Gothic Etymological Studies

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NEW YORK UNIVERSITY OTTENDORFER MEMORIAL SERIES OF GERMANIC MONOGRAPHS NO. 30

G O T H IC E T Y M O L O G IC A L S T U D IE S

NEW YORK UNIVERSITY OTTENDORFER MEMORIAL SERIES OF GERMANIC MONOGRAPHS NO. 30

GOTHIC ETYMOLOGICAL STUDIES By R O B E R T A. FO W K E S

NEW YO R K 1949

T h e author wishes to express his thanks to the Ottendorfer Memorial Fellowship Committee, both for giving him the opportunity to spend a year of study abroad and for granting a subsidy towards the publication of this monograph. Special thanks are due Professor Henry Brennecke, Secre­ tary of the Committee, for his constant assistance and friendly advice. R. A. F. New York University March, 1949.

CONTENTS

Gothic Etym ological Studies Appendix

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Bibliography Notes

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Index Verborum

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GOTHIC ETYMOLOGICAL STUDIES The most comprehensive presentation of the etymology of the Gothic vocabulary is contained, a s is w ell known, in Sigmund F e is t ’ s Verģleichendes VOrterbuch der ģotischen Sprache (3rd e d ., Leyden, 1939 ) . In th is work there is found a usually ca refu l s ift in g of tenable and untenable etymologies, with good b ib lio grap h ical re fe r­ ences for sources and works involved. In addition to the vocabulary of the Gothic Bible i t s e l f , F eist considers the Sk eirein s, the calendar, the signatures to the papyrus documents of Naples and Arezzo, the Gothic fragments in the Alcuin manuscript in the Vienna Library, the lim ited words in Gothic runic in scrip tio n s, the scant m aterial in Latin te x ts , and also the Crimean Gothic words known from Busbecq's famous l i s t . As is in evitab ly true of any language, a certain portion of the vocabulary of Gothic has never been s a tis fa c to r ily explained ety­ m ologically. F eist designates some 245 words as belonging to th is category. (For the sake of convenience, th is l i s t is given in the appendix.) The object o f the present d issertation is to inspect these words and, employing the methods of comparative lin g u is t ic s , to attempt to discover whether some portion of them may, a fte r a l l , have cognates in other Indo-European languages. When an actual IndoEuropean base, already recognized, can be found, i t w ill be c ite d . When cognates can be found in other Indo-European language groups, even though an ultim ate Indo-European base may not be demonstrable, those cognates w ill be given, on the assumption that any etymologi­ c a l c la r ific a t io n , phonologically and sem antically supported, is worth being noted and that "p a rtia l equations" are preferable to none at a l l . This is frequently the procedure of F e ist h im self. In one or two instances i t may seem legitim ate, on the basis of new or hitherto unconsidered lin g u is tic evidence, to posit a new IndoEuropean base. In others, i t may be shown that several Indo-European bases previously regarded as d is tin c t (by Walde-Pokorny1 and sim ilar authorities) are in r e a lity one and the same in o r ig in . In s t i l l other cases, etymologies already e x istin g in sch olarly lite ra tu re but apparently overlooked by F eist ( e .g ., a r tic le s in American jour­ nals) w ill be c ite d . O ccasionally, additional support w ill be ad­ duced for etymologies previously advanced but rejected by F eist and others. F in a lly , etym ological studies published since the appearance

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of F e is t's work w ill be taken into account, to the extent that they are a v a ila b le . I t is obviously to be expected that a certain portion o f the Goth­ ic vocabulary w ill always remain etym ologically unexplained, for the sources from which the vocabulary of any language is derived can never be known in th eir e n tire ty . Borrowings from tongues now extin ct and even unknown must in evitably have occurred. Some were doubtless borrowed into Germanic, others into Gothic i t s e l f . Any etymological study that resulted in one hundred percent c l a r if ic a ­ tion would be suspect, for the s c ie n t ific means of achieving such perfection do not e x is t . I t is not the purpose of th is d isse rtatio n to l i s t hypothetical reconstructions, Germanic or Indo-European, for those Gothic words whose etymology continues to defy a n a ly sis, although such reconstruction constituted, of n e ce ssity, part of the i n i t i a l spade work o f the in vestigatio n . I t is also not within the scope of the present study to attempt to find possible non-IndoEuropean cognates for the hitherto unexplained words, desirable as such procedure may be, for th is lie s beyond the competence o f the w riter. I t is reasonable to expect that some lig h t could s t i l l be shed on the problem by s p e c ia lis ts in Finno-Ugric, for example, who were also well-versed in Germanic. The following section o f the th esis includes newly proposed ety­ mologies and etymologies reinstated , despite rejection by F e ist and others, ju s t ific a t io n for that reinstatement being given in the form o f new or neglected evidence in support of th eir v a lid it y . 1. af-atkan 'deny' This verb occurs as the equivalent of Gk. άρνεΐσθαι 'deny' (John 18.25, 27, Mark 14.68) and of Gk. άρνεΐσθαι τινα 'to deny someone' (Matth. 10.33, Luke 9.23, I I Tim. 2.12, 13 et passim ).1 2 An OHG cog­ nate is seen in the verb in-eih(h)an, which is equated with insačēn in the OIIG glosses; there is also an ŒIG verb eihhon 'v in d icare, zusprechen.' af-aikan evidently derives it s meaning from the sense o f 'ab-sagen.' There is a semantic p a r a lle l fo r th is in Goth. af-qipan 'renounce.'3 A fter designating the verb as lacking certain etym ological ex­ planation, F eist quotes several previous attempts to find an etymol­ ogy. A. Bezzenberger (ZfdPh. 5*229-230 [1874]) and H. Osthoff (PBB 13*395-96 [1888]), e . g . , assigned to the word a primary meaning 'shake o f f ,' c itin g Sk t. ê j a t i 'moves,' άρ-e ja te 'drives away from

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3

o n e s e lf,' Gk. αΐγεζ 'waves o f the s e a ,' αίγιαλόζ 'beach,' also O lc e l. eikenn 'r a v in g .' Apart from the dubious semasio lo g ic a l sup­ port afforded by the examples given, there is d irect evidence in the 01IG forms to show that -aikan does not mean 'shake' but, rather, 's a y .' Ilirt* is cited as suggesting, not without h e s ita tio n , that the word may be related to Gk. εΤπον 'spoke,' L at. praeco 'h e ra ld ,' OHG jehan 's a y ,' assuming an IE base * e ie k u -;s but i t seems phono­ lo g ic a lly impossible to reconcile a l l these words, L a t ., Gk. and Germanic, under such a base, and F eist rig h tly reje cts the etymon. Th. V . Grienberger's proposed etymology6 is also complicated and involves a highly improbable an aly sis: he separates -aikan into ai and kan, comparing the former with Gk. ήμί, L a t. aio 's a y ,' and the la tte r with L at. ne-$o. Other etymologies are lis te d by F e is t, a l l ju s t as untenable. Uhlenbeck, e . g . , connected a ik - with OCS izu 'out' (hence 'u t t e r ') ; 7 Sieg and S ie g lin g compared a ik - with Tocharian a ik - : a l š - 'know,' atêi 'knowing'; but 'know' does not mean ' s a y .' 8 There i s , however, an IE base with which the Germanic words can reasonably be associated sem antically and phonologically: IE *eiģ-/oiģ- (WP I .I O 5 ). The meaning assigned to i t is 'to lament loudly, com plain.' Under th is base are included Gk. olxxpoc 'lament­ in g, bemoaning,' οίκτρόζ 'lam entable,' οίκτΤρω (Aeol. οίκτίρρω) 'to p ity , lament': O Ir. àêem 'scream, c r y ,' arégi 'com plains,' iachtaite 'those who cry out' ( r e l. 3rd p i -)- Another Goth, verb is evidently connected: aihtron 'beg, en treat' (-h t- from IE *-k t- by p a r tia l regressive assim ilatio n from * -ģ t -) . I t may be seen from these examples that 'cry out' is as much the basic meaning of *eiģ -/oiģ - as 'com plain.' I t is not a great seman­ t ic d iff ic u lt y to proceed from the idea o f 'cry out' to that of 'speak, s a y .' S trik in g semantic support of th is can be found in another base (en tirely unrelated phonologically): *ģal- ' c a l l , cry' (WP I . 538 , 539). Under th is base are lis te d Welsh ģalw 'to c a l l , ' Bret, ģalu m. 'a c a l l , ' OCS élaioljat, ģlagolati 'speak,' ģlagolu 'word,' also O lc e l. kali 'c a l l ,' kalla 'to c a l l , ' 9 OIIG kallon 'speak long and loud, g o ss ip ,' Sk t. ģarhati, Çârhate 'blames, re­ proaches' ( c f. sem antically Gk. οίκτρόζ, under * e i ê - f o i é - ) , čarhā 'blame, censure' (from *ģal-ģh-), Avest. $ ar Bzaxt i 'lam ents,' Os­ s e tic yürzun 'g ro an ,' and, f in a lly , the Germanic group of OHG klaģa, NHG Klaģe, klaêen, e t c .

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2 . ana-praģģan 'oppress* This word occurs in Gothic only in the nom. p i. m. o f the past p a rticip le : ana-praģģanal 'oppressed, troubled* (Gk. θλίβομενοι I I Cor. 7 .5 )· It s cognates in other Germanic languages include: OSwed. pranģ 'narrow s tr e e t, gorge,' ME pranģe 'narrow place, confinement,' NE pronģ, MLG pranģe, pranģer 'sta k e , p o le ,' MHG pfranģe 'enclosure, narrow p la c e ,' ME pranģlen, prenģen 'p r e s s ,' MLG pranģen 'p r e s s ,' MHG pfrenģen 'c o n fin e ,' Dutch pranģ 'pressure, oppression, co n stric­ t io n ,' pranģen 'to press, oppress,' LG prenģel 'cudgel, c lu b .' Forms without the nasal in fix are seen in OHG pfraģtna 'enclosure, lim it , b a r r ie r ,' O Fris. prakken 'p re s s ,' MLG pracker 'tightwad, miser, b e g g a r .'10 F eist asserts that a sure etymology cannot be found for these words, inasmuch as i n i t i a l b is of such rare occurrence in IE . Y et, rare as i t seems to be, i t does occur, and one is ju s t ifie d in seeking a cognate even for a word implying th is i n i t i a l sound in IE . Previous etymological attempts fa ile d for various reasons. K. F. Johansson's attempt11 to lin k the words with Gk. βρόγχος 'th r o a t,' βρόχος 'snare' is rejected on the grounds that i t is not certain that these words are IE in o rig in . OCS -preģo 'to yoke,' prqģu 'y o k e,' L itli. spranģus 'ch o k in g ,' L e tt, spranéat 'look u p ,' which were suggested as cognates by E. Zupitza12 and Tfc. S ie b s ,13 are likew ise rejected , because they are from a nasal­ ized form of the base *(s)preģ- 'tw ist' and *sper- 'tu rn , wind' and thus do not contain IE b, which is the only source from which i n i t i a l p in Germanic can regularly be d eriv ed .14. But despite F e is t 's assertion that an etym ological explanation cannot be found, cognates seem to e x is t; c f . , e . g . , Russ, brazda 'r e i n ,' which is clo se ly akin, semantically to MHG pfrenģen (see above). But a s t i l l more strik in g relationship can be found in a form not mentioned by F eist under the Germanic cognates of anapraģģan, namely Dutch pranģer. This word has a wide range o f mean­ ings, including 'stak e, pole' (c f. MLG pranģer above). I t also means 'brake' and, o f further pertinent sign ifica n ce for the pres­ ent etymology, is used to designate a clamp attached by blacksmiths to the lip s , nose and ears o f unruly horses. I t also means 'le a s h ,' which is clo se ly connected, sem antically, with 'r e in .' Moreover, ju st as English rein i t s e l f is derived u ltim a tely , through French, from Med. Lat. ret inn (from the verb retinēre 'to hold b ack '), so, too, those Germanic words meaning 'constrain, confine' can be

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5

associated with the sense o f 'r e in ,' In addition to the Russ, cog­ nate proposed above there can he found others in Scots Gaelic branģ ’horse’s c o lla r ' and branģas 'p illo r y .' Eng. branks 'a sco ld 's b rid le, formerly used in Scotland and England as a punishment for a disord erly, scolding woman' may he rela ted , possibly as a loan­ word from the C e lt ic . 3* avdais 'blessed' This word occurs frequently throughout the Gothic B ib le, corre­ sponding to Gk. μακάριος 'blessed' ( e .g ., Matth. 11.6, Luke 7.23, 14.14, 14.15)· The noun audaģei occurs (Gal. 4.15) as the equiva­ lent o f Gk. μακαρισμός 'b lessedness'; there is also a verb audagjan 'to c a ll blessed' (Luke 1.48); f in a lly , there is an adjective auda-hafts, corresponding to Gk. κεχαριτωμένη 'blessed , fa v o r e d .'16 This word (auda-hafts) is a form without the IE -fto -su ffix implied in the remainder of the words c ite d . The related forms in Germanic are: O lc e l. ai&eģr, OE ēadtģ, OS odaģ, OHG otac 'r ic h ,' aotake 'b e a ti' (OHG glo sses); c f . further O lc e l. auQr, OE ēad, OS öd, MHG (Pletn)od 'possessions, wealth, goods,' O lc e l. auöenn 'destined, granted,' OE ēaden, OS ödan 'granted, bestowed, endowed' (the la tte r forms being p articip le s from an assumed Germanic verb *αιιδαηα-). F eist considers that no sure etymology has as yet been proposed for th is group. A. Zimmerman (BB 23.275-76 [1897]) is mentioned as having associated the words with Lat. autmnus, on the assumption that autumn was calle d 'the gift-d isp en sin g o n e'), an etymology temporarily accepted by 0. Schrader17 but subsequently abandoned by the l a t t e r ; 18 i t was also refuted by A. Walde (IFV, 3rd e d ., p. 88). The semantic connection is remote, at best, and, f a ilin g other evidence, must be rejected . F. A. Wood sought an etymological con­ nection between the words and Gk. άεθλον 'prize of b a ttle ' (MLB I 6 . 3 O9 [1901]), but th is Gk. word seems to belong, rather, with Goth, wadi 'pawn, pledge,' as F e ist in d icates. The connection of I r . uaithne 'b irth pangs, b ir t h ,' which was made by Whitley Stokes,19 is considered improbable by F e is t, as is the suggestion of A. Torp20 that the words are related to the IE base *audh- (beside *uedh-) A 'to weave' (supposedly from the concept of the weaving goddess of F a te !). I t is somewhat surprising that th is la s t etymology is re­ tained in WP ( I .I 6 ) under an IE base *au- 'weave, p la it , b ra id ,' for i t is very dubious sem antically. The source is obviously to be sought elsewhere.

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The IE base from which audags is derived can very w ell be *aw-, but i t must be a d is tin c t base from the *au~ given in WP. Certain semantic p a ra lle ls emerge from a comparison of L at. augeo, -ē re . This verb means not only 'to increase, to cause to grow' but also 'to e n rich .' From i t is derived the ad jective augustus, which means among other th in gs, 'consecrated, h o ly .' Semantically there is a strik in g resemblance to our Germanic words, c f . , e . g . , OHG otac 'rich ' and aotake (gloss) 'b e a t i.' These Latin words are placed by WP under an IE base *aug~, *ug- 'in crea se, cause to in c r e a s e ,'21 together with numerous well-known cognate forms, including Gk. ά(Ρ)έξω 'in c r e a se ,' αϋξω, αυξάνω 'in crea se, r a is e ,' L at. auxilium, Sk t. uak&ana-m. 'strengthening,' reinforcem ent,' L ith . àugu, augti 'grow, grow u p ,' e t c ., e tc . In Germanic i t s e l f there are found such add itional related forms as Goth, aukan 'in c r e a s e ,' OHG ouhhon, OS okian, OE ēactan 'increase, g a in ,' OE ēacen, OS okan 'increased, pregnant,' also Goth, wokrs 'in te r e s t, Z in s ,' OHG wuohhar 'yield of the s o i l , progeny, gain , in te re s t, u su ry,' OE wocor 'p o ste rity , y ie ld , in te r e s t,' further Goth, wahsjan 'grow ,' NHG wachsen, Eng. wax, e tc . One can p o sit, instead of an IE base *aueg-, *aug-, *ug-, rather, a simple base *au- 'to increase, r a i s e ,' e tc . (This is done in WP in the case of the etym ologically d is tin c t bases *au- 'braid, w eave,'22 *au- 'perceive, h e a r ,'23 *au- 'to lik e , be fond o f , ' 24 and *au-'sle e p , spend the n ig h t ';25 thus there is ample precedent for the procedure). The forms aukan, e t c ., a re , then, from the base *au- plus formant -g -. Goth, audags and it s immediate cognates are from the base *auplus *-d.h~. Λ

Λ

A

4. batiza (comp, of goļjs) 'b e tte r' / The form batizo corresponds to Gk. κρηστότεροζ 'b ette r' (Luke 5-39), to Gk. κρεισσών (II Cor. 7 .9 , Ph ilip p . 1.23)· The superla­ tiv e batista 'b est' occurs once as the equivalent of Gk. κράατιτοζ 'b est' (Luke I . 3 ). The following are lis te d as additional related Goth, words by F eist (p. 83): ga-batnnn (actu ally occurring only in the 2nd sg. pres, ga-batnis 'achieve an advantage,' Mark 7.11); bota 'u se ,' botjan 'to be o f use, to be better' and ga-botjan (= Gk άποκαθιστάναι) 'improve,' the la s t three words being regarded as forms with the lengthened o-grade. The cognates in other Germanic languages include: O lc e l. betre,

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7

baztr, beztr, OE b e tie jra , b e t s t , OFris. bet(e)re, best, OS betaro, betero, b e tst, best, OHG b e fö lr fo ), b e fâ is t . The adverbial form is seen in O lc e l. betr, OE, O F r is ., OS bet (from *bataz); c f . , fu rth er, O lc e l. bate, OFris. bata Advantage, g a in ,' MLG bate 'improvement,' MHG bagge 'advantage.' The s u ffix -iza causes no d i f f ic u l t y , being derived from the fam iliar IE comparative s u ffix * - A i e s - / - iAo s - , * - i s - ( c f. Sk t. svadlya s-, Gk. ήδΐω [a c c ., from *-iosa , IE -iosm ], Lat. s m v - i o r - l s [from IE - iao s - i s ] ) , 26But for the word i t s e l f F e ist asserts (p. 83) that a sure etymon has not yet been found. He doubts Bopp's associatio n 27 of S k t. bhadrà- 'joyous, happy, favorable, good,' su-bhadra- 'g lo r io u s ,' Avest. hu-babra 'happy,' since he regards these words as etymologi­ c a lly akin to Sk t. bhândistha- 'best p r a isin g ,' bhandate 'is praised, is happy, beams.' There is no d iff ic u lt y in associatin g the S k t. forms, for the altern atio n bhadrà-: bhândistha is e x p lic a ­ ble as *bhņd-: *bhénd~.28 F e ist finds i t impossible to associate the Goth.word with the Sk t. forms. M e illet (BSLP 31, comptes rendus, 167 [ I 93I ] ) separates bhadrà- from bhândistha-. In WP no d e fin ite decision on the etymology of batiza is reached (2.151.52)· A fter the statement that bhadrà- and bhandistha- may be rela ted , mention is made that another etymological connection has been suggested for bhadrà-, namely association with Goth, batiza, but the Goth, word is not considered as related to bhandistha, hence the problem is le f t unresolved. I t seems, however, possible to connect the Gothic word with both S k t. forms and also to adduce other cognates to support the case. The follow ing Brythonic words are herewith suggested as cognates: Welsh bodd m. 'pleasure, w ill, good w i l l , consent,' rhynģu bodd 'to p lea se,' boddģar 'p le a sin g ,' boddiant 'pleasure, s a t is fa c t io n ,' boddio 'to please, s a t is fy ' and Cornish both 'w i ll, good p leasu re.' These meanings are close to 'happy, favorable, good' (Skt. bhadrà-). Furthermore, i f one assumes an IE base *bhed-/bhod~, the Sk t. words can be derived from forms with a nasal in fix (bhandistha- from *bhénd-, bhadrà- from *bhnd-); the C e ltic and Germanic forms would be from the o-grade *bhod~ . 29 Furthermore, Goth, bota 'advantage,' botjan 'to b etter, to be of u s e ,' ģa-botjan 'to improve' can be ju s tifie d as cognates o f batiza, for they represent the lengthened o-grade. One possible objection remains to be answered. According to WP (among others), W bodd is from an IE base *bheudh- "to be awake, to y

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be mentally awake' (WP 2.147). The d ifference in meaning is obvious­ ly g re a t, but there is a phonological objection a ls o . I f W bodd is to be considered as the Welsh development o f an IE *bheudh- (spe­ c i f i c a l l y from the reduced grade *bhudh-, as implied by WP), i t can contain a short o only before 5 in the follow ing s y lla b le .30 Such a condition prevails only in feminine nouns, not in masculines. Inas­ much as bodd is masculine, i t must be from IE *&Aod-.31 5. bliģģwan 's t r ik e , beat' This word occurs in the 3rd p i. pres, in d . as bliêéwand 'they scourge,' corresponding to the Gk. f u t . μαστιγώσουσιν ’ they w ill scourge' (Mark 10.34); the pres. p art, bllģģvandans (Luke 20.11) = Gk. δείραντες 'b e a tin g ,' and bliģģvands 'beating' (I Cor. 9*26) corresponds to Gk. δέρων. There is also a verb us-bllģģwan 'to beat thoroughly, drub' = Gk. δέρειν (Luke 20.10, Mark 12.3 et passim). The related words in other Germanic languages include: O lc e l. bleģte 'K e il' (from Germanic *blauuiftan-), ME blewe, MDu. blow en, ÄA OHG b liw a n , NHG bleuen 's t r ik e , beat, pummel'; ME blowe, NE blou; OS u t - b li m i d 'e x cu d it.' F e is t (p. 100) considers the words etym ologically unexplained. He re je cts Wood's theory32 of a contamination o f IE *mlu- and *bhlu(for the former, c f . Serb mtauiti 'b e a t,' Slo v . mlàva 'h azel sw itc h '). L a t. f l i ģ o 'b e a t ,' which 0. Hoffmann33 connected with bliģģvan, is eliminated as a cognate by F e is t, since Goth. -ģģwrepresents Germanic *- hh- and thus does not contain o rig in a l *ģ. References are given for other unsuccessful attempts at explana­ tio n . The word is apparently not treated in WP. Goth, bliiiw an im plies, phonologically, a Prim. Germanic *bleuuana- or the lik e (from an IE base *bhleu~). There i s , how­ ever, no recognized IE base *bhleu- with the meaning 'b e a t.' Yet there are bases clo se ly enough related sem antically to warrant an inspection in order to determine whether or not a base *bhleu- may be derived from one (or perhaps several) of them. There i s , e . g . , a base designated as *bheld- 'to rap, beat' (WP 2.184), which is considered by WP as perhaps being derived from a d-present of a base *bhel-f which is called an onomatopoeic base. From th is base are derived certain B a ltic words, v i z .: L ith . bêldziu, b ê ls t l ’knock, rap, thump,' b\ldu, b ild ē t i 'to give a hol­ low sound, rumble,' bâldau, - y t i 'to knock, thump hard ,' L e tt.

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9

b e iz t, -zu, -zu 'strik e a blow' (this is considered by WP to be a blending of an assumed L ettish form *belzu, corresponding to L ith . béldztu and t e lz ' h i t , ' 34 but, since we are a ctu a lly concerned here c h ie fly with the base of the word, the question of possible contamination is not germane). In addition to the B a ltic words c ite d , some Germanic words are lis te d by WP as possible cognates; they include: MLG b o it e (n) 'b o lt , arrow,' NE (thunder)bolt, OHG bolz, NHG Bolzen 'b o lt ,' OE bolt 'b o lt, arrow,' Norw. d ia l, boita 'rumble, rush on ,' Swed. bult 'b o l t ,' bulta 'knock, ra p .' Another IE base of conspicuous semantic resemblance is seen in *bhlaģ- 'b eat, h i t . ' 35 From th is base are derived by VP L at. fla ģ rum, flaģellum 'scourge, w hip,' also the following Germanic words: O lc e l., Norw. d i a l, blaka, blakra 'beat back and forth ' (although the Norwegian words are considered doubtful, a cc . to Falk-Torp, E t . V b., p. 80), also L ith . blaškiu, bloskiau (with -sk - from * -ģ -s q -) 'hurl back and fo rth , throw sideways, rush a b o u t.’ At the conclusion of the discussion o f the formation of th is assumed base *bhlaģ- i t is remarked by WP that i t could very w ell be considered an extension o f a simpler base *bhel-. I t is not clear why *bhlaģ is not associated by WP, follow ing th is reasoning, with the same base *bhel- as was *bheld- 'rap, knock.' But the most important fa c t to emerge, phonologically, from th is discussion, is that the IE forms *bheld- and *bhlaģ- may both be regarded as extensions of-an o rig in a l IE base *bhel-. (*bhlaģshould a ctu a lly be reconstructed as *bhldģ-; l a t . flaģellum has short a ) . I t is possible to proceed fu rth er. A base *bhleu- 'burn'36 (the meaning is not of importance here, for the object of the pres­ ent comparison is to provide phonological support for the deriva­ tion of a base from which bliģģwan, e t c ., may be descended) is stated to be from an o r ig in a l, simpler base *bhel-. Combining a l l the evidence cited here, one notes that the second­ ary bases *bhéld- and *bhl&ģ- are extensions of an o rig in a l base *bhel- ; furthermore, i t is possible to derive a form *bhleu- from a base *bhel- a ls o . Inasmuch as the base *bhleuA which must be as­ sumed as the source of Goth. bliģģuan can be derived, phonological­ ly , from the same ultimate base as *bhêld-, *bhlsé-, and since the semantic relatio n of blliéwan and these bases is apparent, i t seems legitim ate to posit an IE base *bhel- with such meanings as 's t r ik e , b e a t,' and from th is base the extensions cited above can be formed. An add itional cognate, in view of L at. flaģellum may possibly e x is t in Welsh blinģo (with nasal in fix ) 'f la y , sk in , e x c o ria te .' A

■

A

A

A

10

GOTHIC ETYMOLOGICAL STUDIES

6. dts-hniupan * to break, rend asunder' The present p articip le dis-hniupands corresponds to Gk. διαρήσ 'sere n e.') J . Loewenthal (Wörter und Sachen 9.193 [1926]) suggested a con­ nection with Serbian hlastati 'ch a tte r, prate, g o ss ip '; th is word, however, cannot come from IE *k or *q, implying, rather, a velar ģ. Hence there is no certain etymology for hlas as y e t. There seems, however, to be a possible Greek cognate, c f . Gk. εύ-κολος 'contented, good-natured, p le a sa n t,' εύ-κολία 'good mood,' c f . further δύσ-κολος 'grouchy, morose.' These Gk. forms, lik e Goth, hlas, can be derived from an IE base *ke l-/k ol-, *k(e)le-. Attempts have been made to explain the Greek words, though unsatis­ fa c t o r ily . One was the association o f εύκολος and δύσκολος with the IE base *kel- 'slope' ( c f. O lc e l. ha llr , OE heald, OHG hald 'in ­ c lin e d , slo p e d ,' OHG halda 'mountain s lo p e ,' NHG Bälde 'slo p e, de­ c l i v i t y , h i l l s i d e ,' e t c .) ; th is comparison is rejected in WP (1.431) and doubted by Boisacq (Diet, é t . de la lanģue grecque, 3rd r e p r ., p. 294 [I 923 ] ) . Another etymology previously proposed for the Greek words is rejected by both WP ( I . 43 I) and Boisacq (p. 294), namely the suggestion that εύκολος is from the IE base *qel-/qol- 'to beat' (the semantic assumption being, evid en tly, that εύ-κολος = m alleable, tr a c ta b le ,' c f . L ith . ka lt i 'to hammer, forge, drive n a i ls ' ) . But i t is p o ssib le, as shown above, to associate Goth, hlas and Gk. εύ-κολος, εύ-κολία, δυσ-κολος both sem antically and phonetical­ ly . There may also be an add itional cognate in L e tt, s e i -derēt 'do something without thinking, be c a r e le s s ,' c f . Gk. εύκολως adv. 'c a r e le s s ly .'

2 2 . hopan 'to boast' This verb occurs several times throughout the Gothic Bible as the equivalent o f Gk. καυχασθαί τι 'to boast about something' ( e .g ., I I Cor. 9 . 2 , I I . 3 O, I Cor. 4 .7 , I I Cor. 5-12, 7 .1 4 ). The noun ho ft uli = Gk. καύχημα 'boasting' ( e .g ., I I Cor. 8.23, 9 ·3)ί occasionally i t seems to mean 'g lo ry in g , re jo icin g ' (P h ilip p . 1.26, G al. 6 . 4 ). The only known cognate in Germanic is OE hwôpan 'threaten' (F e ist, p. 286), and the words have, according to F e is t, no sure etymology. Thumb (KZ 36.193~4 [1900]) associated the words with Gk. κόβαλος, κόβειρος (Hesych.) 'je s t e r , buffoon.' Sem antically, the connection is not too c lo s e , and phonetically there are d i f f i c u l t i e s , for the

32

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assumption o f a form *kua- is not ju s t ifie d by the Gk. examples. H irt (PBB 23.292 [1898]) associated the words with Gk. κυδος · ' fame,' evidently thinking o f some such semantic p a r a lle l as NHG sich rühmen 'b o a st,' but his etymology is scarcely tenable. Grienberger (Unters. , p. 125) is cited as having considered the words ultim ate­ ly akin to OE heap, OS hop, OHG houf 'heap.' This was refuted by Uhlenbeck (PBB 30.294 [19051), who points out that nowhere in the group o f OHG houf, e t c ., does the IE phonetic sequence *kiļāb- oc­ cur; thus, he a sse rts , 'von Grienberger's semasio lo g ic a lly improb­ able etymology cannot be accepted phonologically e it h e r .' But Uhlenbeck him self (loc. c i t . ) connected the words with an etymon which is scarcely more acceptable than those he rejected: Skt. kûpyati 'is a g' ita te d , b o ils , is angry' (from IE *keuep-). Here too ' A the semantic divergence is considerable. Moreover, there is a phonological objection which elim inates the Sk t. word as a cognate: the p o f Sk t. kûpyati represents IE *p, which would y ie ld Germanic f , not p. Bloomfield considered hopan a new formation on the basis of Goth, wopjan ''cry , c a l l ,' which seems an u nlikely procedure, in view of the fa c t that we have hwôpan in OE. H. Petersson (PBB 3 8 . 32 I [I 9I 3 ] ) derived toopan from an IE base *kuā-, as seen, a lle g ­ edly, in S k t. kvanati 'sounds, r in g s .' J . Loewenthal (PBB 51-139 [I 927 ] ) derived the words from an assumed IE base * (s)k%ap-no'scream, c r y ,' which is supposed to be the source of Lat. vāpulo 'cry out lik e one beaten; be flo g g e d .' For remaining untenable etymologies see F e is t, p. 286. In approaching the problem from the semantic point o f view, one observes that words for 'boast' and the lik e a re , in several in ­ stances, derived from hases with the meaning 'p u ff up, swell u p .' Thus, NE boast i t s e l f (ME bosten) is from the IE base *bhu- 'blow up, sw ell up' (WP 2.118). Sim ila rly , Welsh batch 'proud' is from IE *bhel- 'blow up, swell up, be puffed up' (WP 2.176-7), e tc . Therefore, i f an IE base *k%a- or *k%o- could be found with the meaning 'p u ff up, sw ell up ,' one might have an acceptable etymology for Goth, hopan. And, indeed, there seems to be such a base. In WP (1.365) *kuais lis te d as a secondary base under IE *keu- 'sw e ll, sw e llin g .' The words under the base include: Skt. cv-ayate 'sw ells up ,' cu-na'growth, th r iv in g ,' cava- 'stren gth , heroic power,' quna 'sw ollen, puffed up ,' ςδ-tha 'sw ellin g, bloatedness,' ςο-pha- 'sw ellin g, tumor,' qva-tra (from *kua~) 'powerful, th r iv in g ,' Avest. spa(y)'swell up,' sura- 'strong, powerful.' C f. also Gk. κυέω, (έγ)κΐχο -

.

A

A

GOTHIC ETYMOLOGICAL STUDIES

33

ao r. εκυσα 'he pregnant,' κύοζ 'fo e tu s ,' £γκυοζ 'pregnant,' κυριοζ 'having power'; a ls o , from *kuā-, Dor. aor. πασασθαι 'to have power, ju r is d ic tio n over something,' e tc . Thus, under the grade *kuā-, hopan can ultim ately he derived from IE *keu- 'sw ell up ,' with the semantic development indicated above. A

Λ

23 . in-widan 'deny' The 3rd p l· pres. ind. o f th is verb occurs (Mark 7·9) as the equivalent o f Gk. άθετεΐτε 'ye r e je c t '; the 3rd sg . pres. opt. inwidat s i k silban (Mark 8.34) corresponds to Gk. άπαρνησάσθω έαυτον 'l e t him deny h im se lf.' The verb is also found in several other passages, corresponding to Gk. άρνεισθαι 'deny' ( e .g ., T it . 1.16, I Tim. 5-8, Mark 26.75> e t c .) . F e is t can o ffe r no cognate in the other Germanic languages. Von Grienberger (Unters·, p. I 3 I) and A. M. Sturtevant (JFGP 33·Β9—90 [1934]) associated the word with Goth. ģa-widan 'connect, jo in to­ g e th e r.' F e is t objects to th is comparison, rig h tly i t seems, on semantic grounds, ģa-widan occurs in such passages as the fam iliar one in Mark 10.9: patei nu ģup ģawaķ, manna pomma nt skaidai * δ ούν δ θεδζ συνέζευξευ άνθρωπος μη χωριζέτω 'What therefore God has joined together, le t no man put asunder.' I t is d i f f ic u l t to see any connection, sem antically, between the idea o f 'jo in togeth­ er' and 'deny.' A. M. Sturtevant (Zoc. c t t . ) viewed the p refix in(which he compared with Dutch in- , as seen, e . g . , in such words as in-wtkkelen 'in vo lve, entangle') as imparting to the verb the force o f 'wrapping up' * 'd e ce iv in g .' This is rather d i f f i c u l t to follow , and F e is t re je cts the etymology. Yon Grienberger's comparison (loc. c i t . ) o f ģa-widan and in-widan was based on the assumption that the primary meaning o f in-widan was 't ie u p .' But th is hardly renders the association o f 'bind' and 'deny' any more tenable. Uhlenbeck (PBB 3 O.295 [I 9 O5 ] ) h esitan tly suggests that in-widan shows IE *i and, having the assumed meaning o f 'to empty,' might be related to Sk t. vtdhura- 's o lita r y , lo n e ly ,' vidhu- *the moon(?),' also Goth. widuwo 'widow,' Lat. viduus, e tc . Phonologically, one must seek the origin o f Goth, wid- in an IE form *uedh- (possibly *uidh-t in view o f the absence o f control forms in other Germanic languages). Such a base *uedh- is posited by WP ( I . 254 - 255 ) as the source of Avest. vadaya (lengthened grade) 're p e l, r e je c t ,' also vaftayan- (designation applied to a prince not o f the true f a it h , i . e . , denying the true fa it h ) ; the normal grade

34

GOTHIC ETYMOLOGICAL STUDIES

is seen in S k t. vadh- 'h i t , a n n ih ilate ' (attested in the optative forms vadheyam, vadheti). The semantic relationship between 're ­ j e c t , repel' and 'deny' is fa ir ly c lo s e , and the phonetic corre­ spondence is exact, so i t seems legitim ate to connect in-widan with th is hase *uedh~. 24. lapon 'in v it e , summon' This verb occurs, e . g . , in the fam iliar passage nip-pan qam lapon uswaûrhtans = ου γ&ρ ήλθον καλέσαι δικαίους 'fo r I have not come to c a l l the righteous' (Matth. 9-13)î s im ila r ly , lapon * Gk. καΧειν 'summon, c a l l , in v ite ' (Luke 5 «32, Mark 2.17, Roms. 9-12, 9-11 in the English version et passim) . The noun lapons 'in v ita tio n ' occurs in several passages as the equivalent o f Gk. κλησις ( e .g ., Roms. 11.29, Eph. 1.18, 4 .1 , e t c .) . There is also a clo se ly related verb ģa-lapon = Gk. συνκαλεΐν 'c a l l together' (Luke 15*6, Matth. 23*38, e t c .) , also a verb at-lapon * καλέ Tv 'to c a l l , summon' (Eph. 4 .4 ) . The Germanic cognates include: O lc e l. laba, Œ labian, OFris. lathia, ladia, OS labian, labāian, OHG ladon, laden 'in v it e , summon, c a l l . ' There is also a Runic form lapa (bracteate o f Darum, possi­ bly Gothic, c f . H. A m tz, Handb. d. Runenkunde, p . 200 [H alle, 1935], also bracteates o f Fünen and Schonen, c f . A. Johannesson, Gramm. der urnord. Runeninschriften, nos. 23, 53 [Heidelberg, 19231 ) . F e is t considers the word 'etym ologically d i f f i c u l t .' He sta tes the p o s s ib ility of deriving lapon from a - ί -extension o f an IE base * l e ( i ) - : *ld(i)~* as seen, e . g . , in Doric Gk. λώ (from *l&o) , in fin . Xrjv 'wish, want, d e s ir e ,' A ttic λημα 'w i ll, courage, s p i r i t ,' hut adds a reference to Boisacq (p. 577) re je ctin g th is d erivation , since the la tt e r considers the Gk. words to be from IE * u e le ( i) 'wish, d e s ire ,' c f . OCS v e l ē t i 'to o rd er,' Lat. volo 'wish, want.' F e is t reje cts as wholly dubious P re llw itz's connection97 o f O Ir. a i r - l e 'co u n se l,' i r - l i t h e 'obedience'; Boisacq (Zoc. c i t . ) lik e ­ wise reje cts th is etymology. Other improbable etymologies are lis t e d , with references (F e ist, p. 323)· In WP (2.393) the association o f lapon with Dor. Gk. Xrjv, e t c ., under IE * l e ( l ) - : * l d i - 'w ish,' is perpetuated. Boisacq's connec­ tion of Xrjv, e t c ., with IE *uele(i)~ 'wish, want, d esire' is re­ jected by WP, although no grounds are stated fo r such re je ctio n . Hence, confusion prevails in the etym ological study o f Goth. lapon, e t c ., and F e ist seems ju s t ifie d in implying that the correct etymon probably has -not yet been found. A

GOTHIC ETYMOLOGICAL STUDIES

35

Cognates seem to e x is t in Welsh, however; c f . early Welsh lla ta i 'love messenger,' llatetaeth 'love message' (early Welsh - t - repre­ sents IE * - t - ; 98 in la te r orthography - t - > - d- , c f . NW llad ' g i f t , bounty, grace, fa v o r.' Such forms a l l imply an IE hase *l a t- or the lik e , as does our Gothic word; thus the phonological connection is p o ssib le. Sem antically, one can state that an in v ita tio n is a mes­ sage; secondly, the oldest Germanic cognate o f lapon that is known is Runic laput which has been translated as 'Liebesgabe, Einladung, Vorladung' (F e is t, p. 3^3)> a l l o f which meanings are combined in Welsh ll at eta eth . The sense of Ltebesģabe is more s p e c ific a lly p aralleled by Welsh llad 'bounty, favor, g i f t . ' 25· -leifran 'go, come, pass, move' af-l ei ķa n = άναχωρείν, άπελθεΤν, πορεύεσθαι 'go away, dep art.' 3rd sg . p ret. af -la tp (Matth. 27-5)> 3rd sg . p ret. opt. a f - l i p i (Luke 4 .4 2 ). bi-leip an = άπολείπειν, άφιέναι 'lea v e, abandon.' 3rd p i· p ret. bi - li ķ u n (Mark 12.22). ģa-leipan = ερχεσθαι, απέρχεσθαι 'come, go* (John 7·45, 14.23, e t c .) . us-leipan = άπέρχεσθαι 'pass away, vergehen' (II Cor. 5*17)· There are numerous other compounds of -leipan throughout the Gothic B ib le. The related Germanic forms include: O lc e l. l ī t a 'go, pass, run out, zu Ende gehen,' OS lītan 'go, t r a v e l,' OE lipan 'go, tr a v e l,' OHG līdan 'go, proceed, take a course, go away, go to ruin; ex­ perience, undergo, s u f fe r ,' MHG liden 's u ffe r ,' also O lc e l. l i t 'v e h ic le ,' OE lid 'v e h ic le , v e sse l, b o a t,' fu rth er, O lc e l. l e i t 'way, d ir e c tio n ,' OE lād 'way, journey,' OHG le ita 'd ire ctio n , leadership ,' Dutch lij de n, p .p . ģeleden 'pass, pass on, d ie .' F e is t (p. 8) designates the words as having no sure etymology. He reje cts the usual one ( s t i l l accepted in WP 2.401-02), namely, the association of the words with Avest. raeQ 'pass away' (used only of good people, mar- being reserved for e v il people), Gk. (Hes.) λοίτη 'τάφος* and λοιτεύειν · θάπτεiv also λοιτδς · χοιμός. The Hesychian forms are given in WP with some hesitancy, for λοιτός may be a misreading for λοιγός. This etymology was, however, proposed by numerous a u th o ritie s, notably A. Bezzenberger (KZ 22.480 [1894]), Chr. Bartholomae (ZfdVf. 6.231 [1906]) and H. Kern (Tijdschr. v. nederi. Taal- en Letterkunde 4.313 [1884] ).

36

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There seems to be an IE base which may well be the source of the Germanic words. I t is seen in what is designated in WP (2.389-392) as 3* with such meanings as 's lid e , pass o v e r.' This i s , as is implied in WP (loc. c i t . ) with no s p e c ific statement o f the con­ d itio n s involved, an s -le s s form o f an IE hase * ( s ) l e i ~ , inasmuch as f u lly h a lf of the forms c ite d under * l e i - plus extension have i n i t i a l * s l *s l ei ģ- 'slip p ery ; s l i p , g lid e ,' *( s) le i d h - 's l i p ­ pery, g lid e '; * ( s ) l e i b - 'slip p e ry , g lid e , pass over, s l i d e .' Yet the only form in *s- that is given as an independent base in WP is *sleidh - (2.707-708). I t seems necessary, therefore, to rearrange WP's m aterial some­ what, without v it ia t in g the general v a lid ity o f it s contents. The main IE base is evidently * ( s ) l e i - 'move, s lid e , s l i p , g lid e , p a s s ,' e tc . A ll the forms cited above (including *sleidh- , which was given as an independent base by WP ) constitu te secondary bases or exten­ sions: * ( s ) l e i - ģ - , * ( s ) l e i - t - , * ( s ) l e i - b - , * ( s ) l e i - d h - . From th is IE base * ( s ) l e i - the following words are derived: Welsh l l i t h r o 'g lid e ,' ll i th r e d i ģ 'slip p ery , tr a n s it o r y ,'99 Gk. όλισθάνω, ωλισθον 'g lid e ,' δλισθηρόζ 's lip p e r y ,' δλισθοζ 'smoothness, s lip ­ p erin ess,' Sk t. srêdhatl 'g lid e s o f f , runs away.' The Gk. forms may represent a - ίο -present (WP 2.707). C f . , fu rth er, L ith . slfjstu, slydau, s l y s t i 'g lid e ,' sl i d h s 'smooth'; L e tt, l i s t , lienu, lledu 'creep, craw l,' OCS sledu 'tr a c e , track, Spur,' also (from IE * l e i - t - ) L ith . l i e s t i 'to u ch ,' L e tt, l a i t i t 'streich en , stroke' ( c f. semantically with NHG Landstreicher, streichen 'wander, rove, move p a s t .' Moreover, Germanic i t s e l f retains conspicuously the dual d is t r i­ bution of forms in s i - and I - , the following being the si-forms cognate with Goth. - lelpan: 0E slīdan, NE s l i d e , MHG s l ī t e n 'g lid e , s li d e '; OHG s l i t o , O lc e l. sZeÖi, ME siede 's le d ,' 0E s l i d o r 's l ip ­ p ery'; OE s l i d r i a n , NE s l i t h e r , LG slidderen 's l i d e .' F in a lly , additional Germanic cognates (from IE * ( s ) l e i - b - ) include: OHG s l ī f a n 'g lid e ; sharpen, whet,' NHG s c h l e i f e n ; MHG s l ī f e n , NE s l i p . And now, on the basis o f ample add itional evidence c ite d , there seems to be no objection to associatin g Avest. rae9-, Gk. Χοίτη under th is base, and the etymology doubted by F e ist can be j u s t i­ fied .

GOTHIC ETYMOLOGICAL STUDIES

37

26. marzjan 'be angry, vexed; offend one; cause one to stumble* This verb occurs in the 3rd sg . pres. opt. marzjal, corresponding to Gk. σκανδαλίζει (Matth. 5 .29, 30, Mark 9 . 43 , 9.45, 9-47), one occurrence being the fam iliar passage ip jabal auģo pein pata talhswo marzjai puk = Gk. εί δέ b όφθαλμόζ σου 6 δεξιόζ σκανδαλίζει σε (rendered by the English version ' i f thy righ t eye offend th ee/ Matth. 5*29· A ctu a lly , Gk. σκανδαλίζω means ’ to cause to stum ble,' i . e . , 'make to e rr, to trap' < σκάνδαλον l i t . ’ trap , snare/ as Professor Louis H. Gray has pointed out to the w riter). The Germanic cognates o f these words include: OE mierran 'mar, d istu rb , s c a tte r , confuse, upset, e r r / OFris. mēria, OS merrian i d ., OHG marren, merren 'hinder, d istu rb , annoy1; also OE d-mierran 'ru in , destroy.' F e is t considers a l l previous etymological suggestions to be in­ adequate. Grienberger's attempt (Unters. , p. 156) to lin k L at. mora 'd e la y / vb. morort O Ir. maraim 'remain' with our words, an attempt subsequently repeated by Wood (Class. P hi l. 3*83 [1908]), is re­ jected by F e is t , as i t was by Walde (LEW, 2nd e d ., p. 475) and Uhlenbeck (Tijdschrtft v. nederlandsche Taal- en Letterkunde 25-287 [I 9 O6 ] ). The semantic gap between these words and the Germanic ones seems rather g reat. The association o f marzjan with Sk t. mrsyate 'fo r g e ts / Arm. moranam 'forget* (H. Pedersen, KZ 36-99 [1900]) and with L ith . mirsti 'fo rg e t' (Wood, MLN 21.40 [1906]) is likew ise doubted because o f the variation in meaning, although th is etymolo­ gy is given in WP (2.279)· There are S la v ic forms which, although sem antically acceptable, are phonologically perplexing. They in ­ clude OCS mrizuku 'r e p u lsiv e ,' mrizeti 'be d e testab le / S e r.-C ro a t. mraziti 'to antagonize/ Russ, mérzkii 'd isg u stin g / e tc . The d if ­ fic u lt y here i s , o f course, Sla v ic z. Zupitza (KZ 37-397 [1904]) states that there are certain cases in which S la v , z c le a rly corre­ sponds to IE s, c f . , e . g . , Russ, nozdrjâ 'n o s tr il' (beside nos 'n o se'; c f . also L ith . nasrai 'n o s t r il') . But in sim ilar cases s is preserved, c f . OCS sestra ' s i s t e r .' Zupitza attempts to formulate a phonetic law, according to which s becomes z in such a position when the i n i t i a l is a voiced nasal (as in nozdrjâ) but remains s when the i n i t i a l is a voiceless spirant (as in s e s t r a ) . 100 This is not too certain , for the example o f Russ, derzok 'a rro g a n t,' Czech drsnjj cannot be accounted for in th is way·. But, as Professor Roman Jakobson has emphasized to the w riter, the fa c t emerges that in a number of cases Slavonic z most certain ly corresponds to IE s,

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whether or not the precise conditions o f occurrence can be formu­ la ted . Hence the above S la v ic forms may possibly be related to Goth, marzjan. The following H it t it e forms are here offered as possible cognates with the rea lizatio n that i t is d i f f ic u l t to prove any d e fin ite re­ la tio n sh ip , esp e cially in view of the fa c t that the H it t it e vocabu­ lary is from such a v ariety o f sources. But the words, per se, seem to present no semantic or phonological d i f f ic u lt ie s : mars- rbe bad, marsahh- 'makes bad, corrupt' ( c f. OE mierran 'm ar,' O Fris. mēria, OS merrian 'mar,' also OE a-mierran ’ r u in ') , marsanu- 'make bad,' marsanza 'bad, co rru p t,' marsan (prob. a cc. m.) ’ something in the nature o f impurity that angers the gods,' marsatar 'badness,' marsess- (pret. p i. marsesser) 'become bad' (Sturtevant, H i t t i t e Glossary, 2nd e d ., p. 98). H ittite mars- corresponds to IE *mers- ; H itt, a is from e before r plus consonant.101 27· natjan 'to moisten, wet' This word is found in Gothic only in Luke 7*38: duģann natjan fotuns taģram = Gk. ήρξατο βρέχειv τούζ πόδαζ αύτοΰ τοίζ δάκρυαιν 'she began to wash his feet with her te a r s .' There is another verb ģa-natjan (obviously the same verb plus prefix) which is found in the 3rd sg . p ret. ģa-natida = Gk. έβρεξεv 'washed' (of tea rs, once more, Luke 7 .4 4 ). The cognates in the other Germanic languages are: MLG netten, OHG nazzen, nezzen 'to wet, m oisten,' also the follow ing words, which are derivatives o f a Germanic form without the - i - seen in A the above words: OS, MLG, Dutch nat, OHG ηα$, NHG nass 'wet' (from Germanic *nata- ) . F eist c a lls the etymology of these words uncertain. He c ite s the s comparison of Skt. nadī 'r iv e r ' as conceivable but adds that th is word may be o f the same ultim ate origin as Skt. nàdati 'rushes, ro a rs,' which would not be a lik e ly cognate of the Germanic words. Armenian nay 'damp,' Gk. νοτερόζ 'w et,' νοτία 'm oisture,' νοτέω 'am wet' would be acceptable sem antically, but they cannot be as­ sociated with natjan phonologically, since they must be from IE *net-/not~, whereas Goth, natjan would have to be derived from *ned-/nod- or the lik e . F e ist says that a 'double root' *net-: ned- would have to be assumed in order to include both the Germanic words, on the one hand, and the Gk. and Arm. words on the other. This is dubious procedure. Furthermore, Gk. νοτερόζ , e t c ., are also

GOTHIC ETYMOLOGICAL STUDIES

39

claimed by Brugmann (IF 20.222 [1906-07]) to be from an IE base *snā- ( c f. O Ir. snàm 'swim,1 Sk t. snāti 'swims,* e tc .) and the a l ­ leged relationship is rendered s t i l l more obscure. F in a lly , F e is t mentions the suggestion o f I . Sch e fte lo w itz,102 who connected natjan with MPers. nay (from IE nadia-), supposedly meaning 'chan­ n e l, c a n a l,' according to Scheftelow itz, but a ctu a lly meaning 'reed, f lu t e , f i f e , ' which is remote from the sense o f natjan. I f , however, one posits the th eo retical base from which natjan and it s Germanic cognates must be derived, a C e ltic etymon emerges which is completely acceptable, phonologically and sem antically. Gothic nat- im plies, as stated above, an IE base *ned-/nod-. The Welsh word nodd 'moisture' likewise implies IE *ned-/nod- (s p e c ifi­ c a lly *nod.-). A clo se ly related form is Welsh nodd-lyd ' j u i c y , ' 103 28. qatrrus 'fr ie n d ly , g en tle, kind This word occurs as the equivalent of Gk. ήπιος 'g e n tle ' ( II Tim. 2 .2 4 ) . The noun qalrrei occurs more irequently, corresponding to Gk. πραότις 'meekness* ( e .g ., G al. 5·23> I Tim. 6.11, I I Tim. 2 .2 5 ) . The intra-Germanic cognates include!: O lc e l. kv irr, kyrr ' s t i l l , q u ie t, a t r e s t ,' neut. kyrt (used adverbially) 'g e n tly ,' kyrra 'to calm ,' MDutch querre 'tam e,' MtiG kiirre 'm ild, tame,' NHG k i r r , kirre 'm ild, tame, t r a c t a b le .’ F e is t (p. 386) re je cts Bezzenberger's suggestion (BB 3*81 [1879]) that the words may be related to L ith . ģurlis 'lo o se, crumbling, tr a n s ito ry ,' also H ir t's association (PBB 23-351-2 [1898]) o f qalrrus with L ith . ģeras 'good.' Siebs is cited as having compared (KZ 3 7 .3 17 [1904]) L e tt, ģursti 'h e sita te , delay, waste tim e,' ģurti 'to grow weak, loo sen ,' ģurdhs 'weak, feeb le, lo o s e ,' This too is rejected by F e is t, apparently on semantic grounds. Others have connected the word with L ith . ģ i r i h 'p raise' and Sk t. ģrnāti 'in v o k e .'104 As F e is t s ta te s , von Grienberger's etymology (Unters. , pp. I 7 I - 7 2 ), which associated the words with OHG queran 'lament, w a il,' Gk. γήρυς 'v o ic e ,' must be regarded as untenable; th is mean­ ing is clea rly remote from that of 'g e n tle , kind, q u ie t.' There i s , however, a H it t it e word which may possibly be associ­ ated with Gothic qairrus, namely H it t , warss- 'mulcere, stroke, rub, soothe, make p ro p itio u s,' a c t . and mid. 'be w ell-disposèd, be prop itious, be calm, be a t r e s t ,' also warse/a 'mulcere, m u lce ri,’ warsiya/e ' i d .' warsiyanu- 'cause to be w ell-disposed, p ro p itiate '

40

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(Sturtevant, H it ti t e Glossary, p. 178). Semantically these words embrace a l l the shades o f meaning found in qairrus and it s related Germanic forms. The phonological association of the H it t it e forms with our Germanic words is also p ossib le, since both can correspond to IE *ģ*er (or In d o -H ittite *ģīer-, according to Sturtevant, in keeping with the In d o -H ittite hypothesis; but both assumed forms coincide exactly in th is instance, so there is no d iff ic u lt y in equating the two). H it t it e ω- corresponds to IE *ģ%-, c f . H it t . wemiyezi 'comes upon, fin d s '; L a i. venio < IH *ģwemyo, IE *ģ*emio.105 For H it t , - r : IE - r , c f . H it t , taru 'wood'; S k t. daru 'lo g ,' Gk. δόρυ ' t r e e .' 106 H it t , a is from e before r plus conso­ nant, c f . H it t , tarma(e)- 'd e lim it, f i x ' ; Lat. termino 'mark o ff by boundaries. ' 107 29· rohsns 'co u rt, palace' This word occurs as the equivalent o f Gk. αυλή in John 18 .15> Matth. 26.69 and Mark 14.66. There are no recognized cognates in the other Germanic languages. A suggested relationship of the word with Goth, ģa-rehsns 'regu lation , decree' is rejected by F e is t (p. 400), who explains the la tte r noun as derived from an IE base *rek'arrange, d ire c t' and, as such, ultim ately connected with Goth. rahnjan 'c a lc u la te , reckon' (from the o-grade o f the base). Previously advanced explanations are b r ie fly indicated and d is­ missed by F e ist (p. 400). Th. von Grienberger ‘ (Unters·, pp. 176-77) connected the word with Gk. άρηγω 'h e lp ,' OHG ruohha 'p ro te c tio n .' This is apparently rejected because o f semantic d i f f i c u l t i e s . Wood (JEGP 2.229-30 [1898-99]) compared rohsns with Lat. arceo 'shut in , shut u p ,' but the phonetic d iffic u lt y is obvious. Uhlenbeck (PBB 2 7 . I 29- 3 O [I 9 O2 ]) associated the word with Sk t. râksatl 'p ro te c ts '; th is too is somewhat remote from the meaning of rohsns. Phonologically, rohsns can be derived from an IE base *reģ-, ju s t as w ell as from a base *rek~, which was suggested as the source in many of the etymologies previously proposed, inasmuch as i t is a well-known fa c t that an IE *ģ became unvoiced ( i . e . , obviously, *k) before a voiceless consonant; c f . Goth, wahsjan 'grow,' Sk t. vākšana 'in cre a se '; Lat. auģeo, Goth, aukan 'in c re a se ,' L ith . auģu Ί grow' ( c f. F e is t, p. 541; Brugmann G rd r., 2nd ed. 1.700; Noreen, Urģerm. Lautlehre, p. 181). The IE clu ste r *ks, from e a rlie r *ģs, becomes, in Germanic, hs, which is what is found in Goth, rohsns. Thus, rohsns may be derived from the lengthened δ-grade *rdģ- plus

GOTHIC ETYMOLOGICAL STUDIES

41

formants s and n ( * r < 5 é - s - n ~ ) . The IE base which is pertinent here is that designated in WP (2.362-65) as 1 . r e ģ - . This is assigned a number of meanings, including 'erect, extend, straighten,' etc. Whether or not a l l the words listed in WP as belonging to this base can legitimately be reconciled is a separate question that need not be discussed at this point. I t is clear, however, that the meaning 'erect* is well established. Since r o h s n s is the desig­ nation for a type of structure or ed ifice, i t can reasonably be derived from the base * r e ģ - in its signification 'e r e c t.' Under the same base the follow ing related words may be c ite d : L at. r o ģ u s (from the o-grade) 'funeral pyre' (actually 'th a t which is e re cte d '), S ic . Gk. (5ογόζ 'grain shed' (possibly a L at. loan ), Lat. e -r i|5 'e r e c t ,' I r . ē i r ģ i m (from Prim C e ltic * e k s - r e ģ o , c f . Walde, LEV, 2nd e d ., p. 258) 'r is e u p ,' e tc .

30. s t l d a - l e i k

'astonishment, amazement'

The noun corresponds to Gk. θάμβος 'astonishment, amazement* (Luke 5*9)· A verb s t l d a l e l k j a n (trans, and in tra n s.) 'to wonder, marvel a t , be amazed, be astonished' occurs several times to cor­ respond to Gk. θαυμίζειν τ ι ( e .g ., Luke 7.9) 'wonder a t , ' to Gk. έκπλήσσεσθαι (Mark 10.32, Luke 2.48) 'to be astonish ed .' A wk. vb. s i l d a l e l k n a n is the equivalent of Gk. θαυμασθηναι ( I I Thess. 1.10) 'to be amazed a t . ' F in a lly , there is an ad jective s i l d a - l e i k s 'marvelous, astounding' which occurs as the equivalent o f Gk. θαυμαστός (Mark 12.11, John 9·30> I I Cor. 11.14). The cognates in other Germanic languages include: OE s e l d - l l c , s e l l l c , OS s e l d - l T k 'stran ge, wonderful'; O lc e l. s j a l d - s ê n n , OE s e l d - s i e n e , QHG s e l t - s a n i , NHG s e l t s a m 'strange, r a r e ,' also the follow ing forms?: O lc e l. s j a l d a n , OE s e l d a n , OFris. s l e l d e n , MLG s e i d e n , OHG š e i t a n , NHG s e l t e n 'ra re , u n u su a l.'108 F e is t (421) designates th is group o f words as 'etym ologically ob­ sc u re .' He reje cts the etymology proposed by F ic k ,109 with the support o f E. Lidén110 and WP (2.457—58), a l l o f whom consider s i l d a - to be derived from the IE re flex iv e base * s e - (as seen in l a t . s e , Goth, s l - k , e t c .) plus a s u ffix -Zo- (as seen in L at. q u a - l l s , t a i l s ) plus a formant -dh-. Comparison is thus made with Germanic * s e l b a - ' s e l f , ' by Lidén, and with Lat. s d - l u s , although the la tte r relationship is considered uncertain by WP (2.458). F e is t seems ju s t ifie d in re je ctin g th is explanation on semantic grounds.

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s i l d a - l e i k is obviously a compound, the second member of which is seen in such words as ģa-leiks 'l ik e , s im ila r .' I t is the f ir s t component with which we are concerned here, s i l d a - may be derived from an IE base *seld-, From such a base i t is possible to derive certain Welsh words which seem to be related: W hyll-dremio, h y l l dremu 'to sta re , gaze, look w ild ly ,' hyll-drawu 'to t e r r ify , d is­ may,' hyll 'u g ly , w ild, hideous,' hyllu 'dismay' (IE *s- > W h-; for W y from IE e , c f . Pedersen 1.513; for W - I I < IE * - l d - , c f . Pedersen 1.146). The semantic connection is s u ffic ie n tly c lo se ; 'to sta re , gaze, look w ildly' is related to 'be astonished' and 'to t e r r ify , dismay' is sem antically akin to 'astound,' although in an unfavorable connotation.

3 1 · (sik) skaman 'be ashamed' This verb occurs in the 3rd sg . pres, skamaif) s i k (Mark 8.38 et passim); the 3rd sg . p ret. skamaida s i k is found in I I Tim. 1.16. The word usually corresponds to Gk. έπαισχύνεσθαi 'be ashamed.' In one instance (II Cor. 1.8) i t is the equivalent of Gk. έξαπορηθηναι (έξαπορηθηναi . . . του ζην 'to be in great doubt or d iffic u lt y about liv in g , to be quite a t a loss about l i v i n g ') . The intra-Germanic cognates are: OE scamian, O Fris. skamia, OHG seamen, scamon 'be ashamed,' these forms being derivatives of a Germanic substantive *skamö, c f . OE scamu, OFris. skame, skome, OS, OHG skama 'shame.' O lc e l. skqmm ’ shame' shows emphatic doubling o f m. MHG scheme, schem shows, according to F e is t (p. 428) the vowel ë , not umlaut. A closely related word is Goth, skanda (nd fo r *md by p a r tia l regressive a ssim ila tio n ). Some a u th o ritie s111 consider sham a North English variant o f shame. F e ist considers the words to be from a Germanic root *skem- with obscure p re-h isto ry. He reje cts K. F. Johansson's suggestion (KZ 30.428 [1890]) that the o rig in a l meaning o f the word was to 'cover oneself' and that the Germanic root *hem-, as seen, e . g . , in Goth. af-hamon 'undress' is related to the group, c f . F e is t , p. 6. Holthausen has no etymology to suggest. R. Loewe (Dt. e t , Wb., p. 129) retains Johansson's etymology. I t seems, however, that a possible source of the words may be found in the IE base * (s)kambo- 'to bend, tw ist' (WP 2.539)· Under th is base are included: Gk. σκαμβόζ 'crooked, ben t,' L at. cambiare 'to change,' O Ir. camm 'crooked,' Welsh, Cornish cam 'wrong, fa ls e , crooked, tw isted' ( c f. NE sham, see above), cam-wedd 'in iq u ity ,

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43

tran sg ressio n ,’ B ret, kamm 'crooked,' Gaulish Cambo-dunum (Pedersen, KG 1.119), OIr. ctmbid "'prisoner' (from *krņb~). The semantic connec­ tion is apparently that seen in 'crooked' > 'shame.'

3 2 . s l e i p s 'had, dangerous' I t cannot be stated with certainty whether the form is s l e i p s or s l e i d e i s , inasmuch as the adjective occurs, in Gothic, only in the nom. p i. m. s l e i d j a t = Gk. »χαλεποί (Matth. 8.28) and in the nom. p i. n. s i e idj a : jera s i e idja * Gk. καιροί χαλεποί 'perilous times' ( I I Tim. 3 · ! ) · A fern, noun sleip a = Gk. ζημία 'damage, harm' occurs in the a cc . sg . (Ph ilip p s. 3*7, 8). There is also another fern, noun s l e l p e i = Gk. κίνδυνος 'danger' (Roms. 8.35)· F in a lly , there the ģa-slelpjan * Gk. ζημιούν 'to harm, damage.' The Germanic cognates include: O lc e l. s l i b r 'fie r c e , ferocious, t e r r ib le ,' OE s l ī b e 'c r u e l, dangerous, gruesome,' OS s l i b i 'bring­ ing ruin, bad,' OHG s l ī d ī c , s l ī t h ī c 'bad, e v i l , c r u e l,' OE slīban ' to wound.' F e is t mentions that the following s -le s s forms were suggested as cognates in Germanic by von Grienberger (Unters., pp. 192-23): O lc e l. lelb r, OE lāb, OFris. lēth, OS leb, OHG leid 'e v il, hated, h o s t ile ,' but he is uncertain whether they legitim ately belong to the group s l e i p s , e tc . F e is t designates the etymology of th is group as unsolved. He re­ fers to previous attempts, a l l of which he r e je c ts . F. de Saussure112 associated the words with Gk. άλιτεΐν (allegedly from *α-σλιτ-ε!ν) 'to commit a crime, trespass' (but the form is evidently a spurious word b u ilt on άλιτήμενος, from άλιταίνω 's i n ') , Hesych. άλοιταί * κοιναί, άμαρτωλαί, ποιναί (de Saussure has άλοιτός ‘ άμαρτωλός); F e is t adds A eol. άλοίτας 'crim in al, tran sgressor,' άλίτρόζ 's in n e r .' F . Froehde (BB 3· 16— 17 [1879]) also connects these Gk. words with s l e i p s . F . Solmsen (KZ 34.445-48 [1897]) doubts th is relatio n sh ip , as do WP (2.401) because o f the semantic d i f f ic u lt y . E. Lewy (PBB 3 2 . I 47 [I 9 O7 ] ) connected the words with L at. l ī s , l ī t i s , OLat. s t l ī s '"quarrel, s t r i f e ,' a connection which de Saussure (loc. e i t . ) also considered p o ssib le. But th is necessitates the assumption of an intrusive t, which is a dubious procedure. WP also rejected th is etymology (2.401) on semantic grounds. Prellw itz (Et. Hb. der ģriech. Spr. , 2nd e d ., p. 24 [I 905 ] )113 associated the words, as w ell as the Gk. ones mentioned above, with L ith . I y t ē t i , l i e s t i 'to u ch .' This is denied by Solmsen (KZ 34.445 [1897]), because the meanings

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cannot be reconciled, also by WP (2.401). No etymology for s l e i p s is offered in the la tte r work. Holthausen ( G o t . e t . f i b . , p . 93) repeats Lewy's comparison o f Lat. I I s , l ī t i s , though h e sita n tly . The group s l e i p s , e t c ., is , therefore, without satisfactory ety­ mological explanation. Cognates seem to be found, however, in C e ltic once more, c f . Welsh H i d rwrath, anger, rage,' l l i d u s 'angry, wrathful, fie r c e ,' l l i d i o ģ 'i d .' l l i d i o 'to inflame, en­ rage; become angry,' also l l l d i o ģ r w y d d 'wrath, indignation.' The semantic connection is close: c f . , e .g ., O lcel. s l i t r 'ferocious, fierce, terrible' and W l l i d i o ģ 'angry, wrathful, fie r c e '; c f . also the parallel in NHG b ö s e 'bad; angry.' Phonologically, both Goth, s l e i p s (plus its Germanic cognates) and W l l i d can be derived from an IE base * s l e i t - . (Welsh l l - is the normal continuant of IE * s l - , c f . , e .g ., W l l u 'host,' OCorn. t e i - l u 'fa m ilia ,' OIr. s l u a ģ 'host': OCS s l u ģ a 'servant' from IE * s l o u ģ - , see Pedersen-Lewis, p. 23· Also, both Goth p and W -d are from IE *-t ). (It must be mentioned here that WP [2.4151 make a hesitant asso­ ciation of l l i d with an IE base * l e u t - 'raging,' c f . OCS l y u t u 'violen t, cruel, te rrib le ,' but an IE form * l e u t - would result in W * l l u d , hence the comparison is phonologically inadmissible. The connection of W l l i d with OIr. l i t h , Bret, l i d 'celebration, holi­ day' on the basis of 'brawling on Kirchweihtag,' c f . WP [2.394], is also not valid; there is , to be sure, a separate MidW word l l i d 'feast' [Pedersen 1.133»’ F eist, p. 3^91 that belongs with the Celt­ ic forms ju st cited , but i t is of different origin.) 33* swiltan 'd ie ' This word occurs in the 3rd sg . p re t. swalt - Gk. άπέθντρκεν 'died' (Luke 8.42); a verb ģa-swiltan 'd ie ' occurs very frequently, e . g ., Matth. 9.24, John 6.49, 11.14, 16, 32, Luke 8.52, 53» e t c ., as the equivalent o f Gk. άποθανεΐν 'd i e .' In Mark 15.44 ia-swiltan corresponds to Gk. τέθνηκεν 'd ie '; in Matth. 9.18, to Gk. έτελεύτησεν 'd i e .' The noun swulta-watrpja (wairpja is from the vb. watrpan 'become'), from *su\do-, corresponds to Gk. ήμελλεν τελευτάν 'a person near death' (Luke 7*2). A related Crimean Gothic form is schuualth 'd eath ,' from the o-grade. (schuu- is apparently the Crim. Goth, development o f Germanic *sw-, c f . Crim. Goth. schuuester: Goth, swlstar 's i s t e r .') The cognates o f swiltan in the other Germanic languages include:

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O lc e l. sve lta 'sta rv e , d ie ,' OE, OS sweltan 'd ie ,' MHG swellen 'la n g u ish ,' MDutch svelta 'sta rv e , d i e .' Forms showing the zero grade, lik e Goth, swulta-waīrķja, above, are: O lc e l. s u lt r 'hunger' ( c f. sem antically NE starve: NHG sterben), Dan. suite 's ta r v e ,' OE swylt 'd e a th .' F e ist (p. 468) also associates the following Germanic words: OHG swelzan 'to burn up' (in amorous passion), Swed. svälta 's ta r v e ,' NE sweltry, su ltr y, also Flemish zweite 'flabby fello w .' The etymology o f these words is designated as uncertain by F e ist (loc. c i t . ) . He reje cts the suggestion o f M. v . Blankenstein (IF 2 3 . I 34-35 [ I 9 O8 -O 9] ) , who, sta rtin g from the meaning of OHG swelzan 'la n g u ish ,' proposes as an etymon Gk. ελδομιχι, Horn, έέλόομαι 'w ish .' The objection here is twofold: f i r s t , OHG swelzan shows a derived, non-primary meaning; second, even i f i t were the primary meaning, 'languish' is not p articu la rly close to 'w ish .' Th. v . Grienberger's etymology (Unters. , p. 206) is also doubted by F e is t; he compares OE swelan 'glow ,' OFris. swtla 'dry u p ,' OHG swiltzon 'bum slo w ly,' MLG, NHG (from Low German) schwelen 'sm oulder,' also O lc e l. svalr 'co ld ' which is designated as a ctu a lly meaning 'b u rn in g '!), NHG schwilhl 's u ltr y , ' Dutch zwoel, OE swol, NE su ltr y, e tc . These words are in turn associated by v . Grienberger with the following B a ltic forms: L ith . s v ļ l l · , s v e l t i 'smoulder,' sv t lh s 'glimmering, glowing,' L e tt, sv elū , sv e lt 's in g e ,' e tc . H. Pedersen's comparison (KZ 39*429 [1906]) o f the words with Armenian k'a lc 'hunger,' k'aic-nu-m 'to s ta r v e ,' is p o ssib le, i f these words can be assumed to have developed from IE *suld-sko-. F e is t neither accepts nor re je cts th is etymology. In WP (2 . 53I ) Grienberger's etymology is perpetuated; under a base *suel- 'bum , glow' one finds the Germanic words swlltan, e t c ., also S k t. svarati 'gleams, shines' (which is c ite d , however, as being o f uncertain o r ig in ), and Gk. ειλ η , είλη , ελη 'heat of the sun, su n lig h t' (but the actual meaning o f ειλη is 'troop, band') . One should rather search, i t seems, for derivatives o f an IE base *(s)uel~, with the meaning 'd ie ' or some sense closely akin to i t . There seem to be such words, c f . , e . g . , L ith . velys 'a deceased person,' vêles 'the s p ir its o f the dead,' vêlinas 'd e v il' (origi­ n a lly 'g h o s t'), L e tt, v e ļ i 'the ghosts o f the dead.' Professor Roman Jakobson has suggested to the w riter that the deity Veles (approximately equivalent to Apollo) belongs here, thus providing a lin k between the meanings 'd ie ' and 'b u m ,' a cônnection which he considers borne out by other cu ltu ra l and semantic factors a ls o . The o rig in a l relationship was evidently mythological in nature, c f . Helios, e tc . A *

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The B a ltic words can be derived from an IE base * ( s ) u e l- . W ģivelllģ 'fa ilu r e , f a i l i n g ,' from IE *uel-, is another possible cognate. In add itio n, NE w i lt , welt are hereby proposed as other cognates of swiltan, without the prothetic s . F in a lly , Arm. k'aic 'hunger,1 k'aic-nu-m 'starve' may also be cognates (see above), c f . archaic Eng. starve 'd i e ,' d ia l. NE starve 'to perish with c o ld .' A

34. trtģo 'g r ie f , mourning' This word occurs only in the gen. s g . us triģon as the equivalent o f Gk. έκ λύπης ( II Cor. 9 .7 ) , which Streitb erg (Got. Bib. Index 142) renders by 'aus Unlust' (English version: 'g ru d g in g ly '). The cognates in the other Germanic languages include: O lc e l. treģe 'sorrow, care; hindrance,' treģenn 'tro u b led ,' treģr 'averse, u n w illin g ,' OE treģa 'g r i e f , s u ffe r in g ,' OS treģo 'p a in ,' also O lc e l. treģa, OE treģian, OS treģan 'to tro u b le .' F e ist l i s t s the follow ing as having the lengthened grade (ē), not with entire ju s ­ t if ic a t io n : OE trāģ» OS trāģ(l) 'b ad ,' OHG trāģi 'slow, relu ctan t, in d o le n t,' also OE trāģ 'a f f l i c t i o n , sorrow, g r i e f ,' OHG trāģi 'un­ w illin gn ess, reluctance, indolence.' F e is t (p. 480) designates the words as being from Germanic *trēģwith no certain extra-Germanic connections. Schade's a sso cia tio n 114 o f the words with S k t. drāģhaļjati 'lengthen, extend, stre tch , be long or slow, ta rry , delay' is dismissed, as the Sk t. form is con­ nected, rather with OCS raz-draziti 'vex, annoy,' according to Z u p itz a ,115 who gives OE dreccan 'to rtu re , ir r it a t e , annoy' as a Germanic cognate; the assumption i s , o f course, that these words are from IE *dhreģ(h)-. A ctu a lly , the OCS word could he from *dregh-,116 as could the Sk t. word, assuming Grassmann's law. But OE dreccan, i f a true cognate, demands IE *dh-. L ith . dt rz t i 'become hard, tough' is rejected as an etymon, being associated rather with S k t. drmhati 'make f a s t ,' Avest. dar9zayei ti 'binds, t ie s , f e t t e r s ,' drazal te 'holds f a s t ,' Lat. f o r t t s 's tr o n g ,' im plying, once more, an i n i t i a l dh-. Other unsuccessful attempts are cited with bibliography (F e is t, p. 480). WP posited a base *dreģh's u lle n , morose,' possibly with a more o rig in a l sense 'be indolent, obstinate' (1.821-2). Yet the evidence upon whi^h the existence o f th is base is assumed appears meager. S k t. drāģhaļjati is c ite d , but with hesitancy, likew ise A vest. drlģu-, dreģu- 'poor, needy, weak'; other associations pre­ viously suggested are mentioned, a l l refuted, however, in F e is t or

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47

the la t t e r 's sources. L ith . d l r z t i is also cited in WP, see above, also the alleged L ith . form d r i ž t i , which is a word of dubious existence. In Welsh there is a word which appears to he very c lo se , semanti­ c a lly and phonologically, to the Germanic words: dreni ’ morose, su rly , ill-hum ored ,’ c f . further the noun drengyn ’ a surly fellow , c h u r l.’ (This i s , obviously, clo se st sem antically to O lc e l. treģr ’ averse, unw illing, relu ctan t’ and OHG t r a i l ’ relu ctan t, in d o le n t,’ tr a i l ’unw illingness, reluctance, indolence’ ). Welsh dreni shows a nasal in fix and implies IE *dre-n-i- or *dre-n-ih~. (Welsh - n i - is from IE *-n i(h )-, whereas IE *i(h) disappears in Brythonic C e ltic ; c f . Pedersen, KG 1.106-07)· There remains a choice between two procedures in estab lish in g an IE o rig in . Either one sets up, on the basis of Germanic and C e lt ic , a ’p a rtia l eq u a tio n ,’ an IE base *dreih- (exactly the same, formal­ ly , as the one posited in WP, on in s u ffic ie n t evidence, however) or one is to regard *dreih- as an extension of an already ex istin g base. There is in WP (1.795) an IE base *der- (designated, as 2. d e r -) , with the meaning ’ grumble, mumble, murmur, c h a t t e r .’ *dreih- might possibly be regarded as an extension of th is base *der-. Precedents for such procedure are seen (in respect to form only, of course) in WP’ s treatment o f the (unrelated) IE bases 3· *der- and 4. *der- : *dre-b- and *dre-m- are derived from 3· *der- (WP 1.796); *dre-ģ-, *dre-p- , *dre-k~, *dre-sk- are simi­ la rly derived from WP’ s 4. *der- (1.801, 802). I t would, therefore, he possible to derive a base *dre-ih- from an o rig in a l base *der~. I t is fe a s ib le , a t a l l events, to assume a base *dreih~, regard­ less of ultimate o rig in , under which the Germanic words t r l i o , e t c ., and the Welsh dreni can be associated. 35· prasa-balpei ’quarrelsomeness’ This word occurs only once in Gothic, in the a cc . sg . prasabalpeih (Skeireins 5*11)· I t is a derivation with an - in - s u ffix from an assumed ad jectiv e *prasa-balps. For the etymology o f -balps, balpei see F e ist 78 s .v . balpaba. I t is the f i r s t component, brasa-, with which we are concerned here. I t has the follow ing related forms in Germanic: O lc e l. pras ’ quarrel, a lte r c a tio n ,' prasir ’ a sturdy f ig h t e r ,’ prasa ’ to ta lk b ig , make a bold show, quarrel, w rangle,’ OS thrasian, OHG drāsen ’ s n o r t ,’ e tc . F e is t (p. 501) regards the etymology o f th is group of words as

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48

obscure. The previously advanced explanations a l l revert, in one respect or another, to that h esitan tly proposed by C. C. Uhlenb eck ,117who saw a p ossib le, but not ce rta in , connection o f the words with Sk t. trâsati 'trem bles,' Avest. tdrdsai ti 'fe a r s ,' Gk. τρ£ω 'trem ble, f l e e ,' from Pre-Gk. *τρεσω, e tc . (See also E. Fraenkel, KZ 60.250 [19331; F ick , 4th e d ., 3-191). In WP the sole mention o f prasa-balfrel is the assertion (1.760) that the word is not related to the IE base *t re s- , *ters-, *teres' tremble.' Phonologically, Germanic *frrasa- implies an IE base *tras- or *t res -/ tr os -· The nearest cognates seem to be found in Welsh t r a i s , p i. trei sia u 'rapine, violence, fo rce, tyranny,' t r e i s i o 'to force, ravish, oppress, do violence, v io la t e .' trais can be derived from an IE form *t ra -s - (with epenthetic i resu ltin g from a now vanished l or i in the sy lla b le o rig in a lly follow ing; there must also have been a formant, possibly a fte r the - s - , to account for the re­ tention o f the la t t e r sound, which disappears in in tervocalic posi­ tio n ; hence * t r a s - t - lAo - may be assumed as the IE form from which W trais is derived). t r e i s i o t probably denominative, shows change of ai to ei before i in the following s y lla b le . The semantic connection between ' s t r i f e , quarrel, fig h t' and 'v io le n ce, force' is . c le a r .A18 The actu al ultim ate IE base is not apparent. I t may possibly be * ( s ) t e r - , c f . Russ, strada 'hard work,' Gk. στρηνήζ 'hard, sharp, pow erful,' jxprjvoc 'v io le n t passion, strong d e sire , power' (from *st(e)re-)y W trin 'f i g h t , b a ttle ' (from * (s) t (e) rē -n- ) , 119 fu rth er, in Germanic, O Fris. s t r a f ia 'argue, fig h t , s c o ld ,' MHG strafen 'as­ s a i l , s c o ld ,' st rafe 'blame, sc o ld in g ,' O lc e l. s ir f S 's t r i f e , b a ttle , p a in ,' OHG s t r ī t , NHG Str eit 's t r i f e , quarrel, contention.' I f these words are acceptable as cognates — and the semantic and phonological evidence is strong — an IE base with prothetic *sis to be posited * ( s ) t e r - . In any case, the Welsh cognate trais seems w ell established , whether the add itional words ju s t cited are acceptable as related forms or not. A

'

A

36. ķriskan 'to thresh, thrash, tread' Tliis verb is o f extremely infrequent occurrence in the Gothic B ib le. The a cc. sg . m. of it s pres. p art. *frriskandan is assumed, on re lia b le grounds, in I . Cor. 9·9> where the form a ctu a lly found is \>rtskaidai. The dat. sg . o f the pres. p art, (frriskandin) occurs

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in I Tim. 5 ·1Β. In each case the corresponding Gk. verb is άλοαν 'to thresh' (a ctu a lly , in these two cases 'thresh' * ‘ tread 1: 'the ox that treadeth out the c o r n '). In the other Germanic languages the verb is well-known and of frequent enough occurrence, c f . O lc e l. p r i s k j a , p r y s k v a , OSwed. p r i s k a , p r y s k i a , p ret. p r a s k , OE p e r s c a n , MLG d e r s c h e n , d o r s c h e n , OHG d r e s k a n , e t c .; a l l of these have the meaning 'th resh , th ra sh .' F e is t, follow ing Meyer-Lübke,120 who makes approximately the same statement as is found in the NED (v o l. 9> part 2, p. 345)> asserts that the o rig in a l meaning was 'to stamp the feet* (this being, pre­ sumably, the e a r lie s t method of threshing grain , c f . the Goth, examples given above) and o ffe rin g as evidence the follow ing Ger­ manic loanwords in the Romance languages: I t a l . t r e s c a r e , Prov. t r e s c a r , d r e s c a r , OFr. t r e s c h i e r 'to dance'; Span., Port, t r i s c a r e (make a noise by stamping the fe e t. ' But there is ample and deci­ sive evidence that the meaning 'thresh' was also simultaneously present in Germanic a t the time these words were borrowed in Ro­ mance, for Meyer-Liibke (p. 722) c ite s the following words: Milanese, Novaran, March, Abruzzian t r e s k à 't h r e s h ,’ Bolognese t r e s k a 'grain la id out for th resh ing,' Lombard t r e s k , Novaran t r a s k , V al-Sessian t r o s k , Val Soanan t r a s k u n , Piemontese t a s k u n ' f l a i l . ' Hence i t is w ell established that the Germanic word borrowed into Romance meant 'th re sh ,' regardless o f what other meanings were present or subse­ quently acquired. P. Persson121 re je cts the assumption referred to that 'to stamp the fe e t' was the o rig in a l meaning of the words, and i t seems most lik e ly that th is was a t le a s t not the sole meaning o rig in a lly pres­ ent and that the ideas contained in 'th resh , thrash' were also inherent in the early forms o f the word. F e is t considers the etymology o f p r i s k a n to be uncertain. He doubts the association o f the onomatopoeic forms OCS t r ë s k ï 'n o is e ,' t r o s k a 'lig h tn in g / 122 also o f O Ir. t r e s e 'excrement, dregs, re fu se .' The connection o f p r i s k a n with an assumed IE form * t r i ģ #s k o - ( c f. Gk. τρίβω from IE * t r ī ģ % o - 'r u b '), a extension of IE * t ( e ) r e i ~ , as seen in L a t. t r ī v ī Ί have rubbed,' is mentioned A as p o ssib le, but the la tte r is designated as being o f disputed o r ig in .123 Since i t seems lo g ic a l to proceed on the assumption that the primary meaning was 'th r e sh ,' one should search for IE cognates of sim ilar meaning. The immediate o rigin o f p r i s k a n , phonologicallv, would be an IE form * t r e s k - . The Welsh word t r y c h u 'hew, c u t, lo p ,'

50

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Bret, t r o c ’ han 'c u t ,' can also be derived from IE *tresk-/trosk(for W - ch from IE *-sk, see Pedersen, 1.77)· I t would seem that the IE hase designated by WP (1.758-59) as *trenq- is a clo sely related form; *tresk- (or * t r e s q - ) seems to consist of a base *trek-, or *treq-, with an s - in f ix , whereas *trenq- is apparently the same base with a nasal in f ix . The meaning assigned to *trenqin WP is 'push, crowd, p r e s s .1 Lat. truncus, trunco, truncāre, e . g . , are included under th is base, also L ith . trenkti ’ thrust vigorous­ l y , 1 L e tt, triecu, tr ie kt 'to pound, squash,' a l l o f which meanings can be associated with 'thresh, th rash .' I t seems not impossible that these bases and a number of others (*trem- 'tramp, t r i p ,' *trep- ' i d . , ' *treud- 'squeeze, push, p r e ss ,' fo r example) may be extensions of an o r ig in a l, primary base *tere-. Then one could relate ÿriskan, e t c ., to a number o f words which are certain ly sem antically sim ila r, such as Lat. trudo, -ere 'p ress, push, fo r c e ,' A lb . treG 'to cut o f f ,' Bulg. tropam 'stam p,' Welsh taro 's tr ik e ' and perhaps, a fte r a l l , Lat. tero 'r u b .' 37· uf - swalleins 'sw ellin g, haughtiness' This word occurs in Gothic only in the nom. p i. uf-swalleinos, corresponding to Gk. φυσιώσεις 'puffings up' (II Cor. 12.20) and is apparently a derivative o f a verb (not attested) *uf-swalljan. The s u ffix -eins is encountered fa ir ly frequently in G o th ., e .g .: ahmateins, anastodeins, and-huleins, e tc . The cognates o f uf-swalleins in Germanic are: O lc e l. svel la 'sw ell u p ,' OHG caus. vb. bl-swellen 'cause to s w e ll,' 0E swellan, OFris. swella, OS, OHG swellan 's w e ll'; OHG swilo m ., s v i l n. (from *swiliz~) 'wale, w eal,' OE swile, MLG swul 'sw ellin g , tumor,' O lc e l. s u l l r , MHG swulst, NHG Geschwulst 'sw e llin g , tumor.' In WP (2.53U OHG wider-swalm 'w hirlpool' and NHG Schwall 'surge' are lis te d as add itional cognates. F e ist mentions the c h ie f etymological suggestions previously ad­ vanced and accepts none o f them. Pokrowsky (KZ 35-230 [1899]) sug­ gested, with the subsequent support of S c h rijn e n ,124 that an etymon could be found in Lat. Tn-solēns 'in s o la te , immoderate,' Tnsolescere 'in crease, become immoderate, overbearing.' This was re­ je c te d , as F e ist points out (p. 5 13 ), ty WP (2.531), since these words belong, rather, with s a li o 'le a p ,' compare the evidence of the gloss adsolentes 'a d silie n te s ' and, for the meaning, insultāre: saltāre.

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uf-swalleins and it s related words were associated by C u rtiu s125 with Gk. orocXoc ’ s u r g e ,1 κονί-σσαλοζ (la ter sp e llin g for κονίσαλος, according to L id d e ll-S c o tt, p. 8^0) 'w hirling cloud of d u s t.' This is doubted by F e is t , who considers the connection of Lat. salum 'cu rre n t,' Mir. sàl 'sea' to be more probable. There i s , however, an obvious phonological d iffic u lt y here, inasmuch as IE *su- does not become s - in Lat. but remains. To assume an i n i t i a l doublet *su-/s- seems unwarranted. Boisacq (p. 850) reje cts the connection o f Gk. σάλος with the Germanic words, also with L at. salum, see above. This la s t relationship is obviously not p ossib le, for Gk. wo-p- involves not only the assumption o f the lengthened δ-grade, which would be conceivable, but also a sporadic loss o f i n i t i a l e -; in Grienberger's example iusiza there is no such loss o f i n i t i a l e - ) . Moreover, the semantic comparison is not conspicuously close ('good' * 'sw eet'?). He also reje cts Wood's connection130 o f wopels with Hes. Gk. φωτιον · προσφιλές, ήδύ. H. Petersson's etymology (PBB 38.323-24 [19131 ) is likew ise doubted. The la tte r connected the words with S k t. vam 'lo v e ly .' This word, however, is apparently from an IE base *uen- (WP 1.259)· The basic sense o f wopels seems to be, judging from the meanings found in the related Germanic d ia le c ts , approximately 'sweet, gen­ t l e , m ild, p lea sa n t.' I t may, moreover, be more than semantically akin to Eng. sweet, e tc . I t is suggested here that the two groups (wopels, e t c ., and sweet, e tc .) are also phonologically related . wopels represents an s-le s s form of the same base plus a * - t - s u f f ix , as opposed to the * -d -su ffix found in sweet, e tc . Hence OS sw o - t i : w ô-thi; OHG suo-$i: wuo-di; OE swe-te: we-fte; O lc e l. sb-tr (pos.): φ-bre (comp.). Gothic lacks the form with i n i t i a l s - . Thus, revising A

A

GOTHIC ETYMOLOGICAL STUDIES

55

WP's base *(s)uad- (2.516-17) 'sweet; take pleasure in ,' one a r­ rives a t an IE base *(s)ua- plus various determinants. Hence, along with sweet, e t c ., Goth, wopeis and it s related Ger/ manic words may be etym ologically akin to Sk t. svadū-, f . svādvī 'pleasant to the t a s t e ,' Gk. ήδύζ f . - ε ια , Dor. ubuc 'sw eet,' Boeotian Ραδιουλογοζ (proper name); L at. suauis (from IE *suaduis) 'sweet, pleasant, agreeab le'; also Vedic prā-svādas- 'p lea san t,' * svādate med. 'is pleased, en jo y s,' S k t. svāda-nam (from IE *suadonom-), Gk. ήδονή 'p lea su re'; Gk. ήδομαι (Korinna papyrus Ραδομη)^πι pleased ,' Gaul. Suadu-, e tc .

CONCLUSIONS I t is evident from the body of th is d issertation th a t, out o f a l i s t of 245 words and word groups in Gothic considered to be lack­ ing in acceptable etymological explanation, some th irty-n in e can a ctu a lly be shown to have cognates in other related lin g u is tic groups. They are: 1. af-aikan 'deny' 2. ana-praģģan 'oppress' 3 . audaģs 'blessed' 4. batiza 'b etter' 5 . bliģģuan 's t r ik e , beat' 6. dis-hnlupan 'to break, rend asunder' 7. Šadelt ha (Crim. Goth.) 'pulchrum, b eau tifu l' 8. ģa-faūrs 'honorable, sober, modest, decent' 9. ģaģrefts 'decree, order' 10. ģa-swoģjan 'sigh' 11. ģatwo 's tr e e t, road' 12. ģaplalhan 'beseech, en treat, comfort' 1 3 . éa-wrisqan 'bring forth f r u it ' 14. ģlaģģwaba 'c a r e fu lly , ex actly ' 1 5 . ģretan 'c r y , lament' 16. h a i fs t s 'f i g h t , s t r i f e , stru g g le , contest' IT . hakuls 'c o a t, cloak, mantle' 18. haldis 'more' 19. hansa 'swarm, h ost, mass, cohort, maniple' 20. hiufan 'lament, mourn' 21. hlas 'ch e e rfu l, carefree' 22. hopan 'to boast' 2 3 · in-widan 'deny'

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24. lapon 'in v it e , summon' 2 5 . -leipan 'pro, come, pass, move* 26. marzjan 'be angry, vexed; offend one; trap' 27. natjan 'to moisten, wet' 28. qairrus 'fr ie n d ly , g e n tle , kin d1 29· rohsns 'co u rt, palace' 30 . s i l d a - l e i k 'astonishment, amazement' 3 1 . (sik) skaman 'be ashamed' 32. s l e i p s 'bad, dangerous' 33· swiltan 'die' 3 4 . triģo 'g r i e f , mourning' 35* prasa-balpei 'quarrelsomeness' 36. priskan 'to thresh, thrash, tread' 37. uf-swalletns 'sw ellin g, haughtiness' 38. -warijan 'condemn' 39· uiopeis 'sweet, pleasant' S t a t is t i c a lly , th is amounts to something less than 16 percent of the words hitherto unexplained. Inasmuch as the great m ajority of the words discussed have related forms in other Germanic d ia le cts and are not confined to Gothic alone, the study lias im plications for Germanic as a whole and indicates that the portion of the Ger­ manic vocabulary without extra-Germanic cognates may be correspond­ ingly smaller than has been estimated up to the present. The p o s s ib ility admittedly e x ists that the etymologies of a cer­ tain number o f words, Germanic and Gothic, that are now accepted as re lia b le may ultim ately be shown to be untenable. To what ex­ tent th is would modify or v it ia t e the conclusions of the present thesis i s , of course, not possible to s ta te . The opposite possi­ b ili t y also e x is t s , namely that some etymologies that have been suggested in the past but are at present rejected may one day be ju s tifie d through the discovery of new evidence. One sig n ific a n t fact to emerge from the present study is that in many o f the etymologies proposed only C e ltic (and c h ie fly Brythonic) cognates are found. This situ atio n can be interpreted in various ways. One inference that might be drawn is that the present unset­ tled state of C e ltic etymological studies is responsible for the fa c t that the relationships noted in th is paper have not been pre­ viously recorded. There are, indeed, v ir tu a lly no sa tisfa cto ry etym ological d iction aries for the C e ltic languages. MacBain's etym ological dictionary of Scots G a e lic 132 is not re lia b le in it s non-Celtic portions and must be used with caution; Henry's etymo-

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lo g ic a l dictionary o f Breton133 is too b r ie f to be o f great use; W illiam s1 Cornish d ictio n a ry 134 is etym ological in a very lim ited sense, containing but few e x tra -C e ltic cognates. There are no ety­ mological d iction aries of Welsh, I r is h , or Manx. Whitley Stokes' ürkeltischer Wortschatz135 is antiquated. I t is true th at etymolo­ gies are contained in such comparative grammars of C e ltic as M orris-Jo n es,136 Thurneysen,137 Pedersen and Pedersen-Lewis, but not more than a small portion of the C e ltic vocabulary is treated in these works. The same holds true for Walde-Pokorny. But th is r e la tiv e ly high percentage of Celto-Germanic etyma, how­ ever arrived a t , constitu tes further confirmation of a fa c t that has long been noted in lin g u is tic works: there e x is ts a rather ex­ tensive vocabulary common to C e ltic and Germanic which points to close c u ltu ra l relationships between the two groups over a lengthy period o f time. The most recent paper on the subject is that by Myles D illo n (JĒGP 42.492-98 [1944]). D illo n reviews the p rin cip al works on the subject and evaluates the contributions of preceding sch olars, lin g u is t ic , h is t o r ic a l and arch aeolo gical. Although there is no h is to r ic a l evidence much e a r lie r than Caesar's G a llic War, D illo n points out (p. 493) that there is archaeological proof o f a Celto-Germanic c u ltu ra l partnership o f long duration. In the La Tène period, e . g . , there existed a highly developed C e ltic culture to the south and west with a dependent, subordinate Germanic c u l­ ture to the north. Here D illo n c ite s T. E. Karsten, Die Germanen (p. 197), a work which, in turn, r e lie s on numerous previous sources. Karsten goes so fa r as to consider i t lik e ly that there was a p o lit ic a l dominance on the part of the C elts during the sec­ ond h a lf of the f i r s t millennium B .C . D illo n sees d iff ic u lt y in in ­ terpreting the lin g u is tic evidence bearing on the problem, since i t is frequently impossible to ascertain whether words common to C e ltic and Germanic are descended from Indo-European forms or are borrowed from some common source. (Kluge138 believed th a t, although there are numerous C e ltic borrowings in Germanic, i t is legitim ate to assume th a t, in many other cases of agreement, Germanic and C e ltic have, as a resu lt of long-continued proxim ity, preserved in common many forms inherited from Indo-European. Examples of such words cited by Kluge include O Ir. sét 'path, way': Goth, sinfrs; O Ir. fid [Gaulish vidu-] 't r e e ': OIIG witu; O Ir. run 's e c r e t ': Goth. runa; O Ir. orbe 'in h e rita n ce ': Goth, a r b i.) D illon deems i t proba­ ble that th is common vocabulary may consist in part of early bor­ rowings from C e ltic into Germanic a t a time antedating the f i r s t

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Germanic consonant s h i f t . Goth, reik s 'ruler* is one such word, c f . Orģeto-rīx, Gaul. Rīģo-, e tc . The vocalism proves the word to be a borrowing from C e lt ic , since T (Goth, ei = T) is the C e ltic contin­ uant of IE ē , but not the Germanic correspondence, which is ē. II. Hubert (Les Celtes et l'expansion celtique jusqu'à l'époque de la féne [Paris, 1932], PP* 76-83) emphasizes that a str ik in g re­ semblance in vocabulary between Germanic and C e ltic is accompanied by great stru ctu ral divergence. The sim ila r ity in vocabulary is to be a ttrib u te d , according to Hubert, to long contact and mutual cu l­ tu ra l influence but not to any p articu la rly close lin g u is tic a ff in ­ ity . George S . Lane, who lias made the most comprehensive compilation of the vocabulary common to Germanic and C e l t i c ,139 tends to consid­ er re la tiv e ly few o f the words found in the two groups to be bor­ rowings . He adheres to the principle that such words should be regarded as cognates, fa ilin g d irect evidence, phonetic or c u ltu ra l to the contrary. He c ite s II. D'Arbois de Ju b a in v ille as the p rin c i­ pal representative of those C e lt ic is t s who have maintained the op­ posite th e s is , namely that a l l agreements in the vocabulary o f C e ltic and Germanic which might possibly be explained as borrowings are to be so regarded, even when there is no tangible evidence pres ent to indicate that they are loanwords. Lane li s t s a l l the words that he believes to be of sign ifica n ce in constitu tin g a vocabulary that is p eculiarly C e ltic and Germanic. He adds that i t is not nec­ essary for cognates to be found exclu sively in the two lin g u is tic groups themselves in order to indicate a community of cu ltu re ; he includes in his l i s t , therefore, such words as are of conspicuous­ ly close relationship only in C e ltic and Germanic but which may have iso la te d , more remote cognates elsewhere, also such as have a s p e c ific semantic development peculiar to C e ltic and Germanic. (Kluge made a sim ilar im plication in Urģermanisch (p. 7 ), where the example of Welsh rhydd 'fr e e ': Goth, fr e t s 'f r e e ,' as opposed to Sk t. priyâ- 'd e a r,' is given, among others.) Lane's l i s t in ­ cludes s ix words under the heading P o lit ic a l and Legal Vocabulary, twenty-three under Warfare, twenty under C u ltu ral and Technical Vocabulary, Dw elling, e t c ., th ir ty under Nature, Earth, Land, Plant and Animal L ife , e t c ., fourteen under Motion, Locomotion, Trans­ portation, e t c ., twenty-two under The Body and Bodily Functions, e t c ., thirteen under Mental and Emotional A c tiv ity , Vocal U tter­ ances, e t c ., six under Sense Perception, four under Family, e t c ., fiv e under R eligio n , Su p erstitio n , e t c ., and forty under M iscel­

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59

laneous. In addition to the above group of words, a l l o f which lane designates as cognates, ten words are cited as C e ltic loanwords in Germanic and three as Germanic loanwords in C e lt ic . He regards loanwords as valuable in in dicating close c u ltu ra l contact through­ out a certain period of tim e, although they are obviously o f no sign ifica n ce in estab lish in g any lin g u is tic u n ity . Of great in terest are the personal names common to C e ltic and Germanic. (These are not included in Lane’ s study.) There are a number of such names which exh ib it str ik in g s im ila r ity in the two groups. The element kātu-, e . g . , is found in Gaulish Catu-volcus, Ca tu -rīx, Catu-mārus and in OHG Hadu-rīh (the second element is an early borrowing from C e lt ic ) , Badu-mār, Padu-brand; teuto- is found in Gaulish Teuto-mtus and OIIG D iotrih ; seģo- is seen in Gaulish Seģo-υαχ, Seģo-mārus and in Germanic *Seģimērus, NHG Sleģmar; volko- occurs as the second element of Gaul. Catu-volcus and OE Cen-wealh, e tc . (See Kluge, Uréermanisch, pp. 8 -9 )·140 Karsten be­ lie v e s (p. 198) that although th is strik in g resemblance in C e ltic and Germanic personal names may he in part an IE inheritance, the greatest percentage o f them may r e fle c t merely a long period o f contact, without implying that they are n ecessarily o f IE o r ig in . (In th is he is a t variance with Lane's p rin c ip le , see above.) He suspects (p. 199) borrowing, im itation and adaptation in some cases. Kluge (ūrģermanlsch, p. 9) believes that these resemblances are p a r tia lly the resu lt o f the occupation by Germanic peoples of te r­ r ito r ie s inhabited by C e lt s , a situ atio n which also accounts for the strik in g s im ila r ity in names of tr ib e s , e . g . , B ritish Ca sst: OHG Pessi, Germ.-Lat. Burģundt(ones): C e lt .- L a t . Briģantes, e tc . Both D illon and Lane come to the conclusion that there is nothing to he said in support of the claim of some previous scholars that there may have once existed a Celto-Germanic (or, in lan e's te r­ minology, a Germano-Celtic) u n ity. Marstrander,141 e . g . , in attack­ ing the theory of an It a lo -C e lt ic u n ity , is struck.by the fa c t that sim ila rity in vocabulary is re la tiv e ly s lig h t in C e ltic and I t a l i c , whereas i t is conspicuously great in Germanic and C e lt ic , and he, lik e Ebel long before him ,142 tends to go to the opposite extreme and posit a Celto-Germanic u n ity. This assumption, as D illo n points out, cannot be sustained, for the association of Germanic and C e lt­ ic was of much la te r date than that of I t a l i c and C e lt ic , and the most e sse n tia l c rite rio n o f an actu al lin g u is tic u n ity, namely a common morphological or phonological innovation, does not e x is t . The assertion of e a r lie r scholars that C e ltic and Germanic both had

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an i n i t i a l stress accent must, according to D illo n , be discarded, for i t is doubtful whether Gaulish had such an accent. Louis Π. Gray143 also maintains in a recent a r t ic le that Gaulish evidence seems to provide no support for the theory o f a Celto-Germanic u n ity . D illo n concludes, then, that a l l that is c e r ta in , a fte r weighing lin g u is t ic , h is t o r ic a l and archaeological evidence, is that from the beginning o f the La Tène period, c irca 500 B .C . to the time of the Roman conquest of Gaul, C e ltic (certain ly mainly p -C e ltic , as the Brythonic cognates suggested in the present study tend to bear out) and Germanic peoples lived in re la tiv e ly close c u ltu ra l and geographical association and the two lin g u is tic groups exh ib it much in common. With the Roman conquest, i f not s lig h t ly before, d irect lin g u is tic influence of C e ltic on Germanic ceased. (The question of possible substratum influence in C e ltic te rrito ry occupied by Ger­ manic peoples is l e f t open, and the subsequent relationships between C e ltic and Germanic in the B ritish Is le s i s , of course, another mat­ ter e n tir e ly .) The sim ila r ity of the operation of umlaut, or vowel in fle c tio n , in the two groups is referred to but not discussed. This process, which plays such a conspicuous rôle in the la te r stages of both C e ltic and Germanic, is notoriously absent in Gaul­ ish and Gothic. Hence the sign ifican ce of the phenomenon is greatly diminished as far as estab lish ing a lin g u is tic relationship is con­ cerned. P a ra lle l courses of development in various languages are often taken independently, even in non-related groups. I t might be asserted by some scholars that a latent trend was subsequently translated into an active process and that the existence o f that trend was o r ig in a lly due to lin g u is tic a f f i n i t y . Such discussion, however, remains in the realm of the sp ecu lativ e. A sim ilar case o f apparently (though not necessarily) accid en tal parallelism is seen in the operation of 'Notker's Law,' a sandhi phenomenon that is c lo se ly akin to .th e i n i t i a l mutations in C e lt ic ; the apparent s ig ­ nificance of th is resemblance is considerably lessened when i t is observed that the same phonetic process occurs iņ other lin g u is tic areas too, notably Sardinian, where C e ltic or Germanic influence hardly prevails ( c f. Gray, Foundations of Lanģuaģe, p. 72). Hence, many of the arguments for an alleged Celto-Germanic unity stem from s im ila r itie s that may be based on coincidence. The findings of th is study tend to support, therefore, the basic premises of D i1Ion's and lane's discussion and provide some addi­ tio n al m aterial for lane's compilation.

APPENDIX L ist o f Nords Desiģnated by F e ist As Havlnģ No Certain Etymoloģy aba 'man, husband1; abrs ’ mighty, v io le n t '; af-aikan ’ deny'; a fdobnan 'be s ile n t , hold one's peace'; af-hlapan 'to load, burden'; a f-le ip a n 'go away, pass away, come, g o '; af-linnan 'go away'; af-mauips 'tir e d , weary'; af-slaupjan 'to d is t r e s s '; aģlatei 'la s ­ civiousness, licen tiou sness' (but F . Mezger has now proposed an etymology for th is word: c f . OE aģlēc 'd is t r e s s ,' from *a ê -la ik -la , see Nord 2.66-71 [1946]); aha 'mind, understanding, reason'; airus 'messenger'; aips 'oath' (but the word e x is ts in C e ltic too, as F e ist knows); aiwiski 'shame'; ak 'b u t'; alhs 'tem ple'; aljan 'z e a l' ana-nanpjan 'take courage'; ana-praģģan 'oppress'; ana-trimpan 'op­ p re ss'; and-hruskan 'ask a b o u t'; ans 'beam'; ansts 'jo y , g ra titu d e '; arniba ’ s a fe ly '; arwjo 'in v a in '; astap 'c e r ta in ty 1; a tisk 'se e d '; at-snarpjan 'to u c h '; audaģs 'blessed, favored'; auhjon 'make a n o is e '; aurahjons 'monuments, graves, cemetery'; azets 'e a s y '; baģms 't r e e '; barusnjan 'to adore p io u sly '; batiza 'b e tte r'; bijandz-uppan 'but also a t the same tim e' ; b ir e ik i 'p e r il , danger'; bi-smeitan 'ano int1; biups 't a b le '; blaupjan 'to make void, to triumph'; bliģģvan 's tr ik e , b e a t'; blop 'b lo o d '; bnauan 'to ru b '; braips 'broad'; briģģan 'bring' (although there is a strong p o s s ib ility that the word is related to the base *bher- 'b r in g ,' c f . Welsh hebrwnģ 'b r in g ,' from *b(h)ron-ģ- ) , brlnnan 'b u rn,' brusts 'b r e a s t,' buģjan 'b u y,' d a ils 'p a rt, portion' ( it seems almost certain that there is some connection with OCS delu 'p a r t ,' d e l i t i 'd iv id e ,' e t c ., but the relationship has yet to be c la r ifie d phonologically; c f . F e is t, p. 114); dauhts 'f e a s t '; dis-hniupan 'to break, rend asunder'; draģan 'bear, endure'; drauhsnos 'crumb'; dreiban 'to d r iv e '; driģkan 'to d rin k '; driusan 'to f a l l ' ; du-ģinnan 'b e g in '; dulps 'f e a s t '; dumbs 'dumb'; fa ih u -fr ik s 'covetousness': fairhus 'w orld'; fa irin a 'g u i l t , reproach'; faura-tani 'portent, miraculous s ig n '; faur-dammjan 'b lock , h ind er'; faurhts 'f e a r '; fera 's id e , limb of the body'; fe r ja 'sp y '; fe rs (Crim. Goth.) 'v ir , man' (is th is Germanic at a l l ? ) ; fetjan 'to adorn'; fiģ ģ rs 'f in g e r '; f i l u d e ise i 'c r a ftin e s s , d e c e it'; flauhts 'b o a s tfu l'; fra-hinpan 'catch, take p riso n er'; fra-slindan 'swallow' (possible connection with W llyncu 'to swallow, g u lp ,' llynna 'to tip p le , booze'?), fra sts

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'c h ild * ; fr isa h ts 'image, pictu re' (possibly contains the word 'see'); ģadeltha (Crim. Goth.) 'pulchrum, b e a u tifu l'; ģa-faurs· 'honor­ a b le , sober, modest, decent'; ģa-ģrefts 'decree, order'; ģansjan 'to cau se'; ģa-swoģjan 'to s ig h '; ģatwo 's tr e e t, road'; ģaplaihan 'be­ seech, en treat, com fort'; ģaumjan 'n o t ic e '; ģaurs 'troubled, sad, morose'; ģawi 'land , region, v ic in i t y '; éa-wrisqan 'bring forth f r u i t ' ; ģiban 'g iv e '; ģlaģģwaba 'c a r e fu lly , e x a c tly '; ģretan 'c ry , lament'; ģrips 'pace, s te p '; ģrundu-uaddjus 'foundation w a ll, founda­ tio n ; ab y ss'; ģup 'God'; h a ifs t s ' f i g h t , s t r i f e , stru g g le, c o n te s t'; haim-opli 'lan d , possessions'; hairus 'sword'; haitan ' c a l l , name'; hakuls 'c o a t, cloak, m antle'; halbs 'h a l f '; haldis 'more'; h a lts aiw 'hardly e v e r'; halhs 'empty, v a in '; handuģs 'w ise '; hansa 'swarm, host, mass, cohort, m aniple'; hausjan 'to h ea r'; haul 'hay* (possibly connected with 'hew'); heito 'fe v e r '; hiufan 'lament, mourn’ ; hlas 'cheerful, c a r e fr e e '; hlauts ' l o t , in h eritan ce'; hletbjan 'to help, take care o f ' ; hraiwa-dubo 'tu r tle dove'; huģs 'e s ta te , Landgut'; hulps 'p ro p itio u s, g r a c e fu l'; hunsl 's a c r ific e * ; hopan 'b o a s t'; tbat interrogative p a r tic le , lik e L a t. num, ibns 'even, smooth'; ibuks 'turned backwards'; tn ilo 'p re te x t, excuse, opportunity'; in-rauhtjan 'to be angry'; tn-widan 'deny'; in-winds 'wrong, u n ju st'; tumjo 'heap, p i l e '; j i u l e i s 'Y u le '; has 'v e s s e l'; keinan 'to sprout, shoot fo r t h '; h ilp e i 'womb'; hriustan 'gnash'; kukjan 'k is s '; lapon 'in v it e , summon'; le ih 'body'; l e i t i l s ' l i t ­ t l e ' ; liban ' l i v e ' ; l i t e i n s 'in te r c e s s io n '; liupon 'to sing p raises'; luftu s ' a i r ' ; mattan 'c u t, hew'; manauli 'form, shape'; manwus 'rea d y '; marzjan 'he angry, vexed, he offended'; marzus (Crim. Goth.) 'marriage, wedding'; mapa 'worm'; mapljan 't a lk , speak'; meģs 'sonin -la w '; meki 'sword'; mops 'wrath, anger'; natjan 'to moisten, w et'; naus 'corpse'; neiwan 'to be angry a t ' ; niu-klahs 'c h ild is h , young, under-age'; nota 'a f t part of b o a t'; puģģs 'purse*; qairrus 'fr ie n d ly , g en tle , k in d '; qipan 's a y '; qtpus 'stomach'; raps 'e a s y '; raus 're e d '; riģn 'r a in '; rohsns 'co u rt, p a la ce '; saiwala 's o u l '; saiws 'la k e , marshland'; sahan 'argue, d isp u te'; sarwa 'weapon, armor'; sauls 'column, p i l l a r '; saupa 'manner, w ay(?)'; saups 'sac­ r i f i c e ' ; schediit (Crim. Goth.) 'lu x , l i g h t '; seZs ’"good, u s e fu l'; sifa n 'r e jo ic e '; siéqan 's in k '; s ilb a ' s e l f ' ; s i l d a - l e i h 'astonish­ ment, amazement'; siponeis 'd is c ip le '; siuks 's ic k , i l l , weak'; shaman 'to be ashamed'; shatts 'money, c o in '; shohs 'sa n d a l'; slawan 'to be q u iet, s i l e n t '; s le i p s 'bad, dangerous'; snaģa 'outer garment, c lo a k '; snutrs 'w ise'; spaishuldr 's p i t t l e '; spediza 'l a t e r '; s p i l l 'sto ry , t a l e '; stahs 'mark of wound'; steģa (Crim.

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Goth.) ’ twenty'; stibna 'v o ic e '; stiiq a n 'c o llid e , clash ' (possibly related to Welsh sanģu 'tram p le'); s t i k l s 'g la s s , beaker'; s t tla n 's t e a l '; stubjus 'd u s t'; su ģ il (le tte r s of the Runic alphabet); supjan 't ic k le , it c h '; sware 'in v a in '; sweiban 'stop , ce a se '; swes 'p rop erty'; swiģlon 'play the f l u t e '; swikns 'innocent, chaste, pure'; swiltan 'd i e '; swings 's tr o n g '; tains 'branch'; tandjan 'k in d le , l i g h t '; tekan 'to u c h '; tewa 'o rd er'; t i l 's u ita b le , f i t ' ; triģo 'g r i e f , mourning'; trudan 'tr e a d '; tuģģl 's t a r , co n stella tio n ' paurban 'need'; peihan 'in crease, t h r iv e '; peihs 'tim e '; piubs (for piufs) 't h ie f '; plaqus 'te n d e r'; pliuhan ' f l e e ' ; prafstjan 'console, admonish'; prasa-balpei 'quarrelsomeness'; priskan 'thresh, th ra sh '; u b ils ' e v i l , bad'; uf-sw alleins 'sw e llin g , haughtiness'; ufta 'o f t ­ e n '; un-tila-m alsks 'heady, ra s h '; uraz (name o f the r-rune); usaiwjan 'to exert o n ese lf, stra in o n e s e lf'; us-fratwjan 'to make w ise '; us-ģrudja 'discouraged'; us-hlaupan 'to leap u p '; us-staģģ, imperative 'pluck o u t'; waihsta 'co rn e r'; wairpan 'throw '; wamba 'b e lly '; wamm 's p o t'; loarģipa 'condemnation'; wens 'hope'; wepna / 'weapon' (but Louis H. Gray, Revue des Etudes Indo-europêenes, 1.298-300 [1938] sees a possible cognate in Gaulish ουηβρομαρος, which he renders as ' Armis-Magnus' ) ; wiko 'order, week'; w ilja halpei 'in c lin a tio n , fa v o r '; wis 's t illn e s s ' (of the sea); wlaiton 'look around' (probably from *uel- 's e e ') ; wlizjan 'h it in the fa c e , c h a s tis e '; wopeis 'sweet, p le a sa n t'; wraton 'go, t r a v e l'; wrohs 'com plaint, lam ent'; wruģģo 'sn a re .'

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Vigfusson, G. An Icelandic-E nglish Dictionary based on the MS. Col­ lections o f the Late Richard Cleasby. Oxford, 1874. WP = A. Walde and J . Pokorny. Etymologisches Wörterbuch der indoger­ manischen Sprachen. Three volumes. Berlin and L eip zig, 1927-32. Walde, A. Lateinisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Second e d itio n , Heidelberg, 1910; third e d itio n , revised by J . B. nofmann, through L, Heidelberg, 1938. Wiener Z e i t s c h r i f t für die Kunde des Morģenlandes. Vienna, 1887-. W illiam s, Robert. Lexicon Cornu-Britannicum. Llandovery and London, 1865Wood, Post-consonantal w = F . A. Wood. Post-consonantal w in IndoEuropean. L in gu istic Society of America, Philadelphia, 1926. Wyld, Henry C e c il. The Universal Dictionary of the English Language. Chicago, 1938. ZfdA = Z e i t s c h r i f t für deutsches Altertum. Berlin and L eip zig , 1841-. ZfdPh. = Z e i t s c h r i f t für deutsche Ph iloloģie. H a lle , 1897-· ZfdVortf. = Z e i t s c h r i f t fur deutsche Vortforschunģ. Strassburg, 1901-14. ZfslavPh. = Z e i t s c h r i f t für slavische P h i lo lo ģ i e . L eip zig, 1924-. Zupitza, E. Die germanischen Gutturale. B e rlin , 1896.

NOTES

1 . A. Walde and J . Pokorny, Verģleichendes Wörterbuch der indo­ germanischen Sprachen (Berlin and L eip zig, 1927-32), 3 v o ls . 2. W. S tre itb e rg , Die Gotische Bibel (2 nd e d .; Part I , Heidelberg, 1919; Part 2, Gotisch-ģrlechisch-deutsches Wörterbuch, 1928). 3 . F e is t, op. c l t . f pp. 3 , 389· 4. Π. H irt, Der indoģermanische Ablaut , p. 1 3 2 . 5 . E sse n tia lly the same suggestion is made by R. Kögel, PBB 1 6 . 512 - I 3 (1892) and L. S u tte r lin , IF 4.101 (1894). 6. Untersuchunģen, p. 4. 7. PBB 27.114 (1902); 3 O.253 (I 905 ) , where p a r tia l admission of fa ilu re is made. 8. B u lle tin of the School o f Oriental and African Lanģuaģes 6.485 (1930-32). 9. Professor E . V. K. Dobbie suggests that OE ce a llia n might be added to these words. This is usually calle d a loan from ON k a lla , but we have the form h ild e -c a lla 'b a ttie -h e ra id ' in the poem 'Exodus' (early eighth century). 10. F e is t, p. 43· 11. KZ 36.346 (1900). 12. Zupitza, Gutturale, pp. 25-26. 1 3 . Th. Sieb s, KZ 37.300-01 (1904). 14. P. Persson, Beitraģe z. idģ. Wortf., p. 847; WP 2.667, 6751 5 . I t should be mentioned here that WP established (2.119) a base *bro-nq~, so le ly on the evidence of L e tt, brankti 'c lo s e ­ f i t t i n g ,' apparently following Mühlenbach-Endzelin, L e t t .-D 1 . Wb. I . 324 , where brankti is sim ilarly connected with Goth, -praģģan, evidence contradicted, however, by WP's assertion that the form is from an IE base *bharq-, a base from which i t is impossible to de­ rive the Germanic words, since IE *bh > Gmc. b, not p. 16. S tre itb e rg , Got. B i b ., pp. 21, 117, 139, 359; Index, p. 14. 1 7 . Sprachverģlelchunģ und Urģeschichte (2nd ed. , 1890), p. 440. 18. In the third edition of the same work (Jena, 1906-07). 1 9 . Urkeltischer Sprachschatz (= A. F ic k , Vģl. Wb. (4th e d .) , V ol. 2, pp. 2, 53)· 20. F e s ts c h r ift für C. R. Unģer, p . 172. 2 1 . WP I . 22 - 2 3 .

GOTHIC ETYMOLOGICAL STUDIES

69

22. WP 1.1 6. 2 3 . wp 1 . 1 7 . 24. WP 1.19. 2 5 . wp 1 . 1 9 . 26. F e is t, p. 83· 27. F r. Bopp, G lo ss. sanscr. (3rd e d .) , p. 269; also Falk-Torp, Norw.-d'àn. e t . V b .t p. 67, and Holthausen, Got. e t . V b .t p. I 3 . 28. Professor L. H. Gray pointed th is out to the w riter. 29- For W -dd- from IE medial *-d -, see Pedersen, IG 1.110-11; IE 0 remains in W in accented s y lla b le s , c f . Pedersen, 1.32. 30 . Pedersen, 1.283· 3 1 . WP's derivation o f W rhy-budd *warning' from IE *bhudh(2.147) is leg itim ate; it s association with bodd, however, is not. 32. MLN 15-377-78 (1900). 33- M 26.131 (1901). 34. So, to o, Mühlenbach-Endzelin, 1.278. 3 5 . wp 2 . 209 . 36. WP 2.214. 37- üntersuchunģen, pp. 56-57· 38. Urģermanische Lautlehre, p. 172. 39- IF 18.31 (I 905 -O6 ). 40. Idģ. Vortforschunģ, p. 882. 41. Mühlenbach-Endzelin, 2.253· 42. F e is t, p. 178. 43· The view o f von Grienberger, ZfdPh. 30.127 (1898) that the base is ģad- seems scarcely worth mention. 44. WP 1.866. 45· For th is information I am indebted to Professor L. Π. Gray. 46. Got. e t . Vb. , p. 28. 47· See WP 2.29-38 for f u l l treatment o f th is base and it s deriva­ tiv es . 48. Considered to be a loanword from OCS p r o - s t ï, MühlenbachEndzelin, 3.378. 49· S tre itb e rg , Got. Elementarb. (5th and 6th e d .) , pp. 49, 58­ 50 . Unter suehunģen, p. 83· 5 1 . C. D. Buck, Gramm. of Osc. and Umbr., p. 67· 52. Pedersen, 1.78. 53· M orris-Jones, p. 76. 54. Pedersen, I . 5 O; M orris-Jones, pp. 75, 12955· Pedersen, 1.59; M orris-Jones, p. 152. 56. Pedersen, 1.77-78.

70

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57 · Franck and van W ijk, Etym. Moordb. (2nd e d .) , p. 176. 58. PBB I I .553 (1886). 59* Kluge, Et. Mb. d. dt. Spr. (11th e d .) , p. 187, s . v . Gasse. 60. Pedersen, I . 6 3 . 61. A. Senn, Lehnwort Studien, p. 49. 62. So, too, Zubatÿ, BB 18.255 (1892). 63· Diet. êt. de la lanģue irecque (3rd e d .) , p. 550· 64. Lanģ. 11.216-219 (1935)· 65· Cleashy-Vigfusson, I c e l . D i e t . , p. 159· 66. Eorw.-Dan. e t. Mb., p. 1460. 67· Pedersen, to he sure, connects these words with Lat. lacio 'a llu r e ' (1.160). 68. KZ 58.132 (I 93 O-3I ) . 69· Balto-slav. Auslautģes., p. 22. 7 0 . S im ila rly , Holthausen, Ae. e t . Mb., p. 133· l 11 Got. e t. W>· he gives L e tt, ģlunet 'lu rk ' as the sole extra-Germanic cognate. 71. Idģ. Mortf., pp. 302-03· 72. I b i d . , pp. 794-95. 73- Sim ilarly A. Thumb, IF 26.3 (1909-10). 74. Idģ. Mortf., p. 794, note 1. 75· B a lt . - S la v . Mb., p. 374. 76. Holthausen, Ae. e t. Mb., pp. 135, 138 also connects OE ģrētan (OS ģrātan) and 0E ģrētan (OS ģ r ē t i a n ) . Professor E. V. K. Dobbie suggests that the idea of 'utterance' may lin k the two concepts. 77· Germ. Gutturale, p. 176. 78. F e is t, p. 23I . 79- Vģl. Mb. (4th e d .) , I . 368 . * 80. Etudes sur Vetpmoloģie et le vocabulaire du vieux-slave (P aris, 1902-05), p. 172. 81. Slav. e t. Mb. 1.596. 82. Untersuchunģen, p. 107. 83- ZfdMortf. 7.171 (1905-06). 84. Cleasby-Vigfusson, I c e l . D i e t . , p . 254. 85. Vģl. Mb. 2 . 517 - 1 8 . 86. Untersuchunģen, pp. 108-09· 87- WP I . 3 5 7 . 88. WP I . 433 - 3 5 . 89- V. Thomsen, Uber den E i n f l . d. ģerm. Spr. auf die Fin n. -L ap p ., p. 140. 90 . Germ. Gutturale, p. 109· 91. P. F e it , Hansische Geschichtsblätter, 34.275-89 (1907)·

71

GOTHIC ETYMOLOGICAL STUDIES

92. IF 34.224 (1914-15). 93. IF 35.258 (1915). 94. J . Schnetz, Bayrische Blatter f . d. Gymnasialschulwesen, 58.37-38. 95· According to L id d e ll-S c o tt, p. 951, the f orm is κίκυμοζ or XLXUpoc; hence, the consonantism is uncertain. 96. Whether s t i l l another IE base *qeuep- (WP 1.379) with, among other meanings, the sense o f 'to be emotionally upset' is also re­ lated cannot e a sily be determined. Some of the forms may belong with our base *(s)qeu- . 97· Ft. Wb. d. ģr. Spr. (2nd e d .) , p. 268. 98. J . Strachan, Introduction to Early Welsh, p. 3* 99· Pedersen, 1.34, connects W l l i t h r o with O lc e l. sloàra 'to t r a i l one's s e l f a lo n g ,' cognate with Goth, -slaufrjan. But IE udiphthongs a l l become u iu W; hence the form would have to be *l lut hro. 100. Uhlenbeck, PBB 30*301 (1905), e sse n tia lly agrees with Zupitza. 101. Sturtevant, F i t t . Gramm, p. 90. 102. Wiener Zeitschr. f . d. Kunde des Morģenlandes 34.226 (1927)· 103 . Pedersen-Lewis, pp. 2, 3 6 , 52­ 104. Osthoff and Brugmann, Morph. Unters. 6.104 (1910). 105 . Hitt. Gramm., pp. 11, 121. 106. I b i d . , p. 1 3 6 . 107 . I b i d . , p. 90. 108. F e is t, p. 421. 109 . Vģl. Wb. (3rd e d .) , 1.795· 110. Studien zur alt ind. u. verģl. Sprachģesch., p. 5 5 111. H. C. Wyld, The Universal Diet, of the Enģ. Lanģ., p. 1101. Also The Century Dictionary (New York, 1889 e t c .) , 8-5547, s . v . shame. 112. Mémoire, p. 7 5 113 . P re llw itz, Et. Wb. d. ģr. Spr. (2nd ed. , Göttingen, 1905), p. 24. 114. Altdt. Wb. (2nd ed. ), 2.951· 115 . Germ. Gutturale, p. 181; see also WP 1.875· 116. Professor Roman Jakobson has pointed th is out to the w riter. 117· Et. ģot. Wb. (2nd ed. ), p. 152. 118. M orris-Jones, p. 142, derives trais < *treks < *trenk-s: W trenn 'strong, fu rio u s,' NHG strenģ 'ste rn , s t r i c t ,' which is phonologically and semantically improbable. *

*

72

GOTHIC ETYMOLOGICAL STUDIES

119. WP 2.627-35· 120. Meyer-Lübke, REF (3rd e d .) , p. 722. 121. Be it r. zur idģ. Fortf. p. 662, note 1. 122. M iklosich, Et. Fb. der slav. Sprachen, p. 36 I . 1 2 3 . L. S ü tte r lin , IF 4.95 (1894); A. Walde KZ 34-536 (1897); I . Scheftelow itz, 7f 3 3 . I 6I (1913-14). 124. J . Schrijnen, in Symbolae ģrammaticae ln honorem Joannis Rozwadowski (1927), 1.121. 1 2 5 . G. Curtiu s, Grundzuģe der ģriech. Etym. (3rd e d ., Leip zig, 1869), p. 372. 126. G. Baesecke, PBB 59-62, 67 (1935)· 12 7 . V. Thomsen, liber den E in flu s s der term. Spr. auf die F i n n . Lapp. ; E. N. S e tä lä , Finn.-uģr. Forsch. I 3.468 (1913)· 128. WP I . 272 - 7 3 . 12 9 . Altdt. Sprachģut im M i t t e l l a t e i n , (Heidelberg, 1915)> D is s. 15-16. 130 . Post-cons. w, pp. 62, 109. 13 1. Bosworth-To11er, s . v . webe. 13 2 . A lex. MacBain, op. c i t . 133· V. Henry, Lexique étymolotique des termes les plus usuels du breton moderne (Rennes, 1900). 13 4 . Robert W illiams, Lexicon Cornu-Britannicum (London, 1865)13 5 . Urkeltischer Sprachschatz (Göttingen, 1894). 1 3 6 . J . M orris-Jones, op. c i t . 13 7 . R. Thurneysen, Randbuch des Alt irischen (Heidelberg, 1909). 13 8 . F . Kluge, Urģermanisch (3rd e d ., Pauls Grundriss 2 ), pp. 5~9· 139· George S. lane, 'The Germano-C e ltic Vocabulary,' Lanģuaģe 9.244-64 (1933)· Previous l i s t s include those of Ebel in h is a r t i ­ c le , 'Stellun g des Germanischen,' Kuhns Bei tr . 2.173~79 (1861); of Kluge in Urģermanisch, pp. 5—9; of F e ist in Indoģermanen und Ger­ manen, pp. 75— 78; of Karsten in Die Germanen (Pauls Grundriss 9 ), pp. 197-202; of Much in Deutsche Stammeshunde (Berlin and Leip zig, Göschen, 192C), pp. 43—50; and of H irt in Etymoloģie der neuhoch­ deutschen Sprache, pp. 107-08. 140. But i t is open to question whether OBrit. Daģomaros and 0HG Daģmar belong together a t a l l . Daģmar can equally w ell be a sso ci­ ated with Daģmar, the name o f the f i r s t wife o f Waldemar I I o f Den­ mark, daughter of the King of Bohemia. The name is shown to be S la v ic , c f . K. Axnäs, Slauisch-Baltisches in altnordischen Beinamen (Uppsala, 1937 = Nomina Germanica I I ) , pp. 6—13-

GOTHIC ETYMOLOGICAL STUDIES

73

141. Marstrander, 'De l ’ unité it a lo - c e lt iq u e ,' Norsk Tidsskrtft for Sproģuidenskap 3*241-44 (1929)· 142. Ebel, Kuhns B e i t r. 2.173-79· 143· L. H. Gray 'Mutation in G a u lish ,' Lanģuaģe 20.223-30 (1944), c f . esp ecially p. 230 .

INDEX VERBORUM (This index includes, by and la rg e , only those words e sse n tia l to etymological discussion. References are to pages.) Sanskrit apejäte 2 éjati 2 kutsàyati 30 képi- 23 kauti 29 ģārhati, ģārhate 3 ģārkā 3 trasati 48 pāri 13 bkadra- 7 bhāndate 7 bhandistha- 7 ržīpd, rūpavant- 11 vaksnam 6 vadh- 34 vardhate 20 vrksa - 19 vrādhant- 19 sasati (qahsati) 27 £αι>α- (cava-) 32 šfika- (quka-) 29 suņa (cum) 32 soi Λα (qôtha) 32 sôpha (.qôpha) 32 svayate (cvayate} 32 švātra ļcvātra) 32 sûbhadra- 7 srédhati 36 svadu- 55 svàrati 45 hâryati 5 hradate 22 bradas 22 y

Prakrit kadambam 27 Avesta è Br dz a i i t i 3 terdsai t i 48 vabayan- 32 ταβθ 35 sūra- 32 spā(y)- 32 zara- 15 var-dd 20 hubaüfa 7 Pāhlāvi ģrīstan 22 New Persian ģiristan 22 ziriA 22 Ossetic yärzun 3 Armenian fe'aèç 46 Albanian Θοαι 27 tree 50 B a ltic (L ith . not indicated) dwgn, dwgii 6 béldziu, b é ls ti 8

GOTHIC ETYMOLOGICAL STUDIES

blasktu, bloskiau 9 koza 24 d iīb a s , d i l b i s (Lett.) 12 kozïlü 24 enkalkltai (OPruss.) 24 mérzkii (Russ.) 37 ģatva (Lett.) 17 mrSzlti (Serb.-Cr.) 37 Ιαίυέ 17 m rlzëtl 37 ģerdava (OPruss.) 22 mrïzükü 37 êtrd'éti 22 nacīna 28 kaistu, kaltaü, k a ïsti 24 ηαυάΖ (Russ.) 5I ka lstu , kaltu, kalst (Lett.) 24 yrçgu 4 kaitrùs 24 p ro stï 13 kâlnas 26 prost y (Czech) I 3 knauselIs , knaüis (Lett.) 11 sZedy 36 kūpēti 29 šova 29 l a l t î t 36 strada (Russ.) 48 syc (Russ.) 29 l i e s t i 36 tis t (Lett.) 13 s i c (Czech) 29 prastas 13 v a l i V (Russ.) 51 prasts (Lett.) 13 zad (Russ.) 16 sk iļstl 30 zadu 16 zled ica 22 s ly s t u 36 spranģat (Lett.) 4 rreek spranģhs 4 αΐγεζ 3 selderêt (Lett.) 3I αίγιαλός 3 trenkto 50 αυξω 6 tr ie c u , trie kt (Lett.) 50 βρ