopping and uprooting the plants and branches, as they are regarded as the embodied powers the goddess herself. Therefore, before chopping the bilva branch with two fruits on it, the priest reverences the tree and asks for the goddess’s permission to chop the branch. He first invokes the goddess saying, gaccha sarvakaly#i (come, O all- auspicious one!), and tells of how this tree is dear to a&kara (iva) and its bel fruits (also called rphala in the manual) to the goddess Bhagavat. He then chops the branch, saying o" chindhi chindhi pha pha o" hu" pha svh576 (o", cut, cut, pha pha o" hu" pha svh). The bilva branch and other plants are then brought to the lower fort (Talloko$)






























































573 Pratp h mentions the goddess Mahkl as having ten hands and holding weapons, Mahlakm as having eighteen arms with weapons, and Mahsarasvat as having eight arms and holding appropriate weapons. He also quotes the nine-syllable mantra for meditation on each goddess: “o" kr" ai" mahklyai vicce”; “o" sr" hr" mahlakmai vicce”; and “o" ai" kl" sarasvatyai vicce” (6-8). 574 Klik Pur#a, 60.79. r Biwanryan str (ed.), Klik Pur#a (Varanasi: Chaukhambha Bharati Academy, 2008). According to the Klik Pur#a, on the seventh day, the goddess’s body was formed through the energies of the gods, who adorned her on the eighth day. Then, on the ninth day, she was worshiped with offerings, and she killed the demon Mahia. On the tenth, the goddess was sent off after her mission was accomplished (60.78-80). 575 arm Bha$$ar, 54-66; van den Hoek, 107. 576 Grv! h, 216.




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of Gorkh, where a group of people from the palace, with the decorated water pitcher and ten martial standards, welcomes the plants and brings them to the Gorakhkl temple, where they are received by the king’s representatives.577 This occasion is most prominent in the capital city, where it is observed on a grand scale. After the conquest of the Kathmandu valley, P#thv Nyya! h introduced the tradition of bringing the sacred pitcher (an aniconic form of the goddess) and the navapatrik from Gorkh, and this tradition has continued even after the dissolution of monarchy. For the Hanumnhok rituals, the navapatrik is carried all the way from Jivanpr, Dhdi&g district, along with the sacred pitcher from the Gokh palace, and received at Rnipokhar (literally, Queen’s pond), which now lies at the heart of the capital city, Kathmandu. The plant leaves or shrubs, along with the water-filled pitcher, are carried by a group of three Magar people from Gorkh to Jvanpur, Dhdi&g; from there, the sacred shrubs and pitcher are brought to Kathmandu by the eight people: three Magars, two Newrs, one brhmin, and two military personnel from the Samarja&g military quarter. These people wear the red cap, red upper garment and red lower garment; out of these people, the Magar priests are given the major responsibility. The procession is protected on its sides by martial colors/standards (ninas). The priest first consecrates the nine plants kept in the palanquin, which is covered by a gold-tipped and decorated umbrella; the king and his representatives then circumambulate the pitcher/palanquin three times and have the divine sight (darana). Then, a goat is sacrificed as an honor to the goddess in the plant forms, and the sacrificial ritual is connected to the vegetative growth. As usual, each moment is filled with the chanting of relevant mantras that glorify the divine power of the goddess and that express wishes for the health and happiness of the king and the people. The procession then heads to the Hanumnhok pj room.578 It is led by the old-style Gorkh regiment rdulju&g of P#thv Nrya! h’s time, also called the Gurjko Platoon, which was instrumental in the conquest of the Kathmandu valley in 1768. The army unit is traditionally dressed in black Gorkh dress (daur suruvl, in Nepali), with a cap with a silver strap on it and with old-style rifles.579 The army procession is accompanied by a unit that plays national Nepalese music (pañcebj in Nepali, literally the music produced by five Nepalese instruments); a unit playing auspicious music (ma&galasen); a group of eight women working in the palace and holding the sacred jars; the navapatrik palanquin, led by the Magar priest; bearers of the gold-tipped decorated palanquin, embroidered umbrella, banana stalks, barley seedlings and sugarcane plants tied with red cloth; palace officials holding the insignia such as the sun, bell and chowrie fan; the musical band from the military unit (called rdl band); the musical band of the Samarja&g military unit; and another military unit. This procession also involves high-ranking officials from the military and police quarters and the civil service. The navapatrik (along with pitchers and so on) is finally taken to the pj room (of dasainghar) located in the main courtyard (mlcok) inside the nsalcok of Hanumnhok. A military parade is organized inside the Hanumnhok palace as the navapatrik is worshiped, along with the sacrifice of an ash gourd and a goat, before the sacred pitchers and flowers/plants are taken inside the pj room. The procession is received in Hanumnhok by the king and other dignitaries.






























































577 However, it is stated that the king used to personally participate in the rituals in Gorkh until 1768, when P#thv Nrya! h moved the capital to Kathmandu. 578 For a recent report of the trend, see The Kathmandu Post, October 13, 2010. For a general description of it, see Mary M. Anderson, The Festivals of Nepal (London: George Allen & Unwin Ltd, 1971), 147-48. 579 Jitendra Sh, “Phlpt Ytrk Srathi,” Kantipur, October 1, 2011.




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A parallel but shorter form of the navapatrik reception occurs before this event in the Kaelcok Bhagavat temple inside the Hanumnhoka palace. This practice seems to have begun during the Malla period in Nepalese history. The sacred pitchers and plants are brought to this temple from the Guhyevar temple in Kathmandu, and the divine center of power is connected to the royal center. The practice is called pattiksthpan (establishment of leaves/plants) as mentioned in the Newr manual called Varakriy.580 However, only the grand reception of flowers/shrubs in Hanumnhok (from Gorkh) is marked by a twenty-one cannon salute, signalling the auspicious occasion for the populace to welcome the sacred plants inside their domestic pi has (sacred pavilions). This event predominates the minor ritual occasion that precedes the small procession from the popular Guhyavar temple to the Kaelcok goddess temple in Hanumnhok.581 The process may be summed up as: Table 6: Bringing the Nine Plants by the Mallas and h Kings Guhyevar Temple Gorkh-Kl Temple practice

Kaelcok Bhagavat (Hanumnhok): Malla tradition






Jvanpur

Hanumnhok: h ritual

This ceremonial reception at the Hanumnhok palace is preceded by grand martial displays by the royal Nepal Army involving horse racing, gun and cannon salutes, and sword dances in the Army pavilion in downtown Kathmandu. The firing of the guns and cannons are part of the tradition of honoring the goddess in the form of plants and also of saluting the king.582 This grand display is observed by the king, other royal persons, ministers, army and police personnel, dignitaries and foreign diplomats, and the general public. 3. The Installation of the Navapatrik in the Pj Room Once the nine types of plants and other flowers are ceremonially received with pj and animal sacrifices, at a time when the sun is half-set,583 the purohita ritually establishes the plants by the side of the image or an icon of the goddess with,584




























































580

Ibid. The main temple of Guhyevar is located on the left bank of the river Bgmat in Deop$an, near the Paupatinth temple. The hidden pit (ku#a) of the Guhyevar temple is covered with the sacred pitcher made in the form of a lotus yantra. The place is popular for Hindus and Buddhists alike. The Buddhists regard the place as the seat of power of the self-manifested light of the di-Buddha, which is believed to have surfaced at the place of the popular Svayambhnth Temple of Kathmandu. For Buddhists, the goddess Guhyevar is the di-akti of the diBuddha. For a general description of these places, see Kevin Bubriski and Keith Dowman, Power Places of Kathmandu: Hindu and Buddhist Holy Sites in the Sacred Valley of Nepal (Vermont: Inner Traditions International, 1995). For the history and rituals in Guhyevari, see Axel Michaels with Nutan Sharma, “Goddess of the Secret. Guhyevar in Nepal and Her Festival,” in Wild Goddesses in India and Nepal: Proceedings of an International Symposium Berne and Zurich, November 1994, eds. Axel Michaels, et al. (Bern: Peter Lang AG, 1996), 303-342. For the ritual in the Paupatinth temple, see Axel Michaels, Shiva in Trouble: Festivals and Rituals at the Pashupatinath Temple of Deopatan (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008). 582 Kantipur, October 19, 2004. See http://www.ekantipur.com/2004/10/22/top-story/fulpati-being-observedtoday/20063.html 583 Rjrm Subed, 33. 584 Dhana R!, 31. 581




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ropitsi durge tva" m%nmay" rphale’pi ca| sthir nitnta" bhtv ca g%he tva" kmad bhava ! O Durg, you are placed in the form of clay and rphala (vilva fruit, aegle marmelops); having become always fixed (firm) in the house, become the granter of wishes in the house!585 After this, he prepares for an elaborate consecration using the water pitchers installed during the pj. 4. The Bathing and Abhieka of the Navapatrik Many abhieka rites are done for the plants addressed as Durg (or r) and as beloved of iva (or Hara). As the bathing continues, the purohita asks for blessings of peace, victory, success, and the pururthas (i.e., dharma, artha, and kma).586 It is believed that the ritual bathing of the plants leads to the fulfillment of the king’s petitions for the destruction of enemies and attainment of sovereignty.587 These leaves/plants receive a series of consecrations for which the purohita invokes numerous deities and entities to honor the goddess abiding in them.588 The ritual of sprinkling is first done individually for each plant and then collectively. In the beginning, the bathing with pure water of each plant is performed with,589 On Kadal kadaltarusa"sthsi ambhuvakasthalasthite| snpaymy adya patri-tv" namas te haravallabhe|| You who are situated on the surface of iva’s chest, you are (the) one who has the appearance of a banana tree. I bathe you today. Obeisance to you, O beloved of Hara (iva)! On Kacv kacvi tva" sthvarbht sadya siddhividhyin| durgrpe#a sarvatra snnena vijaya" kuru|| O Kacvi (arum colocasia), you remain established daily; you are the maker of supernatural powers (siddhis) in (with) the form of Durg. Bring victory everywhere (at all times) by ablution. On Haridr haridre hara dukhni a&karasya sad priye| rudrarpsi devi tva" sarvanti" prayaccha me|| O turmeric, (you) who are always dear to iva, take away troubles. O Devi, you are the form of Rudra. Grant me utter peace.




























































585

Grv! h, 216; R!, 31. It is to be noted that the concept of moka (liberation) does not figure out on the list of pururtha. 587 Pratp h, 84. 588 As Yasuhiro Tsuchiyama mentions in his study of abhieka in the Vedic and post-Vedic rituals, the sense of “sprinkling” seems to have been conveyed by the word sn- from the time of the G#hyastras: “This trend has become more distinct in succeeding ages. For example, in the rjybhieka of the BaudhGS, the abhieka of the king (1.23.14) is denoted by the verb sn- in the later sutra (1.23.17) and in the puybhieka the king who is sprinkled upon with fluids is called snta (AVP 5.57).” Yasuhiro Tsuchiyama, “Abhieka in the Vedic and PostVedic Rituals,” in From Material to Deity: Indian Rituals of Consecration, eds. Shingo Einoo and Jun Takashima (New Delhi: Manohar, 2005), 80-81. 589 Pratp h, 75. 586




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On Jayant jayanti jayarpsi jagat" jayakri# sthpaymha devi tv" jaya" dehi g%he mama|| O Jayanti, you, conquering of the worlds, are victory incarnate as the maker of victory over the worlds. O Goddess, I establish you here; grant victory in my house. On Belpatra rphala srniketo’si sad vijayavardhana dehi me dharmakmrthn prasanno bhava sarvad|| O rphala, the augmentor of victory, you always are the abode (temple) of r. Grant (to) me righteousness (dharma), pleasure (kma), and wealth (artha) (and) always remain kindly disposed. On Dima dimy aghapra#ya kunnya tath n%#m nirmitsi pur dhtr prasda tvam umpriye|| O dimi (pomegranate), for the destruction of evil and for the destruction of hunger of men (people), you were previously formed by the creator (Brahm). Be gracious, O you who are dear to Um. On Aoka sthir bhava sadoke durge okavinini may tva" pjit nitya" sthir bhava haripriye|| O Durg, always remain firm, O destroyer of sorrow. You are always worshiped by me. Remain firm, O you who are dear to Hari. On Mnavka brhmeu mno mneu mnanya sursurai snpaymi mahdev" mna" dehi namo’stute|| The mna (arum indicum) is to be honored among the sacred plants by gods and demons. I bathe the great Goddess; grant (me) the respect, obeisance to you! On Dhnya (grain/paddy) lakms tva" dhnyarpsi pr#in" pr#adyin sthirtyanta" hi no bhtv g%he kmaprad bhava|| You are Lakm, you are the one whose form is rice grain (dhnya); you are the granter of life-breath for creatures. Having become extremely strong for us, be a granter of desires in our home. This is followed by a collective bathing of these plants with river waters, along with verses invoking the rivers Narmad, Godvar, Kver, Yamun, Sarasvat; heavenly rivers, such as Mandkin; and the rivers in the regions below the earth, such as Bhogavat. A lengthy sprinkling ceremony is performed, invoking various deities and entities, such as Brahm, Vi!u,




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Mahevara, Vsudeva, Jaganntha, Sa%kara!a, Pradyumna, and Aniruddha, requesting them to consecrate the goddess in her leaf forms:590 sarve tv" abhiiñcantu brahmavi#umahevar| vsudevo jagannthas tath sa"kara#a prabhu|| pradyumna cniruddha ca bhavat" snpayantv ime|| May Brahm, Vi!u, Mahevara, Vsudeva, Jaganntha, Lord Sa%kara!a, Pradyumna, and Aniruddha all bathe you, the Goddess. Similarly, the priest invokes the twelve dityas, eleven Rudras, Maruta, Vasus, Varu!a, Pavana (wind), iva, and the guardians of the directions (dikplas) to bathe the goddess. The mother goddesses Krti (fame), Lakm (wealth), Dh%ti (firmness), Medh (intelligence), Pu i (patience/forebearance), Rati (nourishment), raddh (faithfulness), Kam (pleasure/enjoyment), Buddhi (intelligence/reason), Lajj (modesty/bashfulness), Kriy (performance/activity), nti (tranquility/propitiation), Tu i (contentment), and Knti (grace/radiance) are called upon for the same purpose. The qualities and the virtues related to these varied names are very desirable for the king to have. Likewise, nine planets, sages, Manus, cows, mothers of the gods, wives of gods, ngas, demons, and nymphs are invited to her bathing. On the list are all sorts of weapons related to the goddess, four Vedas, their branches (ik, kalpa, vykara#a, nirukta, jyotia and pur#as, khilas, mm"s, nyya), and other sacred texts that are called on to bath the plants/leaves. All the herbs, gems, astrological signs, stars, rivers, gods, demons, gandharvas (celestial musicians) and yakas (supernatural beings, ghosts) are requested to sprinkle the plants, and the priest bathes/sprinkles the plants with the waters from the respective golden pitchers (bh%&gra), asking for the three principal objects of human life, namely, dharma, artha and kma. The bathing continues, now with Ganges water from the conch shell, with the invocation of the heavenly river Mandkin. The purohita bathes the goddess (in the forms of leaves) with five cow products (pañcagavya), with pañcm%ta, and with water mixed with all the herbs. After this, the purohita bathes the plants with the pitcher of a thousand streams, invoking all the seas, rivers, oceans, and water founts of all kinds. He again bathes the navapatrik with various liquids, invoking Vedas, pur!as, and religious texts: may RV bathe the goddess Ca!ik with agnim !e… (RV 1.1) from the pitcher with cow’s milk; may YV bathe the goddess of gods with e tvorje… (YV 1.1) from the pitcher with sugarcane juices (ikujadravai); may SV bathe with agna yhi (SV 1.1) from the pitcher containing honey juices (madhudravai); may AV bathe the goddess with an no dev (AV 1.1) from the pitcher containing oblations; may eighteen pur!as and upapur!as bathe the goddess with coagulated milk; and may all the dharmastras bathe the great goddess. After this, bathing from nine different pitchers is done by invoking various deities and powers to consecrate the sacred plants: From the jar containing water from the Gag surs tvm abhiiñcantu brahmavi#umahevar| svarganadyambupr#ena dyena kalaena tu|| May the gods Brahm, Vi!u, and Mahevara bathe you with the first pitcher filled with water from the heavenly river!




























































590




Pratp h, 76-84. Most of the mantras used in the following are from Pratp h’s manual.

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From the jar containing rain water maruta ca abhiiñcantu bhaktimanta surevarm meghatoymbupr#ena dvityakalaena ca|| May the devoted Marutas (storm-gods) sprinkle the female ruler of the gods with the second pitcher, also filled with the water from the clouds. From the jar containing the water from the river Sarasvat srasvatena toyena svacchamedhyena ca#ike vidydhar snpayantu t%tyakalaena tu|| May Vidydharas bathe (you), O Ca!ik, with the third pitcher, which contains pure and holy Srasvat water (from the Sarasvat river). From the jar containing water from the ocean tv" snpayantu akrdy lokapl samgat sgarodakapr#ena turye#a kalaena hi|| May the assembled Lokaplas, beginning with akra (Indra), bathe you (the Goddess) with the fourth pitcher filled with water from the ocean. From the jar containing water mixed with lotus flower vri# paripr#ena padmare#usugandhin pañcamenbhiiñcantu ngs tv" kalaena hi|| May ngas sprinkle you with the fifth pitcher filled with water fragrant with lotuspollen. From the jar containing water from the water-fall himavanmerukails abhiiñcantu parvat nirjharodakapr#ena a hena kalaena hi|| May the mountains, the snow-clad (Himalayan range) Meru and Kailsa, sprinkle you with the sixth pitcher filled with water from the mountain torrent. From the jar containing waters from the sacred places: sarvatrthmbupr#ena kalaena surevarm saptamenbhiiñcantu %aya sapta khecar|| May the seven sages who move in the sky sprinkle the female ruler (goddess) of the gods with the seventh pitcher filled with the water from all sacred fords. From the jar containing water from the pond vasavas tvbhiiñcantu kalaen amena tu srasenaiva toyena durge devi namostu te||


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May the Vasus sprinkle you with the eighth pitcher, which has pond-water. Obeisance to you, O goddess Durg! From the jar containing pure water dharmo jñna" ca vairgya" tapa satya" kam dh%ti yao viveko niyamo brahmacarya" day dama|| ntir mauna" tath auca" santoo mitabhit yvatya copaniada kaivalyapratipdik|| sthvara" ja&gama" ca api trailokye yat prati hitam yad brahmas% v utpanna" mrta" cmrttameva ca|| acara" yac cara" ca api yad v&gmayam av&mayam te sarve snpayantu tv" navamena gha ena hi|| Righteousness and knowledge, asceticism (distaste for worldly objects), austerity, truth, patience, firmness, glory, discrimination, restraint, chastity, compassion, self-control, serenity (nti) and silence, purity, satisfaction, brevity of (measured) speech, as many Upaniads as are the propounders of kaivalya (isolation/absolute oneness, liberation), that which is fixed and which moves (i.e., the totality of all things living and non-living), and that (which is) established in three worlds, that which originated in the creation of Brahm, both that which is substantial and insubstantial, that which is unmoving and also which is moving, that which consists in speech and which does not, may all those bathe you with the ninth pitcher. 5. Worshiping the Navapatrik After its bathing, each plant is individually worshiped as an embodiment of a particular form of the goddess with, Rambh/kadal (plantain tree, banana): Br ham  o" durge devi jaganmta s"nidhyam iha kalpaya ra"bhrpe#a me devi nti" kuru namostu te| o" ra" Rambhyai nama| o" brahma#yai nama| O goddess Durg, mother of the world, establish your presence here, in the form of the plantain tree. Grant me peace, O goddess, obeisance to you! O%, ra", obeisance to Rambh. Obeisance to Brahma!! Dima (pomegranate plant): Raktadantik o" ddimi tva" pur svarge raktabjasya sa"mukhe| umkryakar yasmd asmka" varad bhava| o" da" dimyai nama| O" raktadantikai nama| O%, O dima (pomegranate plant), since you were previously a performer of tasks for Um in heaven, you in the face of (the demon) Raktabja, (therefore) become the granter


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of boons for us. O%, da", obeisance to pomegranate (plant), obeisance to Raktadantik (the red-toothed one)! Dhnya (rice plant): Lakm o" jagat" pr#arakrtha" brahma# nirmita" pur umprtikara" dh#ya" tasmt tva" raka m" sad| o" dh" dhnyya nama| o" lakmyai nama| O%, you grain, who are the cause of satisfaction for Um (umprtikara" dhnya"), were previously created by Brahm for the sake of protecting the life-breath of the worlds. Therefore, always protect me. O%, dha". Obeisance to the rice grain (rice plant). Obeisance to Lakm! Haridr (turmeric): Durg o" haridre varaddevi umrpsi suvrate mama vighvinya pj" g%h#a surottame o" ha" haridryai nama| o" durgyai nama| O boon-granting goddess Haridr, you whose vows (religious undertakings) are true/good, you are a form of Um. Accept worship for the destruction of my obstacles, you best of deities. O% ha" obeisance to Haridr (turmeric plant). Obeisance to Durg! Mnavka (a broad-leaved plant): C mu o" yasya patre vased dev mnav%ka ivapriya mama cnugrahrthya pj" g%h#a surottame| o" m" mnav%kya nama| o" cmu#yai nama| May the goddess Mnav#ka, O%, O best of deities, may the mnav%ka, who is dear to iva and on whose leaf the goddess may dwell, accept worship for the sake of (giving) grace to me. O%, m", obeisance to mnav%ka. Obeisance to Cmu!! Kacv (Arum Colocasia– cultivated for food): K lik o" mahisurayuddheu kacvurpsi suvrate manuynugrahrthya gatsi haripriye| o" ka" kacvukyai nama| o" klikyai nama| O%, O you whose vows (religious undertakings) are good; you come with the form of Kacvu in the battles with the Mahia (buffalo) demon. O you who are dear to Hari, you have come for the sake of showing grace to humans. O% ka" obeisance to Kaccuk! Obeisance to Klik!




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Belpatra (Aegle marmelos): iv o" mahdevapriyo nitya" vsudevapriya sad umprtikara sadyo bilvav%ka namo stu te o" vi" bilvav%kya nama| o" ivyai nama| O%, (you are) always dear to Mahdeva (iva), always dear to Vsudeva (K#!a), the cause of delight to Um, O bilva tree, (at once) let there be obeisance to you! O%, vi", obeisance to the bilva tree. Obeisance to iv! Aoka (Jonesia aoka): okarahit o" umprtikaro v%ko hy aoka okanana durgprtikaro nityam asmka" varado bhava o" aokya nama| o" okahri#yai nama| The tree which is the cause of delight to Um; the Aoka is indeed sorrow destroying. As the cause of satisfaction to Durg, always be the granter of boons to us. O%, obeisance to the Aoka! Obeisance to the remover of sorrow! Jayant (barley): K rttik o" niu"bhau"bhamathane sendrair devaga#ai saha jayanti pjitsi tvam asmka" varad bhava o" ja" jayantai nama| o" krttikyai nama | O%, O Jayanti, you were worshiped by the hosts of gods together with Indra at the destruction of umbha and Niumbha. Become a granter of boons for us. O%, ja", obeisance to Jayanti! Obeisance to Krttik! 6. The Bhadraklpj One of the most esoteric rituals performed on the night of the seventh day is the Bhadraklpj. Mahmy Bhadrakl591 is said to have killed the demon Mahia in one of the early time-cycles, and it is to her that the worship is offered.592 For this ritual, the goddess is meditated on as seated






























































591 Aryl, Navartra tath Yamapañcaka Pjvidhi, 66. A former palace purohita mentions that they follow the ritual as laid out in Klktantra, a local text outlining the rituals mentioned in various pur!as. The Vi#udharmottara Pur#a recommends that the goddess Bhadrakl be propitiated on the ninth day of the bright half of the vina month (VDh. 158.1), and this should be followed by the worship of all the weapons and insignia of the king. Grv! h, however, citing Hemdr, mentions that Prvat was born as Bhadrakl (at the midnight of vinaukla A$am) in order to destroy the sacrifice of Daka (220). 592 KP, 60.88. The text also mentions that in the recent time-cycle, she killed the demon Mahia (who is said to have been a form of iva himself) in her form as Ugraca! with eighteen arms (60.118-121). However, a variant of the myth states that the goddess Prvat emerged in the form of Bhadrakl on the night of the eighth day in order to destroy the sacrifice of Daka (Grv! h, 220).




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on the lion, endowed with red color, having three eyes, stepping with her left foot on the buffalo demon, and piercing it (the demon) with a spear. She is worshiped as having sixteen hands. In her right hands, she holds the spike (la), sword (khaga), conch (a&kha), discus (cakra), arrow (v#a), lance/spear (akti), thunderbolt (vajra), staff (da#a); and in her left hands, she holds the club (khe aka), shield (carma), bow (cpa), noose (pa), hook (a&kua), bell (gha# ), axe (parau), and mace (muala). Tntric utterances, such as “hr" hr",”593 are spoken, and the propitiation is offered with the sacrifice of a black goat.594 During this time, the weapons employed during the conquest of Gorkh in 1559 and of the Kathmandu valley in 1767-1768 are worshiped as the actual weapons of the goddess herself, and they include the sword used by Dravya ha to kill the former king of Gorkh, whom he unseated; one small gun; two knives (khun); three (other) swords; two daggers (ka r); a spear; and a shield.595 The swords are first smeared with vermillion powder and raised (implanted) on about 640 lbs of milled rice deposited in the pj room for the khagasiddhi. This ritual of the empowerment of the sword is believed to help the king attain magical powers. The text describing the ritual and mantras is kept in a sealed box and opened only on this particular day.596 After the worship, various services (upacras), including the royal banner/standard, umbrella and chowrie, are offered to these weapons with specific mantras: Offering the banner/standard with, o" nnvar#asamyukta" vicitrapa anirmita" dhvaja" rjyaprada" divya" g%h#a paramevari|| O supreme goddess, take the divine standard, made of a cloth of various colors, the standard of a multi-colored exterior, which grants kingship/kingdom (rjya). Offering an umbrella with, o" smrjyadam ida" chatra" rjalakmsvarpakam may samarpita" mt rjya" dehi namo’stu te|| This umbrella, which is the granter of universal sovereignty (empire) and which is in the essential form of Lakm (goddess of the king’s prosperity), is offered by me. O mother, grant me the kingship/kingdom, obeisance to you. Offering a chowrie (yak-tail, fly-whisk), he mutters, o" camarpucchaja" veta" hemada#i sulomakam mayrpita" rjacihna" cmara" pratig%hyatm||




























































593

KP, 61.34-35. Also see K. R. Van Kooij, Worship of the Goddess According to the Klikpur#a (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1972), 122. 594 Every major sacrifice involves a complete set of ritual activity such as taking a solemn declaration (sa"kalpa), worship of the sacrificial goat and the sword, followed by the actual sacrifice. 595 Rjrm Subed, 10. 596 The purohita believes that revealing the mantra to the public, or not doing the puracara#a (a repetition of the names of the deities accompanied with burnt offering; initiatory rites) of it (mantra) appropriately, will have adverse effects on the worshiper or the king, while the maintenance of secrecy and the due propitiation automatically lead to success in battle. Rjrm Subed, 16, 32.




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Let the gold-handled hairy white fly-whisk, the royal insignia, born of the Yak tail, offered by me be accepted. This is followed by the rituals such as rt (waving with the light) and prayers with which the day’s devotional activities conclude. 7. The Rituals of the Great Eighth Day The Klik Pur#a mentions that the eighth day of the bright half is called the great eighth (mah am) because it was on this day that the gods adorned the goddess with weapons for slaying demons (60.81-83). Many animals are sacrificed on the ritual pavilion outside the pj room, and an extended homa is performed inside the palace. While the daytime sacrifice predominates in Gorkh, the evening/night time sacrifices (klartrbali) are the major highlights in Hanumnhok, Kathmandu. In the morning, after the usual pjs to the goddess, the purohita briefly worships the navapatrik with such mantras as ai" hr" r" navapatrikdhi hitadevatbhyo nama (ai" hr" r", obeisance to the deities abiding in the nine-leaves). He also worships the already installed weapons with, ai" hr" r" astrebhyo nama (ai" hr" r", obeisance to the weapons), followed by various tokens of respect.597 Once the general pjs to the goddess and the others are over, the buffaloes are sprinkled with alcohol and offered reverence with, o" mahisurya nama (o% obeisance to the demon Mahia). The diagrams shown below are drawn on the pavilion outside, and military standards are tied to the poles (ypa), which are charged with divine powers.






























































597




Dhana R!, 40.

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Figure 7: Various Yantras drawn on the Navartri Occasion

All of these yantras drawn during the sacrificial rituals are related to the goddess in her different forms. Courtesy: Balarm Aryl, “Manuscripts.” 7.1. The Animal Sacrifices In the ritual manual, the eighth day’s sacrificial ritual to the goddess is considered most important. The worship begins sometime in the later afternoon and ends at night, theoretically when the moon is half-set.598 For the sacrifices, preparatory rituals, such as expressing the




























































598

Rjrm Subed, 13. Subed documents that the homa ritual in Gorkh is performed only on the eighth and ninth days, and it is conducted with all seven hundred verses from the Dev Mhtmya. The homa for the installation of the fire is done separately, and all the rituals are performed with complete devotion and sensitivity; otherwise, it is believed that the rituals can be counter-productive to the purohitas, the king, or his representative (Subed, 17).




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solemn declaration, sprinkling and worshiping of animals, and worshiping the sword, are mandatory. For sprinkling buffalos and pigs in order to obtain their permission to be sacrificed, the homemade alcohol is used, and the sacrificial victim is consecrated from a copper sprinkler. In contrast, the sacred water is employed for sprinkling the goats and sheep. After this, the purohita worships the animal, the ash gourd, and then the sword before assigning the non-brahmins the job of doing the actual killing. On this day, thirty-three buffalos are sacrificed on behalf of the Nepalese government, but the total number of sacrificial animals brought by the public exceeds one thousand. Also, special attention is paid to the worship and sacrifice of the oldest buffalo, regarded as an embodiment of the mythical demon Mahia, and this sacrifice is marked with great fanfare, music and songs. The Rn Magar clan is assigned the duty of killing the oldest and the youngest buffalos, and other clan members are involved in the sacrifice of the other buffalos. The first and the last buffalos are then decapitated with one stroke each in order to make sure that the sacrifice does not bode any misfortune to the king. 7.2. The Skull Worship (khaparapj) After the sacrifice of the first buffalo, the head of this sacrificed animal is worshiped, 599for which the purohita lights the camphor light, or the wick soaked in clarified butter, and places it on the head of the animal with,600 o" pau" g%h#a devei prajñay upayojitam| asypi svargasa"prpti" ca#ike tva" prayaccha me|| O goddess (ruler of the gods), take this animal, which is employed (caused to be connected to you by me) with insight. Give me, O Ca!ik, the attainment of heaven, which belongs to it, too. After collecting the blood in the vessel, the purohita makes a solemn declaration and offers blood to the main pitcher and to the oblation vessel (baliptra) with, " tmatattvavypikyai durgdevyai tarpaymi nama| hr" vidy-tattva-vypikyai durgdevyai tarpaymi nama " hr"….sarvatattvavypikyai durgdevyai tarpaymi nama|| mla" s&gvara#yai ktyyandurgdevyai tarpaymi nama| ai" hr" r" atra pjitadevatbhya tarpaymi nama|| ", I offer satisfaction (satisfy the goddess): obeisance to the goddess, who pervades the very essence of the self (Supreme Spirit)! hr", I offer satisfaction: obeisance to the goddess Durg, who pervades the very essence of knowledge! " hr" du", I offer satisfaction: obeisance to the goddess Durg, who pervades all essences! O%, I offer satisfaction (satisfy the goddess): obeisance to the goddess Durg-Ktyyan, who pervades the shield (vara#) with (all) her limbs! ai" hr" r", I offer satisfaction (satisfy the goddess): obeisance to the deities who are worshiped here! The goddesses Durg, Cmu!, Yogin, kin, Bhairav, Vidrik, Pparkas, Ptan, and Klik, who are represented by the lumps of cow dung deposited above the door, also receive




























































599 600




This rite is performed on the eighth, ninth, and fourteenth days’ rituals (Rjrm Subed, 30). Dhana R!, 59.

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blood with the recitation of appropriate mantras.601 At the end, the goddess Kauik receives the blood offered in the south-western direction with, o" kauik rudhire#pyyatm (o" may Kauik be satiated with the blood).602 7.3. The Continuation of Sacrifices Six other buffaloes are sacrificed by people belonging to different strata of society: the second by the Bohor attendant working inside the palace; the third by the doorkeeper; the fourth by Sru Magar; the fifth by the representative from the bhrata sarvara clan; the sixth by the royal representative on behalf of the king; and the seventh by the Ka$uvl.603 This is followed by the sacrifice of a goat (for the purpose of homa) brought on behalf of the government, as well as nine sheep and two other goats brought from the religious institution (gu h). The god Bhairava is also offered a pig on a wooden slab near the cave of the royal patron deity Gorakhnth. The Magar clan is given the responsibility for this sacrifice.604 The goddess rvidy, who is regarded as Sarasvat and whose temple is situated in the palace precincts, also receives a goat sacrifice. It is unique that the Hanumnbhanjy&g (literally, the narrow pass associated with Hanumn) in the Gorkh temple has an image of the goddess Sarasvat with one of her four hands holding the sword, something not found elsewhere, and she is offered a tntric form of worship in order for the king to gain power against enemy forces. On this day, from five to seven hundred animals brought by the public are sacrificed to the goddess Kl.605 This is again followed by the sacrifice of twenty-one buffalos donated by the government606 and the sacrifice (klartr) of a black goat at midnight, when the moon is half-set. The remaining five buffalos are offered to the goddess after midnight, with the last and the youngest buffalo sacrificed by the Rn (Magar) clan amid public celebration. The weapons used for the sacrifices have to be ritually empowered (khagasiddhi). All these weapons are worshiped as the goddess’s own, and the worship follows a similar pattern as that for the installation and worship of the deity: sa"kalpa, pr#aprati h, offering upacras, and prayers (prrthan). For the sacrifice of the buffalos, big weapons such as Nepalese khns (swords) are employed; for the sacrifice of goats and other animals, the local large knives called khukuris are used. With more than three hundred knives in the palace, the nine attendants involved in the actual sacrifice choose any suitable and duly consecrated knives. Similarly, there are 228 swords for buffalo sacrifice, and attendants use whichever they think suitable. These weapons are sharpened by the blacksmiths and properly consecrated by the purohita.607




























































601

Balarm Aryl, “Manuscript,” 18. It appears that the ritual of offering the blood of the sacrificed goat to nine deities in the forms of the lumps of fresh cow dung was done every day, and it is different from the blood offering of the buffalo on the eighth, ninth, and fourteenth days. 602 R!’s manual also mentions a different tradition, in which the goddess is offered intestines in the form of garlands, and the mantra addresses the goddess as a great Kaulin ornamented with the garlands of human intestines. 603 The sacrifices are done in the same order on the ninth and fourteenth days. arm Bha$$ar, 70. 604 Bhairava also receives the sacrifice of the roosters every day throughout this period. 605 The number of sacrificial animals brought by the public on this occasion has risen significantly, while the number of sacrifices on behalf of the Nepalese government has decreased after the dissolution of monarchy (Rjrm Subed, 7; 13, 34). 606 arm Bha$$ar (71, 134) mentions that 241 animals (one Satra buffalo, 84 buffalos, 130 goats, 14 sheep, 5 pigs, and 7 chickens/roosters) are sacrificed in the autumnal navartri in Gorkh on behalf of the Nepalese government, and 93 (27 buffalos, 53 goats, 8 sheep, 3 pigs, and 2 chickens/roosters) are sacrificed in Hanumnhok. However, Suryanth Arjyl says that the number of the goats offered by the government in the autumnal navartri is 126 instead of 130 (Rjrm Subed, 11). For a list of an estimated number of sacrifices in the temples of the Gorkh palace throughout the year, see arm Bha$$ara, Appendix 64-66. 607 Rjrm Subed, 36.




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In Hanumnhok, by contrast, the role of sacrificer is taken on by the Royal Nepal army. Both Newr and non-Newr officiants participate in the sacrifices, with the Nepal (previously Royal Nepal) Army doing the actual killing. On the eighth day, the Newr Hindu purohita (cju) sacrifices eight goats to the barley seedlings (regarded as the embodiment of the goddess) in the shrine where the royal swords are placed. This happens in the room adjacent to the Taleju pj room in the Mlcok courtyard, Hanumnhok.608 At the midnight of the eighth day (called klartr), there is another set of sacrifices called klartr bali (midnight sacrifice). While one black goat–with a black tongue and straight horns–is sufficient in the midnight sacrificial ritual in Gorkh palace,609 a massive sacrifice is conducted in Hanumnhok during the dark night:610 First the regiments (of the Army) sacrifice buffaloes and goats in Kamphuko$, the military barracks adjacent to Hanumnhok palace. Subsequently, the army decapitates 54 goats and 54 buffaloes, one after the other, in Mlcok under the guidance of a parvatya (often written as parbatya, in Nepali) brahmin…. After the army’s massive sacrifice, the scene is taken over by the Newr again, who sacrifice eighteen goats, nine for the pj ko h (room) and nine for the nalsv" ko h (the pj room for growing the holy sprouts) with the swords that are to be used in procession in the concluding night of dasain. 7.4. The Homa Rituals The fire sacrifice has a long tradition, extending from pre-Vedic times. From early on, it was regarded as homage to the divinities. The havis, made of clarified butter and other ingredients (e.g., soma; barley and rice in the form of cakes; even animals like horses), was offered into the fire with the recitation of relevant Vedic mantras meant for worldly benefits and for conquering enemies.611 It was believed that the god Agni would convey the sacrifice to the deities in the form of smoke: “Agni, convey the gods hither to consume the oblations. Let those whose chief is Indra find elation here. Place this sacrifice here in heaven among the gods. Protect us always with your blessings” (RV VII.11.5).612 Agni’s most important significance lay in his priestly function as a messenger between humans and gods.613 He is celebrated as the one in whom “the offerings meet” and as the one who quickens the prayers, who leads the gods while seated on the sacrificial straw with them, and/or who delivers the oblations, ascending to the heavens: “O Jtavedas, go with the omentum to the gods (Fathers)…; may the wishes of the sacrifice come true” (vG. 10; MBh. 2.3.16).614 The goddess I was sometimes invited to descend and enter the offering in order to convey the quality of the animal victim. During the Vedic period, the killing and distribution of the animal were considered as human attempts to gain harmony with natural forces.615 Witzel interprets this process as the cosmic food cycle between humans and




























































608

A. W. van den Hoek, 108. Rjrm Subed, 25. 610 A. W. van den Hoek, 108. 611 atapatha Brhma#a (I.4.1.10) mentions a mythological story that the sacrificial fire came from the mouth of Videgha Mthava and rolled toward the east. 612 Jamison, trans. The Rigveda, 897. 613 Hermann Oldenberg, 71. 614 J. Gonda, Vedic Ritual: The Non-Solemn Rites (Leiden-Koln: E. J. Brill, 1980), 434. 615 Laurie Patton, “Nature Romanticism and Sacrifice in "gVedic Interpretation,” in Hinduism and Ecology: The Intersection of Earth, Sky, and Water, eds. Christopher Key Chapple and Mary Evelyn Tucker (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2000), 43. 609




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gods for each other’s sustenance: gods receive through the offerings and return the food to humans as their favor. On the eighth and the ninth days (and in the case of the Vajracryas, on the tenth day too), an extensive homa ritual offering of the liver of the sacrificed black goats is performed.616 The homa continues throughout the period of massive sacrifices performed on the eighth and ninth days. In Gorkh, the homa is very extensive, with four purohitas from three different clans participating for many hours as hot% (represented by the Aryl brhmin), Ga!apati (Bha$$ar brhmin), Brahm (Khanl brhmin), and crya (Aryl brhmin).617 In order to carry out the homa, several preparatory rituals are performed, some of the important ones being rituals of restraining the directions; purifying the seat; and imprinting the hands and six limbs, as well as different sets of pjs to various deities such as Dpa, Kalaa, Ga!ea, and the goddess; fire worship to the weapons held by the goddess, to the eight guardian deities (ketrapla-s), to the eight Bhairava (a abhairava), and to the guardians of the ten directions (daadikpla)). Meanwhile, a black goat with a black tongue is immolated, and its liver is taken out for the culmination of the fire ritual. Part of the liver is offered to the goddess and eaten by the participants as a blessed item (prasda).618 Like the sacrificial ritual that surrounds it, the homa is very elaborate, beginning with lighting the fire and ending with its extinguishment, symbolized through the sa"hra mudr (gesture signifying dissolution). Within this general frame, the following three ritual activities are prominent: (1) tntric visualization of the union of divine male and female polarities (e.g., ku#a as the female procreative organ and fire as the male organ; the sacrificial ladle as the union of iva and akti; and envisioning the god Bhairava and goddess Bhairav in pure bliss); (2) propitiation of the goddess in the form of a fire pit (agniku#a) through yoni mudr and other gestures;619 (3) extensive homa offering with liver and caru (an oblation of rice or barley boiled for presentation to the gods and manes). The homa ritual is performed with the recitation of the seven hundred verses from the Dev Mhtmya (also called Saptaat), each verse beginning with o" and ending with svh as an indication of an offering to the deity. The homa ends with a thousand oblations made with the nine-syllable (akara) main mantra of the goddess.620 The other ingredients that could be used for oblations of this extensive homa are a mixture of




























































616

Manuscripts from the time of the R! rule in Nepal (ca. 1846-1950) recommend that the esoteric homa consisting of the offering of the liver be carried out every day until the ninth day of the navartri (Aryl, “Manuscripts,” 18). It is important to note that the Vajracrya priests perform homa in front of the Bhadrakl p ha on the tenth day. The divine dancers surround the homa ku#a made of bricks, and the Vajracryas offer oblations of two types: in the first part, the offering involves ghee and grains; in the second part, oblations consisting of pieces of lungs, hearts, intestines and meat of the sacrificed buffalos are offered into the fire. van den Hoek, Caturmsa: Celebration of Death in Kathmandu, Nepal (Leiden: CNWS Publications, 2004), 90. 617 Rjrm Subed, 20. 618 It appears that the homa ritual of this type was generally performed from the first to the ninth days of the navartri (see c. 1931 manual), but was sometimes limited only to the eighth and ninth days (see the 1907 manual). However, the manuals of ca. 1975 and of 2005 recommend this ritual for the eighth and ninth nights, and this seems to be the general practice at least from 1975 onward. 619 TS 5.5.9; BodhGS 4.7.5; See Shingo Einoo, “Notes on the Installation Ceremonies described in the G#hyaparii$as,” in From Material to Deity: Indian Rituals of Consecration, eds. Shingo Einoo and Jun Takashima. Japanese Studies on South Asia No. 4 (New Delhi: Manohar Publishers and Distributors, 2005), 109-113. 620 Grv! h, 230; Pratp h, 117. It appears that the purohita can choose any other mantras such as “o" durge durge rakini svh,” “Jayant, Ma&gal, Kl, Bhadrakl, Kaplin, Durg, Kam, iv, Dhtr, Svh, Svadh namo’stu te” (Grv! h, 206), and “o" hr" hr" raktadantikyai klartryai dhuru dhuru svh” (Vsudev Nepal, “r Purno Gorakhga!a (a. Ra.) Attadekhi Vartamnasamma” (r Old Gorakhabattalion (a.Ra.) from Past to the Present), Siph (Kathmandu: Royal Nepal Army Quarterly, 2001), 34; 77-83.




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clarified butter (sarpis), white sesame (uklatila), milk, rice, and sugar (pyasa).621 Liver pieces are offered while reciting the verses from the eighth chapter; rice pudding is offered while reciting from the eleventh chapter; and caru is offered while reciting from other chapters of the Dev Mhtmya. The oblation with the recitation from the eighth chapter is believed to empower the sacrificer, while the recitation from the eleventh chapter is meant to nourish his/her wisdom.622 The homa medh is performed at the end after the sacrifice of the youngest buffalo, and prasdas consisting of liver pieces, ashes (burnt offering) from the homa pit, and flowers are received by the king and others as the goddess’s blessings. 7.5. The lohbhihrikakarma: Homa for the Act of Taking up Iron Arms Grv!yuddha ha’s text gives some details about the lohbhihrika" karma, the pj and homa ritual of taking up iron arms.623 In this homa, oblations are poured into the fire with mantras related to weapons in order to consecrate the weapons, army, and kingship. This ritual was the norm whenever the king wished to empower his army and weaponry for an upcoming battle. To perform this homa ritual, a beautiful pavilion (ma#apa) measuring sixteen hastas (about twenty-four feet)624 and decorated with flags and banners is constructed either on the east or the north side of the palace. In the southeast direction (gneya, as Agni is the regent of this direction) of the pavilion (ma#apa), a splendid pit (ku#a) measuring one and a half feet (hasta), having the shape of a female generative organ (yoni) equal to three mekhal (i.e., a cord or line drawn around an altar on the four sides of the hole or receptacle into which the sacrificial fire is deposited, or the shape of the ficus religiosa petal, called the avatthadala) is constructed.625 Weapons and royal insignia are then placed in the pavilion. The purohita, having taken a bath and wearing pure white garments, performs the homa with clarified butter. Having mixed ghee with rice pudding, he carries out the fire ritual with the mantras related to weapons, the royal throne and musical instruments like the umbrella, chowrie, horse, banner, elephant, sword, conch and lion’s throne. As usual, each verse related to the worship of the weapons should be preceded by o" and followed by svh, while the purohita offers ingredients into the fire. The weapon mantras used for the homa, mentioned in Grv!yuddha hh’s and Pratp hh’s manuals, are given as follows:626 Chatrasya (of the umbrella/parasol) o". yathmbuda chdayati ivye vasundhar"| tath chdaya rjna" vijayrogyav%ddhaye, svh||




























































621

Ibid, 230. Rjrm Subed, 24. 623 Pratp h’s manual briefly mentions this form of ritual but includes the mantras related to weapon worship separately (109-110, 136- 137). 624 One hasta is a measure of length from the elbow to the tip of the middle finger (twenty-four a&gulas or about eighteen inches); see Monier Williams, 1294. 625 Grv! h: “gneyy" krayet ku#a" hastamtra" suobhanam| mekhaltrayasa"yukta" yonyvatthadalbhay||” (Grv! h, 222). It may be instructive to note that the triangular ku#a is often used for abhicra rites, and it seems to fit well for the ritual under discussion. M. Bloomfield, The Atharvaveda and the Gopatha Brhma#a (Strassburg: Verlag von Karl J. Trubner, 1899), 66; Jan Gonda, Vedic Literature (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1975), 277. 626 Regarding my query about modern weapons and the mantras for their worship, the purohita simply reported that they use expressions such as o" sarva astrebhyo nama svh, as given in the R!’s manual, and empower the weapons, whenever specific mantras are not available. For most of the following mantras, see Pratp h, 109-111. 622




@CD


O%. As the cloud covers this earth for the sake of welfare, similarly, cover the king for the increase of victory, health, and prosperity svh! Cmarasya (of chowrie) o". a&kakarasa"ka! krai#irap#ura! protsrayu durita" cmarmaravallabha, svh! O%. O you who are like the rays of the moon (“hare-marked”) that are pale as milk and cuttle-fish bone (or that are supposed to be the congealed foam of the sea)! Quickly dispel hardships, O Chowrie, beloved of the gods (amara-vallabha), svh! Sihsanamantra (mantra of the lion throne)627 o" vijayo jayado jet ripught ubha"kara| dukhah dharmada nta sarvri avinana svh|| o" ete vai sa"nidhau yasmt tava si"h mahbal| tena si"hsanena iti tva" vedair mantrai ca gyase svh|| o" tvayi sthita iva ntas tvayi akra surevara| namas te sarvatobhadra! bhadrado bhava bhpate svh| o" trailokyajayasarvasva! si"hsana! namo’stu te svh| O%. Victory, granter of victory, victor, the slayer of the enemies, the maker of auspiciousness, the destroyer of sorrow, the giver of dharma, the tranquil, the destroyer of all misfortunes. Since these very powerful lions are in your vicinity, therefore, you are sung by Vedas and mantras as having the lions’ seat (i.e., a throne), O si"hsana! As iva, serenity (tranquility) is present in you; as Indra, the lord of the gods, is present in you. Obeisance to you, benign in every way; be a giver of benign things to the King, O you who are the entire victory in the three worlds (trailokyajayasarvasva)! O the lion throne! Obeisance to you! Svh. Avasya (of the horse) o". gandharvakulajtas tva" m bhy kuladaka| brahma#a satyavkyena somasya varu#asya ca, svh|| o". prabhvc ca hutasya vardhaya tva" tura&gamn| tejas caiva sryasya munn" tapas tath, svh|| o". rudrasya brahmacarye#a pavanasya balena ca| smara tva" rjaputra" tva" kaustubha" ca ma#i" smara, svh| o". y" gati" brahmah gacchen mt%h pit%h tath| bhr#ahn%tavd ca katriya ca par&mukha, svh|| o". srycandramasau vyur yvat payanti duk%tam| vrajva! t" gati" kipra" tac ca ppa" bhindhi tva, svh|| o". nik%to yadi v chinno yuddh’dhvani tura&gam|




























































627

For the sake of convenience in reading, the frequently repeated exclamations o" and svh in this passage are left untranslated in each Sanskrit verse they accompany.




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ripn vijitya samare saha bhartr sukhbhava, svh|| You are born in the clan of gandharvas, (so) do not become a defiler of the clan. With the truthful speech of the brhmin, of Soma, and of Varu!a, you cause horses to grow through the power of the fire, and likewise with the power of the sun, and with the austerity of the sage. You remember the son of the king with the brahmacrya (celibacy) of Rudra and with the force of the wind. Remember the kaustubha gem.628 O horse! As long as the sun, the moon and the wind behold a bad action, quickly go to that destination where go the killer of a brhmin and the killer of a father and killer of a mother, and an abortionist and a speaker of untruth, and the katriya who runs away (from the battlefield), and destroy that evil. Whether deceived or injured in the course of the battle, O horse, having conquered the enemies in the battle, you become happy together with your master. Dvajasya (of the banner) o". akraketo! mahvrya! ymavar#rcaymy aham patrirja! namas te ’stu tath nrya#adhvaja, svh! o". kyapeyru#abhrtar ngre! vi#uvhana! aprameya! durdhara! ra#e devrisdana, svh! o". garutmn mrutagatis tvayi sa"nihito yata sravanty yudhny atra raka tva" ca ripn daha, svh|| O banner of Indra, you of great valor! O dark-colored one, I worship you. O royal winged one, (I pay) obeisance to you, O banner of Nrya!a! O son of Kayapa, brother of Aru!a, O enemy of the serpent(s), O carrier of Vi!u, O you who are unfathomable and who are difficult to withstand, and who slay the enemies of gods in the battle. Since a bird (winged creature) with the speed of the wind is situated within you, protect the powerful weapons here and burn the enemies! Patak/Patk (of the banner) o". hutabhug vasavo rudr vyu somo maharaya| ngakinnaragandharvayakabhtaga#agrah, svh|| o". pramaths tu sahdityair bhteo mt%bhi saha| akra senpati skando varu#a crits tvayi, svh|| o". pradahantu ripn sarvn rj vijayam %cchatu| yni prayuktny aribhir yudhni samantata, svh|| o". patantpari-atr#" hatni tava tejas| hira#yakaipor yuddhe yuddhe daivsure tath, svh|| o". klanemivadhe yadvad yadvat tripuraghtane| obhitsi tath iva adya obhaya tva" ca smara, svh|| o". nln vetn imn d% v nayantv u n%praya| vydhibhir vividhair ghorai strai ca yudhi nirjit, svh|| o". ptan revat nmn klartri ca y sm%t|




























































628

The mythological kaustubha is a celebrated gem obtained with thirteen other jewels at the churning of the ocean and worn by Vi!u on his breast (Apte, 613).




@CF


dahantv u ripn sarvn patke! tva" may arcit, svh|| O Patk (Banner)! The Agni (literally the enjoyer of oblations), the Vasus, Rudras, Vyu (wind), Soma (Moon), the great sages, Ngas, Kinnaras, Gandharvas, Yakas, the groups of ghosts/spirits, and the planets, the Pramaths along with dityas, the Lord of the ghosts/spirits along with the Mothers, akra (Indra), the commander-in-chief Skanda, and Varu!a– (all who are) dependent on you, may they burn all the enemies. May the king attain victory! May the enemies’ weapons, which are used by the enemy on all sides, fall, struck by your glory as (it happened) in the battle of Hira!yakaipu, as in the slaying of Klanemi (by Vi!u), as in the destruction of the city of Tripur (by iva). As you were glorified, just so (you) glorify today. Be radiant and remember your promise. Having seen these blue and white elephants, may the enemies of the king be quickly destroyed by various terrible diseases and (let them) be conquered in the battle by weapons. O Ptaka, may Ptana and Revat and she who is remembered by the name Klartri (Black-night), O Patk, quickly burn all the enemies. O banner, you are worshiped by me. Khagamantra (mantra of the sword) o". asir viasana khaga tik#adhro dursada| rgarbho vijaya caiva dharma-dhras tathaiva ca, svh|| o". etni tava nmni svayam uktni vedhas| nakatra" k%ttik te tu gurur devo mahevara, svh|| o" rohi#ya ca arra" te daivata" ca janrdana| pit pitmaho devas tva" ca playa sarvad, svh|| o". nlajimtasa"kas tik#ada" ra k%odara| bhvauddho mara#a ca atitejs tathaiva ca, svh|| o". iya" yena dh%t ko# hata ca mahisura| tk#adhrya uddhya tasmai khagya te nama, svh|| (O sword!) asi (sword), viasana (sabre), khaga (sword), tk#adhra (sharp-edged), dursada (unassailable), r-garbha (womb of prosperity), vijaya (victory), and likewise dharma-dhra (bearer of dharma, also an epithet of Vi!u)–these are your names stated by the creator himself. Your asterism is K#ttik; your divine preceptor is Mahevara; you have the body of Rohi!, and your deity is Janrdana (K#!a); your father is the god Brahm (pitmaha, grandfather). And give protection. You have the appearance of a blue (dark) cloud and a sharp tusk, and (you have) a thin belly, a pure (faultless) temperament and you are forgiving and extremely glorious. Obeisance to you, to that sharp-edged and pure sword, by which this earth was upheld and (by which) the demon Mahia was killed. Churiky (knife) o". sarvyudhn" prathama" nirmitsi pinkin| lyudhd vinik%ya k%tv mu igraha" ubham, svh|| o". ca#iky pradattsi sarvadu anibarhi#| tay vistrit csi devn" pratipdit, svh|| o". sarvasattv&ga bhtni sarvubhanibarhi#| churike raka m" nitya" nti" yaccha namo’stu te, svh||




@CG


Of all the weapons, you were first constructed by the wielder of the Pinka bow (of iva); having extracted it from the javelin and having made a fine handle for the fist. As a destroyer of inauspicious things, you were given to Ca!ik, and by her you were enlarged (and) were delivered to the gods. You were born of all things arising as part of what is good. O knife, protect me always; give me peace. Obeisance to you! Karakasya (of dagger) o". rak&gni gajn raka raka vjidhanni ca| mama deha" sad raka ka raka namo’stu te, svh|| O dagger! Protect the limbs, protect the elephants, protect the horses and riches. Protect my body, O dagger. Obeisance to you. Dhanuya (of the bow) o". sarvyudhamahmtra! sarvadevrisdana!| cpa! m samare raka ska" aravarair iha, svh|| o". dh%ta" k%#ena rakrtha" sa"hrya hare#a ca| traymrtigata" deva! Dhanur astra" nammy aham, svh|| O most excellent of all the weapons! O destroyer of all enemies of the gods. O Bow! Always protect me here in battle together with the best arrows. I bow to the arrow (missle, astra) held by K#!a for the sake of protection and by Hara for the sake of (final) annihilation–a weapon which (thus) belongs to the triple image (a composite image of Vi!u, iva, and Brahm). Kuntasya (of the dart) o". pra ptaya atrns tvam anay nkamyay| g%h#a jvita" te" mama sainya" ca rakatm, svh|| O missile (dart), strike down (destroy) the enemies; with that heavenly delusion, seize their life and protect my army! Varmasya (of the armor) o". armapradas tva" samare varma sainye yaodyame| raka m" raka#yo’ha" tpaneya! namo’stu te|| protsra#ya du n" sdhn" raka#ya ca, svh| O armor! You grant protection in battle when the army is in a military endeavor. Protect me. I am worthy of protection, O you child of the heat (of glory). Obeisance to you, for the sake of driving away the wicked and protection of the good.




@CH


Kanakadaamantra (mantra of that whose staff is gold) o". brahma# nirmita csi vyavahraprasiddhaye| yao dehi sukha" dehi jayado bhava bhpate| tayasva ripn sarvn hemada#a namo’stu te, svh|| You were created by Brahm for the accomplishment of action. Grant glory (yaas), grant happiness (and) be the granter of victory to the king. Strike all the enemies, O the one whose staff is gold, obeisance to you! Dundubhimantra (mantra of the drum) o". dundubhe tva" sapatnn" ghoro h%dayakampana| bhava bhmipasainyn" tath vijayavardhana, svh|| O Dundubhi–O big drum, fearsome one, be one who makes the hearts of rivals tremble (with your big sound) and who thus increases the victories of the armies of (your) king. akhamantra (mantra of the conch) o". pu#yas tva" pu#yaa&khn" ma&galn" ca ma&galam| vi#un vidh%to nityam ata ntiprado bhava, svh|| O a&kha, you are (the most) sacred of the sacred conches and (the most) auspicious of auspicious things, constantly held by Vi!u; therefore, be the granter of peace. However, it must be noted that the purohita may use any traditionally sanctioned astra mantra (e.g., o" astrabhyo nama, or o" sarvstrabhyo nama) for the empowerment of other weapons not included on this list. 8. The Rituals of the Ninth Day The Klik Pur#a mentions that it was on this day that the goddess slew the demon Mahia and, in another time cycle caused Rva!a to be killed by Rma (KP, 60.28-31; 60.77-80).629 The mahnavam (the great ninth day) replicates all the major rituals performed on the eighth day of the navartri. The vara#a pj (worshiping the covering/envelopment) brings together both pur!ic and tntric names of the goddess to whom the worship and water libation are jointly offered to both Vedic-pur!ic and tntric forms of the goddess (I offer worship and libation to the glorious feet of the goddesses…..):630 o" hr" nama. hr" r" ca#ogryai nama. r" hr" rpduk" pjaymi tarpaymi.






























































629 A variant of the story mentions that Rma, after slaying the demon king, brought a divine icon of the goddess Tulajbhavan to his kingdom Ayodhy and installed her as his favorite goddess and that the goddess in her yantra form was later brought to the Kathmandu valley in the fourteenth century CE. Manavajra Vajrcrya, Hmr Caparvaharuko Vivecan (Kathmandu: Ratna Pustaka Bhandar, 1968), 74. See Michael Witzel and F. S. Voight on a private manuscript preserved in Bhakatapur that relates the whole story: Zur Geschichte der Rjopdhyyas von Bhaktapur. Folia Rara. Festschrift W. Voigt, ed. by H. Franke et al. (Wiesbaden, 1976), pp. 155-175. 630 Dhana R!, 70.




@D?


ai" hr" a" " rudraca#brahm#-- rpduk" pjaymi tarpaymi. ai" hr" i" " praca#mhevar-- rpduk" pjaymi tarpaymi. ai" hr" u" " ca#ogrkaumr-- rpduk" pjaymi tarpaymi. ai" hr" %" %" ca#anyikvai#av-- rpduk" pjaymi tarpaymi. ai" hr" l%" l%" ca#vrh-- rpduk" pjaymi tarpaymi. ai" hr" e" ei" ca#avat-ndr#-- rpduk" pjaymi tarpaymi. ai" hr" o" au" ca#arpcmu#-- rpduk" pjaymi tarpaymi. ai" hr" a" a atica#ikmahlakm-- rpduk" pjaymi tarpaymi. ai" hr" r" gaurdevydinavamt%k-- rpduk" pjaymi tarpaymi. ai" hr" r" jayantidevydiekdaaakti-- rpduk" pjaymi tarpaymi. o" hr" obeisance (to the goddess). hr" r" obeisance to the dreadful(ly)-violent one. r" hr" I honor the feet (footwear) of the goddess r and satisfy (her). ai" hr" a" " I honor the feet (footwear) of the goddesses r, Brahm!i, and Rudraca! and satisfy (them). ai" hr" i" " I honor the feet (footwear) of the goddesses r, Mahevar and Praca! and satisfy (them). ai" hr" u" " I honor the feet (footwear) of the goddesses r, Kaumr and Ca!ogr and satisfy (them). ai" hr" %" %" I honor the feet (footwear) of the goddesses r, Vai!av and the leader of Ca!s (violent ones) and satisfy (them). ai" hr" l%" l%" I honor the feet (footwear) of the goddesses r, Vrh and Ca! and satisfy (them). ai" hr" e" ei" I honor the feet (footwear) of the goddesses r, Indr!, and Ca!avat and satisfy them. ai" hr" o" au" I honor the feet (footwear) of the goddesses r, Cmu!, and the one with the violent form (ca#arp) and satisfy them. ai" hr" a" a I honor the feet (footwear) of the goddesses r, Mahlakm, and Atica!ik and satisfy them. ai" hr" r" I honor the feet (footwear) of the goddesses r, nine mother goddesses, goddess Gaur and so on, and satisfy them. ai" hr" r" I honor the feet (footwear) of the goddesses r, eleven aktis such as goddess Jayanti and satisfy them. On this day, weapons, implements, and modern cars are worshiped with flowers, milled rice grains, and the blood of the sacrificed goat or rooster. Even the royal aircraft used to have its share on such occasion: “Each year at Daain, a goat is sacrificed before each plane of the Royal Nepal Airlines.”631 A special ceremony is carried out to the god Vivakarma, the maker of the world, and to books and implements of all sorts belonging to various professions (e.g., doctors’ instruments and craftsmen’s tools). Additional worship of weapons like cannon and explosives (called bombgol, in Nepali) is carried out in places of power, as well as in the army and police quarters. On this day, the Taleju temple in Kathmandu remains open for the public, and people offer barley seedlings to various power places of the goddess.632




























































631

Anderson, 151. It is only on the ninth day of the autumnal navartri that the Taleju temple in Kathmandu is open to the public. The temple was constructed by Mahendra Malla in the mid-sixteenth century.

632




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The main highlight of the ritual is the slaughter of the corpulent buffalo, called satra r#go (of a certain size and shape and already sanctified on the seventh day), when the sun is half-set. This buffalo is regarded as a representation of the buffalo-demon Mahia, and its violent killing is said to reenact the battle. In Nepal, the tradition of offering the satra buffalo seems to have begun at least in the time of Dravya ha (16th CE), who is said to have pleased the goddess Kl with this sacrificial ritual.633 Another dominant feature of the ninth day is the sacrifice of a goat to the goddess rvidy, who is regarded as the goddess of learning but has a unique image (with one of her hands wielding the sword) and prestige in the Gorkh palace.634 8.1. Worshiping the Military Colors and Sacrificial Stakes It is also on the ninth day that the military standards (ninas)–ten of them altogether (one main military standard and nine representing different military units)–receive special worship in power places and also in the army and police quarters across Nepal. Literally, the nina means a “mark,” “sign,” “landmark,” and also a “flag” carried in front of an army and worshiped daily.635 As symbols of the military commandos of Gorkh, they are offered pjs and sacrifice of ten animals. P#thv Nyya! h’s military platoons formed from different clans are represented by these colors, and the representatives belonging to these clans carry the respective colors/flags while going to receive the flowers and nine plants/leaves (navapatrik) on the seventh day: Khapta Basnet, Sirupl Basnet, Boga$, Khatr, Thp, Bniyn, Gara%j Magar, Ream Magar, and Busl Magar.636 In the Hanumnhok courtyard (ko ), the army’s massive sacrifice is continued at the sacrificial poles and beside military colors and regimental flags. An eyewitness account of one such occasion is as follows:637 Before each display of regimental colors stands a post against which the animal’s face is securely pressed and roped. The ‘executioner’ waits with a tremendous raised knife. An attendant sprinkles the buffalo with holy water, and suddenly, with one fierce blow, the head falls and the body lies twitching, blood streaming over the earth. The head is placed on the ground before the regimental flags, and the body is swiftly pulled aside by the legs and thrust upon a heap of bloody carcasses to be used later in regimental feasts. As mentioned earlier, the military standards are worshiped on the seventh, eighth, and ninth days; besides standing for the old military platoons in Gorkh, those nine standards also represent nine different forms of the goddess.638 After the conquest of the Kathmandu valley, the nina pj was adopted in Hanumnhok and in military units aross the country.639 The ninas are made from nine pieces of cloth of the following colors and used as flags: blue, green,




























































633

It appears that the tradition of killing the satra buffalo on the ninth day in Gorkh was an adaptation from the ritual practice in Lamju&g, where the h kings ruled previously. arm Ba$$ar, 76; Nayarj Pant and friends, r 5 P%thvnrya#a hk Upadea (Kathmandu: NA, 1968), 521. 634 Rjrm Subed, 28. Pratp h gives a list of what animals are suitable for what particular deities. Some of the listed ones are as follows: pig to Bhairava, jackal to iva, bear to Ga!ea, red deer to Yaka, lizard to Skandha, and buffalo to Vetla (119). 635 Ralph Lilley Turner, A Comparative and Etymological Dictionary of the Nepali Language (New Delhi: Allied Publishers Limited, 1931), 351. 636 arm Ba$$ar, (78). The ninas in Gorkh are addressed by these clans that supported P#thv Nrya! h in his conquest. 637 Anderson, 151. 638 According to Rjrm Subed, “nina also means a spear. There was a tradition of planting the spear in the land to be conquered; it was a symbol of that conquest” (16). The priest says that the ninas are never worshiped as forms of Ga!eas, and arm Bha$$ar seems to be mistaken when he identifies ninas with Ga!ea’s forms (arm Bha$$ar, 78). 639 On this occasion, even the police headquarters get the ninas from Hanumnhok for worship.




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yellow, speckled (spotted), red, black, white, brown, and smoke-colored (dhamiro, in Nepali).640 Also, there are five sacrificial stakes made from a single tree [e.g., from among bilva, or mimusops elengi (bakula), or acacia catechu (khadira) trees], and the following are the various measurements of them: 13 hands long (one hand is a measure of the length from the elbow to the finger-tips) for the main stake taken from the bottom part of the tree; the next 17 hands long for the satra buffalo sacrifice; the next 9 hands long; the next 9 hands long; and the final one 9 hands long from the topmost part of the tree. Special ritual procedures are followed while cutting the tree (e.g., facing the moon in the sky) and installing the stakes on particular places (e.g., beginning with the worship of the earth). Similar types of stakes are used and procedures are followed in Hanumnhok. With proper installation, the military colors and stakes are transformed into embodiments of akti and manifest forms of the unseen power.641The former is then worshiped as the goddess ninabhagavat and the latter as ypdhi ht%dev, the goddess who rules the stakes.642 This also suggests that the Nepalese military is not a secular institution but inextricably connected to Hindu religious traditions.643 The military standards studded with gems and decorations are placed in the sanctuaries of the military units and are regularly worshiped. They also receive special worship as the power of the kingdom/country (rjyaakti) before any important work and on national occasions. For the nina and ypa worship, a sacred pavilion is first constructed, and yantras are drawn for the placement of various ritual objects, such as ninass, ypa, weapons, and blocks of wood.644 The purohita performs similar sets of preliminary rituals as are done in the installation ceremony of the first day. For worship and consecration, a varu#akalaa is installed on the northeast side by placing several items there, such as waters from the sacred rivers, herbs of all kinds, five gems, fruit, barley and sesame, perfume, seven types of earth, and five types of sprouts with mango shoots on the top of the pitcher. The installation and worship of dpa and Ga!ea are also carried out. As usual, every portion of the ritual is accompanied with relevant mantras from the Vedic and pur!ic materials. Since the ninas have already been installed and honored as deities, there is no need of pr#aprati h (infusion of the vital breath), and nysa (touching/imprinting with relevant mantras) worship with various services is deemed sufficient. Therefore, the worshiper meditates on the Ninabhagavat as the great Klk wielding ten weapons (sword, disc, mace, arrow, bow, iron club, spear, firearms, skull, and conch) in order to kill the demons Madhu and Kai$abha. This is followed by offering services and by honoring the limbs of the nina as the divine power of the kingdom, using such mantras as o" rjyaaktyai nina bhagavatyai nama sarv&ga" pjaymi (o% obeisance to the goddess nina, the divine power of the kingdom, I pay homage to all the limbs). The king or his representative (the chief military official) also imprints his vermillion-smeared hands on the nina and receives the abhieka from the




























































640

Rjrm Subed, 15. Nepal Army, Nina Ra Maulo Pj Vidhi (Kathmandu: Lieutenant General’s Office, 2007). However, the military unit called Gorakhnth- ga#a has Gorakhnth as its tutelary deity, and the military standard belonging to Gorakhnth is not offered animal sacrifices (Nepal Army, 7). 643 The Hindu face of the Nepal Army has been criticized even during the post-monarchic time of secularism and republicanism. The Hindu signs may be noted in the symbols worn by the army denoting their rank and file, military colors, and temples in every army barracks. However, certain changes are being made within the institution to make it more inclusive and democratic. http://www.telegraphnepal.com/headline/2011-07-05/hindu-face-of-nepal-armyobjected 644 Nepal Army, 12; Aryl, “Manuscripts,” 11-12. 641 642




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purohita.645 The worship of the stake also follows a similar pattern, with the addition that the meditation is first done on the stake as the body of the deity. It is important to note that honors are also paid to the royal horse and elephant, representing the traditional animals used in the battlefield. On the ninth night, in Hanumnhok, the eight virgins from the temple of the royal Kumr visit the Taleju temple. The royal Kumr is also taken to the temple, along with Bhairava and Ganea, and they form the divine family of the goddess. The path from her residence to the temple is covered with red cloth, and along this path, the goddess is taken for a visit. 9. The Rituals of the Tenth Day According to popular myths, a universal order was restored for gods and humans after the cosmic battle that ended with the triumph of the goddess over the demons. However, this mythical war was not considered as a one-time occurrence, but it is repeated in every cycle of time, requiring the intervention of the all-powerful goddess. The mythological texts are unanimous on the fact that the goddess left the battle scene, or was bidden farewell by the gods who solicited her direct involvement once the conquest was ensured (KP, 60.79-80). Following this mythic imagination, the tenth day festival commemorates the divine victory. The ritual of this day begins early in the morning. First, the general pjs like the ones of the preceding two days (except the homa and animal sacrifices) are perfomed.646 However, the major difference between the pjs of the first nine days and those of the tenth is that in the latter case, the deities, including the main deity (Durg/Kl), are formally “sent off,” marking the conclusion of the grand festival. In order to bid farewell to the deities, the purohita first performs a brief ritual requesting the goddess for forgiveness for any ritual flaws that may have happened unknowingly (kamstuti) and offers a gold coin (or some other type of coin) to the goddess. 9.1. Asking for Forgiveness (kamstuti)647 o". vidhihna" kriyhna" bhaktihna" yad arcitam| pr#a" bhavatu tat sarva" tvatprasdt paramevari|| aknuvanti na te pj" kartu" brahmdaya sur| aha" ki" v kariymi m%tyudharm naro’lpadh|| na jne’ham te’mba rpa" na arra" na v gu#am| ekam eva hi jnmi bhakti" tvaccara#mbuje|| t" bhakti" h%di sa"bhvya radrc" prag%hya ca| gaccha devi nija" sthna" mahya" dattv varn bahn|| O%. O supreme goddess, through your grace, let all that worship which (in performance) was deficient in devotion, ritual procedure, and ritual action become complete (i.e., effective). Not even the gods beginning with Brahm are able to perform your worship, (and) how will I who am weak in intellect and subject to death perform (it). I do not know your form, or your body, or your qualities, for I know only devotion to your lotus




























































645

Aryl, “Manuscripts,” 16. See Royal Nepali Army Colors: A Short History (Kathmandu: Royal Nepal Army Headquarters, 1991) for the types of ninas worshiped in the army quarters; also, Siph, 41. 42 (K$hm!du: Nepal Army, 2008). 646 arm Bha$$ar, 82; Dhana R!, 73. 647 Dhana R!,73.




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feet. Having felt (sambhvya) that devotion in my heart, and having accepted (my) autumnal worship, (please) go to your own place, O goddess, having given me many boons. For bidding farewell, the purohita imagines that the goddess is absorbed in the pitcher and in the two wood apples (bels) worshiped earlier. After this, the icon of the goddess is consecrated with water from the propitiation pitcher (ntikalaa, or varu#akalaa). Then, a brief consecration of the king is done with the main mantra of the goddess. The pj involving the offering of sandal paste, milled rice grains and flowers is made to the wood apples. The flower is then taken with the sa"hra gesture, and its perfume inhaled and absorbed; the red powder (sindoora, in Nepali) of the wood apples and milled rice grains are placed on the head, particularly on Brahm’s crevice, which is an aperture in the crown of the head through which the soul is said to escape in death (brahmarandhra). These rituals are marked with a spirit of supreme devotion and selfsacrifice, and the blessings of the goddess are constantly sought in the most humble way. 9.2. Worshiping the Aparjit Plant The goddess Durg is called by the name aparjit because of her indomitable and undefeated nature. Her pj, therefore, appropriately occurs on the tenth day of victory, right after the goddess is bidden farewell. The goddess aparjit is portrayed, and meditated on, as having three eyes and four hands holding a sword, shield, and gestures of blessing, and showing fearlessness. We have here the climactic worship of the goddess in the form of a creeper, prosopis spicigera, or mimosa suma (or am tree), with a display of the sword befitting the king’s might and his annual military expedition. The ritual specialists have different opinions about how the aparjit pj should be conducted.648 However, the center of attention is always the am tree, yantra, and the sword on which the goddess is invoked and worshiped. The pj begins with a solemn declaration (sa"kalpa) that clearly mentions that this ritual is carried out just before the king and his battalion march for the annual conquest:649 o". adya iti di amukagotra amuka aha" mama saparivrakasya varaytrvijayakmo’parjitpjanakarmha" kariye. O%. Today and so on, I, so and so, of such and such a gotra, being desirous of victory in the annual pilgrimage of me and my family, will perform the rite of worship of aparjit (the unconquered one). Then, the nysa is performed for the sake of continuous victory and with the names of the goddess representing action (kriy), splendor (um) and triumph (jay, vijay, ajit, and aparjit). The rituals of invocation, infusion of the vital breath, offering various services, and worship of the covering (vara#apj) are performed, invoking the goddess to grant victory, wealth, sons, long life, strength, and good fortune. Then, having taken the sword in hand, the king walks seven steps in different directions with,650 y ytr a#karasya tripuraripuhate kh#ave ca arjunasya| y ytr rghavasymbudhisamatara#e rva#asyntakle|| y ytr vyusno nidhanam upagate lakma#e aktibhinne|




























































648

Pratp h, 200. Dhana R!, 77. 650 For this and the following mantras, see Dhana R!, 81-82. 649




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s ytr siddhiytr bhavatu mama g%he putrapautreu nityam|| gamana" crthalbhya kemya vijayya ca| atrupakavinya punargamanya ca|| a&kara’s journey for the killing of the enemies in the three cities,651 and Arjuna’s (journey) in the kh#ava (forest),652 Rma’s journey in crossing the ocean at the hour of Rva!a’s death, Vayu’s son’s (Hanumn’s) journey when Lakma!a, pierced by a spear (or broken in energy) had approached death; may that journey always be the journey of acquisition of powers (siddhi) in my house and among (my) sons and grandsons. And may (that) traveling lead to the acquisition of wealth and to safety and victory, and to the destruction of the enemy’s side and to (safe) return. Then, he chops the ash gourd, regarding it as an enemy, saying, o" chindh chindh h" pha | o" kum#a" bahubjhya" brahma#mita" pur| atas tv" ghtaymy adya ca#ikprtaye mud|| O%. Cut off, cut off, h" pha . I strike you today with delight for the pleasure of Ca!ik–(you) ash gourd (gourd) who are richly endowed with many seeds and were previously created by Brahm. He places the sword in another place and bids farewell to aparjit. Honoring the pitcher as a khañjana bird (a form of Vi!u; a species of the wagtail) and then as a kema&kar bird (coromandel eagle, the bird of good omen; propitious, causing peace or security), the purohita asks for blessings from the deities.653 After this, the king offers fees (such as gold to Agni, silver to Candra, and copper to the Sun) to the purohitas for their services. Once the goddess is bidden farewell and every major ritual is completed, the purohita performs the sprinkling rite (abhieka) over the king from the varu#akalaa (water pitchers consecrated as Varu!a) with the mantras from Vedic and pur!ic texts, especially the Vajasaneyi Sa%hit (VS)654 and pr!as such as Vi#udharmottara Pura#a, Agni Pura#a, and Nlamata Pur!a (of Kmir) asking to empower the king for the destruction of his sins and enemies, and requesting for his victory, supremacy, and well-being. On this day, the king also has another empowerment ritual called khagasiddhi, in which he exchanges his sword with the sword of the goddess Bhadrakl or the god Bhairava. However, this ritual occurs on the morning of the tenth day of victory (vijay daam), once every twelve years, with each deity represented by the masked dancers.655 They exchange their swords three




























































651

According to a mythological story, the three cities of gold, silver and iron in the sky, air and earth were built for demons by My, and they were burnt down, along with the demons inhabiting them, by iva at the request of the gods. Tripura is also the name of the demon or demons presiding over these cities. Kumrasa"bhava, 7.48; Amarusa aka, 2; Meghadta, 56; Apte, 485. 652 Kh!ava is the name of a forest in Kuruketra, burnt by the god of fire aided by Arjuna and K#!a. Bhgavata Pur#a, I.15.8. 653 Pratp h, 202-203. 654 Ibid, 295; Aryl, Navartri tath Yamapañcaka Pjvidhi, 78-79. Aryl gives a long list of Vedic and pur!ic mantras for the abhieka. From the VS, the following mantras have been selected, 12.44, 100; 18.4; 22.22; 25.19; 26.2; 30.3; 34.51; 36.17-24. 655 See the picture in van den Hoek, 92.




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times back and forth. Through this, the power of the deity is believed to be transferred to the king, granting him divine legitimation to rule until the next round of sword exchanges. In the morning, after the pj is done at an auspicious time, as fixed by the royal astrologer, the king receives abhieka from his chief purohita after the latter consecrates the goddess. The king also receives k and barley seedlings as divine blessings and offers the same to the members of the royal family, various officials (including the chief of the army and police), dignitaries, and the general public. This marks an auspicious occasion for the public to begin receiving k across the country. This process is continued until the fifteenth day. In Gorkh, once this set of morning rituals is over, the three forms of the goddess worshiped on the preceding ten days in the pj room of the palace are taken to the room of the Kumrs, where the virgins are worshiped as manifestations of the goddess. In the Taleju temple in Hanumnhok, however, the goddess is returned to her permanent abode on this day.656 Unlike in Gorkh, sword processions are done in different quarters of the cities in the Kathmandu valley. This is a legacy of the rituals of the Malla period, and every member of the family, including the king, would traditionally participate in the procession, and they cleave the ash gourds (or pumpkins) symbolizing the demon Mahia or his retinue. In these sword processions, which continue through the next day (e.g., in Dolakh, eastern Nepal), there is a sense of conclusion of the mythical battle and of the onset of the temporal military campaign of the kingdom.657 From the eleventh day to the fifteenth day, the victory celebration continues, with the people visiting their relatives to receive blessings in the forms of k and barley shoots and to exchange best wishes. No major recitation and worship are done, especially from the eleventh to the thirteenth days, in the royal power places. However, on the fourteenth day, massive animal sacrifices, like those of the eighth and ninth days, are again performed both in Gorkh and in Hanumnhok.658 On this day, a simple ritual worship with five services is carried out, and the purohita further bids farewell to the goddess with, Om. pj" prag%hya ca Kuruva mama kaly#am a bhi aktibhi saha| gaccha gaccha para" sthna" svasthna" ca#ike’mbike| yat pjita" may devi paripr#a" tad astu me| gamyatm arthalbhya kemya vijayya ca| atror darpavinya punargamanya ca| vasa tva" h%day"bhoje maddehe ti ha bhpate| gmivatsare ca tva" punar ysyasi dhruvam| o" hr" h" phre" h" s" kh" phre" ca#ike cala cala claya claya h" pha , svh|| O%. O goddess Ca!ik, having accepted the pj, (you), along with the eight




























































656

Bhaktapur also observes the white horse festival on the tenth evening. The horse is regarded as the conveyance of Taleju. This is also used during coronation, and it is first mentioned in the inscription of A%uvarman, 605 CE. 657 It is mentioned in different sacred texts that the tenth day of the navartri was the auspicious day for going to war in ancient and medieval India. van den Hoek, 110. 658 There does not seem to be a mythic correlative for this action. Since the goddess already starts withdrawing from the human world on the tenth day, when the king’s actual conquest begins, the animals might be regarded just as symbolic of the enemies of the king, as the ritual sacrifice shows the power of the state to those who oppose kingship.




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auspicious aktis promote my welfare. Go, go, to the highest abode, your own abode, O mother Ca!ik! O goddess, may the worship I offer be complete for me. May you go for (my) acquisition of wealth, wellbeing and victory, for the destruction of the enemy’s arrogance and for a safe return. Abide in the lotus of my heart, and stay in my body, O lord of the land! And the next year, you will certainly return. O" hr" h" phre" h" s" kh" phre", O Ca!ik, move forward, move forward, cause to move forward, cause to move forward h" pha svh. In Gorkh, in the early morning of the fifteenth day, at the auspicious dawn (brahmamuhrta), the glorious Kl, along with other goddesses, is taken back to her heavenly Mt. Kailsa for six months. She is again briefly taken out on the eighth day of the spring celebration and during the next autumnal navartri. In Hanumnhok, no such return occurs as the goddess is bidden farewell. The fifteenth-day ritual is limited to brief worship and a final adieu to the goddess, with the wish that she will graciously come again when ceremoniously invited in the next cycle. In the neighboring town of Bhaktapur, fifteen virgins are worshiped as the incarnations of Taleju as part of the conclusive rites of this festival.659 10. The Navartri and Its Medieval Indian Tradition The Nepalese navartri tradition draws on a vast corpus of Indian literature (beginning with Atharvaveda Parii ha, Baudhyana G%hya eastra, and pur!ic/tntric texts) and seems to have been introduced in the Nepalese landscape by the brhmins--both by the migrating ones and the ones who had already been in Nepal for a long time. Although the concept of the mother goddess has been very popular in the Kathmandu valley for a millenium, the tradition of navartri Durgpj does not seem to have been popular before the eleventh century, after which we have local Newr manuscripts on the rituals. However, in the Indian tradition, the pur!ic texts that describe the rituals are GaruaP. (1.133.3-134.7), SkandaP. (1.2.47.77-82; 5.1.14.4; 18.4; 7.1.83.39-60), AgniP. (185.3-15; 268.13-16), BhavisyaP. (4.138.1-115), NradaP. (1.110.30-34; 117.76-78; 118.17-22), DevP. (22.4-24), DevbhgavataP. (3.26-27; 5.34.12-31), KlikP. (60.6-80; 61.14-30), B%haddharmaP. (1.22.17-34), and BrahmavaivartaP. (2.64.1-65.12). These texts were composed from the early centuries (CE), and many stories and rituals mentioned in these texts may have had some history predating their actual compositions. For example, the Garua Pur#a, which derives its name from the mythic bird Garua, Vi!u’s mount, is said to have been composed at various stages, at least from the early centuries CE, and seems to have been popular by the time of the Gupts (in the fourth century CE), who are referred to as worshiping the mythical bird Garua (an eagle-like mythical creature, vehicle of god Vi!u).660 Iconographically, too, as Divakaran states, it was in the Gupta period that the multiarmed goddess with weapons and bloodshed were promoted.661 Despite certain variations, these texts have many commonalities such as the following: the worship of Durg with eighteen arms and other eight goddesses of sixteen arms; installation of pitchers, yantras, and weapons; worship often accompanied by animal sacrifices (except in






























































659 In Bhaktapur, virgins are worshiped throughout the period of the fifteen days, and this tradition seems to have been continued from the Malla times. 660 Ludo Rocher, The Pur#as (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1986), 177. 661 Odile Divakaran, “Durg the Great Goddess: Meanings and Forms in the Early Period,” in Discourses on iva: Proceedings of a Symposium on the Nature of Religious Imagery, ed. Michael W. Meister (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, c. 1984), 271-288.




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Vi#udharmottara, B%haddharma, and Brahmavaivarta Pur#as); homa rituals (also with goat’s meat but this is only in the Klik and Dev Bhgavata Pur#as); honoring the girls; and dismissal of the goddess on the tenth day. Most of these pur!ic texts give extensive descriptions of the festival. They also underscore the spiritual and material connections between the king and the goddess, with the former gaining powers from the latter. In addition, the AgniP, DevP, GaruaP, and Klik Pur#a seem to emphasize the rituals centered on the enemies of the king. These texts recommend the rituals of royal bathing in front of the slain animal and the piercing of the enemy’s dough effigy with the sword. Finally, the weapons belonging to the king and their worship, along with the king’s army, are also mentioned in some of these texts.




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Chapter V The Rjybhieka of King B rendra: The Religious Dimension of Power On the impulsion of god Savitar, with the arms of Avin, with the hands of Pan, I sprinkle you for strength, good luck and fame, with Agni’s glow, with the brilliance of the sun (Srya), with Indra’s virility (VS I.31). 1. Introduction During the coronation, innumerable deities, spirits, departed beings and other supernatural powers are invoked, worshiped and propitiated. Both the traditional fire rituals practiced through the Vedic period and devotional forms of later times find vibrant expression on this occasion. In the myths and rituals related to coronation, the king combines in his person dualities such as the transcendental and the mundane, the supernatural and the natural, the human and the nonhuman, and nature and society.662 Since the peace and health of the nation is traditionally understood to depend on the physical and spiritual well-being of the king, he undergoes ritual purifications in order to maintain health and happiness and to be a worthy vehicle for divine blessings. On a symbolic level, he is a maintainer of the world order itself and is associated with the sovereign deities, such as Vi!u and Indra, who are said to invisibly invest him with the spiritual power to govern the kingdom. The coronation rituals are believed to transform him into a sacred, even a divine, being for the exercise of kingship authority. As shown in the manual prepared for the coronation of Brendra, major ritual activities took place in the old royal palace precincts in Hanumnhok. However, the Nrya!hi$ royal palace was also as a center for religious and political powers. For example, it is in this palace that the king and his priest(s) performed some initial rituals. On the first day, he made a solemn declaration that he would worship various deities of the nation. He touched the pj items, dedicating them to the deities of the nation. The items (materials for worship) were then sent out to main temples of the nation, and the priests performed rituals on behalf of the king throughout the following eleven days. On the last day, the king was duly crowned and consecrated. This was followed by the royal procession, i.e., the ritual circumambulation of the town that began at Hanumnhok (the ritual center) and ended at the Nrya!hi$ palace (administrative center), where the king and the queen were again enthroned, initiating their formal rule in the nation.663 2. The Coronation of B rendra: The Main Highlights The major coronation rituals performed over the eleven days were as follows:664 Table 7: Coronation Events Date February 14, 1975 (10:00 a.m.)

Rituals Place Japap havara#asa"kalpa Nrya!hi$i Royal Palaces (recitation of prayers, (worship room) choosing the priests, and solemn declaration); touching the worship items to be sent to various temples in the country






























































662

Heesterman, “The Conundrum,” 13-39. For the western medieval conception, see Ernst H. Kantorowicz, The King’s Two Bodies: A Study in Mediaeval Political Theology (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1957). 663 For coronation images, see Shyam Goenka, Memoirs of King Brendra, 57-64. 664 For the detailed program, see Appendix II, “Weeklong Programme to Celebrate the Auspicious Coronation of His Majesty King Brendra Br Bikram Shah Dev, February 20-27, 1975” (Kathmandu: His Majesty’s Government, Ministry of Communication, Department of Information, 1975).




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February 21, 1975 (10:00 a.m.)

Preliminary rituals for the propitiation of Indra and Vinyaka

Mlcok altar, Hanumnhok Palace

February 22, 1975 (10:00 a.m.)

Worship of Indra, Vinyaka and mother goddesses

Mlcok altar, Hanumnhok

February 23, 1975 (10:00 a.m.) February 24, 1975 (7:00 a.m.)

Preliminaries to coronation

Nsalcok, Hanumnhok

Coronation (auspicious time for crowning: 8:35 a.m.)

Nsalcok, Hanumnhok

March 02, 1975 (10:00 a.m.)

Royal revue

Royal Army Pavilion, Tunikhel, Kathmandu

Certain patterns can be discerned in these rituals. Of the last four days’ rituals, the first two were mainly devoted to Vinyaka, Indra and the mother goddess (mt%k), while the last two were dedicated to Vi!u. Leaving many minor details aside, the general layout of the last four days may be summarized as follows: Table 8: The vinyaka-aindr nti (worship/appeasement of vin yaka and Indra) and Coronation Rituals Vinyaka-aindrnti Days

Abhieka (Ablution) Days

•

vara#a-sa"kalpa (choosing the brhmins and making a solemn declaration)

•

vara#a-sa"kalpa (choosing the brhmins and making a solemn declaration)

•

Installation and pjs: dpa (lamp), kalaa (pitcher), Ga!ea, Indra, Vinyaka, and mt%k (mother goddesses)

•

Installation and pjs: dpa (lamp), kalaa (pitcher), Ga!ea and Vi!u rjada#a (royal scepter) and si"hsana (lion’s throne) pjs homas: grahama#ala (circle of planets), vstuma#aladevat (deities residing in the circles of the house), abhytana and others

• •

Main homas: grahama#ala (circle of planets), vstuma#aladevat (deities residing in the circles of the house), and vinyaka-aindrnti (propitiation of Vinyaka, Indra, and mother goddesses), abhytana (“overpowered”; take hold of enemies, va kra)

•

•

abhieka of the king (briefly, with the waters from the pitchers installed in four different directions)

•

•


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abhieka of the king (elaborate, in different settings, with waters and sacred liquids from different types of pitchers) mounting the lion’s throne,

(si"hsana), investiture with the diadem (pa a) and crown (muku a), and holding the royal scepter (rjada#a) bali (offerings to the deities) and dna (giving presents) to brhmins and others

•

bali (offering) and dna (giving presents)

•

devavisarjana (sending off of deities)

•

•

prasdagraha#a (receiving the blessed items of the rituals)

•

devavisarjana (sending off of deities) prasdagraha#a (receiving the blessed items of the rituals)

•

abhieka, with the sacred water placed in the northeastern pitcher (nakalaa)

•

abhieka, with the sacred water placed in the northeastern pitcher (nakalaa)

•

Royal procession (first to the military pavilion in u!ikhel in downtown Kathmandu and then back to the Nrya!hi$ Royal Palace

•

Royal Revue of Nepalese Army

•

the

Royal

2.1. Bathing with Clays, Sacred Streams, and Pañcagavya On the last day, the king received a ritual bath in which different parts of his body were cleansed with clays brought from different places in the kingdom: with earth from the top of the mountain, his head was purified; from an ant hill, his ears; from Vi!u’s temple(s), his mouth; from the place where the banner of Indra is installed, his neck; from the courtyard of the king, his heart; from the clay dug by the tooth of an elephant, his right arm; from the clay dug by the horn of a bull,665 the left arm; from the lake, his back; from the confluence of the rivers, his belly; from the banks of the rivers, the two sides of his breast; from the door of a courtesan, his loins; from the elephant stable, his thighs; from the horse stable, his shanks; from the cow stable, his knees; from the wheels of a chariot, his feet; and, finally, from all the places enumerated above, his entire body was cleansed. As usual, each type of clay was applied with the appropriate mantra from the Vedic texts, and the sources of these mantras are documented as follows:666




























































665

Keavara! takes the bull as symbolic of dharma, a source of royal power. He also suggests that the king sitting on the hides of “violent animals” symbolizes the victory of the king over animal forces, which means subduing the animal instincts in us and elevating the human and divine qualities, which the abhieka attempts to preserve (18). Khemrj Keavara!, “ubha Rjybhiek: R$riya k&kko Pratik,” in ubha Rjybhiek Vie&k: Muku ar, eds. Meghrj arm, et al (Dharan, 1975), 18. 666 This is regarded as a post-Vedic addition to the older forms of rajybhieka. In some cases, non-katriya kings belonging to dra dynasties could not perform the solemn Vedic ritual of rauta sacrifice because of their relatively low birth; other kings may also have found the rauta ritual too cumbersome and impractical (Witzel 451).




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Table 9: The Ritual of Clay-Bathing (mttiksnna) Clay From Body parts to be bathed 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6.

Top of the mountain Top of the anthill Vi!u’s temple Indra’s flagstaff Courtyard of the king Dug up by the tusk of an elephant 7. Dug up by the horn of the bull 8. Pond 9. Confluence of a river 10. Banks of the river 11. Door of the courtesan 12. Elephant shed 13. Cow shed 14. Horse shed 15. Dug up by the wheel of the chariot 16. All the clays

Mantras

head ears mouth neck heart right arm

RV 10.90.1; AV 4.3 RV 10.163.1; AV 2.33.1 RV 10.163.1; AV 2.33.1 RV 10.163.2; AV 2.33.2 RV 10.163.3; AV 2.33.3 RV 1.176.3

left arm

RV 1.176.3

back belly flanks loins thighs knees shanks feet

RV 6.75.5; AV 15.10.5 RV 9.10.8 RV 8.17.5; AV 20.4.2 RV 10.163.4; AV 2.33.5 RV 10.163.5; AV 20.96.21 RV 10.163.5; AV 20.96.21 RV 10.90.3

all limbs

RV 10.163.6; AV 20.96.22

In the ritual manual prepared for Brendra’s coronation, the earth was regarded as Aditi herself, a "gvedic goddess and the mother of the dityas and other gods.667 She was worshiped as the allsustaining mother (MSS II.14; as opposed to father heaven, as in MSS III.27). As an embodiment of abundance of all grains, plants, herbs and life forms, she was implored to sustain herself and maintain the natural order (%ta). Therefore, daubing different parts of the earth on the king’s body indicated the fundamental connection of the king with the earth herself; it was recognition of the king’s boundedness and inextricable connection with the earth and the material world. It also suggested the sources of the king’s physical and spiritual power, as well as his centrality in the kingdom. Through this daubing, the king was linked to the realms of the divine (Vi!u and Indra), human (the courtesan, the royal purohita), animal (elephant, bull, cow and horse), insects (ants), and waters (pond and river), and they collectively illustrated the connection of the king with multiple forms and sources of life. The bathing was understood as purifying, symbolic of the overall purification and renewal of the kingdom. Daubing the king’s mouth with clay drawn from Vi!u’s temple suggested that the king’s face best projected Vi!u’s effulgence and divinity. The king (or the priest on his behalf) recited Vi!u and other mantras for purification. Rubbing the king’s neck with the clay from Indra’s pole suggested that the king should be physically as strong as the well-established pole. The installation of Indra’s flagpole was symbolic of the victory and divine rule of this "gvedic god, and is still annually celebrated in Kathmandu, Nepal in September-October. The king’s connection with the top and bottom of the world was symbolized through the clay from a mountaintop and a riverbank. In the past, the king also assumed the role of a warrior, hence the






























































667 The name suggests boundlessness, infinity or the infinite expanse, and her sons, the dityas, signify the opposite, social bonds. The name also means “poetry” ("V VIII.101.15). Williams, 18.




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references to the elephant, bull, and horse, animals used in battle; the symbol of the wheel might have referred to the king’s desire to be a conqueror, a wheel-turning monarch. The clay from the anthill on the king’s ear represented his responsibility to listen to all his people (including spies) in order to make appropriate decisions.668 According to Hutchins, the ants were likewise suggestive of the importance of working together, implying that the contributions and cooperation of all the people were required for the king to be successful.669 The arms of the king were associated with the bull and the elephant, and the king’s thighs, knees, shanks and feet were similarly correlated with the elephant, cow, horse, and wheel of the chariot.670 The physical strength of these animals was needed for victory in battle. Similarly, the watery sources of the earth paralleled the middle parts of his body, where the liquids are most concentrated. Cleansing his chest with clay from the courtyard ensured that the king was connected to the vital part of his kingdom where public functions of national importance were held. These analogical connections were followed by bathing king’s entire body with all the clays mixed together. This completed the bathing; it identified the king with both his kingdom and the entire earth, and showed that he is inseparably rooted to the earth. In Hutchins’ words, this particular rite associated the vigor and proper functioning of the king’s limbs and organs with the smooth functioning of the nation’s ecosystem: “If food and liquids flowed through the King-Emperor’s digestive tract without disruption, rivers and streams could similarly be expected to flow quietly through the country, bestowing health and prosperity.”671 The ritual connected the king’s body with different deities, places, and creatures, and the king was accordingly invested with the strength and powers related to them. Inden, in his discussion of Vi#udharmottara Pur#a, argues that this ritual effected the symbolic marriage and death of the king by bringing him together with the earth: “The ‘killing’ of the king is, of course, partial and highly muted, expressing the desire to deflect death from the institution of kingship…this rite of daubing effects a kind of extraordinary marriage of the king and the earth, his bride.”672 Inden’s interpretation, however apt in the context of the Vi#udharmottara Pur#a, does not seem to be applicable to Brendra’s coronation. For example, daubing the clay (earth) on the king’s private parts did not occur in Brendra’s manual, and there does not seem to be any notion of either a symbolic or literal sexual union with earth in Nepalese rituals. Further, during the armavarmaga#dihoma (the fire ritual to the deities and so on for the sake of protection and defense) the purohita offered oblations to the father heaven and mother earth with, “Let father heaven, let mother earth, in concord, make you one that dies of old age; that you may live in the lap of Aditi, guarded by breath a hundred years” (MSS III.91; AV 2.28.4). At certain moments of the rituals, the king worshiped the earth as the mother and accorded her extraordinary respect. Instead, Birendra’s ritual seemed to establish the bandhu-like






























































668 Comparing the shape of the anthill with the human ear, Witzel cites a Vedic saying, “The earth has ears.” He suggests that this image is related to the omnipresent ears of the king, who is supposed to listen to all accounts in making his decisions. (Witzel 1987, 447). 669 Francis G. Hutchins, Democratizing the Monarch: A Memoir of Nepal’s King Brendra (Vajra Publications, 2007), 50. 670 The relation of the cow with the knees is obscure, but it might suggest the traditional upward positioning of the knees while milking cows in the cowsheds. The cow is regarded as a sacred animal whose five products (pañcagavya) are essential for purification and the infusion of strength. Further, the relationship between the king and the cow might suggest the purity and sacredness essential for the king’s rule and the necessity of invigorating his body and spirit. 671 Hutchins, 51. 672 Inden, 61-62.




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(relational) metonymic connection between the king and various orders of the world (divine, human, animal, insects, plants, and so on). Clay-daubing the body seems to have been popular at least from the early century CE. The Baudhyanag%hyaeastra (5.4) recommended the clay bath for any young celibate brhmin (brahmacrin), householder (g%hastha), dweller in the woods (vnaprastha), and mendicant (parivrj). In this text, the clay bath was not limited to the king and, more particularly, not related to his symbolic death. In fact, placing clay on sixteen parts of the body was prescribed for individual purification and for the destruction of evil actions he knowingly or unknowingly committed, and it had to be done with the recitation of the sixteen verses, corresponding to each part of the body from the Purua hymn (RV 10.90). In the royal context, the bathing may also be understood as an attempt to transform the king into a more perfect being in whom “all the sixteen lunar digits are fully formed, each digit being a measure of the development of consciousness.”673 Varhamihira’s (ca. 505-587) Yogaytr (7.13-15) and B%hadytra (4.19-23) mention clays from seven different places, and recommend bathing the king’s limbs with these clays for purification and removal of sins that he may have committed during wars. In Yogaytr, the clay bath in the following way is recommended for the king’s victory march through the kingdom:674 Table 10: Clay-bathing in Var hamihira Clays from Part of the king’s body 1. summit of the mountain 1. head 2. ant-hill 2. ears 3. both sides of the confluence of the river 3. sides of the belly (ribs) 4. place of Indra (ku aja tree?) 4. neck (grva) 5. horns of the bull and tusk of the 5. hands elephant 6. door of the king 6. heart 7. door of the house of the courtesan 7. loins Contrary to Inden’s assertion, this ritual appears to be aimed at the purification and symbolic transformation of the king, and the mantras employed for this occasion confirm this. Although it is difficult to neatly correlate the specific act and the mantra, one can still get a general sense of the mantra for each stage of the royal bath. For example, the first verse of the Purua hymn (RV X.90) was employed for bathing the king’s head with clay from the top of the mountain. This verse glorifies the Purua’s pervasiveness and many-ness in one, and also speaks about the creation of the universe through the primal act of sacrifice. Immediately after this, the Atharvavedic verses were used, and the mantras call for, in the spirit of magical rites, the removal of yakma (disease, consumption) from each part of the king’s body, including the eyes, nostrils, ears, chin, brain, tongue, neck, nape, vertebrae, backbone, shoulders, forearm, entrails, guts, rectum, belly, and legs, culminating in a final application of a mixture of all the clays on all parts of the king’s body. Other mantras called for the destruction of enemies and the empowerment of the king’s weapons for conquest and expansion.






























































673 Hriday R. Sharma, 30-31. He cites VjSam to substantiate his point: “One who is of sixteen parts (oain)–the Immortal Man” (VjSam 32.5). 674 In fact, much of the Yogaytra and B%hadytr is devoted to instructions for carrying out certain things at certain auspicious times for desired results, and these are directly related to the king and his activities: “The whole book (B%hadytr) is meant as a guide for a king who is aspiring for the conquest in all directions (digvijaya) or worldconquest.” David Pingree (ed.), B%hadytr (Tamil Nadu: Government of Tamil Nadu, 1972).




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The purificatory and invigorating bath with clays was followed by two sets of bathing: firstly, with waters that were brought from sacred streams (already placed in the pitchers inside the bathing hall), and secondly, with five products of the cow. The mantras were addressed to deities such as Savit#, r (prosperity) and Soma for salubrious results, such as joy, food, strength, well-being, and cattle. The mantras employed on this occasion included such verses as gyatr (RV 3.62.10); gandhadvr" durdharm (RVKh 5.87.9; TA 10.1.10);  pyyasva sam etu te (RV 1.91.16; VS 12.112); dadhikrv#a akriam (RV 4.39.6; VS 23.32); tejo’si ukram asi (AV 7.89.4; VS 1.31); po hi  h (RV 10.9.1; VS 11.50) and RV 10.9.2-3(TS 1.8.7; AB 8.7.5). The expiatory rite that followed these three sets of bathing showed that the king, as a human being bound to the earth, needed constant expiation of his sins and guilt (ppakaya). Similarly, the royal horse and elephant were also bathed on the consecration day. Richly decorated with clothes, saddle, perfumes, garlands and golden ornaments, the horse was bathed with the sacred water of the pitcher containing herbs. The mantra used on this occasion suggested that the bathing was actually transformative, establishing (prati h) the horse as the royal one (MSS III.198): From today forth, the king with devotion proceeds in front of you. He will always venerate you with perfumes, garlands, ointments and with the blessings of brhmins and with auspicious words. Let Indra who is the chief of gods protect you in the east, may Yama in the south, may ocean on the west, and may Kubera on the north, and may all the gods protect you everywhere. Similarly, the royal elephant was bathed with a pitcher full of waters and herbs, along with the appropriate mantra (RV 10.97.1; VS 12.75), and worshiped by the king with perfumes, garlands, and food. As in the case of the horse, this mantra reminded the elephant of its divine status and asked for its protection of the king (MSS III.198): Let the world (people) make the pj which creates lack of fear (abhaya). Let the king be protected by you in war, on the road, and likewise at home. Having given up your animal form (nature), remember your divine nature. Previously in the war of the gods and demons, you were made an auspicious elephant by the gods. Being a glorious son of Airvata, you were an elephant Vra!a named Ari$a. What glory the auspicious elephants have, let all that glory be present (in you). Let that tejas, oh you Indra of elephants, be present in your divine being. Let it be good for you, (and) protect your king in the battle. 2.2. Empowerment through the Abhieka675 The king received multiple powers through abhieka (anointing, consecration). The Aitareya Brhma#a (8.14.4) states that with this great unction (mahbhieka), “Indra won all victories,






























































675 The implication of abhieka has been discussed in the chapter on royal navartri. The Atharvaveda (VI.122.5, VIII.15.1, X.9.27, XI.1.27, XIX.1.2), Sa"hits (Taittirya I.8.11, K haka XV.6, Vjasaneya X.1-4, and Maitrya#i II.6), Brhma#as (Taittirya I.7.5, atapatha V.3.3, Aitareya, VIII.5.20) are the earliest extant texts that mention the sprinkling rituals for the king. The "V and SV do not mention this ritual; it may have been a later development or transmission from another tradition. For further references, see B. R. Modak, The Ancillary Literature of the Atharvaveda: A Study with Special Reference to The Parii as (New Delhi: Rashtriya Veda Vidya Pratishthan, 1993), 234.




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obtained all worlds, attained the superiority (rai hya), preeminence (ati h), and supremacy (paramat) over the gods.”676 According to mythologies, the consecration ritual made Indra the supreme authority, and this practice was then continued by various classes of gods and powerful beings. As for the consecration of the human king, P#thu is mentioned as the first man who was directly consecrated by deities such as Vi!u and Indra, as well as by humans, including the brhmins.677 As a mythological reenactment on earth, the consecration was performed by the priest for the king’s victory and over-lordship. During the coronation of Brendra, the first important abhieka was performed on the vinyaka-aindrnti day in the main courtyard in front of the popular Taleju temple in Hanumnhok.678 Since the place is dedicated to the royal goddess, the royal priests no doubt found this setting suitable for the worship of Ambik (the mother goddess represented by the Taleju herself), Indra, and Ga!ea in his Vinyaka form–the three main deities worshiped on the vinyaka-aindr-nti days. The ritual pavilion constructed for this purpose is symbolically very significant. The four doors of the pavilion bearing the insignia of Vi!u–the conch (east), the discus (south), the mace (west), and the lotus (north)–were a reminder that Vi!u was the guardian and presiding deity, despite the dedication of pjs to Indra, Ambik, Vinyaka and other deities. The king was consecrated inside a colorful pavilion decorated in all directions with divine insignia and banners.679 As the following table shows, the deities located in different directions were also armed with weapons for the protection of the king: Table 11: The Maapa Construction Direction Deity Colors of the flag and Sign on the Sign on the banner banner flag east Indra yellow elephant thunderbolt (vajra) southeast Agni red ram spear (akti) south Yama black (male) buffalo rod (da#a) southwest Nir#ti blue demon sword (khaga) (pica) west Varu!a white large fish noose (pa) (grha) northwest Vyu brown deer hook (a&kua) north Kubera green horse mace (gad) northeast Rudra white bull trident (trila) eastBrahm red swan bowl/vessel northeast (kama#alu) westAnanta/Vi!u blue garua discus (cakra) southwest






























































676

Gonda, Ancient, 79-80. Ibid, 79. 678 This main courtyard is surrounded by two-storey buildings. In this courtyard, massive state-sponsored animal sacrifices are performed during the eighth, ninth, and fourteenth days of the navartri. The images of the river goddesses Ga&g and Yamun are also visible on the sides of the entrance of this courtyard. 679 The description of the ma#apa for the vinyaka-aindr-nti is not found in the manual of Brendra; this description is based on the manual for Mahendra’s coronation. See Siria C. Regmi’s private collection for the construction of the ma#apa, Nepal-German Manuscript Preservation Project (NGMPP), reel no. E1814/5. 677




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The center of the pavilion for aindrvinyakanti was dedicated to Vinyaka, Ambik, and Indra;680 these deities were installed and worshiped in the forms of pitchers and divine icons made of gold. The central pitcher representing all the deities, the northeast pitcher representing the presence of Varu!a, and three other pitchers representing the main deities of this day were ritually established, with auspicious signs (such as svastika) sanctifying each place of installation. On the western side of this main pavilion, a separate auspicious, splendid space (bhadrsana) was prepared for the king’s ablution. At the center of this bhadrsana was placed an auspicious seat (bhadrap ha) of wood containing a milky sap (kra).681 Each pitcher was filled with waters from a lake and the confluence of rivers. Then, clays from five different places (horse, elephant, anthill, confluence of rivers, and lake/pool), perfumes and seeds were set in place with the recitation of the relevant mantras. The pitchers were worshiped separately by four different priests with accompanying actions (MSS II.46) and mantras (e.g., VS 25.14, 36.10 and 36.17) that called for auspicious powers, abundant grain, pleasant wind, warmth, fructifying rain, and universal peace. In the middle of the bhadrap ha, the hide of the red bull was covered by a white cloth. After the elaborate worship and homa of the day, three different royal priests [the purohita, crya (royal preceptor) and the %tvij] consecrated the king, who was sitting on the auspicious seat (bhadrsana). This ritual was distinct from some others, in that the mantras used on this occasion were mostly associated with peace, prosperity, purification, auspiciousness, and removal of the yajamna’s misfortunes (MSS II.78-80). The circumambulatory movement of the purohita as he consecrated the king from the eastern, then southern, then western, and finally northern pitchers centralized the divine (sun’s) blessings on the body of the king. Similarly, another set of consecrations from the pitchers (kalaas) of Indra, Vinyaka, and mother goddesses (mt%k, MSS II.100-101) by other priests invoked deities such as Brahma!aspati, Vyu, Varu!a and Savitar (RV 9.83.1; AV 18.4.29; AV 7.115.2-4; AV 1.33.1-2) and requested good luck, fortune, and purification of the king. Finally, after the deities of this vinyaka-aindr-nti were sent off, the final abhieka from the northeast (na) kalaa was performed (MSS II.111-112) by the purohita, in which he requested all the rivers, streams, sacred places of pilgrimage, waters and rivers to dwindle away the king’s hardships. The other verses called for peace everywhere (RV 7.66.16; VS 36.17) and requested the deities, such as Indra, Pn, B#haspati, and Savit, to grant a hundred years’ life for the king and the brhmins (VS 36.24). 2.3. The Abhieka of the Coronation Day On this day, the abhiekas were performed by ministers, priests, and representatives of various classes, including women, showing the importance of human agents in the king’s legitimacy and ruling power.682 In a way, the ritual suggested that divine powers alone were not sufficient, and that they must be supplemented with the participation of human agents for the king’s investiture to be complete. The first six abhiekas were done when the king was sitting on the bhadrsana,




























































680

The elaborate worship of Ambik seems to be an addition in the Nepalese paddhati for the h kings’s coronation. 681 Keshavara! regards the krav%ka as a nourishing tree and suggests that it relates to the affectionate nature of the king (18). 682 The manual uses the term si"hsana for the throne placed above the bhadrap ha, and rjasi"hsana (the lion’s throne of the king) for the throne placed on the north side of the bhadrsana. It is from the rjasi"hsana that the king and the queen grant audiences to people from various strata of society, including dignitaries and diplomats from different countries (MSS III.49-5; MSS III.198; NGMPP, reel A848).




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while the last was performed on another lion’s throne (rjasi"hsana) placed on the north side of the ma#apa. During the celebration, multitudes of deities and powerful beings were invoked to consecrate the king, and the king’s throne belonged to, as the mantras suggested, iva, Indra, and Hari (Vi!u). The hides of the animals placed on the king’s throne–first that of an ox, on top of which is that of a domestic cat, then of a leopard, a lion, and a tiger (on top) indicated that the king also ruled the animal world and acquired their power. The location of the consecration ceremonies is very significant. The consecration of the last day was performed on the platform of the Nsalcok, Hanumnhok. The word nsal in Newr means the “dancing one,” referring to iva, whose statue in the dancing posture remains hidden in the chamber on the east side of the courtyard. The courtyard was also graced by the golden image of Mahvi!u (Great Vi!u) on the eastern wall, while on the northeast corner the five-faced image of Hanumn under five circular roofs was located. The Nsalcok platform was made of carved stone and upheld by the images of lions and tigers, often regarded as symbolic of divine power (for example, through their association with goddess Durg, riding the lion as her mount), royalty and courage.683 The platform was set in the middle of the rectangular courtyard, where the consecration ceremonies have been held from the time of the medieval Malla Hindu kings. A. The First Phase of Abhieka Table 12: The Abhieka by Four Classes of Hindu Society Representative Type of Pitcher Filled with Direction brhmin minister

gold

katriya minister

silver

vaiya minister

copper

chanter of the smaveda (minister) (again) smaveda minister

clay clay

Mantras

clarified butter (gh%ta) milk (dugdha)

east

VS 1.31

south

VS 12.112

coagulated milk (dadhi) honey (madhu)

west

VS 23.32

north

VS 13.27

water (udaka) and kua (sacred grass; Poa cynosuroides)

north

AB 8.7.5

The abhieka by the representatives of the first three classes (the “twice born”) of the cabinet members replicated the social hierarchy. The brhmin represented the first order of society, consecrating the king with clarified butter, one of the most important and potent ingredients of the fire ritual. The purity and auspiciousness of the brhmin were correlated with gold and with the eastern direction. Despite the hierarchical order of society and of the value of the metals used, the mantras do not seem to have suggested similar correlations, as every Vedic mantra is considered to have equal value. The Vedic mantra from VS 1.31 suggests that this

































































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was the prime moment of the Vedic form of abhieka, in which all three classes of society participated. The brhmins and yajamna were symbolically elevated to the heavenly position, a typical feature of the rauta ritual in general and Yajurvedic mantras in particular, and the king was consecrated with direct powers from various deities:684 You are brilliance (tejas), you are white-shining (ukra), you are immortal (am%ta), your name is the firm(ly) (in the) place of the gods, you are (the) gods’ inviolable means of sacrifice. On the impulsion of the god Savitar, with the arms of Avin, with the hands of Pan, I sprinkle you for strength, good luck and fame, with Agni’s glow, with the brilliance of the sun (Srya), with Indra’s virility.685 The next verse recited by the katriya minister invoked Soma and called for the convergence of vigorous powers in the king; the third verse called for long life and victory. This was followed by the abhieka (sprinkling) by the smavedin minister, once with honey (one of the ingredients of pañcm%ta) and then with the kua water. At the core of this mantra was the word %ta (cosmic order); it was envisioned that there would be sweetness everywhere (for example, in winds, rivers, plants, heaven, and earth) and in every time (for example, in night and in day) as a result of the imposition of the cosmic order. The smavedin then repeated the same mantra (o" devasya tv savitu…yaasenndyya, VS I.24) as the brhmin minister spoke earlier, completing this portion of the abhieka and reminding the participants that it was a transformative ritual.686 This consecration ritual suggested how qualities inherent in these items were instilled in the king, strengthening his body and senses. The Aitareyabrhma#a (8.20)687 makes the importance of this kind of sprinkling clear: By sprinkling the king with curds, the priest makes his senses sharp; for curds represent the sharpness of the senses in the world. By sprinkling him with honey, the priest makes him vigorous, for honey is the vigor in the herbs and trees. By sprinkling him with clarified butter, he bestows upon him splendor, for clarified butter is the brightness of cattle. By sprinkling him with water, he makes him free from death, for waters represent in this world the drinking of immortality.
































































684 Although this and other mantras are found in a host of Vedic and Brhma!ic texts, the Vjasaneyi Sa"hit seems to be the main text for the application of many of the rjybhieka mantras. Witzel 1987, 456-57. Witzel argues that the use of the mantra from the White Yajurveda (Vjasaneyi Sa"hit of the Mdhyandina recension) is evidence of the popularity of this part of the ritual, where this text mainly prevailed, i.e., the land between Bengal and the Panjab, from the Himalayas to the Vindhya mountain, even beyond to Gujarat and Maharashtra (Witzel 1987, 457). 685 Sanskrit version: “tejosi ukramasyam%tamasi dhmanmsi| priyandevnmandh% andevayajanamasi|| o" devasya tv savitu prasavevinorbhubhy" p#o hastbhym| Agnestejas sryasya varcasendrasyendriye#bhiiñcmi balya riyai yaasenndyya” (VS 1.31). 686 Questions such as why the smavedin brhmin uses the clay pot and performs the abhieka only after the katriya and vaiya ministers and why he recites mantras not found in Smaveda remain unanswered. However, it should be noted that the h kings used to have two permanent Smavedin priests, even in the Gorkha palace, until the dissolution of the monarchy in 2008. arm Bha$$ar, 118. 687 Martin Haug, 359.




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B. The Second Phase of Abhieka Table 13: The Abhieka by the Purohita purohita

With the residue gold (sa"pta) of the fire sacrifice

rjasya mantras (VS10.17-18)

Another high point of the abhieka occurred when the royal priest consecrated the king with the remainder of the clarified butter put in the gold pitcher for a series of fire sacrifices called armavarmaga#diga#ahoma--i.e., arma-varma (protection and defense), svastyayan (auspicious course), yuy (longevity), abhay (non-fear), and aparjit (unconquerability), the attributes desired for the king.688 The libation symbolically embodied the power of the divinities and, when empowered by the rjasya mantra (VS 10.17-18), represented what Witzel calls “a new birth of the king out of the wombs of heaven and earth” because of the connection of the abhieka with the heavenly, intermediate and earthly waters:689 I sprinkle you with the shining of Soma, with the heat of Agni, with the brilliance of the sun, with the virility of Indra; thrive as lord of (over) lordship over the katriyas, protect the arrows. Oh gods, Raghu Br Bikram Barm (indicating his katriya status) who is without enemies, for great lordship, for great superiority, for a great governing of the people, for the virility of Indra.690 The rjasya mantra, as given and explained in the Aitareya Brhma#a (8.7), was readapted here by supplying the secret birth names of the king and his parents, showing the humanity of the king as in the AB 8.7 “…him, son of such-a-man and such-a-woman, of such-a-tribe. This is your king, O people, Soma is our brhmins’ lord and the king” (MSS III.166). This also suggests that the purohitas (collectively, the brhmins) were connected to the spiritual realm, while the king was related to the people on earth.691 The purohita recited the popular nti mantra (VS 36.17) for peace everywhere (e.g., in heaven, air, earth, plants and so on) as well as for the king’s long life.






























































688 The mantras recited on this occasion are given in the manuscripts and have been briefly discussed in the homa section of this chapter. For the list of mantras, see B. R. Modak, The Ancillary Literature of the Atharva Veda, 271280. 689 Witzel, 453. Inden at this point of his interpretation of the Vi#udharmottara Pur#a follows Heesterman’s suggestion of the rebirth of the king “out of the womb of the year and out of the cosmos, the new-born king being the pillar.” Inden, 67; Heesterman, The Ancient Indian Royal Consecration, 120. 690 Sanskrit version: “somasya tv dyumnenbhiiñcmy, agner bhrjas, sryasya varcasendrasyendriye#a; katr#" katrapatir edhyati, didyn phi; o" raghu-vira-vikrama-varmana", dev, asapatnya" suvadhvam mahate katrya, mahate jyai haya, mahate jnarjyyendrasyendriyya” (MSS III.166; NGMPP, reel A848; Witzel, 457. For the uniformity within this book, the manuscript has been divided into three portions and pagination has been done accordingly (e.g., MSS III.166). The birth-names of all the royal family members are given in the coronation manual of Mahendra (see NGMPP reel E1814). For further details about the coronation manuscripts, visit https://www.aai.uni-hamburg.de/en/forschung/ngmcp 691 The Aitareyabrhma#a (8.7) gives details about this set of rjasya mantras, beginning with o" somasya tv and ending with o" bhr bhuva svar abhiiñcmi (MSS III.166-167). It states that the entire mantra is meant to gain the powers of the respective deities and to secure the king’s conquest. It also points out that the use of the mantra is guided by the intention of the sacrificer, and that he has to recite certain parts of (or the entire) mantra, depending on what he wants to be accomplished. Martin Haug, The Aitareyabrhma#a of the $igveda, vol. 2 (Bombay: Government of Central Book Depot, 1863), 505-507. Also, Heesterman, Ancient Indian Royal Consecration (1957).




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After this set of consecrations, the king and the queen received the diadem (pa a) and the crown (muku a), which Hutchins describes thus:692 A simply dressed, unpretentious man, the Rj Guru seemed appropriately representative of the people of Nepal, and of the fact that Brendra would receive his historic crown in trust from the nation, when the nation chose to bestow it. Endless time passed, until precisely 8:37 am when the Rj Guru, now anxious not to miss his cue, rather abruptly set the crown on Brendra’s head. Aishwarya’s sister, wife of Brendra’s brother Gynendra, who had been hovering nearby, simultaneously came forward with the Queen Empress’s crown. This was followed by the king’s worship of the royal staff (rjada#a) as an embodiment of dharma, which he received from the hands of the purohita as a sign of his rule guided by dharma. Thus, the king represented the divine law (dharma) in the human realm, but it had to be handed over to him by his purohita. C. The Third Phase of Abhieka by crya The mantras used for the solemn ritual such as rjasya identified the worshiper (sacrifice) with a particular Vedic deity, or deities, and invested him with the divine powers of those deities. This empowering abhieka was different from the one performed by the crya, the king’s spiritual preceptor, who invested him with the sacred thread and taught him the traditional religious dharma. It began with prayers for peace and ended with a request to all the deities of the triple worlds (heaven, intermediary, and terrestrial) to bestow invigorating milk, butter, and mead. In this elaborate abhieka from eight different pitchers, the king’s body was instilled with the beneficent powers of the procreative and purifying waters as well as of the herbs, perfumes, seeds, fruits, flowers, kuas, and gems of the world. These natural elements are strength-giving, curative and ameliorative, and therefore it was thought that they would strengthen the body of the king and bring about peace, longevity, procreativity, and joyousness. The mantras used during the rituals were not just related to peace and happiness; they (VS 17.33-49) were also about the king’s victory in the battle:693






























































692

Hutchins, 54. This approach contradicts the following interpretation by Inden: “Each of them (series of affusions) causes his (king’s) ‘death’ as a prince and his ‘rebirth’ as a king. This is an exhausting, disintegrating process, as Heesterman has noted, as a consequence, the king each time needs to have his strength rebuilt so that he may continue with the formalities of the installation” (Inden 1978, 66-67). Inden also thinks that this particular sequence is modeled after the rjasya (Inden 1978, 66), but the comparison with the rjasya of the Yajurveda leads to a different result. All these types of pitchers with such extensive ingredients are not found in the rjasya ritual. Similarly, the king raising his arms while being sprinkled, the rubbing of the sacrificial fluid by means of an antelope’s horn, and offering of the remainder of the unction fluid to Rudra at the end do not occur here. However, the placing of a piece of gold in the vessel (all the gems in the rjybhieka), the king sitting on a tiger skin (five different hides on his lion’s throne in rjybhieka), and the king facing the eastern direction may be noted as common. But in the rjybhieka, as we saw, they are done much more elaborately. Yasuhiro Tsuchiyama, “Abhieka in Vedic and postVedic Rituals,” 65-66. 693




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Table 14: The Abhieka by the crya Consecration (through the)

Mantras

1. Golden pitcher (filled with water) which has a hundred holes in it694

o" dyau ntir… (RV 7.66.16; VS 36.17) o" tac cakur devahita"… (RV 7.66.16) o" svasti na’Indro… (RV 1.89; VS 25.19)

2. Pitcher filled with water + all the VS 12.75 (RV 10.97.9) herbs 3. Pitcher filled with water + all the VS 29.43-45 perfumes 4. Pitcher filled with water + seeds

VS 22.22

5. Pitcher filled with water + flowers

VS 22.77

6. Pitcher filled with water + fruits

VS 22.77

7. Pitcher filled with water + gems

VS 17.33-49 (RV 10.103.1-18 )

8. Pitcher filled with water + kua

AV 10.9.12

The king then received the yellow pigment of the cow (gorocana)695 as part of purification and empowerment. D. The fourth phase of Abhieka by the Representatives of Various Classes of Society Table 15: The Abhieka by Various Classes of Society Representatives Pitcher of waters brhma#a, katriya, vaiya

Mantras

Pitchers filled with waters From their own branch of from the sacred rivers, such the Vedic school as Ga&g and Yamun, pond, small pond, four oceans, and waterfall
































































694 For Keavara!, the hundred holes represent the many streams of people and their lifestyles, which are connected to the king for unity (18). 695 This is the yellow pigment prepared either from the bile or the urine of the cow, and it is used for further purification and expiation of sins/guilt. D. N. Jha, The Myth of the Holy Cow (Verso, 2002), 131. He also mentions how the law books prohibited the women and the dra from using the pañcagavya for these purposes, indicating the “linkages between the highly stratified social structure and the idea of purification” (131).




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dra and mixed caste Pitchers filled with sacred Only silently, without using (anuloma, woman of the water any mantras lower caste) The universalizing force brought to this ritual by the participation of representatives of all classes of society hardly needs any iteration. The social body of the king was elevated to the universal body through the symbolic association of the king with the primal Purua (or Vi!u), from whom the four classes of traditional society were supposedly born. From one perspective, the ritual was inclusive, as it granted opportunity for all the people, including those of mixed (low) caste, to consecrate the king as the representatives of all. Like the deities invoked earlier, these people were the agencies of power, and their participation was required to legitimize the king and his sovereignty.696 This was also an assertion for the preservation of the traditional sociopolitical order long held important in traditional Hindu society. This was then followed by the representative ministers bearing an umbrella, a fly-whisk (chowrie), a staff, and so on; musicians playing instruments; and brhmins chanting mantras . E. The Fifth Phase of the Abhieka by the Royal Astrologer Table 16: The Abhieka by the Royal Astrologer Sprinkling by the royal With the kua grass from the Along with the mantra, astrologer gold pitcher placed in the beginning with surs tvm middle of all the pitchers abhiincantu… and ending with dharma ca te buddhir ativa c’stu. (180/181 verses from the Vi#udharmottara Pur#a) The royal astrologer had a powerful role to play in this set of abhieka and in the religious and political events surrounding the life of the king. He determined the auspicious time for every major ritual and political event of national importance. Under the monarchy, the astrologer had a prestigious position in the Nepalese palace. For the coronation ritual, for example, it was he who determined the auspicious moments after carefully comparing the king’s horoscope with the alignment of planets, and decided when certain rituals had to be performed and how many times particular mantras should be recited. His importance was symbolized by the pitcher that he held for the king’s consecration-the central gold pitcher placed in the midst of the pavilion. However, there was a distinct difference between this and other consecrations: the astrologer employed only the pur#ic mantras (VDhP II.22.4-184) that ran for one hundred and eighty verses (MSS III.176-197); these mantras were directed at averting any malefic influences of lunar and solar mansions (astrological houses) and bringing about positive results. Diverse deities, powerful beings and entities (encompassing everything from the best of all things to the worst of demons and humans) were called upon to sprinkle the king.697 They operated as powerful agents authorizing






























































696 It is also mentioned that the king receives the abhieka from a woman whose husband is living and who has a first son as her direct descendent. The king’s link to the prostitute (e.g., bathing from the clay from the house of the prostitute) and auspicious woman suggests that he is the king of all sorts of people, and his status becomes meaningful only in relation to all the agents of power. 697 It is interesting that neither the Buddhas nor the trth&karas (ford-makers) nor any of their disciples (monks and nuns) are referred to in this encyclopedic catalog of powerful beings.




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the king’s rule, unlike the solemn rjasya mantras employed earlier, in which specific deities, mantras, priests (purohita and crya) were identified as a unified spiritual power that collectively empowered the king. However, in the astrologer’s mantras, all sorts of cosmic forces– including those named and those not named (MSS III.131)– were invoked, but they were not identified with the king in any way. They were instead called upon to consecrate him (“May such-and-such deities and powerful beings…consecrate you,” repeated fifty-three times) and protect him (“May they protect you,” repeated four times) so that he could achieve “victory” (repeated twelve times) and prosperity (mentioned only once). It is noteworthy that the king needed protection and blessings from different sources of power to guarantee his health and success. Unlike what Inden posits about the transformation of the king into the deity, the king in this abhieka by the royal astrologer was repeatedly referred to as prthava (i.e., belonging to the earth; prthiva secondarily means just “king”) and the commander of the people (nardhipa) in his kingdom.698 The manual repeatedly mentions that the king needs purification of his personal and collective evils (ppa) and crimes (ptaka) in order to ensure the overall prosperity of the nation. The consecration by the astrologer also accomplished this act of purification. The role of the astrologer for the king’s consecration is underscored in astrological texts such as B%hatsa"hit, which describes the puyas#na (the bathing ritual at the astrological mansion of the puya) for the king.699 In this text, the king is presented as the acme of the sevenlimbed kingdom with the responsibility to dispel all sorts of evil portents for the maintenance and protection of dharma (e.g., MSS III.197; mantra 180).700 All stars and constellations–along with the guardians of various directions–are therefore invoked by the astrologer so that the king could be blessed by every conceivable entity in the universe. At this point, one may question why the royal astrologer did not bother to insert the names of the local deities, powerful beings, and pilgrimage places of the Nepalese landscape and was content simply to use the mantras from the Vi#udharmottara Pur#a, which mentions only Indian place names, in addition to the names of diverse divine and other beings. A study of the Nepalese royal manual, however, shows that all the local deities across the Nepalese landscape were incorporated and worshiped on the very first day of the coronation. They indeed received special elaborate worship on behalf of the king throughout the coronation period (MSS I.1-12), and were constantly worshiped to secure the well-being of the king and the people. The constant prayers and worship of these and other deities of the kingdom were in fact necessary for the health and prosperity of the nation.701
































































698 His rootedness to the earth has been stressed through the word prthiva (terrestrial), which is repeated twenty-one times), and nardhipa (leader of the people), used seven times in these mantras. 699 In fact, the beginning of the mantras in the VDhP (2.22.2) and the very next chapter (VDhP 2.23) clearly stipulate that the mantras remove the evils of the king and the nation. Also, see the expressions sarvappapraamana (pacification of all the misfortunes), sarvaptakanana (annihilation of all the crimes), ppamocanika (deliverance from the evils) in the verses of MSS (e.g. MSS III 158, 160 and 179). 700 One wish runs as “cira" ca jva dharme ca te buddhir atva c’stu” (May you live long and may you be greatly wise in dharma). 701 The manual indeed mentions some important deities worshiped during the coronation. The national deity Paupatinth and his spouse Guhyevar (akti) were invoked over the eleven-day period for the health and wellbeing of the king and the kingdom. Other local accounts indicate that the major deities across the kingdom were also worshiped during this time.




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F. The Sixth and Seventh Phases of the Abhieka by the crya: Collective Representation of all the Abhiekas Table 17: The Abhieka by the crya crya

With the water in the golden Sprinkling on the head of the pitcher from the waters of all king silently three times the pitchers left out at the end of the complete mantra abhieka

As on other ritual occasions, there was a concluding rite in which the crya again consecrated the royal couple with all the sacred liquids used previously. This ritual completed the series of abhieka except for the one at the very end, after all the deities of the pavilion were formally sent off. In the last abhieka, the purohita consecrated with the sacred water placed on the northeastern side (na), which is another symbol of victory (often written as aparjita), with the pur#ic mantra requesting boons such as the removal of the king’s hardships, universal peace and appeasement, longevity, nourishment, and prosperity (MSS III.213-214). 3. The Rjybhieka and Homa Rituals The homa rituals were most extensive during the last four days. On the first day, for the pacification of the deities such as Indra, Vinyaka and Ambik (vinyaka-aindrnti), the purohita first installed the deities, conducted devotional worship, and offered services. The deities were consecrated in the form of gold images, water-filled pitchers, and a lamp (as a witness deity Vi!u). The fireplace was installed according to the rules given in the Atharvavedaparii a and in Agnisthpanavidhi. As usual, the homa was performed with clarified butter, along with the specified mantra. Every formulaic expression began with o" and ended with svh, with the deities in dative case (i.e., to such and such a deity): o" dpanrya#ya svh…o" brahmdisaptamt%kbhya svh (MSS II.47-48). The major homa rituals of the last four days may thus be categorized: Table 18: Rituals of vin yaka-aindr nti and Coronation Days Vin yaka-aindr nti Days p rv

ga (the first limb/day)

uttar

ga (the later/second day)

Coronation Days p rv

ga (the first limb/day)

(installation and worship of the deities in divine icons and sacred pitchers)

1. homa to the deities worshiped in the ritual




1. abhy tanahoma

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uttar

ga (the later/second day)

pavilion (maapapjitadevat h oma) 2. homa to the planetary deities (grahamaaladevat )

(“overpowered”; taken hold of, va k ra) 2. homa for prosperity (samddhihoma)

3. homa to the deities of 3. homa for subjection the house (v stuhoma) (sannatihoma) 4. homa to the deities of the all-auspicious pavilion (sarvatobhadramaal a) 5. Special homa for the propitiation of Indra and Agni (vin yakaaindr ntyuktavi eahavan ni) 6. abhy tanahoma (“overpowered”; take hold of, va k ra)

5. homa for expiation (pr ya citaho ma) 6. homa for the fall (skannahoma) 7. smtihoma 8. homa for a vital breath (sam nahoma) (pj s; abhieka for the king) 9. homa related to head ( irohavana) 10. the remainder homa (sasravabh gahoma)

(installation and worship of the presiding deity Vi u and others)

1. homa to the deities worshiped in the ritual pavilion (maapapjitadevat

homa) 2. homa to the planetary deities (grahamaaladevat

) 3. homa to the deities of the house (v stuhoma)

2.svastyayana (auspicious course) 3. yuy (longevity)

4. homa to the deities 4. abhaya (non-fear) of the pavilion (maapadevat hom a) 5. homa to the main deity Vi u (mladevat homa) 6. abhy tanahoma (“overpowered”; take hold of, va k ra)

11. complete oblation, with a full ladle (pr huti) 12. the remaining caruhoma ( eacaruhoma) (sending off the deities and




1. arma-varma (protection and defense) (cf. MSS III.89-149)

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5. “apar jit ” (unconquerability) (clay-bathing; enthroning; consecration, sending off the deities, circumambulating the capital…)

receiving the blessed items)

A unique feature of the rjybhieka was the offering of various fire-woods (vanaspati) as samidhs to the nine planets (grahama#aladevathoma)702 for the propitiation of the planetary deities,703 and the following mantras from the black Yajurveda were used for each deity:704 Table 19: The Homa Rituals (Firewood, Deities, and Mantras) Samidhs (firewood)

Deity/planet

Mantras

arka (Calotropis Gigantea)

Srya (Sun)

 k%#ena… VS 33.43

pala (Curcuma Zedoaria)

Soma (Moon)

ima" deva…VS 9.40

khdira (Acacia Catechu)

Bhauma (Mars)

agnir mrdh… VS 3.12

apmrga Aspera)

(Achyranthes Buddha (Mercury)

ud budhyasvgne… VS 15.54

avattha (Ficus Religiosa)

B#haspati (Jupiter)

b%haspate ati… VS 26.3

udumbara (Ficus Glomerata)

ukra (Venus)

annt parisruto …VS 19.75

am (Prosopis Spicigera)

ani (Saturn)

am no devr… VS 36.12

drv (Panicum Dactylon)

Rhu (The ascending node)

kay na… VS 1.169
































































703

Shingo Einoo mentions that samids (fuel, firewood) are used in rauta (Vedic) riuals as kindling in order to prepare the offering fire but never as oblations; it is only in the g%hyastra texts (e.g., pGS 7.18.7) that the firewoods are themselves utilized as the oblations. Shingo Einoo, “The Formation of Hindu Ritual,” 41-49. Einoo also cites the results of such oblations from AVP 30.4.2-3: “(One who makes offering) with grains of barley (obtains) ample enjoyment; with grains of rice, full lifetime. By offering sesame seeds, he becomes brilliant, thrives on vital power and fame. (If fuel sticks) made of arka wood (are offered), the world of the Sun (will be attained); if those made of pala wood, (the world of) the Moon will be attained. (Fuel sticks) made of avattha wood are for the sake of the world of Vi!u; for the sake of the world of Brahm are fuel sticks made of udumbara tree” (48.49). For a further list of the expected results of using particular fire-sticks, see VaikhGS 1.19 (18,5-11); BodhGS 3.2.3; AVP 30b.1.16-17; 70.4.5-10; "gvidh 2.10.3-11.1; 2.11.5-12.1; 4.10.1-5 (Einoo, 49). 704 The English names given for each firewood or fuel are from Monier William’s Sanskrit-English Dictionary.




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kua (Poa cynosuroides)

Ketu (The descending node)

ketum k%#vann… VS 29.37

pala (Butea Frondosa)

Chief deities (MSS II.50-51)

(trayambaka" yajmahe) VS 3.60

During the propitiation ritual, such blessings were requested from (or associated with) each planet: aurya" (prowess, heroism) from Srya (the sun); uccapadav" (high status) from Bhauma (the moon); sanma&gala" (auspiciousness) from Ma&gala (Mars); sadbuddhi" (good wisdom) from Budha (Mercury); gurut" (heaviest weight, reverence) from Guru (Jupiter); sukha" (happiness) from ukra (Venus); am (calmness) from Sani (Saturn); bhubala" (arm strength) from Rhu (the ascending node, represented as a demon to whom the eclipses are ascribed); and kulasyonnatim (increase of the family) from Ketu (the descending node, represented as the headless demon). The connection between the name of the planet and its blessing (gift) seems to have been based on the similarity of their names, rather than on any rational assumption of cause and effect; still, the homa is believed to bring about the desired results. As the names of the homa suggest, they were meant to pacify and worship particular deities, and associated with the qualities or gifts requested by the worshiper. For the vstuhoma (MSS II.51-53), for example, the guardians of elemental forces of the universe, such as sky, air, earth, fire, and water, were offered oblations. The mantra recited from RV 7.54.2 asked for paternal protection and the increase of wealth, cows, and horses. Similarly, numerous deities were offered oblations. For instance, the Ga!ea-gyatr mantra was recited for one hundred and eight times, along with oblations.705 The goddess Gaur, the mother of Vinyaka, received the oblations with her own Gaur-gyatr mantra.706 The same paradigm of identification, connection (bandhu), and substitution discussed in the homa section of the navartri seems to have operated in these homas as well, although these techniques were not coherently structured in these rituals. These homas, when performed correctly with appropriate mantra recitation, were believed to please the deities and secure the desired results for the sacrificer.707 Knowledge of the secret meanings of words, faultless execution of the rituals with deep faith in their efficacy, and the ritual transformation of the offerer to make the offering acceptable to the deities were essential in this process. Along the line of the mim"s ritual philosophy, Clooney suggests that the goal of the ritual (artha) serves as the psychological frame determining the deity and the ritual language: “The artha inscribed in language is always the artha-of-the-abda, integrally connected with the (active, injunctive) words.”708 That is, the ritual is a means to an end; the end in some way justifies the means, especially in predominantly kmya (petitionary) rituals, such as the rjybhieka. It makes sense that the deities and the mantras were not arbitrary and meaningless, but very much in line with the purpose of the rituals. One such purpose was to gain the supernatural




























































705

The Ga!ea-gyatr (MSS II.61): o" tatpuruya vidmahe vakratu#ya dhmahi | tanno dant pracodayt. O" vinkya svh, ida" vinyakya na mama. 706 The Gaur-gyatr (MSS II.61): o" subhagyai vidmahe kmamlinyai dhmahi | tanno gaur pracodayt || o" ambikyai svh, ida" ambikyai na mama. 707 Jaimini of the mm"s school of ritual philosophy discusses six types of viniyoga, the application of certain mantras for certain acts of rituals for their efficacy: ruti (the direct injunctions of the Vedas), li&ga (indirect expression), vkya (syntactic unity), prakara#a (contextual unity), karma (order), and samkhya (name). According to Jaimini, the mantra has to meet one of these criteria, in descending order of validity, to be effective for desired results. For the discussion of viniyoga, see Laurie L. Patton, Bringing the Gods to Mind. 708 Francis X. Clooney, “What is a God? The Quest for the Right Understanding of devat in Brhma!ical Ritual Theory (Mm%s),” International Journal of Hindu Studies 1, no. 2 (Aug., 1997), 380.




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power to defeat enemies and achieve prosperity. The abhytana (literally, “stretched” or expanded) homa, performed for three consecutive days, is one of the most effective rituals for this purpose.709 The implication of this homa has been stressed from the time of the black Yajurveda which, according to Keith, tells the following story (III.4.6):710 The gods overpowered the Asuras with abhytnas, conquered them with the jayas, and won the kingdom with the r rabh%ts; that is why the r rabh%ts have their name. Then, the gods prospered, the Asuras were defeated. He who has foes should offer these (offerings); verily by abhytnas he overpowers his foes, by the jayas he conquers them, by the r rabh%ts he wins the kingdom; he prospers himself, his foe is defeated. For the power to destroy enemies, Agni was also invoked during the homa, on the vinyakaaindr-nti day (MSS II.61-63) with RV 10.87.22, asking the deity to act as a bulwark for the king and destroy his enemies. On the coronation day proper, the following five interrelated homas such as arma-varma (protection and defense), svastyayan (auspicious course), yuy (longevity), abhay (non-fear), and aparjit (unconquerability) were performed to gain for the king long life (often mentioned as a hundred years), an auspicious and smooth victory and reign, fearlessness in the battle, protection and defense, and conquest over his enemies. A close study of this set of homas offers some insight into the types of powers sought for the king and his purohita (MSS 89-149). In this homa, various deities were presented as embodying physical and spiritual powers. The major deities invoked were Indra, Agni, Vi!u, Mitra, Varu!a, Vyu, Bhaga, Soma, Maruts, Dht, dityas, Srya, Prajpati, Psn, Rudra, Avins, and goddesses (sometimes referred to as the spouses of the gods). Despite the presence of many deities, one of the gods, usually Indra or Vi!u, was conceived as pervading various orders of the cosmos, such as heaven, atmosphere, earth, water, and fire: “You are Indra, you great Indra, you the world, you Prajpati; for you the sacrifice is extended; to you the offerers make oblation. You, O Vi!u, are heroisms manifold; you fill us with cattle of all forms (and) set me in comfort in the highest firmament (vyoman)” (MSS III.112-13; AV17.1.18). The might and victory of Indra were repetitively praised, and his blessings for long life and for amicable relations with gods, living beings, and others were constantly sought (AV 17.1.1-5). The deity was addressed as embodying bodily strength/vitality (ojas), strength (sahas), force/might (balam), lifetime (yur), hearing (rotam), sight (cakur), and protection (parip#am), and all these things are sought for the yajamna king (MSS III.90-91; AV 2.17.1-7). Indra, for example, was evoked to free the yajamna from enemies in all directions (MSS III.125; AV 6.40.3) as he is the “lord of the people, V#tra slayer, (and) the remover of scorners” (MSS III.129; AV 1.21.1). The mantra also stated that the kingdom was granted to the king by Indra (the “ruddy one”) himself (AV 11.2.23), who smites the king’s enemies, who are actually imagined to have already been slain and made headless “like headless snakes” (MSS III136; AV 6.66.1). Indra was implored to give the sacrificers a share of the enemies’ possessions (AV 6.66.3). The deities in heaven were assumed to have the power to make desired changes on earth and bless the sacrificer. The mantras are regarded in ritual manuals as actual divinities in the




























































709

The jyabhga homa usually comes before the main offering, as in darapr#ama sacrifice, which is the main model of the i i type of sacrifice. The darapr#ama is an i i offering in which the four priests are involved; it is performed on the new and full moon days. Laurie L. Patton, Bringing the Gods to Mind, 238. 710 Arthur Berriedale Keith, trans., The Veda of the Black Yajus School Entitled Taittiriya Sa"hit (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1914), 270.




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form of words and sounds: as divine speech (MSS III.98; AV 8.1.1) and incantations capable of an inner defense (MSS III.139; AV 1.19.4), and as sharpening weapons and enemy destroyers (MSS III.134; AV 3.19.3; 3.19.8). Similarly, the mantras are referred to as embodying a healing and propitious touch (MSS III.95; AV 4.13.6), having a bewitching voice (MSS III.95; AV 5.30.2); prolonging others’ life; exorcising” (nirvac) the yakm (MSS III.96; AV 5.30.8); driving away unwanted elements, such as seizures (grhi), the flesh-eating picas (devils), and evil demons (MSS III.100; AV 8.2.12); interposing between evil things and the yajamna (MSS III.114; AV III.17.1.29); and bringing about the desired results for the yajamna. The priest recited the mantras with the claim that, by the power of the ritual, he had renewed the yajamna, taken him to the divine realm, and connected him with the forces of the universe (his breath with the wind, eyesight with the sun and so on) (MSS III.101). The ritual also foregrounded the interdependence of the purohita and the yajamna, to the benefit of both: “Glorious let the bounteous Indra make me; glorious both heaven and earth here; glorious let god Savit make me; may I be dear here to the giver of the sacrificial gift,” i.e., to the king (MSS III.119; AV 6.58.1). The text reaffirms that the mutual dependence between the purohita and the king created their religious and political powers, and that these powers have to be further protected through the rituals (MSS III.124; AV 6.4.1). The priest pleaded for other powers such as splendor (varcas, MSS III.118; AV 3.22.2-6), brilliance (MSS III.118; AV 6.38.1), and glory (MSS III.119; AV 6.69.1) to reside in him:711 What great splendor becomes yours, O Jtavedas, from the offering; how great splendor there is of the sun, and of the asura-like elephant--so great splendor let the (two) Avins, lotus-wreathed assign unto me (MSS III.118; AV 3.22.4). What brilliancy (tvii) is in lion, in tiger, and what in adder, in fire, in the Brhman; what in the sun: the fortunate goddess that gave birth to Indra--let her come to us, in union with splendor (MSS III.118; AV 6.38.1). Thus, this fire ritual was concerned with gaining various powers for the king and the priest. While this particular homa might appear to be an individualistic magical quest for supernatural power, other homas and rituals mentioned above concentrated on relating the king with various life forms and forces of nature and on making this power more relational and interdependent.






























































711




Translated by William Dwight Whitney, Atharva Veda Sa"hit (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University, 1905).

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Picture 1: Coronation Pictures of King Brendra Br Bikram hdev

Courtesy of Shyam Goenka, Memoirs of King Birendra (2001), 58. 4. The Question of the Divine King or Divine Kingship The solemn (rauta) type of abhieka described earlier shows that different sources of power create kingship as a divinely delegated office. This has led scholars to believe that the coronation ritual transforms the ordinary human into a divine king, or a walking Vi!u on earth.712 This view was buttressed by the belief in the theory of karma and by ancient and medieval Hindu






























































712 Witzel, “The Coronation,” 464; Inden, “Ritual,” 41-91; Heesterman, 15-17; Gonda, Ancient Indian Kingship, 2432, 87-92.




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mythologies713 that identify the king and kingship as divine. As illustrated in the writings published during the Nepalese coronation, some people also seemed to have believed that the king was in some way divine in the sense of being an actual portion of god on earth: 714 According to dharma, a portion of the deity (god) manifests in the king who protects the people. As the divine icon is brought to (divine) life through the proper ritual of infusion of the vital breath (pr#aprati h), the consecration helps manifest this divine portion in the king, fully enabling him to protect the people. Satyamohan Jo argues that the coronation endowed the king with the godhead (devatva) and good qualities that made him acceptable to all.715 Other accounts published during the coronation praise the king in similar terms, as “solar majesty,”716 “an incarnation of Hindu God of preservation, Lord Vishnu,” “dear to us as the God,” able to wash away others’ sins at a glance,717 and “the benevolent and divine image of the crown.”718 During the coronation, Vi!u remained the presiding and all-powerful sovereign Lord. He was worshiped in his countless names and forms, and the recitation of his name was believed to remove all sins and defects and to help the worshipers attain perfection and completeness.719 Through the rite of solemn declaration, the worshiper offered his entire being–which included his/her body, speech, mind, sense, intelligence, and self–to this lord.720 Vi!u was also called upon for the purification of the yajamna. All the ritual implements, the sacred ritual space and in fact the entire universe were regarded as belonging to Vi!u himself. For example, the purohita announced that the sacrificial grass in his hand belonged to Vi!u, and he purified the king with the powers of divinities, “with the flawless strainers (of Vi!u) and with Savita#’s (the sun’s) impulse and rays” (VS 1.12; 10.6). The ritual handbooks reiterate that the purity of one’s being is maintained by remembering the name of Vi!u: “O%. Whether impure or pure, whether situated in any condition whatsoever, he who would remember the lotus-eyed One (Vi!u)






























































713 For a brief overview of the divinity of the king, see Heesterman, 15-17; Sheldon Pollock, “Divine King in the Indian Epic,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 104, no. 3 (1984): 505-528. 714 Meghrj arm, 110. For the belief in the divinity of the king, see Meghrj arm, 56. There are many examples of this belief in the news and articles published during Brendra’s coronation. 715 Satyamohan Jo, 81. He further adds that the rjybhieka rituals enhance the king’s personality and activate his creative potential. This ritual functions almost like a rite of passage that must be completed for the appropriate functioning of the king and the state (Jo, 87). Cf. Jagadhi arm, “Coronation: The Indigenous Way to Ideal Government,” The Rising Nepal: Coronation Special, February 24, 1975 (Kathmandu: Gorkhapatra Sansthn Press, 1975), 97. arm notes that the ritual (abhieka) is “not only aimed at driving away evil spirits but also designed to institute auspiciousness in the kingdom as well as to deify the king” (arm, 97). 716 Trtha amer Thp, “Souvenier,” in Coronation Times Special Souvenier, February 24, 1975 (Kathmandu: Department of Information, His Majesty’s Government, 1975), 7. 717 Durg Prasd Bhandr, “King Brendra: A Symbol of Unbounded Affection,” in Coronation Times Special Souvenier, 35. 718 Rabichandra Mn Pradhn, “Coronation in Nepal and Other Countries,” in Coronation Times Special Souvenier, 45. 719 Sanskrit version: o" yasya sm%ty ca nmak%ty tapoyajñakriydiu |nyna" sa"pr#at" yti sadyo vande tam acyutam ||o" acyutya nama| o" achyutya nama| o" acyutya nama || (I worship that Acyuta by whose remembrance and by the mention of whose name, in the acts of austerity and worship, deficiency immediately achieves completeness. Om, obeisance to Acyuta; obeisance to Acyuta; obeisance to Acyuta). 720 Sanskrit version: o" kyena vc manas indriyair v/buddhytman v aus%tasvabhvt |karomi yadyat sakala" parasmai/nrya#yeti samarpaye tat || “Whatever I do for another on account of my basic nature attended by body, speech, mind, senses, intelligence, and self, I offer that (very thing) to Nrya!a, thinking, ‘It is for Nrya!a.’”




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(becomes) purified (both) inside and outside. O%. May the lotus-eyed one purify (him).” The priests chanted auspicious expressions such as pu#yha, kaly#a, svasti, v%dhyat, r, nti and countless mantras (such as RV 9.67.27; RV 1.89.6; VS 8.52; VS 18.4; VS 26.2; VS 39.4; RV 5.82.59) and offered such prayers:721 May the senses (meanings) of the mantras be successful. May (our) wishes be fulfilled. May there be a destruction of (our) enemies’ discretion. O%. May there be great prosperity through the recitation of the auspicious day! Vi!u’s presence was strongly felt even when the worship was dedicated to other deities. For example, on the vinyaka-aindr-nti days, the ma#apa was decorated with the four major symbols of Vi!u above four main doors constructed of trees such as the banyan and Bo-tree (Ficus religiosa): the conch (east), the discus (south), the mace (west), and the lotus (north). Vi!u and his mount garua,722 along with the cakra (wheel) symbol, presided over the middle of the west and southwest direction. Vi!u was also invoked at the beginning and the end of the coronation. He was honored as the primal Purua, Hira#yagarbha and the source of all emanations, and it was to Vi!u that the ritual space (ku#a and ma#ala) and ritual objects (e.g., ma#apas and divine icons) were finally dedicated. Although rituals projected a paradoxical relationship between the earthly king and the transcendental deity Vi!u, the coronation illustrated a symbolic and mythic connection between them. As a person, the king was accordingly made suitable to sit on Vi!u’s throne and uphold Vi!u’s insignia after a series of purificatory and propitiatory rituals. Thus, it was the office of kingship that represented and even became the embodiment of the divinity (gods and goddesses) on earth, rather than the king as a human person, although in the general Hindu sense every entity and individual embodied the spark of the ultimate Brahman. Vi!u’s sovereign presence was most prominent on the last two days, when Vi!u and the king were ceremonially consecrated.723 On the day before the coronation, the divine icon of Vi!u was installed on the Vi!u pavilion (vi#uvedi), along with the pitcher (installed as the vi#ukalaa). In this and other pitchers, items such as seeds, herbs, flowers, and jewels were separately placed, along with liquids—the sacred waters, the five products of the cow (pañcagavya), and five kinds of divine nutriment called pañcm%ta (milk, coagulated milk, butter, honey, and sugar). Sprinkling the king from these pitchers, including the one containing the remainder of the homa sacrifice, was believed to invest the king with powers of all their respective deities. Besides Vi!u, many other deities, such as Indra, Ambik (mother goddess) and Varu!a, were honored, and the king was connected to those deities as well. Most of the deities worshiped in the temples and akti p has (places of worship) across the country were goddesses, some of whom were regarded as ruling deities (adhi ht%). Similarly, different directions of the ritual arena were protected by different goddesses: r Bhuvanevardev (east), r Guhyevardev (west), r Siddhilakmdev (north), r Daki!akl (south), r Sundardev (above), and r






























































721 Sanskrit verse: o" mantrrth saphal santu pr# santu manorath |atr#" buddhir no astu mitr#m udayas tava ||o" pu#yhavcanasam%ddhirastu || 722 The garua is a mythical figure with the beak and talons of a predatory bird and the body of man; it is also identified with sun’s rays. Margaret and James Stutley, 95-96. 723 aivism has a stronger hold in Nepal than Vai!avism, despite most of the Nepalese kings’ ecumenical attitude toward different streams of Hindu tradition and equal support for temples associated with iva, Vi!u and akti (goddess).




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Trdev (below).724 iva Paupatinth and his consort Guhyevar (the goddess Sat, or Guhyakl, or “Hidden Kl”) in Kathmandu were offered continuous abhiekas for the entire eleven days. This suggests the prominence of iva and akti worship in the country. In addition, the regalia of the king were associated with divinity. For example, the lion’s throne (si"hsana), made of sacred wood and covered with gold, on which the king was consecrated was embedded with divine symbols. The multi-headed snake formed its canopy, protecting the institution of kingship from harm. Similarly, of the four legs of the throne, the front right was decorated with the image of a horse with wings and horns. The horse was above the image of the tiger, with similar wings and horns, but the tiger’s nose was shaped like that of the mythical garua. Altogether, there were six main images in three layers (the image of the horse above the image of the tiger) on this leg of the throne. The front left leg had similar images, except that in the middle, instead of the horse above the tiger, the lion was above the elephant. The rear legs had only two layered images, the lion above the elephant, and the flying (winged) horse above the tiger. On the front of the throne were inscribed divine icons of Vi!u’s incarnation as a boar (varha), along with, again, the conch, the disc, the mace, and the lotus in his four hands and mother earth on his shoulder. In the background were the snake-virgins (ngakany). On both sides of these resplendent images were icons of four-handed Nrya!a, and at the back of the seat were eleven snakes intertwined among each other, with auspicious canopies above their heads.725 It was to this throne associated with divinities that the king and the queen offered worship with such mantras (MSS III.162) as: In your presence, there are stated to exist these great lions of great strength. Therefore, O Si"hsana (lion’s throne), you are sung about in the Vedas by the brhmins as vijaya (victory), jayada (granter of victory), ripughna (slayer of enemies), atipriy&kara (exceedingly serviceable and delightful), dukhah (remover of sorrow/suffering), dharmada (granter of dharma), nta (peaceful), and sarvri avinasana (remover of misfortunes). In you, there exists iva, in you akra (Indra), the lord of gods. Hari is seated on you, (and Hari) in person is carrying out tapas (austerity) for your sake. O you who are benign in all directions, always be the giver of everything. O you whose victory is with regard to three worlds, O you who are the essence of everything, O lion’s throne, obeisance to you. The throne was associated with deities such as Hari, iva, and akra and was upheld by the images of the lions on four sides. The connection of the throne with the divinity was further established at the installation. As the royal couple worshiped and mounted the throne, the priest chanted such mantras used for the installation of the deity in the temple (MSS III.163):






























































724 MSS I.7-8. r Bhuvanevar temple is located near the Paupatinth temple. The goddess Bhuvanevar is one of the ten goddesses forming the Mahvidy group, which also includes Kl, Tr, Tripur-sundar, Chinnamast, Bhairav, Dhmvat, Bagalmukh, Mta&g, and Kamal. r Siddhilak% temple is located on the northern side of the palace in Hanumnhok. r Dakinakl is located on the southern side of Kathmandu in Pharpi&g and is popular for animal sacrifices, mainly on Tuesdays and Saturdays. The r Sundardev is another name for Tripursundar, whose temple is located inside Hanumnhok; Trdev is also located inside the palace. 725 For a description of all four types of thrones in Nepali, see Satya Mohan Jo, 99-101. He states that the rectangular-shaped throne is four feet long and two feet eight inches in width (inside); its legs are one feet eight inches in height; and it is about seven feet high from the bottom to the canopy (99). The same throne is used for the Buddhist gift-giving ceremony (sa"yakmahdna), performed once every twelve years at Bhuinkhel, of the popular Svayambh temple site.




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o" dhruvo dyaurdhruv p%thiv dhruva" vivamida" jagat | dhruvsa parvat ime dhruvo rj vimayan || dhruva" te rj varu#o dhruva" devo b%haspati | dhruva" ta indra ca agni ca r ra" dhrayat" dhruvam || (RV 10.173.4-5) dhruvocyuta pram%#hi atrn chatrayati adharnprayasva | sarvdia samanasa sadhrcrdhruvya te samiti kalptm iha||(AV 6.88.1-3) Firm is heaven, firm the earth, firm these mountains here. Firm all this animate world, firm right here this king of the clans. Firm let King Varu!a, firm let God B#haspati, Firm let both Indra and Agni uphold your kingship–firm! (RV 10.173.4-5)726 Firm, unmoved (imperishable), crush the enemies, make those that play the enemies fall below (you). (Be) all the quarters unanimous (samanasa), unitedly together (sadhryañc), let the assembly (samiti) here agree (with) you (who are) fixed. The installation of the royal couple on the throne was another climactic moment, accompanied by mantra chanting, celebratory gunfire, and acclamations. The second golden throne was placed in the pavilion (ma#apa) of the u!ikhel (parade ground) open theater. It was here that the king and the queen received guests and delegates, and from this throne the king gave his inaugural speech. This throne was decorated somewhat differently, but it retained images associated with power and divinity. The front legs of the throne had the image of the lions above the elephants, while the rear ones were without any icons. Similarly, the front part was decorated with the images of flowers, such as lotuses, while the middle part embodied the icon in dancing form, with shield (hla) and sword (talavra) in his hands. The backdrop was formed by the sun and moon. Other images in the front were a sword, two triangles interpenetrating each other, two beautiful damsels, and serpents. This throne was protected by the nine-headed intertwined serpents–with a precious red stone on each head and a petal on each mouth, and a resplendent halo (prabh-ma#ala) above their heads. The third lion’s throne was placed in the Gorkh courtroom of the Nrya!hi$ Royal Palace, and the king was enthroned there in the evening, formally heralding his rule. The throne of the royal palace was decorated with the nine-headed snake, along with similar auspicious images, including the royal and national flags.727 Other royal insignia having divine association were the gold diadems for the royal couple, a crown for the king, and a diamond tiara for the queen. The king’s diadem featured the lotus flower. To the right of the lotus were images of Ga!ea, rvatsa,728 the cow, the elephant, and another lotus; on its left were inscribed images of iva, a fish, a bull, a boar and a lotus flower. The diadem for the queen was smaller than the king’s and displayed only with three blooming lotuses.729 The king’s crown was encrusted with precious diamonds, rubies and emeralds, which Doig describes as “a glitter of closely set diamonds and pearls, hung with drop rubies and emeralds the size of plums and atop it, clasped




























































726

Stephanie W. Jamison and Joel P. Brereton, 1652. Jo, 99-101. He also describes the nine-headed snake throne, oldest of its kind, used for the rjybhieka ceremony (99). 728 The rvatsa (literally, a favorite of r) is “a particular mark or sign (laka#a) denoting a great man or signifying divine quality or status, which is depicted by a triangle, cruciform flower, or simply by a whorl of hair on the chest as on the images of Vi!u and K#!a.” Margaret and James Stutley, 286. 729 Ibid, 106. 727




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by more diamonds, is a cascade of bird-of-paradise plumes.”730 Subodh R! mentions that Nepal had only three crowns of this type during the R! Prime Ministers’ rule: the king's crown, the R! Prime Minister's crown, and the Army Commander-in-Chief's crown. The plumes of rare birds of paradise found in Papua New Guinea are believed to have been introduced into the Nepalese crowns by Mathvar Singh Thapa (Prime Minister, 1843-1845) after his return from the court of Mahrj Ranjit Singh of the Panjab (regnal, ca. 1801-1839). The plumes in the Nepalese crown included the entire bird, along with its beak, attached to the main headdress. Matching emeralds made the Nepalese king’s crown a rare specimen.731 The king’s association with Vi!u was maintained through the royal staff (rjada#a) kept on the vi#uvedi. The staff was worshiped there and handed to the king on the consecration day. The mantra recited by the king during the worship of the royal staff suggested that the staff was originally created by Brahm himself and handed down through Manu (MSS III.67, 168169):732 Manu, the son of Svayambh, gave you who are created by Brahm (vidhin). Oh you who are the staff of the king, cause peace to arise in the kingdom, for getting rid of the evil ones and for gathering the good people. You are made by Brahm for making public of proper conduct. Give me fame, give me happiness; forever be a giver of victory to me. You quietly strike down all the enemies, oh you the one who bears a staff of gold! The king’s royal staff was one of the major symbols of the onset of divine rule in the kingdom. The king also received the shield and sword, weapons related to war. The king took the oath of office, which regarded the kingdom itself as the divinity: “I will not do anything that is contrary to prevailing law and ethics, anything that is contrary to nature and statecraft. I will always maintain the national sovereignty. I will always regard the nation as divinity. I will not act on my own free will.”733 The divine and the human were closely connected in these ritual acts, with the human aspect gradually pre-dominating the divine. This was also symbolized through the hundred-and-one cannon salutes to the king, amidst the chanting of Vedic mantras and blaring of musical instruments, along with the national anthem, which extolled the king for his longevity, pacification of troubles, and defeat of enemies.734 This was followed by homage paid to the newly crowned couple with gold coins. The act of offering gold coins to the royal couple on the throne was comparable to the honor paid to the deities in the temples as well as to the virgin goddesses. Honoring the king and queen with coins suggested an elevated (even divine) status of the consecrated king. This was also seen, for example, in the crowning of Gynendra. The divinity of the royal couple was




























































730

Desmond Doig, “Coronation Square,” Nepali Times, 23 (29 December, 2000 - 04 January, 2001). Hutchins, 51; Subodh R!, “Feathers in the Crown,” http://historylessonsnepal.blogspot.com/2011/01/feathersin-crown.html 732 Sanskrit version: o" s% a" tv" vidhin prva"svyambhuvamanur dadhau//nammi tv" rjada#a rjye nti" vivarddhaya//protsra#ya du nm sdhusa&gaha#ya ca//brahma#a nirmita ca asi vyavahra prasiddhaye//yao dehi sukha" dehi jayado bhava me sada//ty’ u ripn sarvn hemada#a namo’tute|| o" rjada#ya nama || 733 Satyamohan Jo, 106: (In Nepali) ain knn niyam ntim pharak parne km ma garnechhaina, prak%ti ra rjnti m pharak khne km kur pani ma garnechhaina. rstrako srvabhaumikatl ma sandhai kyam rkhnechhu. r ral sandhai devatvasvarp mnnechhu. ma kunai avasthm pani svecchcr hunechhaina (106). 734 Ibid, 107. After this, the royal couple again takes a bath to get prepared for granting an audience from another throne. Then, the gold coins or other types of coins are offered to the king and the queen, followed by the exchange of greetings and congratulations (107). 731




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further emphasized by two white horses, representing the deities Vi!u and Taleju, that participated in the parade as the royal procession moved from Hanumnhok to the unikhel pavilion. The newly minted coins inscribed divine symbols such as the sun, moon, conch, disc, mace, lotus, and five times r Br Bikram hdev,735 and these attributes suggested the sacred status of the king. By foregrounding the images related to Vi!u and investing the powers of this deity in the royal couple, Brendra’s coronation emphasized and promoted the Vai!ava aspect of divine kingship. For this reason, the people regarded the king “as the manifest portion (a"a) of Vi!u.”736 Likewise, it has also been argued that the Nepalese monarch did not visit the Nrya!a temple in Buhanilaka!$ha (in Kathmandu; Buhnilaka!$ha in Nepali) because of his own status as a portion of Vi!u.”737 Jo mentions that the employment of the same divine throne for the Buddhist gift-giving ceremony (sa"yak-mahdna) suggested the divine status of the king: “Whether it is in Hindu or Buddhist religion, the status of the Nepalese king is like that of a god (devatulya).”738 Even the recent kings’ names, ending in deva and those of the queens, ending in rjya lakm,739 gave a sense of how their status had been elevated. The elite priestly circle also acknowledged that king Mahendra had a certain pride in this concept of divine kingship, and, as in the case of some of the early h kings (for example, Rjendra and Surendra), all his sons’ first names ended in “Indra” (Brendra, Gynendra, and Dhrendra). However, this practice was later discontinued, and by the time of the next king, Brendra, only the son who would directly inherit the throne was given a first name ending in “Indra” (Dpendra), while others were given a different name (for example, N-rjana, a name indirectly implying that he was not the inheritor of the throne.)740 5. The Humanity of the King and the Divinity of Kingship Despite the belief in the sacred status of Nepali kings and their symbolic identification with Vi!u, the coronation rituals do not seem to suggest that the king is a fully embodied divinity (god), i.e., Purua and Vi!u together. Firstly, if the ritual helps to completely identify the worshiper with the deity in the sense of completely replacing his human nature with that of the deity, the king is then identified not just with Vi!u but also with many other deities, such as Indra, Varu!a, Ga!ea and even the mother goddess Ambik. The symbolic identification seems to operate in a more straightforward way in the solemn type of abhieka, when the purohita makes reference to the deities, identifying them both with the mantras and with the yajamna (king). However, even in this form of ritual, the king is set apart, and it is the priest who first becomes the divinity in human form, rather than the king himself. The argument that the yajamna is turned into the cosmic Purua, as Inden says, appears overstretched; this kind of logic would mean that any worshiper and sacrificer, not just the king, could be transformed into and identified with any divinity. Again, the Purua in the RV (10.90) is not Vi!u either, as Vi!u appears to be a minor deity with just five hymns dedicated to him. At best, the king is associated with several different deities. But even in that case, the king does not replace any






























































735 For the list of various types of gold and other coins with auspicious signs such as sun, moon, conch, disk, mace, and lotus, and five times r Br Bikram hdev, see Satya Mohan Jo, 113-114. 736 Ibid, 93. 737 Ibid. 738 Ibid. 739 Y. G. Krishnamurti also refers to the lotus-shaped throne as the abode of Lakm (44). 740 I read about this in one of the interviews with a palace priest published in a Nepali newspaper. In my private communication with Anne Mocko, she confirmed that she also heard about this which she may have mentioned in her Demoting Vi#u (2012).




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deities, including Vi!u. Again, the Nepalese kings have worshiped Vi!u during their reign in Vi!u’s temples in Hanumnhok, Blju (both in Kathmandu), Nrya!hi$ Royal Palace, and in P$an K#!a temple, despite the popular belief that the reigning king was not allowed to visit the Buhanilaka!$ha temple in Kathmandu since Pratp Malla’s time (regnal, 1641-1674). It was the traditional practice of the h kings to visit the Ga!ea and Kla Bhairava temples right after their coronations, which showed that the kings were neither gods for nor were above any other deities. One may also argue that the coronation throne did not solely belong to Vi!u either, despite its dominant images associated with him; it belonged to iva and Indra as well. When the king worshiped the throne, other deities were also invoked as residing there. Similarly, the divine images in the tiara and diadem included iva and his mount, the bull, in addition to rvatsa (mark or curl of hair on the breast of Vi!u or K#!a) and lotuses--more in line with the generally liberal religious traditions in Nepal. Furthermore, the king’s humanity was repeatedly emphasized even during the climactic ritual moments; the priests chanted the Vedic mantra, stating that they belonged to the deity Soma, while the king belonged to the people. The king was addressed as a son of a particular man and woman. In the spirit of the divinity of the brhmins, the king offered the arghya and madhuparka to all the brhmins invited for the rituals, though the manual attests that he did not receive any such honor from the brhmins or others. The ritual manual follows most of the injunctions from the Vi#udharmottara Pur#a, except the offering of the arghya and madhuparka to the king, clearly indicating the spiritual superiority of the priests, despite the outward show of the king’s divinity. In terms of seniority, the consecrated king appeared to be lower in rank and status than his mother (human), as he sought blessings from her after the coronation. All these references and ritual acts reinforced the concept of the humanity (rather than divinity) of the king. The manual repeatedly calls for the purification of the king from sins and crimes. In fact, he needed constant purification, even after the coronation. His office appeared more like a religiously obligated one, requiring continuous propitiation of the deities, planets and other beings. The ritual handbook projects him as a breathing and living human being bound to life, sickness and death, and reiterates that more than in anyone else, the king’s breath needs to be preserved, his body needs to be purified, and all sorts of diseases (such as yakma) need to be expelled from every pore, joint, and tendon of his body. In fact, during the coronation, deities were constantly invoked to grant the king long life and protection. The rituals also emphasized the warrior image of the king; this was not a god fighting the demons but a human king fighting his actual and projected enemies. This was further emphasized at the end of the ritual when the king held the bow, arrow and sword, standing ready to use them whenever necessary. As part of celebration, he observed the army parade and the efficiency of his army as its commander-in-chief. The king was presented, for example in the clay-bathing, as no more than a representative human being who was wished good health, with his body functioning as well as the wheels of a well-conditioned chariot belonging to the mundane world. One may also interpret, as Hutchins does, the names of the recent kings and princes ending in “Indra” (Mahendra, Brendra, Gynendra,Dhrendra, Dpendra) in terms of “as/like” great like Indra, valiant like Indra, wise like Indra, and bright like Indra, superior to human beings but not as fully embodied divinity on earth: “Nepal’s Shah rulers were ceremonially deemed superior to the human average, but at best only somewhat like a god possessing less than ultimate power.”741




























































741




Hutchins, 52. I am thankful to Hutchins for this line of analysis.

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Nepalese rulers such as Brendra and Gynendra did not claim to be gods in human form; instead, as we see in Brendra’s words in the beginning of the first part of this work, they interpreted the notion of the divinity of the king in functional terms–that is, as taking on the responsibility of performing the functions of particular deities with whom the king is mythically and ritually connected. The last king, Gynendra, responded to the question of divinity in the same light, “We were given the personification of Vi!u, and Vi!u is the preserver of all things. And I'm glad that my role–the role I have to play–has been spelled out like that. But I'm a pragmatic and practical person. I've never said I'm God.”742 Therefore, the entire panoply of rituals gives a perception of the divinity of kingship, and not the king as a god in human person. The ritual manuals also suggest that it is the institution of kingship rather than the king that is considered and honored as divine. While the divine persona was overt in the projection of the king to his audience and people (as we can see in the cover picture), it is covert in the actual ritual manual. Perhaps this dissonance resulted because the composers of the manuals wanted to retain their self-claimed spiritual authority and superiority, assuming that such authority could be rightly invested only in royal priests. As Heestermann suggests, the notion of the divinity of the king or kingship is of priestly making and thus there is an unsettled conundrum–sometimes it is spelled out literally and some other time only metaphorically. Despite their self-claimed spiritual superiority, the Nepalese priests in the public sphere were largely the pawns of or in servitude to the kings, who (or whose office) largely controlled the course of events and received divine respect even from their own purohitas. An example of this is found in the Sanskrit hymn composed by the royal purohita Nayanrj Pa!ey, king Brendra’s own guru, who had performed the king’s sacred thread (yogopavita) ceremony and imparted the secret mantra to the king and in which he addressed the king with such high honorifics:743 Thou owner of jewel-studded palaces and unfathomable riches, Lord, what shall I offer you? Thou master of the stunningly beautiful goddess-like Lakm, Lord, what shall I offer you? I could offer all at your feet if you were someone who was in need– Lord, what shall I offer you? Only one thing lacking in you, My Lord– You have given away your heart to a beautiful maiden, And that is what I offer you my Lord– my mind, my soul, my heart. In line with the honor bestowed upon an honorable guest since Vedic times, the purohita heaped praises on the king, addressing him as “Lord” and even elevating him, at least in textual terms, almost to the status of the deity Vi!u. In this instance, we see the purohita’s devotion to the king and not the king’s worshipful devotion to his purohita. Moreover, the Nepalese royal priests working in the palaces and royal-related temples (e.g., Gorkh and Hanumnhok), except for very few purohitas, often assumed the lower positions of non-gazetted officers. Doniger is perhaps right in assuming that that the “supremacy of Brahmins (to the kings) was much






























































742

“The Future Lies in Democracy,” Time, January 26, 2004. http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,582488,00.html 743 For the English translation, see Neelesh Misra, End of the Line: The Story of the Killing of the Royals in Nepal (New Delhi: Penguin Books, 2001), 21-22.




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contested throughout later Hindu literature and in fact may have been nothing but a brahmin fantasy.”744 The coronation rituals were richly symbolic, connecting the worldly with the transcendental, and the kingship with the people, landscape, flora and fauna. The rituals were filled with images and symbols that created a world of abundance and prosperity as signs of divine powers manifest in the king and the kingdom: auspicious symbols of Vi!u’s incarnation; royal animals; symbols of kingship; fertility; and images from the world of plants. This was a rich world of plenty and fulfillment, where the king and his people were interconnected organically. From the religious point of view, it seems to fit well with the long-standing traditional Hindu concept of the divine kingship and alternatively of the king as a portion (living incarnations) of Vi!u and other deities.745 The coronation was also a moment for the king to reflect on his responsibility toward his kingdom and for the people to show their solidarity and allegiance to Nepalese kingship.






























































744

Doniger, The Hindus, 118. Chandra Bahadur Shrestha, “Religious Aspects of the Auspicious Coronation,” The Rising Nepal: Coronation Special, February 24, 1975, ed. Barun amer R! (Kathmandu: Gorkhapatra Sansthan Dharma Path, 1975), 3335. Durg Prasd Bhandr, “King Brendra: A Symbol of Unbounded Affection,” in PEN TIMES: Coronation Special Souvenier (Kathmandu: H. M. G. Department of Information, 1975), 45. Han Suyin, The Mountain is Young (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1958), 198. Regarding this concept of the king as the portion of Vi!u in some of the Vedic and pur!ic literature, see Jan Gonda, Aspects of Early Vi#uism (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1969), 164175. The main reasons for giving such respect relate to the king’s role as a defender of dharma and “protector” of the people, and of being benign and approachable. 745




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Chapter VI The Rjybhieka: Text, History, and Politics I will not do anything that is against the moral codes. I will always maintain the sovereignty of the nation and regard it as sacred as Divinity. I will not be arbitrary in any situation (King Brendra’s Coronation Oath in 1975).746 1. King B rendra’s Coronation and the Sociopolitical Dimension of Power The coronation rituals involved human actors for political and ideological reasons. Although non-Hindus were not an integral part of the core consecration (besprinkling, ablution) rituals, their direct or indirect presence seemed to have been evident and encouraged, demonstrating that the Nepalese kingship reflected the collective will of all the people, not just the Hindus. Doig, in his description of the ceremony, mentions the enthusiastic participation of believers in all faiths. For example, the royal procession from the Hanumnhok palace to the Tunikhel pavilion included Buddhist monks and Nepalese Muslims, and featured dances, songs, and music representing various ethnic groups of the nation and its history. Even before the actual coronation day, people of different religious communities participated in prayers in their respective shrines across the nation: 747 Days before the actual coronation, prayers were initiated throughout Nepal for the well-being of the King. As I strolled through the narrow lanes of the old city, I kept coming across oases of ritualistic prayer: tntric Buddhists sat on the stairs of a soaring temple wearing gilded helmets and performing a ballet with their hands; Hindu priests outside a wayside shrine lit votive fires and chanted mantras; magenta-robed lamas filled a lofty chapel with the rumble of their prayers, the clash of cymbals and a wail of trumpets. Common to all these pjs were the garlanded portraits of the King and Queen to which were made offerings of fruits and sweets and incense and coins. The large-scale participation of various ethnic and religious communities was actively encouraged by His Majesty’s government at the time, and the coronation was presented as a major occasion of national renewal, euphoria, and unity. Hutchins mentions that flower-adorned pictures of king Brendra and queen Aivarya were “affixed to houses in small towns and the nation was enjoying a three-day holiday. We saw much actual singing and dancing in the streets. Many village women were wearing new saris (women’s garment popular in South Asia) to mark this occasion of national renewal.”748 Thousands of committees were formed across the nation to organize the celebration, and people from all walks of life were involved: “Homage was offered to the king on behalf of four developmental regions and fourteen zones….the king and the queen were garlanded and honored in people’s houses, in various shrines as well as in government and non-government offices.”749 The rituals were understood to illustrate unity, equality, and national coordination: “Notwithstanding the taboos, even the dras participate in the act of sprinkling holy waters on the king’s person with equal rights. So do women and others who do not






























































746 Jo, 106. For the coronation oath of Mahendra, see Adya Charan Raj Bhandary, The Coronation Book of Their Majesties of Nepal (Kathmandu: Adya Charan Raj Bhandary, 1956), 20. 747 Doig, “Coronation Square,” http://nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=11393 748 Hutchins, 50. 749 Hrll Vivakarm, “ubha Rjyabhiekak Mahatvapr!a Upalabdhihar,” in Subha Rjybhieka Vie&ka, eds. Meghrj arm, et al., 53.




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otherwise enjoy the same kind of privilege in everyday life.”750 For the coronations of the past three kings (Tribhuvan, Mahendra, and Brendra), the dra was represented from among the indigenous minority communities, such as the Guru&g, Magar, and R-Limbs:751 Nara Bahdur Guru&g of Pokhara was asked to act as (a) dra in King Tribhuvan’s coronation on February 20, 1913, the late Dil Man Si&gh Thp– a Magar of Midwest Nepal served as a dra in the coronation ceremony of King Mahendra on May 5, 1956 and Padma Sunder Lwat– another Limb of East Nepal poured holy waters from different holy sources at Brendra’s coronation ceremony. The coronation rituals, however, sanctified the four-fold social order and reinforced an unequal hierarchical relationship. For example, the first three classes of traditional Hindu society were represented from among the ministers of the king’s cabinet for consecrations. These rituals gave primacy to the role of the brhmins, represented by the brhmin minister who consecrated the king from a gold pitcher with clarified butter and from the east. The east is regarded as the most auspicious direction, ruled by the Vedic god Indra whose symbols were placed in the eastern side of the ritual pavilion. Similarly, the katriya and vaiya ministers consecrated the king from the silver and copper pitchers with cow’s milk and curd, respectively. The katriya minister was related to the southern direction, the direction of Yama, the god of death, which seemed to be in keeping with the katriya’s traditional role as warriors and rulers in the kingdom. The pitchers and consecration materials suggested that some people had the market value and beauty of gold, while the worth of others was less, as in the case of the clay pitchers upheld by the dra and women, including the mixed-caste woman and the “immaculate” lady who had both her husband and a healthy, living first-born son. Women too had a role like that of the dra: both sprinkled the king, either together or sequentially, with sacred waters from clay pitchers and without reciting any mantras.752 Such acts illustrated that there were internal division, hierarchy, inclusion and exclusion based on the traditional conception of class, caste, gender and religion. Despite the constitutional ban on any form of discrimination based on caste (and other categories), the coronation in 1975 actually sanctified and consolidated the caste system, perhaps because of the priestly resistance to increasing secularization. Although the constitution of 1962 had added “Hinduness” to the definition of the Nepalese state–“an independent, indivisible and sovereign monarchical Hindu state,” it did not, however, expect that Hindu religious texts (i.e., dharmastra) should govern the polity of the nation, nor did it envision that the ruler enforced the four-fold var#a-rama (caturvar#rama) dharma.753 In fact, the Civil Code promulgated in 1963 had formally withdrawn any state support of the caste system, and the unfolding of events during the coronation ceremony was in contradistinction to the constitutional provision of the nation.




























































750

Jagadi Prasd arm, “Coronation: The Indigenous Way to ideal Government,” The Rising Nepal: Coronation Special. February 24, 1975 (Kathmandu: Gorkhapatra Sansthan Press, 1975), 99. Guru&g, Magar, and Limb were represented as dras in the coronations of Tribhuvan, Mahendra, and Brendra. See Ykhr, 137. B. K. Rn, “An Overview of the Nepali Nation and Prevailing Social Exclusion,” The Himalayan Voice, February 7, 2011, http://thehimalayanvoice.blogspot.com/2011/02/overview-of-nepali-nationand-prevalent.html; B. K. Rn, “Magars, Magars and Magars Everywhere,” http://www.scribd.com/doc/28130364/Magars-Magars-and-Magars-Everywhere 752 Subar!a amer R!, “The Royal Coronation in Nepal,” in Coronation: Special Souvenir (Kathmandu: HMG Department of Information, 1975), 15. 753 Sudhindra Sharma, 26. 751




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The coronation rituals reaffirmed the kingly power and authority and also illustrated the structure of “rebounding violence.” In the beginning, the ritual presented the king in plain homespun cloth without any ostentatious decorations. He humbly submitted himself to the will of the deities and other supernatural beings and beseeched their blessings for the well-being of himself and his kingdom. Especially over the last four days, he seemed to be more intimately connected with the transcendental sources, and in some ways away from the day to day administrative world, and was invested with divine powers. His return to the mundane world is indicated, for example, through the circumambulation of the city with all the participants (and general populace together) and army contingents and in the act of active governance as an absolute monarch. Even in the midst of the celebration, however, the king was connected to the symbols of death and destruction, and the transcendental sources of power were not without such traces of violence. For example, the king’s triumphal throne was associated with images of death: the lions and horses above the elephants and tigers seemed to suggest conflict and dominance, pointing to the natural enmity between animals in the wild. The throne was covered, from the base up, with the hides of a bull, cat, hyena, lion and, on top, a tiger. The hides symbolized that the royal power extended beyond the human realm and included the animal world. They also suggested the world of death and violence subjugated and conquered by the king. Symbolically, they perhaps implied that the king had to subdue the animal instincts for his successful reign. The king’s crown similarly embodied the dead bird of prey, and people were made to offer gold coins and pay homage to the royal couple at the end of the ceremony. The royal objects held by the king at different times, such as staff, bow, arrow, shield, sword, horses and elephants evoked how the king was very much part of the world which depended on the physical force. Even the deities represented in the ritual pavilions were armed with weapons, and the king’s coronation was celebrated with the firing of the cannons as part of the army’s salute to the royal couple. This was not a peaceful world as one would wish to think, and the peace maintained during the king’s reign very much depended on physical force and violence. Similarly, various mantras were used for wishing and praying for the king’s success and victory in the battle. 2. Royal Address and the Signifiance of Coronation That the coronation is a political, religious and social ritual was made amply clear by the king in his royal address, in which he correlated the king, crown, throne, nation, and people. He presented the Nepalese monarchy as existing “from time immemorial” and Nepalese tradition as “timeless” and the “essence of all creeds.” He explicitly said that the throne embodied the collective identity of the people and stood for nation’s unity in diversity: “The Throne embodies this country’s sovereignty, integrity and national dignity together with our independence, tradition and culture.”754 His speech was an example of how politics and religion worked together. He mentioned that the monarchy was the basis of ancient political culture, and was rooted in the enduring values of truth, justice, righteousness, and salvation.755 An astute politician, he used this occasion to reaffirm his service and commitment to the nation, and he encouraged his people to unite under the leadership of the Crown and the party-less Pañcyat system:756 As the Crown in Nepal has been safeguarded by the toil and blood of the Nepalese people, the Crown too, in its distinctive Nepalese character, shall always




























































754

Brendra, Proclamations, 90. Ibid, 90-91. 756 Ibid, 91. 755




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defend and promote the interest of the Nepalese people…. We should consecrate ourselves fully to the service of Nepal, the King for the people of Nepal, the people for the King of Nepal, the King and the people both together for the cause of Nepal. He spoke about the unity and interdependence, and indicated that the royal power was not absolute in any way. His speech focused neither on the person of the king and his power, nor on the glory of any one religious tradition. Instead, it underscored the Nepalese crown and its lion’s throne as the center of Nepalese religious life and culture. He stressed that the Nepalese religious character was a mixture of various thoughts and religious traditions (such as Vai!ava, kta, aiva and Bauddha) and that the Nepalese people had adopted belief systems on the basis of what was practical for them. Framing his speech in a historical context, he reminded his people that Nepal was a result of his ancestors’ dream come true, and a garden of all castes and classes. The importance of the crown was also highlighted in the king’s speech as the unifying principle of the nation and the center of its people’s aspirations. In fact, during the party-less system, the status of the actual crown was literally very high, and such instructions were given to the people that they should (a) “not allow anyone to disrespect the crown in any way”; (b) “not use the crown as a trade-mark”; (c) “not place an icon of the crown and His Majesty’s picture toward one’s feet or the places that come in contact with the feet”; (d) “remember anyone who attempts to create any disbelief in the crown as the worst enemy of one’s class and nation”; (e) “not forget the fact that the crown is the central icon unifying the nation and the people (who are) in freedom and respectful co-existence.”757 Despite this notion of power as the united strength of the people and their king, and despite the veneer of mutual support for each other’s welfare, there was a strong sense of the distinction between the ruler and the ruled in Birendra’s message, in which he addressed his people as praj (subjects; people who are under control or dominion of another) and himself as their rj (ruler). In fact, he was already addressed as the r 5 mahrjhdhirja, the five-times estimable king of kings of an adhirja (empire). He cited and affirmed his ancester P#thv Nyya! h’s statement that people were the storehouse or treasure (bha#r, in Nepali) of the king.758 He spoke in favor of the material, spiritual, physical and moral development and collective awakening of the Nepalese people, but he envisioned this only within the framework of the party-less Pañcyat system. Although the king painted a bucolic picture of the natural evolution of the Gorkh principality into modern Nepal, the study of Nepalese history reveals that this transition was not without ferocious battles, the conquest of many principalities, and, to some extent, an erasure of indigenous identities. Time and again, Birendra stressed a healthy and affectionate relationship between the king and the people, but a study of Nepalese history of this time suggests a different picture. For example, after the overthrow of the democratic government in 1960 and the imposition of the absolute monarchic rule, public discontent against the absolute rule of the king grew rapidly and political leaders, many of them already in the nation’s prisons, were fighting against the royal regime from both Nepal and India. The politicians of the newly independent India were supportive of like-minded politicians and allies on the Nepalese side, as both countries fought for independence—India from the British Rj and Nepal from the R! oligarchy under the h kingship.






























































757 Sgarma!i crya Dkit, “Our National Symbol Crown,” in Meghrj arm, eds., 161. The term “diadem” (instead of “crown”) was used from Greek times onward. 758 Ibid 3.




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Regional and global politics also had direct or indirect impacts on the coronation in Nepal. There were unrest and violence on the rise in the years leading to the coronation and afterwards: peasant uprisings in the Terai plains bordering India and among the Naxalite activists;759 the hijacking of a Royal Nepal Airlines plane by political activists in 1973; the burning of the Nepalese secretariat building (Si%ha Darbr) in 1973; the security risk to king Brendra (1974) himself who was targeted with a hand grenade; and military operations by the state against political activists (which the state called “anti-national elements”).760 Brendra’s coronation took place amid substantial political uncertainty. The king and his regime were challenged to introduce political innovations because of national and regional insecurity and uncertainty. Because of safety concerns, the coronation committee did not even organize the procession of the king and queen to nearby cities in P$an and Bhaktapur, and in the temples of Paupatinth and Guhyavar in the days after the ceremony, as had been traditionally done for the coronation of Mahendra. The royal power was dependent on other national and international factors and had its own limits, and this could be surmised in the address of the king to foreign delegates, who were some of the most important guests attending the coronation. Hutchins notes that Brendra’s “personal decision to make a nationally broadcast speech highlighted the hybrid character of this late twentieth century, Cold War-era Consecration-Coronation, no less than the supremely polyglot character of the foreign delegations in attendance.”761 The address was not just “a thank you note” and a farewell message to the international delegates; it was intended to garner international support for Nepal’s bid for peace and independence. To the assembled heads of state and government and high officials from 65 countries, the king formally proposed that Nepal be declared a Zone of Peace:762 As heirs to one of the most ancient civilizations in Asia, our natural concern is to preserve our independence, a legacy handed down to us by history (...) we need peace for our security, we need peace for our independence, and we need peace for development. And if today, peace is an overriding concern for us, it is only because our people genuinely desire peace in our country, in our region and elsewhere in the world. It is with this earnest desire to institutionalize peace that I stand to make a proposition--a proposition that my country, Nepal, be declared a Zone of Peace. (...) As heirs to a country that has always lived in independence, we wish to see that our freedom and independence shall not be thwarted by the changing flux of time when understanding is replaced by misunderstanding, when conciliation is replaced by belligerency and war. This speech acknowledged that the royal power symbolized by the throne and the crown could only be sustained if the nation was at peace and if Nepal could garner international support. He mentioned that Nepal had never been colonized and had no experience with imported political systems. He also implied that the home-grown party-less Pañcyat system had been adopted in order to preserve the integrity and existence of the nation. He emphasized ongoing political and developmental plans, such as the New Education System Plan to address the country's illiteracy rate, free primary (elementary) education, the establishment of a National Development Service that required all post-graduate students to work for ten months in villages as a prerequisite for




























































759

The term “naxalite” derives from nakslbr, a village in west Bengal from where the communist movement originated in Bengal. 760 Rishikesh Shah, Three Decades, 12-13. 761 Hutchins, 57. 762 Meghrj arm et al., “His Majesty’s Proposal to Declare Nepal a Zone of Peace,” 9-10.




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their degrees (which was sometimes understood as a national strategy to defuse discontent and revolutionary zeal in new graduates), and the division of the nation into regions to materialize the nation’s ideology of development.763 Hutchins notes that the relations between Nepal and India had become badly strained around this time, and the president of India was not even present on this occasion, despite his attendance at the wedding ceremony of the Nepalese king five years earlier.764Additionally, many factors contributed to political unrest in the region: Indian-Chinese border conflicts leading to the Sino-India war in 1962; Indo-China military skirmishes in 1967; India’s war with Pakistan in 1965 (with the Chinese government supporting the latter); China’s nuclear testing in 1964; the India-Soviet treaty in 1971 and its overt support for the independence of Bangladesh from Pakistan; the war between India and Pakistan in 1971; India’s nuclear test in 1974; India’s annexation of a Nepalese border kingdom, Sikkim, in 1974; India’s support of banned political parties such as the Nepali Congress; and the Chinese infiltration into Tibet. All these scenarios caused serious apprehensions among Nepalese rulers and heightened a sense of uncertainty and instability.765 Brendra’s desire to “protect the flickering lamp of Nepal’s freedom from being extinguished by the storms blowing far and near” indirectly referred to such political events.766 The regional geopolitical situation of the time demanded a strictly non-aligned foreign policy that Nepal had already endorsed as a member of the non-aligned movement. Nepal required rising international support and visibility for its own safety and integrity, and Brendra highlighted this fact through his peace zone proposal. Within the next fifteen years, until the restoration of democracy in Nepal, the proposal was in fact supported by 110 nations of the world, except India and the former Soviet Union. Brendra was in a way re-declaring Nepal’s independence and trying to garner support from the international delegates. By participating in the coronation, they were granting legitimacy to the Nepalese king as what Hutchins says “the best hope of escaping the clutches of the neighbors.”767 3. The Rjybhieka: Continuity and Change in Nepalese History It is often argued that ritual has persistence, and that it survives great historical events. Yet, as Gavin Flood says, rituals do change, albeit “at a far slower rate than the societies in which they are performed.”768 Kingship rituals offer examples of how rituals have continued despite great political changes. It is difficult to identify precisely to what degree and for how long rituals persist in their immaculate forms, when and why they change, and why certain aspects of rituals are retained while others are discarded over time. Nonetheless, certain historical and political situations influence or demand certain types of rituals, and even subtle changes can be profoundly meaningful. Very scanty records have survived about the history of coronation throughout Nepalese history, although there are references to it from as long ago as the Licchav king Mnadeva’s C&gunrya!a inscription of 467 CE. Scholars working on Nepalese history speculate that the images of Vi!u in his Trivikrama (three strides) form may have been installed in Paupati Tilaga&g and in Lazimpt, Kathmandu, around the time of Mnadeva’s coronation. Satya Mohan Jo argues that the ancient king used to take three steps on the tiger’s skin during the




























































763

Ibid, 6-10. Hutchins, 58. 765 See Hutchins for details about the political climate in the 1960s and 1970s. 766 Isabelle Duquesne, Nepal: Zone of Peace, A Revised Concept for Constitution (Harmatton, 2011), 14. 767 Hutchins, 60. 768 Gavin Flood, 199. 764




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rjasya ceremony, and the installation of Vi!u’s images must have been an illustration of Mnadeva’s supremacy.769 The next reference is to A%uvarm (regnal, ca. 605-621), whose inscription mentions the abhiekahasti (elephant for the coronation) and abhiekva (horses for the coronation), as well as the offerings that the officials had to present to the king on this occasion.770 Dhanavajra Vajracrya mentions that the diamond-studded golden umbrella was used for the coronation of Jayadeva II (regnal, ca. 713-733).771 He also notes that the Licchav kings adopted Vedic traditions and practice, and in their coronation rituals, representatives of four social classes gave their consent to the new king. The Goplarjva"val uses an alternative name, the pupbhieka (an enthronement ritual in which the king is consecrated and then blessed with flowers), rather than rjybhieka, in the context of the coronation of Gu!akmadeva (regnal, ca. 987-990) and other medieval kings, such as Jayasi%hadeva and Si%harma of Panauti near the Kathmandu valley. According to Dhanavajra Vajracrya, the role of the representatives from different classes of society was diminished in the pupbhieka, while that of the purohita was emphasized. At the pupbhieka, the purohita used to place auspicious objects such as flowers (pupa) on the head of the king and bless him.772 Another word used for an enthronement ritual in medieval times is pa bhieka, which refers to the king wearing the gold plate or diadem. The king also used to participate in the festival of his pa abandha (tying the gold plate) in different places of his kingdom.773 Despite the richness of art and architecture and the promotion of various Hinduisms and other religions during their reign, these kings do not seem to have developed any great fascination with ostentatious rituals, instead preferring the simpler pa bhieka. Also, one ascension ritual seems to have been deemed sufficient, and the rajyroha#a (the ascension to the throne) became less and less elaborate with the division of the medieval kingdom into smaller principalities. At his coronation, the new Malla king received a mark on his forehead.774 The secret mantra conveyed to the king when he ascended the throne was that of his tutelary deity Taleju, and the new king’s rule was legitimized once he received the blessing and the mantra. Unlike the h kings, the Malla kings observed a mourning period for the previous king, and the new king sometimes ascended the throne only after the mourning was over. The Malla coronation, therefore, appears to be a simple delegation of royal and divine authority, without the elaborations of the later h times, although the ritual was mandatory every time a new king was enthroned.775 The Malla tradition instead put much more emphasis on the funeral rituals of the king as part of his last honors, for which the participation of the kings of the surrounding principalities was mandatory; “kings’ funerals were great events, embodying an extensive public dimension.”776






























































769

Jo, Rjamuku a, 82. Ibid, 83. 771 Ibid, 85. 772 Dhanavajra Vajracrya, “Rjybhiekako Aitihsika Mahatva,” Contributions to Nepalese Studies 2, no. 1 (1975), 5. 773 Ibid, 6. 774 D. R. Regmi, Medieval Nepal: A History of the Three Kingdoms 1520 A. D. to 1768 A.D. Part II (Calcutta: Firma K. L. Mukhopadhyay, 1966), 400-404. 775 Jaya Prak Malla (regnal, 1736 to 1746; 1750 to 1768) of Kathmandu is said to have been crowned thrice, as he was twice dethroned, and he had to undergo the coronation each time he was crowned. 776 Toffin, “Royal Images,”148. 770




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3.1. The Coronation of Dravya h and the T ntric Rites The coronation of the h kings from Dravya h conformed more to the Vedic tradition of having representatives of the four-fold social order consecrate the king, although we also have an example of the later king Rm h (Dravya h’s great grandson) granting the rjatilaka with his own hand to his successor Dambar h (1633-1642). The Sanskrit coronation manual attributed to king Dravya h adapts Vedic, pur#ic and tntric practices. The clay bathing and abhieka by representatives of the four classes from over a thousand pitchers are adaptations from Vedic and pur!ic times. The tntric aspect of the coronation–that is, ritually gaining direct and immediate access to the divinities–is also emphasized, an innovation over earlier forms of coronation. For example, in the clay bathing (m%ttiksnna) recommended in Dravya h’s coronation, the clay from the horse stable is employed for bathing the membrum virile (mehraka) of the king, reversing an instance of the horse sacrifice, in which the king’s chief queen participates in a simulated sexual relation with the horse.777 Tantra here is transgressive of general norms, and its ritual involves the subversion of the Vedic rituals. It is further enjoined that the king should hold and worship a specifically designed tntric magical diagram for power and potency778 and perform a hundred thousand fire sacrifices (laka homa) with the help of a three-lettered tntric m%ttuyñjaya (conquest over death) mantra (hau", j", sa).779 A comparison between this rjybhieka text and medieval Indian literature reveals that the addition of the tntric rituals in Dravya h’s text intends to accomplish certain worldly purposes, such as the destruction of enemies in battle, killing others (mra#a), warding off (nivra#a) sudden and accidental death, and expiating (amana) sins and crimes (ptaka).780 The immediate goal of conquest is further affirmed as the king, during the coronation procession, actually holds the sword in his hand and moves around the capital, along with a contingent of his army. Although the ultimate purpose of the aghoratantra is to transcend all worldly limitations and achieve release from the cycle of sa"sra (circuit of mundane existence undergoing transmigration)--the claim often made for many other tntric rituals--Dravya h’s text emphasizes worldly power more than transcendence.




























































777

The last avamedha was carried out around 1740 by a king of Jaipur, India. Witzel, “Brahmanical Reaction to Social and Religious Change,” in Between the Empires: Society in India 300 BCE to 400 CE, ed. Patrick Olivelle (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006), 465. 778 A detailed description of the aghora aspect of iva is given in the Li&ga Pur#a (I.14-15; II. 49-50), which also mentions that a devotee should meditate on the deity (50.23-26) with the following thirty-two syllabic mantra: aghorebhyo’tha ghorebhyo ghoraghoratarebhya | sarvebhya sarvaarvebhyo namase’stu rdrarpebhya (II.27.238). Chapter 49 of this pur!a discusses the royal fire sacrifice to iva and a ritual for destroying the king’s enemies. This description and the associated rituals are also mentioned in another Nepalese tantra text, Netratantra. Aghora is often regarded as the “most direct path.” According to Urban, for the aghor, “there are no restraints, there is nothing in-between” (268). Hugh B. Urban, Tantra: Sex, Secrecy, Politics, and Power in the Study of Religion (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2003), 268. Urban distinguishes between the tntrika and the aghora paths thus: “Interestingly enough, both the Nths and the Aghors with whom I spoke clearly distinguished the tntrika path from the aghora path. In contrast to most Western observers, who often identify the aghor as the quintessential tntrika, most of these sdhus identified Tantra as a more restrained path and aghora as a more radical, transgressive path (often distinguished as “right hand” from “left hand”). He further says, ‘“Aghora is the most direct path,’ One black-clad sdhu explained to me, ‘Tantra is still an indirect path (the highest spiritual path, integrating yoga and bhoga, spiritual transcendence and this-worldly enjoyment). For the Aghor, there are no restraints, there is nothing in between”’ (268). 779 It is stated that the seed mantra hau" refers to iva, j" to the life-force, and sa to the akti (the cosmic/feminine power. Yaapla, Mantra Rahasya (Haridvra: Ra!adhra Prakana, 2001), 37. 780 The whole rjybhieka ritual thus performed is also said to make the king and his progeny the wheel-turning monarch (cakravartin) and ultimately lead him the status of kaivalya (detachment of the soul from matter, liberation).




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Dravya Sh is also connected to the Gorakhnth (Gorakanth) of the aiva tntric cult, the patron deity of the Gorkh kingdom. Gorakhnth is said to have personally granted this king (still a minor prince) the blessing of the kingdom of Gorkh781 and his progeny the kingdom of Nepal. Since Dravya h’s time, Gorakhnth’s power was deemed essential for the success and expansion of the kingdom, at least in Nepal, and the myth regarding him was appropriated to justify the conquest of Gorkh by Dravya h.782 It is, thus, no wonder that his coronation handbook mentions repeatedly the sins, enemies, killings, propitiation of various forces, and pacification of crimes (ptaka).783 Dravya h’s relationship with the tntric gurus is also noted in the Nepalese chronicles, and he is said to have employed Nrya! Ds Arjyl as his spiritual preceptor to recite mantras for the conquest of Gorkh.784 The association of the h kings with tantra and tntric priests is more overt during the period of conquest and expansion, as this text testifies. Another instance of tntric worship is found in B%hat-puracaryr#ava, supposedly compiled by a later king, Pratp i%ha h (the son of P#thv Nyya! h), at a time when Nepal was engaged in active expansionism under the Gorkh rulers. 3.2. The Intervening Period Following Dravya h, there is little information about royal consecrations for nearly four hundred years, and very little is known about the ritual transformations that occurred during this period. The stray references available in the chronicles and history books indicate that the tradition of coronation persisted, but definite historical data about the coronation of h kings during the absolute rule of the R!s is lacking. The abhieka ritual was not limited to the reigning h kings; it was also performed at the crowning of the R!a Prime Minister, the R! Army Chief, and the crown prince. The h kings’ coronations were not ostentatious; they were celebrated by the family members and royalty, while the abhieka for the R! Prime Minister was much more elaborate and ceremonious than that of the h kings. However, for the coronation of P#thv Br Bikram (regnal, 1881-1911), the R!s apparently made the ceremony very grand. From this time, two surnames--bra (alternatively, vra, hero) and deva (deity)--were added to the Nepalese king’s name, while the queen consort’s name included rjya lakm dev (literally, the goddess Lakm of the kingdom).785 A much better and wider public participation was expected for the coronation of P#thv Br Bikram. Prime Minister r 3 Ra!oddpa Si%ha had sent a written order to the chiefs of all the principalities of Nepal, warning that they would be stripped of their rights and privileges if they did not participate in the coronation.786 The letter prescribed certain types of dress codes and offering for each participant, such as the gold coins (asarphi, from Persian, aarf) to offer to the






























































781 Nayarj Pant, et al., eds., Sr 5 P%thv Nrya# hko Upadea (Lalitpur, ca. 1968), 545. The legendary accounts mention that the same deity appeared to P#thv Nrya! h, Dravya h’s ninth-generation descendant, and blessed him: “Whatever country your feet tread will be yours. I will remain always with your army. When your army moves forward, if it should rain on that day, know that I am with you” (641-42). After the conquest of Nepal, Gorakhnth became the patron saint of larger Nepal, and his name still appears on Nepalese coins. 782 This tradition goes back to the thirteenth century CE, when the migration of caste Hindus from northern and western India into present-day western Nepal led to the disintegration of the local rulers, including Mahyna Buddhist kingdoms, and the formation of small kingdoms. John K. Locke, S. J. Karunamaya, 441. 783 Gorkhva"val (K: ivarm Press, n.), 3-9. 784 Dangol, The Palace, 181. 785 Rj Bhandry, xii. However, it must be noted that the deification of the h kings was already in the making at least from the time of Rm h (regnal, ca.1606- ca.1632?). 786 Quoted in Jo, 90.




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new king.787 It appears that the practice of offering gold coins to the newly consecrated king was widely used at least from P#thv Br Bikram’s time. Following this, king Tribhuvan Br Bikram h Dev (regnal, 1911-1955) had his coronation performed in 1913 by the R!s themselves (see the picture on the next page). Similar rituals seem to have been continued at Tribhuvan’s coronation, which included strewing the coins to the public during the royal procession as part of the display of the new ruler’s wealth, prosperity, and munificence.788 The coronations of these kings were not advertised to the outside world, as Nepal was ruled by the R!s, keeping it isolated from the rest of the world. In Tribhuvan’s coronation, the only guests present from outside Nepal were the British Resident (like an ambassador), his family members and other invited guests.789 3.3. The Coronation of Mahendra and aiva Influence Mahendra’s coronation on May 2, 1956, was performed one year after his ascension to the throne (March 13, 1955). The coronation of Mahendra (See Appendix III for pictures) had a definite aivite orientation that was purged of explicit tntric contents, yet was still in line with the h dynasty’s special reverence to the deity iva and various forms of akti. For example, during the clay bathing ritual, clay from the temple of iva, instead of from the temple of Keava or Vi!u (as in the pur#ic and later ritual texts, including that of Dravya h), was used to bathe the king’s mouth. Similarly, one hundred and twenty brhmins were involved in the recitation of the rudri (based on a chapter in the Yajurveda, Vjasaneyi Sa%hit, Chapter 16) throughout the ceremony, with a continuous stream of holy waters offered to Lord iva Paupatinth in the famous Paupatinth temple in Kathmandu.






























































787

Ibid. Ibid, 91. 789 Rj Bhandry, 12. 788




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Picture 2: The Coronation of King Tribhuvan Br Bikram hdev

[Coronation of His Majesty, King Tribhuvana] Courtesy of Adya Charan Raj Bhandary, The Coronation Book of Their Majesties (1956), 39. Further, the emphasis on the aiva aspect was evident in the following: the ritual of recitation of the Sanskrit mantra, using expressions such as “in the sacred land of pupata” (…pupatiketre pu#yabhmau…) which refers to iva; the recitation of the ntika chapter from the Vedic text twenty-five hundred times to Mahdeva (iva) and of other hymns associated with iva; the image of Mahdeva imprinted on the diadem of the king; and the king’s visit to the Kla Bhairava (iva) temple right after the consecration, and later to the temple of the state deity, Paupatinth (iva), for worship. Honoring the national deity Paupatinth, the royal message delivered in the evening of the coronation day ended, typically, with a prayer to iva Paupati for the welfare of the kingdom: “May Lord Paupatinth bless us all.”790 One of the major reasons for this shift in emphasis was that Mahendra’s coronation attempted to highlight a distinctly Nepalese Hindu identity by foregrounding the guardian deity of Nepal, iva Paupatinth, revered from ancient times and (as given prominence in such
































































790 H. M. King Mahendra Br Bikram hdev , Proclamations, Speeches and Messages, trans. Daman R. Tuladhar, vol. 1 (Kathmandu: Department of Publicity, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, His Majesty’s Government of Nepal, 1967), 44.




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Nepalese texts as the Nepla Mahtmya, Paupatimahtmya, Goplarjava"val).791This practice evolved from the very ancient pupata cult, possibly belonging to the Kirta and other indigenous inhabitants of the valley residing in Nepalese territory. By the time of Mahendra’s consecration, new forms of Sanskritization had started taking root, and local Nepalese features were heavily emphasized. At the coronation, the emphasis on the Nepalese identity was seen in the king’s dress, made of the traditional home-spun fabric (daur-suruvl),792 and it was unique in that it foregrounded the power and prestige of Gorkh. For example, the old-style Gorkh army of the military bands Sardl Ju&g Company and Samarju&g Company, the battalions instituted by P#thv Nyya! h as he expanded and conquered Nepal in the latter part of the 18th century CE,793 led the royal procession from and to the royal palace, suggesting, as in the navartri festival, the conquest of Nepal by the Gorkh kings. Besides a clear emphasis on aivism, the shift in the ritual also had political implications. In 1951, the R! rule in Nepal was overthrown, and democracy was instituted under the leadership of the monarch. The Nepalese people had been politically liberated from the century-long autocratic R! regime, and there was an increasing sense of nationalism in the country. The coronation, therefore, was an opportunity to focus on the Nepalese “Hindu” kingship and to assert national identity. Another notable aspect of Mahendra’s coronation was that the ritual followed the pattern of the installation of the deity in the temple, including clay bathing, sprinkling, enthronement, and ritual circumambulation.794 One possible reason for this striking similarity is that Nepal gave continuity to the long-standing traditional Hindu belief in the divinity of the institution of the kingship and sacredness of the king. Moreover, the royal pu#its who prepared the manuals selected specific mantras often used for the installation of the deities. The sacredness of kingship was also noted in the outward insignia that the king was adorned with: the triaktipa a robe, symbolizing the three divine powers of creation, preservation, and destruction;795 the five-peaked crown, symbolizing virtues such as restraint (nirodha) and grace (anugraha);796 the throne of the king and queen modeled on and symbolizing the cobra-hooded throne of Vi!u; and the royal scepter (rjada#a) symbolizing Vi!u’s club (kaumodak).797 Even the recent kings’ names, ending in deva (deity), and those of the queens using rjya lakm (the goddess Lakm of the kingdom) gave a sense of their elevated status.






























































791 Paupatinth has been one of the most revered deities from the time of the Licchav king A%uvarm (605-621 CE), who used to add to his name the title paupatipdnug%hta (favored by the feet of Paupati) and regarded Paupatinth as the state deity. During the Malla period, the kings used to add such titles to their names as “rpaupaticara#adhlidhsarita,” and “paramamhevara.” Kulacandra Koirala, Nepalak rdhya Deva Bhagavn rpaupatintha (Kathmandu: Royal Nepal Academy, 1994), 365. During the conquest of Nepal (outside the Kathmandu valley), P#thv Nrya! h is said to have had different types of worship performed to various deities in Kathmandu by tntric and other priests for the success of his mission (see pp. 377-380 for details). For a discussion of the history and rituals centered on the Paupatinth temple, see Axel Michaels, iva in Trouble: Festivals and Rituals at the Paupatintha Temple of Deopatan, Nepal (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008). 792 Ibid, 46. 793 Rj Bhandr, 24. These military units still lead the procession at important festivals, even after the overthrow of the monarchy in Nepal. 794 Yasuhiro Tsuchiyama notes, “The combination of the abhieka both with the chariot drive and the sitting on the throne which characterize the coronations in the rauta rituals share a similarity with the prati h rituals, although not all coronations of the ancillary literature contain such performances.” Yasuhiro Tsuchiyama, “Abhieka in the Vedic and post-Vedic Rituals,” 86. 795 Y. G. Krishnamurti, 43. 796 Ibid, 42. 797 Ibid, 46.




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In terms of social involvement, Mahendra’s coronation (see the picture on the next page) innovatively made changes in the participation of the dra minister in the sprinkling. In Mahendra’s coronation, the brhmin minister sprinkled the king with ghee from the golden pitcher from the eastern direction, the katriya with milk from the silver pitcher from the south, the vaiya with curd from the copper pitcher from west, and the smaveda minister with honey from the clay pitcher from the north. The traditional role of the dra minister has thus been taken over by the smaveda brhmin, and the real abhieka by the four castes (caturvar#a abhieka) was further simplified as the representatives from the traditional four classes of Hindu society sprinkled the king with holy water alone. This lesser role of the dras and mixed caste people may reflect that these people were an inalienable part of the social fabric but from the orthodox brahma!ic standard of the time, not as equal in value as the people from other castes.798 Picture 3: The Coronation of Mahendra Br Bikram hdev

Coronation of King Mahendra Br Bikram hdev on May 2, 1956. Courtesy of Adya Charan Raj Bhandary, The Coronation Book of Their Majesties (1956), vii.






























































798 The core abhieka materials for Mahendra’s coronation have been copied from the Ntimaykha; the Nepalese scribes may have been unmindful of why a particular change had occurred in the Indian materials.




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Table 20: The Program of the Coronation Week (for the Coronation of Mahendra Br Bikram hdev)

Courtesy of Adya Charan Raj Bhandary, The Coronation Book of Their Majesties (1956), i.




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Figure 8: The coronation procession route (for the Coronation of Mahendra Br Bikram hdev)

Courtesy of Adya Charan Raj Bhandary, The Coronation Book of Their Majesties (1956), 212.




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3.4. The Coronation of B rendra and the Vaiava Influence Brendra’s coronation included innovations and new rituals. Instead of a week-long ceremony of Mahendra’s coronation, the general ritual observance for Brendra lasted for eleven days, with the king and queen participating in various extended religious and secular activities, but dispensing with others (see the detailed program under Appendix II). The aindrvinyakanti (worship to and propitiation of the deities such as Indra and Vinyaka) lasted for two days and the rjybhieka proper for the subsequent two days. The aindrvinyakanti was more like the pjs dedicated to Indra, Vinyaka, the mother goddess and other deities, but it included the imitation of Vi!u’s three steps on the second (last) day of the aindrvinyakanti. As Witzel notes, more extensive were the ritual activities in the temples– the old ones in Gorkh, Sallyan, Plp (the ritual nexus of the old Gorkh regime) and the new ones in the Kathmandu valley and its surroundings, places which were not foregrounded during Mahendra’s coronation but were very prominent in the history of the Gorkh conquest and expansion of Nepal.799 Interestingly, Brendra started giving official royal messages on the birthdays of the deity K#!a and the Buddha–both understood in some Hindu circles as incarnations of Vi!u.800During his reign, the Committee for the Service of Santana Hindu Dharma (“Santana Dharma Sev Samiti”) was actively involved in the promotion of Vai!ava aspects of the Hindu tradition in Nepal. The king’s absolute power above any constitutional limitations was reflected, at least outwardly, in the display of the longstanding traditional Hindu conception of the king as a living incarnation of Vi!u.801 3.5. Gy nendra’s Ascension to the Throne and the End of the Royal Line Gynendra first ascended the Nepalese throne in November 1950, when other members of the Nepalese royalty took refuge in India, via the Indian embassy in Kathmandu, in order to overthrow the dictatorial R! rule and institute democracy. Since he was the only male representative left behind, Mohan amer, then- R! Prime Minister, chose Gyanendra as the new king, and ruled in the new king’s name for the next three months. On June 4, 2004, Gynendra was again crowned, and the role of kingship was handed to him as the only surviving male member directly in line to the throne (See Appendix III for pictures). His installation came in the midst of political uncertainty and confusion.802An auspicious time of 10:50-11:00 a.m. was fixed for the June 4th ascension ritual. Gynendra visited the Nalcok, Hanumnhoka, to be crowned. He was in mourning for his massacred family members. In the meantime, the palace




























































799

Witzel, “Coronation Rituals,” 438. For the royal proclamations and messages of both the kings, see H. M. King Mahendra, Proclamations, Speeches, and Messages, trans. Daman R. Tuladhar (Kathmandu: His Majesty’s Government Press, 1967); H. M. King Brendra, Proclamations, Speeches, and Messages, 1972-81 (Kathmandu: His Majesty’s Government Press, 1982). 801 Chandra Bahadur Shrestha, “Religious Aspects of the Auspicious Coronation,” The Rising Nepal: Coronation Special, February 24, 1975, ed. Barun Shamsher Rana (Kathmandu: Gorkhapatra Sansthan Dharma Path, 1975), 33-3; Durg Prasd Bhandr, 45. Han Suyin, The Mountain Is Young (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1958), 198. Regarding this concept of the king as the portion of Vi!u in some of the Vedic and Pur!ic literature, see Jan Gonda, Aspects of Early Vi#uism (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1969), 164-175. 802 Bibek h, 33. Bibek h mentions that in the emergency situation in the nation and as a responsible secretary of the palace, he too had to flout many traditional Hindu rules: he himself was mourning the death of his mother (for a year) and should not have been present at the auspicious ascension ceremony, let alone sitting on the front seat of the horse-drawn royal carriage and taking the new king from the Hanumnhok Royal Palace to Nrya!hi$. Since he was the one responsible for the security of this program, he decided to participate in and be with the new king in order to assure him about the security. Traditionally, the new king had to be accompanied by the Prime Minister and the Field Marshal of the Army on such occasions, but this too was discontinued for security and personal reasons (33). 800




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declared Dpendra, who was still supposedly in a coma in the military hospital, as the next king, and Gynendra as the regent. Traditionally, the next king who was in line to the throne would not be affected by the inauspiciousness of death. Therefore, when Gynendra acted as a regent until the death of Dpendra, he naturally underwent the rituals of mourning. It was the royal tradition first to perform the ritual of the new king’s ascension to the throne and then perform the cremation of the dead king. Since Dpendra was supposedly still in coma in a military hospital, it was not possible for him to undergo the ascension and crowning ceremony, so the critical situation of the country demanded that certain traditional rules be circumvented.803 Despite fear of possible Maoist attacks and security infiltration, and in the midst of public outrage against then- Prime Minister Girij Prasd Koirl and Gynendra, Gynendra’s enthronement was successfully carried out. The new king was seated on the throne and crowned with the same traditional crown by the Chief Royal Priest, Keshari Rj Pandey. The entire event was broadcast live by Nepal Television, which showed the chiefs of various institutions (the cabinet, the judiciary, the military, the police, and so on) and the leader of then opposition party (the Communist Party of Nepal Marxist Leninist) in the House of Representatives, offering gold coins at the feet of the newly crowned king and bowing in homage.804 As in the rituals of the earlier h kings, the new king then visited the Ga!ea temple nearby and was taken to the Nrya!hi$ Royal Palace in a six-horse carriage, despite some riots and shouting at the new king, who was suspected of and blamed for the palace massacre. Prakash Raj describes this critical time thus:805 Despite precautions, boys with their heads freshly shaved shouted slogans against the new king and Prime Minister. People were not yet ready to accept a new king while they were still mourning an old, much-loved king Brendra who had been snatched away from them too soon. The Prime Minister and the Field Marshal of the Army did not accompany the king in the same carriage because of security and other reasons. As Gynendra’s carriage reached the Nrya!hi$ palace, the pj was done in the southern gate of the palace to make the new king’s entry auspicious, but no special program was organized inside the palace. The king went to the Ksk audience hall (bai hak ko h) and received obeisance from his staff members, who offered him gold coins and homage. After coronation rituals in Hanumnhok, earlier kings used to go to the Gorkh Bai$hak (audience hall) of the Nrya!hi$ palace and sit in the lion’s throne of the king (rjasi"hsana) there, but Gynendra chose not to do so.806 He observed the usual ritual of enthronement, yet he did not look much prepared for such a joyous moment, except for his very brief unusual smile when the crown was placed on his head807 4. The Coronation Texts in Indian History and the Issue of Divine Kingship The divine kingship is a marked and consistent theme across Hindu myths and legends. In Hindu religious literature, the origin of kingship has been attributed to god (s), yet there are significant discrepancies and variations in these myths. The mythical concept of the divine kingship appears in two distinct but related forms: kingship among gods and among human beings. Regarding the




























































803

Bibek h, 28. Ibid 805 Prakash A. Raj, 55. 806 Ibid, 34. 807 The occasion was broadcast live by Nepal Television (NTV), but when they replayed this later, the original tape had been edited and the (brief) smile, which I had observed on television, was removed. 804




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kingship among the gods, we have mythological narratives, mainly of the Vedic deities Soma, Indra, Varu!a and Yama; in the myths about the notion of the human kingship, the king is regarded as an embodiment of various divinities or as a manifestation of god himself. However, the king’s identification with the god(s) has been stressed from the $gveda onwards. This mythic conception of the divine kingship through which the Hindu kings seemed to have ruled in different times is one of the distinguishing marks of Hindu history, and contradicts some scholarly opinions that the doctrine of the king’s rule by virtue of his divinity is not characteristic of the Vedic state808 and that the Hindu kings never claimed divine origin.809 The myth of the divine origin of the human king is implied in the "gveda (4.42.9),810 where king Trasadasyu is called a “demi-god” and regarded, as his name suggests, as the “slayer of the foeman”; in the "gvedic hymn, this mythological king is said to have been granted to the people by the "gvedic gods Indra and Varu!a.811 The Vedic texts suggest that the successive migrations of Indo-ryan tribes (the Alinas, Pakthas, Bhalanas, ivas, Vi!ins, Prs, A!us, Druhyus, Yadus, Turvaas, Bhratas or Tritsus, and Unaras) to the Sapta Sindhu area occurred sometime around 1600 to 1400 BCE812 and that they seemed to join together to fight the Dasyus already living there in cities and forts.813 The Vedic king was presented in the Vedic texts as a leader in war and a sacker of forts. He seems to have been elected, at least theoretically, by a body of people,814 but it is difficult to say whether he was actually elected or whether his newly gained status was just confirmed by some kind of royal assembly. Regardless, he was definitely the military leader,815 and was charged with such duties as protecting the brhmins,816 while also acting as a judge and employing spies for the preservation of order in the kingdom.817 Some scholars argue that the royal rituals, such as rjasya, ava-medh, vjapeya, aindr-mahbhieka, and punarbhieka, were developed by orthodox brhmins living in the upper Ga&g valley probably during the later Vedic age (ca. 1000-600 BCE) for the purpose of investing the king with a halo of divinity and supernatural power.818 In the Brhma#a texts, many royal rituals that invested the king with divinity were fully elaborated. Doniger argues that the extensively elaborated kingship during this period required “more extravagant sacrifices, which in turn required still more wealth.”819 These kingship rituals “responded to a perceived




























































808

Upendra Ghosal, A History of Indian Political Ideas (Bombay: Oxford Universal Press, 1959), 285. Ibid, 289. Michael Witzel, “The Vedas and the Epics: Some Comparative Notes on Persons, Lineages, Geography, and Grammar,” in Epics, Khilas, and Pur#as: Continuities and Ruptures, eds. Petteri Koskikallio and Mislav Jezic (Zagreb 2005) 22; Stephanie W. Jamison and Michael Witzel, “Vedic Hinduism,” in The Study of Hinduism, ed. Arvind Sharma (Columbia: University of South Carolina Press, 2003), 65. 811 "gveda, IV. 42. 9. 812 Questions about when and from where the Indo-Aryan tribes entered the Sapta Sindhu are contentious. 813 The formation of several Indo-ryan tribes into one or absorbing various tribes into others is another debatable issue. However, there are examples in the Vedas regarding a loose association between the A!us and Druhyus, an alliance between the Turvaas and Yadus, and a unity between the Prus and their former rivals the Bhratas. For more details, see H. N. Sinha’s Sovereignty in Ancient Indian Polity: A Study in the Evolution of Early Indian State (London: Luzac & Co., 1938). 814 In "gveda, X. 124, 128, and in 173.1, we are told that vi chose the king while Atharva-Veda III. 5-7 mentions that a group of men called the king-makers--rjak%t, the grma#, etc., chose the king. H. N. Sinha mentions that in the early Vedic age, the king was chosen by the people, but as the age advanced and states were formed and governments organized, the king was first chosen by the rjak%tas and then accepted by the people (22). 815 "gveda, III. 43, 5. 816 Ibid, IV, 50, 59. 817 Ibid, I. 25.13; IV. 4. 3; VI. 67.5. 818 Yamazaki, 32. 819 Doniger, The Hindus, 138. 809 810




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need for an outward justification of the power exercised by ‘emerging kingdoms with their increasingly stratified societies, their multi-lingual, multi-cultural and multi-racial population.’”820 However, the kingship did not sustain itself with ritual authority alone, as it also other sources of authority, such as the army and the tax collectors.821 Doniger notes that the expanded rituals were much more expensive than simple coronations, which created the animosity between rulers and priests that is so central to the history of Hinduism, described by Heesterman as the “inner conflict of tradition.”822 This partly explains why the Hindu texts do not have a uniform view of the divinity of the king and kingship. Moreover, it is also argued that the brhma#ic worldview regarding divine kingship declined precipitously with the rise of heterodox religions during the post-Vedic age (ca. 600-320 BCE). However, after the Maurya Empire (ca. 340-181 BCE), there was a revival of brhma#ism; the Laws of Manu preached the deification of kings from the standpoint of this orthodoxy. About the same time, the Ku!as (ca. 30-230 CE) introduced the worship of both reigning and deceased kings, which culminated in the reign of the Guptas, under which the orthodox view of the divine kingship was further advanced.823 Although mythical details cannot be regarded as historical facts, we are comparatively on a firmer ground after Aoka’s reign. The inscriptions of Aoka’s time (regnal, ca. 268- 232 BCE) show that he was called devnm priya (beloved of the gods), and the Ku!a emperors, such as Kanika, styled themselves as devaputra (son of god). Kanika was also called the mahrja, rjdhirja and devaputra (the great king, the king of kings, the son of Heaven).824 Similarly Vasudeva, the last of the powerful Ku!as, assumed the title of devaputra.825 This phenomenon was not confined to India alone. Alexander the Great and Julius Caesar, for example, traced their descent from gods and goddesses. Alexander was deified during his lifetime in 324 BC by the Greek world, and Caesar’s image was carried among those of the immortal gods.826 The inscriptions of the Gupta period (ca. 300 CE to ca. 647 CE) record that the Guptas were paramabhgavath (the devout Vai!avites) and most of them record devotion either in honor of Vi!u or iva. From the Guptas up to Hara (ca. 590-647 CE), the independent kings who rose to prominence never failed to take the title of paramevara (the supreme lord), mahrjdhirja (the supreme king of kings), and paramabha araka (the most worshipful master).827 Samudra Gupta in the Allahabad praasti (edict) has been called a “mortal only in celebrating the rites of the observances of mankind, but otherwise a god dwelling on earth.”828 The Siwani Copper-plate Inscription tells us that Pravara Sena I, the founder of the Vk$akas, performed the horse sacrifice before the time of the Guptas.829 During the Gupta period, Samudra




























































820

Ibid, 138. Ibid, 140. 822 Ibid, 140. J. C. Heesterman, The Inner Conflict of Tradition: Essays in Indian Ritual, Kingship, and Society (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1985). 823 Michael Witzel, “The Vedas and the Epics: Some Comparative Notes on Persons, Lineages, Geography, and Grammar,” 22. 824 Sinha, 238. Cf. Taxila Silver Scroll Inscription Ind., vol. II; I., 77. 825 Sinha, 238. 826 D. M. Lewis, eds., et al., The Cambridge Ancient History, 2nd ed., vol. VI (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 433. 827 John Faithful Fleet and A. K. Narain, Inscriptions of the Early Gupta Kings and their Successors, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum (CII), vol. 3 (Vr!as: Indological Book House, 1970) 1, 4, 5, 10, 12, 13; 32, 40; Sinha, 295. 828 Ibid, vol. III, no. 1. 829 Ibid, vol. III, no. 56. 821




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Gupta became “the restorer of the ritual of horse sacrifice (Avamedha)”830 and his grandson Kumra Gupta also celebrated it.831 These examples affirm that the kings were deified and they illustrate how their positions were elevated through periodic sacrificial rituals. 5. Mythologies in the Smtis, Puras, and Dharmastras The mythologies surrounding the concept of the divine personhood of the king are fully documented and preached in the epic, pur!ic and sm%ti texts.832 Although we do not know the exact history of these texts or the historical situation in which they were composed, there may have been a brhma#ic revival after the Mauryan Empire (ca. 323-185 BCE), for example, during the unga period (ca. 185-78 BCE) and afterwards, which further developed the concept of the divine king and kingship. In the writings of this period, myths regarding the divinity of the king(s) were extensive and repetitive. Varying mythical interpretations tell of the supernatural origins of monarchs. In the Aitareya Brhma#a, Soma was elected as king to fight the demons;833 in Taittirya and Satapatha Brhma#as,834 it is Prajpati who gave the gods Indra as their king; in the Laws of Manu and ukrantisra,835 an unnamed creator provided a king for the protection of the world; in the Mahbhrata (ntiparva, 59), Vi!u created the king out of his own mind; and, again, in the Mahbhrata (ntiparva, 67.4), Brahm appointed Manu as king. Some of these mythic tales836 indicate the election (not the divine creation) of the king prior to any divine role or intervention. Even in the case of the divinely ordained or divinely manifested king, versions differ about how many gods were actually manifested in the making of the kings, and the answer varies from one god to nine gods to all the gods, depending on the text. Further, the notion of the gods’ “portions” as manifested in the king is interpreted both literally and metaphorically. The Laws of Manu (VII.3-4) and ukrantisra (I.71), for example, stress that the god created the king for the protection of this world, which was otherwise chaotic and frightening without a ruler. The Laws of Manu and other religious texts also count the gods embodied in the person of the king differently: one, five, seven, nine, or sometimes all of them. Sometimes the names of the gods are considered metaphorical, and at other times they are taken literally. The Laws of Manu, for instance, states that the king was created by god out of the eternal elements of Indra, Vyu, Yama, the Sun, Fire, Varu!a, the Moon and Kubera,837 and that the king existed for the exaltation of the brhmins and the Veda and for the protection of castes and traditional orders.838 Similarly, the Agnipur#a (226.17-20) mentions that nine deities operated through the actions of the king: the Sun, the Moon, Vyu, Yama, Varu!a, Agni, Kubera, the Earth and Vi!u. According to Nradasm%ti (5. 20-31), it is really Indra who moves about in the form of the king, though kings exercise the functions of five deities–Agni, Indra, Som, Yama and Kubera (5. 26-31). The Mrka#eyapur#a (27.21-26) mentions the same five




























































830

Ibid, vol. III, nos. 4, 10, 12, 13 and 60; Sinha, 301. Vincent Arthur Smith and S. M. Edwardes, The Early History of India (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1924), 299. 832 The quotes on the divine king and kingship are from Upendra Ghoshal’s A History of Indian Political Theories (reprint 2013) and The Beginnings of Indian Historiography and Other Essays (1944), and I extend my gratitude to him for the quotes and for his valuable insights into the notion of divine kingship in Indian history. 833 AB, I. 14. This myth of the election of Soma as the king is intriguing, for it might suggest the battle between the Indo-ryan (possessors of Soma) and “others.” 834 TS, II.4.2.1; Satapatha Brhma#a, II.4.2. 835 Manu, VII.3-4; ukrantisra, I.71. 836 B, III.4.2. 837 Manu, V. 96; VII. 3- 5. 838 Manu, VII. 35, 82, 133- 134. 831




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deities forming the person of the king. The Bhgavata Pur#a (IV.14.26-27) states that Vi!u, Brahm, iva, Indra, Vyu, Varu!a, and other gods exist in the body of the king, and that the king comprises parts of all gods. In many texts, the king and Vi!u are connected. For example, the Rmya#a (III.1.1819, VII.76.37-45), the Mrka#eyapur#a (24.23-28), and the Vi#udharmottara Pura#a (II.2.9) mention that the king is the living incarnation of Vi!u. Likewise, the Vyupur#a (57.72) remarks that in all past and future manavatras (periods of mythical Manu) universal emperors (cakravartin) were born on the earth with parts of Vi!u himself. The nti-parva of the Mahbhrata (Mbh) presents two distinct mythic narratives of the origin of kingship, one contractual and another divine. Chapter 67, for example, states that it is not the gods but the people who first made a compact among themselves and selected their king. On the other hand, the text also describes the creation of human kings by Vi!u. Likewise, in chapter 59, Bhma paints a picture of an original state of human and divine society as innocent and governed by dharma—not at all the original state as narrated in the Laws of Manu. According to Bhma (MBh), human society, with its castes, was under perfect control and the Vedas were regarded as supreme. There were neither kings nor kingdoms, neither chastisers nor punishment, and everything operated through the rule of dharma. Gradually, delusion and selfish attachment arose, and then greed, sexual desire and passions ruled the lives of the people, leading them to disregard the dharma and the Vedas. In response, Vi!u restored the dharma and the rule of law by creating kings on earth. The six kings, beginning with Virjas, who supposedly proceeded from Vi!u’s mind did not, however, become successful; three of them were too ascetic, while the other three were too material to be ideal kings. Finally, the seventh in descent was P#thu. He was established by Vi!u, and successfully ruled through divine kingship. The king is not always blindly glorified in these Hindu texts. Even those that promulgate the notion that the king is divine emphasize righteousness, stating that the unrighteous (adharmic) king is actually composed of parts of the demons (perhaps suggesting that the king incorporates both the divine and the demonic) and should be abandoned by brhmins and others. The king and his office are also sometimes portrayed in negative terms, and the evil nature of the king, for example, is sometimes equated with crimes, brothels, slaughterhouses, and natural disasters.839 6. The Coronation Rituals and Their Transformations in Indian Text Traditions The coronation rituals as practiced in Nepal drew on Indian kingship rituals, such as rjasya and aindr-mahbhieka, which were practiced since Vedic times. Kane speculates that the coronation procedures from the Pur!as “probably originated when persons of the dra caste frequently became kings.”840 This ritual is based on different mythologies about the consecration and installation (prati h) of gods and kings. However, the reference to prati h (installation) seems to have been predominant for the deities’ establishment and less popular in the context of the king’s consecration, despite the occasional application of the term (prati h) to the “royal unction,” at least in the early Vedic text K haka Sa"hit and Raghuva"a.841 The rjasya842 was a solemn ritual of consecration, and it was developed in the middle Vedic period.843 Despite variations in terms of which Vedic tradition this ritual followed, it




























































839

Quoted in J. C. Heesterman, The Inner Conflict of Tradition, 109. Kane, vol. 3, 72. 841 Gonda, Ancient, 80; Gonda, “Prati$h”; Klidsa, Raghuva"a, 4.2; 8.10. 842 For the rjasya, see J. C. Heesterman, The Ancient Indian Royal Consecration. The description of the actual ritual is found in a number of Sa%hits and Brhma!as as well as in rautastra texts. VS. IX.35, X.34; B. V. 2.2840




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basically consists of three key moments: the proclamation, the unction, and the enthronement.844 According to the Yajurvedic texts (e.g., BaudhS, MnS, VrS, pS, HirS, and KtyS), the king is sprinkled while he is standing or sitting on a tiger skin, with his face turned toward the east and with his arms raised; a perforated gold plate is placed on the king’s head, through which the king is sprinkled. The ritual includes rubbing abhieka liquids on the body of the king with an antelope horn.845 Tsuchiyama notes that in the rjasya, the abhieka is an independent ritual, and the unction fluids are used solely for sprinkling (unlike in the Agnicayana ritual).846 In addition, oblations (called ratna-hav"si) are offered in the houses of twelve principal persons (ratnin, jewels) of the court. The simulated victory march and game of dice display the power and wealth of the king. In this rauta ritual, the king is identified with various Vedic deities, such as Savit#, Varu!a, and Indra, and the mantras employed during the abhieka are meant to capture the essential qualities and energies of the deities. There is, however, a distinct difference in the rjasya of the Yajurveda and Rigveda: the abhieka of the Aitareya Brhma#a has the king seated on the throne (sand) and covered with a tiger skin, while in the Yajurveda the king “stands or sits on the tiger skin in the sprinkling act and does not take a seat till the conclusion of the chariot drive.”847 Similarly, in the Aitareya Brhma#a, a diversity of plants are put into the sprinkling fluids, while in the Yajurveda it is the products of the cow (butter, milk, curd) that are put on the sprinkling waters.848 In the Atharvaveda tradition, as described in the KauS and VaitS, the unction water is prepared from the great rivers and the king sits or stands on the darbha grass.849 The late Vedic text Gopatha Brhma#a, on the other hand, recommends using sixteen bilva fruits and sixteen jars (pitchers), along with clays. The ritual of clay-bathing and pj to Vi!u in sixteen different steps in the Nepalese coronation have the Vedic precedents, and they draw on the ritual practices of the past times. The Baudhyanag%hyaeastra (BGS, 2.23-25) is one of the earliest texts describing the rjybhieka as a household ritual, and this text was composed by Bhaudhyana who is considered one of the oldest “teachers” in the (Bhaudhyana) tradition.850 The text belongs to the Taittirya Sa"hit of the Black Yajurveda851 and describes the two-day rjybhieka rituals, along with many household rituals. According to this text, on the first day of the rjybhieka, these activities are mandated: choosing an auspicious time; feeding an even number of chosen



































































































































































































5.5 and KS. XV. 1-10 (for White Yajus ritual) and K. XV. 1-10. MS. II.6.1-13, IV.3.1-4.10 (Khilak!a), TS. I.8.1-21 and TB. I.6.1-8; 10 and p. S XVIII. (for Black Yajus ritual). For references to rjasya in other schools, see BS XII. S. IX 3-4, and S. XV. 13-27, also PB. XVIII. 8-11 and LS. IX.1-3 finally Vait. S. XXXVI. 113; Upendra N. Ghoshal, The Beginnings of Indian Historiography, 247. 843 Witzel, “The Coronation,” 424. 844 For the chart of variations in black Yajurveda (mainly TB), White Yajurveda (B) and "V (AB), see Witzel, “The Coronation,” 424. 845 For the detail of the rites, see Yasuhiro Tsuchiyama, 65-66. 846 Ibid, 66. 847 Ibid, 69. 848 Ibid, 69. 849 Ibid, 70. 850 Pieter Nicolaas Ubbo Harting, Selections from the Baudhyanag%hyaparii astra (Amersfoort: J. Valkhoff & Co., 1922), xv. He assumes that the oldest parts of the Baudhyana materials (especially the rautstra and part of the g%hyastra) must date back to a period not much later than that of the Brhma#as: this is proved by the language (xv). 851 Willem Caland, trans. Vaikhnasasmrtastram: the domestic rules and sacred laws of the Vaikhnasa school belonging to the Black Yajurveda (Calcutta: the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1929), ix. Caland says that the internal evidence of various rauta and g%hya texts show the following sequence: Baudhyana, Bhradvja, Hira!yakein, Vdhla and Vaikhnasa, although the claim that the Vdhla-stra is later than pastamba and Hira#yakein is somewhat dubious (Caland, ix).




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brhmins; gathering abhieka materials in a lotus-like circle (padmk%ti ma#ala); performing eight thousand oblations (in the northeast part of the house) with various mantras; washing the crown on the southern side, after having propitiated the goddess Lakm; tying the pratisara (amulet, band) on the king; and sprinkling the king and his conveyance. On the second day, at sunrise, the king sits on the auspicious (bhadrsana) throne and the priest sprinkles him from golden jars through cone-shaped cow horns and puts the crown (muku a) or the diadem (pa a) on the king’s head. The auspicious images of the lotus drawn on the ma#apas, the worship of Lakm, the auspicious seat, the diadem, and the crown are among the pur#ic additions to the coronation. The mantras used on this occasion are mostly Vedic, and the rituals seem to closely match the consecration of the divine images, as described in the same text (e.g., Vi!u installation in 2.13 of BGS). A coronation of a slightly different type is recommended in Varhamihira’s B%hat Sa"hit (BS), which was probably composed in the early sixth century around Ujjayini, India.852 This ritual is called puyasnna (literally, an ablution in the asterism of puya) in the BS (48), and according to Witzel, it is “very similar to the rjbhieka.”853 It is a shortened version of a much larger rjbhieka ceremony; in the puyasnna, only the main part of the ritual (the abhieka) is repeated, while all other rites and details are left out.854 The B%hat Sa"hit recounts that this ritual was originally promulgated by the creator for Indra’s consecration (BS 48.2), and was later adopted for the installation of earthly kings. This ritual (puya-abhieka) was integrated into the annual cycle of the Jagannth temple in Orissa by the 12th century CE, and in other temple rites and festivals.855 Varhamihira, the composer of B%hat Sa"hit, was considered one of the courtiers of a Gupta king and presented as “one of the Nine Gems adorning the court of the legendary King Vikramditya.”856 He considers the kingdom to be an organic system, with the king at the root of a tree from which branch out all the people. In B%hat Sa"hit, sacred and pleasant places are recommended for the royal bath, the most important being the forest, sacred buildings, banks of rivers, lakesides, cow-pens, seashores, hermitages of the sages, and temples. According to this text, worship should be offered to both deities (devas) and demons (dnava and picas)– items such as animal flesh, rice, and liquor for the demons, and incense, ghee, gems and so on for the deities (BS 48.30). It describes how the mystic circles (ma#alas) should be drawn and the fire ritual should be performed. It also mentions that the kalaas (pitchers) should be installed in different places, with each kalaa containing ingredients like water, herbs, seeds, decoctions, gems, sprouts of milky trees, and fruits (BS 48.37-38). The king’s seat should be prepared with the skin of a bull, especially of the one that died of old age; and over that are placed the skins of a red fighting bull, a lion and a tiger, at an auspicious time when the moon is in the star puya (thus called puyasnna).857 Despite some Vedic correlations, the mantras recommended for consecration are not Vedic but pur#ic (BS 48.55-70).




























































852

Any translation and citation from B%hat Sa"hit (BS) in this work is from M. Ramakrishna Bhat, Varhamihira’s B%hat Sa"hit, 2 vols. (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1981-82). 853 Witzel, “The Coronation,” 426-27. Correlating various coronation rituals, Witzel argues that the medieval rjbhieka can be regarded as an extension of a simple, annually repeated puybhieka of the late Vedic times (427). 854 Trip$h, 41. 855 Ibid, 47. 856 Bhat, Varhamihira’s B%hat Sa"hit, vol. 1, xi. 857 The words snna and abhieka are interchangeably used in the g%hyasutras and other texts following them. The skins of these animals and the skin of the deer (m%ga) are recommended in the Atharvavedaparii a (5.3.1). Tsuchiyama, “Abhieka,” 80-81.




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The Vi#udharmottara Pur#a is another text describing the coronation.858 Inden mentions that this is a pñcartra (Vai!ava Sanskrit gama) document compiled most probably in South Kashmir or the northern part of Punjab between 600 CE to 900 CE.859 This text follows the tradition of the sm%ti texts and affirms the divinity of the king: “A king is an embodiment (vapurdhara) of god (deva) in a human form. Even though he is a katriya (by caste), he should be always worshiped (pjya) by high-souled brhmins” (VDhP I.157.4).860 It mentions that the kings are gods on earth, even though they possess a body formed (created) from the same (similar) constituents, and they live using the same (similar) organs (VDhP I.157.6).861 The text recapitulates the already popular notion (e.g., as mentioned in the Vi#u Pur#a IV.2.6 ff) that the king, who is an embodiment of devasattva (the substance or quality of goodness in the gods), is magnified (upab%"hita) with the luster of Vi!u and is born in the human world for the sake of protecting his subjects (VDhP II.2.9).862 At another place, it says, “The lord of the earth is called prabhu (mighty; used for deities such as Brahm, Vi!u, and Indra) because he is a holder of all the taxes (VDhP II.61.33). As in these instances, the concept of the king embodying the portion of divine Vi!u also figures in the Vi#u Pur#a (IV.2.6 ff.) where Vi!u descends into Pura%jaya, the illustrious prince, with a portion (a"a) of his own being in order to destroy the enemies of the gods. Because of his connection with the divine, the king is considered an intermediary figure between the divine and the human: “When he is pleased, there arises the favors of the god; when he is angry, there arises anger” (VDhP II.2.10). Although the text does not develop any theology regarding the divine kingship, it does give an insight into its ideology. It says that the king is born on earth with the accumulation of many merits (VDhP II.2.10-11). It also recommends that the kings appropriately honor the deities of his realm, (VDhP II.2.4, 41, 42) and build and protect the temples (VDhP II.2.20). The ideal of divine kingship as envisioned in this text, however, does not project the king as the all-powerful monarch on earth. Instead, the brhmins are considered superior to him: “The king should obey the words of the brhmins by always standing up” (VDhP II.32.37). The text states that the king who rules while obeying the brhmins is honored in heaven, whether it may be proper or improper, and the king who acts according to his own will, disobeying the religious books (VDhP II.32.40), goes to hell even though he has done good deeds (VDhP II.32.40-41). It also recommends that the brhmins be worshiped, saluted and honored by the king if he desires happiness in both worlds (VDhP II.32.44). As in the Agni Pur#a (to be described below), similar types of rituals are performed for the royal and divine installations, and similar mantras are enjoined (VDhP II.104.97). For the homa, too, the same gods used in the rjbhieka mantras are invoked and the homa is offered: “Then speaking the names in dative case of the gods mentioned in the rjbhieka mantras (along with svh), oblations should be given into the fire” (VDhP II.104.115-119). The only fundamental difference is that even various types of demons are called upon for the king’s consecration. However, the mantras uttered for the king wish him “victory,” “protection,” and “sprinkling.”




























































858

For the English translations of the VDhP. adapted in this section, see Priyabala Shah, r Vi!udharmottara Pur!a, First Khanda (1999), Second Khanda (2002) and Third Khanda (2002) (Delhi: Parimal Publications); Paur#ic Ritualism of the Fifth Century r Vi#udharmottara (Calcutta: Punthi Pustak, 1993). 859 Ludo Rocher, The Pur#as. A History of Indian Literature, vol. II, ed. Jan Gonda (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1986), 252. 860 VDhP I.157.4: mnue#a arre#a rj devavapurdhara || kattriyo’pi sad pjyo brhma#n" mahtmanm || 861 VDhP I.157.6: tulyadhtuarr#" tulyvayavajvinm || narendr#" narairbrahmandevavadbhuvi manyate || 862 VDhP II.2.9: prajn" raka#rthya vi#utejopab%"hita || mnuye jyate rj devasattvavapurdhara ||




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The mantras invoke the deities to “bestow victory on you (the king),” and “always protect you” (VDhP II.22.5); all the demons–headed by Vipracitti….Heti, Praheti, Ml, anku, Suke, Yajñah, who is worst among men, Vidyutsphrja, Vyghra, Vadha, and Rasan (VDhP II.22.74) –may all these rkasas coming together crown you today.” One unique aspect of the ritual of the Vi#udharmottara Pur#a, as in the Agni Pur#a, is the participation of the ministers or the representatives of various classes for the consecration of the king. Another significant ritual in the consecration ceremonies of later times that corresponds with the deity installation is the rite of the Yajurveda priest touching various parts of the king’s body. This occurs after the ablutions but before the representatives from four different classes (var#as) sprinkle the king (VDhP II.21.19). For the deity consecration, the act of touching different parts of the deity already figures in the BGS, and occurs in the midst of a series of sprinkling and homa ceremonies (BGS 2.13.13-16). This rite is extended in the Agni Pur#a (59.54-55), where it occurs in the context of the homa sacrifice: “One should then touch the feet, navel, heart, and forehead with twelve mystic syllables (of the deity Vi!u). After having offered ghee, curd and milk, the head of the image should again be touched” (59.54). Touching various parts of the deity to transfer power is called nysa in later times and found in both types of ceremonies. The abhieka formula used for both ceremonies suggests some features of the pañcartra tradition. The list of pur#ic consecration mantras for the king begins with the invocation of the deities Vi!u, Brahm, and Mahevara; then the mantra continues with the invocation of Vudeva, Jaganntha and the omnipresent Sa%kara!a, Pradyumna and Anirudra. All these deities, except Brahm and Maheva, are revered as the primal divinities in the pañcartra conception of the emanation of the universe (VDhP 2.22.4-5). A similar concept is manifest in the ritual for the deity: “The sacrifice should be done speaking, ‘O" namo bhagavate Vsudevya. O" namo bhagavate a"kara#ya. O" namo bhagavate Pradyumnya. O" namo bhagavate Aniruddhya…’” (O%, obeisance to the glorious K#!a, a%kara!a, Pradyumna, Anirudha….; VDhP III.109). In the Vi#udharmottara Pur#a, we have a different set of 182 pur#ic mantras (II.22.4185) to be recited by the royal astrologer. These mantras invoke a large number of deities, places, rivers, sages, times, and so on for the consecration of the king-select; they are largely in consonance with the invocations for the consecration of the image of Vi!u (III.102-107). However, the diverse types of deities invoked for the deity consecration cover seven chapters and far surpass the number of deities and other forms of power invoked for the king’s installation. Overall, the deity installation of the Vi#udharmottara Pur#a is far more detailed, while the king’s installation is limited to a couple of chapters, suggesting that the royal installation is a miniature form of the deity installation. The Agni Pur#a (AP) gives more details on how the coronation of the king should be conducted. The text mentions the king’s divinity, both in literal and in metaphoric terms. As the lord (svm), the king is regarded as the pinnacle of the seven-limbed state (AP 225.11; 233.12; 239.1).863 The text refers to the kings of the Yadu dynasty as divine, and the king Devavrata of this dynasty is regarded as the best among men and equal to a god (AP 275.26). In another






























































863

At one place, the Agni Pur#a seems to draw on the Vi#udharmottara Pur#a to support the view that the king is the root of the state and its seven components (AP 225.12; VDhP. II.65.21-25), but at another point, kingship is elevated to the highest position (239.2). Both the VDhP and AP have a strong preference for a katriya ruler; they recommend that people not reside in a country “where a woman is the leader, where a child rules, where the king is a dra (VDhP II.89.47; AP 155.24).




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context, it says that the king, sages, princes, and gods are Hari incarnate (AP 276.25).864 The text also defines the king’s divinity in terms of his functions or duties:865 The king acts as Bhskara (sun) because it is difficult to gaze at him, and he acts as the Moon for his presence gladdens the people. He sweeps the world with spies, punishes the evil-doers and burns them, and so is compared to Samra (wind), Manu Vaivavata and Pvaka (fire) respectively. Like Kubera (god of wealth) and Varu!a (god of water), he makes gifts to the brhmins and showers wealth on the people. He sustains the people like P#thv (earth), and finally as Hari protects his subjects through the three types of energies. (AP 226.17-20) The text recounts that the first mythological king was anointed by the deities Hari (Vi!u) and Brahm (AP 19.22), and calls the consecrated king the mrdhbhiikta, i.e., consecrated on the head (AP 366.1), the term used in Nepalese writings as well. It expands on the mantras of B%hat Sa"hit and lists seventy-one abhieka mantras to be used in the case of both the king and the god (AP 219.1),866 a development which shows a similarity between the installation of the king and that of the deity. Even during the homa rite, the text prescribes that the oblations be separately offered to the gods with the same sacred formula used in the anointing of kings (AP 265.17).867 On the day of the anointing, the priest(s) offer(s) oblations with the sacred utterances offered to deities Vi!u, Indra, Svit# (Sun), and the Vivedevas. The remnants of the sacrifice are then put in the golden pitcher (aparjit, undefeated one), and the pitcher is worshiped with perfumes and flowers (AP 218.7-10). Later, after the purification rituals of clay bathing and anointing of the king by the four ministers who represent the traditional four var#as and by the $egveda and Smaveda brhmins, the royal priest sprinkles the king from the same aparjit pitcher, thus transferring the powers of the deities into the body of the king-select (AP 218.21-22). This is followed by the royal priest, Yajurveda priest and Atharvaveda priest touching various parts of the king’s body with the recitation of different mantras; the royal priest offering madhuparka to the king (an indication of his divine status); and the crowning of the king with the recitation of dhruv dyau, the mantra often used for the installation of a deity (Matsya Pur#a, 266.32).868 We do not know for sure which of these two pur#ic texts (AgniP and VDhP) was composed first or whether the coronation described in one influenced the other. However, a few comparative points are informative. The Agni Pur#a (218.33; 268.30) stresses the role of the army (balayukta) in the procession of the king along the royal path, while the Vi#udharmottara Pur#a does not refer to the participation of the army after the coronation; it




























































864

It is interesting that even the Jain writers compare the kings with the brhma#ical deities Brahm, Vi!u and iva and mention that there is no other visible god than the king himself (Somadeva Sri, Ntivkym%tam, 29.17-19; 29.16). The Jain monk Hemachandra mentions that Mlarja, the founder of the Chaulukya dynasty of A!ahilava, was Brahm, Vi!u and iva (Siddha-Hema in Glory that was Grjara Dea, vol. I. 217). For similar examples, see Bambahadur Mishra, Polity in the Agni Purana (Calcutta: Punthi Pustak, 1965), 33. However, the poet B!a in Kdambar regards the divinity of the king as an invention of unscrupulous flatterers of the king, and the contemporary commentator Medhtithi calls it only verbiage (arthavda). Bambahadur Mishra, 33-34. 865 N. Gangadharan, trans., The Agni Pur#a, 4 vols (New Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers Pvt. Ltd., 2006). All the references of the Agni Pur#a are drawn from these volumes. 866 Sanskrit version: “rjadevdyabhiekamantrn vakye’ghamardann/kumbht kuodakai siñcet tena sarva" hi sidhyati” (AgniP. 219.1). “I will describe the mantras for the anointment of a king or god which would destroy sins. One would accomplish everything by sprinkling water from the pot with the kua (grass).” 867 Sanskrit version: “rjybhiekamantrn uktv devn" homak p%thak pr#huti" tato dattv gurave daki#" dadet” (AgniP. 265.17). 868 The mantra is an adaptation from RV X.173.4; AV VI.87.1 and 88.1.




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simply says that the king should move about his capital on the main road accompanied by his chief ministers, feudal chiefs (smanta), and astrologer-priests (s"vatsarapurohita). However, the Vi#udharmottara Pur#a indicates a much wider public participation in the coronation ritual than in that of the Agni Pur#a. The former (II.21.33) even includes an ablution by all the people (II.21.24) after the representatives of every class sprinkle the king with sacred ingredients. The Agni Pur#a, as stated earlier, gives a common set of pur#ic mantras for the consecration of the deity and the king (rjadevdyabhiekamantrn, 219.1). However, very few are similar to the “Vedic” coronation mantras. 7. The Indian Kings and Their Coronations The historical details of the actual coronation of the Hindu kings are rather sparse.The text on the royal coronation in Orissa gives an insight into the ritual deification of the king, because the Orissa king is said to have ruled as a deputy of the Jaganntha temple and was called a walkingVi!u (calati vi#u).869 The main rites of the royal consecration include choosing the auspicious time and place (public); adhivsa (inviting the deities to the ma#apa); pjs to Vi!u, Lakm, and other deities; preparing the ritual materials (such as curd, unbroken rice, five jewels, herbs, and clays from seven different locations) and placing them in the central pitcher of the ma#apa; drawing up the ma#ala on the northeastern corner and placing the eight pitchers with their ingredients at different directions (from the eastern direction clockwise: milk-water, curd-water, ghee-water, sugar-water, honey water, trtha water, fruit water, and flower water); and ceremonial bathing of the priests. On the coronation day, the royal priest purifies himself through bhtauddhi, pra#ava mantra (o") and mt%k nysa (assigning various syllables to the parts of his body), and also purifies the arghya water and the ritual articles to be used for the ceremony. This is followed by worship of Lakm and Nrya!a with the "gvedic (I.22) and pur#ic (O" namo bhagavate vsudevya) mantras; both internal and external pjs; and worship of the deities in their respective directions, followed by a small homa rite. After this, the royal couple is bathed eight times separately with eight different ingredients: from the pitcher, with water containing the clays of the land he rules; with water containing various herbs; with pañcm%ta (milk, curd, ghee, honey, and sugar); with water containing fruits, with water containing flowers; with waters from rivers and ocean; with waters from various trthas; and with waters containing fragrant substances such as sandal-paste, saffron and ura (the fragrant root of the plant Andropogon Muricatus).870 This is followed by donning specific garments; placing crowns on the heads of the king and the queen; adorning and applying collyrium to their eyes; worshiping the royal throne (si"hsana pj); enthronement; and endowing the royal couple with royal insignia like the chatra (umbrella), cmara (chowrie-whisk), khaga (sword), carma (shield), dhanu (bow), and three aras (arrows). Then, the homa is performed to Agni, in which the ten sacraments (sa"skras) from conception to marriage are enacted.871 This is followed by the mantra abhieka (plain abhieka with mantras) with sanctified sacrificial water placed in the middle of the ved (which also contains the remaining ghee from the sacrifice). After this, the right arm of the king is sprinkled, the brhmin distributes his tapas to the king, and the king circumambulates the city.




























































869

In the introductory notes on the manuscript, Rjybhiekavidhi, Tripathi assumes that the text “must have been composed sometime in the first half of the eighteenth century” (73-74). 870 The manuscript mentions the possibility of bathing alternatively with trtha waters, pañcm%ta, kua-waters, fruit-waters, astringent or alkaline (kaya) waters, waters with herbs, fragrant waters, and pure waters. 871 See a similar homa ritual to ensure the birth of a divinity in the Kapiñjala Sa"hit (I.136). cf. AP (48), Narasi"ha Pur#a 56.36-40; gnGS (3.9.3); Svayambh Pur#a (I.4.16-21); Jaykhya Sa"hit (15.108-110).




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The nrjana ceremony (i.e., waving a sacred lamp which is ritually identified as the witness deity) follows, as the king enters the palace and accepts the tilaka from the hands of the ladies of the palace. Many ritual features are common to both the consecration of the Jaganntha deity and the Orissa king; it is because both were rulers, the former the all-powerful sovereign and the latter His deputy:872 Since the time of Ana&gabhmadeva the III (A. D. 1211-1238) who laid down his whole Orissan empire at the ‘lotus feet’ of Lord Jaganntha and ruled as His deputy with the title rutta (feudatory chief)–a fact which is proved by a number of epigraphic as well as literary evidences–Lord Jaganntha is considered to be the actual king of Orissa whereas the kings of Orissa are His ‘first servants’ (prathama sevakas), or His physical representatives (= ‘moving Vi!u,’ in Oriya calant Vi#u). A similarity can also be seen in the ritual of bhtauddhi (purification of the body) and mantranysa performed by the priest. The pj to the deity ending with homa, the life-cycle ritual performed for the birth of the divine Agni and transmutation of the power to the kingdesignate, worshiping the throne, the madhuparka offering, the ritual of nrjana, offering upacras (rjopacras in the case of the deity) and bathing with pañcm%ta are some other common features found in the consecrations of the deity and the king. Additionally, the rite of sprinkling with various waters may be compared with the same ritual for the image installation. Finally, the abhieka with the sanctified water placed at the middle of the ved works as a symbolic transference of the spiritual power of the deity (Agni). Some of these rituals seem to have been actually followed by the coronation of Indian kings. For example, another manual prepared for the royal consecration of the great king Gajasi%ha in 1541 CE largely follows the rituals as given in the Vi#udharmottara Pur#a and Gopatha Brhma#a. It also seems to have been followed until 1853 with the coronation of Nummed Si%ha of Jyodhpur, Rjasthn, India.873 Two other manuals are based on the Vi#udharmottara Pur#a. Anantadeva’s Rjadharmakaustubha (ca. 1650) follows the installation of the king largely in line with the Vi#udharmottara Pur#a. The aindrvinyakanti is performed for six days, followed by the abhieka of the king. Both Vedic and pur#ic mantras are used during the consecration, but the king sits on the bull’s skin alone, rather than the four or five different types of skins mentioned in other texts.874 Another text of relatively recent date is the 17th-century Ntimaykha of Nilaka!$ha Bha$$a. The Nepalese coronation rituals of Mahendra and Brendra are closely akin to this text, which adapts the Vi#udharmottara Pur#a with the addition of the aindr-vinyakanti for six days and the abhieka by a person of mixed caste born of an anuloma marriage (in which a woman of a lower caste marries a man of a higher caste). Another hand-written manual from Tajnore, India, of an uncertain date, is mostly a verbatim copy of the Ntimaykha, and seems to have been used for the late medieval coronation of the kings in Tanjore.875 The coronation of Maratha King ivaji, the founder of the Maratha Empire in 1674, is also well-documented in the ritual manual, which mentions that a costly throne was prepared, waters from one hundred and eight places (of which ninety-five trthas are actually mentioned)




























































872

Tripathi, 359. A copy of this Sanskrit manual of fifty-six pages received from Witzel is in my possession. 874 For the comparison between Varhamihira and Ananadeva, see Witzel, “The Coronation, 427. 875 This manual received from Witzel contains thirty-six pages. 873




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were brought in 108 jars, and Ggbha$$a and other brhmins officiated and sprinkled king ivaji, who symbolically assumed a mythical throne of Indra. Many people offered gifts and gold coins, and ivaj was also sprinkled with gold coins and precious gems. The king made large gifts and sixteen mahdnas (great gifts). New gold coins were struck, and a new era called rjybhieka was instituted. ivaj also received a second consecration in 1596 from a tntrika called Nicalapur and the king also underwent the Vaidika form of marriage with his queens, who were already married to him with pur#ic mantras.876 As is mentioned in the historical narrative, ivaji was from the traditional dra class, and these rituals were conducted to give him a higher katriya status.877
































































876 Kane, III. 81. The Sanskrit coronation manual (rivarjbhiekaprayoga) for ivji’s consecration composed by Ggbha$$a has been recently edited by V. S. Bendrey, and it describes in detail the entire coronation procedure. Ggbha$$a, rivarjbhiekaprayoga, ed. Shri V. S. Bendrey (Bombay: P. P. H. Bookstall, 1960). 877 Ggbha$$a, 2.




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Part III The Kingship and Sacred Space: The Changing Configuration of a "Hindu" State The three-citied Nepl is a cold stone. It is great only in intrigue. With one who drinks water from cisterns, there is no wisdom; nor is there courage…. My wish is to build a capital at Dahachowk [situated on the western ridge overlooking the Kathmandu valley]. And I would build around me houses for the leaders and priests of my people, my family, my court, the leaders and chiefs of the hill states. My capital would be set apart. P#thv Nrya! h, Divyopadea. 878 1. Introduction The king’s connection within the material and supernatural spheres has been variously acknowledged. However, questions remain of how the Nepalese land came to be considered holy, whether this notion was inviolable in Nepalese history, how the last ruling h dynasty constructed and appropriated this notion in relation to local (indigenous) communities with a much longer history than the dynasty, how the continuity of tradition was emphasized, how certain sacred centers were given more importance than others, and what implications such activities had in the history of Nepal. The concept of the sacredness of the Nepalese Hindu state–variously designated over time as Nepla (mainly for the Kathmandu valley), the Gorkh kingdom, and Nepal–is an ideological construct that was manipulated over time by successive rulers in order to maintain their position, power and identities. The questions of how this notion has remained both religious and political, and how the concept of the sacred Nepalese landscape has been understood and appropriated in Nepalese history are the topics of discussion in this chapter. In the Nepalese religious context, the notion of sacred space is not confined to the immediate ritual arena or the temple complex. Rather, it resides in the very make-up of the Nepalese landscape, including that of the Kathmandu valley, and it has a long cumulative history. For example, in various royal rituals such as the ones discussed earlier, Nepal is presented as “the sacred land (pu#yabhmi) within ryvarta,” the land of the ryans (noble ones), and a kingdom formed of “seven limbs” (sapt&garjya).879 The concept of sacred landscape also exists in the imagination of the people who often regard this country as “a land of gods” (devabhmi), a place for contemplation and meditation, consecrated by religious austerities (karmabhmi) of the sages since ancient times.880 The notion of sacred space is not limited to its physical features (such as the pristine Himalayan landscape, temples and other sacred locations); it includes non-material manifestations as well. As Axel Michaels says, the Hindu tradition notes several spheres of existence (lokas) or space for humans, animals, gods, elemental forces (such as fire, wind, and water), stars, spirits, and so on. For example, the Vedic texts define space in terms of hierarchy and classes: the brhmins in relation to the sky (dyaus) and the sun, katriyas in relation to the interspace (antarika, between the earth and the sky) and wind, the common people in relation to the earth and fire, and the ascetics in relation to the stars (nakatra) and the moon and the




























































878

L. F. Stiller, SJ, Prithwinarayan Shah in the Light of Dibya Upadesh (Ranchi: the Catholic Press, 1968), 43. MSS II.2. This word pu#yabhmi is repeated several times when the purohita and the king perform the rite of solemn declaration (sa"kalpa). 880 Meghrj arm, “King’s Message,” 2, 6. 879




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principle of immortality.881 Out of seven physical (or metaphysical) and hierarchically organized divisions of the universe, the kingship rituals constantly invoke the first three: bh (the earth with seven continents, seven oceans, and seven underworlds), bhuva (the space between the earth and the sun for gods, demons, spirits and so on), and svar (the space between the sun’s orbit and the pole stars, dhruva, a realm of the planets and stars).882 As we saw earlier, the kingship rituals also incorporate tntric dimensions such as the bhtasuddhi ritual, in which the elemental forces of the worshiper’s body are purified and different cakras are connected with the ascending planes of the universe and merged with the cosmos and cosmic forces outside.883 In these rituals, as Michaels suggests, every life space is understood as “a force, a power, (and) a kind of feeling of space that is limited not only to visible space determinants.”884 Similarly, the directions are conceived not only as coordinates of a geocentric notion of space but rather “forces,” as they connote a very specific position, substance and power, and as they are invoked to grant protection and power to the king.885 As discussed, the traditional four-fold hierarchical order is variously sanctified in ritual activities. For example, following the Vedic conception, the direction east includes the earth and the sky, the brhmin class, the power of brahman (life, sacrifice, speech, sattva), gods, "gveda, and the gyatr mantra.886The representatives of the four classes of society are accordingly associated with certain directions, with specific types of power for the king. The religious power, or divine substance, lies not only outside; it also occurs in the body and the mind of the ritual participant himself. 2. An Historical Overview During the formation of the Nepalese nation, the notion of the sanctity of Nepal was increasingly highlighted and popularized after the fall of Hindu nations and Buddhist monastic institutions in India, and in the subsequent migration of the Indian people to the Himalayan foothills of Nepal. One important wave of migration apparently occurred in the late twelfth and thirteenth centuries, especially after the destruction of the Vikramail (1203) and Nlanda (1193) universities by the Turkic Muslims and Bakhtiyar Khilji. These academic institutions had been patronized for a long time by royal dynasties such as the Gupts and the Plas (Plas, ca. 750-1174). After the downfall of these centers of learning, thousands of Buddhists and Hindus migrated to the Nepalese side, especially in the Kathmandu valley, preserving their learning, manuscripts and, above all, religious identity.887 The fall of the Hindu kingdom of Chittor in Rjasthn (India) in






























































881

Michaels, Hinduism, 284; atapathabrhma#a, 11.6.3.6. The seven worlds often mentioned in the Vedic texts are bhrloka, bhuvarloka, svarloka, maharloka, janarloka, tapoloka, and satyaloka. Michaels, 285; Taittirya-ra#yaka 10.27-28. 883 In the meditative process, the base of the spine (mldhra cakra) is related to the earth element and to the bhrloka; the energy center below the navel (svdhi hna) is correlated to the water element and to the bhuvarloka; the navel center (ma#ipra) is related to the fire element and to the svarloka; the heart center (anhata) to the air element and to the maharloka; the throat center (viuddha) to the ether and to the janaloka; the space between the eyebrows (jña) to the mind and to the tapoloka; and the space above the head to the abode of peace and to the satyaloka. See the description in the first Chapter of Part II; for the chart, see Khanna, Yantra, 120. 884 Michaels, 285. 885 According to Michaels, the directions are in some ways substantial as they can be invoked, as opposed dominant Western conceptions, in which they are simply relative ways of situating smaller spaces inside larger ones. Here we should keep in mind the Hindu idea of the expanded sense of space (for details, see Michaels, 285-287) 886 See the chart by Michaels, 287. 887 John Whelpton, A History of Nepal (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005). 882




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1306888 is cited as a catalyst, and the h dynasty is genealogically linked to the Rjputs of Rjasthn.889 Although the supposed Rjput genealogy of the hs is contested as having been concocted, this narration of the migration from Rjasthn to the Nepalese foothills helped the dynasty combine the indomitable will and bravery of the Indian Rjput rulers with local Nepalese history considered as “uncontaminated” by foreign rule. During this time, the Kathmandu valley was ruled by the Malla dynasty, and was facing continuous threats of invasion from outside. One such invasion was in 1349 by the Muslim Sultan Samasugdhin of Bengal (India); there were also several invasions between 1288 and 1526 by the khas kings of western Nepal. During this period of religious and political uncertainty, the kings and rulers began asserting their Hindu identity and the sacredness of their land for religious and political reasons. Over time, many local mythological texts were composed, and rituals and festivals were accordingly instituted and promoted. Similarly, the organization of society based on the caste hierarchy of purity and pollution was further consolidated. By the time of P#thv Nyya! h, the notion of the asal-hindusthn (pure, true, or best land of the Hindus) was promoted and it gained certain momentum as he continued his military campaign. This idea found expression in various forms and was further fortified by other h and R! rulers, especially in the context of colonialism, nationalism, and secularism in South Asia. 3. Arguments about the Sacredness of Nepal There are mainly two types of arguments about the notion of the “sacred Nepal.” Those who deeply uphold this concept argue that the country is sanctified by the birth of divine figures such as the Buddha (in Lumbin) and king/god Rma’s consort St (in Janakpur), and blessed by the austerities (tapas) and pious deeds of ancient sages and deities. This is emphasized in local chronicles, pur!as and mhtmyas (writings that explain the sanctity of the local places). The country is also called the land of the Vedas, “the central jewel,” the ma#ala and “fountainhead of Hinduism.” Supporters of the idea of sacred land argue that Nepal was ruled by various Hindu rulers on the basis of Hindu ethical systems.890 They also underline that the holiness of the land was maintained by many Nepalese rulers who repelled foreign forces practicing other religions and maintained the purity of Hindu identity and nation.891




























































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Richard Burghart, “The Category ‘Hindu’ in the Political Discourse of Nepal,” in Representing Hinduism: The Construction of Religious Traditions and National Identity, eds. Vasudha Dalmia and Heinrich von Stietencron (New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1995), 130. 889 However, a contradictory claim has also been made that P#thv Nrya! actually descended from the local Tibeto-Burman-speaking ancestry of magars (such as Rna Magars), and that their supposed Rjput ancestry was merely a strategy of intra-ethnic dominance. For a detailed discussion on this topic, see Burghart, “The Category ‘Hindu’ in the Political Discourse of Nepal,” 130. Another important point is that there are “three main goddess temples of the ha dynasty–the Lasargadev of Plpa, the Gorakhkl of Gorkh and the Manakman–and the priests of these temples are only the magars. Swine (pigs) are sacrificed to the Lasargadev of Plp (this temple is situated in Syngj district and is also known by the name Alamadev). Liquors too are offered to her. These days, wild boars are sent from the palace for sacrifice in lieu of the swine” (130). For more information on this, see Dor Bahdur Bi$a, “Ahilek Rjko Purkhharu Magar Hun” (The ancestors of the Present King are Magars), Jana sth Weekly (Kthm!u), May 7, 1995. 890 The claim that the Nepl State is the Hindu kingdom was dropped on May 19, 2006, after the popular April Movement compelled the last king, Gynendra, to give up his absolute power and transfer state authority to the political parties. 891 An extract from the late king Brendra’s interview to the Newsweek is quoted in Rhishikesh Shah, Nepali Politics: Retrospect and Prospects (Delhi: Oxford UP, 1975), 7; cf. Newsweek, (Washington: The Washington Post Company, September 10, 1973).




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However, on the other side of the spectrum, Buddhists and people of other religious communities generally do not agree with this projection, interpreting it instead as strategic and ideological. They point to millennia-long exclusion, domination, violence and conversion enforced under the banner of a pure “Hindu state” that they characterize as “predatory,”892 because of the state’s designed project of national integration through Hinduization and the traditional caste system. They underscore the religious and ethno-racial diversity of the country and argue that Hindu law codes (dharmastra) no longer remained the primary legal system after Nepal started the modernization and democratization process after 1951. For the Buddhists, calling Nepal a Hindu state disregards the multi-religious fabric of the nation. Finally, they point out that the state’s aggressive historical role in converting the ethnic Nepalese people had a very adverse impact on national unity, multi-ethnic identity, and sociocultural harmony. Scholars who question the Hindu identity of Nepal also question the Hinduized explanation of the word “nepl,” which mainly referred to the Kathmandu valley before the conquest and unification of the country, as deriving from the name of the ancient sage “Ne,” who supposedly led a very austere life and preserved the sacredness and purity of the land. They contend that the mythology surrounding this sage was a construct to give primacy to the Hindu religion. Instead, they assert that the word actually belongs to a Tibeto-Burmese language, in which “ne” (pronounced as nyang in modern Tibetan) means “house” and “pl” meant “wool,”893 and that it has no religious significance. Other scholars define the word Nepal as derived from “nepla,” a word formed of two ancient non-Sanskrit Tibeto-Burman roots, “ñhet” (cattle) + “p” (man), meaning “herdsmen.”894 According to them, the word “nepla” (ñhet-p) originally signified a specific clan of herdsmen, and in the course of time all the people who lived in the Nepla valley came to be known as Nepl through this linguistic process: NewraNewlaNeblaNepla.895 4. The New r World: Patterns of Deities and Sacred Maalas The Newr896 world of the valley (Nepla) is believed to be a copy of the cosmos, a geographic icon, or a ma#ala. The supporting evidence for this contention is the recurrence of four or eight






























































892 Krishna Bahadur Bhattachan, “Possible Ethnic Revolution or Insurgency in a Predatory Unitary Hindu State, Nepal,” in Domestic Conflict and Crisis of Governability in Nepal, ed. Dhruba Kumar (Kathmandu: CNAS, 2000), 1; Mahendra Lawati, Exclusionary Democratization: Multicultural Society and Political Institutions in Nepal, Ph. D. Dissertation, University of Pittsburgh (2002), 5. 893 Krishna Prakash Shrestha, Sthnanma Koa, 80. 894 Kamal Prakash Malla, “Linguistic Archeology of the Nepal Valley: A Preliminary Report,” Kailash: A Journal of Himalayan Studies 3: 1-2 (1981): 19. “The word Nepla, thus, appears to be a Sanskritization on the analogy of Gopla, except that whereas Gopla can be interpreted in terms of Sanskrit etymology, Nepla cannot mean “cowherd” in Sanskrit. The origin of the Newrs appears to go back to this racial/linguistic encounter between the ancient pastoral Neplas and the Tibeto-Burman speaking Mongoloid Kirtas. Although originally the word Neplañhet-p signified a specific clan of herdsmen, in course of time all the people who came to live in the Nepl valley came to be known as Newra-Newla-Nebla-Nepla” (19-20). He thus concludes that the modern Newrs, the local inhabitants of the valley, are related to one another not by descent or race, but by a common culture and language (18). 895 Kamal P. Malla, 20; Ralph Lilley Turner, A Comparative and Etymological Dictionary of the Nepali Language (New Delhi: Allied Publishers Limited, 1996), 353. Although the earliest textual reference to “Nepl” is found in Atharvaveda-parii ha (56.1.10) where “Nepla” is listed merely as one of the states, the word as used in some of the early Buddhist texts and in Kautilya’s Arthastra appears in connection with the wool trade and probably refers to Nepal as producing wool. 896 The people known today as Newrs are of mixed racial stock, with several groups of immigrants from both the north and south. They arrived in the Nepla valley at different times in the last two millennia and were ultimately absorbed into the matrix of the social and cultural system that evolved in the valley. It is often said that modern




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representations of deities demarcating its sacred boundaries in relation to the center, which is occupied by the king and his tutelary deity, Taleju. The Newr culture still gives prime importance to numerology, and objects are often grouped in sacred quantities of four, five, eight, nine or ten.897 Gopal Nepali mentions that this system is replicated, for example, by grouping five precious metals, five parts of the water buffalo’s head, or nine types of beans, variously signifying an order directed toward reaching divine unity.898 In this scheme, the recurrence of four deities, spread geographically around the valley, forms a ma#ala and implies a unity. The temples of multiple deities circumscribe the valley’s boundaries. For example, on the edges of the valley are the temples of four popular Nrya!as: Ic!gu (NW), C!gu (NE), Bisa!ku (SE), and ea (SW). The four other Nrya!as are similarly positioned in the four cardinal directions: Jalsaya!rya!a of Budhnilaka!$ha (N), Tilamhavanrya!a (E), Bu!gmatnrya!a (S), and the Nrya!a of Indradaha (W). Likewise, the four Vinyakas (Ga!eas) are situated directionally: Surya Vinyaka (E), Aoka Vinyaka (W), Candra Vinyaka (N) and Jala Vinyaka (S). Four Vrahs (goddesses), which are not situated exactly in the cardinal directions but are equally popular and still help mark the boundary, are Nl Vrah (NE), veta Vrah (SE), Vajra Vrah (S), and Dhamtila Vrah (N). Old Newr texts state that eight such patterns once existed, including those of four Kumrs, four Kls, four Yogins and Four Lakms.899 All these deities were understood as being interlinked and as forming the divine unity, with the center occupied by the sacred Hindu kingship. The sacred geography of the valley is connected in other ways as well. For example, the deity Bhairava is worshiped in eight forms and positioned in different places, and the goddess Durg is situated in a group of nine (often one goddess at the center surrounded by eight goddesses in eight different directions). The valley is also encircled in different ways. For example, the twenty-four sites of the mother goddesses, at which a group of indigenous Bare (Buddhist priest caste) do annual pjs, form three concentric circles. The first eight different mt%ks (mother goddesses), beginning with the temple of Guhyevar,900 one of the most important aktipi has (seats of goddesses) in Nepal, encircle the city of Kathmandu; the other eight goddesses surround the entire valley; and the third, invisible, set transcends its boundaries. These places, as described by Niels Gutshchow, form an imaginary ma#ala as envisioned by the ritually initiated ones.901 Another way of connecting sacred places in the valley is by ritual circumambulation, which creates its own ma#ala. For example, the Nepla Mhtmya, a medieval Sanskrit text, enjoins a believer to make a ritual circumambulation in the valley, offer devotion and worship to the deities,902and seek happiness and liberation. It also discusses how the Paupati temple (of



































































































































































































Newrs are related to one another not by descent or race, but by a common culture and language and by their place and function in the Newr social structure. 897 The question why certain numbers are more sacred than others is difficult to answer as almost each number from one to ten and their multiples (especially four, nine, and ten) appears sacred and is justified by myths from VedicBrhma!a texts. 898 Gopal Nepali, The Newrs (Bombay: United Asia Publications, 1965). 899 Niels Gutshchow, Stradtraum und Ritual der Newrischen Stadte im Kathmandu-Tal (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1982), 21. 900 The Mhtmyas and Pur#as of Nepal mention that it is at the place of current Guhevar shrine that Satdev’s pudendum was fallen. 901 Niels Gutshchow, 22. 902 Jayaraj Acharya, Nepla Mhtmya of the Skandapur#a: Legends on the Sacred Places and Deities of Nepal (New Delhi: Nirl Publications, 1992). Chapter 29 of this book (269- 278) gives instructions on how and when one should make a circumambulation (ketrapradaki#) of the thirty-five main sacred places (trthas) of the valley. Interestingly, the text does not mention the Bisa!ku Nrya!a (one of the four Nrya!as located in the valley). The




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god iva) remains at the center of the whole ritual and topography. Within this sacred space of the valley, each major city is marked off separately, and the cities form their own concentric circles and ma#ala patterns. For example, Bhaktapur is said to have been originally shaped as an octagon, with the a amt%ks (eight mother goddesses)903 forming the outermost boundary, and the a abhairavas (eight Bhairavas)904 and a aganeas (eight Ga!eas) 905 constituting the inner circles. The triku#aga#eas (three Ga!eas)906 make a central triangle, and finally Bhairava and Bhadrakl are positioned on both sides of the goddess Tripursundari, who occupies the central position in the precincts of the royal palaces.907 Similarly, P$an (a city in the southeast of Kathmandu) is said to have been constructed in the shape of the Buddhist wheel of dharma, with Aokan stupas,908 the Buddhist monuments generally shaped in a pyramidal dome, erected over sacred relics of the Buddha or on spots consecrated by his acts, at the four cardinal directions and one at the center.909 The A amt%ks and other deities form three concentric circles, often interpreted as the three kyas (bodies) of the Bodhisattva.910 Finally, Kathmandu is said to have been built in the shape of a sword,911 with various deities positioned to define it. Besides these, there are eight Siddhas912 and ten



































































































































































































ritual circuit of pilgrimage includes the following steps: Taking a ritual bath in the morning; beginning from the Paupati shrine and then going through the shrines of Rjarjevar Bhairava Guhyavar Sailaga!g Gokar!evara Kru!evara Vajrayogin Garua C!gu Nrya!a Vgvara (spending the night in the shrine of Vgvara and resuming the pilgrimage next morning from there) Canevar Dhanevara Gokhurakevara confluence of Llvat and Roamat prevara Dhrtrtha (then again halting overnight with prayers, dancing and singing olevara Sryavinyaka Anantali!ga Vajravrah Bhrabhtevara Bhuja!gaaila mountain (a border of the holy land) Ma!ail Mt#trtha Harasiddhi Goplevara (spending the night there doing prayers, etc.) P!ukevara Caturvaktrevara Ica!gu Nrya!a (spending the night here) Svayambhnth Vi!umat River Lu!$hikea (Vi!u shrine) Anantasayana Nrya!a (Blju ?) Budhnilaka!$ha Nrya!a below the ivapur mountain Jayavgevar--? back to Lord Paupatinth. 903 The names of these mother goddesses and their respective positions are the following: Brahmya! (E), Mhevar (SE), Kaumr (S), Vai!av (SW), Vrh (W), Indrya! (NW), Mahkl (N) and Mahlakm (NE). 904 The names of these Bhairavas and their respective positions are the following: Asit!ga (E), Ruru (SE), Ca!a (S), Krodha (SW), Unmatta (W), Kapla (NW), Bha!a (N) and Sa%hra (NE). 905 The names of these Ga!eas and their respective positions are the following: Tvc (E), Je%l (SE), Po%bho (S), Ko%tv (SW), Mco (NW), Co%g (NW; way before the town in westerly direction), L$a (N), and the Kv$ha%au Ganea (NE). 906 These are the Blkhu Ga!ea (NE), the Calkhu Ga!ea (SE), and the Malkhu Ga!ea (W). 907 Krishna Prakash Shrestha, 104. The names of the a amt%ks are Brahm! (East), Ingla Ganea (West), Mahkl (North), Kaumr and Vai!av (South), Mahlakm (North-east), Mhevar (Southeast), Vrh (Southwest), Indrya! (Northwest), and Tripursundar (at the center). 908 The names of the four stupas situated at four cardinal directions are Lagana T!, Traitsa T!, Pulacca T! and Jimp T!. However, the name of the central stpa and the exact directions in which all these stpas are located are yet to be catalogued. 909 Krishna Prakash Shrestha, 87. 910 The concept of the trikyas (i.e., three levels or bodies of the Buddhahood)–dharmakya (dharma body, often translated as Absolute), sa"boghakya (enjoyment body, realized through visualization), and nirm#akya (phenomenal body)–are sometimes rendered as abstract, mythic and human bodies of the Bodhisattva, respectively. 911 Luciano Petech, Medieval History of Nepal (Roma: Istituto italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente, 1958), 187; Mary Slusser, Nepal Mandala: A Cultural Study of the Kathmandu Valley, vol. 1 (New Jersey: Princeton UP, 1982), 88. 912 It is questionable whether these eight siddhas are related to the 84 siddhcryas of the Buddhists. The siddhas of Bhaktapur thus positioned are Macharp (NE), Vgarp (E), Ngarp (SE), Nakurp (S), Kukkurp (SW), Japarp (W), Bintirp (NW) and Ptravp (N). However, the list is slightly different in the case of the siddhas of




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Mahvidhyas913 placed in various directions in Bhaktapur and Kathmandu. Within this sacred order of the valley, the goddess Tulaj, enshrined within the palace-precinct of each city, occupies the central position; all the deities, by maintaining connections and communications among themselves, are believed to make the valley sacred and protect the people. In the topography of the valley, this arrangement is called nepla-ma#ala and regarded, to borrow G. Tucci’s words, as “a map of the cosmos,” or as “the universe in its essential plan and process of emanation and re-absorption.”914 The process is also visualized in painting, meditation, and ritual circumambulation, and is reflected in the pilgrim’s movement toward the center, where she/he encounters the purer and more universal form of the deities and experiences liberation. 4.1. Topography: Rituals, Symbols and Creation of Order As the structure of the cosmos is displayed in the ma#ala, it is a microcosmic copy of the macrocosm. Just as ritual offerings or mantras compel the gods to participate in human affairs, the ma#ala forces the interaction between earthly and cosmic realms. As the ma#ala resembles the cosmos, it brings the cosmos into human life and, thus, it is able to effect human conditions. These deities, fixed in various ways in different places, are coordinated ritually and symbolically. Within each city, they are connected in specific ways and are observable during different festivals and jtrs (from ytr, pilgrimage) observed by the local Newr and other communities, and these ritual festivities “transformed these capitals (cities in the Kathmandu valley) into sacred centers, analogous to the heavenly cities of the divinities.”915 The deities and the locations in the valley are also connected through ritual circumambulation. This occurs within each of these cities on specific religious occasions, and connects the spaces within and outside the city. The participants believe that their processional ritual re-creates the pilgrimage route, re-enlivens each shrine where they offer their worship, and reestablishes the ma#ala that gives cosmic significance to their life (internal) as well as to their cities (external). Circumambulation is accompanied by many other symbolic events of cosmic significance. Its participants feel that they are involved in a sacred act of self-renewal each time they participate in these rituals. For example, during the New Year festival (bisketjtr), which is commemorated in Bhaktapur in memory of the foundation of the city, the World Tree erected on the open square assumes cosmic proportions, and symbolically represents the pole of Indra with which the Vedic god Indra separated heaven and earth. This constitutes a classic axis mundi (cosmic axis) and it is also recreated in the annual Indrajtr festival in the valley during the monsoon season. These cosmic dramas transcend the barriers of any religion and bind together different communities. For instance, at the end of the bisketjtra in Bhaktapur, virtually everyone in the town, regardless of religious affiliation, takes a purifying bath at the cremation ground, worships the divine couple Bhairava and Bhadrakli (at the central triangle of the ma#ala), and returns home as a newly-born person to continue the new cycle of life.



































































































































































































Kathmandu with Dhmarp (E), Vgp (SE) and Virap (N) replacing Vgarp, Ngarp and Ptravp of Bhaktapur, respectively. 913 Again, two sets of Mahvidyas do not fully correspond. The names of these deities in Bhaktapur are Kl, Tr, Tripursundar, Bhuvanevar, Bhairav, Chinnamast, Dhmavat, Bagal, Mta!g and Kamal. But, in Kathmandu, the deities with the names Blasundar and Mahlakm replace Bhuvanevar and Kamal of Bhaktapur. 914 Giuseppe Tucci, The Theory and Practice of the Ma#ala, trans. A. H. Brodrick (London: Rider, 1969), 23. 915 Toffin, “Royal Images,” 149.




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5. Sacred Places and Their Mythological Conceptions Hindu mythology is “profusely linked to its geography,” and its locus, to echo Diana Eck, is in the shrines and the topographical map of Nepla.916 In mythological texts, we find various explanations of why and how Nepla-- with its shrines, mountains, rivers, villages and cities-came to be regarded as a sacred place. For example, the Nepla-mhtmya (NM), a local Sanskrit text composed around the ninth century,917 tells that the valley was once filled with water and god K#!a drained the lake with his cakra (disc) in order to make it habitable and help the Bgmat918 river meet the Ga!g in the South (10.66-69).919 This text also mentions that the place got the name Nepla because it was “protected by a sage called Nemi with his pious deeds.”920 However, the Svayambh Pur#a (SvP),921 a medieval Sanskrit text, has a different story. This Buddhist text goes further back in mythological time than that of the Nepla-mhtmya and gives an altogether different account about the identity and holiness of Nepal. In the primal past, as it is recounted in this text, the valley was in the form of a lake, in the middle of which a miraculous lotus of 10,000 petals was floating, with its roots extending up to Ghevar, one of the most popular goddess shrines in Kathmandu.922 At the center of the lotus was a sacred flame, or the light of the di Buddha (the first Bodhisattva) (1.49).923 Eons ago, as it is narrated, when people had a mythical lifespan of 60,000 years, the Bodhisattva Manjusr came to this sanctum seeking svayambh, the self-existent Buddha. Staying on a hill near the lake, now called Mañjurthn, the Bodhisattva Manjur gazed at the blooming lotus and wished to make the sacred valley habitable. He did this in order to help people living and visiting there purify themselves and attain Buddhahood. He cut down the southernmost hill with his sword and






























































916 Diana L. Eck, “The imagined landscape: Patterns in the construction of Hindu sacred geography,” Contributions to Indian Sociology 32, no. 2 (1998), 169. 917 Jayaraj Acharya, Nepla-mhtmya, 3. There is no unanimity among scholars regarding the date of the composition of this text; it may have been anytime between the 9th CE to 16th CE. For more information, please see the introduction section of this book (3-7). 918 The Bgmat river originates in the northern hills of the valley and passes through it by separating P$an from Kathmandu. It is considered a holy river and has many temples along its sides. 919 Modern geological research has confirmed that the valley was once a lake filled with alluvial soils “deposited under lacustrine conditions with characteristic telltale ripple marks, diatomaceous clays, and peat lenses. The presence of fossils dates the soils to the Pleistocene age.” Robert I. Levy, Mesocosm: Hinduism and Organization of a Traditional Newr City in Nepal (Berkeley: University of California UP, ca. 1990), 34. 920 Jayaraj Acharya, 11.61. 127. 921 The SvP has been handed down in various textual versions. However, the work as a whole is dedicated to the cultic glorification of important Buddhist shrines in the valley, mainly the Svayambh-caitya and its surroundings. The Svayambhcaitya is located about a mile west of Kathmandu on top of a hillock, and is one of the most revered sacred sites by the Newrs and the Tibetan Buddhists. 922 The Ghevar temple is located on the side of the Bgmat river, near the popular Paupatinth Temple, and shelters a mystically sacred and bottomless pit where the mythical Satdev’s guhya (pudendum) is said to have fallen. The assertion that the lotus of the di-Buddha emerged from Ghyasvar might suggest a kind of Hinduization of the Buddhist shrine(s) in the valley. This idea, to which we will refer later, is more pronounced in the Nepla-Mhtmya of the Himavatkha!a. However, the Newr Buddhists believe that the goddess Ghyasvar is the mother of Svayambhnth. 923 Some Pur!as and Mhtmya texts mentioned are clearly medieval texts, but the myths recorded there may have been much older and may already have influenced the religio-cultural life of the people. Also, the legend of the Kathmandu valley being drained by the deity Manjur, as mentioned in Manjurmlakalpa and Svayambhpura#a, has some similarities to the legends of other places, such as the plains of Loyang (once a capital of China), in the Kmir valley, as mentioned in Rjatara#gin, 1. 25.




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established a Buddhist mound (caitya) on the svayambhu hill. He also founded a city called Mañjupa$$an, and instituted kingship under the mythic king, Dharmkara.924 The local mhtmya and pur#ic texts also draw the sacred boundaries of contemporary Nepla, narrating how the Nepalese sacred space expanded with the spread of the kingdom. The boundary of Nepla, as discussed in the Svayambh Pur#a is limited to the valley itself, marked out by the surrounding hills associated with the four mythic Bodhisattvas, thus protecting the holiness of the place. However, the space discussed in the Nepla-mhtmya (15.3-5) covers places even outside the valley, despite the fact that the ritual circumambulation it prescribes is limited to the valley proper.925 Two other local mythological compositions, the Himavatkha#a of the Skanda Pur#a (HK) and Paupati-mhtmya (PM), draw the boundaries of Nepla even further and glorify the holiness of places such as Tril, K#!ga!ak and Muktinth,926 the sacred sites that have been visited as pilgrimage centers at least since medieval times. There is a marked variation among these texts in their conception of the sacred. While elevating Nepalese places more than their Indian counterparts, the Nepla-mhtmya suggests that these locations were sacred because various gods established their sanctuaries there.927 The Paupati-mhtmya and Himavatkha#a, on the other hand, compare Nepla with Indian places and celebrate Nepl places as more spiritually meaningful: “Nepla is the best place in the whole of Jambdvipa” (Himavatkha#a, 146; Paupati-mhtmya, 41); “there is only liberation in K, but in Nepla, one attains dharma, artha, kma, moka” (Himavatkha#a, 72, Paupatimhtmya, 57); to offer pi#as (sacrificial oblations) to one’s dead parents at Pitmaha-trtha near Gokarnevara, on the Bhdrak#!mvsya, is equivalent to ten Gay trthas (Himavatkha#a, 142); and “Paupatinth [in Kathmandu] is the head part of Kedranth (in India) and one must visit Paupati after visiting Kedrantha” (Paupati-mhtmya, 84). These pur#ic and local mhtmya texts, however, give competing and contradictory versions of the myths. As we noted, the act of draining the primordial water from Nepla is






























































924 The Nepla-mhtmya (15.3-5) mentions the following about the sacred land: “On the east there is a holy river, Kauik (Koshi), destroyer of sins. On the west is the river Trilaga!g (Triul). On the north, the ivapur (mountain) is regarded as the border. On the south is the holy river tlodak (Chispn Khol, in Nepali). Within this area is defined the holy land, Nepla. Svayambhpur#a (Sanskrit text and in Newr translation), trans. Mnbahdur kya (Lalitpur: Ngrjun Bauddha Adhyayan Sa%sthn, 2001). 925 Jayaraj Acharya thinks that the Nepla-mhtmya was written sometime around the middle of the ninth century, for it does not mention the names of the shrines that were popular after the Licchav Period (c. 300-879) and rather elaborately tells the story of some shrines that were almost forgotten in the later periods. See, “Introduction,” Nepla-mhtmya, 5. 926 “On the east, the Kauik river; on the west, Ga!ak river; on the north, Gosaiku!a; and on the south, Uttarak or Na$varevara” (Himavatkha#a, 72; Paupati-mhtmya, 51, 53); “iva pierced his trident on the mountain to quench his thirst, and let the river flow from it. So, this place from where the water emanated was called Tril (Himavatkha#a, 45); the Lord Vi!u resided in the form of ligrma, so K#!ga!ak is holy (Himavatkha#a, 55); and in Muktintha, Brahm did yajña for liberation, iva resided in the form of Agni and Vinu in the form of water, so the place is blessed” (Paupati-mhtmya, 51). 927 For example, “From Tripur came Rjarjevar (Nepla-mhtmya, 1.55); from Saur$ra came Vi!u in the form of the Buddha (Nepla-mhtmya, 1.57); and from Mount Kailsa came iva and Prvat (1.10).” This text also shows the syncretic nature of Nepalese religious life, although from the aivite point of view: “This land is designed by iva, and you (Buddha) also practiced penance here. Therefore, in this great land, O Buddha, even the followers of iva will practice Buddhism. There is no doubt about that” (1. 62-63); “He who regards Hari (Vi!u) as Hara (iva) and Hara as Hari will be a aiva and Vai!ava at one time. The base people who make a difference between Hara and Hari are heretics falling outside the Vedas, and will go to hell” (11. 53). For a variant of this myth of Lord iva coming to K from Kailsa, see Diana L. Eck, Banaras: City of Light (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1982), 94.




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attributed to god K#!a in the Nepla-mhtmya but to Bodhisattva Manjur in the Svayambh Pur#a. Likewise, there are marked discrepancies in the river myths, especially about the rivers Bgmat, Vi!umati and Hanumt. For example, the Paupati-mhtmya states that the river Bgmat, from vk (mouth or speech) and mat (river, in Newr), got its name because it was born from the mouth of iva as he was contemplating the penances of Prahlda, a devout worshiper of Vi!u but born as a son of the demon Hira!ya-Kaipu. According to the Neplamhtmya, in contrast, the Vgmat sprung from one of the horns of god Paupatinth when he transformed himself into an antelope to mislead the gods. The Buddhist version, in contrast, is altogether different, saying that the very water of the Ganges sprang out from the rock when it was struck by Manjur Buddha Krakkucchanda, using the power of his mantra or vk (speech or magic spell) when he was searching for a stream to ordain the very first Buddhist monks in the valley. 6. The Sacred Sphere: Hierarchies, Displacement and Reconstruction Within this sacred order, the king, along with his tutelary deity enshrined within the palace compound, always occupied the central position. Immediately around the center, in the heart of the city, the highest caste groups, both Buddhist and Hindu, resided. This pattern exists even today, at least in terms of their ancestral family homes:928 The pattern of the caste location closely follows the principle of social distance. Generally, in the center of the settlement lives the priest of the presiding deity, surrounded by the top caste Newrs such as the Chhatharia and the Shresthas. They are again encircled by the Jypoo caste, which is followed in turn by the low castes according to their gradation. An untouchable caste does not have its residence located within the village boundary, but at a little distance away. The sacred topography of the valley demonstrated “boundedness,” “hierarchy,” and “the importance of the center,” and it maintained caste restrictions. In this space, the gods and goddesses forming the inner and outer borders were connected to the center occupied by the king. During the kings’ rule in Nepalese history, the king himself was the ultimate locus of power and a representation of multiple deities. For example, the fifteenth-century king Jayasthiti Malla was projected as an incarnation of the Buddha, blessed with the grace of Svayambh in the Kal Yuga, as well as an incarnation of the eight Lokaplas--the eight protectors of all sentient beings.929 This concept of divine kingship, or the king as an embodiment of deities positioned in different directions defining the kingdom, is not an isolated and accidental notion, but is very pervasive in Newr history, rituals, and festivals. Different Newr myths and rituals, at least the remnants of them, seem to suggest that these festivals might have been instituted by the invading kings as a means to legitimize their rule over the local people.930 This mythological pattern is reflected in festivals such as the following: • the Indrajtr (in which images of Indra with his hands bound are struck by masked dancers, on the one hand, while Indra’s victory is being celebrated, on the other)






























































928

Gopal Nepali, 55. Goplarjava"val, 131. 930 It is difficult to say who those indigenous people were because of the many-layered Nepl (Newr) cultures. Yet, they might be those people at the bottom, and outside of, the caste hierarchy. 929




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the chariot procession of Kumr (a living incarnation of the Taleju goddess introduced in the valley by a king from the South)931 • the Bisketjtr (commemorating the victory of a foreign prince after his mythical battle with the snake demons) • the Sa"yak-mahdnapj (which gives the local Buddhists an opportunity to worship the reigning king as an incarnation of the Bodhisattva). Different myths and rituals of the Newrs suggest that there were internal and external migrations from outside and resistance from inside, and the ancient Hindu traditions migrating from the Southern plains may also have gradually taken over the local life and culture. Despite being a mythologized version of the dynasties of rulers, the Nepalese chronicle Goplarjava"val932 mentions that almost all the kings of the Nepla valley came from outside but does not regard their migration as an invasion of any type. The text, however, strangely remains silent about the Kirtas, one of the earliest ruling dynasties, later displaced and pushed to the eastern part of modern Nepal. This chronicle clearly states that a large part of the Kirtas moved to the area between the rivers Tamko and Aru!ko after they were overrun by the Licchavs. The names of the Kirta kings often end in -lung and many of the place names between these rivers still end in -lung (e.g., Melung, Sailung and Ghelung). People of TibetoBurmese origin (such as the Limb and R) still make annual pilgrimages to their sacred sites in the valley (the Siddhi-Lakm temple near Tyagal and the temple at Tikhel in P$an, Kathmandu); they might be the descendants of some of the most ancient people we know of in the area, who appear to have been overrun by the Licchav dynasty that ruled Nepal in the early CEs (c. 300-879). •

7. The Sacred Space: The Kingship and Its Sociopolitical Implications The religious and ritual occasions of Newr communities were direct products of the Indian tradition of Hindu kingship. According to Goplarjava"val, the kings of various dynasties that ruled Nepla claimed that they belonged to the solar (e.g., the Goplas) or the lunar (e.g., the Licchavis and Mallas) deities (i.e., decending from the solar or lunar dynasties), and that they governed their kingdom with some form of divine right. Over time, various temples, stupas, votive structures, monasteries, and other religious sites were constructed and patronized by the kings of different dynasties. Despite the rich history of this Buddhist heritage, the kings from the beginning of the Licchavi era were either aivites or Va!avites, and they variously consolidated the caste system. For example, the Licchavi king r Supupadeva “enforced the var#a system” (the class and caste system), “constructed the temple of r Paupati Bha$$raka” (i.e., the famous r Paupatinth temple), and “sponsored the construction of a beautiful town.”933 The caste system persisted throughout Nepalese history, and even more stringently during and after the reign of Jayasthiti Malla (regnal, ca. 1382-1395). The social hierarchy was based on the concept of purity and pollution, and those who were closer to the center were invested with the religious authority to maintain what they






























































931 It is recorded that in 1333 CE, king Harisi%hadeva of Ayodhy fled the invading army of Guiya-ud-din Tughlaq of Delhi and took shelter in Nepal. He is also credited with the founding of the Taleju tradition, and his lineage is ultimately linked by marriage with the descendants of the ruling Mallas. Luciano Petech, 20. 932 This text does not have the first sixteen folios and the genealogies of the Gopla and Mahiapla dynasties, and the genealogy given here may have been a later insertion to suit the “Hinduized” worldview. 933 Dhanavajra Vajracharya and Kamal P. Malla, eds. The Goplarjava"val (Kathmandu: the University Press, 1985), 122.




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considered the sacredness of their land. The ancient kings demarcated their realm by constructing temples at various directions; this was not the invention of the h or Malla kings. The tradition of sacralizing the kingdom along religious lines has a long history in Nepal. For example, the Licchavi king r Haridatta of the fourth or fifth century completed the construction of the four Vi!u (Nrya!a) temples in the four directions of the valley and regularly paid homage to the Nrya!as ritually installed in these places.934 Mnadeva (regnal, 464-505 CE) similarly constructed the Cngunraya!a temple and provided regular worship and maintenance. On the Buddhist side, the earliest reference is to the Aokan stupas of P$an; as Mary Slusser speculates, they may originally have been pre-Buddhist funerary mounds.935 The Licchavi king V#adeva (350-390 CE) is credited with the construction of the Svayambhnth stupa, Nepal’s largest ancient site of Buddhist devotion and arguably one of the most important, at a place where the self-existent Buddha appeared.936 It was also during the Licchavi period that the Buddha was regarded as the ninth incarnation of Lord Vi!u.937 Similarly, king Gu!akmadeva is credited with the foundation of Kathmandu in the shape of a sword938 in 724 CE, commemorating the Buddhist Bodhisattva Mañjur’s or the Hindu deity K#!a’s action of draining the water by means of a sword. The successive kings, nobles, and devotees sponsored, in order to earn merit, temples, monasteries,939 images, fountains, and water tanks, and instituted lavish endowments for their upkeep. During the period of the three Malla kingdoms of the valley (1482-1769), each king rivaled the other in the splendor of his capital city and in the construction of temples and sacred sites. Over time, they physically marked out the space with gods, temples, and ritual routes, ordering the space to resemble more and more closely the structure of the ma#ala. Although it is difficult to say when various myths establishing the sanctity of the Nepalese landscape originated, the local pur!as, mhtmyas and chronicles give some sense of their history. Although this pattern seems to have persisted throughout centuries, its ideological ramification was well entrenched by the early eighteenth century:940 If a Neuar (Newr) leaves the country (Nepla) and goes, for instance, to Thibet (Tibet) or Mogol (India as ruled by the Mughals), or has any intercourse with other Pagans, he is looked upon as contaminated, and when he returns to Nepl may not even approach his relations until he has undergone purification by bathing for forty days in cow’s urine, drinking it, and eating cow dung occasionally. This account by Father Ippolito Desideri, supposedly based on his direct observation of Newr society in 1722, shows the extent to which the ruling elite took seriously the concept of purity




























































934

Bikram Hasrat, History of Nepal as Told by its Own and Contemporary Chroniclers (Hosiapur: V. V. Research Institute Press, 1970), 36-37; Daniel Wright, History of Nepal (Cambridge: At the University Press, 1877), 129-130. Mary Slusser, 96. 936 Ibid, 123. Mary Slusser, 275. The Licchavi king V#adeva, as the Cngunrya!a epigraph shows, is said to have been a very devout, impartial and devoted king. The legend is that he willingly sacrificed himself (or, alternatively, he was “accidentally” beheaded by his son Mnadeva!) in order to bring rain to the drought-ridden valley. 937 Harichandralal Singh, Buddhism in Nepal (Kathmandu: Ratna Pustak Bhandar, 1999), 20. 938 Luciano Petech, 187; Mary Slusser, 88. Gu!akmadeva’s reigning period is a matter of dispute; some say that he reigned from 987-990. Michael Witzel, “Medieval Vedic Tradition as Reflected in Nepalese Manuscripts,” Journal of the Nepal Research Center 12 (2001), 255-299. 939 According to Harischandralal Singh, there are 170 monasteries in P$an, 120 in Kathmandu and 24 in Bhaktapur; they are used for residential purposes. Harischandralal Singh, 38. 940 Desideri, 316. 935




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and pollution; it also reveals their attitude toward foreign lands ruled by other religious groups. Toffin, too, notes that the ruling R!s were very traditionalist Hindus. They involved in “timeconsuming rites of purification” after their “contact with beef-eating Europeans” and advocated such purifications “for anyone returning from outside the Hindu world.”941 Within the valley itself, the Hindus and Buddhists had competing claims on their shared spaces. The very title “pur!a” for the Buddhist text Svayambhpur!a may have been chosen in order to “compete with the increased Hindu dominance of the 15th and 16th CE.”942 Moreover, the composers of Svayambhpur!a seem to have been motivated by a desire to give a distinct Nepl identity to the Mahyna Buddhist tradition. 8. The Gorkh l Conquest and the Construction of “A Pure Land of the Hindus” The Gorkh palace, which also houses the deities Gorakanth and Gorakhkl, was of special importance to the reigning h dynasty. The Gorkhva"val (the chronicle of the Gorkh dynasty) mentions that it was through the special blessings of Gorkanth (literally, the protector of the cow, which is venerated by Nepalese Hindus as a form of the goddess Lakm; alternatively, Gorakhnth)943 and Manakman (the wish-fulfilling goddess of power)944 that Dravya h was able to achieve victory over his competitors in the annual racing match and become the king of Ligligko$.945 However, many scholars regard this as a nineteenth-century mythological invention to extol the valor of the h kings. The Gorkh kingdom seems to derive its name from the legendary sage Gorakanth, who is regarded as the patron saint of the Nepalese h kings and of many other kings in North India. With the establishment of the Gorkh kingdom, the myth of Gorakanth became prominent and his temples were constructed in different places of the conquered territory. It was actually from him that the place Gorkh946 derived its name and sanctity. Although known from medieval times onwards as a “wonder worker” and “master of Yogi,” and a “founder and outstanding teacher of the aivite sect of ascetics,” he has long since been deified and, in the popular religion of Nepal, considered a representative and even an embodiment of iva.947 In the Nepalese context, his name (Gorakanth) means both the “protector of the cows” and the “Lord of the cattle.” The former relates to the self-proclaimed responsibility of the Gorkh Hindu king




























































941

Toffin, “Royal Images,” 156. Svayambhpur#a, 30. 943 Ibid, 1, 43-45. The chronicle also tries to explain why Gorakanth blessed Dravya ha and his dynasty with the mandate to rule Gorkh, Nepla (the Kathmandu valley) and other territories. As the story goes, once Gorakanth visited Nepla, but no one paid any respect to him. Angered, he punished the people with drought by controlling the ngas (serpents) residing in the valley. When the tntrikas of the valley brought Matsyendranth in front of him (Gorakanth), he had to rise from his seat to greet his guru and release the ngas he was controlling, thus allowing it to rain. His anger unabated (the narrative suddenly comes to the time of Dravya ha), he went to Dravya ha’s place and granted the boon of kingship to him and his lineage so that they would rule the people of the valley. 944 Ibid, 43. The Manakman temple is in Gorkh district and is located on the hilltop, which is about two hours’ walking distance from the Gorkh palace. Because of the popular belief that the goddess fulfils the wishes of her devotees, over a million pilgrims from Nepal and India flock to this place annually and make their offerings, which often involve animal sacrifices. 945 Ligligko$ is a place adjacent to Gorkh where an annual racing match was organized during the dasain (navartri) festival. The winner of the match would rule for one year until the next match on the same occasion. Taking advantage of the moment, Drvya ha is said to have participated in this match and overpowered his competitors to become the king himself. 946 On the hilltop of Gorkh, there is an old ha palace, along with the temples of Goraka-Kli and Gorakhnth. Even these days, the hs regard them as family deities. Krishna Prakash Shrestha, 30. 947 George Weston Briggs, Gorakhnth and the Knpha a Yogs (Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass, 1938), 181. 942




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as the protector of cows, and the latter corresponds to Paupatinth, the national deity of modernday Nepal. As a patron saint of the new and larger kingdom of Nepal, Gorakanth is still revered with the same devotional spirit. His name appears on all Nepalese coins, and even these days in Gorkh, thousands of devotees throng his temple, especially during the mid-winter festival (makar sakrnti), when they offer him a mixture of rice and lentils (khicai). The Nepalese rulers promoted the prevailing religious practice in their kingdom. P#thv Nrya!, upon his conquest of the valley, donated 219 ropanis of land to a government-run trust (gu h) for the performance of an annual cakra pj to Gorakanth/Gorakhnth.948 The pj ritual was carried out by saints called kanpha  (those with split ears yogis, mendicants) in three places in Kathmandu: Asan Tole, Indracowk and Thymadu Tole (B!nge Mudh).949 Today, the religious institution (gu h) is maintained, and the ritual activities are continued. The kanpha  yogis, based primarily on Mrigasthali above Paupatinth temple in Kathmandu, still perform a tantric cakra pj to Gorakanth just before every major festival of the valley.950 This also suggests how Gorakanth regained importance in the region after the h conquest and how, even now, he heads the religious life of the Newr communities–a role that seems to have been non-existent prior to the Gorkh conquest. Similarly, after his conquest of the valley, P#thivi Nrya! offered 80 tons of rice as a one-time offering to the goddess Manakman; around 1763, he established a large endowment for the ritual and maintenance of the Manakman temple. Although the Gorkhva"val (GV) and Manakmanmhtmya (MM) clearly state that the goddess Manakman is none other than the reincarnation of the queen r Dev of Rma h (regnal, ca. 1609-1636?), the ancestor of P#thv Nrya!, the temple is one of the most visited and popular sacred sites in Nepal. 9. Two Forms of Kingship Marie Lecomte-Tilouine notes two different forms of kingship with regard to the sacredness of the land: the Newr kingship was territorialized and rooted in the sacred configurations of the space, while the h kingship was mobile, warlike, primordial, and centered in the person of the king, who created sacred territory and social order by way of conquest.951 There was also a fundamental difference in the concept of the sacred in these two forms of kingship. For P#thv Nrya!, as Lecomte-Tilouine suggests, the notion of the sacredness of the territory appeared more political and ideological than religious and spiritual, while for the Malla kings before him,




























































948

A square 74 feet on a side equals one ropani (= a traditional measurement of land), and eight ropanis of land equals one acre. 949 Nayaraj Pant, 1063-65. 950 There is a gu h for the celebration of (almost) every major festival in the valley and also for the state-sponsored pjs. The local people who work in the land of the gu h provide materials for the pj and offer a feast to the yogis. At each jtr, the yogis perform a cakra-pj, usually at the beginning of the festival. The yogis say that the pj is to Gorakhnth. The local people are of the opinion that the pj is a protection rite, and that it must be performed before the festival can begin, otherwise the yogis will interfere with the festival by casting spells. 951 She discusses this concept in her discussion of the transgressive nature of kingship in Nepal. Marie LecomteTilouine, “The Transgressive Nature of Kingship in Caste Organization: Monstrous Royal Doubles in Nepal,” in The Character of Kingship, ed. Declan Quigley (Oxford: BERG, 2005), 101-121. Toffin suggests a similar line of argument, but he makes a difference between the Mallas’ and R!s’ (instead of hs’) understanding of the space, “The concept of the Kathmandu Valley as a bounded ritual realm, a cosmicized territory, was deeply entrenched in ceremonies and politics. Time was thought to be cyclical. The city and the country were integrated in a synergetic manner. By contrast, the R! state was of the heterogentic type. It was profoundly militaristic in nature, and it developed from the confrontation between different cultures” (Toffin, “Royal Images,” 163). In a different context, however, Toffin suggests that “Hindu h kingship itself was identified with the country. It represented its insightful identity and unity” (165).




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the sacredness of the land seemed like an entire cosmos inscribed in the landscape of the kingdom. Because of this fundamental difference in understanding, P#thv Nrya! regarded the Kathmandu valley not so much in sacred terms but as something to be appropriated and ruled from outside. This attitude can be seen, for example, in the following message privately sent by P#thv Nrya! to his courtiers just three months before his death:952 The three-citied Nepl is a cold stone (emphasis added). It is great only in intrigue. With one who drinks water from cisterns, there is no wisdom; nor is there courage…. My wish is to build a capital at Dahachowk (the place is situated on the western ridge overlooking the valley). And I would build around me houses for the leaders and priests of my people, my family, my court, the leaders and chiefs of the hill states. My capital would be set apart (emphasis added). For P#thv Nrya!, the notion of the sacredness of the place appears to have had a very limited connotation, circumscribed within the boundaries of his family deities, immediate relations, and his personality as a Hindu king. However, in the public arena, he developed the ideology of the asal-hindusthn and affirmed his commitment to safeguarding the purity and strength of his realm– a special tactic he employed while dealing with the religious and cultural practices of his people. He even claimed that the Hindu rulers and nobles of the plains (modern-day India) were involved in the enjoyment of pleasure, making them unable to preserve their independence and Hindu identity from the British or Fira!g.953 He assumed that his kingdom, protected by strictly controlling his subjects, could become a strong Hindustn, projecting justice,954 tight mercantile control, military honors, and a ban on dancers and musicians from Mughal territory (India).955 However, his establishment of what he called asal-Hindustn was not really a result of his compassion, as is sometimes claimed;956 rather, history documents it as a product of forceful conquest, violence and domination. For example, at the order of P#thv Nrya! h, Jayanta Ran, the military commander who supported the Malla king of Kathmandu, “was flayed alive in the presence of all the people of Nuwko$, including Gorkhls” to frighten anyone who would dare battle his army.957 After the conquest of the areas surrounding the valley, he imposed a heavy economic blockade, barring the people of the Kathmandu valley from all access to livelihood: “Every man, woman, or child who brought food, salt or cotton was incontinently hanged, and their bodies left to rot beside the path.”958 When he conquered Krtipur (a town in the valley) after two failed attempts, he is said to have given orders that “the lips and noses of all males of twelve and over be cut off and that the name of the town be changed into Nstikpur (the city of those whose noses were cut off).”959 One account (may be falsely) mentions that the






























































952 L. F. Stiller, SJ, Prithwinarayan Shah in the Light of Dibya Upadesh, 43. The Divya Upadea ascribed to P#thv Nrya! is in the form of advice given by him to his courtiers before his death and is dated toward the close of the eighteenth century. In this text, the king is called a Hindupati (lord of the Hindus), and the king refers to his kingdom as the asal-Hindustn and “a garden of four var#as and thirty-six jts.” 953 From the Persian, it meant Western European and signified Frank. 954 There is still a popular saying propagated from the time of Rma ha that one has to go to Gorkh for justice (nyya napya Gorkh jnu, in Nepali). 955 L. F. Stiller, Prithwinarayan, 43- 44. 956 Rishikesh Shah, Modern Nepal: A Political History 1769-1955, vol. 1 (New Delhi: Manohar Publications, 1990), 25. 957 T. R. Vaidhya, Advanced History of Nepal, 1737- 1839 (New Delhi: Anmol Publications Pvt. Ltd., 1994), 43. 958 Perceval Landon, 60. 959 Jeremy Bernstein, The Wildest Dream of Kew (London: George Allen and Unwin Ltd., 1970), 26.




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noses thus cut off weighed about 80 lbs960 although some people understand this differently, as an attempt to malign P#thv Nrya! and his unification. In addition, he reportedly “mercilessly dealt with the erstwhile rulers of the land—Newrs—killing every person of distinction connected to the late Newr dynasty.”961 After his conquest of the valley, P#thv Nrya! turned the sacred space into an ethnic space centered on the person of the king, merely a part of his expanding Gorkh kingdom. During his reign, he patronized many important rituals and festivals and levied fines on those who urged the discontinuity of the rituals.962 He also converted the existing network of selfgoverning Newr religious associations established for the upkeep of the temples and sacred sites into a government trust (sarakr gu his, in Nepali). A great amount of the Newr lands belonging to the religious trust were also confiscated by the hs to finance their military expenses in the era following the Gorkhl conquest. Similarly, from 1848 to 1951, when Nepal was under the absolute rule of the R!a prime ministers, the R!s even expropriated the gu h lands for the construction of their European-style palaces.963 Thus, even the gu h lands–used for the sacred purpose of maintaining the temples and traditional rituals–were appropriated by new rulers to fulfill their material wishes. As the Gorkh kingdom expanded its conquest, the h kings reassigned the land of defeated nobles and generals to members of their own courts, but still respected the religious endowments of the vanquished rulers. In these endowments, the ownership right was held by the deity, and the ritual service at the shrine of the vanquished ruler’s tutelary deity was continued.964 The successor of P#thv Nrya! further expanded the kingdom to the Teesta river (the area of modern Sikkim/Drjeeling, India) in the east, and to the Sutlej river, which included Kumaon and Garhwl of present-day India, in the west.965 He also made land grants to various temples, including the famous Kedrnth temple of India. Through such efforts, the religious power of the sacred center was expanded across the length and breadth of the Gorkh kingdom. 10. The Sacred Space: The Closed and Consolidated Realm after 1816 The Gorkhl expansion came to an end by 1816, and the treaty with the East India Company circumscribed the Nepalese border almost to the present boundary of Nepal. When the last stronghold of Maratha Hinduism fell in 1817-18 in India, it was argued that only Nepal could protect Hinduism in its pristine traditional forms. Around this time, most of the South Asian sub-continent was under the control of colonial rulers. Consequently, the Gorkh government asserted that it was the only remaining Hindustn (the place where the Hindus reside), and it imposed strict political isolation to safeguard its purity. Hudgson notes that the rulers of Gorkh then relied upon the Laws of Manu and other dharmashastras in the adjudication of cases and upheld customary laws within their realm.966




























































961

R. S. Chauhan, The Political Development in Nepal 1950-70 (New Delhi: Associated Publishing House, 1971),

11.

961 R. S. Chauhan, The Political Development in Nepal 1950-70 (New Delhi: Associated Publishing House, 1971), 11. 962 See the sa"yakamahdna section in Appendix. 963 For a detailed discussion of this topic, see Mahesh Chandra Regmi, Land Tenure and Taxation in Nepal, 4 vols. (Berkeley: Institute of International Studies, University of California, 1964.). 964 Burghart, 137. 965 Ludwig Stiller, The Rise, 1973; For the map, see 389-390. 966 Brian H. Hodgson, “On the Administration of Justice in Nepal, with Some Account of the Several Courts, Extent of Their Jurisdiction, and Modes of Procedure,” Asiatic Research 20 (1836): 94- 134, 123, 132-33.




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With the R! rule, the political isolation of Nepal (called the Gorkh kingdom) was complete. The R!s promoted the idea that Nepal could maintain its holiness only by remaining separate and isolated from colonial rule. They regarded themselves as the protectors of the purity of the land and religion:967 We have our own country, a Hindu kingdom, where the law prescribes that cows shall not be slaughtered, nor women and Brahmans [brhmins] sentenced to capital punishment; a holy land where the Himalayas, the vsuki-ketra [i.e., an area where the divine snake in the name of Vsuki lived], the Aryatrtha [a place of pilgrimage inhabited by the noble ones], and the refulgent Sri Paupati Li&ga and Sr Guhyevar pi has are located. In this Kal Age, this is the only country in which Hindus rule. The Hinduism they promulgated was legally consolidated in the nineteenth century legal code of 1854. People of diverse types and ethnic groups were brought under one national legal system in which all Nepalese were categorized into three “pure” cluster categories (wearers of the sacred thread, non-enslavable alcohol drinkers, and enslavable alcohol drinkers) and two clusters of “impure” castes (touchable and untouchable), which is in contradistinction with the four fold hierarchical order of the traditional Hindu society (RV 10.90). The R! rulers employed various ideological, rather than purely religious or spiritual, strategies to retain the purity of their realm. According to Burghart, all criminal cases, for example, were decided before the annual national festival (Daera). In the case of brhmins and ascetic criminals, as Burghart writes, mutilation and beheading were prohibited, so punishment was expulsion from the kingdom.968 According to Burghart, this was in line with h’s ideology of rulership, in which the king “subjectified the entire polity by conceiving of all persons who derived their livelihood upon his land as being members of a single body politic” and “objectified his agents of rule together with the ruled as the limbs of his body which the king, as mind, co-ordinated and commanded.969 As noted, they also advocated ritual cleansing of individuals who had traveled with foreigners (usually Muslims or Christians), or who returned to Nepal after going abroad, even to India or Tibet. The king used to receive visiting foreign ambassadors with water from his pitcher as a sign of purification. When the king died, his funeral rituals ended with a purification ceremony, which included a brhmin impersonating the dead king and taking on his sins by eating the defiled food that supposedly contained the cranium of the dead king. Such a brhmin, often referred to as a k  brhmin (i.e., one who lives upon the oblations of the dead), also had to wear the king’s clothes and insignia before being driven out from the border of the valley. This was done in order to maintain the purity at the center of the realm and to drive away any inimical forces obstructing the destiny of the nation. Toffin understands this kind of R! state as “the transcendent force in (Nepalese) society,” 970 founded by legitimizing religious icons, symbols and ideology.






























































967

Mahesh Chandra Regmi, ed. “Guth Legislation in the 1866 Legal Code,” Regmi Research Series (Kathmandu: Regmi Research Private Limited, 1972), 101. 968 Richard Burghart, “The Category ‘Hindu’ in the Political Discourse of Nepal,” in Representing Hinduism: The Construction of Religious Traditions and National Identity (New Delhi: Sage Publications, 1995). 969 Burghart, 222; Zotter, 510. 970 Toffin, 174; Burghart, 272.




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11. The Sacred Space: Continuity and Change after 1951 The democracy was introduced in 1951 after the overthrow of the R! regime, and there was some hope that the country would now allow the flowering of diverse religious communities. However, king Mahendra dissolved the democratic dispensation and imposed his own unilateral and absolute rule in 1960. Subsequently, he added a new category, “Hindu,” as an attribute of the state, defining Nepal as an independent, indivisible, and sovereign monarchical Hindu state. This gave rise to a new cult of nationalism based on a theology of devotion to country (projected as “Nepal m,” i.e., Mother Nepal), incarnated in the king. In his public speeches, the king constantly underscored these monolithic concepts, which was interpreted by others as the state’s disregard of ethno-cultural diversity. Similarly, Sanskrit education was made compulsory in schools across the nation. Mahendra Sanskrit University was established in 1986 to generate the requisite academic manpower to update and preserve Hindu tradition(s). Over time, various new trusts and committees were formed under the direct supervision of the palace to work for the protection and development of the country’s religious sites.971 A state mechanism was created to hire writers to glorify Hinduism and to enhance the dignity of the crown:972 To the Hindus, the king’s palace is a shrine as sacred as that of Paupatinth, the guardian deity of Nepal, while to the Buddhists it is a vihra or a sacred convent. Thus, when a pious man organizes vihra pj, his pilgrimage takes him to the Royal Palace where the king personally receives the traditional worship. King Mahendra was also connected to Hindutva groups in India and used Hindu forums to exalt the prestige of Nepal. One such example is his message to the World Hindu Council (Viva Hindu Pariad) held at Ngpur, India, on January 11, 1965, in which he highlighted the unique sanctity and cultural pride of the nation:973 The Himalayas have been regarded as the abode of the gods in the whole Hindu culture. There the creator has graciously set up Nepal as the central jewel of this region and has thus added to the beauty of the Himalayas and the greatness of Nepal. This is why the god revered by the entire Hindu race, Lord Paupatinth, has taken her (i.e., Nepal) under his protection. The sacred river Ga!ak, the mother of the holy ligrma,974 has been sanctified in the form of Lord N#isi%ha as his cherished ideal, and it is still daily worshiped in his r&geri Ma$h.975 Lord Muktinth is regarded with as much veneration as Lord Badrinth in the Hindu world. Thus, it would be no exaggeration to say that Nepal is for Hindus a country of highest sanctity and importance. Nepal has ever been a source of perennial inspiration for the Hindus of India. Not only that, Nepal is proud of the fact that she has provided asylum for the Hindus whenever they were in danger. Heroic commanders of the first Indian war of independence like Nana Saheb Peshwa found shelter in Nepal. Nepal has always acted as a sentinel of India.




























































971

Some popular trusts are the Paupati Development Trust, Lumbin Development Trust, Kathmandu Valley Cultural and Religious Sites Development Co-ordination Committee, and Santan Dharma Seva Samiti. 972 Nepal in Pictures (Kathmandu: Department of Publicity and Broadcasting, 2006), 1. 973 Krishnamurti, 3-6. 974 A ligrma is a fossilized stone mainly found in the Ga!ak region of western Nepal and often revered as the aniconic representation of the deities, mainly Vi!u. 975 This is one of the religious sites established by ankarcrya (8th-9th centuries CE), and it is located in Kar!$aka, South India.




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After the restoration of democracy in 1990, especially in the wake of the Maoist armed rebellion which began in 1996, the “Hindu” monarchy and other signifiers of the Hindu state, such as cows, Sanskrit education, the national anthem (which was formerly just the panegyrics to the king and kingship), the national festival in honor of the goddess Durg, and the supremacy of brhma#ism, were under serious threats. The ethnic and religious minorities who had earlier been Hinduized by the state began uniting for a new Nepal based on secularism and democracy. The support garnered by the Maoists from minority groups since 1996 helped to expose the irony and ambiguities of the idea of the Hindu state and its traditional sanctity. This gave rise to a continued struggle between the secularizing and Hinduizing forces in the country. Nonetheless, the Maoist rebels did not destroy sacred sites and temples, despite their rejection of Hindu signifiers like the traditional Hindu caste system; brhma#ical ideology perpetrated through religious texts, myths and rituals; the sacredness of the cow and of the king; and brhma#ic notions of purity and pollution. The ideological struggle between the Hinduizing and secularizing forces was augmented after king Gynendra’s ascension to the throne (in 2001). As a Hindu monarch, Gynendra started using the traditional idioms for the holiness of the land, the greatness of Hindu culture, and the pride of Nepal as a monarchical state. At a time when he had a serious legitimacy problem, he courted support from the Hindus of Nepal and India, funded the Rstriya Svaya%sevak Sangh (RSS) and Bhratya Janat Party (BHP) during Indian elections, and underscored the Hindu identity of Nepal; he also was heavily involved in ritual activities and pilgrimages in Nepal and in India (twice in 2002). The World Hindu Council, especially the India-based RSS (R$riya Svaya%sevak Sangh) and its allies in Nepal, amidst the rich and colorful felicitation ceremony organized in Kathmandu in 2002, even designated Gynendra as the world’s Hindu “emperor.” In February 2003, the seventh World Hindu Conference held in Gorakhpur passed a resolution to protect the Hindu state and monarchy in Nepal. In the face of mounting challenges, especially posed by the Maoists, Gyanendra markedly shifted the rhetoric of Hindu supremacy that Mahendra had indulged in, adopting instead a twopronged strategy: he started emphasizing the “shared religious beliefs” and “fraternity” among the Hindus and o"kra-parivra (communities of people who use the term o" during religious activities, such as Hindus, Jains, Sikhs and Buddhists). Unlike his predecessors, he personally participated in the Hindutva meetings and attempted to garner support for the preservation of Hindu kingship, and sacredness and Hindu identity of the country. For example, in his address to the World Hindu Council in Birgunj, Nepal, on April 7, 2006, he underscored the sacredness of Nepal by relating its landscape to the pioneering figures of South Asian religious traditions:976 Nepal is not only home to Vedic sages and Buddhist philosophers. According to scriptures, Guru Nnak, the founder of Sikhism, meditated on the banks of the holy Vi!umat river, and Emperor Bharat, son of Riabhdev, considered the first Tirth&kara of the Jain sect, meditated on the banks of the Kl Ganak river in Nepal. So, it can be surmised that the strong religious pillars of all four sects, namely Vedic, Jain, Buddhist and Sikh, were bonded in Nepal, thereby paving the way for the spontaneous development of the o"kra-parivra. In politically critical times, attempts are still being made by Nepalese and Indian Hindu organizations to retain and magnify the Hindu identity of the country, and this ideological battle between the secularizing and fundamentalist forces is an ongoing phenomenon until today.




























































976




The Kathmandu Post, April 8, 2006.

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Conclusion We are hundreds of flowers, the one garland-Nepali Sovereign, spread out from Mechi to Mahakali. Amassing nature's millions of resources By the blood of heroes, independent and immovable. Land of knowledge, land of peace, Terai, hills, mountains Indivisible this beloved, our motherland Nepal. The diverse races, languages, faiths, and cultures are so extensive Our progressive nation, long live Nepal.977 (2007 Nepalese National Anthem) 1. Revisiting the Monograph in Brief In this monograph, I have concentrated on two major royal rituals and their religious and sociopolitical implications. I have addressed such questions as how the rituals of the navartri and coronation were empowering for the king and for the office of kingship, how these rituals gave expression to religious and political forms of power, how such rituals constructed sacred space and how this notion (of the sacred space) manifested itself in Nepalese history, and what ritual transformations resulted from sociopolitical changes in South Asian history in general and Nepalese history in particular. The overriding question has been how Hindu royal power was grounded in myth and displayed in ritual during the Middle Ages (ca. 750-1768) and more recently, and how this nexus was actively and forcefully used in modern Nepalese history. Hindu traditions entrusted the king with many responsibilities by regarding him (the king) as sacred and kingship as divine. In terms of religious obligations, he also had to worship and render services to various deities for the continued protection of the kingdom–even to sustain the world order. The king also had to protect the people, punish wrong-doers and rule with justice. Despite differences over space and time, the royal rituals were expressions of pre-modern Hindu kingship. The monarchy relied on centralized power even if it recognized the authority of multiple human and divine centers and sources. However pious and benevolent the intentions and actions of various kings may have been, the royal rituals were created with the clear purpose of enhancing the status and prestige of kingship and of maintaining the traditional, four-level var#a, socio-political order, and its ideology. As these rituals played out in Nepal, they appear to have been fashioned primarily to gain, expand, consolidate, and legitimize the royal power, which one could broadly take as the power gained and exercised by the kings, rulers and their institutions.




























































977

Quoted in James B. Minahan, The Complete Guide to National Symbols and Emblems, vol. 1 (Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2009), 123. This new Nepalese anthem was written by Vykul Mil (Pradeep Kumar Rai) and officially adopted on August 3, 2007, and it runs as follows in Nepl: “sayaun thu&g phlk hm, eu ai ml nepl/srvabhaum(a) bha phailiek, meci-mahkl/prak%tik ko -ko  sampadko ncala/vrhark ragata le, svatantra ra a ala/ jñnabhmi, ntibhmi tar, pahd, himla/akha#a yo pyro hmro mt%bhmi nepla/bahul(a) jti, bh, dharma, sansk%ti chan bila/agragm r ra hmro, jaya jaya nepla.” This anthem replaced the old one, which (suspended on May 19, 2006) runs as follows in English: “May glory crown you, courageous Sovereign,/You, the gallant Nepalese, r Pnc Mahrjdhirja, our glorious ruler,/May he live for many years to come/ And may the number of his subjects increase./Let every Nepalese sing this with joy.” Quoted in Martin Shaw, Henry Coleman, and T. M. Cartledge (eds.), National Anthems of the World (London: Blandford Press, 1975), 293. The Nepali version of the (old) anthem runs like “rmn gambhira nepl praca#a pratpi bhpati/r-pnc-sarkarmahrjdhirjako sad rahos unnati/rkhun cryale praj phailiyos pukraun jaya premale/hm nepl srle.” Kanak Mani Dixit, “The King’s Song: The Military Tune that Became the Anthem,” Himal Southasian (June 2003). Source: http://old.himalmag.com/component/content/article/4214-the-kings-song.html




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The study of royal rituals from a religious perspective intimates that the universe is created and perpetually sustained by the transcendental forces and realities. The myths surrounding the navartri use the word akti to refer to this ultimate underlying power, within whose orbit all material and non-material phenomena move in an eternal process of creation, maintenance, destruction, and re-creation. Although the divine power represented by the gods is also called akti in Hindu religious literature, the ultimate spiritual power of the universe is conceived in the form of the goddess, and everything in the dynamic cosmos is understood as an expression of her divine power. For example, the Dev Mhtmya, the seminal religious text used during the navartri, envisions the goddess as the source of everything in the visible and invisible universe. This integrative and all-encompassing vision provides a worldview of the sacred cosmos and of meaningful human participation in it. In the Dev Mhtmya, the ontological power of the goddess is understood as personal, in the sense that it is possessed by the goddess herself, but also as impersonal because it operates independently of her through cosmic law and through the gu#as (qualities) and karmas of each individual being. Over time, what has evolved through this complex process gets disorganized and conflicted, so the divine power reasserts itself to restore order. The power of the goddess can change the course of individual lives, events, and things. It is the animating force in all things, and includes the capacity to bestow life, productivity (in the world of nature), intelligence, and nutrition. It manifests in the elemental forces of nature–earth, water (which includes rain and fertility), air and fire. In essence, every being or mundane substance embodies the divine power in different forms and capacities. This is illustrated in the navartri rituals in various ways. For example, the goddess is installed in the form of clay pitchers filled with sacred waters, medicinal herbs, seeds, plants, grains, bovine products (pañcagavya), sandal paste, and various types of clay. This replicates the goddess as earth itself in her microcosmic form. Fertility itself, she is worshiped with prayers and mantras that ask for blessings such as peace, happiness, progeny, victory, long life, and vitality. Conversely, in the coronation rituals, Vi!u is worshiped as the ultimate deity, especially in his role of protector and preserver of the cosmic and social order. He is called the primal Purua, Hira#yagarbha, Prajpati and Ananta, the eternal Lord. Such masculine epithets are not used to define the goddess, despite the shared nature of both deities in creating, maintaining, and periodically destroying the universe as part of the cosmic process and universal law. Both the goddess and Vi!u incarnate in different forms to restore dharma, and to make their presence felt when they are worshiped. Their relationship with kingship and its power is crucial, as the destiny of the nation is ritually understood to depend on the nature and actions of the king. Besides the goddess and the god Vi!u, numerous other deities and powerful beings are invoked and worshiped in the royal rituals. Among such countless deities, iva remains very important, although he is not the focus of the coronation and of navartri myths and rituals. His presence is felt in the coronation, despite the sovereign status of Vi!u in the ritual pavilion. It can be observed when the newly consecrated king and queen–richly endowed with various divine powers, insignia and symbols–pay a visit to iva’s son Ga!ea in his Vinyaka form, the remover of obstacles, to mark the auspicious beginning of the king’s reign. They also visit Bhairava, the tntric form of iva, after the completion of the coronation rituals. Soon after this, the king delivers a speech to the nation as the proclamation of his rule, in which he invokes Lord iva Paupatinth (but not Vi!u) to protect and bless all with happiness, good fortune and prosperity. This suggests that despite the king’s direct connection to Vi!u as the protector of the universe, iva remains ultimately very powerful in the pantheon of deities worshiped in Nepal. This fact might suggest that the kingship is also associated with the power of destruction, the


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quality often associated with the Rudra form of iva in classical Hinduism. In fact, iva Paupatinth has been worshiped as the national deity of Nepal since ancient times. The king’s visit to the Paupatinth temple after his coronation is in line with his obligation to pay homage to the major deity presiding over his Himalayan nation. However, the variable supremacy of Durg, Vi!u, and iva on different occasions does not create any conflict in the devotees’ worship and understanding; rather, it appears as a genuine expression of the polycentric Hindu devotional world. The royal rituals illustrate that divine powers are channeled through the properly consecrated king, who is established on the divine throne and invested with divine, human, and other agencies of power. He is believed to embody divine powers and charisma, and some scholars regard this belief as king’s divine status on earth. The royal rituals are geared to the physical and religious transformation of the king, as illustrated through the rituals of the claybath; the consecration with sacred, empowered liquids; and the investiture, with its association with divine insignia, such as the crown, diadem, scepter, umbrella, and the multi-headed cobra throne. The king is placed in a richly symbolic world, and religious symbols suggest the king’s closeness to various deities. In the navartri, this change is caused by the abhieka ritual and especially by tntric rites, such as bhtauddhi, nysa, and ku#alin yoga that is believed to result in his obtaining siddhis (supernatural powers). This is illustrated by the king holding the empowered sword of the goddess and by his digvijaya journey (“conquest of the quarters”) in eight different directions; it is also enacted in his empowering ritual exchange of swords with Bhadrakl and Bhairava. In many ways, it is believed that the navartri rituals actually transform the king into a tntric hero of immense power, potency, and violence. On the other hand, the coronation rituals appear to subdue violence, at least for the spectator, by limiting it to the Sanskrit mantras, which repeatedly mention enemies and call for their destruction–despite the fact that the king (and kingship) is inseparably connected with death and destruction. This connection is manifested even in his crown, which incorporates an entire dead bird of paradise; it is also seen in the hides of five predatory animals that are placed on his throne. In marked contrast, the navartri rituals give vent to violence in a most dramatic and powerful way, in the form of animal sacrifices, often extremely cruel and dispassionate, in the Taleju temple and in the courtyards of former royal palaces of other cities of the Kathmandu valley. The tntric rituals are believed to thoroughly transform the king into the fully embodied akti, for the fulfillment of his wishes. Thus, the royal rituals are primarily geared to achieving his mundane ambitions, which are often expressed in beneficent terms such as dharma, artha, and kma. They are guided by pleadings repeatedly voiced in the sa"kalpa (solemn declaration) rites that precede the major rituals, and in the countless explicit mantras about these worldly aims. Consequently, they hardly appear to aid the king’s personal meditative quest for liberation (moka); in fact, the word moka is hardly used in the ritual handbooks. As Witzel suggests, rituals employ the technique of identification, or rather, correlation, which is broadly understood as bandhu (relationship) in Hindu traditions. This is a mode of experience, or rather a method of connecting oneself with people, things, elements, supernatural orders and so on. The realization of one’s self (tman) as no different from the cosmic self (brahman), or one’s individual being as essentially no different from every other being, is an example of bandhu. It can extend to other associations, such as the natural relationship between creation and creator, relations among things and beings, and a compassionate vision, which the king should have, of the inter-connectedness and inter-dependence of all that exists in the visible and invisible universe. This religious vision is metonymic, as it is capable of connecting everything to every other thing. This understanding enables one to see the royal rituals with a


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new eye, since rituals have the power and potentiality to connect the self with the larger cosmos; rituals are deeply meaningful and not just forms of magic, as traditionally understood. This idea of bandhu is exemplified in numerous invocations and nti mantras (prayers for peace). It is key to rituals such as the royal bath with clay and the abhieka rites that employ sacred liquids. These rituals call for the agency of divine, human, and non-human powers, and they connect the king with multiple sources of power. This connection is also displayed in the participation of people from diverse backgrounds. Since the rituals create a connected world, they are effective in generating power: the king, the royal priest and other ritual participants are deeply united through ritual; they develop a growing sense of recognition of the identity and interdependence among beings in the sacred cosmos. The royal rituals, therefore, become meaningful and efficacious events: they connect and reconnect, order and reorder, and through this process the king gains necessary abilities and the recognition of his authority. This understanding, therefore, makes a subtle critique of Heesterman’s study of royal rituals as an irresolvable “conundrum” of oscillation between transcendent and immanent and between divine and human, as constructed by the priests for political reasons. This approach also departs from Inden’s interpretation of the coronation as an elevation of a human being to a literally transformed and ritually vested cosmic Purua. Religious practice can have sociopolitical implications if the rituals are performed in broader social contexts and for certain political purposes. In the case of these rituals, they are performed after the king has already assumed political office. They thus bear greater political weight and meaning for him as the leader of the kingdom. These rituals also give the king additional legitimacy, and the ritual becomes an opportunity to manifest his sovereignty. In this context, whatever existential and psychological transformation the king undergoes is connected in some ways to politics and to political goals. What appears as purely religious (e.g., devotion to achieve liberation and intimacy with the deity) turns out to be politically charged. For example, in the beginning of the navartri, the goddess is the source and possessor of everything. However, at the end of the rituals, the divine power and some of goddess’s possessions are transferred to the king. Similarly, the consecration of the king by the representatives of four classes of society is a religious event as it reorders the cosmos along the lines of the creation story (RV X.90). However, the same ritual is also a political event and a strategy to bringing together all classes of traditional Hindu society to authorize and support the king’s leadership. The consecration of the king by these representatives creates a highly stratified yet unified world based on power and position in the society. Even apparently pure devotional worship and tntric rituals of identification turn out to be deeply political and strategic, as they turn the king into a person with supernatural powers. The political nature of these royal rituals is explicit in every major event as they already include social structures and dominance. In these rituals, social hierarchies of high and low and their relations to pure and impure, auspicious and inauspicious, are created. The king’s sacred and/or divine status is recognized as natural and bestowed by the deities, so his subjects have to accept that their status is lower by virtue of their birth, regardless of their merits. This extends to the animal realm as well, as the innocent animal’s life is sacrificed for the benefit of the participants, especially the king; this is regarded as a ritual necessity and part of the natural order of things, sanctified by sacred myths and reaffirmed through continuous practice. Violence, too, is called into the service of political aims. Weapons are installed, consecrated, worshiped, and wielded for subduing and slaying animals and enemies. Certain strata of society (low caste and military personnel) participate in the sacrificial killing, but this is justified for the expressed purpose of restoring dharma. Finally, the king’s state arms, used in




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historical battles of conquest and in annexing the land and cultures of others, are offered to Kl, the king’s tutelary deity, as her own weapons; these acts are justified as part of the goddess’ divine plan, and necessary for the creation of a “pure land of Hindus” over against Islamic conquest and British colonization in South Asia. These ritual acts, gestures and symbols carry loaded political meanings; they transcend the boundaries of what may be regarded as just peaceful religious fertility and prosperity rites. Politics and religion converge in the conception of the divine kingship, which is much discussed by European scholars of India and also explored in Part II, Chapters V and VI of this monograph.978 The application of mythological narratives to the concept of the king as Vi!u, Indra or some other deity, or a combination of all deities, is overt and inescapable; the kingship rituals, especially the rauta rituals such as rjasya and aindrmahbhieka, re-enact sacred myths by symbolically uniting the priest, mantras, and deities and investing the king with many different divine powers. The king’s humanity has also been repeatedly emphasized in the rituals, and divine protection is constantly sought for his rule. In Nepalese history, the kings did not replace any of the deities. The ruling Malla kings, for example, had their statues constructed in postures of bowing and kneeling in front of all the Taleju temples of the cities (such as Kathmandu and Bhaktapur) to show their ultimate homage to their tutelary goddess; so did P#thv Nrya! h in front of the Manakman temple in Gorkh. Similarly, the Nrya!a or Vi!u temples were installed inside the palace precincts such as Hanumnhok and Nrya!hi$, and the Nepalese h kings constantly worshiped Vi!u-!rya!a as they ruled the kingdom. The king’s human status is also evident in the contrast between his role and that of the priests. As we saw in our discussion of the coronation, the priests receive the arghya and madhuparka (often offered to guests, deities, brhmins, and kings), but they do not seem to honor the king with the same.979 This is a subtle and unusual but drastic revision of the VDhP, on which the Nepalese rituals draw. It illustrates that the king does not receive honor as a divine persona, despite a fully divine status of kingship. Since the manuals were composed by the royal brhmins and priests, this strategy may be taken as indicative of the ritual authority of the priests themselves, as it appears in their Sanskrit myths and rituals. The outward show of the divinity of the king may, therefore, be merely a priestly ritual strategy, rather than evidence of the actual ritual transformation of the king. Again, this notion is not uniform in the history of the h dynasty. No Nepalese h king is ever recorded to have claimed his status as a god despite a popular belief in the ever-auspicious nature of the occupant of the throne (e.g., the reigning king did not formally mourn even the death of his own father in order to maintain the throne and give continuity of kingship) and the king’s association with the divine emblems and names. Brendra and Gynendra understood this concept as existing in the people (and not in the king personally) and at best as a symbolic expression of the divine roles (such as protection and punishment) of the king. The autocratic R!s’ strategy of holding the actual power of the state to themselves led to associating the kings with divinity, a way of virtually imprisoning the king, like the deity in the temple, and exercising full state power. This is seen in P#thv Br Bikram hdev, from whose time two epithets of divinity were attached to the h kings; earlier in Grv!yuddha, with whom the epithet Bikram (from vikrama, the name of Vi!u from his cosmic steps) was used. This highlights the need for the question of the divinity of the Nepalese Hindu king to be studied in specific historical and cultural contexts. The Indic notion had already been adapted by the medieval Malla kings, as seen in their chronicles, rituals, and ma#ala-shaped kingdoms.




























































978 979




See the summary version in Inden’s Imagining India (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1990). However, one should keep in mind that this assessment is based on the coronation manuscripts.

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Then, the oligarchical R!a regime, with its rhetoric of Hindu purity in terms of caste and the ideology of the Hindu nation, increasingly emphasized the divine kingship notion to consolidate their own power. Many h kings were crowned as minors,980 and most of them did not even have good education, despite some Sanskrit texts and ritual manuals being attributed to some of them. The R!s elevated their own caste status from Kunvar to R!a through royal proclamation, constructed their own genealogy as the descendants of the Rjput rulers, and intermarried with the h families and ruled the kingdom. The R! Prime Ministers and Chiefs of the Army even used to wear crowns, and had their consecrations performed by priests. The notion of the divine status of the king was later emphasized during the one-party Pañcyat system to glorify kingship and garner people’s support for the concept of Hindu monarchy. The question of divinity was understood and interpreted differently without paying sufficient attention to Hindu traditions and their conception of kingship. In Hindu traditions in general, the creator and the creation are often connected, and, as mentioned previously, the microcosmic and macrocosmic realities are mutually identified. For example, the Purua of the RV (10.90) in some ways is not different from the world; the cosmic Self called Brahman is similarly connected to all entities in terms of their level of consciousness.981 In classical Hinduism, the personal deities assume transcendental forms, yet humanity is not separated from divinity, as in Judeo-Christian traditions. The divinity manifests itself more in the person who cultivates the sattva gu#as, or one realizes one’s divinity through yogic and meditative processes. In the %khya, yoga, and Advaita philosophies, the realization of one’s own divinity is necessary for enlightened experience and liberation, and this divinity (the immortal tman) pervades the entire life force of each entity. In these rituals, the divine kingship, rather than the personal divinity of the king, seems to have been the focus. The Nepalese kings were sometimes referred to (in the Nepalese language) as vi#uko a"a (a portion of Vi!u), but they were not regarded as the complete embodiment of divinity in any way. This conception seems to have been first clearly established in the context of Rm h in the nineteenth CE Gorkh chronicle. By virtue of their office, these kings were set apart, but it is the functions of various divinities, as Brendra and Gynendra mentioned, not the king’s godhood, that are emphasized in the rituals. However, this construction needs to be studied in light of how the notion played out over Nepalese history. Bloch’s theory that ritual is a political force in the production and legitimation of hierarchy is particularly applicable to the study of these royal rituals. Because these rituals create the impression of outward stability through the creation of a mythical “nature,” consisting of concepts and categories of time and persons divorced from everyday experience, inequality becomes an inevitable part of the ordered system.982 This is exemplified in the coronation rituals that present social inequality and class contradiction as something natural, immutable and divinely sanctioned, as in the Vedic (ruti) texts on which the coronation rituals draw. Bloch’s assertion that rituals exhibit “rebounding violence” is also applicable to the royal rituals, which give expression to the themes of conquest and domination. These rituals also project the violent




























































980

Ra!a Bahdur h ascended the throne when he was just two years old, Grv!yuddha when he was two, Rjendra when he was three, Surendra when he was eighteen, P#thv Br Bikram when he was six, and Tribhuvan when he was five. However, P#thv Nrya! h ascended the throne when he was twenty, and his son Pratp i%ha when he was twenty-four, followed by the kings listed above. However, Mahendra ascended the throne when he was thirty-five and Brendra did so when he was twenty-seven. For the dates (birth, ascension, and death) of these kings, see Chhetri and Malla, 2-3. 981 Chndogya Upaniad, VII.16-25; VIII.1. 982 Bloch, Ritual, History, and Power, 18.




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aspect of both king and kingship. This is illustrated, for example, in the state-sponsored sacrifices, in which the blood of animals, as symbolic and mythical representations of demonic forces, is offered to the goddess. This serves as an expression of what the king and his regime are capable of doing to their enemies, represented here in the forms of sacrificed victims. In these rituals, the rebounding violence is openly displayed in the projection of the king as a warrior, in various martial images (e.g., swords and weapons), and in specific ritual acts (e.g., display and handling of weapons). However, the ritual structure of “rebounding violence” should be understood in a broader and more meaningful way. The person duly enthroned and crowned has already been king for a period; the rituals, then, simply further authorize his kingship. Brendra’s coronation, for example, was performed three years after his actual ascent to the throne, which had legally made him the new king and given him the executive, legislative and judicial powers of an absolute monarch without any constitutional limits.983 The royal ritual thus just reconfirmed his royal authority. As the king bridges the divine and the human realms and is connected with various sources of power, the royal rituals oscillate, as Inden observes, between dichotomies in which the king assumes the roles of both ceremonialist and administrator. Since the rituals also are cyclic and performed periodically, they reconfirm his authority again and again. The immanent aspect of royal rule covers his entire time on the throne, which may itself be taken as an expression of “rebounding violence,” punctuated by the annual sacrifices of the royal rituals. The Kathmandu valley is replete with diverse royal rituals, and other kingship rituals mentioned, but not discussed, earlier (see Appendix I) have similar religious and political dimensions and ramifications: on the one hand, the king is obligated by virtue of his office to worship the deities to ensure the welfare and prosperity of himself and his country; on the other, it is through the same process that the political hold of the king is at least partly maintained, sustained and expanded. This study of the navartri also reveals a different picture of kingship from that held by some indigenous communities, especially the Magars, who represent around 7% of the Nepalese population. It suggests a needed revision of the notion of Sanskritization and cultural encroachment often associated with the h dynasty and its ideology of Hinduism. The deep ritual participation of indigenous people of almost all clans, castes, and classes of Gorkh– especially in those rituals that are most sensitive inside the sanctum sanctorum of the goddess in the palace–does not appear like a complete imposition by the h kings and the brhmin priests who helped them conquer the Gorkh and surrounding kingdoms to establish their power and prestige of priesthood until modern times. The most auspicious rituals, for example, are performed by the Magar themselves. For example, the sacred water is brought by a Magar girl of the Khankhavs clan; the Rn Magars are the main attendants of the goddess and they carry the goddess to the pj room of the palace and back; the Kuml and Dar, the most auspicious clans, bring the clay pots to be used for goddess worship; the Magars go out into the jungle and bring to the palace the nine plants that are the sylvan forms of the goddess; the Rn Magars are responsible for sacrificing the first and the last animals to the goddess (and their actions are directly connected to the destiny of the king and the kingdom); the nina poles, worshiped as the power of the goddess and used for sacrifice, are identified with the local Magar and other local communities; and the Magars are often the main priests of the Kl temples associated with






























































983 In the case of Mahendra, the coronation was done one year after he took the throne, while Gynendra never was consecrated during his six years of tumultuous reign (2001-2006).




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the h dynasty.984 If these rituals had been imposed by the h dynasty and its brhmin priests, the most important ritual work inside the main shrines of their own palaces (such as Gorkh and Hanumnhok) would never have been assigned to Magar and other local peoples. Their inclusion, however, may be regarded as strategically important for P#thv Nrya! and his predecessors, but it is unlikely that supposedly brhma#ic rituals such as navartri were forcefully imposed upon these peoples, as is often claimed by some indigenous communities. At best, one may plausibly speculate that these rituals were already part of their tradition, even if they had been instituted by brhmins and kings and made popular among the local people as part of Sanskritization process, well before the h dynasty came to Gorkh. 2. Reversal of the Ruler and the Ruled After the abolition of the monarchy, the former king and his followers were very much in the minority, and have been ruled and controlled by the forces that in the past had been under their control. The Maoists, who fought a guerilla war, are now politically mainstream, with a significant portion of their army already integrated into the (former Royal) Nepalese Army. The minorities who were ruled and often suppressed for centuries are now actively involved in politics. During the Maoist rebellion, many people from the minorities who claimed to be more indigenous than the ruling dynasty even joined the Maoists’ armed struggle. After the suspension and dismissal of the monarchy, the king tried to resist the pressure of the new “people’s” government to not participate in state-sponsored rituals such as the Indraytr, in which the king would pay homage to the living goddess Kumr and receive her blessing for his successful rule for yet another year, and the navartri, in which he used to visit the Navadurg temple in Bhaktapur. In 2007, when the monarchy was already suspended but not yet completely abolished, the king, in defiance of government pressure, paid a visit to the goddess Kumr, even though the reigning Prime Minister had already received the first blessings from the goddess, and he also visited the Navadurg temple. When the president of the country took over the ritual roles held by the kings until 2006 and by the interim Prime Minister in 2007, he also began assuming the cultural roles of the former head of state, except for commanding the national army and having his image appear on the national currency. However, a discourse persists about what would happen to the state-sponsored Hindu rituals if the president happened to be a Buddhist, a Muslim, a Christian, or something other than Hindu. The contest for ritual authority has continued despite the overthrow of the monarchy, and many ritual events have been negotiated without any violent confrontation between the former king and the current state authority.985 Even the Maoists, who were opposed to any religious worship during their ten-year armed struggle, now participate in rituals, with their chairman even involved in the tntric ritual of worshiping a buffalo in order to acquire good luck.986 During the royal rule, taking the k and blessings from the king was mandatory for the top officials of the state; the practice was then optional. However, rituals such as the exchange of the empowered sword with Bhairava and Bhadrakl, as seen in 2011, have not been adopted by the President, who even skipped his visit to the Navadurg temple in 2011 because he was






























































984 Similarly, Guru&g priests work in Nmar&g Bhagavat temple in Gorkh, and katriyas in Akal and Annapur!dev temples in other locations. In fact, many temples of the goddess located in the periphery of the cities in the Kathmandu valley are officiated by the local people such as poe and cyme often belonging to the traditionally lowest caste. arm Bha$$ar, 143. 985 See Mocko, Demoting Vi#u for details. 986 Telegraph Nepal, “Nepal: Prachanda worships Buffalo to ward off negative effects of ani (Saturn),” September 4, 2013.




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outside the country on a state visit. There is now some freedom of choice; the state has assumed the right to continue or discontinue a particular tradition depending on the mood of the public. The state also turned the Nrya!hi$ Royal Palace into a museum and opened it for public view in 2009. 3. The Transformation of the Navartri after the Dissolution of the Monarchy Ritual has the ability to persist and resist change. Despite the dramatic change from a Hindu monarchy to a secular republican order, the fundamentals of the navartri ritual have continued seamlessly. After the suspension of the monarchy in 2006, the prime minister assumed the position of the executive head of the state and participated in almost all the rituals formerly performed by, or on behalf of, the king.987 With the deposition of the monarchy in May 2008, the new president took over the ritual roles of the former king, with the exception of the rite every twelve years of exchanging the swords with Bhadrakl and Bhairava. This situation in Nepal is in sharp contrast to what we find in India, where the descendants of the former kings (e.g., in Benares, Orissa, and Travancore) still enjoy ceremonial roles on important ritual occasions. In Nepal, the king’s ritual role as the ceremonialist of the nation has been virtually negated, although he has continued visiting power places of the goddess (aktip has) and offering the dasain k in his own way as an ordinary citizen. The secular and the multi-religious order of post-monarchy Nepal has replaced its old Hindu identity, yet the state has continued sponsoring the navartri with the country’s head actively participating in it. Despite these political transitions, the substance of the ritual remains the same and is likely to continue indefinitely. Nonetheless, some major transformations have taken place since the overthrow of the monarchy and the institutionalization of federal democratic order. The rituals of the former palaces, such as Gorkh and Hanumnhok, are no longer the preserve of the palace, and the Department of Archaeology has taken complete control of and responsibility for ritual performances. A former official bemoans the fact that the old customs and practices are “now destroyed, and rituals are not as elaborate as before.”988 Inside the Gorkh palace, the rituals were performed only in the spring and autumnal navartris, and on each eighth day of the lunar fortnight. However, now the Department of Archaeology has instructed that rituals be performed daily, which according to Suryanth Aryl is not part of the tradition.989 Previously, there was a sequential order of rituals to the goddess–worshiping the virgin, sacrificing the ash gourd, offering cooked rice, and animal sacrifice–a tradition since the time of king Rm h. These days, however, people have started sacrificing animals and worshiping without following the traditional order. There was also a rule to worship the virgin and to sacrifice an ash gourd on every eighth day of the lunar fortnight, but that too has been discontinued. Again, the earlier rule was not to sacrifice a goat every day, but this situation has also changed and animal sacrifice is common almost every day.990 Previously, devotional worship was more prominent, but now its purpose is to boost business and tourism. The palace used to send two deer musks as precious offerings to the goddess, but this kind of offering has been discontinued altogether. Since the Department of Archeology took over, the priest complained further, the sandalwood sent for the ceremony is no longer authentic.991 Likewise, the number of sacrifices made by the government has been reduced, though not terminated: for example, during the Gorkh monarchy, the navartri sacrifice included 84




























































987

For a detailed discussion of the ritual transformation, see Mocko, DemotingVi#u (2012). Subedi, 34. 989 Ibid, 3. 990 Ibid, 3. 991 Ibid, 10. 988




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buffalos and 154 goats; now the government sacrifice has been reduced to 16 buffalos and 32 goats.992 Previously, the assemblage used to receive k and jamar directly from the king, or in his absence from his representative, which was a symbolic expression of the allegiance and subordination of the people to the king. Now, officials working in the temple offer k to the participants and to the general public.993 Still, both governmental and non-governmental agencies spend millions in Nepalese currency for animal sacrifices for the navartri alone.994 The newly formed Maoist-led government (the first time in 2008-2009) tried to restrict all governmental expenses for animal sacrifices and informed all central and local level agencies. However, following the advice of the royal priests and the officials working in the Department of Archaeology, the Hanumnhok palace, the Gu$h Sa%sthn, and the government Treasury, the government decided that ash gourds and coconuts could substitute for animals, but this created uproar among the local people. Failing to contain the opposition from people steeped in centuries-old practices, the government formed a committee to decide whether the state should offer money for sacrifices. The committee suggested that state-sponsored animal sacrifices should be continued, and the government acquiesced.995 Despite challenges to the traditional form of sacrificial ritual by some ethnic groups, religious organizations, and animal rights activists, sacrifices have significantly increased in goddess temples in recent years. The forces of secularization do not seem to have turned the people away from ritual observance, and even the Maoists have participated in the rites, despite their claim to be secularists and atheists.996 4. The Revision of the Past and Reformation in the Present: Navadev Awards Women, too, have been active in calling for the reform of traditional rituals. Despite the traditional mindset and prevailing discriminatory behaviors in Nepalese society, some educated Nepalese women, sometimes joined by wise and educated men, have come to the forefront to reenvision their traditions in new and creative ways. Joining hands with animal rights’ activists and others who oppose violence in any form and who reject misogynist stereotypes, they have reacted to the “evil practice” associated with the navartri and goddess worship, while arguing against violence against women; they are transforming society through writings, discussion forums, and street protests. They argue that to have any effective and sustainable change, Nepalese men must take some concrete steps to change the way they regard and treat women. One such attempt with regard to the navartri was the establishment of an institution in 2002 that has been annually celebrating womanhood and honoring nine women (Celebrating Womanhood Navadev Awards), coinciding with the nine forms of the goddess worshiped over the navartri.




























































992

Ibid, 7; “Karoaunko Bali,” Yuvmañc, vin, September- October, 2011. Subedi, 11. 994 According to a tentative estimate in 2011, the government agencies alone spend about fifty million in Nepalese currency for the expenses of animal sacrifices. “Karoaunko Bali,” Yuvmañc, vin (September- October), 2011. 995 Ibid. 996 During the Maoists’ revolt (1996-2006), both His Majesty’s Government of Nepal and the Maoist rebels often reciprocated the people’s wishes for a ceasefire during the festival season. While the government agencies were busy with worship (of the goddesses as well as the weapons) and sacrifices in the navartri, the Maoists utilized this moment to clean weapons, transport them to safe locations, and disseminate their communist agenda. In the years following the dissolution of the monarchy, when the Maoists were leading the national government under their premiership, the Prime Minister’s office often hosted a dinner or meeting for the exchange of good wishes, for strengthening the “good will and mutual trust among all the (political) leaders,” for peace, for constitutional rule and for nationality. The top Maoist leaders also received blessings from their parents on the tenth day, and interpreted such events not in religious terms but as occasions to exchange good wishes. See The Himalaya Times, 03/10/2011; also, http://www.ekantipur.com/2011/10/06/top-story/dashain-tika-observed-prez-pm-receive-tika/341848.html 993




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Although this movement does not seem to have brought any substantial changes in the ways people generally observe their rituals, it has at least sent a positive message to the society.997 This event emphasizes the values and qualities of the goddesses and honors select women who best exemplify those qualities in real life situations. In Hindu myths and religious practices, the goddesses Lakm, Sarasvat and Durg are “regarded as representing wealth, knowledge and power,” but, it is argued, “ironically, it is in these very sectors that Nepalese women find themselves deprived of access to basic rights and opportunity.”998 In their promotion of humanism, this institution emphasizes the importance of “acknowledging and respecting living women rather than just worshiping deities.”999 Another impressive aspect of this ceremonial event is that the selection of the top nine women from different walks of Nepalese life is not limited to Hindu women; it crosses the boundaries of religion and even gender. Women from various religious and social backgrounds have been honored, and even their husbands, who give extraordinary support to their wives in this selfless cause, are jointly honored as the divine akti, suggesting that the empowerment of women and real change in society are possible only when both men and women work together. Out of more than a hundred Nepalese women honored as living heroes from different cultural backgrounds–and, of course, thousands of other still-unsung women across the Nepalese landscape–two have come to the international limelight in recent years, becoming the top CNN heroes of the year.1000 5. Royal Rituals and the Limits of Their Efficacy It is debatable whether rituals actually transform individuals (though not in a psychological sense in which rituals are often transformative for the believers) and engender divine powers. It is also questionable whether these rituals ontologically transformed the king into something qualitatively different, if not into a god, and whether they could be effective and powerful without the actual involvement of diverse sections of Nepalese society and without the constant support of other state institutions, such as the military, police, bureaucracy, and gu his. However, rituals can create status and become powerful when they are backed by the state and its apparatuses. This is partly why the royal rituals (except a particular form of sa"yakmahdna) still exist and have remained powerful even in post-monarchical times. They provide opportunities for rulers to make their presence and power visible to the people, and they help build support from the people. For such reasons, even the Maoists are now gradually drawn to them; for the same reasons, the former king continues to perform them and resists, whenever he can, any attempt by the secular government to obstruct his participation. In Nepalese history, Hindu kingship exercised its power not simply through ritual means. Scholars have noted that during the one-party Pañcyat system (1962-1990), Nepalese language, Hinduism and monarchy constituted the triumvirate of official Nepalese national culture.1001 The Panchyati state also “appropriated the notion of the brave (vra) Gorkhli soldiers as a central theme of Nepalese national culture” through print, radio, visual media and education resource materials.1002 The state ideology of traditional Hinduism was maintained through different legal




























































997

For the official website of the institution grating the award, see http://celebratingwomanhood.org/ Ibid. 999 Ibid. 1000 Two of these women became the CNN heroes of the year, one in 2010 and another in 2012. 1001 Pratyoush Onta, “Ambivalence Denied: The Making of the Rastriya Itihas in Panchayat Era Textbooks,” Contributions to Nepalese Studies 23, no. 1 (January 1996), 214. 1002 Ibid, 214. 998




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codes based on the ancient dharmastras, with its long history predating the h dynasty. For example, the fourteenth-century king Jayasthiti Malla divided the local people of the Kathmandu valley into sixty-four castes; the National code of 1854, which brought all the Nepalese, including indigenous communities like the Magar, Tam&g, and R (janajtis), who did not have the brhma#ic caste hierarchy and Hindu kingship, within a broad two-fold system--the sacred thread bearers (tgdhr) and the alcohol drinkers (matvl), which is a departure from the four classes of traditional Hindu society. The latter were again divided into two categories, both impure, but one touchable and the other untouchable. After the establishment of democracy in 1950, the National Education Planning Commission was established in 1952 to create a unified Nepalese culture and history, and to inculcate “national” values. Teaching Nepali in the schools was made mandatory in 1959, especially from the third grade onward, with the explicit aim of building a national monolingual culture: “If the younger generation is taught to use Nepali as the basic language, then other languages will gradually disappear, and greater national strength and unity will result.”1003 A series of Nepali books called Mahendraml (literally, a garland of Mahendra) was prescribed to glorify the king and the kingdom, especially its history of brave soldiers of the Aryan Khas stock, such as Br Balabhadra. In 1961, all students were required to recite the national anthem glorifying the king at the beginning of each school day, and at the beginning and end of all school functions. Similarly, all schools were required to keep a portrait of the king on their premises. Over the ensuing years, that national anthem “displaced the saraswat-vandan (adoration of Sarasvat, the goddess of learning) with which children began their day in school in the 1950s.”1004 As mentioned earlier, the Pañcyat regime also institutionalized monolithic national concepts such as one king (the Gorkh Hindu king of Aryan stock), one Hindu kingdom (Nepal), one language (Nepali), and one dress (daur, suruvl, and a Nepali cap), despite the presence of many indigenous communities totaling nearly half of the Nepalese population.1005 This monolithic state ideology persisted until the People’s Movement of 1990 made some key changes by bringing the king within constitutional limits and by granting some rights to indigenous communities. To some extent, the change empowered formerly downtrodden people, especially in the indigenous communities, at least in public discourse if not in increased access to state position and power. Today, the state power formerly owned by and ritually invested in the king is in the hands of the people. The marked shift from Hindu kingship to federal republican democratic order has brought momentous changes to Nepalese society. This change has empowered the people and seriously involved them in issues of public concern, such as how to reconstitute the nation and how to achieve more equitable distribution of state power and its resources to all Nepalese, irrespective of their gender, ethnicity, classes, geographical location, and religious affiliation. The concepts of diversity, religious pluralism, republicanism, and secularism are in the forefront of Nepalese cultural identity and discourse, and most people take this shift as positive and empowering. This is reflected, for example, in the new Nepalese national anthem quoted at the beginning of this chapter; it sings of a sacred new Nepalese nation-state born of diversity and multi-religious heritage, in sharp contradistinction to the old anthem, which only sang the praise of the king. In addition, in the newly instituted secular order, Hinduism is just one of many religions, and many symbols related to Hindu kingship and its power structures have been




























































1003

Ibid, 218. Quoted in Rudra Pandey et al. Education in Nepal: Report of the Nepal National Education Planning Commission (Kathmandu: College of Education, 1956), 97. 1004 Ibid, 219. 1005 Krishna Bhattachan, 24-26.




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replaced with new ones that are more inclusive and integrative. However, despite the gradual institutionalization of the secular order, people are sometimes still left questioning whether the centrifugal tendencies in politics and in state restructuring will further enrich the religious and cultural harmony and trust in an indivisible nation, or whether such tendencies will create disunity and disintegration, born of political self-interest and short-sightedness. Yet the dramatic rise of public consciousness, social reformations and subsequent transformations, and openness and adaptability indicate that the Nepalese society is reshaping itself in a positive direction.




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Appendix-I Other Popular Royal Rituals and their Socio-political Implications 1. The Red Macchendran thj tra (Bugdya, Avalokitevara, and Macchendran th) The Red Macchendranthjtr, or the Bho$ojtr, is a royal ritual in which the god Macchendranth is worshiped as a “distributor of rain, prosperity and abundance.”1006 As in other rituals, the king was the principal worshiper of this deity, supervising and participating in this grand annual ceremony. Originally worshiped as Bu&gdya, then as Red Avalokitevara, and then as Macchendranth, the deity seems to have been acknowledged from the sixth century CE onward.1007 The worship of this deity has radically integrated other devotional rituals of the goddess.1008 The local legends mention that the deity was brought to the Kathmandu valley either from Mount Potalaka, a mythical mountain belonging to Avalokitevara, or from Kmarpa (ssam), in order to put an end to a twelve-year drought. The festival was then annually celebrated at the end of the dry season and beginning of the monsoon. In local mythologies, the ngas (the serpents) are believed to control the subterranean waters and thus the rain, and it was assumed that a dutiful king should set them free and release the rain for the welfare of the nation.1009 A nearly two-month long (around April) chariot procession of the deity Macchendranth concludes with the public display, in the presence of the living goddess Kumr of P$an and that of the reigning king (until the suspension of monarchy in 2006), of the jewel-decorated vest (bho o) supposedly belonging to the deity himself.1010 As in other state rituals, the procession is accompanied by the military contingent founded in P#thv Nyya! h’s time and by the royal sword of the Malla king of Patan, and it brings together two ruling families and their histories. The bearer of the royal sword also carries the silver foot-cover of the deity, suggesting that the king is the prime worshiper and is ruling according to the deity’s wish.1011 Locke mentions that the chariot procession had already begun by 15581012 and that the deity was associated with the destiny of the king and the nation.1013 P#thv Nrya! h appropriated this festival and the deity Macchendranth, who was then regarded as the guru of Gorkhnth, as their own patron saint in Gorkh. Owens mentions that it is “only with the Gorkhl conquest that Gorakhnth is connected with the legend of the origin of Bu&gadya (Macchendranth) and his jtr




























































1006

Anne Vergati, Gods, Men and Territory: Society and Culture in Kathmandu Valley (Manohar: Centre de Sciences Humaines, 2002), 201. 1007 Ibid, 201.The deity is also known by other names, such as Lokevara (the lord of the world), Lokantha (master of the world), Karu!maya (endowed with compassion), Padmap!i (he who holds the lotus in his hand), Bu&ga Dyo or Vunga Dyo (the divinity of Bunga, the place where there is water), and currently popular Macchendranth (the lord of the chief of the fish) which appears only in the mid-eighteenth century and was then popularized by the h dynasty. Vergati, 202. Oldfield and Hodgson (in the 19th century) and John Locke and Bruce Owens (in the 20th) were among the major scholars doing research on this festival. 1008 Vergati cites the rites especially reserved for women: ihi (marriage) to a bodhisattva and barhatayegu (a ritual performed for the girls at puberty). Vergati, 204. 1009 The release of serpents from the deep is also part of the Vedic mythology. 1010 For a detailed discussion of the ritual transformation in the interim period (2006-2008), see Mocko, 298-345. 1011 The deity was introduced to Nepal by king Narendradeva in the medieval era. The precise date of this king is debatable, as there are at least three Narendradevas ruling in three different times (c. 644-680 CE, c. 997-999, and c. 1140-1147). See John Locke, Karunamaya: the Cult of Avaloketishvara- Matsyendranath in the Valley of Nepal (Kathmandu: Sahayogi Prakashan for Research Centre for Nepal and Asian Studies, Tribhuvan University, 1980), 297. 1012 Locke, 306-307. 1013 Locke mentions that the mistake or incorrect ritual performance was associated with the death of the prince Chhatra Narasi%ha Malla in the mid-seventeenth century. The deity then called Bu&gadeva in the local language is said to have cried for twenty days before the death of the king of Bhaktapur (Locke, 306, 308).




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(festival).”1014 The nthayogi cult was actually ascetic in nature, and it migrated from the eastern part of India (e.g., Sikkim and Assam) to Nepal in medieval times. It was then popularized in Nepal in the form of the annual chariot procession of Macchendranth, which replaced and integrated earlier cults like those of Avaloketivara and the indigenous Bu&gadeo. The mythological narratives, however, point to some kind of conflict between the ntha cult as favored by the h dynasty and the local Newr conception of the Avaloketivara Bodhisattva, with the subsequent introduction of the imported ntha cult in the Kathmandu valley. The history of the ntha cult in the valley also illustrates how one religion or religious cult superseded another one after the conquest of the valley.1015 The fate of the deity’s chariot was also closely linked with the fate of the ruling king. If there was any failure in the preparation and procession of the chariot such as the breaking down of the chariot-wheels, it was directly linked to the fate of the king.1016 During the h kingship, most possibly from around 1928, the king started personally participating in the procession and in the display of the deity’s vest, which further gave this festival a royal dimension:1017 I was watching with keen interest the presentation to the dense crowds of the coat worn by the god—a regular preliminary to the figure of Macchendranth himself. The Mahrj motored up in time to be present when the curious red-wrapped figure was taken from inside of the car and shown to the seething multitude. The festival has been very popular among the local people of P$an, and it is still being observed with the participation of the country’s president (head of the state) and involvement of other authorities. 2. The Vedic Ritual of Indrajtr and Kingship Annually observed in late monsoon season (generally in September), the Indrajtr is an eightday long festival consisting of many rituals, including the installation of the Indra pole and the chariot procession of the virgin goddess Kumr. On this occasion, many hand-bound Indra images are placed on the roadside shrines, and this enacts the mythological narrative of the Vedic god Indra’s visit to the city of Kathmandu in order to steal the sacred prijt flower (nightflowering jasmine, nyctanthes arbor-tristis) for his mother and his consequent capture by the local people. On the other hand, a large Indra pole is installed at this time in Hanumnhok reconfirming the divine sovereignty of Indra and authorizing the head of the state to rule the nation for yet another year. During the king’s rule, the jtr (the local word for ytr, i.e., pilgrimage) culminated with the king visiting the living goddess Kumr, offering tokens of respect (such as betel nuts and gold coins) to her, and receiving blessings in the form of the k. On this occasion, the goddess also empowered the king by touching his shoulders with her sword and investing him with the powers to rule. The announcement of the king’s rule was marked by taking down the Indra pole, symbolizing the continuity of the divine rule of Indra through the king. It is stated that the ritual was made into the current form by Jaya Praka Malla (18th CE) of Kathmandu, who built the current residence of Kumr and introduced her chariot procession. Anderson mentions the legendary narratives of P#thv Nry! h’s visit to Bhaktapur and his




























































1014

Bruce McCoy Owens, “The Politics of Divinity in the Kathmandu Valley: The Festival of Bungadya or Matsyendranath” (New York: Columbia University, 1989), 39. 1015 John K. Locke, Karunamaya. 1016 Locke, 323. Locke gives examples of the reigns of the kings Ra!a Bahadur, Rajendra, and Surendra. 1017 Percival Landon, 213.




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reception of the k from the Kumr there, while he was still the prince of Gorkh, and also Mahendra’s reception of the k as a prince while his father Tribhuvan was away in Switzerland. It was believed that the blessings by Kumr presaged the upcoming reign of these kings.1018 This belief persisted in the aftermath of the royal massacre of 2001, when Gynendra went to pay his homage to the goddess whose offering of the ik to the new king was regarded as an auspicious continuation of monarchy in the country. This royal ritual, which is said to have been introduced by the tenth-century Malla king Gu!akmadeva, follows the pattern of rebounding violence. In ancient and medieval times, warfare would generally be suspended during the monsoon, and the soldiers often spent their time in ritual activities that helped them conserve and build up their energies.1019 Engaging the soldiers in rituals helped the rulers to continue maintaining their position and power. The observance of the Indraytr in Kathmandu gives continuity to this ancient tradition and dramatizes conquest. Hindu texts maintain the connections between the king and Indra, and a main purpose of such textual and ritual connections is to invest the king with transcendental aura and divine power. According to a Hindu myth, Indra is considered one among the many divinities from whom the primeval creator is said to have constituted the king. The Nradasm%ti,1020 for example, portrays the king as Indra in visible form. In Vedic mythologies, Indra is often connected to growth, vitality, rainfall, vegetation and fertility. He represents the force, energy and vitality of nature and is related with atmospheric phenomena.1021 He is presented as a warrior king with a natural bent for the destruction of evil powers, including the enemies of gods and mankind. Indra is also a demon-slayer and deliverer of rain. As a representative of the dynamic aspect of kingship, he is the earthly prototype for the king. In Kathmandu, there was a custom during the Indraytr to bring the royal Throne to an elevated place near Kumr’s house. The king used to sit on this throne and observe the festival. Along the Kumr’s procession routes, the royalties and ministers used to strew coins to the public as a sign of the country’s prosperity under the kingship.1022 This event demonstrated that the kingship was a source of power and plenty and that people also had a responsibility to maintain such rituals.1023 3. The Sayak Mahdnapj: The King as an Incarnation of the Dpkara Buddha The Sa"yakdna,1024 held every twelve years, is a Buddhist ritual in which the ruling Hindu king was honored as an incarnation of the Bodhisattva Dip&kara (See Appendix III, Picture 13). In this ritual, the king, the order of the Buddhist monks, Buddhist priests known as Vajracryas and lay people are invited and offered alms. The practice of giving alms (dna) is very popular among the Buddhists in Nepal because it is a major component of the Buddha’s noble eightfold path and the first of the six or ten interrelated Buddhist pramits (literally, a complete attainment through the




























































1018

Anderson, 135. Kulachandra Koirala, Indraytr (Kathmandu: Gun$h Sansthn Kathmandu, 1985), 25. 1020 Naradasm%ti, 20. 1021 Gonda, Ancient, 6. 1022 Jagadish C. Regmi, Temples in Kathmandu (Kathmandu: Culture Center, 1972), 13. 1023 For a detailed discussion of Indrajtr as practiced in Kathmandu, see Michael Baltutis, The Festival of Indra: The Construction of a South Asian Urban Celebration, Ph. D. Dissertation (Iowa: The University of Iowa, 2008). 1024 In our context, the word sa"yaka means “right,” “balanced,” and “without any selfish motive,” and dna refers to alms. The compound word sa"yakdna thus means the selfless giving of alms. 1019




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perfection of virtues),1025 considered very significant for leading humans from the world of suffering to enlightenment. It is unique to the ancient Nepalese Buddhist tradition that the reigning Hindu king of Nepal was worshiped both as the bodhisattva (enlightenment being)1026 and as an incarnation of the Dp&kara Buddha,1027 whose worship seems to have been widespread even in China and Tibet since ancient times.1028 The Dp&kara Buddha is believed to embody all past Buddhas, such as Vipav, Mañjur and Red Avaloketivara, and is worshiped as the walking divinity, as evidenced in the dancing rituals performed in P$an at other times, and as the divinity that rides on the snake (nga).1029 For the local people, he is the sa"yak god, referring to the almsgiving festival itself. The sa"yaka mahdna ritual has a strong political dimension; the reigning king was regarded as an incarnation of the Dp&kara Buddha and literally worshiped by the local people. This ceremony has a long history predating the h dynasty’s rule in Nepal. Before P#thv Nrya! h, the three trusts (Itum Bha Sa&gha, Wootu Chirhan Bha Sa&gha, and Lagan Bha Sa&gha) established at that time performed this ceremony on a rotation basis. However, with the change of regime, there was a virtual standstill in this age-old tradition. Since it was a Buddhist ceremony, the gu his did not approach the Hindu regime of Gorkh for fear that they might lose all patronage from the state.1030 Knowing that the sa"yak practice was not given continuity on account of the change in regime, P#thv Nrya! h called the elders of the trusts, punished them with fines, and gave an order for the resumption of the practice: “Go on running the trust. If the land belonging to the trusts is used without continuing the sa"yak practice, the concerned individuals will be heavily penalized.”1031 As in other rituals, this sa"yakdna ceremony commemorated the king as a harbinger of rain, fertility and prosperity–qualities often shared with the Vedic deity Indra. In a sa"yak rite, the king was offered a pitcher, called the Indrakalaa (pitcher representing god Indra) which stands for the god Indra and which is symbolic of fertility. This practice goes back to the reign of Bhskara Malla (regnal, ca. 1700- 1722), whose reign was once afflicted with a severe drought, and the rain was assured only after the devotional ritual called the mahmeghama#alapj (i.e., the worship that would bring rain) at the Svayambh shrine. The event testified to the popular belief that the king as the center of the nation had the ritual responsiblity to deliver people from drought.1032 One year before the sa"yakdna day, a group of elderly people used to visit the royal palace with the old-style Gorkh military band, along with indigenous dances and songs. They used to meet the king and offer him an invitation, which usually consisted of ten pieces of ground nuts, betel-leaves, and gold coins. While the king sat on a throne, one of them read out the formal invitation (dna- patra) in his presence and performed the arghya ritual by sprinkling holy water




























































1025

The six pramit are generosity, ethical discipline, forbearance, diligence, meditation and wisdom. The ten pramit are generosity, ethical discipline, forbearance, diligence, wisdom, renunciation, truth, resolution, loving kindness and equanimity. 1026 Kedar Shakya, “Buddha Dharma ra Rajparampara,” An unpublished manuscript, 2003. 1027 RSS, The Rising Nepal (Kathmandu: Gorkhapatra Sansthan), September 17, 2001. 1028 Vergati, 190. 1029 Ranjana Bajracharya, Pañcadna: Baudhdha Parva (Kathmandu: Sakya Jan, 2000), 8. The Dp&kara Buddha is called “the walking Buddha” because of the popular Newr belief that he is eternal and he visits different worlds of all sentient beings. It is a tradition in P$an that the icon of this deity is carried around the city during the pañcadna ceremony. The people who carry the chariot are hidden in such a way that the deity appears walking on his own. 1030 Karunakar Vaidya, 119. 1031 Ibid, 119. One may take this as the new regime’s respect for other religions and ritual activities. 1032 Kedar Shakya, 6.




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at the king’s feet.1033 The following extract of the invitation of 1978, for example, describes how the reigning king used to be referred to as an incarnation of Indra; it also shows how he was honored and invited this way for his actual participation in the sa"yak ceremony to be performed a year later:1034 Goye-dan (betel-nut and coin offering) is hereby presented exactly one year ahead to His Majesty King Brendra Br Bikram hdeva, who is a god Indra in his living form (Indrasvarpa), in connection with the kalabhieka ceremony. A humble request is made to His Majesty for his gracious presence at the sa"yak bhojana (feast) offered to the order of the Buddhists in the coming auspicious year of 1099 (1979 CE) Nepal sa"bat, pohelaga duitiya tithi, Monday in makar sankrnti day (i.e., the day on which the sun transits from Sagittarius to Capricorn in the winter solstice in the northern hemisphere). A few days after this event in the royal palace, the Newr Buddhists visited the Svayambh temple to invite this deity for the sa"yak ceremony, and this event connected the king with another Buddhist deity, the Svayambh (the self-manifested one). The invitation to Svayambh had the same ritual sequence as that to the king earlier. Amidst military and indigenous bands (dhime, gunla and other bands), elderly Thakalis and chief priests visited the Svayambhnth shrine, presented the dna- patra (formal invitation) and offered arghya to the Svayambh deity for his visit to the sa"yak ceremony to be performed nearly a year later. The connection of the monarch with the bodhisattva (and the Buddha) made a full circle when on the sa"yak day the king was enthroned on a par with a host of the Buddhist deities. The king was presented as a living incarnation of Dp&kara, while other bodhisattvas were worshiped, along with the king, as different manifestations of the Buddha of different times. As in other rituals, the sa"yak-mahdna ceremony displayed the theme of conquest of the House of Gorkh. Here, the appropriation of the purely Buddhist ritual for the political ends is obvious at every step. For example, on the morning of the sa"yak day, all the assembled gods, along with the deity Svayambh, were taken to the sa"yak ground at Svayambh (name of the place), from which the smaller image of Svayambh (deity) was taken to the Hanumnhok the day before. In this procession, the band of the old style Gorkh regiment led the local Newr bands. On the ritual pavilion, the king was seated on the gilded throne along with other deities. He presided over the ceremony and received actual worship from the Buddhist monks and laity. The participants honored him as their bodhisattva-king by washing his feet with holy water and by offering him the arghya and gold coins. This ritual, however, has been discontinued after the dissolution of monarchy, but other gift-giving sa"yak rituals are very popular among the locals and Buddhists of the valley.






























































1033

For an example of the sa"yak-mahdna ceremony during the reign of Birendra, visit: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lTIsgkQ4h4k 1034 Vaidya, 119-20.




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Appendix-II Coronation Program of King Birendra B r Bikram hdev




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Program of the Auspicious Coronation of His Majesty King B rendra B r Bikram hdev (1975)1035 1. February 14, 1975 (Friday) Morning: H. M the King devoutly wills the worship of gods and goddesses by touching the ingredients of worship. Place: Worship Room, Royal Palace; Time: 10am 2. February 20, 1975 (Thursday) Rt. Hon’ble Prime Minister inaugurates National Development Exhibition. Place: Bhriku$ Ma!ap; Time: 3pm 3. February 21, 1975 (Friday) (a) Their Majesties the King and Queen ordain the priests and recite the concerned sacred formae regarding the Prv&ga, the preliminary ceremony for propitiating gods Indra and Vinyaka. Place: Mlcok, Hanumnhok Royal Palace; Time: 10am. (b) Arrival of Distinguished Guests 4. February 22, 1975 (Saturday) (a) Their Majesties the King and Queen worship gods Indra and Vinyaka. Place: Mlcok Altar, Hanumandhok Royal Palace; Time: 10am. (b) Arrival of Distinguised guests 5. February 23, 1975 (Sunday) (a) Performance of Prv&ga (preliminary) rites of coronation as enjoined by the Vedas and Dharma; Place: Nsalcok, Hanumnhok Royal Palace 10am. (b) Welcome Reception; Place: South Lawn, Royal Palace; Time: 5pm-6:30pm (c) Cultural Program; Place: Royal Nepal Academy Building; Time: 8:00-10:00pm 6. February 24, 1975 (Monday) (a) State Drivie from Royal Palace to Hanumnhok; Time: 6:15am. (b) Formal Ceremony of Coronation in accordance with Vedic injunctions and religious traditions; Place: Nsalcok, Hanumnhok Royal Palace; Time: 7am. (c) Ceremony of anointing His Majesty the King seated on the Throne; Time: 8:35am. (d) Their Majesties the King and Queen, seated on the Throne in Nsalcok, grant audience; Time: 11am onward. (e) Their Majesties the King and Queen proceed to Aoka Vinyaka Temple, worship and return; Time: 1:30pm. (f) State Ddrivie from Hanumnhok Royal Palace to Tunikhel Durbar Temple Royal Tent; Time: 3pm. (g) State Drivie from Royal Tent to the Throne in the Durbar Temple (h) Tunikhel Durbar Temple program; Time: 4pm-5pm (i) State Drivie from Tunikhel Durbar Temple to Nrya!hi$ Royal Palace; Time: 5pm.




























































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(j) Ceremony of Acceptance of Saguna, token of all-auspicious blessings; Place: Reception Hall, Royal Palace; Time: 5:30pm. (k) Buffet Dinner; Place: Receptional Hall, Royal Palace; Time: 8:00pm-10:00pm. 7. February 25, 1975 (Tuesday) (a) Tree Planting by distinguished guests at Kirtipur Campus, Tribhuvan University; Time: 9am. (b) Site-seeing, etc as per the wishes of the esteemed guests. (c) Lunch by Rt. Hon’ble Prime Minister; Place: Banquet Hall; Foreign Ministry Building; Time: 12:00pm-2:00pm. (d) Visit to National Development Exhibition; Place: Bhriku$ Ma!ap; Time: 4:00pm5:30pm. (e) Farewell Reception; Place: South Lawn, Royal Palace; Time: 7:00pm-8:30pm. 8. February 26, 1975 (Wednesday): Grateful Farewell to Distinguished Guests 9. February 28, 1975 (Friday): National Sports; Place: National Stadium; Time: 2pm4:15pm 10. March 2, 1975 (Sunday): Royal Revue; Place: Royal Army Pavilion; unikhel; Time: 10am.




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ABBREVIATIONS AP Agni Pur!a A Arthastra AVP Atharvaveda-Parii$a AV Atharva Veda (Sa%hit) AB Aitareya Brhma!a pS pastamba-rautastra G valyana G#hyastra BodhGS Baudhyana G#hyastra. BodhGS Baudhyana G#hyaeastra B#U B#hadra!yaka Upaniad B#P Brihat Puracaryr!ava CU Chndogya Upaniad DBhP Dev Bhgavata Pur!a DM Dev Mhtyma HV Hariva%a HirGS Hira!yakei-g#hyaeastra KGS K$haka G#hyastra KauS Kauika tra KS Kumra Sa%bhava KD Kramadpika KP Klik Pur!a LP Li&ga Pur!a MNT Mahnirv!atantra MBh Mahbhrata Manu Manu Sm#ti (The Laws of Manu) MSS Manuscripts MU M!kya-Upaniad MuU Mu!aka Upaniad NS Nrada Sm#ti PM Puruottama Mhtmya RA Rmya!a RT Rjatara&gin RV "g Veda "gvidh "g Vidhna  khyana ra!yaka B atapatha Brhma!a T radtilaka TB Taittirya Brhma!a TS Taittirya Sa%hit VaikhGS Vaikhnasa G#hyastra VDhP Vi!udharmottra Pur!a YV Yajurveda




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AFG


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AFH


INDEX Abhieka, 53, 96, 130, 153, 155ff, 199, 200, 202, 212-213; 215; 218, 241, 242 crya, 171ff Coronation day, 167ff Classes, 168ff, 172ff Purohita, 170ff Royal astrologer, 173 Adhivsa, 217 ditya, 105, 108, 132, 146, 147, 162, 179 Agni, 9, 38, 42, 45, 50, 142, 144 Aindr, 30, 160, 166, 167, 175, 206, 243 Aitareya ra!yaka, 99 Altar, 19, 38, 43, 44, 90, 144, 160, 258 Ananta, 167, 240; Anantali&ga, 224 Animal sacrifice, 7, 11, 21, 34, 38, 43, 48, 61, 63, 66, 74, 83, 139ff Purification, 117 Worship, 116 Anointing, 7, 166, 216, 258 Anthem, Nepali national, 239 Aparjit, 114, 154ff, 176, 216 Aparjit pj, 154 rti, 122 Arghya (Argha), 34, 89, 97ff, 98, 103, 115, 243, 256 Arjuna, 52, 83, 154, 155 Army, 1, 3, 9, 25, 32, 39, 42, 51-52 Aryl, Balarm, 9, 114, 115, 122, 124-126 Aryl, Raghunth, 8 Aryaman, 105 Ash gourd, 121 ha, 32 sana, 90ff, 115 A$asiddhi, 43 A$am, 74, 137; See Mah$am, 138 Astrologer, 34, 55, 58, 63, 65, 66, 173 Avamedha (horse sacrifice), 198, 209 vina, 1, 32, 77, 97, 126, 137 Atharva Veda, 96, 170, 180 tman, 244 Aum, see O%, 91, 93, 94 Auspiciousness, 4, 51, 58, 78, 145, 167 vahana (invocation), 109ff Avatra, 37, 211 Ayodhy, 76, 149, 229 yudha, 148 B!a, 51, 216


AG?


Banras, 69 Bathing, ritual, 88, 112, 130, 132, 161, 162 Bengal, 83, 84, 85, 222, 261 Nepal, Nepalese, 1ff Betel (tmbula) leaf/nut, 30, 73, 116, 253, 255, 256, Bhadrakl, 52, 63, 73, 77, 103, 127, 143; Bhadraklpja, 137ff Bhadrsana, 167, 213 Bhgavad Gt, 37, 48 Bhairava, 5, 44, 45, 52, 108, 120, 153, 224 Bhairav, 5, 44, 52, 75, 120, 140, 225 Bhaktapur, 67, 75, 76, 77, 225, 243, 246 Bhakti, 48, 133, 153, Bhavn, 11, 64, 71, 73, 74, 100, 273, Bhtas, 91ff, 93, 94 Bhtauddhi, 92 Bilva (wood apple), 89, 114, 124, 126 Brendra, King, 1, 2, 5, 9, 12, 15, 23, 158-190, 191-206, 218, 243-245, 256, 258 and royal massacre, 1-2 Bloch, Maurice, 24ff Blood, 11, 12, 19, 32, 41, 69, 277 Blood sacrifice, 11, 41, 69, 71 Bodhana (awakening), 32, 33, 124 Body, 65, 67, 68, 82 Brahm, 16, 35, 36, 40 Brahman, 13, 28, 30, 58, 91, 99 Brhmins, 3, 4, 13, 14, 22, 28, 39, 56-62, 100, 114, 120, 157, 160, 161, 165-167, 169, 170, 173, 184, 188, 192, 200, 208, 210, 243, 246 Branch, 78, 126ff, 172, 213 Buddhism, 228, 231; Buddhists, 7, 12, 60, 65, 77 Buffalo king (Mahia), 44, 74, 81, 84 Butter, 19, 20, 45, 113, 142 Cakra(s), 46, 137, 167, 183, 227, 233 Cmu!, 6, 102, 106, 112, 113, 125, 150 Ca!, 150; praca!, 150; ugraca!, 33, 78 Ca!, 51, 52, 61, 65, 104, 123 Ca!ik, 36, 38, 40 Caste, 12, 13, 22, 24, 45, 47; See “class” Class, 3, 14, 17, 22, 57 Clay, 56, 57, 71 Coburn, Thomas, 35, 264 Constitution, 1, 2, 22, 192, 206 Coronation, 2, 5, 6, 7, 12ff; See Rjybhieka Indian kings, 217ff Indian texts, 211ff Mahendra, 203ff Program, 257ff Royal address, 193ff




AG@


Tribhuvan, 200ff Correlation (micro and macro), 117-118 Creation, 11, 16, 17, 35, 36 Crown, 1, 78, 154 Crowing, 206 of Gynendra, 206ff Curd, 53, 89, 112 Daka, 105, 137 Daki!akl, 71, 77, 184, 275 da#a, 4, 5, 22, 137, 160, 161, 166, 171, 186, 202, Dasain, 5, 63, 72, 142, 147 Daam, 10, 55, 72, 155 Daur suruvl, 128 Dna, Sa%yak, 254ff deities, 1, 2, 5, 6 Dev, 6, 29, 30; Dev Mhtmya, 35ff, 40, 43, 50ff Dhyna (meditation) of the goddess, 109 Dpendra, prince, 1, 187, 188, 206, 207 Divine kingship, 67, 207ff. Durg, 2, 6, 7, 8, 10, 11, 72 Worship, 72ff Hindu tradition, 82ff Durg pj, 64, 75, 79, 82, 83, 84, 85 Earth, 10, 15, 16, 20, 29, 34 East India, 84, 85, 235 Eck, Diana, 226, 264 Ellora, 82 Enthronement, 1, 197, 201, 207, 212, 217 Evil, 1, 5, 10, 11, 13, 35, 131, 211 Feminine, 34, 35, 40, 48, 66, 90, 268 Fertility, 53 Fire, 9, 19, 20, 21, 34, 39; See Agnisthpan (Fire Installation), 9; Vedic Fire, 18 Fire sacrifice, 19, 20, 38, 142, 170, 198; See Homa, 142ff Fish, 145, 166, 185, 252; Fish gesture, 98, 102 Flowers, 10, 19, 53, 62, 63, 71 Food, 5, 7, 19, 22, 89, 90 Forgiveness, 153ff Ga!ak, 228, 237 Ga!ea, 88, 101, 102, 152, 160 Ga&g, 32, 98, 133, 172, 208 Garua, 157, 167, 183 Garua Pur!a, 42, 83, 157, 158 Gaur, 120, 150, 178 Gyatr, 106, 107, 112, 116, 119, 165




AGA


Gender, 11, 27, 49, 249 Goddess, 2, 3, 6, 7, 9 Ritual, 55ff Power, 55ff History, 55ff Gonda, Jan, 14, 49, 50, 266 Gorkh, 2, 8, 10, 24, 29, 30, 32, 33, 38, 45-47, 48-49, 52 Conquest, 231ff Gorakhnth, 6, 74, 141, 198, 199 Great Goddess, 100, 131, 132, 264 Guardians of directions (dikpla), 105, 132, 143 Gu$h, 67, 74, 232, 235 Gu!as, 35, 93, 240, 244 Guru(s), 1, 46, 59 Gynendra, king, 206, 238 Hanumnhok, 2, 8, 12, 29, 30, 32, 52, 55, 60, 61-63, 65 Hara, 36, 131, 148 Hari, 36, 40, 96, 97 Heaven, 18, 19, 37, 45, 50 Heesterman, J. C., 13, 14, 24, 267 Himlayan, 23, 70, 221 Himavat, 96, 228 Hindu/ism, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 Hindu kingship, 3, 23, 5, 12, 22, 24 Holdrege, Barbara, 16ff Holi, 49 Homa, 21, 38, 39ff, 142ff Icon (divine), 31, 48, 61, 99, 100 Implements (ritual objects), 150, 89ff Impurities, 116 Indian society, 42 Indra, 3, 4, 5, 6 Indrajtr (Indraytr), 5, 71, 73, 246, 253 Indr!, 150 Initiation, 26, 27, 46 Invocation, 96, 107, 109ff na, 61, 167, 175 Islam(ic), 243 vara, 48, 224 Jaganntha, 132, 215 Jayanta, 136 Jamar, 62, 80, 100, 102, 247 Kacv, 125, 130, 135 Kailsa, Mount, 31, 32 Klartr, 115, 120, 141, 142 Kl (goddess), 2, 6, 9, 10 Yantra, 101




AGB


Klik, 6, 70, 73, 260 Klik Pur!a, 6, 48, 51 Kathmandu, 1, 2, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 31, 32, 45, 52, 60-63, 65-67 Karmaptra (ritual vessel), 95 Kma, 53, 109 Kane, Pandurang Vaman, 99, 268 Kany, 184 Karma, 17, 39 Krtikeya, 85, 101, 125 Kayapa, 146 Kaumr, 150, 225, Ktyyan, 6, 33, 109, 125, 140 Kver, 98, 132 Kingship, 2, 3, 4, 5 Divine, 181ff, 207ff History, 191ff Humanity, 187ff Politics, 191ff Religious dimension of power, 15ff Sacred space, 220ff Sociopolitical power, 15ff Texts, 191ff Kinsley, David, 268 Kriy, 132, 154 Krodha, 225 Kam, 33, 132, 134, 153 Katriyas, 3, 57 Kubera, 34, 165, 167, 210 Kumra, 114 Kumr (goddess), 6, 64, 66, 71 Kumr Pj, 64 Krma (tortoise), 98, 118 Ku!alin (yoga), 47, 91, 241 Kum!, 121, 124 Lakm, 10, 48, 85 Liberation, 7, 36, 37, 40 Li&ga, 32, 73, 94, 235 Lion-throne, 145 Liver, 40ff Lotus, 34, 90, 91 Magic, 41ff Mahendra, King, 6, 9, 187 Mahbhrata, 83, 210 Mahkl, 10, 48, 100 Mahlakm, 10, 48, 57, 100, 127 Mahnavam, 77, 149 Mah$am, 138




AGC


Mahevar, 150 Mahia (buffalo demon), 44, 85, 121, 122 Ma!ala, 91, 92, 102 Mantras, 8, 21, 27, 49ff Manu, 4, 5 Maoist insurgency, 11, 23 Maoists, 1, 81, 238 Mrka!eya, 40, 83; Mrka!deya Pur!a, 210, 211 Maruts, 108, 179 Materials, ritual, 217 Mtr k (mother goddess), 78, 105 Matsya Pur!a, 216 Matsyendranth (Macchendranth), 6, 232, 252ff My, 4, 35, 51, 155 Medhas, sage, 40 Media, 57, 249 Military, 4, 8, 26, 51ff Moon, 32, 34, 37, 72 Mothers, 107, 132, 147 Mudr, 46, 98 Mughals, 131, 134 Mrti, 110, 114 Mysore, 83, 273 Myth(s), 3, 6, 226 Navartra/Navartri, i, iv, 2, 5-11, 30 ff Dussehra, dasara, navartra, 5 Da, 11 Medieval tradition, 157ff Vedic, 37ff Nrya!a, 1, 87, 182, 184 Nrya!hi$ Palace, 1, 22, 159, 161, 185, 188, 207, 243, 247, 258 Narmad, 98, 132 Navam, 77, 149ff Navadev (awards), 248ff Navadurg (temple), 10, 33, 48, 65, 72, 246 Navapatrik, 33, 63, 125ff Nepal/Nepali, 1, 2, 5 Newar, 223ff Nine Durgs, 10, 33, 48, 65, 72, 246 Nine Planets, 132, 177 Nine Plants, See “navapatrik” Niumbha, 7, 40, 55, 136, Nysa, 46, 47, 88, 94, 95, 110 O%, See “aum” Padma, 133 Pdya, 30, 115 Pañcapallava (five leaf-bearing twigs), 89, 106




AGD


Pañcyatana (Pj), 101 Pañcartra (philosophy), 215 Pajani, 64 Palace massacre, 207 Pañcyat system, 193, 194, 195, 244, 249 Paupatinth temple, 129, 184, 200, 201, 227, 230, 232, 241 Prvat (the goddess), 48, 87, 137, 228 People’s Movement, 2, 5, 59, 250, Pilgrimage, 47, 77, 127, 154 P$ha, 47, 74, 97, 103 Planets/planetary forces, 19, 97, 147, 160 Police, 8, 51, 52, 55 Pollution, ritual, 12, 13, 22, 222 Prajpati, 20, 53, 99, 179 Pr!a, 107, 110; Pr!aprati$h ritual, 111 Prasda, 39, 51, 62, 63, 71 Prati$h (installation), 99ff Prayers, 7, 31, 36, 38, 48 Pr thv, See “earth” Pr thv Nrya! h, 55, 57, 60, 61 Priests, Royal, 58ff Pjs, 30, 52, 63, 72 Yantra, 103 Purohita, 62, 63, 88 Purua, 14, 15, 20 Rjadharma, 2, 4, 218, Rjasya, 13, 170, 208 Rjybhieka, iv, 2, 7, 9, 12, 159, 175ff, 191, 196ff, 206, 212-13, 219 of Birendra, 159ff and bathing, 161ff and homa, 175ff Rkas, 121, 215 Raktabja, 43, 68, 135 Raktadantik, 118, 125 Rma, 67, 74, 78 Rmya!a, 83, 260 Rambh, 125, 134 R g Veda, 20, 50 R !, Ja&ga Bahdur, 80 R! period, 78 Revue, Royal, 160, 161 Ritual, 1, 6, 12 Brhma!ic theories, 18ff Sociopolitical theories, 21ff Violence, 67ff Rudra, 38, 73, 107 Sacrifice, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7


AGE


aiva, 194, 198, 200, 201, 228 akra, 126, 133, 145, 146 kta, 43, 46ff, 194, 266 akti, 2, 5, 6, 9, 30, 32 h dynasty, 1, 6, 51, 60, 66 Sa%kalpa (ritual declaration), 96, 101, 141 a&kara, 127, 155 %khya, 244 Sanskrit, 8, 9, 38 Sanskritization, 60, 80, 201 Sarasvat (goddess), 10, 45, 48 Sma Veda, 37, 88, 107 Samdhi, 40, 56 ea, 224 Siddhis (supernormal powers), 43, 130, 241 Siddhidtr, 33, 125 Si%hsana, 35, 110, 145, 160, 168, 184 Sindhu, 98, 208 St, 87, 222 iva, 5, 6, 9, 16 Skanda, 42, 147 Skandapur!a, 67, 72, 224, 228 Speech (vc), 49 rvatsa, 185, 188 uddhi (purification), 47; sanauddhi, 90ff; Bhtauddhi, 47, 92ff dras, 3, 22, 56 umbha, 6, 40, 55, 136 Sun, 19, 34, 38 Svadh, 143 Svh, 98, 143 Svasti (vcana), 167, 183 Svayambhnth, 119, 225, 230, 256 Taleju, 6, 11, 32 Tantra/Tantrism, 9, 43ff Tattva, 114 Temples, 1, 6, 10 k, 7, 10, 62 Trthas, 84, 98, 218, 228 Trident, 51, 85, 167, 228 Tribhuvan, King, 192, 199 Tulas plant, 114 unikhel, 187, 259 Turmeric, 124, 125, 131, 135 Tutelary deity, 1, 28, 60, 65 Upacra, 113ff var#a, 3, 22, 58, 192, 202, 215-16, 230, 239 Vc, See “speech”




AGF


Vaiya, 3, 40, 168 Varu!a, 5, 34, 53, 101 Kalaa, 106ff Vsudeva, 132, 136 Vyu, 95 Veda, 3, 6, 7, 9, 13, 19, 20, 21, 22, 24, 38, 50, 51, 88, 107, 123-124, 145, 157, 186 Vijay Daam, 10, 72, 155 Vijayanagara, 83 Vindhya Mountain, 169 Virgins, 114ff Vi!u, 1, 2, 3 Vi!dharmottara Pur!a, 14 Waters, 4, 53, 96, 106 Weapons, 12, 21, 22, 39ff Wind, 92, 116 Women, 10, 37, 48 Wood apple, 53, 78, 124, 154 Worship, See “pj” Yajamna, 20, 95, 96 Yajña, 17, 18, 19 Yajur Veda, 37, 38 Yakas, 124, 132, 147 Yama, 34, 45, 118 Yamun, 98, 172 Yantras, 31, 47 Yoga, 35, 47, 90 Yogins, 108, 140, 224 Yoni (mudra), 47, 143, 144 Witzel, Michael, 15, 39, 278




AGG


Appendix III: Additional Pictures Picture 1: Nepalese Flags and Royal Standards

Courtesy of Adya Charan Raj Bhandary, The Coronation Book of Their Majesties (1956), vii.

Picture 2: Royal Insignia

Courtesy of Adya Charan Raj Bhandary, The Coronation Book of Their Majesties (1956), vi.

Picture 3: Coronation of Mahendra Bīr Bikram Śāhdev

Courtesy of Adya Charan Raj Bhandary, The Coronation Book of Their Majesties (1956), ix.

Picture 4: The royal priest crowing Bīrendra Bīr Bikram Śāh

Courtesy of Shyam Goenka, Memoirs of King Birendra (2001), 61.

Picture 5: The King and the Queen on the Multi-hooded Cobra Throne after Coronation

Courtesy of Jean-Pierre Laffont (2016)

Picture 6: The crown prince saluting the King and the Queen (his parents)

Courtesy of Shyam Goenka, Memoirs of King Birendra (2001), 63.

Picture 7: King Bīrendra’s Coronation Procession

Courtesy of Jean-Pierre Laffont (2016)

Picture 8: The Coronation Procession

Courtesy of Jean-Pierre Laffont (2016)

Picture 9: Coronation Pictures

Courtesy of Shyam Goenka, Memoirs of King Birendra (2001), 60.

Picture 10: The King Exchanging the ritual swords with god Bhairava

Courtesy of Shyam Goenka, Memoirs of King Birendra (2001), 121.

Picture 11: The King and the Queen offering ṭīkā-blessings on the tenth day of the Navarātri Rituals

Courtesy of Shyam Goenka, Memoirs of King Birendra (2001), 123.

Picture 12: The King offering ṭīkā-blessings to a Nepali on the tenth day of Navarātri

Courtesy of Shyam Goenka, Memoirs of King Birendra (2001), 75. Picture 13: The King receiving honors in a Buddhist Saṃyaka Ritual

Courtesy of Shyam Goenka, Memoirs of King Birendra (2001), 121.

Picture 14: The King with the Śankarācārya of Kanchipeetham

Courtesy of Shyam Goenka, Memoirs of King Birendra (2001), 126.

Picture 15: The King with the Śankarācārya and others of Kanchipeetham

Courtesy of Shyam Goenka, Memoirs of King Birendra (2001), 125.

Picture 16: The King on Religious Occasions

Courtesy of Shyam Goenka, Memoirs of King Birendra (2001), 124.

Picture 17: The King on other occasions

Courtesy of Shyam Goenka, Memoirs of King Birendra (2001), 131.

Picture 18: The King visiting an earthquake-affected area

Courtesy of Shyam Goenka, Memoirs of King Birendra (2001), 68.

Picture 19: The Crowing of Gyānendra Bīr Bikram Śāhdev (2001)

Courtesy of Shyam Goenka, Memoirs of King Birendra (2001), 153-154.