From State to Empire in the Prehistoric Jequetepeque Valley, Peru 9781407308937, 9781407338736

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BAR S2310 2011 ZORI & JOHNSON (Eds) FROM STATE TO EMPIRE IN THE PREHISTORIC JEQUETEPEQUE VALLEY

B A R

From State to Empire in the Prehistoric Jequetepeque Valley, Peru Edited by

Colleen M. Zori Ilana Johnson

BAR International Series 2310 2011

From State to Empire in the Prehistoric Jequetepeque Valley, Peru

Edited by

Colleen M. Zori Ilana Johnson

BAR International Series 2310 2011

Published in 2016 by BAR Publishing, Oxford BAR International Series 2310 From State to Empire in the Prehistoric Jequetepeque Valley, Peru © The editors and contributors severally and the Publisher 2011 The authors' moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or transmitted in any form digitally, without the written permission of the Publisher.

ISBN 9781407308937 paperback ISBN 9781407338736 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407308937 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library BAR Publishing is the trading name of British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd. British Archaeological Reports was first incorporated in 1974 to publish the BAR Series, International and British. In 1992 Hadrian Books Ltd became part of the BAR group. This volume was originally published by Archaeopress in conjunction with British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd / Hadrian Books Ltd, the Series principal publisher, in 2011. This present volume is published by BAR Publishing, 2016.

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Table of Contents

From State to Empire in the Prehistoric Jequetepeque Valley, Peru

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Co-editors: Colleen M. Zori and Ilana Johnson

Chapter 1 Introduction: State and Empire in the Jequetepeque Valley

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Ilana Johnson and Colleen M. Zori

Chapter 2 Social Roles of Cemeteries in the Jequetepeque Valley System

33

Colleen M. Zori

Chapter 3 The Development of Semi-Autonomous Communities in the Late Moche Period (AD 600-900)

51

Ilana Johnson

Chapter 4 The Northern Moche World at the Beginning of the Eighth Century and the Role of the Jequetepeque Valley

65

Alana Cordy-Collins

Chapter 5 Food for the Dead, Cuisine for the Living: Mortuary Food Offerings from the Jequetepeque Valley, Peru

83

Robyn Cutright

Chapter 6 Lambayeque Norte and Lambayeque Sur: Evidence for the Development of an Indigenous Lambayeque Polity in the Jequetepeque Valley

93

William Sapp

Chapter 7 Chicha Production during the Chimú Period at San José de Moro, Jequetepeque Valley, North Coast of Peru

105

O. Gabriel Prieto B.

Chapter 8 Architectural Renovation as Ritual Process in Late Intermediate Period Jequetepeque

129

Edward Swenson

Chapter 9 The Persistence of Lambayeque Ethic Identity: The Perspective from the Jequetepeque Valley, Peru

149

Carol Mackey

Chapter 10 A Case for Local Ceramic Production in the Jequetepeque Valley during the Late Horizon

169

Abigail R. Levine

Chapter 11 Late Horizon Sites in the Chaman Valley

179

Scott Kremkau

Chapter 12 Reflections on the Prehispanic Jequetepeque Valley Tom Dillehay

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From State to Empire in the Prehistoric Jequetepeque Valley, Peru

Co-editors: Colleen M. Zori and Ilana Johnson Colleen M. Zori obtained her Ph.D. from the University of California, Los Angeles in 2011. Her research focuses on the Andes, and she has been part of projects in various regions of Ecuador, Peru, and Chile since 1999. She received her B.A. with honors from Stanford University in 2000, and her M.A. from the University of California, Los Angeles in 2004. Her master’s thesis, entitled Late Moche Informal Pit Burials from San José de Moro, North Coast of Peru, in Social, Political, and Temporal Perspective, addressed changes in a particular type of Moche burial as a reflection of the dynamic and shifting socio-political landscape between the Middle and Late Moche periods in the Jequetepeque Valley. Her dissertation research focused on the relationship between Inka administrative strategies and local copper and silver production in the Tarapacá Valley of northern Chile. Her research interests include mortuary practices, imperial strategies of political control, archaeometallurgy, and applications of GIS technology in archaeological survey. Ilana Johnson obtained her Ph.D. from the University of California, Los Angeles in 2009 and has worked as an archaeologist in Peru since 2001. She received her B.A. with honors from the University of Michigan in 2000, and her M.A. from University of California, Los Angeles in 2003. Her master’s thesis entitled The Evolution of Chiefdoms in the Northwest Titicaca Basin: A View from Paucarcolla focused on cultural change and emergent complexity spanning four time periods in the northern Titicaca Basin. She has worked at several Moche sites on the north coast of Peru and her dissertation research explored households and urbanism at the Moche V site of Pampa Grande in the Lambayeque Valley. She also explored the Moche worldview of the household through time and space at six domestic sites throughout the Moche region. Her research interests include domestic life, urbanism, wealth and status differentiation, ceramic iconography, craft specialization, subsistence and resource distribution, and sociopolitical integration of the household in state societies. Contact information: a. Colleen M. Zori Cotsen Institute of Archaeology at UCLA 308 Charles E. Young Drive North A201 Fowler Building, Box 951510 Los Angeles, CA 90095-1510 b. Ilana Johnson Department of Anthropology California State University, Sacramento 6000 J Street, MND 4010 Sacramento, CA 95819-6106

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Chapter 1

Introduction: State and Empire in the Jequetepeque Valley

Ilana Johnson and Colleen M. Zori Singularly among the large river valleys of the Peruvian north coast, the prehistoric Jequetepeque Valley never gave rise to its own expansive regional polity. Instead, the inhabitants of the valley were influenced by and/ or incorporated into the political structures of states and empires centered elsewhere. These included the Lambayeque polity of the Lambayeque Valley to the north, the Moche and Chimú cultures of the Moche Valley to the south, and ultimately the Inka empire, based in the Cuzco Basin of the southern central sierras. In addition, the valley was the principal conduit between the Pacific Coast and the highland center of Cajamarca, itself the seat of a complex polity in late prehistory and an important base for Inka conquest to the north. Archaeological data from the Jequetepeque Valley, however, defies a simplistic interpretation that reduces its history to the imposition of these successive cultural influences on a passive hinterland population. Instead, the inhabitants of the valley actively participated in the assimilation, appropriation, and reformulation of these external influences, creating a distinctive historical trajectory in which political integration waxed and waned in response to both internal processes and outside forces.

of complex societies by exploring state-sponsored craft and food production and the extension of economic ties and cultural influence to new territories. Several researchers (Zori, Chapter 2; Cutright, Chapter 5) examine the mortuary practices of the valley’s inhabitants, exploring how they reflect underlying cultural notions of life, death, social identity, and community.

The Jequetepeque Valley therefore provides an exceptional laboratory for studying the intersection between local communities and state- and imperial-level societies. The contributions in this volume take a data-driven approach to almost a millennium and a half of the valley’s prehistory, tracing steps along the transition from segmentary but autonomous polities during Moche and Lambayeque times to the valley’s integration into the administrative structures of the Chimú and Inka empires. Several chapters (Sapp, Chapter 6; Mackey, Chapter 9) explore the intricacies of the political relationships that unfolded between valley communities and outside polities, engaging with the unique nature of the architecture and material culture that developed in the valley and the continuities in ethnic identities across its major sociopolitical transformations. Others (Johnson, Chapter 3; Swenson, Chapter 8; Kremkau, Chapter 11) delve into how political power was distributed, negotiated and manifested by valley populations themselves, focusing not on urban centers but on the role of rural communities. Other chapters (Cordy-Collins, Chapter 4; Prieto, Chapter 7; Levine, Chapter 10) highlight the economic foundations

The Jequetepeque Valley is located 600 km north of Lima on Peru’s north coast (Figure 1). It is supported by two rivers: the Jequetepeque, which is the main tributary flowing west from the Andes Mountains to the Pacific Ocean, and the Chaman, a large branch of the former that supplies water to the northern portion of the valley. The valley is separated from the Chicama and Moche valleys to the south by the Pampa de Paiján, a 45 kilometer stretch of uninhabited desert. This physical barrier may have led to the cultural differences observed between settlements in the northern and southern portions of the North Coast in some periods (Castillo and Donnan 1994; see below for further discussion), and positioned the Jequetepeque Valley at an important crossroads between the southern and northern coastal territories.

Building on an extensive body of previous archaeological research in the region, these studies provide detailed insight into the development and functioning of states and empires in the Jequetepeque Valley. In particular, they demonstrate how local Jequetepeque inhabitants both adapted to and shaped the sociopolitical landscape of the valley in relation to the combined pressures of local political processes and influences from outside the valley. This volume is an important compilation of recent research in the valley, highlighting the work of archaeologists who have dedicated significant portions of their careers to studying the cultures of the Jequetepeque, as well as a new generation of archaeologists embarking on their scholarship in the region. Geographic Setting

The physical landscape of the Jequetepeque Valley consists of relatively sizable expanses of cultivatable land surrounding the Jequetepeque and Chaman rivers and their subsidiary canal systems, interspersed and separated by a few low mountain ranges. Recent reanalysis of the

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Introduction: State and Empire in the Jequetepeque Valley

Figure 1: Map of the north coast of Peru

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Ilana Johnson and Colleen M. Zori

Jequetepeque irrigation system (originally investigated by Eling [1987]) has revealed the development of four distinct canal regions, each comprised of lands watered by a separate waterway, during the Moche era in the valley (Castillo 2010; see below for chronology). These four sectors of the valley were ruled by distinct leaders during colonial times and the divisions still remain today. This suggests a segmented political and economic organization rooted in long-standing local traditions of land and water management (Castillo 2010).

Andean Chronology

Jequetepeque Chronology

Initial Period 2000-1000 BC

Early Formative 2000-1500 BC Middle Formative 1500-500 BC Late Formative 500-0 BC Early Moche AD 200-400 Middle Moche AD 400-600 Late Moche AD 600-800 Transitional AD 800-900 Early Lambayeque AD 900-1000 Middle Lambayeque AD 1000-1100 Late Lambayeque AD 1100-1320 Chimú AD 1320-1470 Chimú-Inka AD 1470-1532

Early Horizon 1000 BC-AD 100

Early Intermediate Period AD 100-600

The north coast of Peru must also be understood in relation to the El Niño/La Niña cycle, or ENSO (El Niño Southern Oscillation). This climatological phenomenon has periodically affected the inhabitants of western South America since people first settled the coastal areas. Under El Niño conditions, warm waters from the east coast of Papua New Guinea flow west and ultimately southward along the coast of South America, disrupting the typical cold-water current flowing northward along the continent’s western coast and bringing a whole new ecosystem and weather pattern with them (Cane 1983, 1986; Dillehay 2001, 278; Sandweiss and Quilter 2008). Non-local species of marine life accompany the warmer current, while native cold-water species can be pushed nearly to extinction (Billman and Huckleberry 2008; Maasch 2008). The unpredictable weather patterns cause torrential rain storms on the coast that destroy settlements and disrupt both agricultural and maritime lifeways, while droughts under La Niña conditions can be almost as devastating to the coastal region (Billman and Huckleberry 2008; Moseley and Deeds 1982). Strong ENSO events have been identified during both the Moche and Chimú periods and may have resulted in ideological and cultural changes seen in the art and iconography during these periods (Shimada et al. 1991; McClelland 1997; Moore 1991).

Middle Horizon AD 600-1000

Late Intermediate Period AD 1000-1400

Late Horizon AD 1400-1532

Table 1: Comparison of Andean and Jequetepeque chronologies

of the Moche as a single expansive state centered in the Moche and Chicama valleys, which predicted that the ceramic sequence would be similar throughout the territory incorporated into the state (Castillo and Quilter 2010). The chronological sequence, however, did not work for many of the northern valleys, leading scholars to divide the Moche sphere into northern and southern regions at the Pampa de Paiján (Castillo and Donnan 1994). The southern area broadly conforms to Larco’s chronological sequence, while the northern territory is characterized by three stylistic “periods”: Early Moche (AD 200-400), Middle Moche (AD 400-600), and Late Moche (AD 600-800; Castillo 2001, 2003; see review in Quilter 2002).

Chronology The cultural-historical trajectory of the Jequetepeque Valley overlaps with the general Andean sequence at some points but diverges at others, necessitating the development of a chronology specific to the region and, at times, the valley itself (Table 1). As with most regions of the Andes, this chronological system is based primarily on changes in ceramic forms and iconography, architectural styles, settlement patterns, and mortuary behavior, stylistic transformations believed to reflect cultural and political change (Rowe 1962).

More extensive research over the past decade, however, has made it apparent that the Jequetepeque Valley cannot be simply lumped into a larger “northern Moche” chronology, but rather must be analyzed and understood within the particular context of the valley (Castillo 2010). In the Jequetepeque, the Early Moche Period is associated with Phase I and II pottery (Figure 2). However, sites with Early Moche ceramics are problematic because some have yielded dates that are significantly later than Early Moche sites in other valleys. For example, the Moche occupation at the site of Dos Cabezas continued until it was abandoned around AD 600, well into the Middle Moche Period, yet contains only Phase I/II style stirrup-spout vessels (Donnan 2007, 7). Most sites in the Jequetepeque Valley dated to the Middle Moche Period are associated with Phase III pottery, and despite coinciding with a period of expansion and fluorescence for the southern Moche region, are

The Moche period occupation of the Jequetepeque Valley is a prime example of the distinctive nature of Jequetepeque chronology, as it does not align absolutely with any other valley on the North Coast. Early research conducted in the Moche region relied upon the chronological sequence devised by Raphael Larco Hoyle (1948), which divided Moche ceramics into five phases based on the shape of the stirrup-spout (see Donnan and McClelland 1991, Figure 1.19). This chronology reflected Larco’s view

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Introduction: State and Empire in the Jequetepeque Valley

In the Jequetepeque Valley, Gallinazo-style ceramics have been identified at numerous sites, including Pacatnamú, Dos Cabezas, Masanca, and San José de Moro, where they occur in many contexts in combination with Moche style ceramics and artifacts (Figures 3 and 4; Del Carpio 2009; Donnan 2006, 2009; Donnan and Cock 1997). The view of the Gallinazo as a distinctive cultural or political phenomenon has recently been challenged by leading researchers in the field (see papers in Millaire and Morlion [eds] 2009). We now recognize that this ceramic style was the product of a long-standing shared artistic tradition that Millaire (2009, 2) has defined as the tradición norcosteña. It served as domestic ware along the extent of the North Coast between approximately AD 200-800, and was used by the same populations of people in conjunction with contemporaneous styles of finewares identified as Moche, Vicús, and Virú (Donnan 2009; Gamarra and Gayoso 2008; Millaire 2009). After the collapse of the Moche culture sometime after AD 800, the coastal valleys entered into a period of local development that differed from valley to valley. In the Jequetepeque Valley, this time is known as the Transitional period. It is marked by an artifact assemblage that is a distinctive amalgamation of cultural influences, incorporating stylistic elements from the developing Lambayeque/Sicán polity to the north and imported goods from Cajamarca, Casma, and Wari, as well as the continuation of some features of the Moche ceramic style, such as platform rims and face-neck jars (Donnan 1997a; Castillo 2001a; Mauricio and Castro 2008; Rucabado and Castillo 2003; Castillo and Wirtz 2003; Prieto et al. 2008). There were also many local innovations at this time, including new vessel forms and decorative elements (see below). The key cultural elements of this period have been identified in several impressive tombs at San José de Moro and likely correspond with the Early Sicán Period in the Lambayeque Valley (Prieto 2009; Rucabado and Castillo 2003).

Figure 2: Early Moche vessel from Dos Cabezas (image courtesy of Christopher Donnan)

perplexingly rare. Phase IV ceramics are almost completely absent from the valley. Finally, the Late Moche Period is associated with Phase V pottery, but is marked by the sudden appearance of ceramic vessels with fineline decorations, a style not previously seen in the valley (McClelland et al. 2007). This culminated in the development of a form of Moche pottery distinctive to the Jequetepeque Valley, called Moro-style, characterized by stirrup-spout vessels with ornate and densely detailed fineline images (McClelland et al. 2007). In addition to Moro fineline wares, some Jequetepeque sites with Late Moche occupations, such as Pacatnamú, have yielded fineline pottery similar to powerful centers in neighboring valleys, such as Pampa Grande in the Lambayeque drainage or Galindo in the Moche Valley, suggesting important political and economic ties outside of the valley during this period (Johnson 2010; Lockard 2005).

The subsequent Lambayeque period in the Jequetepeque Valley is marked by the adoption of artistic elements and burial practices that have their origin in the Lambayeque Valley (J. Bernuy 2008; Prieto 2009, 2010).1 Based on his research there, Izumi Shimada (1990) proposes a ceramic chronology that divides the Sicán period into Early, Middle, and Late phases (see Shimada 1990, his Figure 18 for illustration). The Early Sicán Period (AD 800-900) in the Lambayeque Valley is marked by the disappearance of stirrup-spout bottles characteristic of Moche and the introduction of domestic wares decorated using paleteada, or paddle-stamped, designs. New elements

Any discussion of Moche chronology would be incomplete without mention of the Gallinazo. Gallinazo-style ceramics are modeled domestic wares—frequently face-necked jars— which have traditionally been used to identify the presence of a Gallinazo political entity in the valleys of the North Coast. Early investigators of the Moche (e.g. Bennett 1939; Ford 1949; Strong and Evans 1952; Willey 1953) suggested that an incipient Moche state conquered and incorporated previously Gallinazo settlements, while later models posited that Moche and Gallinazo communities co-inhabited the same valleys in a parallel and possibly competitive fashion (Shimada and Maguiña 1994).

The terms Lambayeque and Sicán are often used interchangeably in the literature to refer to the same cultural features, although there is often a distinction made between the Sicán polity that rose to power in the Lambayeque Valley following the demise of the Moche, and Lambayeque culture which stemmed from the Sicán and can be seen in other valleys of the North Coast. Researchers in the Jequetepeque Valley typically use the term Lambayeque to refer to the artistic style and political development of this time period, which have cultural links to the Sicán polity from the north. 1

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from the highlands were also incorporated into the ceramic repertoire, such as Wari double-spout-and-bridge vessels and Cajamarca platform bowls and plates. Precursors of the Sicán lord, one of the most prevalent figures depicted in Sicán art, can be seen on some vessels. The earliest depictions include human-bird faces with enlarged ears on single spout bottles, followed by bird-like faces with Wari-style four cornered hats on the bridge of double-spoutand-bridge vessels (Shimada 1990, 316, 320). This phase is poorly understood archaeologically, but, as noted above, is likely contemporaneous with the Transitional period in the Jequetepeque Valley (Prieto 2009, 2010). The Middle Sicán Period (AD 900-1100) marks the height of the Lambayeque culture, and its influence can be seen throughout the North Coast in the presence of highly burnished blackware vessels with key Lambayeque iconography. This period corresponds with Early and Middle Lambayeque in the Jequetepeque Valley (Prieto 2009, 2010; see also Nelson et al. 2000; Sapp 2002). Images of the Sicán lord saturate the art of this period, and are found on murals, textiles, ceramics, and metal objects (Shimada 1990, 321). This figure is usually shown with comma-shaped eyes, large pointed ears with pierced lower lobes and tiered earrings, and avian features such as wings and talons (Cleland and Shimada 1992). The Sicán lord is also frequently depicted with a crescent-shaped headdress, similar to that typically seen on copper and gold tumi knives. Figure 3 – Gallinazo vessel from Masanka cemetery (image courtesy of Christopher Donnan)

Major shifts in political organization occurred in the Lambayeque Valley during the Late Sicán Period (AD 1100-1350). After the intentional burning of the temples crowning the pyramids at the site of Batán Grande, the seat of Sicán political power was moved to Túcume, located at the northern edge of the Lambayeque Valley, and the Sicán lord almost completely disappeared from the state iconography (Shimada 1990). Blackware vessels declined in popularity, the stirrup-spout bottle form reappeared, and bands of geometric designs similar to those seen in Moche V became the most common type of decoration. This period corresponds with the Late Lambayeque Period in the Jequetepeque Valley, where Prieto (2010) has documented a similar pattern of the deliberate incineration of an elite Lambayeque residence at San José de Moro and the apparent shift of political power from the site of Huaca las Estacas to Pacatnamú. These changes mark the transition to the Late Lambayeque Period in the Jequetepeque, a period that continued until the valley was conquered by the Chimú in the early 14th century. Scholars divide the period of Chimú influence on the North Coast into Early (ca. AD 1000-1200), Middle (ca. AD 1200-1300) and Late Chimú (ca. AD 1300-1470) periods. Concurrently with the fluorescence of the Lambayeque federation to the north, the incipient Chimú state began to consolidate control over its heartland territory of the Moche and Chicama valleys between approximately AD 1000-1200 (Mackey and Klymyshyn 1990; Rowe 1948;

Figure 4: Gallinazo vessel from Masanka cemetery (image courtesy of Christopher Donnan)

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Introduction: State and Empire in the Jequetepeque Valley

Topic 1990; see Moore and Mackey 2008 for review). The transition from Middle Chimú to Late Chimú is marked by a series of expansionist campaigns that incorporated first the Jequetepeque Valley around AD 1320, and subsequently the Casma Valley in ca. AD 1350 and the Lambayeque Valley sometime between AD 1360-1400 (Mackey 2009). The Chimú period in the Jequetepeque Valley— at the cusp between the Middle Chimú and the Late Chimú periods in terms of the chronology of the entire North Coast— is characterized by the imposition of distinctive forms of administrative architecture similar to those of the capital of Chan Chan at a number of sites in the valley (see below, and Mackey, this volume). Some outlying communities in the valley appear to have emulated Chimú architectural styles (see Swenson, this volume). The Chimú period is also marked by the appearance and production of polished blackware ceramics that incorporate both modeled and press-molded depictions of humans, animals, supernatural figures, and deities. Many of these images harken back to elements of earlier Moche and contemporaneous Lambayeque styles, including the Staff Deity, the goddess/ Priestess, and the crested animal (Burger 1976; Moore and Mackey 2008), while vessel forms such as stirrup-spout and double-spout-and-bridge bottles similarly echo earlier regional ceramic traditions.

Figure 5: Blackware Provincial Inka style aribola with appliqué serpent from Cemetery J at Farfán (drawing by Jorge Gamboa, courtesy of Carol Mackey)

In the general Andean chronology, the Late Horizon constitutes the period in which the Inka expanded out of their heartland in the Cuzco Basin, generally thought to begin with the reign of the emperor Pachacuti and continue until the fall of the Inka empire with the arrival of Europeans in the 16th century (AD 1438—1532; D’Altroy 2002). Because the Late Horizon is defined as commencing with a region’s conquest and subsequent incorporation into the empire, the absolute dates for the period vary by area throughout the Andes. Although there is still some debate about the sequence of military campaigns, the majority of scholars accept the date of AD 1470 as marking Inka victory over the Chimú and the beginning of the Late Horizon on the North Coast (Rowe 1948). During the Inka period in the Jequetepeque Valley, a limited repertoire of Provincial Inka style vessels were produced alongside Chimú- and Lambayeque-style ceramics at workshops (Donnan 1997b) and administrative centers co-opted by the empire, such as Farfán (Mackey 2009, 2010a). At the same time, hybrid styles of pottery incorporating both Chimú and Inka forms, iconography, decorative elements, and production techniques were found throughout the valley (Figure 5; Levine, this volume; see also Hayashida 1999). Similarly, architectural manifestations of the Inka at administrative centers in the valley combined Inka and both Chimú and Lambayeque features (see below, and Mackey 2003, 2009, 2010a, 2010b, this volume). Inka rule was brought to an end in AD 1532 with the capture of the Inka emperor Atahualpa by Francisco Pizarro and his men at the imperial administrative center of Cajamarca in the highlands adjacent to the Jequetepeque Valley.

History of Archaeological Research in the Valley Almost a century of archaeological investigations in the Jequetepeque Valley has yielded a complex and nuanced picture of the valley’s prehistory. Alfred Kroeber (1930) was one of the first archaeologists to conduct extensive survey of the Pacasmayo region. He identified many of the valley’s important sites, including the large and well-preserved city of Pacatnamú, located on an ocean bluff on the north side of the Jequetepeque River. The site was subsequently excavated by Heinrich Ubbelohde-Doering (1951, 1967, 1983) and later Christopher Donnan and Guillermo Cock (1986, 1997). Another informative survey was conducted in 1965 by Paul Kosok, who investigated many of the canals in the lower valley. He made important connections between the irrigation system and the development of urbanism and state societies in the valley, as well as identifying the importance of the Jequetepeque Valley as a major route to the highlands. The 1970’s and 1980’s ushered in a new era of archaeological investigation in the Jequetepeque Valley, with several extensive surveys conducted by Herbert Eling (1978, 1986, 1987), Wolfgang and Giesela Hecker (1985, 1990), and Rogger Ravines (1982, 1985). Eling reconstructed the chronology of hydraulic development in the valley and linked the extension of the irrigation system with political development and complexity. The Heckers focused on the lower valley, where they identified numerous

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urban and domestic sites, roads, irrigation canals, and other cultural features. Ravines carried out a survey of the middle portion of the valley and recorded many sites from the Formative and Late Intermediate periods. Most recently, a full-coverage survey of the lower Jequetepeque Valley was conducted by Tom Dillehay, Alan Kolata, and colleagues (1999, 2004, 2009, 2010), who documented over 900 new sites ranging from monumental centers to small hinterland hamlets.

Until the 1990’s, many researchers on the coast were unaware of the presence of two distinct Late Intermediate Period cultural forces at work in the Jequetepeque Valley. Most assumed the Chimú had conquered the Jequetepeque not long after the fall of the Moche. Recognition that at least some communities of the Jequetepeque interacted with and adopted the material culture and architecture of the Lambayeque culture came from excavations at Pacatnamú (see papers in Donnan and Cock [eds] 1997) and Farfán (Mackey 2003, 2006, 2009, 2010a, 2010b, this volume). William Sapp conducted extensive excavations at Cabur, the palace of a local lord who maintained his power, influence, and Lambayeque ethnic identity despite the various political changes that occurred in the valley during final centuries before Spanish conquest (Sapp 2002, this volume). Archaeologists working at the ceremonial site of San José de Moro have also traced the changes in mortuary patterns that occurred during the Lambayeque period in the valley (J. Bernuy 2008; Prieto 2009, 2010).

Systematic archaeological excavations at several key sites during the final decades of the 20th century contributed greatly to our understanding of the political developments in the Jequetepeque Valley. Early excavations at Pacatnamú by Ubbelohde-Doering (1967, 1983) yielded elaborate Moche fineware pottery that was distinct from other Moche sites to the south and showed clear links with styles from the north. Pacatnamú is believed to have been an important ritual center in the Moche and Lambayeque periods and boasts impressive earthen pyramids and burials with spectacular organic preservation (Donnan and Cock 1986, 1997; Gumerman 1997). Preliminary work at the sites of Farfán and Talambo by Richard Keatinge and Geoffrey Conrad (1983) shed light on the Chimú administration of land and water in the valley.

In the last decade, a new generation of researchers has emerged in the Jequetepeque Valley, and recent work has focused on previously unexplored sites and topics. Several researchers have examined the cultural changes that occurred at the end of the Late Moche Period and nature of interactions between the valley and the highlands following the disappearance of Moche as the dominant ideology. Marco Rosas Rintel (2007, 2010) excavated the highland-style settlement of Cerro Chepen and Howard Tsai (2007) investigated the site of Las Varas, a site in the valley neck with clear ties to both the highland polity of Cajamarca and the coast (see also K. Bernuy and Bernal 2008). Edward Swenson (2004, 2007, 2008, this volume) conducted mapping and excavations at several hinterland settlements from both the Moche and Chimú periods and explored the role of ritual and violence in the development of small political entities with ties to states and empires. Robyn Cutright (2009, 2010) explored the changes in the processing, preparation, and consumption of food that occurred as the valley was incorporated into the Chimú empire, while John Warner (2010) investigated the use of architecture during the poorly understood Formative Period in the Jequetepeque Valley. On-going work by Swenson and Warner is addressing copper production and ritual practices at the secondary Late Moche center of Huaca Colorada (Swenson et al. 2010, 2011; Roach 2010).

Beginning in the mid-1990’s and continuing into the new millennium, broad-exposure excavations at the site of San José de Moro have documented an occupational sequence focused on mortuary and ritual activities spanning from the Middle Moche to Chimú periods (J. Bernuy 2008; K. Bernuy and Bernal 2008; Castillo 2000a, 2000b, 2001; del Carpio 2008; Donley 2004, 2008; Prieto 2009; Rucabado 2008; Rucabado and Castillo 2003; Castillo and Wirtz 2003). In particular, work there has greatly increased our understanding of the Late Moche Period and the role of women in the Moche political and religious realms (Castillo 1993, 2001; Castillo and Donnan 1994; Donnan and Castillo 1994). Three impressive burials uncovered at the site have clear links with iconography of the Sacrifice Ceremony and were constructed in honor of female priestesses who clearly held high status at San José de Moro. The site has additionally yielded a large quantity of vessels decorated with intricate and elaborate fineline images, providing researchers a window into many aspects of Moche life, death, and religion (Donnan and McClelland 1979, 1999; McClelland et al. 2007).

Early Political Developments in the Jequetepeque Valley

Contemporaneously, investigations at the site of Dos Cabezas have shed light on the Early Moche Period, particularly the sumptuous mortuary practices of early Moche-affiliated elites (Donnan 2007). Meanwhile, a number of Japanese-led projects have investigated the ceremonial architecture of Formative Period sites in the southern part of the lower valley, such as Limoncarro (Sakai and Martínez 2008), as well as the middle and upper valley, including Pampa de las Hamacas, Tembladera and Kuntar Wasi (Inokuchi 2008; Onuki 2008; Tsurumi 2008).

The Jequetepeque Valley has been inhabited for millennia, but there is limited archaeological evidence of the very earliest periods. Some sites have indication of occupation as early as the Preceramic Period (1800-1000 BC; Donnan 2007). In addition, the Pampa de Cupisnique (or Pampa de Los Fósiles) has yielded many Initial Period and Early Horizon ceramics and lithic scatters (Chauchat 1992). Some of the earliest monumental construction in the

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Introduction: State and Empire in the Jequetepeque Valley

Jequetepeque Valley can be seen at the site of Monte Grande, located in the middle portion of the valley (Ravines 1985; see our Figure 6). The large huaca complex at the site is surrounded by an extensive residential area with at least 160 dwellings of different sizes and configurations oriented along a northeast-southwest axis (Tellenbach 1986). The huaca complex displays some typical highland Formative Period architectural features, such as terraced platforms and sunken courts. A sector of apparently elite architecture, coupled with the fact that houses were smaller in size and less elaborate further away from the huaca complex, led Michael Tellenbach (1986) to conclude that Monte Grande was inhabited by a stratified community with centralized leadership whose power was closely tied to religion and ritual. Early evidence of cultural convergence on the north coast of Peru can be seen in the development of the Cupisnique cultural tradition (Alva 1986). It is believed that Cupisnique was an art style coeval with the development of the highland cult center of Chavín, elements of which were adopted by elites and incipient leaders in various regions throughout the Andes. The prominence of religious architecture such as mounds and U-shaped buildings highlights the role that ritual played in early sociopolitical development in the Jequetepeque Valley (Tellenbach 1986). The Cupisnique culture is also important to understanding the development of social and technological complexity on the North Coast because metalworking technology appeared in the region during this time (Donnan and Mackey 1978, 21).

Figure 6: Formative and Early Horizon sites in the Jequetepeque Valley

subsistence base of agricultural goods and marine resources (Elera 1994). A large stone structure believed to have had ritual significance was uncovered at the site, and further contains evidence for craft production and the processing of hematite. The Cupisnique phase of occupation at the site came to an end with an El Niño event that destroyed and buried the temple (Elera 1998).

The presence of numerous small Cupisnique-affiliated sites and several larger centers with monumental architecture reflects a multi-tiered settlement pattern during the Formative Period (Dillehay et al. 2009). One such site, Limoncarro, contains public architecture of the Cupisnique style, comprised of low platforms with stairways and rectangular courts (Elera 1997; Sakai and Martínez 2008). The site has a central U-shaped mound with a three-tiered platform approximately five meters high, two smaller lateral mounds, and a large open plaza. The site is also the likely origin of an intricate carved bowl depicting a spider/ jaguar deity holding a severed head in one hand and a net bag with ten decapitated heads in the other hand (Marcus 2007), as well as many other Cupisnique-style fineware ceramics currently found in museum collections (Burger 1996; Salazar-Burger and Burger 1983).

Following the abandonment of Puémape, settlement shifted to the site of Jatanca2, located in the southern portion of the Jequetepeque Valley. Over the next four centuries of the Late Formative Period (500 BC-100 AD), the site was inhabited by local lineage-based groups who cooperated to construct several monumental compounds and an expansive irrigation system in the neighboring Pampa de Mojucape. Several of the architectural compounds have been mapped and partially excavated, revealing that each complex was accessed via a single entrance and contained internal nested ritual areas. This planned and replicated layout may have been governed by dualistic organizational elements (Warner 2010, 543). Compounds I-IV were mostly contemporaneous and none was more elaborate or richly provisioned than the others, suggesting that the site was not hierarchically organized but was rather occupied by autonomous groups sharing dispersed political control.

Another impressive Cupisnique site in the lower Jequetepeque Valley is Puémape, a 20 ha site located on the south bank of the Jequetepeque River near the Pacific Ocean (see Figure 6). Radiocarbon dates from the site range from 2400-300 BC, indicating a long-lived occupation (Elera 1998). The site yielded several stirrupspout vessels in the Cupisnique style that had been fired in a reduced environment and highly burnished. Mortuary remains associated with Puémape provide evidence of social stratification, while analyses of botanical and faunal materials from the site attest to the residents’ mixed

State-level Societies in the Jequetepeque Valley During the Early Intermediate Period (AD 100-600), Jatanca is part of the Cañoncillo Archaeological Complex, which also includes the sites of Huaca Colorada and Tecapa, and was first investigated by Ubbelode-Doering (1967). 2

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numerous complex political entities developed along the North Coast that shared a set of cultural icons, religious beliefs, and artistic traditions known as Moche (Donnan 2010). Since the earliest investigations, there has been an underlying view that the Moche were a somewhat static and uniformly integrated state-level society with a strict noble-commoner social structure based on exploitation and theocracy (Shimada 2010). It is now clear that this was only true at a few sites, and even at those sites, for only limited moments in time. Research over the last decade has challenged the long-standing view of the Moche as a unified expansive state centered at the Pyramids of Moche (see review in Quilter 2002, 158-161, and papers in Quilter and Castillo [eds.] 2010). We now know that the Moche consisted of many dynamic valley-polities with several major city-centers, some of which were autonomous and others of which were periodically allied and/or engaged in relations of dominance over other valley-polities. Political connections and the degree of integration within and between valleys fluctuated markedly through time.

One of the unifying features of the Moche culture was religion, with key rituals incorporating combat and human sacrifice in a sequence known as the Warrior Narrative and the Sacrifice Ceremony (Donnan 1975, 1978, 2010; Hocquenghem and Lyon 1980). Although there is a great deal of variation in the iconographic depictions found at Moche sites, three important symbols of this shared religious tradition— the weapon bundle, the eared serpent, and the spider decapitator— can be found ubiquitously in the art on ceramics, murals, and metal artifacts dating to the Early and Middle Moche periods (Donnan 2010). During the Late Moche Period, however, we see the discontinued use of these icons at many sites, and geometric designs became the dominant artistic form at Pampa Grande, Galindo and many sites in the Chicama, Santa and Chao Valleys (Johnson 2010; Lockard 2005, 2009; Pimentel and Paredes 2003). Nonetheless, some of the key Moche elements of the earlier periods were retained and redefined in the Late Moche iconography of San José de Moro in the Jequetepeque Valley (Castillo 2001). It is now apparent that these two artistic styles coexisted on the North Coast during the Late Moche Period and reflect the factionalization and increased autonomy of political centers during this time period. Several sites, such as Huaca Colorada, Pacatnamú, and San José de Moro, have yielded both ceramic styles, suggesting the formation of complex political ties across the Late Moche landscape (McClelland 1997; Swenson et al. 2010, 2011).

Despite the apparent absence of an overarching political structure, there are a number of aspects of Moche culture that seem to have been present throughout the North Coast. The Moche built monumental adobe pyramids that were the focal point of political and religious life. At Moche centers, there was a high degree of social stratification with elite exerting control over many aspects of society, including subsistence resources, state and religious media, and the production of wealth items (Shimada 1994a). These elites maintained their positions of power through elaborate religious displays and control over the production of the highest quality prestige goods (Shimada 1994a). The Moche did not have a two-tier commoner/elite social division, but rather had a multi-class society of at least four tiers (Millaire 2002). There was an extensive noble class that served as bureaucrats and religious officials. The middle class grew with time as centers became larger and more urbanized, and Moche cities became centers of interaction, production, and economic prosperity (Chapdelaine 2002; Johnson 2010; Shimada 1994a). Moche sites in the Jequetepeque Valley, however, lack clear evidence of increasing urbanization and a large middle class existed at San José de Moro from the Middle Moche Period onward (Castillo 2001; Del Carpio 2008).

Perspectives on the Moche are in the process of changing. Continued research has revealed that Moche political organization was exceptionally varied across both time and geographic space, with each valley following its own trajectory of social and political change (Bourget 2003; Castillo 2010; Castillo and Quilter 2010). The Moche occupation of the North Coast was “dynamic, multiethnic, and variable from one valley to the next” from its inception to its dissolution (Shimada 2010, 72). Archaeological evidence indicates that Moche was not an expansionist polity, but rather an attractive sociopolitical and religious ideology that was voluntarily adopted by local leaders and valley inhabitants throughout the North Coast. At different moments in time, each valley contained one or more complex chiefdoms or small states that were linked to the cultural pulse of the North Coast through a shared religion and intricate political networks (Shimada 1994b). The Jequetepeque Valley is a prime example of the complexities of generalizing cultural development across both time and geographic space, which is one of the reasons we have chosen to explore it in detail in this edited volume.

Although artistic styles varied throughout the different coastal valleys in the Moche territory, craft production became increasingly sophisticated through time and artifacts produced by the Moche share many elements of a common culture and art style. The culture is perhaps best known for their ceramics, which include three-dimensional naturalistic representations of humans and animals, as well as vessels decorated with images in low relief or fineline painting (Donnan 1992). The complex iconography displayed on these ceramic vessels provides insights into many facets of Moche life, including daily activities, craft production, warfare, and ritual (Donnan and McClelland 1999).

Moche Centers in the Jequetepeque In the Jequetepeque Valley, the Moche culture developed as an elite and ritual ideology centered on warfare, monumental construction, and conspicuous consumption. Through time, the material objects and cultural ideals of the elites were adopted and embraced by people of the other

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Introduction: State and Empire in the Jequetepeque Valley

similar to those found at La Mina and Dos Cabezas (Donnan 2006). Although it is currently unknown where the commoners buried at the site actually lived, the cemetery of Masanca likely played an important role in the construction and maintenance of group identity for the community burying there (Zori, this volume). By contrast, differentiation of family groups and display of individual status were relatively minimal at the site. Zori suggests that the cemetery as a whole may have served to legitimize community claims to agricultural land nearby. Perhaps the most impressive example of political centralization and the mobilization of resources during the Early and Middle Moche Periods is the site of Dos Cabezas, located in the southwestern portion of the valley at the delta of the Jequetepeque River. The large monumental settlement boasts a massive adobe pyramid and civic-ceremonial core surrounded by residential structures (Donnan 2007). Archaeological evidence suggests that Early Moche elites at the site derived much of their power from compelling and frequently violent rituals, including ceremonial decapitation. An adobe structure near the main pyramid yielded eighteen skulls with cut-marks on the cervical vertebrae, while another structure had a tomb containing a high-status individual holding a crescent-shaped tumi knife in his hand (Cordy-Collins 2001).

Figure 7: Moche sites in the Jequetepeque Valley

socioeconomic classes (Castillo and Quilter 2010). By the Middle and Late Moche periods, we see Moche-style ceramics and copper items found in cultural contexts of all degrees of wealth but the poorest (see e.g. Donley 2004, 2008; Donnan 1995; Donnan and McClelland 1997).

Dos Cabezas is also noteworthy for the elaborate burials of several unusually tall Moche individuals. These men were interred with stunning gilded copper and shellinlayed masks, weapons, and shields, while copies of the tombs were recreated in miniature adjacent to the principal chambers (Cordy-Collins 2003; Donnan 2001, 2007). Small copper figurines, thought to represent the primary individuals of the full-size tombs, may reflect an attempt to balance the abnormality of their condition by replicating the burial on a smaller scale (Donnan 2007). These elite tombs also contained elegant Early Moche pottery, including intricate vessels of the crested animal (Figure 8; Donnan 2007).

The Moche in the Jequetepeque were politically segmented in a nested hierarchy based around canals and agricultural land, with smaller and larger political entities linked by religion and culture and cyclically integrated through rituals at major centers like San José de Moro (Castillo 2010). This has led Luis Jaime Castillo to interpret the Moche of the Jequetepeque Valley as an “opportunistic state” characterized by centralization only under certain circumstances (Castillo 2010, 85).

The Middle Moche Period saw a significant expansion of the canal system, connecting the Jequetepeque and Chaman Rivers and opening up the northern section of the valley for cultivation and occupation (Castillo 2010). Several Middle Moche sites recently identified in the hilly region between the two rivers testify to the rapid settlement of this new landscape (del Carpio 2008). The two largest sites in the valley during this period were Pacatnamú and San José de Moro, although late dates at sites like Dos Cabezas indicate the continued occupation and importance of this Early Moche center.

The earliest evidence of Moche material culture in the Jequetepeque Valley, appearing around AD 300, has been found at the sites of La Mina, Masanca, and Dos Cabezas (Figure 7). La Mina contains domestic and mortuary remains dating to the Preceramic, Moche, and Chimú periods (Narváez 1994, 61-62). The Moche presence at the site is known through an elaborate, high-status burial that was excavated in a salvage operation in the late 1980’s after it was found by looters (Donnan 1990; Narváez 1994). The burial was a large chamber tomb containing five individuals interred with elaborate ceramic vessels and numerous ornaments of gold and silver.

As evidenced by the large number of ceremonial buildings at the site, as well as its long and continuous occupation, Pacatnamú was one of the most important settlements in the prehistoric Jequetepeque Valley (Donnan 1997a; papers in Donnan and Cock [eds] 1997; see our Figure 7). The most intensive Moche occupation at Pacatnamú was during

The cemetery site of Masanca is probably contemporary with the La Mina tomb. The 21 burials excavated there contained a population that used Moche style ceramics

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Ilana Johnson and Colleen M. Zori

and social status of the deceased. Adobe structures with remains of very large storage vessels used for chicha production have been found in several parts of the site (Delibes and Barragán 2008). Chicha, or corn beer, served as a daily staple and was used extensively in feasts and celebrations throughout the Andes (Delibes and Barragán 2008; Moore 1989). In addition to evidence for large scale chicha production, osteological analysis revealed that some of the bodies interred at the site were curated elsewhere and subsequently transported to San José de Moro (Nelson 1998). This suggests that the site served as a ritual pilgrimage center for groups living nearby, who came to the site to engage in feasting and celebration while interring their dead (Castillo 2001, 2003; Nelson 1998). The Middle Moche Period occupation at San José de Moro is known primarily from the excavation of numerous bootshaped tombs, found with moderate levels of grave goods (del Carpio 2008). A small number of low-status pit tombs and elite burials with elaborate sumptuary goods also date to this period (Donley 2004, 2008; Ruiz 2008; Ruiz et al. 2008). The boot-shaped tombs likely represent the middleclass inhabitants of the site or other settlements in the valley, as evidenced by the inclusion a few ceramics, copper artifacts, and other utilitarian items, such as spindle whorls, needles, knives, and lithics. Several of the vessels recovered from the boot-shaped tombs are identical to ceramics found at Pacatnamú, suggesting a common workshop for the production of Middle Moche finewares and socioeconomic links between the two sites during this period (del Carpio 2008). One elite burial contained over 200 ceramic vessels and a shell bead pectoral similar to those found at Sipán (Ruiz 2008; Ruiz et al. 2008).

Figure 8: Vessel depicting the crested animal found at Dos Cabezas (image courtesy of Christopher Donnan)

the Middle Moche Period and is associated with Phase III ceramics.3 During this period, the inhabitants constructed several adobe pyramids and occupied a large domestic settlement. Burials at Pacatnamú are exquisitely preserved and have allowed researchers to reconstruct the variety of mortuary practices employed by the residents and how these traditions reflected stratification, group membership, and other aspects of social identity (Donnan and McClelland 1997; see also Zori, this volume).

Archaeological data from San José de Moro attest to the increased wealth and prominence of this valley-polity during the Late Moche Period, as well what appears to be a greater disparity between the various social strata in Moche society. Simple pit tombs, in which members of the lower socioeconomic classes were interred, increased in frequency during this period (Donley 2004, 2008). These graves have limited to no grave goods and reflect a lack of coherence with the other burials in the cemetery, particularly in terms of orientation and groupings based on kinship. Zori (this volume) argues that these pit tombs do not constitute a “cemetery” in the same way as the chamber and bootshaped tombs at San José de Moro or the pit tombs found at the other Moche cemeteries at Masanca and Pacatnamú.

San José de Moro appears to have been an important ceremonial center for the population inhabiting the northern portion of the Jequetepeque Valley during both the Middle and Late Moche periods. The majority of excavations at the site have focused on an extensive cemetery zone surrounding a number of adobe huacas, many of which date to the Chimú period occupation of the site. Unfortunately, large portions of the site have been destroyed by agricultural activity, so it is difficult to determine the extent of the settlement or the degree of urban or residential habitation in the surrounding area (Luis Jaime Castillo, personal communication 2006).

During the Late Moche Period, the majority of tombs at San José de Moro were of upper-class individuals buried in boot-shaped graves with a range of high quality goods, including fineline ceramics (Castillo 2001, 315; del Carpio 2008). Individuals of the highest social echelon at San José de Moro were buried in adobe-lined chamber tombs. The site is probably best known for the elaborate chamber tombs of several women and a child, each of whom was buried with the paraphernalia traditionally associated with the Priestess of the Sacrifice Ceremony (Castillo 2008;

The bulk of the remains excavated at San José de Moro pertain to ritual activities and feasting in association with mortuary rites. In these ceremonies, tomb form, the burial goods included, and the positioning and spatial associations of the grave made important statements about the identity Although one Phase I Moche ceramic vessel has also been found at Pacatnamu, it was associated with a Late Moche tomb (UbbelohdeDoering 1967, 1983). 3

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Introduction: State and Empire in the Jequetepeque Valley

Donnan and Castillo 1994; Mauricio and Castro 2008). These tombs included individuals that had been sacrificed to accompany the primary occupant, as well as elaborate fineline vessels and ceramics from other polities both near and far, including groups from further south along the coast, such as Nivería, and highland cultures such as Cajamarca and Wari (Donnan and Castillo 1994; Castillo 2005). In addition, valuable goods, such as Spondylus shell, lapis lazuli, obsidian, and copper were mobilized through farreaching trade networks and interred in the opulent burials of the Priestesses (Donnan and Castillo 1994), attesting to the network of political and/or social connections that Moche leaders maintained with distant peoples. This expansion of political contacts also can be seen in numerous other aspects of Moche society during the Late Moche Period. The appearance of novel clothing styles, iconographic elements, musical instruments, and animal species—particularly the hairless dog— on the North Coast may be linked to economic ties established with groups to the north, including what is now Ecuador and perhaps even western Mexico (Cordy-Collins, this volume). Although these trade relationships first developed to bring higher quality and quantities of Spondylus shell to the Moche region for use in rituals and burials (Cordy-Collins 2001), they may have ultimately transformed aspects of Moche art and culture. Iconography on Late Moche fineline vessels found at San José de Moro demonstrates the profound alteration of Moche political and ritual beliefs that occurred at the transition between the Middle and Late periods. The Burial Theme became a central motif on Late Moche fineline vessels from San José de Moro (Donnan and McClelland 1979, 1999) and likely represents a new emphasis on elaborate mortuary rituals in which members of the larger valley community participated (Castillo et al. 1997). Archaeological and mortuary data lend support to this theory through the presence of abundant feasting remains (Delibes and Barragán 2008) and evidence of burial procession in the exterior decoration of the Priestess coffins (Christopher Donnan, personal communication 2006).

Figure 9: Moro-style fineline vessel depicting Wrinkle Face in a supernatural confrontation with various marine elements (image courtesy of Christopher Donnan)

Other important Late Moche centers in the Jequetepeque Valley include the monumental sites of Talambo and Huaca Colorada (Eling 1987; Swenson et al. 2010, 2011; Ubbelohde-Doering 1967). Talambo was a key settlement in the valley due to its strategic location at the valley neck. By this time, the Jequetepeque had already been divided into distinct territories, each associated with a different canal. The principle intakes of this irrigation system were located near Talambo, creating the potential for control over access to water for the entire valley (Castillo 2010; Shimada 1994a).

We also see a strong focus on marine themes at this time (McClelland 1990), which may coincide with a series of severe El Niño events that occurred at the transition from the Middle to Late Moche periods (Shimada et al. 1991). The Priestess is often featured very prominently in these images, shown riding in a reed boat, which has jars with ropes around the necks thought to symbolize prisoner capture. These depictions are related to the Warrior Narrative from earlier periods but represent a dramatic alteration of their meaning, with several key elements omitted and the setting shifted to the ocean (Figure 9; McClelland 1990). These depictions are echoed in the Priestess tombs, which have coffins that appeared similar to the boats in which the Priestesses were shown, and had copper cut-outs of jars with ropes on the necks attached to the sides (Donnan and Castillo 1994).

Recent excavations by Edward Swenson and John Warner at Huaca Colorada have revealed a large elite occupation at the site, indicating that it was the primary Late Moche center in the southern portion of the valley (Swenson et al. 2010, 2011). High-status architecture atop the huaca comprises multifunctional spaces where domestic, religious and political activities took place, including feasting, rituals, food storage, and craft production. The residents of the site also maintained wide-ranging regional political

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connections, as evidenced by a varied ceramic assemblage with vessels bearing iconography linked to San José de Moro, the Chicama Valley, and highland groups, such as the Cajamarca. Occupation at Pacatnamú continued into the Late Moche Period, although in a more limited fashion than in the preceding Middle Moche Period. Despite the relative proximity of the two sites, very few Moro-style ceramics have been found at Pacatnamú. Instead, Late Moche contexts at the site yielded ceramics similar to centers outside of the Jequetepeque Valley, such as Pampa Grande and Galindo. The nature of Late Moche occupation at the site remains unclear, but suggests that Pacatnamú and San José de Moro were autonomous political entities that coexisted in the Jequetepeque for hundreds of years and maintained distinct sets of political and economic ties with the adjacent coastal valleys. During the Late Moche Period, we also see an extensive and decentralized hinterland population living in small hamlets in the hills and plains of the northern portion of the valley. Sites like San Idelfonso and Portachuelo de Charcape were built at the edges of irrigable land in defensive locations, but maintained cultural ties with other Moche centers (Johnson 2008; Swenson 2004, 2008). The site of Portachuelo de Charcape had both Moro-style utilitarian and fineware ceramics (Johnson, this volume) and U-shaped adobe structures similar to models found in tombs at San José de Moro (Mauricio 2008; Swenson 2004), suggesting political and economic ties between hinterland and ceremonial sites. Nevertheless, communities in the Late Moche Period were choosing autonomy and forming small, self-sufficient settlements that were highly concerned with safety and protection (Castillo 2010), indicative of a rising level of factionalization and economic stress during the Late Moche Period (Johnson, this volume).

Figure 10: Stirrup spout vessel with Moche-style polychrome designs

A Period of Transition and Change

a powerful and enduring, although much changed, Priestess cult (Castillo 2001, 2008; Castillo and Wirtz 2003, Mauricio and Castro 2008). Elaborate female burials dating to the Transitional period contain unique artifact assemblages while simultaneously retaining elements characteristic of the Moche period, including the traditional form and orientation of the tombs, as well as niches, maquetas (architectural models; Mauricio and Castro 2008; McClelland 2010), and crisoles (small modeled jars; Bernuy and Bernal 2008; Rucabado 2008). This suggests that core elements of the Priestess phenomenon continued, although the particular details pertaining to art, and possibly religious practice, may have changed dramatically (Castillo and Wirtz 2003).

Towards the end of the Late Moche Period (ca. AD 750800), many of the urban Moche centers throughout the North Coast were abandoned. In some cases, such as Pampa Grande in the Lambayeque Valley, this was accompanied by violence, as evidenced by the selective torching of elite and administrative structures at the site (Shimada 1994a). Others, like Galindo in the Moche Valley, appear to have been abandoned rapidly but in relative peace (Bawden 1982; Lockard 2005, 2009). The dissolution of these urban centers is indicative of greater processes of political collapse on the North Coast, eventually leading to the alteration and ultimate disappearance of the Moche culture.

During this period in the Jequetepeque Valley, we see a distinctive combination of ceramic styles not found anywhere else in the region. Some Late Moche features remained, such as platform-rim ollas and face-neck jars, and new post-Moche styles arose, such as vessels incorporating both Moche and Wari elements and jars with faces on the body (Figure 10; Rucabado and Castillo 2003: 23). New

In the Jequetepeque Valley, this era of change is known as the Transitional period (AD 800-900), and is best known from the relatively uninterrupted occupational sequence at the site of San José de Moro. This site does not appear to have experienced the dramatic upheaval observed at other Moche centers, and ritual practices continued under

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Introduction: State and Empire in the Jequetepeque Valley

Figure 11: Double-spout-and-bridge vessel with polychrome designs in the Moche style

ceramic styles from contemporary highland polities played an increasingly large role in funerary contexts, including imported polychrome keros (drinking vessels; Castillo 2001a, 2008; Prieto et al. 2008) and Cajamarca bowls and spoons (Bernuy and Bernal 2008). The Cajamarca vessels were made of white clay with geometric decorations. Valley potters produced a local version of Cajamarca pottery known as Cajamarca Costeño that was molded out of reddish clay and then slipped in white clay (Bernuy and Bernal 2008). Similarly, numerous vessels display Wari artistic canons, such as red slip, chevrons, and the doublespout-and-bridge vessel form, but appear to have been manufactured locally (Figure 11; Donnan and McClelland 1999; Prieto et al. 2008).

Figure 12: Transitional and Lambayeque sites in the Jequetepeque Valley

inhabitants of the Jequetepeque Valley may have had to cope with the ingress of people from outside the valley during the Transitional period. The complexities of these relationships are reflected at the site of Cerro Chepen (Figure 12). Originally built during the Moche Period, this highly defensible site comprises a dense residential occupation along the northern slope and an elite sector encircled by an elaborate stonemasonry wall located in the uppermost portion of the site (Rosas Rintel 2010). Cerro Chepen’s high-status sector yielded a mixture of local and highland cultural elements, including Late Moche platform-rim ollas, Moche face-neck jars, highland forms such as keros and tazones, and Cajamarca-style fineware ceramics (Rosas Rintel 2007, 235). The presence of twostory architecture and highland-style masonry strongly suggests ethnic connections with the highlands, or possibly even population relocation, rather than simply political or economic ties (Rosas Rintel 2007, 2010).

Transitional ceramics in the Jequetepeque Valley also include artistic elements from northern and central coastal polities. Artistic features from the Lambayeque culture to the north were slowly adopted by the valley inhabitants, as seen in the conversion from the almond-shaped Moche eye to the dramatically pointed Lambayeque eye (Castillo 2008).4 In addition, black-ware vessels characteristic of the Sicán polity appear in tombs alongside Cajamarca and Transitional ceramics (Rucabado and Castillo 2003, 27). Vessel forms and artistic elements from the Casma polity of the central coast, such as a jar with a narrow neck and mold-impressed images on the body, also appear at this time, but are mixed with local Moche features. This style, termed Local Casma Impressed, also appears to have been produced by Jequetepeque Valley potters (Rucabado and Castillo 2003, 29)

The Transitional period was a time of dramatic change, as well as organic cultural development in the Jequetepeque Valley. The valley does not appear to have been united into a single centralized political entity, but was rather comprised of several independent polities with varying alliances with outside groups (Prieto 2009). Hinterland sites from the Late Moche and Transitional periods were frequently located in defensive positions and fortified, attesting to the social and political tension present at the time. During this period, local leaders in the valley strategically adopted practices and material culture from a variety of different groups as they seemed relevant or desirable (Bernuy and Bernal 2008). Several powerful polities surrounded the

In addition to the influx of new stylistic influences, the Although see Prieto (2010: 231), who suggests that rather than a gradual adoption of Lambayeque stylistic features, the “Lambayeque arrived in the Jequetepeque Valley as a stylistic unit and a consolidated political entity”. 4

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Jequetepeque Valley at this time and local leaders found themselves at the center of an expansive network of cultural contact and trade. Some settlements, such as Cerro Chepen, had ties to a single outside polity, while sites like San José de Moro appears to have maintained elaborate networks of connections with several powerful entities in the north and central coast and adjacent highlands.

Middle Sicán grave goods from the nearby site of Poma also contained exotic goods from outside the valley, such as lapis lazuli, pearls, emeralds, and cinnabar (Cleland and Shimada 1992). The end of the Middle Sicán Period was marked by large-scale burning and abandonment of the monumental adobe pyramids at Batán Grande and the almost complete disappearance of ideologically charged motifs such as the Sicán lord, and is contemporaneous with a severe 31-year drought and a major flood event (Shimada 1990). A similar pattern was found in the elite residential compound at San José de Moro, which indicates that the social turmoil affecting the Lambayeque Valley at this time also affected political enclaves in the Jequetepeque Valley (Prieto 2010). This suggests a fate similar to that of some earlier Moche centers, where inhabitants violently rejected the ruling hegemony and their associated iconographic images in times of environmental crisis (Shimada 1994a).

The Emergence of Lambayeque (Sicán) The subsequent period of cultural development in the Jequetepeque Valley was characterized by an attenuation of Wari and highland influence, and more extensive interaction within the sphere of the coastal Lambayeque polity, leading some valley communities to adopt Lambayeque-style architecture, pottery, and burial practices. The Sicán polity developed in the Lambayeque-La Leche Valley following the collapse of the Moche urban center of Pampa Grande around AD 800. Survey of the north bank of the Lambayeque drainage documented a fourtiered settlement hierarchy with a high degree of political integration and cultural continuity during the Middle Sicán Period (Tschauner 2001). Agricultural production intensified in the Lambayeque Valley during this period, as farm lands were expanded into previously uncultivated areas (Hayashida 2006). These data suggest that by the Middle Sicán Period, the Lambayeque Valley was home to a powerful, centralized polity. During its period of greatest fluorescence, the Sicán polity established political, economic, and religious connections over a 400 km stretch of the coast from the Chira Valley to the Chicama Valley (Shimada et al. 2004), although the precise nature of Sicán political organization and its relationship with communities in other valleys of the North Coast are still under debate (Conlee et al. 2004; Heyerdahl et al. 1995).

The subsequent Late Sicán polity was centered at El Purgatorio, or Túcume, located on the La Leche drainage, until it was conquered by the Chimú between AD 13601400 (Moore and Mackey 2008; Shimada et al. 2000). The site was built in a strategic location at the north end of the valley, and may represent the retrenchment of elite lineages into a more centralized and consolidated state (Shimada 2000). During this period, Late Sicán ceramics can be found as far north as Piura (Shimada 2000) and to the south in the Jequetepeque (Bernuy 2008; Prieto, this volume) and Chicama Valleys (Franco and Galvez 2005), but it remains unclear whether these are the result of trade networks or some degree of direct political control by the Late Sicán polity. Lambayeque Centers in the Jequetepeque

One of the most common icons associated with the Lambayeque culture is the Sicán lord. This image, along with other elements of the Middle Sicán artistic and architectural canon, can be seen throughout the northern North Coast, but is found primarily in high-status contexts such as religious structures and elite burials. The ubiquity and homogeneity of icons such as the Sicán lord and the widespread construction of Lambayeque-style monumental architecture underlines the central role that religion played in social and economic integration of new territories (Shimada et al. 2000, 30).

Although Lambayeque-style artifacts are found throughout the northern North Coast, it is difficult to ascertain the precise degree and nature of Sicán political control outside of the Lambayeque Valley. While some have suggested that Sicán was an expansionist state that directly conquered and subsequently ruled the Jequetepeque Valley (Castillo 2001; Prieto 2009, 2010), others argue that Lambayeque control over the valley was limited and that trade, kinship, and alliances likely played the most prominent roles in political interaction between communities in the two valleys (see Conlee et al. 2004; Shimada 1990). An extension of this view is advocated by Sapp in Chapter 6 of this volume. Sapp compares Lambayeque architecture and ceramic styles between the Jequetepeque and Lambayeque-Leche valleys, and argues for the development of a politically autonomous Lambayeque polity in the Jequetepeque Valley—the Lambayeque Sur—that engaged in extensive interactions with the Lambayeque Norte polity to the north. Sapp provides a timely, empirical re-assessment of the nature of the Lambayeque period political organization in the Jequetepeque Valley.

The Moche tradition of elaborate, high-status burials continued into the Lambayeque/Sicán period in the Lambayeque Valley. Tombs from the Lambayeque Valley contained large quantities of metal objects, including gold and tumbaga (an alloy of gold, silver and copper) head ornaments, gold feathers, a gold crown with “sockets” for the head ornaments, gold masks and earspools, shafts with tumi shaped ornaments at the end, and tunics with gold foil squares sewn to the front. Imported items include Spondylus shell and turquoise beaded bracelets (Shimada et al. 2000).

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sex profile, well-developed musculature, and prevalence of healed wounds, as well as the way in which they appear to have been brutally tortured and then executed and left exposed without formal burial, suggest that these individuals may have been enemy warriors who were captured and subsequently sacrificed (Verano 1986). This is supported by isotopic analysis of the bones, which documented that over half of the victims were not local to the valley and may therefore have been captives taken during battles between local inhabitants and forces from the Chimú heartland (Verano 2007: 108).

Lambayeque-style ceramics and architecture are found at several prominent sites in the Jequetepeque Valley, such as Pacatnamú, Farfán, La Mesa, and San José de Moro, as well as some smaller sites like Cabur, Ventanillas, Las Varas, and Pedregal (Figure 12). Prieto (2010) has also identified Lambayeque material correlates at San Idelfonso, Cerro Chepen, Huaca Las Estacas, Potrero de Santa Rosa, Cerro Calera, Huaca Mala, Huaca Rosa, Huaca Ventanilla, and El Salvador. Given the extent of Lambayeque influence on architectural and artistic styles in the Jequetepeque Valley during the Lambayeque period, some have suggested the direct political and cultural incorporation of the valley by the Sicán polity to the north (Prieto 2010).

By contrast, mainstream burial practices at Pacatnamú are consistent with Lambayeque mortuary patterns, in which individuals were interred in the flexed position with ceramics, copper objects, and textiles (Verano and Cordy-Collins 1986). One of the more elaborate rooms in the Huaca 1 Complex resembled a Chimú audencia and contained three sumptuous burial chambers with multiple interments (Bruce 1986). Three highly burnished blackware double-spout-and-bridge vessels were uncovered, as well as many colorful textile fragments. Several of the burials also contained miniature loincloths (Verano and Cordy-Collins 1986) in a style not found in South America until the end of the Moche period (Cordy-Collins, this volume).

La Mesa, a truncated pyramid at the site of Dos Cabezas, and Huaca las Estacas, found just to the northwest of San José de Moro, appear to have been the primary Lambayeque-affiliated sites during the Early and Middle Lambayeque periods (Figure 12). In the Late Lambayeque Period, after some form of sociopolitical turmoil resulting in the selective burning of an elite Lambayeque residence at San José de Moro, the seat of ritual and civic authority shifted to Pacatnamú, which became the largest and most important Lambayeque center in the valley (Donnan 1986a; Prieto 2009, 2010). Some fifty platform mounds in the Lambayeque style were constructed at the site. The most prominent architectural feature at the site was the Huaca 1 Complex, comprised of Huaca 1 and adjoining courtyards, the East Pyramid, and the Major Quadrangle, which was made up of smaller rooms, corridors, and courtyards (Donnan 1986a). The restricted access, monumental scale, and architectural elaboration of this compound, coupled with the altars and open courtyard spaces, suggest that the activities carried out here were largely ceremonial. Numerous other huaca complexes of similar grandeur have been identified at Pacatnamú (Donnan 1986a).

The site of Farfán, located in a strategic position at the crossroads of the main north-south route along the coast and the eastern road to the highlands, was first built and occupied during the Lambayeque period and may have filled a complementary administrative role to the primarily ritual functioning of Pacatnamú (Mackey 2006, this volume). Three large Lambayeque-style compounds were built during this period. The presence of residential architecture, a ceramic workshop, and a large cemetery suggests a large supporting population of laborers lived at the site. The ceramic workshop produced ring-based bowls typical of the Lambayeque style, and which are found associated primarily with middle status burials at the site and elsewhere in the valley (Mackey 2006).

Notwithstanding the primarily ritual nature of the monumental architecture at the site, Lambayeque period Pacatnamú had an extensive domestic occupation. Elites resided in formally-organized adobe compounds, while commoners built dwellings of adobe and quincha (cane and plaster) walls attached to cobble foundations (Gumerman 1991). Faunal and botanical remains demonstrate additional class differences in access to certain types of food: higher status residents enjoyed greater access to camelid meat, coca, and spices, such as aji peppers, while the commoners relied more heavily on corn and wild collected foods (Gumerman 1991).

Lambayeque period burial contexts at Farfán contain individuals in both extended and flexed positions with offerings of ceramics and food. The highest status burials at the site were in the extended position and contained fineware Lambayeque pottery and copper tumi knives (Mackey 2006, this volume). Typical botanical offerings included cooked beans, beans and maize, or maize and small fish (Cutright 2005, 2009, this volume). Ollas were the most common vessel type to be included in the mortuary contexts, and were the only type of vessel that contained food remains. These ollas were simply decorated with a band or white paint on the neck and paleteada designs on the sides and base (Cutright 2005). Ceramic bowls also increased in importance during the Lambayeque period at Farfán. The bowls typically had a ring base or taller pedestal base and were decorated simply with white or red paint on the rim (Cutright 2009).

The Lambayeque occupation of Pacatnamú is also characterized by the construction of several massive defensive walls and trenches, suggesting a desire to restrict access to the city and/or protect it from outside aggressors (Donnan 1986b). Fourteen young males, found with ropes binding their ankles and stab wounds or fractures to their skulls, ribs, vertebrae, pelvis and limbs, were deposited in the deep defensive trench just outside the entrance to the Huaca 1 Complex (Verano 1986, 2007). Their age/

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quadrangular compounds that likely date to the Late Lambayeque Period are located in the pampa separating Pacatnamú and Farfán (Cutright 2009). The site of Pedregal consists of a large residential area, two small platform mounds, and a cemetery. Lambayeque ceramics were found in looted tombs from the cemetery and adobe brick seriation of the two platform mounds show that they were first built during the Late Lambayeque Period, although occupation continued into the Chimú and Chimú-Inka periods (Cutright 2009). Large quantities of serving ceramics and dense botanical remains indicate that feasting activities occurred around the platform mounds. This suggests that, like the local lords at sites like Cabur, leaders of communities like Pedregal enjoyed a certain amount of political and religious autonomy (Cutright 2009).

Although the nature of Sicán political control at the site of San José de Moro during the Lambayeque period is still under debate, there is clear evidence for the adoption of Lambayeque cultural elements by the site’s inhabitants. Feasting and other ritual activities appear to have taken place at a Lambayeque-style elite residence, while 60 tombs at the site contain Early, Middle and Late Lambayeque ceramics (Bernuy 2008; Prieto 2009, 2010). Indications of status differences and both social and ethnic identities can be observed within the mortuary population. Approximately half of the burials were in the seated and flexed position, while the remainder followed the earlier Moche practice of extended dorsal burials. A number of the burials also showed evidence of bi-lobed cranial deformation, suggesting a desire by some inhabitants to visibly mark ethnic affiliation during life (Prieto 2009, 261). Several high-status female interments have been excavated, each of which contained artifacts associated with textile production, such as spindle whorls and needles, as well as high quality ceramics, metal masks, rattles, beaded necklaces, and Spondylus shell (Bernuy 2008; see also Nelson et al. 2000). It is tempting to see these women as the Lambayeque heiresses of the earlier Priestess cult at the site, suggesting that the Lambayeque leaders in the Jequetepeque Valley kept the position and symbolism of the Priestess, albeit with somewhat diminished power and autonomy, for political purposes (Prieto 2010).

Experiencing Empire in the Jequetepeque The Late Intermediate Period and Late Horizon saw the Jequetepeque Valley come under the direct political control of imperial powers based outside of the valley for the first time in its history. Both the Chimú and the Inka were drawn by the valley’s considerable agricultural potential and dense population, as well as its strategic location and economic ties to the highlands. Nonetheless, the two empires differed in the strategies applied in their efforts to incorporate the valley’s communities into their respective imperial structures.

The site of Cabur was home to successive Lambayequeaffiliated lords who built and remodeled a series of elite domestic compounds during the Lambayeque, Chimú, and Chimú-Inka periods (Sapp 2002, this volume). The site contained a prominent Huaca Quadrangle, similar to those of Pacatnamú, characterized by a single baffled entry indicative of highly restricted access. The site also contained a large Ceremonial Precinct where the rulers likely held public events and rituals. A large kitchen facility in the West Quadrangle suggests the production of food and beverages on a large scale for feasts and other events sponsored by the elites (Sapp 2002). Cabur is located near two prominent irrigation canals, and the rulers may have derived some of their authority from controlling access to this valuable resource (Sapp 2002).

The Chimú empire conquered the Jequetepeque Valley in one of its earliest waves of expansion, shifting the seat of power in the valley from the Lambayeque center of Pacatnamú to that of Farfán by the early 14th century. The Chimú governed the valley using a combination of direct rule via imperial officials located at Farfán and other administrative centers, and indirect rule under the aegis of local valley lords. Inhabitants of the Jequetepeque would have experienced domination by this outside polity to varying degrees and in a diversity of ways, but were certainly not passive in these interactions, and papers in this volume provide insights into the myriad relationships that existed between imperial officials, valley elites, and local communities. Prieto’s work examines the production of chicha at the site of San José de Moro and its role in events of state-sponsored hospitality (Chapter 7). At the outlying site of Cerro Serrano, Swenson traces the transformation of a Chimú-affiliated lord’s private residence into a more public ritual platform, documenting the continued autonomy of valley communities in the production and use of ritual spaces, even under imperial rule (Chapter 8). In the first half of her paper, Mackey analyzes the relationship between imperial officials and Lambayeque-affiliated local elites at the site of Farfán to address the nature of Chimú rule, arguing that the Lambayeque were systematically excluded from governance at the site (Chapter 9).

Hinterland sites from the middle portion of the valley also attest to the complexity of sociopolitical organization during this time period. The up-valley site of Las Varas was occupied around 1000 AD, just following the Transitional period, as evidenced by the presence of both Cajamarca Costeña and Lambayeque pottery (Tsai 2007). Although these are both coastal ceramic styles, the settlement has highland-style stone construction and circular cist tombs not typically found on the coast, indicative of clear ethnic ties to highland communities. Las Varas was situated in a key location between highland and coastal centers and likely represents a highland enclave settled to facilitate trade between these groups (Tsai 2007, 49).

Chimú consolidation and rule of the Jequetepeque set the stage for conquest by the Inka empire, which occurred sometime around AD 1470. Traditional views of the Inka

A number of small residential sites, cemeteries, and

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Introduction: State and Empire in the Jequetepeque Valley

administration of the North Coast posit that the Inka merely eliminated the top levels of Chimú administration and ruled indirectly through the intact echelon of valley-level elites, with minimal impact on extant social or economic structures (D’Altroy 2002; Hyslop 1984, 1990; Netherly 1990; Ramírez 1990; Rowe 1948). Recent research— some of which is presented here—has begun revising this interpretation. In the second half of her paper, Mackey (Chapter 9) presents evidence that the Inka had a direct presence in the valley and ruled from the co-opted Chimú center of Farfán, where imperial policy incorporated indigenous Lambayeque elites into the administration and perhaps even encouraged the persistence of the Lambayeque ethnic identity. In Chapter 10, Levine examines the nature of ceramic production in the Jequetepeque during the Late Horizon, arguing that hybrid Chimú-Inka style vessels were manufactured by specialized craftspeople using local technologies for use in state-sanctioned contexts at Farfán. Finally, Kremkau documents the penetration of Inka influence in Late Horizon sites outside of the primary administrative centers, even those maintaining outward appearances of local architecture and organization (Chapter 11).

local architectural elements in Chimú sites and structures— or the reverse: inclusion of Chimú structural features in provincial centers or hinterland sites (see Swenson, this volume)— is used to argue for a range of different relationships in which local factions had greater autonomy and share in governance. Provincial centers are also frequently compared to Chan Chan on the basis of evidence for storage capacity and craft production, evaluating the economic activities in the provinces in relation to those of the imperial capital. Following in this tradition, analysis of the Chimú occupation of the Jequetepeque Valley can best be understood when juxtaposed against the imperial capital of Chan Chan and the other centers of Chimú rule in the provinces, including Manchán in the Casma Valley and Túcume in the Lambayeque Valley. The 6 km2 urban core of Chan Chan is visually dominated by ten monumental rectangular palace compounds, known as ciudadelas, each built by successive imperial rulers. Encircled entirely by adobe walls as tall as 10 m in height and entered through a single baffled entryway, ciudadelas were divided into three increasingly restricted sections that include entry courts, large plazas served by adjacent kitchens, administrative and storage areas, and walk-in wells. All but one of the ciudadelas contains a large adobe platform mound that served as a tomb and mortuary monument to the individual Chimú ruler after death (Conrad 1982; Pillsbury and Leonard 2004). Internal plazas were important loci of feasting and ritual activities, but the high compound walls and limited entrances indicate that both physical and visual access to the festivities was strictly controlled (Moore 1996, 2004). Each ciudadela incorporated extensive storage facilities, where agricultural produce, non-perishable staples, raw materials, and crafted prestige goods extracted as tribute would have been stored. Bureaucratic activities and oversight of these storage facilities took place in U-shaped structures with niched walls known as audiencias (Andrews 1974; Day 1982; Klymyshyn 1987; Mackey 1987; but see also Moore 1992; Topic 2003). These structures are a key hallmark of Chimú administration and political authority in outlying provincial sites (Mackey 1987).

Chimú Conquest and Imperial Rule on the North Coast Coalescing out of the fragmented political landscape left behind in the wake of Moche collapse, the Chimú began to extend political control out of the Moche Valley in several phases of conquest beginning around AD 1300. The fourtiered administrative hierarchy of their empire eventually encompassed the vast area between the Leche and Casma valleys, with Chimú influence extending to the north of Piura and as far south as the Chillón Valley (see Figure 1). Although this was the first time that the northern coastal valleys had been incorporated under a single administrative hierarchy, communities in each valley experienced different manifestations of Chimú authority. Imperial efforts aimed primarily at maximizing control over human labor, agricultural lands, irrigation systems, and prehistoric roads and trade routes were tempered by factors such as the pre-existing sociopolitical organization and degree of local resistance or accommodation in each valley, creating distinct constellations of Chimú rule throughout the North Coast (Mackey 2009).

Chan Chan’s ciudadelas are surrounded by a number of smaller rectilinear compounds that were occupied by the non-royal Chimú elite. Following many of the architectural conventions of the royal ciudadelas, they differ primarily in their smaller scale and absence of a funerary mound (Klymyshyn 1982). The elite that occupied these structures likely played important administrative roles, most probably in overseeing craft production carried out by the city’s commoner populace. Chan Chan is unique among Chimú centers for the immense scale at which utilitarian and prestige craft goods were produced, as well as its extensive storage facilities, both of which testify to the highly centralized nature of the Chimú imperial economy.

In combination with other lines of evidence, archaeologists have frequently relied on architectural analysis to investigate the nature Chimú provincial rule and the relationships between local communities and the empire (see e.g. Keatinge and Conrad 1983; Mackey 1987, 2003, 2006, 2009, 2010a; Mackey and Klymyshyn 1990; Swenson 2004, 2007; Tschauner 2001). The paramount center of Chan Chan serves as a model for the archetypal features of Chimú imperial architecture. The direct imposition of Chan Chan-like architectural layouts and features is frequently interpreted as a similarly direct imposition of imperial rule, carried out by representatives from the Chimú heartland (see Mackey, this volume). By contrast, incorporation of

Early construction at the paramount center of Chan Chan and the consolidation of control over the Moche Valley

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directed almost exclusively at the extraction of agricultural resources. This is embodied most clearly by the site of Quebrada Santa Cristina, an agricultural camp built by the Chimú to house laborers responsible for constructing and farming some 439 ha of raised fields near the mouth of the valley (Moore 1988, 1991). Although some of the maize was used to brew chicha subsequently consumed at events of state-sponsored hospitality at Manchan (Mackey 2009; Moore 1989; see also Prieto, this volume), the small amount of storage at the center suggests that the majority of the valley’s agricultural surplus was directed back towards the capital of Chan Chan. Expansion of the Chimú empire northwards to incorporate the Lambayeque polity did not take place until sometime between AD 1360-1400, decades after the Chimú established control over the Jequetepeque and Zaña valleys. Although there considerable conflict between the Lambayeque and Chimú polities in the intervening period (Cieza de León 1984 [1553]), political relationships appear to have normalized by the time that the Chimú annexed the Lambayeque and Leche valleys (Mackey 2010b). This is suggested by the negotiated character of the Chimú occupation at the paramount Lambayeque center of Túcume. There, local Lambayeque elites continued to occupy the majority of the site’s platform mounds, while the Chimú presence was limited primarily to the remodeling of a compound atop the largest of these mounds to resemble a ciudadela (Narváez 1995). Sandweiss and Narváez (1995, 192) view this structure as “a synthesis of Chimú and Lambayeque forms. Chimú architects apparently combined imperial Chimú design concepts with the Lambayeque pattern of high platforms to display power in the local idiom”. Although a small burial mound indicates that the Chimú administrator was of the royal lineage, it does not appear that the Chimú constructed any audiencias in their Túcume ciudadela (Mackey 2009). As suggested by Conlee and colleagues (2004, 217), “[a]fter so many years of détente with this northern North Coast region, the Chimú may have placated local rulers at Túcume by not using overt political symbols”.

Figure 13: Lambayeque style vessel from La Mesa (image courtesy of Christopher Donnan)

heartland began concurrently between AD 900 and 1000, with suzerainty over the adjacent Chicama and Virú valleys established by AD 1200 (Collier 1955; Moore and Mackey 2008; Topic 1990). Just over a century later, expansionist aspirations motivated the Chimú to extend political and economic control to more distant areas of the coast. After campaigning to the north and annexing the Jequetepeque and Zaña valleys by AD 1320 (see below), the Chimú empire began to expand southwards. The Casma Valley was incorporated by AD 1350, when the Chimú established the intrusive secondary administrative center of Manchan at the juncture of the primary north-south coastal road and an important route into the Ancash highlands.5 This 63 ha site incorporates elite architecture of both Chimú and local styles, which has been used to argue that elites of the Casma polity were involved in jointly ruling the valley alongside the Chimú governors (Conlee et al. 2004; Mackey 2009; Mackey and Klymyshyn 1990). Five freestanding rectangular compounds exhibit strong similarities to Chan Chan’s ciudadelas, although the absence of a burial platform suggests that it was administered by non-royal Chimú officials (Mackey 1987, 2009; Mackey and Klymyshyn 1990). Elites of the Casma polity constructed a number of agglutinated rectilinear enclosures following local architectural traditions adjacent those of the Chimú administrators.

By contrast, more explicit statements of Chimú control were documented by Tschauner (2001) on the north bank of the Lambayeque Valley, where the dominance of imperial authority was physically and visually manifest in the construction of several ciudadela-like compounds on a hilltop above the pre-existing Lambayeque center of Pátapo. The comparatively autocratic nature of the imposed Chimú rule at Pátapo is underlined by the construction of a number of audiencias within these compounds. Tschauner (2001, 114) suggests that at this site at least, “Chimú ‘indirect rule’ may have been more akin to holding the paramount local lords hostage and under close scrutiny”. Beyond this and other intermediate centers, however, the local settlement structure was left largely intact and Chimú imperial policies carried out via the hierarchy of the valley’s indigenous elites.

Chimú interference in the political, economic, and settlement systems of the Casma Valley was minimal and Oddly, although it is presumed that the Chimú exerted at least some degree of political control in these valleys, there is currently no evidence for the establishment of Chimú administrative centers in the intervening valleys of Chao, Santa, and Nepeña (Moore and Mackey 2008: 792; see Figure 14 in Pillsbury and Leonard 2004). 5

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Introduction: State and Empire in the Jequetepeque Valley

The Chimú in the Jequetepeque Valley

Plazas likely served as forums for ceremonies and events of state-sponsored hospitality, although, as at Chan Chan, attendance was likely restricted and closely controlled. Hosting such feasts appears to have been a primary function of the Chimú administrators, given that there is little evidence for long-term storage, crafting, or other productive activities that would have demanded Chimú oversight (Mackey 2006, 2009). Two of the compounds include a funerary platform, suggesting that the site was governed by royal Chimú administrators.

Ethnohistoric sources, including the Historia Anónima of Trujillo [1604] and Antonio Calancha (1977 [1638]), indicate that Chimú conquest of the Jequetepeque Valley was undertaken by the military leader Pacatnamú at the direction of Ñançenpinco, the Chimú emperor and grandson of the founder of the ruling dynasty. This conquest likely took place by AD 1320 (Mackey 2009), after which General Pacatnamú was reportedly installed as the local regional governor at a site subsequently identified as Farfán (Conrad 1990; Keatinge and Conrad 1983; Mackey 2003). The fierceness of local opposition to the imposition of Chimú political control chronicled in the ethnohistoric documents is corroborated archaeologically by fortifications and spent slingstones at the sites of Talambo and Cerro Faclo, but the Jequetepequeños were defeated in the end (Topic 1990, 186-7). Dillehay and Kolata suggest that the fragmentation and internal conflicts characteristic of the post-Moche sociopolitical landscape may have precluded the valley population from mounting a unified campaign of resistance (2004, 4329; see also Castillo 2001; Dillehay 2001).

Although it was previously believed that occupation of Farfán dated exclusively to the Chimú period (Keatinge and Conrad 1983), recent investigations have revealed that the site was first used as an administrative center by the Lambayeque polity during the early Late Intermediate Period before being taken over by the Chimú around AD 1320 (see above and Mackey 2003, 2006, 2009, 2010a, this volume). In the first half of Chapter 9, Mackey details the Lambayeque occupation at Farfán and then analyzes the significant architectural modifications and shifts in burial practices and material culture that occurred as Farfán changed political hands from the Lambayeque to the Chimú. Imperial appropriation of the site was apparently quite violent, as suggested by the fact that the Chimú razed the Lambayeque compounds to the ground and built their own imperial style structures atop these foundations, after first depositing a number of Lambayeque-affiliated females who had been sacrificed (Mackey 2009, this volume).

Given the availability of rich agricultural land in the Jequetepeque Valley system, it is not surprising that Chimú imperial rule was aimed at expanding, integrating, and managing the valley’s agricultural infrastructure of canals and field systems, as well as the requisite human labor (Conlee et al. 2004; Cutright 2009, 2010; Dillehay and Kolata 2004; Mackey 2006). An additional goal of Chimú conquest may have been to assume control of economic interactions with highland groups that were channeled through the Jequetepeque Valley. These relationships would have been critical in gaining access to the raw materials— copper, silver, gold, and camelid fiber— necessary for the imperial prestige goods economy based at Chan Chan (Mackey 2009; Shimada 1995). The Chimú accomplished these goals by developing a centralized administrative hierarchy with direct imperial rule at Farfán and a number of subordinate intermediate centers, coupled with indirect rule by local leaders at the valley’s smaller centers, creating a mosaic of imperial control and local autonomy throughout the valley (Mackey 2009; Swenson 2004).

Mackey goes on to demonstrate that local elites of the Lambayeque ethnic identity were then systematically excluded from governance at Farfán during the Chimú occupation, a strategy that contrasts markedly with the policy of joint rule with local elites employed by the empire in the Casma and Lambayeque valleys (Mackey 2009, 2010b, this volume). Meanwhile, local lords in at least some outlying centers in the Jequetepeque, such as Cabur (Sapp 2002, this volume), maintained a relatively high degree of autonomy and persisted in their use of Lambayeque styles of architecture, mortuary customs, and ceramics. Mackey suggests numerous factors that may account for the perpetuation of this ethnic identity throughout the Late Intermediate Period. These include a sense of lingering animosity in the wake of the brutal conquest of the valley, continued ties between valley elites and the Lambayeque polity to the north, and the Chimú policy of leaving local lords in power in outlying communities.

The Chimú chose the site of Farfán for their principle center in the Jequetepeque Valley, in part because it was strategically positioned to control the extensive agricultural fields in the northwestern sector of the valley and because it was located at the crossroads of the primary north-south coastal road and a key route to the highlands of Cajamarca (Conlee et al. 2004; Keatinge and Conrad 1983; Mackey 2006, 2009). Of the three secondary centers —Manchan, Túcume, and Farfán— below Chan Chan in the Chimú administrative hierarchy, Farfán displays the greatest architectural similarities to the imperial capital. Three large adobe-walled compounds show the tripartite division of space typical of Chan Chan’s ciudadelas, and contain plazas, a walk-in well, and audiencias in association with a modest number of storage facilities (Mackey 2006, 2009).

Outside of Farfán, the Chimú established a number of intermediate administrative centers, integrating and centralizing the Jequetepeque Valley to a degree that the inhabitants had never before experienced (Dillehay and Kolata 2004; Mackey 2009). Rather than founding completely new administrative sites, the Chimú instead constructed one or more imperial-style compounds at a number of important settlements with pre-existing occupations, sites that were likely the centers of the various valley polities whose origins date back to at least the Moche

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influence and authority over local labor, and that, with the exception of Farfán, Chimú rule in the Jequetepeque Valley was probably realized in conjunction with valley elites at intermediate-level administrative sites. Sponsorship of communal work-party feasts featuring the consumption of prodigious quantities of chicha was likely an important component in Chimú efforts to extract agricultural surplus in the provinces (Mackey 2009; Moore 1989; Pozorski 1982). Chicha also played a role in more exclusive feasts vital in the negotiation and on-going maintenance of relationships between imperial lords and the local elites responsible for enacting Chimú policies outside of the primary imperial centers. In Chapter 7 of this volume, Prieto presents the excavation of a specialized chicha production facility at San José de Moro, the residential counterpart to the administrative Algarrobal de Moro during the Chimú period. The detailed documentation of the architectural spaces of this facility and its many in situ tools and vessels provides invaluable insights into the spatial organization, technology, and ritual associations of chicha manufacture in the Late Intermediate Period. Equally importantly, Prieto also tackles the significant roles of this chicha in the imperial political economy, arguing that at least some of the massive quantities of alcoholic drink produced here was at the behest of the Chimú administration and subsequently consumed in state-sponsored feasting activities conducted at the Algarrobal de Moro.

Figure 14: Chimú and Chimú-Inka sites in the Jequetepeque Valley

period (see Castillo 2010, and above). Those that have been investigated archaeologically include Talambo, Tecapa, and the San José de Moro/Algorrobal de Moro complex (Figure 14; Keatinge and Conrad 1983; Mackey 2004; Swenson 2004; Ubbelohde-Doering 1963; Warner 2010).

Outside of the valley’s major centers, smaller communities in the Jequetepeque Valley retained a considerably degree of independence, although life in the hinterlands was not unaffected by the incorporation of the valley into the Chimú empire (Cutright 2009, 2010; Swenson 2004, 2007). As in the larger administrative sites, architectural spaces of these outlying settlements remained critical arenas for daily social, political, and ritual interactions that would have taken place largely outside of the purview of Chimú authority but which nonetheless referenced the new sociopolitical dynamics created by imperial rule. In Chapter 8 of this volume, Swenson documents a series of architectural transformations of a mound structure at the site of Cerro Serrano that took place during the Late Intermediate Period. In the earliest phase of construction, buildings atop the platform mound served as the private residence of a local lord, whose high status and affiliation with the imperial Chimú is signified by a number of Chimú architectural features, including baffled entryways and pilastered doorways. In subsequent events of architectural renovation, however, the residence was covered over and transformed into a terraced mound strongly reminiscent of local traditions of ritual architecture dating to earlier periods in the valley. Swenson’s study provides important insights into the role of social memory and architectural remodeling in local responses to Chimú domination, and suggests that the inhabitants of Cerro Serrano and other outlying settlements in the valley retained a considerable degree of autonomy in the production of ritual spaces and

As the Jequetepeque Valley polities were defined in respect to the valley’s canals and the lands that they irrigated (Cock 1986; Netherly 1984), the co-option of these particular sites further reflects Chimú interest in controlling agricultural production in the valley. Talambo’s position at the valley neck, overlooking the intake point for the Talambo Canal responsible for watering the entire northeastern sector of the valley, provided strategic control over a large portion of the valley’s water supply (Keatinge and Conrad 1983). Tecapa, located in the southern portion of the valley system (Figure 14), was ideally positioned to exert control over the canal delivering water to the Pampa Mojucape and to take advantage of pre-existing irrigation and field systems that had been abandoned after the Moche collapse (Warner 2010). The Chimú complex at the Algorrobal de Moro appears to be one of the last Chimú sites established in the valley, some 150 years after Farfán, with the principle goal of expanding Chimú control over the surrounding field systems in the northeastern sector of the valley (Mackey 2004). In contrast to Farfán, the Chimú compounds at the outlying administrative sites typically incorporate local architectural features, construction techniques and/or building materials (Swenson 2004; Ubbelohde-Doering 1963; Warner 2010). The accommodation of local architectural traditions suggests that valley elites retained some degree of political

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indirect rule necessarily meant little Inka presence or impact on coastal societies. A brief review of archaeological evidence for changes in settlement patterns, architecture, and economic activities in the Moche/Chicama and Lambayeque valleys during the Late Horizon provides comparative data pivotal to understanding the impacts of Inka conquest in the Jequetepeque Valley (see below).

concomitant social and political ideologies, even when under Chimú rule. The complexities of the relationships between Jequetepeque Valley elites and communities and the officials representing the Chimú empire had little more than a century and a half to play out before the valley was conquered yet again. This time—and for the first time— the people of the Jequetepeque Valley came under the control of a polity originating in the Andean highlands: the Inka.

In the heartland of the former Chimú empire, the Inka appear to have made significant changes aimed at decentralizing Chimú political and economic clout (Netherly 1988; Ramírez 1996). Chan Chan was reduced to a shadow of its former self when the Inka relocated thousands of the city’s skilled artisans to other regions of the empire, including the Titicaca Basin, Cuzco, and Machu Picchu (Pease 1982; Rowe 1982; Salazar 2007). Further diverting control away from the Chimú capital, the Inka founded the new administrative site of Chiquitoy Viejo, some 25 km from Chan Chan in the Chicama Valley. Located directly on the coastal trunk road of the Qhapaq Ñan, or imperial road system, officials at this site were responsible for monitoring shipments of high-status tribute goods in transit towards Cuzco (Conrad 1977). Although the large, high-walled rectangular compound at this site clearly reflects the influence of Chimú architectural canons, including a burial platform and U-shaped structures reminiscent of audiencias, this compound represents a departure from earlier traditions and was neither wholly coastal or Inka in style. Meanwhile, excavations at El Brujo in the Chicama Valley indicate that the power of local lords increased in the Late Horizon relative to their prior position under the Chimú, most likely through the sponsorship of craft production that had previously been the prerogative of imperial elites based at Chan Chan (Tate 2006). At both Chiquitoy Viejo and El Brujo, the majority of the ceramics, textiles, and other artifact continued to be produced in the local Chimú styles, although locallymanufactured Inka ceramics or those combining Inka and Chimú features indicate that Inka incorporation also had important impacts on craft production and artistic style during the Late Horizon (Conrad 1977; Tate 2006).

The North Coast under Inka Rule The Inka state emerged in the Cuzco basin of the central Andes towards the end of the 1300’s, and developed into one of the world’s largest empires over the course of the next 150 years (Bauer 1992; Covey 2003, 2006, 2008). By the time of Spanish conquest in AD 1532, the Inka had extended their political control across 4,000 km of western South America, incorporating the distinct environmental zones of the Pacific coast, the Andean highlands, and the Amazonian jungle under a single political entity for the first time in South American prehistory. The Inka ruled over some 11-14 million subjects, integrating countless ethnic groups and polities of different levels of sociopolitical complexity (D’Altroy 2002; Hyslop 1990). The Chimú empire represented the most sophisticated and geographically extensive power encountered by the Inka. Conquest of Chinchasuyu, the northwestern quadrant of the Inka’s vast territory that encompassed the valleys of Peru’s north coast under Chimú control, was conducted under Thupa Inka Yupanki in the middle- to late-15th century. Ethnohistoric sources provide somewhat conflicting accounts of the precise sequence of events in these military campaigns (see e.g. Davies 1995, 65-72 for comparison of various ethnohistoric sources; Rowe 1948), although it appears multiple assaults were mounted on the Chimú empire before its eventual downfall around AD 1470. Subjugation of the Cajamarca polity, a key Chimú economic partner in the highlands, appears to have been a factor in the Inka victory, as were subsequent threats to cut off vital irrigation water to the coastal valleys (Cabello 1951 [1586], 320-1; Rowe 1948). After an attempted rebellion, the Chimú emperor, Minchançaman, was taken to Cuzco as a royal hostage, and his son installed as a puppet king ruling in the name of the Inka (Rowe 1948, 45). The coastal valleys, once united under Chimú control, were broken down into smaller administrative units along the lines of pre-exiting hierarchies of local lords, who were then responsible for the organization of labor and collection of tribute to be passed along to the new imperial overlords from Cuzco.

Inka rule on the northern North Coast manifests in a manner distinct from that observed in the Moche and Chicama valleys. In contrast to Chan Chan, Túcume continued to be occupied during the Late Horizon, and Sandweiss and Narváez (1995, 193) suggest that investment in monumental construction may have been even greater during this period than under Chimú rule. Inka administration at Túcume was likely carried out directly by one or more imperial officials, who occupied the compound atop Huaca Larga that had originally been modified by the Chimú (Narváez 1995). Huaca Larga also appears to have served as an acllawasi, or house for the imperial Chosen Women responsible for producing chicha and textiles for use in political and ceremonial interactions with local elites and subjects (Sandweiss and Narváez 1995, 194; Toyne 2002). The identification of Inka shaft tombs at the site further suggests that a contingent of imperial officials resided,

This strategy of replacing the leadership at the top of the administrative hierarchy, while leaving intact the lower links in the chain of command, was a key feature of Inka administrative policy on the North Coast (Netherly 1988; Ramírez 1996). New research throughout the region, however, has begun to challenge the assumption that

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and were subsequently buried, at the site. Even under Inka rule, however, local Lambayeque lords retained a significant degree of power alongside the Inka administrators and continued to inhabit the majority of the platform mounds at the site and at centers throughout the valley (Hayashida 1999, 2006; Sandweiss and Narváez 1995; Shimada 1981). Although the lower levels of administration were left in the hands of local elites, the Inka nonetheless wrought significant changes in economic activities on the northern North Coast. In her analysis of canals and field systems in the Pampa de Chaparrí, Hayashida (2006) suggests that the Inka followed their Chimú predecessors in controlling and intensifying agricultural production in the region. At the crossroads of several important routes in the area, the Inka established a small tampu, or way-station site, which controlled access to the irrigated lands nearby and further served to monitor traffic on these roads (see also Kremkau, this volume). Although local architecture was used at the site, an unusually high percentage of the serving and storage wares were Inka or Chimú-Inka in design. Much of this pottery was probably manufactured locally in the valley at the behest of the empire (see also Levine, this volume). Production of several Inka vessel forms alongside local style ceramics has been documented at the sites of Tambo Real and La Viña, Inka-built tampus located directly on the coastal trunk road that also served administrative functions (Hayashida 1999). The Inka also assumed control over the production of copper at the metallurgical site of Cerro Huaringa (Epstein 1993; Shimada et al. 1982).

Figure 15: Blackware Provincial Inka style goblet from Cemetery J at Farfán (drawing by Jorge Gamboa, courtesy of Carol Mackey)

but its location in a smaller plaza with more limited access suggests that overt messages of control were not part of the Inka strategy at Farfán. Although ethnic Inka officials probably occupied the top tiers of the site’s decision-making hierarchy, Mackey (this volume) uses architectural features, construction techniques, and mortuary data to argue that the Inka administration also strategically incorporated local elites who had maintained their Lambayeque ethnic identity through the period when they had been excluded from Chimú governance at Farfán. Preference for elites of Lambayeque ethnic affiliation occurred at the expense of those more closely tied to the Chimú empire, possibly because of the significant Chimú resistance mounted against incorporation by the Inka. Additional Inka policies, such as the mandate for local populations to maintain their style of dress and the practice of leaving local elites in power outside of the major centers, may have further bolstered the preservation of Lambayeque ethnic identity in the valley throughout the Late Horizon (Mackey, this volume).

The Inka in the Jequetepeque Valley As with the other valleys on the North Coast, the Jequetepeque Valley underwent significant sociopolitical and economic transformations during the Late Horizon that belie the supposedly indirect nature of Inka imperial rule there. Recent investigations have established that the valley was directly administered by representatives of the Inka empire residing at Farfán, in part because the site was strategically located to funnel vital agricultural and coastal products towards the Inka center of Cajamarca in the highlands (Mackey 2010b). Imperial policies of the Inka resulted in important changes in the political, ritual, and economic activities carried out at Farfán (Mackey 2003, 2006, 2010a, this volume). Earlier Chimú compounds were remodeled into residences for at least three tiers of administrators, using a style that Mackey has described as “conciliatory or diplomatic architecture” (Mackey 2003). Distinct from both coastal and imperial antecedents, this nonetheless monumental and impressive architecture served Inka purposes while simultaneously placating powerful local elites that may have been otherwise alienated by the imposition of foreign imperial architecture (Mackey 2010a). The construction of an ushnu, a stepped platform of political and ceremonial function frequently found in the plazas of Inka provincial centers, does convey the ultimate hegemony of Inka civic and ritual authority,

Local Lambayeque lords appear to have been responsible for overseeing various forms of craft production at Farfán, which, in contrast with the Chimú period, constituted a significant component of the Inka occupation of the site. Excavation of numerous women interred with quantities of weaving tools suggests that, similar to Túcume, the site may have had a resident population of acllakuna (Mackey 2010a, 2010b). These women would have produced textiles and chicha integral to the events of state-sponsored hospitality hosted at Farfán. The fact that these fetes took place in large open plazas indicates that they were significantly more

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inclusive than those held by the Chimú (see also Moore 1996). Enormous ceramic vessels, produced in a portion of the site under apparent Lambayeque control and providing further evidence of the crafting activities that took place at the site under the Inka, would have stored chicha used in these commensal events.

that occurred in the hinterlands when the valley was incorporated into the empire. Kremkau (2010) documents the establishment of numerous new settlements in the Chaman drainage of the valley, an area where the Inka promoted the expansion of agricultural production into areas not formerly under cultivation. These may have served as state farms, possibly supplying the Cajamarca center in the highlands (see Ramírez 199, 523). In Chapter 11 of this volume, Kremkau describes one of these Late Horizon settlements—Sitio 46— in detail. Although architectural style and material culture were notably local in character, Kremkau makes the argument that the site was part of the imperial infrastructure in the valley, serving as a tampu responsible for monitoring the movement of people and providing support to travelers along a road through the northern portion of the valley. With this case study, Kremkau raises the intriguing possibility that the relative sparseness of Inka material culture in the valley is not the product of the empire’s indirect approach to rule, but rather a conscious strategy to mask Inka presence while still accomplishing imperial goals. He further illustrates the attention to detail and analysis at a valley-wide scale necessary to identify the role of local communities in carrying out the policies implemented by the Inka to consolidate their control over the North Coast.

Both Provincial Inka and hybrid Chimú-Inka ceramics have been found in significant quantities in residential and mortuary contexts at Farfán (Figure 15). In Chapter 10, Levine uses a sample of Chimú-Inka vessels drawn from two different types of state-sanctioned burial contexts at Farfán to address the production and subsequent consumption of pottery during the Late Horizon. Standardization within the Farfán sample suggests that the monkey effigy vessels were produced by specialized craftspeople, probably under the sponsorship of the Inka state. These artisans used local techniques and technology in manufacturing ceramics of this hybrid Chimú and Inka style. As noted by Mackey (2010a, 237), “acceptance of some Chimú stylistic and technological traits may reflect Inka diplomatic strategy, or… the Inkas may have found it cost effective to continue using Chimú ceramic forms and technology since to do so required little retraining of potters”. These Chimú-Inka vessels were subsequently interred with the acllakuna, as well as in the tombs of mid-level bureaucrats, which speaks to the role of these vessels in ceremonies of both ritual and political significance. Comparison of formal attributes between the Farfán assemblage and a sample of similar vessels from Túcume confirms that, as has been observed for imperial Inka style ceramics in other provincial areas (Costin 1986; D’Altroy and Bishop 1990), vessels of hybrid local/imperial styles were also produced and subsequently consumed primarily within the individual valleys where they were produced. Additional studies of ceramic production in the valley, including a workshop at Cañoncillo (Tecapa) (Donnan 1997b), suggest that a limited repertoire of purely Inka-style vessels were produced at workshops alongside those of the Chimú style.

As with the Chimú, the Inka were fated to have but a short tenure in the Jequetepeque Valley. Although their hold over the North Coast appears to have been stronger than previously believed, the Inka were not able to withstand the successive waves of incursion by Old World diseases and finally Europeans themselves. However dramatic the political, social and demographic transitions brought about in the Colonial Period, it is perhaps not surprising that many of the political divisions instituted by the Spaniards also appear to follow those established earlier in the valley’s history (Cock 1986). Indigenous leaders and communities in the valley used whatever means at their disposal—including the Spanish legal system—to assert their claims to lands, water, and other resources, with the lasting legacy of the Chimú and Inka conquests that the valley inhabitants were far from novices in dealing with outside political powers.

Outside of Farfán, the Inka appear to have made a number of architectural modifications appropriating the authority of the intermediate level Chimú administrative centers. This is best illustrated at the Algorrobal de Moro, where the Chimú audiencias were sealed up by the Inka, and new administrative quarters constructed (Mackey 2004). Trapezoidal niches and gabled roofs, classic attributes of Inka architectural style, have additionally been identified at the site of Tecapa (Warner 2010; see also Dillehay, this volume, his Figure 1). Like the Chimú before them, however, the Inka did little to interfere with the autonomy of the local lords at the smaller valley centers. Elites at Cabur, for instance, appear to have continued in their use of Lambayeque material culture, architectural styles, and ritual traditions throughout the Late Horizon (Sapp 2002).

Conclusions The prehispanic Jequetepeque Valley constituted an important crossroads, both geographically and culturally, between valleys of the northern and southern North Coast and between the highlands and the coast. The final millennium of the valley’s prehistory bore witness to the successive influence of numerous outside political entities: the Moche and Chimú to the south, the Lambayeque to the north, Cajamarca to the east, and finally the Inka of the southern central highlands. The Jequetepeque Valley is therefore a linchpin in constructing a holistic understanding of the development and functioning of states and empires in this region, and by extension, the Andes in general.

Although Inka material culture is relatively scarce at outlying sites in the Jequetepeque Valley, recent studies have shed light on a number of important transformations

Almost a century of archaeological research in the valley,

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Medio. In L. J. Castillo, H. Bernier, G. Lockard, and J. Rucabado (eds.) Arqueología Mochica Nuevos Enfoques: Actas del primero congreso internacional de jóvenes investigadores de la cultura Moche, pp. 67-80. Fondo Editorial, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, Lima. Instituto Francés de Estudios Andinos, Lima. Billman, B. and Huckleberry, G. 2008. Deciphering the Politics of Prehistoric El Niño Events on the North Coast of Peru. In D. H. Sandweiss and J. Quilter (eds.) El Niño, Catastrophism, and Culture Change in Ancient America, 101-128. Dumbarton Oaks, Washington DC. Bourget, S. 2003. Somos diferentes: dinámica ocupacional del sitio Castillo de Huancaco, valle de Virú. In S. Uceda and E. Mujica (eds.) Moche: Hacia el final del milenio, Volume 2, 245-268. Universidad Nacional de Trujillo, Perú. Bruce, S. L. 1986. The Audencia Room of Huaca 1 Complex. In C. B. Donnan and G. Cock (eds.) The Pacatnamú Papers Volume 1, 95-108. Fowler Museum of Cultural History, University of California, Los Angeles. Burger, R. 1976. The Moche Sources of Archaism in Chimú Ceramics. Ñawpa Pacha 14, 94-108. Burger, R. 1996. Chavín and the Origins of Andean Civilization, Thames and Hudson, London. Cabello Balboa, M. 1951[1586]. Miscelánea Antártica. Instituto de Etnología, Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, Lima. Calancha, A. de la. 1977[1638]. Crónica Moralizada (4 vols.). Ignacio Prado Pastor, Lima. Cane M. A. 1983. Oceanographic Events during El Niño. Science, 222, 1189-1195. Cane M. A. 1986. El Niño. Annual Review of Earth and Planetary Sciences, 14, 43-70. Castillo, L. J. 1993. Prácticas funerarias, poder y ideología en la sociedad Moche Tardía: El Proyecto Arqueología San José de Moro. Gaceta Arqueología Andina VII(23), 67-82. Castillo, L. J. 2000a. La Presencia de Wari en San José de Moro. In P. Kaulicke and W. Isbell (eds.) Hauri y Tiwanaku: Modelos vs. evidencias, 143-179. Boletín de Arqueología PUCP 4. Fondo Editorial de la Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, Lima Castillo, L. J. 2000b. Los rituales mochica de la muerte. In K. Makowski, R. Burger, H. Silverman, S. Uceda Castillo, L. J. Castillo Butters, M. Curatola Petrocchi, L. Salazar, G. Lau and J.Rucabado Yong (eds.) Los dioses del antiguo Perú, 103-135. Banco de Crédito del Perú, Lima. Castillo, L. J. 2001. The Last of the Mochicas: A View from the Jequetepeque Valley. In J. Pillsbury (ed.) Moche Art and Archaeology in Ancient Peru, 307- 332. Yale University Press, New Haven. Castillo, L. J. 2005. Burial Practices from the Transitional Period in San José de Moro. Paper presented at the 45th Annual Meeting of the Institute of Andean Studies, Berkeley, California. Castillo, L. J. 2008. Powerful Women: All the Priestesses from San José de Moro. Paper presented at the 49th

however, has made it increasingly clear that the sequence and nature of these cultural changes were neither uniform nor homogeneous across the many communities of the Jequetepeque drainage. The case studies presented in this volume highlight the diversity of local social and political processes at work in the valley and how such forces mingled with those from outside the valley to manifest in the material signatures of every-day life. These articles tackle numerous issues germane to the study of ancient states and empires, across a number of different categories of data and scales of analysis. By re-evaluating previous research and adding to the corpus of primary data, the contributions in this volume support, challenge, and add nuance to current models of the transformations accompanying the transition from state to empire in the Jequetepeque Valley. Acknowledgements: The authors wish to thank all of the archaeologists who have devoted their time and energy to exploring the Jequetepeque Valley throughout the previous century and into the present one, contributing to our increasingly detailed understanding of sociopolitical developments in the region. This volume would never have come to fruition if not for the mentorship and generosity of Charles Stanish, Christopher Donnan, and Luis Jaime Castillo. We are especially thankful for comments and recommendations on earlier drafts of this introduction by Chris Donnan, Carol Mackey, and Gabriel Prieto Burméster. We would also like express our gratitude to all of the participants for their meticulous and fascinating research. Works Cited Alva, W. 1986. Cerámica Temprana en el Valle de Jequetepeque, Norte del Perú. Materialien zu Allgemeinen und Vergleichenden Archaeologie, 32. KAVA, Bonn. Andrews, A. P. 1974. The U-Shaped Structures at Chan Chan. Journal of Field Archaeology 1(3/4), 241-264. Bauer, B. 1992. The Development of the Inca State. University of Texas Press, Austin. Bawden, G. L. 1982. Galindo: A Study in Cultural Transmission during the Middle Horizon. In M. Moseley and K. Day (eds.) Chan Chan: Andean Desert City, 285320. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque. Bennett, W. C. 1939. Archaeology of the North coast of Peru: An account of exploration and excavation in Viru and Lambayeque valleys. American Museum of Natural History, New York. Bernuy Quiroga, J. 2008. El periodo Lambayeque en San José de Moro: patrones funerarios y naturaleza de la ocupación. In L. J. Castillo, H. Bernier, G. Lockard, and J. Rucabado (eds.) Arqueología Mochica Nuevos Enfoques: Actas del primero congreso internacional de jóvenes investigadores de la cultura Moche, 53-66. Fondo Editorial, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, Lima. Instituto Francés de Estudios Andinos, Lima. Bernuy Quiroga, K. and Bernal Rodríguez, V. 2008. La tradición Cajamarca en San José de Moro: una evidencia de interacción interregional durante el Horizonte

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Dynastic History of Chimor. In M. E. Moseley and A. Cordy-Collins (eds.) The Northern Dynasties: Kingship and Statecraft in Chimor, 227–242. Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C. Cordy-Collins, A. 2001. Labretted Ladies: Foreign Women in Northern Moche and Lambayeque Art. In J. Pillsbury (ed.) Moche Art and Archaeology in Ancient Peru, 247257. Yale University Press, New Haven. Cordy-Collins, A. 2003. Five Cases of Prehistoric Peruvian Gigantism: Mummies in a New Millennium. In N. Lynnerup, C. Andreasen, and J. Berglund (eds.) Proceedings of the 4th World Congress of Mummy Studies. Greenland National Museum and Archives. Costin, C. L. 1986. From Chiefdom to Empire State: Ceramic Economy among the Prehispanic Wanka of Highland Peru. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of California, Los Angeles. Covey, R. A. 2003. A Processual Study of Inka State Formation. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 22, 333-357. Covey, R. A. 2006. How the Inkas Built Their Heartland: State Formation and the Innovation of Imperial Strategies in the Sacred Valley, Peru. The University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor. Covey, R. A. 2008. The Inca Empire. In H. Silverman and W. Isbell (eds.) Handbook of South American Archaeology, 809-830. Springer, New York. Cutright, R. 2005. Food for the Dead, Cuisine of the Living: Mortuary Food Offerings from Pacatnamú and Farfán, Jequetepeque Valley, Perú. Unpublished M.A. thesis, Department of Anthropology, University of Pittsburgh. Cutright, R. 2009. Between the Kitchen and the State: Domestic Practice and Chimú Expansion in the Jequetepeque Valley, Peru. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of Pittsburgh. Cutright, R. 2010. Food, Family, and Empire: Relating Political and Domestic Change in the Jequetepeque Hinterland. In R. Cutright, E. López-Hurtado, and A. Martín (eds.) Comparative Perspectives on the Archaeology of Coastal South America, 27-44. University of Pittsburgh Memoirs in Latin American Archaeology, Pittsburgh. D’Altroy, T. 2002. The Inca. Blackwell Publishers, Malden, MA. D’Altroy, T. and Bishop, R. L. 1990. The Provincial Organization of Inka Ceramic Production. Latin American Antiquity 55(1), 120-138. Davies, N. 1995. The Incas. The University of Colorado Press, Boulder. Day, K. 1982. Ciudadelas: their form and function. In M. Moseley and K. Day (eds.) Chan Chan: Andean Desert City, 55–66. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque. Del Carpio, M. 2008. La ocupación Mochica Medio en San José de Moro. In L. J. Castillo, H. Bernier, G. Lockard, and J. Rucabado (eds.) Arqueología Mochica Nuevos Enfoques: Actas del primero congreso internacional

Annual Meetings of the Institute of Andean Studies, Berkeley. Castillo, L. J. 2010. Moche Politics in the Jequetepeque Valley. In J. Quilter and L. J. Castillo B., (eds.) New Perspectives on Moche Political Organization, 83-109. Dumbarton Oaks, Washington D.C. Castillo B., L. J. and Donnan, C. B. 1994. Los Mochica del norte y los Mochica del sur, In K. Makowski (ed.) Vicús, 143-181. Colección Arte y Tesoros del Perú, Lima. Castillo, L. J. and Quilter, J. 2010. Many Moche Models: An Overview of Past and Current Theories and Research on Moche Political Organization. In J. Quilter and L. J. Castillo B., (eds.) New Perspectives on Moche Political Organization, 1-16. Dumbarton Oaks, Washington D.C. Castillo, L. J. and Quilter, J. (eds.) 2010. New Perspectives on Moche Political Organization. Dumbarton Oaks, Washington D.C. Castillo, L. J., Nelson, A. and Nelson, C. 1997. Maquetas Mochicas de San José de Moro. Arkinka, 2(22), 120-128. Castillo, L. J. and Wirtz, S. 2003. Ten Years of Excavation at San José de Moro. Paper presented at the 43rd Annual Meetings of the Institute of Andean Studies, Berkeley, California. Chapdelaine, C. 2002. Out in the Streets of Moche: Urbanism and Sociopolitical Organization at a Moche IV Urban Center. In W. Isbell and H. Silverman (eds.) Andean Archaeology I: Variations in Sociopolitical Complexity, 53-88. Springer Science and Business Media, New York Chauchat, C. 1992. Préhistoire de la Côte Nord du Pérou: Le Paijánien de Cupisnique. CNRS Editions, Paris. Cieza de Léon, P. 1998[1553]. The Discovery and Conquest of Peru. Translated by Alexandra Parma Cook and Noble David Cook. Duke University Press, Durham, NC. Cleland, K. M. and Shimada, I. 1992. Sicán Bottles: Marking Time in the Peruvian Bronze Age: A Five-Part Typology and Seriation. Andean Past, 3, 193-235. Cock, G. 1986. Power and Wealth in the Jequetepeque Valley during the Sixteenth Century. In C. B. Donnan and G. Cock (eds.) The Pacatnamú Papers Volume 1, 171-180. Museum of Cultural History, University of California, Los Angeles. Collier, D. 1955. Cultural Chronology and Change as Reflected in the Ceramics of the Virú Valley, Peru. Fieldiana: Anthropology Vol. 43. Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago. Conlee, C. A., Dulanto, J., Mackey C. and Stanish, C. 2004. Late Prehispanic Sociopolitical Complexity. In H. Silverman, (ed.) Andean Archaeology, 209-236. Blackwell Publishing, Malden, MA. Conrad, G. W. 1977. Chiquitoy Viejo: An Inka Administrative Center in the Chicama Valley, Peru. Journal of Field Archaeology 4(1), 1-18. Conrad, G. W. 1982. The Burial Platforms of Chan Chan: Some Social and Political Implications. In M. Moseley and K. Day (eds.) Chan Chan: Andean Desert City, 87117. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque, NM. Conrad, G. W. 1990. Farfán, General Pacatnamú, and the

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Salazar, L. 2007. Machu Picchu’s Silent Majority: A Consideration of the Inka Cemeteries. In R. Burger, C. Morris and R. Matos Mendieta (eds.) Variations in the Expression of Inka Power, 165-183. Dumbarton Oaks, Washington D.C. Salazar-Burger, L. and Burger, R. 1983. La araña en la iconografía del Horizonte Temprano en la costa norte del Perú. Beitrage zur Allgemeinen und Vergleichenden Archaeologogie 4, 213-253. Sandweiss, D. H. and Narváez, A.. 1995. Túcume Past. In T. Heyerdahl, D. H. Sandweiss and A. Narváez (eds.) Pyramids of Túcume: The Quest for Peru’s Forgotten City, 190-198. Thames and Hudson, New York. Sandweiss, D. H. and Quilter, J. 2008. Climate, Catastrophe, and Culture in the Ancient Americas. In D. H. Sandweiss and J. Quilter (eds.) El Niño, Catastrophism, and Culture Change in Ancient America, 1-11. Dumbarton Oaks, Washington DC. Sapp, W. D., III. 2002. The Impact of Imperial Conquest at the Palace of a Local Lord in the Jequetepeque Valley, Northern Peru. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of California, Los Angeles. Shimada, I. 1981. The Batán Grande-La Leche Archaeological Project: the First Two Seasons. Journal of Field Archaeology 8(4), 405-446. Shimada, I. 1990. Cultural Continuities and Discontinuities on the Northern North Coast of Peru, Middle-Late Horizons. In M. E. Moseley and A. Cordy-Collins (eds.) The Northern Dynasties: Kingship and Statecraft in Chimor, 297-392. Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C. Shimada, I. 1994a. Pampa Grande and the Mochica Culture. University of Texas Press, Austin. Shimada, I. 1994b. Los modelos de la organización sociopolitical de la cultura Moche: Nuevos datos y persectiva. In S. Uceda and E. Mujica (eds.) Moche: Propuestas y perspectivas. Actas del Primer Coloquio sobre la Cultura Moche (Trujillo, 12 al 16 de abril de 1993), Travaux de l’Institute Français d’Etudes Andines 79, 359-387. Universidad de La Libertad - Trujillo, Instituto Francés de Estudios Andinos and Asociación Peruana para el Fomento de las Ciencias Sociales, Lima. Shimada, I. 1995. Cultura Sicán: Dios, riqueza, y poder en la costa norte del Perú. Fundación del Banco Continental para el Fomento de la Educación y la Cultura, Lima. Shimada, I. 2000. The Late Prehispanic Coastal States. In L. Minelli (ed.) The Inca World: The Development of Pre-Columbian Peru AD 1000-1534, 49-110. University of Oklahoma Press, Norman. Shimada, I. 2010. Rethinking the Data, Approaches, and Models. In J. Quilter and L. J. Castillo (eds.) New Perspectives on Moche Political Organization, 70-82. Dumbarton Oaks, Washington D.C. Shimada, I., Epstein, S. and Craig, A. 1982. Batán Grande: A Prehistoric Metallurgical Center in Peru. Science 216(4549), 953-959. Shimada, I., Griffin, J. A., and Gordus, A. 2000. The Technology, Iconography and Social Significance of Metals: A Multi-Dimensional Analysis of Middle Sicán

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Objects. In C. McEwan (ed.) Precolombian Gold: Technology, Style, and Iconography, 28-61. Shimada, I. and Maguiña, A. 1994. Nueva visión sobre la cultura gallinazo y su relación con la cultura moche. In S. Uceda and E. Mujica (eds.) Moche: Propuestas y perspectivas. Actas del Primer Coloquio sobre la Cultura Moche (Trujillo, 12 al 16 de abril de 1993), Travaux de l’Institute Français d’Etudes Andines 79, 31-58. Universidad de La Libertad - Trujillo, Instituto Francés de Estudios Andinos and Asociación Peruana para el Fomento de las Ciencias Sociales, Lima. Shimada, I., Schaaf, C. B., Thompson, L. G. and Moseley Thompson, E. 1991. Cultural Impacts of Severe Droughts in the Prehistoric Andes: Application of a 1,500-Year Ice Core Precipitation Record. World Archaeology, 22(3), 247-270. Shimada, I., Shinoda, K., Farnum, J., Corruccini, R. and Watanabe, H.. 2004. An Integrated Analysis of PreHispanic Mortuary Practices: A Middle Sicán Case Study. Current Anthropology 45, 3. Strong, W. D. and Evans Jr., C. 1952. Cultural Stratigraphy in the Viru Valley, Northern Peru: The Formative and Florescent Epochs. Columbia Studies in Archaeology and Ethnology, Vol. 4. Columbia University Press, New York. Swenson, E. 2004. Ritual and Power in the Urban Hinterland: Religious Pluralism and Political Decentralization in the Late Moche Jequetepeque, Peru. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of Chicago. Swenson, E. 2007. Local ideological strategies and the politics of ritual space in the Chimú Empire. Archaeological Dialogues 14(1), 61-90. Swenson, E. 2008. San Ildefonso and the popularization of Moche ideology in the Jequetepeque Valley. In L. J. Castillo, H. Bernier, G. Lockard, and J. Rucabado (eds.) Arqueología Mochica Nuevos Enfoques: Actas del primero congreso internacional de jóvenes investigadores de la cultura Moche, 411-432. Fondo Editorial, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, Lima. Instituto Francés de Estudios Andinos, Lima. Swenson, E., Chiguala, J. and Warner, J. 2010. Proyecto Arqueologico Jatanca - Huaca Colorada: Informe Final de la Temporada de Investigacion 2009. Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Peru. Swenson, E., Chiguala, J. and Warner, J. 2011. Proyecto Arqueologico Jatanca - Huaca Colorada: Informe Final de la Temporada de Investigacion 2010. Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Peru. Tate, J. 2006. The Late Horizon Occupation of the El Brujo Site Complex, Chicama Valley, Peru. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of California, Santa Barbara. Tellenbach, M. 1986. Die Ausgrabungen in der Forativzeitlichen Siedlung Montegrande, Jequetepeque TalNord-Peru/Las excavaciones en el asentamiento formativo de Monte Grande, valle del Jequetepeque en el Norte del Perú. Verlag C. H. Beck: Munich.

Topic, J. 2003. From Stewards to Bureaucrats: Architecture and Information Flow at Chan Chan, Peru. Latin American Antiquity 14 (3), 243–274. Topic, T. L. 1990. Territorial Expansion and the Kingdom of Chimor. In M. E. Moseley and A. Cordy-Collins (eds.) The Northern Dynasties: Kingship and Statecraft in Chimor, 177–194. Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C. Toyne, J. M. 2002. Tales Woven in their Bones: The Osteological Examination of the Human Skeletal Remains from the Stone Temple at Tucúme, Peru. Unpublished PhD dissertation, The University of Western Ontario, London, Ontario. Tsai, H. 2007. Proyecto Arqueológico Las Varas: Informe Preliminar de Excavaciones, Temporada 2006. Report submitted to the Instituto Nacional de Cultura. Tschauner, H. 2001. Socioeconomic and Political Organization in the Late Prehispanic Lambayeque Sphere, Northern North Coast of Peru. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Department of Anthropology, Harvard University. Tsurumi, E. 2008. La secuencia cronológica de los centros ceremonials de la Pampa de las Hamacas y Tembladera, valle medio de Jequetepeque. Boletín Arqueologíca PUCP, No. 12: El Periodo Formativo: enfoques y evidencias recientes. Cincuenta años de la Misión Arqueológica Japonesa y su vigencia. Primer parte, 141-170. Ubbelohde-Doering, H. 1951. Ceramic Comparisons of Two North Coast Peruvian Valleys. In S. Tax (ed.) The Civilizations of Ancient America, 224-231. Ubbelohde-Doering, H. 1967. On the Royal Highways of the Inca. Thames and Hudson, London. Ubbelohde-Doering, H. 1983. Vorspanische Gräber von Pacatnamú, Nordperu. Materialien zur Allgemeinen und Vergleichenden Archäologie. Band 26, Munich. Verano, J. 1986. A Mass Burial of Mutilated Individuals at Pacatnamú. In C. B. Donnan and G. Cock (eds.) The Pacatnamú Papers Volume 1, 85-94. Fowler Museum of Cultural History, University of California, Los Angeles. Verano, J. 2007. Conflict and Conquest in Pre-hispanic Andean South America: Archaeological Evidence from Northern Coastal Peru. In Latin American Indigenous Warfare and Ritual Violence, edited by R. Chacon and R. Mendoza, pp. 105-115. The University of Arizona Press, Tucson. Verano, J. and Cordy-Collins, A. 1986. H1M1: A Late Intermediate period Mortuary Structure at Pacatnamú In C. B. Donnan and G. Cock (eds.) The Pacatnamú Papers Volume 1, 117-138. Fowler Museum of Cultural History, University of California, Los Angeles. Warner, J. 2010. Interpreting the Architectonics of Power and Memory at the Late Formative Center of Jatanca, Jequetepeque Valley, Peru. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, College of Arts and Sciences, University of Kentucky.

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Chapter 2 Social Roles of Cemeteries in the Jequetepeque Valley System

Colleen M. Zori

University of California, Los Angeles Choice of burial location is a fundamental component of mortuary practice, and has important implications for the deceased individual, as well as the surviving members of the family and the community as a whole. The present study focuses on three collections of tombs from the Jequetepeque Valley, excavated at the sites of Masanka, Pacatnamu, and San José de Moro. I begin by defining a “cemetery”, focusing on four key components: 1) a designated burial area, 2) some degree of internal order, 3) family influence over grave location, and 4) community ritual activity that has meaning within the specific cultural tradition. I then characterize the social roles of cemeteries in prehistoric cultures, particularly in defining group membership, structuring and reinforcing social organization, and ensuring access to resources such as land and water. By examining whether and to what degree the burials at Masanka, Pacatnamu, and San José de Moro conform to the characteristics in the definition of a cemetery, I show that the categorization has potential for illuminating the culturally and temporally variable functions of cemeteries. Finally, I argue that some burials from the site of San José de Moro represent individuals that were not included in formal cemeteries. This interpretation does not necessarily signify that the individuals were purposefully excluded from interment in a cemetery, but suggests that these burials are unlikely to have played an active role in the ritualization of group identity, horizontal or vertical social organization, or claims to agricultural resources.

defining group membership, structuring and reinforcing social organization, and ensuring access to resources such as land and water. By examining whether and to what degree the burials at Masanka, Pacatnamu, and San José de Moro conform to the characteristics in the definition of a cemetery, I show that the categorization has potential for illuminating how mortuary ritual acted to delineate social groups and claim access to resources in the valley system. Finally, I argue that some burials from the site of San José de Moro represent individuals that were not included in a formal cemetery. This interpretation does not necessarily signify that the individuals were purposefully excluded from interment in a cemetery, but suggests that these burials are unlikely to have played an active role in the ritualization of group identity, horizontal or vertical social organization, or claims to agricultural resources.

Moche period burials in the Jequetepeque Valley display a degree of variability that has not been documented in the other valleys of Peru’s north coast. Tomb form is one facet of this diversity. In addition to the pit tombs and chamber tombs observed in other valleys in the Moche cultural sphere, burial assemblages in the Jequetepeque Valley system include the unique boot-shaped tomb form. Other distinctive interments include those of several unusually tall individuals at Dos Cabezas, who were buried in lavish chamber tombs paired with miniature tombs replicating the layout and artifact content of the larger tombs nearby (Cordy-Collins 2006; Donnan 2001, 2003, 2007). Tomb location is another aspect of the Moche interments in the valley that displays variability, with burials found within and around ritual architecture (huacas), in cemeteries associated with settlements, in isolated cemeteries with no habitation apparent in the immediate area, and in production areas. Despite the apparent diversity in tomb form and location, however, the inhabitants of the valley system clearly shared a common mortuary tradition. This is evidenced by the interment of almost all individuals in the extended supine position with copper in the mouth and/or hands, features common to Moche burials throughout the north coast.

Defining a ‘Cemetery’ and its Archaeological Correlates As noted by J. Kolbuszewski (1995; cited in Rugg 2000, 261), not every place of burial is a cemetery. This is related, in part, to the variable ways that the living members of a community relate to their dead (see for example Blom and Janusek 2004; Charles and Buikstra 2002; Chidester 1988; Hastorf 2003; Morris 1987, 1991; Thomas 2000).

The present study focuses on three collections of tombs, excavated at the sites of Masanka, Pacatnamu, and San José de Moro (Figure 1). These sites span several centuries of the Moche occupation in the Jequetepeque Valley system, and encompass much of the formal and locational diversity represented in Moche burials there. I begin by defining a ‘cemetery’. I then characterize the social roles of cemeteries in prehistoric cultures, particularly in

The concept of a ‘cemetery’ has been explored by a number of scholars (see e.g. Goldstein 1981; Patterson 2006; Saxe 1971), but the current discussion will employ a specific definition proposed by Julie Rugg (2000). Rugg (2000, 260) defines cemeteries as ‘specifically demarcated sites of burial, with an ordered internal layout that is conducive both

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Figure 1. Map of Chaman and Jequetepeque valleys, showing location of sites

to families claiming control over their grave spaces, and to the conducting of what might be deemed by the community as appropriate funerary ritual.’ I focus on four important components of Rugg’s definition: 1) a designated burial area, 2) some degree of internal order, 3) family influence over grave location, and 4) community ritual activity that has meaning within the specific cultural tradition. This definition encompasses elements that characterize the formal, social, and ritual aspects of the cemetery site type, and suggests observable archaeological correlates.

important form of internal order is a consistent orientation of the interments, believed to mark an individual’s affiliation with a burial community (Binford 1971; Carr 1995; O’Shea 1996; Salamon and Lengyel 1980). Analysis of cross-cultural ethnographic data led Lewis Binford (1971, 22; see also Carr 1995, 157) to observe that a ‘common form of differentiation noted for membership groups is the orientation of the grave.’ A ‘membership group’ can be as large as an entire community or as small as a family. A common orientation was an important component of a shared mortuary practice, and can be considered a defining characteristic of a cemetery.

To conform to the first component of Rugg’s (2000) definition, a cemetery must consist of multiple interments within a particular area that has been dedicated to burial activities. Rugg’s studies focus on historic cemeteries, which are typified by prominent and well-established boundaries. It may be difficult to identify whether ancient cemeteries were bounded by perimeter walls, fences, or other visible markers, as these may not have preserved. Archaeologically, a concentrated cluster of tombs without concurrent evidence of habitation or other quotidian activities indicates the likely designation of this area specifically for mortuary events. By the same token, under the definition offered by Rugg (2000), single and dispersed burials do not constitute a cemetery.

The latter half of Rugg’s (2000) definition of cemeteries acknowledges the ways in which family and community intersect in mortuary spaces. The notion of families ‘claiming control over their grave spaces’ (Rugg 2000, 259) is observable archaeologically by graves clustering in accordance with kinship ties. Although this practice varies across cultures, many ethnographic, ethnohistoric, and archaeological examples demonstrate the role of family in influencing grave location, particularly the grouping of familial tombs (see Bondioli et al. 1986; Gamble et al. 2001; Howell and Kintigh 1996; Keyser-Tracqui et al. 2003; Klass 2006; Salamon and Lengyel 1980; Verano 1987, 1997). This practice is more likely to be important in societies where status and claims to various types of

The second component of Rugg’s definition suggests that a cemetery must have an ordered internal layout. One

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resources were tightly intertwined with ancestry and lineage (Goldstein 1981; Saxe 1971; see below)

sense or another, do not fit the definition of community member’ (O’Shea 1996, 140).

Rugg’s (2000) definition of a cemetery also stresses the importance of community involvement in the mortuary rituals. Mortuary rituals constitute an important rite of passage and commemoration that involves the communities of both the living and the dead (Metcalf and Huntington 1991; van Gennep 1960). Although many aspects of the funerary ritual are unlikely to have been preserved in the archaeological record, it may be possible to identify some of the activities that served to draw together a community impacted by the death of a member, such as feasting or other rites of commemoration. The tomb itself, including the form and placement of the grave, the positioning of the body, and the selective inclusion of grave goods, also constitutes an important record of the shared community mortuary ritual.

Although mortuary rituals can help create an inclusive sense of community, these ceremonies also serve as arenas for status display and competition. The performance of burial rites ‘has the effect of renegotiating the relationships between the living and the dead, and (more importantly) amongst the living. Duties, indebtedness, authority, and affiliation can be either transformed or reinscribed in the course of mortuary ritual, and in the process the conditions of social life are reproduced’ (Thomas 2000, 655; see also McAnany et al. 1999; Parker-Pearson 2000). Status and obligation can be cast in terms of ancestry and lineage, which is why ‘the past and its commemoration have been a central concern for individuals and societies attempting to secure and express their perceived rights, aspirations, and identities’ (Williams 2006, 2-3; see also Williams 2004). Tomb construction and location, the types and amounts of grave goods, and other aspects of the funerary ritual involve efforts on the part of the individuals burying their dead to make statements about the deceased person and ultimately, about themselves. As argued by some scholars, mortuary contexts are particularly effective in efforts to structure and legitimize social relationships and status positions because they ‘project these roles into the timeless supernatural domain through the funerary ritual’ (Bawden 1996, 225; see also Bloch 1974; Rakita 2001; Whitehouse 1992).

Although variable in terms of tomb location and degree of ritual and material elaboration, at least a portion of the Moche tombs that have been archaeologically excavated in the Jequetepeque Valley can be considered to conform to the elements described in Rugg’s (2000) definition of a cemetery. The placement of tombs in a common location dedicated to mortuary activities, coupled with internal consistency in orientation and other markers of lineage and group membership, would have made these sites powerful locations of familial and community ritual, as well as arenas for the negotiation of status and access to various types of resources. It is in accessing these realms of past behavior that defining a collection of burials as a ‘cemetery’ yields potential insights into the organization and functioning of past societies.

The manner in which social groups may use cemeteries to claim resources has been the subject of theoretical debate. Arthur Saxe’s Hypothesis 8 (1971, 119) posited that corporate groups will legitimize their rights to limited material resources through lineal decent from their ancestors, and these groups will maintain formal, bounded cemeteries. Lynne Goldstein (1981) later modified Saxe’s conclusions, arguing that although formal cemeteries typically do represent a corporate group exerting control over resources via lineal property transmission through ancestors, a formal cemetery is only one of many ways in which descent groups can symbolize control over resources. Although Michael Shanks and Chistopher Tilley (1987), Ian Hodder (1982), and Ian Morris (1991) offer theoretical and ethnographic arguments for the potential complexities in applying the Saxe/Goldstein Hypothesis, there is still considerable data to indicate that cemeteries played a vital role in physically marking rights to resources on the landscape and in ritually reaffirming the relationships of descent upon which those claims were based.

Social Roles of Cemeteries: Group Membership, Status, and Access to Resources One of the important roles of a cemetery is the formalization of group identity and individual membership within the ritual context of a mortuary tradition. In a general sense, rituals help to socialize members into the beliefs and behaviors deemed appropriate within the community, and reinforce cohesion between individuals (Bloch 1974; Rakita 2001, 96; Van Dyke and Alcock 2003, 3). Funerary rituals in particular can serve to connect community members to their collective past, serving as an interface at which the living and the newly-dead are connected with ancestral or supernatural persons, events and realms (Dillehay 2007; Williams 2004, 420). Undergoing appropriate funerary rites within an established cemetery also defines those individuals considered part of the community (Chidester 1988; Morris 1987; O’Shea 1996; Papadopoulos 2000). Adherence to standard burial practices, including placement within a formal cemetery, orientation of the grave, tomb form, and other aspects of burial traditions, can serve to ‘draw a symbolic distinction between the community and the outside… and deviation from normative treatment may serve to mark other categories of individuals, who, in one

A complex and recursive relationship between community identity, individual membership, and access to resources existed on the prehistoric north coast of Peru. Using ethnohistoric and archaeological data, Patricia Netherly has demonstrated that there was a close association ‘between a canal, the land it watered, and the human group with rights to both water and land and obligations for maintenance, repair and even the construction of the canal’ (1984, 247). Communities living in the coastal valleys thus appear

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to have been identified and defined in relation to canals and agricultural land. This arrangement may have existed deeper in the past, during the Moche period and perhaps even earlier (Burger 1992; Dillehay 2004). Recent analysis of the canal systems in the Jequetepeque Valley suggests the development of at least four autonomous but integrated political territories, each consisting of lands watered by a primary canal and its subsidiary waterways, beginning even before the Early Moche Period and continuing through the Late Moche (Castillo 2010) and into the Late Intermediate Period (see Prieto, this volume), the Late Horizon, and the Colonial Period occupation of the valley (Cock 1986). Although sharing in communal labor in fields and canals would have been important aspects of confirming community membership (see Burgi 1993; Netherly 1984), it is likely that mortuary ritual and interment in community cemeteries were also essential components in making and justifying claims to resources such as farmland and irrigation water. Establishing a community cemetery in a particular location would have served to stake claims to the surrounding resources in the context of inter-community relations. Likewise, burying within this cemetery would have been important in intra-community affairs, identifying an individual and his/her family as legitimate members of the group and securing their access to community resources.

Figure 2. Distribution of burial orientations at Masanka

grave robbers, who looted a significant portion of the tombs before Christopher Donnan and his team excavated a sample of 21 pit tombs from the remaining area in a salvage operation (Donnan 2006). All of the individuals were buried in unelaborated pit graves, and no other tomb types were observed at the site. The use of the pit tomb form, coupled with the fairly modest nature of the burial assemblages, has led Donnan to classify these tombs as those of ‘commoners’ (2006, 189). The sample consists of adults of both sexes, as well as children, although no individuals younger than 18 months were found in the cemetery (Donnan 2006, 189). This suggests that infants were buried elsewhere, perhaps because they were not considered full members of the burial community.

Cemeteries in the Jequetepeque Valley System Employing Rugg’s (2000) definition of a cemetery, coupled with the role of cemeteries as localities for defining group identity, displaying social status, and claiming resources, this section examines the characteristics of three burial grounds in the Jequetepeque Valley system: Masanka, Pacatnamu, and San José de Moro (see Figure 1). Specific aspects discussed for each collection of graves include the distribution of the tombs, the orientation of the individual burials, evidence for familial grouping of tombs, and the investment of energy by the community in traditional Moche burial rituals. My analysis suggests that the majority of the tombs at the three sites conform to the cemetery pattern. Pit tombs at the site of San José de Moro, however, do not qualify as part of a ‘cemetery’ as defined in this paper. The implications of these findings are discussed below.

The concentration of tombs within a specific area, as demonstrated by the close spatial association between the graves found in the trenches excavated archaeologically and those disturbed by looters, suggests that this burial site fits the first part of Rugg’s (2000) definition of a bounded cemetery area. This area seems to have been devoted to mortuary activities: Donnan (2006, 153) states that ‘[t] he area where graves had been looted had no ancient architecture, nor was there any midden; it appears to have been used exclusively as a cemetery.’

Masanka Masanka is a collection of Moche tombs located in the lower Jequetepeque Valley.1 It appears to have been an isolated place of burial, with no evidence of domestic habitation nearby (Donnan 2006). The site was first identified by

The tombs in the Masanka sample share a common orientation, which suggests a degree of order in the layout of the cemetery (Figure 2). The burials were aligned just south of east, with the exception of a single individual buried along the same orientation but with the head to the northwest. Dashed lines in Figure 2 indicate orientations that have three or more individuals that were aligned in precisely the same direction. Internal groupings within the cemetery, possibly representative of kinship ties or other

Donnan (2006) does not attribute this cemetery to a specific Moche period. Some of the ceramics at this site are related to the Gallinazo style, which he argues is ‘simply the common domestic wear that was widely used on the north coast of Peru during the Early Intermediate Period’ (2006, 190; see also Donnan 2009). The fine ware ceramics found at the site are stylistically similar to those of La Mina and Dos Cabezas, which have calibrated radiocarbon dates between AD 340-665 (Donnan 2007, 197-9). These dates can be considered a general timeframe for the use of the Manaka cemetery. 1

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Figure 3. Prevalence of copper in Masanka, Pacatnamu, and the Late Moche pit tombs from San José de Moro

One final grave good, the ofrenda, deserves mention because of its association with community involvement in funerary ritual. According to Donnan (2006, 1556), ofrendas are ‘small, crudely made ceramic vessels resembling cooking ollas or jars. They are unpainted, unburnished, and have an orange to buff color.’ Ofrendas were included in 38% of the tombs in the Masanka sample. Although the significance of these vessels is unclear, they are both formally and stylistically similar to crisoles, artifacts found in other mortuary contexts on the north coast, including San José de Moro (Costin 1999; Donnan and Castillo 1994; Manrique B. 2004, 98; Shimada et al. 2004).2 Cathy Costin (1999, 99) has argued that they represent vessels ‘made specifically near and for the burial ritual’ that were used to consume chicha during the funerary rites. This function was suggested by Alfredo Navráez (Heyerdahl et al. 1995, 176-77, cited in Costin 1999, 88), who documented ethnographic evidence that inhabitants of the Lambayeque Valley would heat the small vessels, dunk them into a container of chicha, and then consume the warmed beverage, which was believed to have medicinal properties. It is possible that the ofrendas found in the Masanka burials are also related to chicha consumption,

vertical or horizontal social relationships, were not observed in the excavated sample. It must be remembered, however, that the majority of the cemetery had been looted and was therefore not subjected to systematic excavation. Aspects of the tombs found at Masanka suggest that the individuals interring their dead there followed many of the ritual practices common to Moche communities, conforming to the fourth part of Rugg’s (2000) definition of a cemetery. The positioning of the bodies was extended and supine, and copper was found in 11 out of the 21 tombs, or over 50% of the sample (see Figure 3 for comparison with Pacatnamu and San José de Moro). With the exception of one individual (Grave 13, female age 18-25), whose tomb had been disturbed in antiquity and was thus incomplete, all tombs contained between one and four ceramic vessels. The majority, around 57%, contained a single vessel, while those with two and three vessels made up 19% and 14% respectively (percentages calculated from Donnan 2006). A single burial contained four ceramic vessels. These comparisons suggest that the inclusion of one or more vessels, coupled with a high prevalence of copper in either the hands, mouth or both, were part of the rituals associated with the interment of all members of the community, who were buried with similar quantities and types of grave goods.

It must be noted that the term crisole is a misnomer. This translates as ‘crucible’, which these vessels certainly were not. In this article, the term ofrendas, or ‘offerings’, will be used for this artifact type. 2

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Figure 4. Map of Pacatnamu, showing location of H45-CM1 cemetery (redrawn from Donnan 1997: Figure 4)

by a death, the existence of the Masanka cemetery as a whole suggests that this was a location in which ongoing community mortuary activities were conducted. The cemetery is likely to have been intimately linked to the construction and maintenance of group identity, and may have played an important role in the legitimization of

suggesting that this activity took place in association with at least some of the burial rituals. Although each of the individual interments can be seen as representative of the efforts of individuals and families to commemorate loved ones and cope with the loss created

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claims to the land and resources nearby, particularly the fields irrigated by the near-by San Pedro canal (see Castillo 2010, his Figure 3). Differentiation of family groups and individual status display, however, do not appear to have been as important in the mortuary behavior of the Masanka population, particularly in comparison with other cemeteries in the valley (see below). Pacatnamu Pacatnamu is a large and multi-occupation civic-ceremonial site located on a bluff above the mouth of the Jequetepeque River (Figure 4). Mortuary activities at the site assume a slightly different character than those at Masanka, related to the fact that Pacatnamu appears to have been an important settlement with a resident population during the Middle Moche Period. Although occupation and/or use of the ritual structures at the site continued into later periods, the Middle Moche Period is the primary focus of the following discussion. Two principal types of burials have been found at Pacatnamu: elite interments in boot-shaped tombs found near a huaca, and the tombs of commoners that are found clustered spatially into groups. These groupings of tombs have been found in various locations in the site. The following discussion briefly describes the boot-shaped tombs, but centers primarily on the groupings of tombs. In particular, I focus on one tomb cluster, designated H45CM1 (Donnan and McClelland 1997; Figure 4), to analyze the applicability of Rugg’s cemetery model at Pacatnamu.

Figure 5. Distribution of burial orientations at Pacatnamu, H45-CM1 cemetery

human bones on the surface, left behind by grave looters, demonstrate that more than one individual was typically buried in these locations, supporting the designation of these areas as small, discrete cemeteries. This conclusion has been reinforced by the complete excavation of H45CM1 (Donnan and McClelland 1997). This cemetery contained a sample of 61 individuals, including adult men and women, as well as juveniles, children and infants, who had been buried in unelaborated pit tombs similar to those at Masanka.5 As with the tombs at Masanka, the individuals buried in this cemetery at Pacatnamu have been classified as commoners, based on the nature of their mortuary assemblages and the relatively simple tomb form employed (Donnan and McClelland 1997). The interment of so many individuals in the same place, coupled with the apparent lack of architecture in the immediate area, suggest that this was likely a bounded area set aside for mortuary activities (see map in Donnan and McClelland 1997).

Elite individuals at the site of Pacatnamu appear to have been buried in association with the large adobe huacas. Heinrich Ubbelohde-Doering (1983) uncovered a number of high-status burials in boot-shaped tombs that had been excavated into a terrace on the north side of Huaca 31. Boot-shaped tombs are so named for their appearance in cross-section, having a vertical shaft that opens into a horizontal chamber.3,4 Boot-shaped tombs have not been archaeologically excavated at any other huaca at the site. The association between these high-status tombs and an important monumental construction at Pacatnamu may indicate that the area around this huaca was specifically designated as a burial area for elite individuals, thus conforming to the first part of Rugg’s definition of a cemetery.

The H45-CM1 collection of burials also displays a great deal of internal order, particularly in terms of orientation (Figure 5). The individuals were buried with their heads to the south, with the exception of a few who are buried with their heads to the east. All of the dashed lines in Figure 5 indicate orientations along which three or more individuals were aligned in precisely the same direction. Some of these orientations have up to nine or ten individuals similarly aligned. The clustering of tombs and their orderly layout suggest that this area was indeed a cemetery.

Numerous other tombs have been identified beyond the immediate vicinity of the huacas, usually outside of the architectural core of Pacatnamu. Concentrations of Boot-shaped tombs are also found at San José de Moro, discussed below, but in no other valleys in the Moche territory. This demonstrates a clear association in mortuary customs between the two sites (del Carpio 2008; Swenson 2004). 4 It is possible that these tombs are related to shaft tombs from the northern Andes, such as Colombia and Ecuador, as cemeteries there contain tombs that are formally similar, although frequently excavated deeper into the ground (Doyon 2002, see his Figure 5.2). This has interesting implications for possible Moche, and specifically Jequetepeque Valley system, ties to the north (see Cordy-Collins, this volume). 3

Analysis of H45-CM1 and the other cemetery groupings Sixty-seven individuals were excavated at the H45-CM1 cemetery. My sample considers only the tombs where pertinent features of the tombs, such as orientation and grave goods, could be established. 5

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throughout the site has demonstrated that the individuals buried in these cemeteries were biologically related. John Verano (1987, 1997) performed multivariate tests of distance and discrimination on metric traits of crania recovered during the excavation of H45-CM1 and from surface collection in the looted cemetery areas throughout the site. These analyses revealed that individuals buried in a particular grouping of tombs were more closely related to each other than to those buried in the other cemeteries. As Verano states, ‘[r]esults of the analyses indicated that sufficient between-cemetery variation was found in craniofacial morphology to effectively distinguish the cemetery samples from one another…. Since differences in craniofacial morphology between cemetery samples can be assumed to reflect genetic differences between groups, these results suggest that cemetery membership at Pacatnamu was based on lineage group’ (1997, 194). Familial groupings of tombs at Pacatnamu, including H45-CM1, thus fulfill part of Rugg’s (2000) definition of a cemetery.

The H45-CM1 cemetery appears to be a representative example of the Middle Moche cemeteries used by the general population at the site of Pacatnamu. Each of these cemeteries was probably associated with a particular kin group within the site, who buried their dead following a similar orientation and using many of the traditional Moche mortuary practices. Given the importance of cemeteries in establishing identity and materializing group membership, it is likely that burial in these familial cemeteries was an important part of maintaining the social memory of the lineage, as well as negotiating individual intra-group status relationships among the living in relation to the ancestors. The presence of numerous Middle Moche cemetery groupings at Pacatnamu suggests that lineages at the site may have chosen to emphasize their ties to family, important in a site with a large and urbanized population, rather than burying in a single community-wide cemetery. This was likely related to efforts of different kin groups to establish and maintain rights to land and resources, social and economic relationships that would have been symbolized through burial in distinct lineage cemeteries.

Adherence to ritual traditions considered typical of the Moche was quite strong in the tombs analyzed from H45CM1, suggesting the family and community involvement in mortuary rites that typifies a cemetery. The bodies in the tombs were positioned in the customary extended and supine position. Fragments of copper were found in 50 out of 61 tombs, or almost 80%, of the individuals interred (see Figure 3 for comparison with Masanka and San José de Moro). The desire to follow the Moche practice of interring an individual with the requisite fragment of copper in the hands was so strong that, in the absence of copper, those burying one individual substituted broken sherds of pottery (Donnan 1995; Donnan and McClelland 1997; see Metcalf and Huntington 1991 on ritual substitution).

San José de Moro San José de Moro is a ceremonial site that was in use during the Middle and Late Moche phases, as well as the later Transitional, Lambayeque, Chimú, and Chimú-Inka periods. The majority of the excavations at the site have focused on a ceremonial precinct located to the east of Huaca la Capilla (see Figure 6), an area with significant evidence of ritual activity (Castillo 2001, 2004). In particular, there is extensive evidence that the site was used for interment of the dead. The absence of typical domestic refuse, the temporary nature of the structures at the site, and the stratigraphic evidence for recurrent periods of abandonment indicate that at least this portion of the site was only intermittently occupied during the Middle and Late Moche periods (Castillo 2004). It has been suggested that San José de Moro may have served as a ritual center for the dispersed communities in the surrounding valley system, which would have congregated there for important ceremonial events, including the burial of high-status individuals (Castillo 2001, 2004, 2010; del Carpio 2008; see also Dillehay 2004 for an earlier example of a ritual site without evidence of permanent habitation in the nearby Zaña Valley).

In terms of the inclusion of ceramic vessels as grave goods, the cemetery at Pacatnamu appears to show greater differences between individuals than observed at Masanka. Almost 40% of the sample was found without a single ceramic vessel, while 55% contain between one and three vessels (percentages calculated from Donnan and McClelland 1997). Only a few individuals were found with four, five, or six vessels. Interestingly, no ofrendas were found in the pit tomb cemetery at Pacatnamu.6 This does not necessarily mean that chicha was not a part of the mortuary ritual, as it could have been consumed using other vessels not then included in the tomb assemblage. Other forms of community ritual, such as feasting, are suggested by the presence of food offerings in the tombs (Gumerman 1997; see also Cutright this volume).

The site of San José de Moro has three different tomb types: the chamber tomb, the boot-shaped tomb, and the simple pit tomb. All three have been excavated and extensively documented by the Proyecto Arqueologico San José de Moro. The present discussion explores whether the characteristics displayed by the three tomb types at San José de Moro correspond to Rugg’s definition of a cemetery.

6 Ofrendas have been found at the site of Pacatnamu, although in a different ritual context. Alana Cordy-Collins (1997) documents the presence of over 400 ofrendas in a three-room structure containing partial human remains and evidence of chicha consumption and feasting. This structure appears to have been subjected to an intense and likely intentional burning event. The presence of ofrendas in this context supports their association with ritual activity related to chicha, but indicates that they were utilized in different ways. Christopher Donnan (personal communication, 2007) believes that this structure may have been quite late in the Late Moche Period, or possibly part of the Transitional Period

Chamber Tombs. Adobe-lined chamber tombs were constructed for some individuals in the upper echelon of Moche society. These burials contain elaborately-made ceramics and metal objects, as well as camelid and human

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Figure 6. Map of San José de Moro, showing location of cemetery precinct (courtesy of Luis Jaime Castillo and the PASJM)

sacrifices (Castillo 2001, 2006; Donnan and Castillo 1994; Millaire 2002). Although a complete map of the location of the chamber tombs at San José de Moro has yet to be published, these burials can be interpreted as possessing a degree of orderly spatial layout within a dedicated mortuary space. In particular, the tombs are centered around the monumental architecture of the site, occurring in the area immediately surrounding Huaca la Capilla (Millaire 2002). Luis Jaime Castillo (2006) has argued that the precinct around the huaca appears to have been reserved for individuals of high status, a trend which accords well with the association between high status and civic-ceremonial architecture observed elsewhere in the Moche world (see e.g. Sandoval 2002). Chamber tombs dating to the Middle and Late Moche periods have not been found elsewhere in the excavated portions of the site, suggesting that the area around the huacas may have been designated as a highstatus cemetery, thus conforming to the first part of Rugg’s definition (2000).

characters towards the end of the Moche culture (Castillo 2006). These tombs are believed to contain women who filled the role of the Priestess in the enactment of these ceremonies, as they were buried with a full complement of the ritual paraphernalia associated with this important personage. Although they represent the apogee of ritual and material elaboration in mortuary behavior at the site, the Priestess tombs highlight the types of community funerary ritual that accompanied the interments of high status individuals in chamber tombs. It is likely that these female individuals were buried in rituals similar to those depicted in the Funerary Procession, in which priests, warriors, musicians, attendants, and mourners took part in a procession carrying the shrouded corpse to its final resting place (Castillo 2000, 121-130). The connection with the Burial Theme is supported by the presence of a fineline stirrup spout bottle in one of Priestess’s tombs that depicts this very scene (Castillo 2000, 2006). Feasting and the consumption of chicha were likely part of the mortuary ritual, supported by the extensive evidence for chicha production found at the site, as well as the presence of numerous ofrendas in the Priestess tombs (Castillo 2000; Costin 1999; Delibes and Barragán 2008). In her analysis of the ofrendas from the Priestess tombs, Costin (1999) argued that individual mourners manufactured these crude and usually unfired

The most well-published and elaborate of the chamber tombs from San José de Moro are those of the Priestesses of Moro (Castillo 2000, 2006; Donnan and Castillo 1994). The Priestess was a primary figure in the Presentation Theme and is also depicted in a number of other mythical and ritual settings in Moche iconography, becoming one of the most important and frequently represented iconographic

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vessels at the site while participating in the mortuary rituals, and then placed the vessels in the tomb with the deceased. She suggests that ‘[t]he amount of variability among crisoles [ofrendas] suggests that the social entity responsible for the interment could… call on many different individuals/entities to create and participate in the death ritual’ (1999, 101). This supports the notion that great numbers of individuals, probably from communities located throughout the valley, were in attendance at the elaborate funerary rites accorded to individuals of ritual and political importance.

Carpio (2008, 89-90) found that the groupings of tombs were clustered around a single individual, typically an adult male with high-status grave goods, who had been interred first. The individuals later buried around him may have been related through biological or social ties (del Carpio 2005, 2008). These tombs are internally consistent in their alignment, with all of the individuals being buried along the same or similar orientation (del Carpio 2008). Although molecular evidence of biological relatedness has not been analyzed for the cemetery groupings of the Middle Moche boot-shaped tombs at San José de Moro, similarities with the kinship-based tomb clusters at Pacatnamu suggest that cemetery groupings at San José de Moro were also established and used according to kinship patterns. As demonstrated by the dedicated burial areas with orderly internal layout, as well as familial influence over grave location, the boot-shaped tombs from San José de Moro are consistent with Rugg’s (2000) definition of a cemetery.

The large scale of the rituals performed with the interment of high-status individuals in chamber tombs, exemplified by the tombs of the Priestesses of Moro, suggests that these ceremonial activities were important components in the social lives of the Moche inhabitants of the Jequetepeque Valley system. The spatial association between the chamber tombs and the monumental architecture at San José de Moro indicates that the status and identity of the buried individuals, both in life and in death, were inscribed on the visible social landscape of the valley. The burials of the Priestesses are particularly tied to Moche social memory and cultural identity, as these women were so closely associated with the Presentation Theme (Castillo 2000, 2006; Donnan and Castillo 1994; Hocquenghem and Lyon 1980). Considering the fact that the Presentation Theme has a wide spatial distribution, great temporal longevity, and is considered to be one of the most important rituals in the Moche canon (Donnan 2010), community participation in the rites associated with the interment of one of the primary actors in the Presentation ceremony would have recalled the entire framework of Moche religious belief and connected each individual with the structuring principles of Moche society.

The individuals buried in boot-shaped tombs were the focus of mortuary ritual performed by the family, and probably the community as well. Traditional Moche mortuary practices were followed in the majority of the tombs, including the positioning of the body and the inclusion of copper in most, if not all, of the mouths and/or hands of the individuals (del Carpio 2008). Castillo (2001, 312) notes that many boot-shaped tombs have a large ceramic vessel at the tomb mouth. The presence of burned camelid bones suggests that these vessels may have been the focus of continued feasting and ritual interaction with the dead. Other aspects of some boot-shaped tombs indicate that individuals may have been subjected to prolonged mortuary rituals even before being interred. This is evidenced by the patterned disarticulation of particular osteological elements, which imply that the individuals were in an advanced state of decomposition before being maneuvered into the bootshaped tomb (Nelson 1998; Nelson and Castillo 1997). Some scholars contend that the lengthy mortuary rituals may have taken place as people from outlying communities transported their dead to the site for interment there (del Carpio 2008; Nelson 1998). As argued by Andrew Nelson (1998, 206), ‘[i]t is possible that the site drew back for burial former community members who had moved to other settlements, or that the site was a focal center, drawing people from far and wide, who occupied the appropriate position in the Moche social order for them to be buried in this particular cemetery.’

Boot-shaped Tombs. Boot-shaped tombs, similar in form to those observed at Pacatnamu, were also found at San José de Moro. These tombs frequently contained fine ceramics, including low-relief or fineline painted stirrup spout vessels, as well as other grave goods such as copper implements and camelid limbs and crania. Based on accompanying grave goods, these tombs are thought to have been utilized by the ‘middle class’ in the Middle Moche Period (Nelson 1998) and lower-level elites in the Late Moche Period (Castillo 2001). Boot-shaped tombs have been found throughout the area excavated at San José de Moro. Although some occur in isolation or in combinations of two or three, a number of them cluster in groups that often share a common orientation and may represent kinship or lineage ties (Castillo 2001, 2004; del Carpio 2005, 2008). Martín del Carpio (2005, 2008) has analyzed a sample of 63 Middle Moche bootshaped tombs, a collection which contains adult men and women, but few children or infants. This may be related to a similar phenomenon observed at Masanka, where it was suggested that there may have been a minimum social age threshold for membership in the burial community. Del

The fact that families and communities may have transported their important dead to San José de Moro for burial likely relates to the site’s ritual and political importance, especially in terms of inter- and intra-community status negotiation and access to resources. This is particularly relevant when considered in light of the Moche expansion into the Chaman Valley during the Middle and Late Moche periods (Castillo 2004, 2010; del Carpio 2008; see below). By burying their dead in groupings of boot-shaped tombs at San José de Moro, individuals may have symbolized their membership

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Figure 8. Child interred in Late Moche pit tomb at San José de Moro (M-U1030)

Figure 7. Adult female buried in Late Moche pit tomb at San José de Moro (M-U710)

in particular kinship groups and legitimized claims to land and water in the Chaman Valley. Since San José de Moro was an important center where many communities came together to celebrate ceremonial events, the reuse of an area of the site by a particular lineage and continued ritual interaction with dead ancestors would have solidified kinship and land claims within the valley as a whole.

Figure 9. Infant buried in Late Moche pit tomb at San José de Moro (M-U903)

An analysis of the characteristics displayed by these tombs suggests that they do not constitute a cemetery in the same way as the chamber and boot-shaped tombs at San José de Moro or the cemeteries at Masanka and Pacatnamu.

Pit Tombs. The final tomb type found at San José de Moro is the pit tomb (see Figures 7, 8 and 9), simple and unelaborated graves similar to those found at Masanka and the H45-CM1 cemetery at Pacatnamu. They are found in both the Middle and Late Moche periods, but are more prevalent in the Late Moche Period. Late Moche pit tombs thus serve as the focus for the remainder of this section. Fifty-four Late Moche pit tombs were analyzed by the author, a sample which included adult men and women, as well as juveniles, children, and infants (Donley 2004, 2008). Based on osteological analyses (Bernuy 2003; Escudero and Bernuy 2002; Haun 2000; Tomasto 1999, 2000, 2001), the lower levels of energy investment in construction, and the smaller numbers and generally poorer quality of the grave goods in comparison with other tombs at the site, it is likely that these tombs were utilized primarily by Moche commoners (Donley 2004).

Although the pit tombs are found in the same area of San José de Moro as the boot-shaped tombs, they are scattered throughout the site with little or no apparent groupings. This suggests that there was neither a bounded area specifically designated for burials of this form, such as was found at Masanka or with the chamber tombs at San José de Moro, nor any attempt to create cemetery groupings by kinship or lineage, such as was observed with the cemeteries at Pacatnamu and the boot-shaped tombs at San José de Moro. The orientations of the pit tombs also vary greatly in the sample analyzed here, suggesting that there is no internal order to the burials (Figure 10). The individuals burying their dead in pit tombs at San José de Moro did not place as

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much emphasis on following a common alignment as was observed in the other tomb types at the site, or at the sites of Masanka and Pacatnamu. If the individuals buried in pit tombs were people who passed away while involved in ritual activities at San José de Moro, as Castillo (2004, 62) has suggested, the variation in orientation may reflect the fact that these individuals came from different settlements in the valley and were interred following the orientation used in their home communities. This is supported by the various clusters of burial orientations seen in the diagram (see Figure 10). It is also possible that the varied orientation of the burials could indicate that these individuals did not warrant burial under the supervision of religious elites (see Castillo 2000, 131) who would have ensured that the interments followed the orientation employed at San José de Moro. In addition to the apparent lack of either a bounded cemetery area or internal spatial order, the individuals buried in the pit tombs are characterized by the absence of evidence for the ritualized mortuary practices seen at the other tombs at the site and at the other cemeteries in the valley. Although the burials consistently adhere to the traditional Moche body position, the pit tomb sample from San José de Moro contains the lowest percentage of individuals with copper in the mouth and/or the hands of all the sites analyzed from the Jequetepeque Valley system (see Figure 3 for comparison with Masanka and Pacatnamu). A mere six individuals out of the total of 54, or slightly more than 10%, of the Late Moche pit grave sample from San José de Moro were buried with copper. In addition, very few ceramic offerings were found in the Late Moche pit tombs. Only 35% of the sample contained ceramic vessels, and a scant 7% contained more than one.

Figure 10. Distribution of burial orientations for Late Moche pit tombs at San José de Moro

well with what Cannon (2002, 192) describes as ‘[p]ractices designed solely to maintain personal memory and ease personal loss’. The fact that these burials do not display the characteristics of a cemetery does not necessarily indicate that the individuals were purposefully excluded from interment in a cemetery. By not being included in either a within-site cemetery grouping based on lineage or a site-wide cemetery used by an entire community, however, these tombs did not play an active role in the ritualization of group identity and membership or claims to land or water.

The rather impoverished nature of these graves may be the product of several factors. One explanation is that these individuals may have been buried away from their natal communities, thereby limiting access to the types of goods that could be included in the tombs. If these were indeed members of some of the poorer classes of the Moche, it may not have been economically feasible to transport these individuals back to their home communities for interment. Another interpretation is that social differentiation based on wealth may have been increasing during the Late Moche Period, as demonstrated by the comparison of the commoner tombs from Masanka, Pacatnamu, and San José de Moro, as well as the great difference in wealth observed between San José de Moro’s Late Moche chamber and bootshaped tombs, on the one hand, and the pit tombs, on the other (Donley 2004, 2008). This awaits confirmation using analysis of other categories of material data.

Discussion of Mortuary Remains at San José de Moro The earliest burials at the site of San José de Moro date to the Middle Moche Period. The site’s location, in middle of the Chaman drainage area, is not easily explained for this period unless the area was already being developed for agriculture through the expansion of the canal system (see Castillo 2004, 2010; Eling 1986, 1987). It is currently believed that the site of San José de Moro was not continually occupied during the Middle Moche Period (Castillo 2001, 2004; del Carpio 2008). Thus, the presence of Middle Moche boot-shaped tombs, and their arrangement in apparent familial groupings, may be interpreted as part of an overarching strategy employed by some kin groups and communities to lay claim to the land that was being brought under cultivation in this part of the valley system. The site also appears to have functioned as a place of ritual integration, where communities participating in the development of canal systems could have engaged in communal festivals and reinforced cooperative social ties, possibly through shared mortuary rites (del Carpio 2008; see also Castillo 2001, 2010). This may account for the perpetuation of a common funerary tradition, even as the

Although the spatial and formal characteristics of the Late Moche pit tombs from San José de Moro suggest that these individuals were not buried in a cemetery as the term is defined by Rugg, they were not casually disposed of without ceremony. Instead, these mortuary contexts appear to be the product of small-scale funerary rituals that accord

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political organization of communities in the valley began to fragment during the Late Moche Period.

be considered part the symbolic landscape of death in the Jequetepeque Valley system.

Ritual activity at the site of San José de Moro appears to have increased in the Late Moche Period, with greater evidence for chicha production and feasting during periods of intermittent occupation (Castillo 2001, 2004). Some of the most elaborate and ritually significant Moche tombs at the site, such as those of the Priestesses of Moro, date to the Late Moche Period (Castillo 2006; Donnan and Castillo 1994). These phenomena suggest that the ritual and integrative function of the site of San José de Moro became increasingly important during the Late Moche Period, perhaps as a response to the severe environmental fluctuations taking place during this period. As noted by Tom Dillehay and Alan Kolata (2004; Dillehay et al. 2004), Late Moche populations adopted a decentralized, flexible agricultural strategy that took advantage of changing hydrological conditions in the valley through the construction of multiple, small-scale water management systems. With individuals and families living in a dispersed settlement pattern, periodic integration in a ritual context may have become even more critical than in previous periods.

Conclusions I have argued that studying mortuary assemblages using an explicit definition of a cemetery can lend significant insights into past societies. As characterized by Rugg (2000), interments constitute a cemetery if they exhibit the following features: 1) a specifically designated burial area, 2) some degree of internal order to the graves, 3) family influence over grave location, and 4) evidence for community ritual activity within a particular cultural tradition. Defining the characteristics of a cemetery is useful for archaeology because the existence of a cemetery and the interment of particular individuals therein have implications in a wider social framework. Mortuary rituals within cemeteries help to formalize group identity and demarcate the individual members included in a community. In addition to creating a sense of inclusiveness and solidarity, mortuary rituals are arenas for social competition and status display, differentiating individuals and making statements about the identity of both the deceased and those still alive. Finally, cemeteries are one way that lineages and communities can assert claims to important resources such as water and agricultural land. It should be noted, however, that cemeteries do not have to fulfill all of these social roles. Careful analysis of how collections of tombs express the different aspects of Rugg’s (2000) definition can lend insight into the culturally variable functions of cemeteries.

As sites like Pacatnamu and Dos Cabezas began to decline in importance, San José de Moro became one of the few remaining ceremonial and political centers in the valley, a place where the upper echelon of the Moche politicoreligious elite were interred near the huaca, and where individuals from outlying dispersed communities brought their dead to be buried at a sacred ritual site. The mortuary rituals associated with the chamber tombs, especially those of important religious figures, emphasized the public identity and status of these elite individuals, and reinforced the structuring principles of Moche religious and social organization. Interments in boot-shaped tombs were also arenas for status display, and additionally served to define and memorialize group membership through the repeated use of the same space for interment of individuals from a lineage or other social group. This location could then be revisited and commemorated during future celebrations at the site.

Analysis of burials from Masanka, Pacatnamu, and San José de Moro highlights the various ways that mortuary rituals both reflect and structure the wider social world. Interments at Masanka suggest that group identity and membership of constituent individuals were important to the community burying there. Some individuals, particularly those who were considered too young to be part of the community, were not included in the cemetery. Those that were interred in the cemetery, however, were confirmed as members of a distinct community through the use of a shared space and a common orientation, the enactment of similar mortuary rituals, and the inclusion of comparable amounts and types of grave goods. Whether extant or not, status differences between the members of the community were not expressed in the manner observed at Pacatnamu or San José de Moro, where elite tombs were both formally and spatially distinct from those of the commoner population.

Although they too were interred at the ceremonial site of San José de Moro, individuals buried in pit tombs were scattered throughout the site, with no apparent grouping by kin and little or no adherence to a common orientation. Very few of the pit tombs contained copper, or even the surrogates for this ritually important object observed at other sites, and there appears to be little material elaboration of the tombs. These aspects of the pit tombs at San José de Moro suggest that the individuals buried in this way were not included in the network of social connections and meanings implied by burial in a cemetery. Their deaths were commemorated in small-scale rituals, but it is unlikely that the burial places were the focus of continued familial or community ritual activity. Thus, these individuals cannot

Cemetery groupings at the site of Pacatnamu, which seem to have been based on kinship, were also important symbols of group identity. These cemeteries, however, stressed membership in lineages rather than membership in the entire community. Increasing group solidarity through familial burial practices and the use of a distinct cemetery may have been important strategies for individuals and kin groups interacting within a large settlement, possibly in competitive ways (see e.g. work on the Nasca site of Cahuachi: Isla and Reindel 2006; Silverman and Proulx

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2002). Burial in kin-based cemeteries would have renewed connections between constituent members and reinforced claims to resources held by the group. Differences in status, which may have cross-cut lines of kinship, were also expressed in mortuary behavior at Pacatnamu. The dramatic differences between the elaborate boot-shaped tombs and those of the cemetery groupings elsewhere in the site suggest that mortuary ritual was also an important arena for the expression of social difference and status differentiation.

would also like to extend my deep gratitude to Luis Jaime Castillo, who facilitated my participation in the Proyecto Arqueológico San José de Moro and graciously allowed access to data collected during the years before I joined the project. Numerous members of the Proyecto Arqueológico San José de Moro were extremely helpful during my research and deserve thanks for their astute comments and critiques, including Jaquelyn Bernuy, Katiusha Bernuy, Martín del Carpio, Lisbeth Escudero, Ilana Johnson, Scott Kremkau, and Julio Rucabado. In addition, I am grateful to Christopher Donnan, Charles Stanish, Ilana Johnson, and Davide Zori for their feedback on this article, although any errors in fact or interpretation are of course my own.

Analysis of the various burial types found at San José de Moro suggests that not all burials within a particular site have the same social meaning, and that valuable insights can be gained by differentiating burials based on whether they conform to the definition of a cemetery. Although on different scales, interments in both chamber and boot-shaped tombs at San José de Moro were occasions for family and community ritual, redefining interpersonal relationships and reinforcing the ideological underpinnings of Moche social organization. These rituals, especially those of the elites in chamber tombs, also served to legitimize and normalize status differences. By contrast, status differentiation may have taken a secondary role in the groupings of boot-shaped tombs found elsewhere in the site. As particular symbols of kinship identities and group membership, groupings of boot-shaped tombs may have been part of a larger strategy on the part of kinship lineages and communities to claim new agricultural land in the Chaman Valley by establishing cemeteries. Enduring ties to the natural resources of the new land would have been reinforced through continued ritual interaction with the deceased during periodic ceremonial gatherings at San José de Moro.

Works Cited Bawden, G. 1996. The Moche. Blackwell Publishers, Malden MA. Bernuy Quiroga, J. 2003. Informe del análisis de restos óseos humanos procedentes de las excavaciones del proyecto San José de Moro, 2003. In L. J. Castillo (ed.), Proyecto Arqueológico San José de Moro, Informe de Excavaciones 2003. Unpublished report for the 2003 field season submitted to the Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Lima. Binford, L. 1971. Mortuary Practices: Their Study and Their Potential. In J. Brown (ed.), Approaches to the Social Dimensions of Mortuary Practices, 6-29. Seminar Press, New York. Bloch, M. 1974. Symbols, Song, Dance and Features of Articulation: Is Religion an Extreme Form of Traditional Authority? Archive of European Sociology 15:55-81. Blom, D. and Janusek, J. W. 2004. Making Place: Humans as Dedications in Tiwanaku. World Archaeology 36(2), 123-141. Bondioli, L., Corruccini, R. S. and Macchiarelli, R. 1986. Familial segregation in the Iron Age community of Alfedena, Abruzzo, Italy, based on osteodental trait analysis. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 71(4), 393-400. Burger, R. 1992. Chavín and the Origins of Andean Civilization. Thames and Hudson, London. Burgi, P. 1993. The Inka Empire’s Expansion into the Coastal Sierra Region West of Lake Titicaca. Unpublished PhD dissertation, University of Chicago. Cannon, A. 2002. Spatial Narratives of Death, Memory, and Transcendence. Archaeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association 11(1), 191-199. Carr, C. 1995. Mortuary Practices: Their Social, Philosophical-Religious, Circumstantial, and Physical Determinants. Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory, 2(2), 105-200. Castillo Butters, L. J. 2000. Los Rituales Mochica de la Muerte. In K. Malinowski (ed.), Los Dioses del Antiguo Peru, 103-75. Colección Arte y Tesoros del Peru. Banco del Credito del Peru, Lima. Castillo Butters, L. J. 2001. The Last of the Mochicas: A View from the Jequetepeque Valley. In J. Pillsbury (ed.),

Finally, the pit tombs at San José de Moro, although excavated as part of a site typically considered an important mortuary center, do not exhibit many of the characteristics of burials in cemeteries. These burials cannot be seen as fulfilling many of the social roles typically associated with burials from a cemetery. In particular, the pit tomb burials do not proclaim familial or community group membership, as they are typically scattered throughout the site and unassociated with other burials. The comparative social detachment of the pit tombs is reinforced by the lack of compliance with many of the formal and ritual practices employed in the other burial types at San José de Moro, as well as in the other cemeteries in the valley system. This would also seem to preclude the use of these mortuary contexts to assert rights to the agricultural resources of the surrounding area. The analysis of this comparatively modest tomb type, particularly in comparison with other cemeteries in the valley, reaffirms the importance of considering mortuary assemblages at various analytical levels, including that of the individual tomb, the overall cemetery, and the surrounding region. Acknowledgements: This study was made possible with financial support from the UCLA Department of Anthropology and the UCLA Friends of Archaeology. I

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Moche Art and Archaeology in Ancient Peru, 306-332. Yale University Press, New Haven. Castillo Butters, L. J. 2004 . Ideología, Ritual y Poder en la Consolidación, Colapso y Reconstitución del Estado Mochica del Jequetepeque, El Proyecto Arqueológica San José de Moro (1991-2004). In L. J. Castillo (ed.), Programa Arqueológico San José de Moro, Temporada 2004, 11-81. Pontificia Universidad Católica del Peru, Lima. Castillo Butters, L. J. 2006 . Five Sacred Priestesses from San José de Moro: Elite Women Funerary Rituals on Peru’s Northern Coast. Arkeos 1(3). Charles, D. K. and Buikstra, J. 2002. Siting, Sighting, and Citing the Dead. Archeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association 11(1), 13-25. Chidester, D. 1988. Rituals of Exclusion and the Jonestown Dead. Journal of the American Academy of Religion 56(4), 681-702. Cock, Guillermo, 1986 Power and Wealth in the Jequetepeque Valley during the Sixteenth Century. In C. B. Donnan and G. A. Cock (eds.), The Pacatnamu Papers Volume 1, 171-180. Museum of Cultural History, University of California, Los Angeles. Cordy-Collins, A. 2006. The Moche Giants from Dos Cabezas, Peru. Paper presented at the 71st Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, Puerto Rico. Costin, C. L. 1999. Formal and Technological Variability and the Social Relations of Production: Crisoles from San José de Moro, Peru. In E. Chilton (ed.), Material Meanings: Critical Approaches to the Interpretation of Material Culture, 85-102. Foundations of Archaeological Inquiry. University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City. del Carpio, M. 2005. The Origin of Complex Societies on the North Coast of Peru: The Middle Moche in the Jequetepeque Valley. Paper presented at the 45th Annual Meeting of the Institute of Andean Studies, Berkeley, CA. del Carpio, M. 2008. La Ocupación Mochica Medio en San José de Moro. In L. J. Castillo, H. Bernier, G. Lockard, and J. Rucabado (eds.), Arqueología Mochica Nuevos Enfoques: Actas del primero congreso internacional de jóvenves investigadores de la cultura Moche, 81-104. Fondo Editorial de la Pontifica Universidad Católica del Perú and Instituto Francés de Estudios Andinos. Delibes, R. and Barragán, A. 2008. Consumo ritual de chicha en San José de Moro. In L. J. Castillo, H. Bernier, G. Lockard, and J. Rucabado (eds.), Arqueología Mochica Nuevos Enfoques: Actas del primero congreso internacional de jóvenves investigadores de la cultura Moche, 105-118. Fondo Editorial de la Pontifica Universidad Católica del Perú and Instituto Francés de Estudios Andinos. Dillehay, T. 2004. Social landscape and ritual pause: Uncertainty and integration in formative Peru. Journal of Social Archaeology 4(2), 239-268. Dillehay, T. 2007. Monuments, Empires, and Resistance: The Araucanian Polity and Ritual Narratives. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.

Dillehay, T. and Kolata, A. 2004. Long-term human response to uncertain environmental conditions in the Andes. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America 101(12), 4325-4330. Dillehay, T., Kolata, A. and Pino, M. 2004. Pre-industrial human and environment interactions in northern Peru during the late Holocene. The Holocene 14(2), 272-281. Donley, C. 2004. Late Moche Infomal Pit Burials from San José de Moro, North Coast of Peru, in Social, Political, and Temporal Perspective. Unpublished MA thesis, University of California, Los Angeles. Donley, C. 2008. Late Moche Pit Burials from San José de Moro in Social and Political Perspective. In L. J. Castillo, H. Bernier, G. Lockard, and J. Rucabado (eds.), Arqueología Mochica Nuevos Enfoques: Actas del primero congreso internacional de jóvenves investigadores de la cultura Moche, 119-130. Fondo Editorial de la Pontifica Universidad Católica del Perú and Instituto Francés de Estudios Andinos. Donnan, C. B. 1995. Moche Funerary Practice. In T. Dillehay (ed.), Tombs for the Living: Andean Mortuary Practices, 111-159. Dumbarton Oaks. Washington DC. Donnan, C. B. 1997. Introduction. In C. B. Donnan and G. A. Cock (eds.), The Pacatnamu Papers Volume 2: The Moche Occupation, 9-16. Fowler Museum of Cultural History, University of California, Los Angeles. Donnan, C. B. 2001. Moche Burials Uncovered. National Geographic March 2001, 58-73. Donnan, C. B. 2003. Tumbas con Entierros en Miniatura: Un Nuevo Tipo Funerario Moche. In S. Uceda and E. Mujica (eds.), Moche: Hacia el final del milenio, Tomo II [Actas del segundo coloquio sobre la cultura Moche. Trujillo, 1 al 7 de agosto de 1999], 65-123. Fondo Editorial, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú and Universidad Nacional de Trujillo, Lima and Trujillo. Donnan, C. B. 2006. A Moche Cemetery at Masanca, Jequetepeque Valley, Peru. Ñawpa Pacha 28, 151-193. Donnan, C. B. 2007. Moche Tombs at Dos Cabezas. Monograph 59. Cotsen Institute of Archaeology at UCLA, Los Angeles. Donnan, C. B. 2009. The Gallinazo Illusion. In J. Millaire (ed.), Gallinazo: An Early Cultural Tradition on the Peruvian North Coast, 17-32. Cotsen Institute of Archaeology Press, University of California, Los Angeles. Donnan, C. B. 2010. Moche State Religion: A Unifying Force in Moche Political Organization. In J. Quilter and L. J. Castillo (eds.), New Perspectives on Moche Political Organization, 47-69. Center for Pre Columbian Studies, Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C. Donnan, C. and L. J. Castillo. 1994. Excavaciones de Tumbas de Sacerdotisas Moche en San José de Moro, Jequetepeque. In S. Uceda and E. Mujica (eds.), Moche: Propuestas y Perspectivas [Actas del Primer Coloquio sobre la Cultura Moche (Trujillo, 12 al 16 de abril de 1993)], 415-424. Travaux de l’Institut Française d’Etudes Andines 79. Donnan, C. and McClelland, D. 1997. Moche Burials at

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Pacatnamu. In C. B. Donnan and G. A. Cock (eds.), The Pacatnamu Papers Volume 2: The Moche Occupation, 17-187. Fowler Museum of Cultural History, University of California, Los Angeles. Doyon, L. 2002. Conduits of Ancestry: Interpretation of the Geography, Geology, and Seasonality of North Andean Shaft Tombs. Archaeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association 11(1), 79-95. Eling, H. H. 1986. Pre-Hispanic Irrigation Sources and Systems in the Jequetepeque Valley, Northern Peru. In S. Turpin, R. Matos, and H. Eling (eds.), Andean Archaeology: Papers in Memory of Clifford Evans, 130-149. Monograph XXVII. Institute of Archaeology, University of California, Los Angeles. Eling, H. H. 1987. The Role of Irrigation Networks in Emerging Social Complexity During Late PreHispanic Times: Jequetepeque Valley, North Coast, Peru. Unpublished PhD dissertation, University of Texas. Escudero, L. and Bernuy Quiroga, J. 2002. Informe del Análisis de Restos Óseos Humanos Procedentes de las Excavaciones del Proyecto San José de Moro, 2002. In L. J. Castillo (ed.), Proyecto Arqueológico San José de Moro, Informe de Excavaciones 2002,. Unpublished report for the 2002 field season submitted to the Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Lima. Gamble, L. H., Walker, P. and Russell, G. 2001. An Integrative Approach to Mortuary Analysis: Social and Symbolic Dimensions of Chumash Burial Practices. American Antiquity 66(2), 185-212. Goldstein, L. 1981. One-dimensional archaeology and multi-dimensional people: spatial organization and mortuary analysis. In R. Chapman, I. Kinnes, and K. Randsborg (eds.), The Archaeology of Death, 53-69. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Gumerman, G. 1997. Botanical Offerings in Moche Burials at Pacatnamu. In C. B. Donnan and G. A. Cock (eds.), The Pacatnamu Papers Volume 2: The Moche Occupation, 243-249. Fowler Museum of Cultural History, University of California, Los Angeles. Hastorf, C. 2003. Community with the Ancestors: Ceremonies and Social Memory in the Middle Formative at Chiripa, Bolivia. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 22, 305-332. Haun, S. 2000. Informe de Análisis de Restos Óseos Humanos la Campaña de Investigaciones 2000 de San José de Moro. In L. J. Castillo (ed.), Proyecto Arqueológico San José de Moro Informe de Excavaciones 2000, 81-90. Unpublished report for the 2000 field season submitted to the Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Lima. Heyerdahl, T., Sandweiss, D. H. and Narvaez, A. 1995. The Pyramids of Túcume: The Quest for Peru’s Forgotten City. Thames and Hudson, New York. Hocquenghem, A. M. and Lyon, P. 1980. A class of anthropomorphic supernatural females in Moche iconography. Ñawpa Pacha 18, 27-48. Hodder, I. 1982. Symbols in Action: Ethno-archaeological Studies of Material Culture. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.

Howell, T. L. and Kintigh, K. W. 1995. Archaeological Identification of Kin Groups Using Mortuary and Biological Data: An Example from the American Southwest. American Antiquity 61(3), 537-554. Isla, J. and Reindel, M. 2006. Burial Patterns and Sociopolitical Organization in Nasca 5 Society. In W. Isbell and H.Silverman (eds.), Andean Archaeology III: North and South, 374-400. Springer, New York. Keyser-Tracqui, C., Crubezy, E. and Ludes, B. 2003. Nuclear and Mitochondrial DNA Analysis of a 2000-Year-Old Necropolis in the Egyin Gol Valley of Mongolia. American Journal of Human Genetics 73, 247-260. Klass, D. 2006. Continuing Conversation about Continuing Bonds. Death Studies 30(9), 843-858. Kolbuszewski, J. 1995. Cemeteries as a Text of Culture. In O. Czerner and I. Juszkiewicz (eds.), Cemetery Art. ICOMOS, Wroclaw. Manrique Bravo, P. 2004. Excavaciones en el Area 31: Tumbas de Elite Transicional y Lambayeque. In L. J. Castillo (ed.), Programa Arqueologico San José de Moro, Temporada 200491-110. Unpublished report for the 2004 field season submitted to the Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Lima. McAnany, P., Storey, R. and Lockard, A. 1999. Mortuary Ritual and Family Politics at Formative and Early Classic K’Axob, Belize. Ancient Mesoamerica 10, 129-146. Metcalf, Peter and Richard Huntington. 1991. Celebrations of Death: The Anthropology of Mortuary Ritual. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Millaire, J. 2002. Moche Burial Patterns: An Investigation into Prehispanic Social Structure. British Archaeological Reports International Series 1066. BAR, Oxford. Morris, I. 1987. Burial and Ancient Society: The Rise of the Greek City-State. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Morris, I. 1991. The Archaeology of the Ancestors: The Saxe/Goldstein Hypothesis Revisited. Cambridge Archaeological Journal, Vol.1, No. 2, 147-169. Nelson, A. 1998. Wandering Bones: Archaeology, Forensic Science, and Moche Burial Practices. International Journal of Osteoarchaeology, Vol. 8, 192212. Nelson, A. and Castillo, L. J. 1995. Huesos a la Deriva: Tafonomia y tratamiento funerario en entierros Mochica Tardío de San José de Moro. Boletín de Arqueología PUCP, Vol. 1, 137-163. Netherly, P. 1984. The Management of Late Andean Irrigation Systems on the North Coast of Peru. American Antiquity 49(2), 227-254. Netherly, P. 1990. Out of Many, One: The Organization of Rule in the North Coast Polities. In M. E. Moseley and A. Cordy-Collins (eds.), Northern Dynasties: Kingship and Statecraft in Chimor, 461-488. Dumbarton Oaks, Washington D.C. O’Shea, J. 1996. Villagers of the Maros: A Portrait of an Early Bronze Age Society. Plenum Press, New York. Papadopoulos, J. 2000. Skeletons in wells: towards an archaeology of social exclusion in the ancient Greek

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world. In J. Hupert (ed.), Madness, Disability, and Social Exclusion: The Archaeology and Anthropology of ‘Difference,’ 96-118. Routledge, New York. Parker Pearson, M. 1995. The Archaeology of Death and Burial. Texas A&M University Press; College Station, TX. Patterson, C. 2006. ‘Citizen Cemeteries’ in Classical Athens? Classical Quarterly 56(1), 48-56. Rakita, G. F. M. 2001. Social Complexity, Religious Organization, and Mortuary Ritual in the Casas Grandes Region of Chihuahua, Mexico. Unpublished PhD dissertation, University of New Mexico. Ramírez, S. 1996. The World Upside Down: Cross-Cultural Contact and Conflict in Sixteenth Century Peru. Stanford University Press, Stanford. Ramírez, S. 1998. Rich Man, Poor Man, Beggar Man or Chief: Material Wealth as a Basis of Power in SixteenthCentury Peru. In S. Kellogg and M. Restall (eds.), Dead Giveaways: Indigenous Testaments of Colonial Mesoamerica and the Andes, 215-248. University of Utah Press, Salt Lake City. Rugg, J. 1995. Defining the place of burial: what makes a cemetery a cemetery? Mortality 5(3), 259-275. Salamon, A. and Lengyel, I. 1980. Kinship Interrelations in a Fifth-Century ‘Pannonian’ Cemetery: An Archaeological and Palaeobiological Sketch of the Population Fragment Buried in the Mozs Cemetery, Hungary. World Archaeology 12(2), 93-104. Sandoval, Z. 2002. Moche Funerary Practices: Burial Location and Its Relationship with Sociopolitical Complexity. Unpublished MA thesis, Department of Anthropology, University of California, Los Angeles. Saxe, A. 1971. Social Dimensions of Mortuary Practices. Unpublished PhD dissertation, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Shanks, M., and Tilley, C. 1987. Ideology, symbolic power and ritual communication: a reinterpretation of Neolithic mortuary practices. In I. Hodder (ed.), Symbolic and Structural Archaeology, 129-154. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Shimada, I., Shinoda, K., Farnum, J., Corruccini, R. and Watanabe, H. 2004. An Integrated Analysis of PreHispanic Mortuary Practices: A Middle Sícan Case Study. Current Anthropology 45(3), 369-401. Silverman, H. and Proulx, D. 2002. The Nasca. Blackwell Publishers, Oxford. Swenson, E. 2004. Ritual and Power in the Urban Hinterland: Religious Pluralism and Political Decentralization in the Late Moche Jequetepeque, Peru. Unpublished PhD dissertation, University of Chicago. Thomas, J. 2000. Death, Identity and the Body in Neolithic

Britain. The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 6(4), 653-668. Tomasto, E. 1999. Informe del Análisis de Restos Óseos Humanos la Campaña de Investigaciones 1999 de San José de Moro. In L. J. Castillo (ed.), Proyecto Arqueológico San José de Moro, Informe de Excavaciones 1999, 73-81. Unpublished report for the 1999 field season submitted to the Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Lima. Tomasto, E. 2000. Informe del Análisis de Restos Óseos Humanos de la Campaña de Investigaciones 2000 de San José de Moro. In L. J. Castillo (ed.), Proyecto Arqueológico San José de Moro, Informe de Excavaciones 2000, 91-102. Unpublished report for the 2000 field season submitted to the Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Lima. Tomasto, E. 2001 Informe del Análisis de Restos Óseos Humanos Procedentes de las Excavaciones del Proyecto San José de Moro, 2001. In L. J. Castillo (ed.), Proyecto Arqueológico San José de Moro, Informe de Excavaciones 2001, 154-167. Unpublished report for the 2001 field season submitted to the Instituto Nacional de Cultura, Lima. Ubbelohde-Doering, H. 1983. Vorspanishe Gräber von Pacatnamu, Nordperu. Materialien zur Allgemeinen und Vergleichenden Arcäologie, Band 26. Verlag C.H. Beck, München. Van Dyke, R. and Alcock, S. 2003. Archaeologies of Memory: An Introduction. In R. Van Dyke and S. Alcock (eds.), Archaeologies of Memory, pp. 1-13. Blackwell Publishers, Malden, MA. Van Gennep, A. 1960. The Rites of Passage. Translated by Monika Vizedom and Gabrielle Caffee. University of Chicago Press, Chicago. Verano, J. 1987. Cranial Microvariation at Pacatnamu: A Study of Cemetery Population Variability. Unpublished PhD dissertation, University of California, Los Angeles. Verano, J. 1997. Physical Characteristics and Skeletal Biology of the Moche Population at Pactanamu. In C. B. Donnan and G. A. Cock (eds.), The Pacatnamu Papers Volume 2: The Moche Occupation, 189-214. Fowler Museum of Cultural History, UCLA. Whitehouse, R. D. 1992. Underground Religion: Cult and Culture in Prehistoric Italy. Specialist Studies on Italy 1, Accordia Research Centre. University of London, London. Williams, H. 2004. Potted Histories: Cremation, Ceramics, and Social Memory in Early Roman Britain. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 23(4), 417-427. Williams, H. 2006. Death and Memory in Early Medieval Britain. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.

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Chapter 3 The Development of Semi-Autonomous Communities in the Late Moche Period (AD 600-900)

Ilana Johnson

University of California, Los Angeles The Jequetepeque hinterland was a complex and fragmented place during the Late Moche Period. Instability throughout the Moche sphere resulted in new opportunities for control, as competition ensued for valuable resources. Small farming communities that had previously inhabited the Jequetepeque Valley now found themselves being threatened by the lack of political centralization. This article discusses new research from the site of Portachuelo de Charcape which was a small hamlet located in the hinterland of the Moche territory in the Jequetepeque Valley. Charcape was located 17 km south the central site of San José de Moro and contained many fineline ceramic fragments that were likely produced by specialists at the ritual center. Charcape was built in an ecologically challenging location without immediately detectible water or obvious food sources. However, the location of the site reflects several environmental and political factors which effected settlement choice during the Late Moche Period. Charcape was originally characterized as nonfortified, but recent research revealed two stone walls located nearby that likely served to restrict access to the site. Charcape also contained two U-shaped adobe huacas with ramps down the middle which formed a small civic-ceremonial sector. The pattern of small ritual sectors is not seen at earlier domestic sites in the Moche region and seems to have developed during the Late Moche Period. The presence of ritual sectors during this period suggests a greater degree of autonomy at hinterland sites, as they began to rely less on the larger Moche centers as the locations of everything ritual and sacred.

and then explores the role played by San José de Moro in Jequetepeque politics during this time period. Recent excavations from Charcape are placed into the context of previous scholarship on the Jequetepeque hinterland, revealing continuities and differences observed in the archaeological record. These data are then synthesized to explore the social implications of the political climate during the Late Moche Period.

The Jequetepeque hinterland was a complex and fragmented place during the Late Moche Period. Numerous small hamlets and villages were established on the fringes of arable land, where they developed new and creative ways to bring water to previously uncultivated areas (Dillehay et al. 2004). The inhabitants of these villages used Moche utilitarian and fineline ceramics, many of which were manufactured at the nearby religious center of San José de Moro (Johnson 2008; Swenson 2004, 2007). Although these villages had ties to a larger Moche center, they remained autonomous with regard to daily production, consumption, and local political struggles. Many hinterland villages were located on or adjacent to fortified hilltops (Dillehay 2001) and display evidence of physical conflict, in the form of sling stones and protective walls (Swenson 2007, 2008).

The Late Moche Period The Late Moche Period was a dynamic time of transformation, with political change, collapse, and consolidation occurring throughout the Moche sphere. Many have attributed these changes to a thirty-year drought that occurred around AD 550-600, on the North Coast of Peru, forever changing the fate of the Moche and the cultures that succeeded them (Shimada et al. 1991; for an alternative perspective see Billman and Huckleberry 2008). Ice core data from the Quelccaya Ice Cap in the Andes indicate a detrimental period of environmental fluctuation that affected the coast for several decades due to a prolonged period of El Niño (ENSO). This phenomenon has periodically affected the inhabitants of western South America since people first settled the coastal areas. Warm waters from the east coast of Papua New Guinea heat up and move westward towards South America, bringing a whole new ecosystem and set of weather patterns with them (Cane 1983, 1986; Dillehay 2001, 278; Maasch 2008).

The site of Portachuelo de Charcape was not located on a hilltop, but was in a defensible location near a narrow and barricaded passageway between two hills. In addition, it has several unique features which set it apart from other Late Moche hinterland villages. People lived at the site on a permanent basis and there is substantial evidence of daily domestic activities. The inhabitants constructed numerous raised platforms, creating a circumscribed ceremonial space. The presence of a separate ritual sector is not typical of Moche hinterland sites from earlier time periods and attests to the ritual and political autonomy exhibited by the residents of Charcape. This paper first examines the political and environmental changes that occurred during the Late Moche Period,

Environmental instability due to El Niño and fluctuating

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Figure 1. Map of the North Coast

rainfall had profound effects on Moche communities and is reflected through changes in settlement patterns (Swenson 2004), as well as religious ideology and iconography (McClelland 1990). In addition, neighboring political developments contributed to instability, such as the emergence of the Wari and Cajamarca polities in the highlands and political fragmentation that was occurring in the southern Moche region (Bawden 2001, 291; Castillo 2001, 308). Southern centers in the Nepeña, Virú, Santa, and Casma valleys, which had been integrated into the Moche sociopolitical sphere during the Middle Moche Period, were suddenly abandoned (Proulx 1985; Willey 1953; Wilson 1988, 1995) (Figure 1). The largest and most impressive center, the Pyramids of Moche, suffered from flooding and dune formation at the end of the Middle Moche Period (Moseley 1989; Moseley and Deeds 1982), but continued as a major ritual center with a reduced, although significant, population throughout the Late Moche Period (Uceda 2005).

were significantly different from previous centers. The site of Galindo, located in the neck of the Moche Valley, was built by groups of Moche people from abandoned hamlets surrounding the city (Bawden 1977). Large populations of farmers aggregated at Galindo and built small, poorly constructed houses with very little household content (Bawden 1982). A new faction of elites emerged, who selected and rejected old Moche cultural and artistic elements in an attempt to redefine their identities within a new sociopolitical environment (Bawden 1995; 2001, 285). The tradition of building large earthen pyramids did not continue at Galindo, and was replaced by small adobe pyramids and large walled enclosures (Lockard 2005). In addition, the artistic tradition observed at the site was extremely different and contained a reduced range of icons from preceding Moche styles. Although we do not know the exact reasons for the abandonment of the city, recent radiocarbon dates show that the occupation of Galindo was very short-lived when compared to other large Moche centers (Lockard 2005, 2009).

Within the southern Moche region, new sites emerged that

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Figure 2. Wrinkle Face fighting Sea Urchin (illustration by Donna McClelland, used with permission from Christopher Donnan and the Moche Archive, UCLA)

San José de Moro and Late Moche Ceramic Iconography

figures that were very important in earlier artistic phases virtually disappeared, such as the Sacrifice Ceremony, deer hunting, portrait vessels, ritual runners, and the parading and bleeding of prisoners (Donnan and McClelland 1999). By contrast, elements that served as links to the Moche past, such as iconographic images of the Priestess, Wrinkleface, ceremonial ‘badminton,’ and warclubs, continued as major themes in Late Moche art at San José de Moro.

The instability of the southern Moche region impacted the northern sphere during the Late Moche Period. As the dramatic collapse of the southern region was underway, some centers in the north, such as San José de Moro in the Jequetepeque Valley, were gaining power (Castillo 2001). San José de Moro was an important center in an ‘opportunistic state’ that waxed and waned in political centralization and authority through time in response to local environmental conditions and external political influences (Castillo 2010, 85).

Images that arose late in the Middle Moche Period, such as marine animals, came to dominate the iconography during the Late Moche Period at San José de Moro. These new representations could have been in response to the pronounced environmental changes of the period, which brought new attention to the ocean and how it affected the Moche world. Animals, such as swimming crabs, sea urchins, strombus shells, iguanas, and eagle rays, that came or flourished during El Niño events began to be depicted in large quantities in Moche art, sometimes as anthropomorphized deities (McClelland 1990).

The Late Moche Period at San José de Moro is characterized by the sudden appearance of a very sophisticated fineline ceramic tradition and the introduction of Wari and Wari-influenced wares from the highlands or nearby groups with Wari connections (Donnan and McClelland 1999; McClelland et al. 2007). The iconography on finelines at San José de Moro embodies the old and the new, synthesized to create a new Moche ideology and polity (Castillo 2001, 319-20). As evidenced at both Galindo and San José de Moro, the emerging ideologies of many Late Moche Period sites included elements of an old Moche tradition, recast with new ideological and mythological elements that helped legitimize and explain the changes occurring due to fluctuating environmental and sociopolitical conditions (Bawden 2001). Some themes and

An interesting twist to this new theme in Moche art is that two traditional icons present in earlier phases, Wrinkle Face and the Priestess, began to be portrayed in scenes with marine content (Donnan and McClelland 1999). These two figures appear to have been very important in Moche ideology of the Late Moche Period at San José de Moro and were likely featured prominently in major rituals at the site. Both of these figures were found on ceramics

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Figure 3. Priestess riding in a reed boat (illustration by Donna McClelland, used with permission from Christopher Donnan and the Moche Archive, UCLA)

from Portachuelo de Charcape and their significance will be discussed in greater depth below. In fineline paintings from San José de Moro, Wrinkle Face is often depicted engaged in supernatural confrontation with anthropomorphized sea creatures, such as crabs, sea urchins, and ‘circular creatures’ which could be snails or mollusks (Figure 2). Although himself a terrestrial being, Wrinkle Face is always portrayed fighting sea creatures in marine settings, as indicated by locator motifs such as spirals or sea anemones (McClelland et al. 2007, 62-67).

archaeologically at the site of Sipán, with identifiable and distinct regalia linking them to the iconography (Alva and Donnan 1993). Three high-status female tombs at San José de Moro, dating to the Late Moche Period, contain a number of elements of the Sacrifice Ceremony, including a goblet painted with anthropomorphized weapon bundles, metal representations of the tasseled headdress, and a large circular plate reminiscent of depictions of the Sacrifice Ceremony from fineline vessels and on the mural at Pañamarca (Alva and Donnan 1993, 225; Donnan and Castillo 1994). These interments, known as the Priestess tombs, are thought to represent individuals who filled the role of the Priestess in various rituals at the site of San José de Moro.

Also during the Late Moche Period, the Priestess began to be depicted riding in reed boats with marine animals swimming in the water next to her (McClelland 1990; Donnan and McClelland 1999, 280-3). The Priestess was first depicted in Phase III of Moche art as part of a priesthood involved in a prestigious Moche ritual known as the Sacrifice Ceremony (Alva and Donnan 1993). In Phases III and IV, scenes of battle, the parading of warriors, and prisoner sacrifice were commonly depicted on ceramic vessels. In the Sacrifice Ceremony, a goblet, thought to be filled with the blood of prisoners, was presented to the Warrior Priest by the Bird Priest. To the right of the Bird Priest stood the Priestess, holding a chalice and robed in very distinct regalia, which included a decorated tunic, tasseled headdress, and long braids with serpents at the ends running down her back (Hocquenghem and Lyon 1980). Several individuals representing the personages depicted in the Sacrifice Ceremony have been uncovered

During the Late Moche Period at San José de Moro, the Priestess shifted from her relatively minor role in the Sacrifice Ceremony and became a major icon playing a prominent role in ideology related to the ocean (McClelland 1990). In fineline depictions from the site, the Priestess was depicted with a slightly different headdress and was no longer associated with the Warrior or Bird Priests. Instead, the Priestess is most often portrayed riding in reed boats with several different types of marine animals, such as rays and sea anemones, swimming in the water next to her (McClelland et al. 2007, 31-51). Often, in the lower portion of the boat, several small jars with ropes around their necks are shown, likely representing prisoners. In

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one depiction, she is even drinking from her characteristic goblet while riding in the reed boat (Figure 3). Many myths and ceremonies revolved around the Priestess, and burials of individuals who assumed the role in life were large, ostentatious events that would have attracted communities from the entire valley (Nelson 1998; see Donnan and McClelland 1979 for images of the burial theme). The site of San José de Moro was the location of elaborate ceremonies, feasts, and burials that reflected and enacted the newly formed ideology in the Late Moche Period. Non-permanent adobe structures have been found in several parts of the site, with remains of large ceramic urns, called tinajas, used for chicha production (Delibes and Barragán 2008). This evidence, combined with mortuary data revealing that bodies were transported to San José de Moro for burial, suggests that the site served as a ritual center for groups living in the valley (or adjacent valleys) who gathered at the site for annual feasts and interment ceremonies (Nelson 1998). Death and burial become central themes in Late Moche fineline iconography produced at San José de Moro (Donnan and McClelland 1979; 1999, 276). Several fineline vessels from San José de Moro depict a procession of various individuals, including warriors, priests, and musicians, carrying the deceased towards the grave (McClelland et al. 2007, 121). The coffin found in one of the Priestess burials had a copper mask and tassels with hanging discs that had been affixed to the exterior of the coffin, which would have caught the light as the coffin was paraded around. This was most likely an addition to the coffin calculated to be aesthetically pleasing to onlookers during the burial procession and ceremony (Christopher Donnan, personal communication 2006). Taken together, these changes reflect the new emphasis on community participation in burial rituals at the site of San José de Moro that may have included groups from other villages in the Jequetepeque Valley.

Figure 4. Ceramics from San José de Moro (Clockwise from the top: Stirrup-spout bottle, King of Assyria jar, platform-rim olla [redrawn from Castillo 2005])

introduction of foreign styles, such as the Wari polychrome and double-spout and bridge vessels, which were made with Moche iconographic elements (Castillo 2001, 321). At the end of the Late Moche Period, many important figures ceased to be represented in the iconography. The disappearance of elite symbols of power and religion suggests that instability in the Late Moche Period resulted in conflict and social change: [w]e can infer, beginning with these transformations, that the predominant authority had changed – that the elite had lost control and were banished, at least from iconographic space. This would signal an internal deterioration that might have had an element of violence, as in this era defensive constructions, walled cities, and hilltop fortifications multiply – all indications of instability reaching violent levels and requiring action (Castillo 2001, 326).

The ceramic chronology at San José de Moro provides insights into the changing nature of the occupation at this site through time (Castillo 2001). The earliest phase of Late Moche ceramics, Phase A, was dominated by faceneck jars, and fineline vessels were first produced in this phase. In Phase B, platform rim ollas dominated, finelines continued with an emphasis on the Burial Theme and the Priestess, and a new face-neck jar called the ‘King of Assyria’ was introduced (Figure 4). The King of Assyria had several features that identify him as an important figure in Moche iconography, including a headband with inverted triangles, straight locks of hair on either side of the face, and large round ear spools decorated with small spherical adornments. Ceramics dating exclusively to Phase B were found at Charcape, indicating that the site was occupied for a short, circumscribed period of time.

The Hinterland A recent survey of the Jequetepeque and Zaña valleys revealed a complex picture of the Moche countryside during the Late Moche Period (Dillehay 2001; Dillehay and Kolata 2004). Survey data indicates that most local communities had a corresponding hilltop settlement nearby for protection (Dillehay 2001). This suggests a shifting political climate, instability, violence, and new opportunities for control (Swenson 2006; 2007). Due to the inherent instability of the

The final ceramic phase at San José de Moro, Phase C, was marked by the disappearance of fineline vessels and the

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Figure 5. Map of the Jequetepeque Valley

and a ramp which connected the huaca to the ground. These architectural features resemble platforms depicted in Moche art, where elite figures sit and preside over ceremonies and receive offerings (Swenson 2007). It is also interesting to note that these huacas are very similar to clay models, or maquetas, that have been found in burials at San José de Moro (Swenson 2007; see Castillo et al. 1997). These huacas were often oriented perpendicular to each other, thus delimiting a plaza that was likely used for rituals, meetings, or feasts. Surrounding these huacas were small residential hamlets consisting of domestic structures and associated household artifacts.

Late Moche political and physical environments, hinterland communities in the Jequetepeque Valley would have had to secure their own food and defend themselves against adversaries, which may have resulted in a higher degree of autonomy. These communities were politically semiautonomous, but remained ethnically Moche. In contrast to the economic dependency observed between center and hinterland communities in the Moche Valley, rural sites in the Jequetepeque Valley were socially dependent on the local regional center. Hinterland communities such as Charcape likely relied on San José de Moro to hold feasts, facilitate interment ceremonies, and provide protection from the dangerous forces brought by the ocean.

Other hinterland sites were built with these elements, but were located on hilltops with several stone walls for protection. These villages had multiple huacas, many of which were terraced and located in different parts of the site. San Idelfonso had seventeen platform mounds dispersed throughout the site, while Cerro Catalina had ten platforms located in a single portion of the site that was separated from the domestic sector by a wall (Swenson 2007). The fact that so many huacas existed within the same village may signify multiple social groups that lived together, but maintained separate ritual spaces (Swenson 2007, 13). Two of the huacas at Portachuelo de Charcape and

The architectural layout of small hinterland communities was quite variable during the Late Moche Period, including villages with monumental architecture, small domestic units built up over time, and residential communities constructed within hilltop defensive sites. Another trend observed in the Jequetepeque and Zaña valleys was the ‘huaca community’, which consisted of a small hamlet centered around one or two platform mounds (Dillehay 2001, 267). San Pedro de Lloc and Portachuelo de Charcape are two examples of this type of site (Figure 5). The platform mounds were small and typically contained a dais (a small elevated platform) on top

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San Idelfonso were built near springs, and may have had ritual significance related to water and fertility (Swenson 2007). Also associated with many of these platform mounds were large quantities of serving vessels, likely used in the consumption of chicha. These tall-neck jars had stamped faces depicting llamas, owls, snarling deities, and human faces, including the King of Assyria (Swenson 2007, 19). Feasting was likely associated with rituals and community events carried out on or near these platforms.

an ideological framework that combined familiar themes with new elements relevant to a changed social and physical environment. Portachuelo de Charcape The site of Portachuelo de Charcape is a small domestic and ritual site located in the hinterland of the Moche territory in the Jequetepeque Valley. It was a small hamlet with its own ritual area and contained a distinctive ceramic assemblage, consisting of platform rims, fineline ceramic vessels, and Wari influenced polychrome wares. Since it is a single occupation site, it provides a rare and valuable window into the daily lives of individuals living in the hinterland during this time period. The site was built in an ecologically challenging location on a dry rocky pampa west of the fertile valley floor, without immediately detectable water or obvious food sources (both of which are indeed present and will be discussed later).

Environmental instability continued well into the Late Moche Period and can be seen throughout the hinterland, as people attempted to repair environmental damage and take advantage of periodic rainfall (Dillehay et al. 2004). Throughout the Jequetepeque landscape, groups developed ‘flexible, opportunistic agricultural regimes’ in response to the fluctuating climate (Dillehay and Kolata 2004, 4328). The northern portion of the valley contained the most extensive agricultural system, consisting of canals, terraces, check dams, and reservoirs. These were often constructed quickly, requiring fairly low labor inputs, and could be easily rebuilt after periods of intense rainfall. The Late Moche hinterland population attempted to maximize agricultural production and bring water to previously uncultivated arable land (Dillehay and Kolata 2004). Access to water and land were the major limiting factors and competition ensued between hinterland communities over agricultural resources (Dillehay 2001).

The remains of Portachuelo de Charcape are located 17 km south of the Chaman River and 40-50 kilometers from San José de Moro. The hamlet consists of two small adobe huacas, several adobe structures with stone foundations, a large domestic compound made of cane and plaster, and several smaller structures that have been melted away by the torrential downpours and flooding during the rainy season and El Niño events (Figure 6). It is speculated that Portachuelo de Charcape and other similar sites nearby may have been home to small-scale local elites with ties to larger Moche sites such as San José de Moro (Swenson 2007).

Although the environment was not the sole influence on sociopolitical factors, it may have served as a catalyst that provided opportunities for control and ultimately led to competition and fighting. Circumscribed quantities of productive agricultural land and limited access to irrigation canals and marine resources may have led groups to defend the resources they had, or compete for resources they did not have.

Two perpendicular adobe huacas created a public ceremonial sector and contained very few associated artifacts, with the exception of a few ceramic sherds and several Spondylus shell fragments. The significance of this architectural style remains unclear, but it was certainly an important ceremonial feature of several communities during this time period. It has been suggested that these huaca complexes were the locations of community-wide rituals that served to solidify groups in the hinterland and public arenas for gaining political and social prestige (Mauricio 2008).

Another consequence of this political and economic climate was that local leaders emerged and made alliances with each other in order to secure access to resources they were lacking and increase their ability to compete against their enemies. As Dillehay (2001, 275) states:

Located near the huacas were several adobe-brick structures with stone foundations and very little refuse associated with them. These structures had compact, clean floors in the lower levels near the stone base, suggesting increased investment in the construction of these buildings. These structures may have been the domiciles of local elites, within which residential and administrative activities took place. The hamlet, however, was likely too small to have supported full-time religious or administrative specialists residing in these structures. The structures were well-built with durable materials and carefully prepared floors, which is a pattern observed at other Moche elite residences (see Gumerman and Briceño 2003 and Campbell 1998 for hinterland dwellings from earlier time periods). They are not, however, as formally laid-out as elite residences

[d]uring periods of demise, when the population at large continues to survive and reconstitute a new social and economic order, conflict over choice land may have led to the initial establishment of local elites residing in the intermediate sites rather than in one of the major power settlements such as San José de Moro… Although groups in the hinterland were relatively autonomous, elites at several sites maintained political ties with elites at San José de Moro, as evidenced by the presence of Moro-style fineline vessels in these sites. It would have been advantageous for hinterland elites to link themselves with an already established Moche center, and San José de Moro would have provided the populous with

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Figure 6. Map of Portachuelo de Charcape

from urban cities, such as the site of Moche (Pozorski and Pozorski 2003; Chapdelaine 2002, 2003; Uceda et al. 2004, 2005) and Pampa Grande (Johnson 2010; Shimada 1994). It is likely that local elite individuals lived in these structures, as evidenced by the presence of utilitarian and fineware pottery, but they did not perform typical daily activities such as food preparation and weaving within the confines of their residences. These activities were probably carried out by family members or retainers in a nearby domestic facility.

variety of domestic activities took place. There were also several raised areas, some with dark soil on top (possibly burnt) and others with yellowish soil. One of these raised areas was excavated and revealed a collapsed structure with a cane roof. Beneath the collapsed roof were copious quantities of cuy dung, suggesting that this structure served as an animal pen for raising guinea pigs. Several of these raised areas were probably the remains of collapsed structures, although some of them may have served as benches, which are commonly found in Moche households.

The domestic compound measures approximately 40 by 40 meters and was built of long thin cane pieces tied together with cane twined rope (Figure 7). The cane was then plastered with very fine whitish-gray clay. The compound consisted of several closed rooms and open patios where a

Excavations in the domestic compound at Charcape yielded numerous types of botanical remains, including corn cobs, peanut shells, lúcuma, gourd, squash, cane fragments, cane twine, textiles, string, wool, and processed cotton. Faunal remains include cuy (guinea pig), bird, crab,

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Figure 8. Metal objects found in excavations at Portachuelo de Charcape

Figure 7. Map of the domestic compound

camelid, and shellfish (Donax obesulus, Cuynus cymba, Thais haematoma, Thais chocolate, and Polynices uber). Three thin metal objects, each with a small concave disc at one end, were found at different locations throughout this compound (Figure 8). These objects are perplexing because they have not been found at other sites in the Late Moche Period. They may have been shawl pins, as women in Andean art are sometimes portrayed with shawls pinned at the shoulders, but such pins usually have a larger, flatter head. It is also possible that these are snuff spoons similar to those found in the highlands during this time period, but other snuff paraphernalia has not been found at the site to date.

traveling to the coast to collect marine items, or that the inhabitants of Charcape had economic ties with nearby coastal communities. The most ubiquitous type of mollusk found at the site was Donax obesulus, which is the most common mollusk found at many sites in the Moche region (Johnson 2010; Lockard 2005; Rosello et al. 2001). The daily lives of the inhabitants of Charcape were typical of Moche rural communities dating to earlier periods, such as Santa Rosa-Quirihuac in the Moche valley (Campbell 1998; Mehaffey 1998; Ryser 1998; Tate 1998). Camelid consumption was very low and instead the residents of Charcape raised cuy and consumed marine resources for protein. Faunal evidence from Charcape seems to show a comparatively greater dependence on marine resources, especially mollusks, than at earlier hinterland sites. This is likely a result of Charcape’s proximity to the ocean. Although their diet was diverse, consisting of peanuts, lúcuma, squash, and a variety of protein sources, corn was the predominant cultigen consumed (Tate 1998). The presence of a batán, a mano, and ralladores suggests that they were also engaging in chicha production. This seems to follow the pattern observed at other sites, such as Ciudad de Dios in the Moche Valley (Mehaffey 1998; Tate 1998), where high status individuals used chicha as a major component of their ability to persuade and motivate the community (Gumerman and Briceño 2003).

Several lines of evidence testify to the production, fermentation, and storage of chicha taking place at the compound. A mano, or hand-held grinding stone, and several corncobs were discovered along with black charcoal deposits in the center of the compound near the batán (large grinding stone). Fragments of ralladores, or grater bowls, used for processing corn prior to the cooking process, and large ceramic vessels, referred to as paicas or tinajas, used for fermenting, were also found in association (see also Prieto, this volume; Delibes and Barragán 2008; Moore 1989; Shimada 1994). In addition to food and chicha preparation, the people who worked in the compound engaged in weaving, animal husbandry, and collection of marine resources. Although no spindle whorls were found at Charcape, there is convincing evidence for weaving occurring at the site. Partial textiles, spun string, processed cotton, and camelid wool were all found within the domestic compound. Large quantities of marine resources were also found at the site, including several types of mollusks and numerous crab claws. This suggests that either a significant amount of time was spent

If we compare the residential architecture at Charcape to the site of Galindo in the Moche Valley, we see that the local residents of Charcape were not the poorest, nor the richest, of people living in the Moche realm during the Late Moche Period (see Bawden 1982). The size of the dwellings and associated artifacts are most similar to the middle class inhabitants of Galindo, who lived in planned and well-built structures, and had access to both fineline

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ceramics and copper items. Portachuelo de Charcape is also similar to Ciudad de Dios from the Moche Valley, although they date to different time periods (Gumerman and Briceño 2003). Both sites have structures and artifacts that suggest individuals of higher and lower status. Each site has evidence for subsistence activities and local ceremonial activity, as well as chicha production and feasting. Finally, leaders at both sites seem to have administered local groups of people while also maintaining ties to larger centers nearby. Charcape and the Hinterland Portachuelo de Charcape was originally characterized by Dillehay (2001, 261) as a non-fortified site, but research from the 2003 field season revealed two stone walls that may have restricted access to the hamlet. There are only two passageways that provide access to Charcape when travelling through the hills that separate the alluvial plain from the pampa on which the site is located. Two long stone walls, made of locally available fieldstones, once restricted these passageways. Although the walls are not securely dated, the only other occupation on the pampa was a later Chimú site, located somewhat to the south and not very close to these passageways. It therefore seems logical to attribute these walls to the inhabitants of Charcape, as they would have been close enough to monitor traffic along these routes. These walls were not very tall, which implies that they were intended to control or restrict access, rather than to serve directly as defensive structures. It is likely that they were monitored by individuals with weapons, a pattern seen at other hinterland sites in the valley. The nearby site of San Idelfonso, for instance, had three concentric walls surrounding the site, and numerous small sling stones are found at their bases (Swenson 2007). It is likely that these small round stones would have been flung at attackers as they tried to enter the site. It is possible to imagine a similar tactic used at the passages near Charcape in order to keep people from attacking the site or having access to what lay beyond (i.e. important religious buildings, other villages, the canal, etc.). It is also possible that this site was not fortified or restricted for the majority of its existence, but as tensions rose, the need for protection grew. These walls may be the manifestation of a final attempt at protection before the site was ultimately abandoned.

Figure 9. Fineline fragments from Charcape (Clockwise from the top: Priestess headdress, weapon bundle, reed boat, Wrinkle Face)

were uncovered in the canal (Swenson 2007). Swenson (2007, 21) suggests that these offerings were an attempt to ‘conflate the productive powers of irrigation with the productive potential of the sea.’ Other evidence linking the inhabitants of Charcape with the larger social and political realm of the Jequetepeque Valley is the presence of Moro-style stirrup-spout bottle fragments. Ceramics depicting Moro-themes, such as reed boats and marine scenes, have been found at several sites in the Jequetepeque valley and beyond (Johnson 2010; McClelland 1997; Swenson 2004). At Charcape, 35 fineline fragments were found scattered between the elite structures and the domestic compound. Several of these fragments had Wari-related stylistic elements, such as polychrome paint and chevron designs, suggesting a late date for the Moche occupation at Charcape. The most common images found on these fragments were snakes, reed boats, weapon bundles, the Priestess, and Wrinkleface engaged in supernatural confrontation (Figure 9).

A large canal was constructed next to the site, which brought water from the Chaman River 17 km to the south (Dillehay et al. 2004). This canal would have required a significant labor investment at the time of its construction, as it is one meter wide and between two to three meters deep (Swenson 2007). The presence of the canal suggests cooperative and possibly contentious relationships with other communities in the valley, as it was likely connected to the larger valley-wide irrigation system. Excavation of the canal revealed several layers of fine silt deposited by slow moving water and evidence of periodic reuse and cleaning, probably during times of heavy rainfall (Dillehay et al. 2004). In addition, a cache of 26 stone net weights

These fragments display images identical to those found on fineline vessels from San José de Moro, and probably indicate a connection that was both political and religious. Since the majority of fineline fragments were found near the elite and domestic structures at Charcape, it can be inferred that the inhabitants went to San José de Moro on a regular basis to participate in communal rituals and acquired fineline vessels that they subsequently brought home. The fact that weapon bundles were found on the spouts of several vessels indicates that they were produced

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served as protection from attacking groups or may have been patrolled by watchmen to monitor and restrict access to other sites further along the pampa.

at San José de Moro, and the high quality of ceramic production and fineline illustration indicates that they were not local imitations. As suggested by the high number of Priestess and reed boat depictions, residents of Chercape were probably observers and/or participants in Priestessrelated rituals. These symbols of cultural capital were likely used as indicators of status by the local elites, indicating their access to valuable goods and political ties to powerful individuals at San José de Moro. These fineline vessels would have been visual representations of elite status and power, and would have served to legitimize the authority of Charcape elites.

Due to the precarious and unstable nature of the political climate during the Late Moche Period, high status individuals at these sites derived support and legitimization from large and established political centers. San José de Moro, one of the most influential settlements of the Late Moche Period, served as an important and powerful ally to individuals making claims to higher status at Charcape. Not only could elites at San José de Moro offer assistance during times of need, but association with powerful Moche elites likely increased the status and legitimacy of Charcape leaders at home. The religious cult at San José de Moro also served as an attractive ideology to people who had witnessed massive changes within their own environment and culture. Without written language, Moche ideology was constantly changing and intimately reflected the shifting world around them. Elements of the previous Moche ideology, such as the Priestess and Wrinkleface, provided familiar links with the past, and new elements, such as marine themes, helped to explain the changes that were occurring. This ideology would have been very attractive to groups immersed in the unstable political and physical environments of the Late Moche Period, and would have created a reciprocal relationship between elites at San José de Moro and hinterland communities of the Jequetepeque Valley.

The presence of a ritual sector at Charcape suggests a significant degree of autonomy at the site, a pattern observed at many other sites in the Jequetepeque hinterland during the Late Moche Period (Swenson 2004, 2007). Outlying sites from earlier Moche periods, such as Santa Rosa – Quirihuac and Ciudad de Dios in the Moche Valley did not have any evidence of demarcated ritual areas in or near the site (Gumerman and Briceño 2003). Ciudad de Dios, however, yielded state-sponsored artifacts from the nearby Moche center, and it is believed that members of the village traveled there for rituals and events (Mehaffey 1998). It therefore appears that Late Moche hinterland sites began to rely less on the larger Moche centers as the locations of all things ritual and sacred. Local religious figures performed key ceremonies without direct control from the specialized Moche priests at other sites. Nonetheless, fineline vessels and other ceramics found at Charcape suggest that the inhabitants of the site still maintained political and religious ties with leaders at San José de Moro. It is likely that although many ceremonies and rituals were carried out at Charcape, people still traveled to San José de Moro for burials of important individuals and larger feasts and festivals pertaining to prominent Moche deities, such as Wrinkleface and the Priestess.

Acknowledgements: Research at Portachuelo de Charcape was conducted during the 2003 season of the Proyecto Arqueológico San José de Moro (PASJM) under the direction of Luis Jaime Castillo. Funding for my research was provided by the UCLA Cotsen Institute of Archaeology and the UCLA Friends of Archaeology. I would especially like to thank Luis Jaime Castillo for allowing me to direct the excavations at Charcape and for all of the mentorship he has provided since. I am also very grateful to Colleen Zori, Tom Dillehay, and Edward Swenson for all their helpful comments resulting from the SAA symposium during which this paper was originally presented.

Conclusions The environmental changes that occurred at the end of the Middle Moche Period added to an already increasing degree of instability within the Moche sphere. Warfare and sacrifice were prominent activities, the environment was unpredictable due to periodic fluctuations of El Niño, and a powerful empire was expanding into the adjacent highlands. The volatility across the Moche sphere resulted in new opportunities for control as competition ensued for valuable resources. Small farming communities that had inhabited the Jequetepeque Valley during the Middle Moche Period now found themselves being threatened by the lack of political centralization. The only way to ensure their survival was to aggregate together into larger defensive communities in order to protect themselves and their resources. Some sites, such as San Idelfonso, were built on hillslopes with several concentric walls for protection. Other sites, such as Portachuelo de Charcape, were not located on defensive hilltops but still had restricted access to the site. The site is encircled by walls that may have

Works Cited Alva, W. and Donnan, C. B. 1993. Royal Tombs of Sipán. Fowler Museum of Cultural History, Los Angeles, California. Bawden, G. L. 1977. Galindo and the Nature of the Middle Horizon in Northern Coastal Peru. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Department of Anthropology, Harvard University, Cambridge, Massachusetts. Bawden, G. L. 1982. Community Organization reflected by the Household: A Study of Pre-Columbian Social Dynamics. Journal of Field Archaeology 9, 165-183. Bawden, G. L. 1995. The Structural Paradox: Moche Culture as Political Ideology. Latin American Antiquity, 6 (3), 255-273. Bawden, G. L. 2001. The Symbols of Late Moche Social

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Transformation. In J. Pillsbury (ed.), Moche Art and Archaeology in Ancient Peru, 285-307. Yale University Press, New Haven. Billman, B. and G. Huckleberry. 2008. Deciphering the Politics of Prehistoric El Niño Events on the North Coast of Peru. In D. H. Sandweiss and J. Quilter (eds.) El Niño, Catastrophism, and Culture Change in Ancient America, 101-128. Dumbarton Oaks, Washington DC. Campbell, C. 1998. Residential Architecture and Social Stratification: A Comparison of Two Sites in the Moche Valley, Peru. Unpublished M.A. Thesis, Department of Anthropology, Northern Arizona University, Flagstaff. Cane M. A. 1983. Oceanographic events during El Niño. Science 222, 1189-1195. Cane M. A. 1986. El Niño. Annual Review of Earth and Planetary Sciences, 14, 43-70. Castillo, L. J. 2001. The Last of the Mochicas: A View from the Jequetepeque Valley. In J. Pillsbury (ed.), Moche Art and Archaeology in Ancient Peru, 307-332. Yale University Press, New Haven. Castillo, L. J. (ed.) 2005. Programa Arqueológico San José de Moro: Dibujos de cerámica de tumbas período Mochica Tardío. Pontificia Universidad Católica del Peru, Lima. Castillo, L. J. and Donnan, C. B. 1994. La ocupación Moche de San José de Moro, Jequetepeque. In S. Uceda and E. Mujica (eds.), Moche: Propuestas y Perspectivas [Actas del Primer Coloquio sobre la Cultura Moche (Trujillo, 12 al 16 de abril de 1993)], 93-146. Travaux de l’Institute Français de l’Etudes Andines 79. Universidad Nacional de La Libertad-Trujillo, Instituto Francés de Estudios Andinos y Asociación Peruana para el Fomento de las Ciencias Sociales, Lima. Castillo, L. J., Nelson, A. and Nelson, C. 1997. Maquetas Mochicas de San José de Moro. Arkinka 2 (22), 120-128. Chapdelaine, C. 2002. Out in the streets of Moche: urbanism and sociopolitical organization at a Moche IV urban center. In W. Isbell and H. Silverman (eds.), Andean Archaeology I: Variations in Sociopolitical Complexity, Springer Science and Business Media, New York Chapdelaine, C. 2003. La ciudad de Moche: urbanismo y estado. In S. Uceda and E. Mujica (eds.), Moche: Hacia el final del milenio, Tomo II [Actas del segundo coloquio sobre la cultura Moche. Trujillo, 1 al 7 de agosto de 1999], 125-178 (cap. 19). Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú / Universidad Nacional de Trujillo, Trujillo, Peru. Cordy-Collins, A. 2001. Labretted Ladies: Foreign Women in Northern Moche and Lambayeque Art. In J. Pillsbury (ed.), Moche Art and Archaeology in Ancient Peru, 247257. Yale University Press, New Haven. Delibes, R. and Barragán, A. 2008. Consumo ritual de chicha en San José de Moro. In L. J. Castillo, H. Bernier, G. Lockard, and J. Rucabado (eds.), Arqueología Mochica Nuevos Enfoques: Actas del primero congreso internacional de jóvenves investigadores de la cultura Moche, 105-118. Fondo Editorial, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, Lima. Instituto Frances de Estudios Andinos, Lima.

Dillehay, T. D. 2001. Town and Country in Late Moche Times: A View from Two Northern Valleys. . In J. Pillsbury (ed.), Moche Art and Archaeology in Ancient Peru, 259-284. Yale University Press, New Haven. Dillehay, T. and Kolata, A. 2004. Long-term human response to uncertain environmental conditions in the Andes. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America, 101(12), 4325-4330. Dillehay, T., Kolata, A. L. and Pino, M. 2004. Pre-industrial human and environment interactions in northern Peru during the late Holocene. The Holocene 14(2), 272-281. Donnan, C. B. and Mc Clelland, D. 1979. The Burial Theme in Moche Iconography. Dumbarton Oaks, Studies in Precolumbian Art and Archaeology 21, Washington, D.C. Donnan, C. B. and Mc Clelland, D. 1999. Moche Fineline Painting: Its Evolution and its Artists. Fowler Museum of Cultural History, Los Angeles, California. Donnan, C. B., and Castillo Butters, L. J. 1992. Finding the Tomb of the Moche Priestess. Archaeology, 45(6), 38–42. Donnan, C. B., and Castillo Butters, L. J. 1994. Excavaciones de tumbas de sacerdotisas en San José de Moro, Jequetepeque. In S. Uceda and E. Mujica (eds.), Moche: Propuestas y Perspectivas [Actas del Primer Coloquio sobre la Cultura Moche (Trujillo, 12 al 16 de abril de 1993)], 415-424. Travaux de l’Institute Français de l’Etudes Andines 79. Universidad Nacional de La Libertad-Trujillo, Instituto Francés de Estudios Andinos y Asociación Peruana para el Fomento de las Ciencias Sociales, Lima. Gumerman, G. and Briceño, J. 2003. Santa Rosa – Quirihuac y Ciudad de Dios: asentamientos rurales en la parte media del valle de Moche. In S. Uceda and E. Mujica (eds.), Moche: Hacia el final del milenio, Tomo I [Actas del segundo coloquio sobre la cultura Moche. Trujillo, 1 al 7 de agosto de 1999], 217-244. Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú / Universidad Nacional de Trujillo, Trujillo, Peru. Hocquenghem, A. M., and. Lyon, P. J. 1980. A Class of Anthropomorphic Supernatural Females in Moche Iconography. Ñawpa Pacha 19, 27-48, plates III, IV. Johnson, I. 2008. Portachuelo de Charcape: Daily life and political power in the hinterland during the Late Moche Period. In L. J. Castillo, H. Bernier, G. Lockard, and J. Rucabado (eds.), Arqueología Mochica Nuevos Enfoques: Actas del primero congreso internacional de jóvenves investigadores de la cultura Moche, 261-274. Fondo Editorial, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, Lima. Instituto Frances de Estudios Andinos, Lima. Johnson, I. 2010. Households and Social Organization at the Late Moche Period Site of Pampa Grande, Peru. Unpublished PhD dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of California, Los Angeles. Lockard, G. 2005. Political Power and Economy at the Archaeological site of Galindo, Moche Valley, Peru. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of New Mexico. Lockard, G. 2009. The Occupational History of Galindo,

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Moche Valley, Peru. Latin American Antiquity, 20(2), 279-302. Maasch, K. A. 2008. El Niño and Interannual Variability of Climate in the Western Hemisphere. In D. H. Sandweiss and J. Quilter (eds.) El Niño, Catastrophism, and Culture Change in Ancient America, 33-58. Dumbarton Oaks, Washington DC. Mauricio, A. C. 2008. Poder y Prestigio en la Sociedad Mochica Tardía del bajo Jequetepeque: Una Aproximación desde el Sitio Arqueológico Portachuelo de Charcape. Revista del Museo Nacional de Arqueología, Antropología e Historia, 10, Trujillo. McClelland, D. 1990. A Maritime Passage from Moche to Chimu. In M. E. Moseley and A. Cordy-Collins (eds.), Northern Dynasties: Kingship and Statecraft in Chimor, 75-106. Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C. McClelland, D. 1997. Moche Fineline Ceramics at Pacatnamu. Donnan, C. B. and Cock, G. A. (eds). 1997. The Pacatnamu Papers, Volume 2: The Moche Occupation, 265-282. UCLA Fowler Museum of Cultural History, Los Angeles. McClelland, D., McClelland, D. and Donnan, C. B. 2007. Moche Fineline Painting from San Jose de Moro. Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, Los Angeles. Mehaffey, D. T. 1998. Broken Pots and Life in Two Rural Moche Villages: Pottery Analysis, Interpretations, and Comparisons. Unpublished Master’s Thesis, Department of Anthropology, Northern Arizona University. Moore, J. D. 1989. Pre-Hispanic Beer in Coastal Peru: Technology and Social Context of Prehistoric Production. American Anthropologist, 91(3), 682-695. Moseley. M. E. 1989. An Empirical Approach to Prehistoric Agrarian Collapse: The Case of the Moche Valley. In N. L. Gonzales (ed.), Social and Technological Management in Dry lands, 9-43. AAAS Selected Symposium, 10. Westview Press, Boulder. Moseley, M. E., and Deeds, E. 1982. The Land in Front of Chan Chan: Agrarian Expansion, Reform, and Collapse in the Moche Valley. In M. E. Moseley and K. Day (eds.), Chan Chan: Andean Desert City, 25-53. University of New Mexico Press, Albuquerque. Nelson, A. 1998. Wandering bones: Archaeology, Forensic Science, and Moche Burial Practices. International Journal of Osteoarchaeology 8, 192-212. Pozorski, S. 1976. Prehistoric Subsistence Patterns and Site Economics in the Moche Valley, Peru. Unpublished PhD Dissertation, University of Texas, Austin. Pozorski, S. and Pozorski, T. 2003. La Arquitectura residencial y la subsistancia de los habitants de sitio de Moche: evidencia recuperada por el Proyecto Chan Chan – Valle de Moche. In S. Uceda and E. Mujica (eds.), Moche: Hacia el final del milenio, Tomo I [Actas del segundo coloquio sobre la cultura Moche. Trujillo, 1 al 7 de agosto de 1999], 119-150. Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú / Universidad Nacional de Trujillo, Trujillo, Peru. Proulx, D. A. 1985. An Analysis of the Early Cultural Sequence in the Nepeña Valley, Peru. Research Report

No. 25 Department of Anthropology University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Rosello, E., Vasquez, V., Morales, A. and Rosales, T. 2001. Marine Resources from an Urban Moche (470-600 AD) Area in the Huacas del Sol y de la Luna Archaeological Complex (Trujillo, Peru). International Journal of Osteoarchaeology, 11, 72-87. Rucabado, J. and Castillo, L. J. 2003. El Periodo Transicional en San José de Moro. In S. Uceda and E. Mujica (eds.), Moche: Hacia el final del milenio, Tomo I [Actas del segundo coloquio sobre la cultura Moche. Trujillo, 1 al 7 de agosto de 1999], 15-42. Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú / Universidad Nacional de Trujillo, Trujillo, Peru. Ryser, G. 1998. Beans: Prehistoric Indicators of Social Relations and Organization in the Moche Valley, Peru. Unpublished Master’s Thesis, Department of Anthropology, Northern Arizona University, Flagstaff. Shimada, I. 1994. Pampa Grande and the Mochica Culture. University of Texas Press, Austin. Shimada, I., Schaaf, C. B., Thompson, L. G. and Thompson. E. M. 1991. Cultural Impacts of Severe Droughts in the Prehistoric Andes: Application of a 1,500-Year Ice Core Precipitation Record. World Archaeology 22(3), 247-270. Swenson, E. 2004. Ritual and Power in the Urban Hinterland: Religious Pluralism and Political Decentralization in the Late Moche Jequetepeque, Peru. Unpublished PhD dissertation, Department of Anthropology, University of Chicago. Swenson, E. 2006. Competitive Feasting, Religious Pluralism, and Decentralized Power in the Late Moche Period. In W. H. Isbell and H. Silverman (eds.), Andean Archaeology III: North and South. Springer/Plenum Press, New York. Swenson, E. 2007. Adaptive strategies or ideological innovations? Interpreting sociopolitical developments in the Jequetepeque Valley of Peru during the Late Moche Period. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology, 26(2), 253-282. Swenson, E. 2008. San Ildefonso and the popularization of Moche ideology in the Jequetepeque Valley. In L. J. Castillo, H. Bernier, G. Lockard, and J. Rucabado (eds.), Arqueología Mochica Nuevos Enfoques: Actas del primero congreso internacional de jóvenves investigadores de la cultura Moche, 411-432. Fondo Editorial, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, Lima. Instituto Frances de Estudios Andinos, Lima. Tate, J. 1998. Maize Variability in the Moche Valley, Peru. Unpublished Master’s Thesis, Department of Anthropology, Northern Arizona University. Uceda, S. 2005. Los de arriba y los de abajo: relaciones sociales, políticas y económicas entre el templo y los habitantes en el núcleo urbano de las Huacas de Moche. In S. Uceda and R. Morales (eds.), Proyecto arqueológico Huaca de la Luna: Informe técnico 2004, 283-317. Unpublished final report submitted to the Instituto Nacional de Cultura, La Libertad. Uceda, S., Mujica, E. and Morales R. (eds). 2004.

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Investigaciones en la Huaca de la Luna 1998-1999. Facultad de Ciencias Sociales, Universidad Nacional de Trujillo. Uceda, S., Mujica, E. and Morales R. (eds). 2005. Proyecto arqueológico Huaca de la Luna: Informe técnico 2004. Unpublished final report submitted to the Instituto Nacional de Cultura, La Libertad. Uceda, S., Mujica, E. and Morales R. (eds). 2006. Proyecto arqueológico Huaca de la Luna: Informe técnico 2005. Unpublished final report submitted to the Instituto Nacional de Cultura, La Libertad.

Willey, G. 1953. Prehistoric Settlement Patterns in the Virú Valley, Peru. Bureau of American Ethnology, Bulletin 155. Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C. Wilson, D. J. 1988. Prehispanic Settlement Patterns in the Lower Santa Valley, Peru. Washington, D.C. Wilson, D. J. 1995. Prehispanic Settlement Patterns in the Casma Valley, North Coast of Peru: Preliminary Results to Date. In A. Zighelboim and C. Barnes (eds.), Current Research in Andean Antiquity, 189-228. Journal of the Steward Anthropological Society, Vol. 23, Nos. 1 and 2, University of Illinois, Urbana.

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Chapter 4 The Northern Moche World at the Beginning of the Eighth Century and the Role of the Jequetepeque Valley

Alana Cordy-Collins University of San Diego

At least five foreign elements made their first appearance in the northern Moche world—and specifically in the Jequetepeque Valley—at the beginning of the eighth century CE: a female musician with an hourglass-shaped drum, hairless dogs, a distinctive loincloth design, an unusual male posture, and representations of sound. Four factors, one environmental and three social, are examined that, together, can provide a frame of reference for the foreign introductions. First, an extreme El Niño event appears to have set the stage by disrupting traditional Moche socio-economic patterns and effectively disintegrating long-established cultural barriers. Second is the reverence and desire for Spondylus shells within the pre-Columbian world. Third is an active coastal Ecuadorian merchant league. Fourth is the collapse of Teotihuacan, the super-polity of the time in Mesoamerica. In north coastal Peru, the Jequetepeque Valley was impacted by those factors and thereby became a major recipient of the foreign elements.

The eighth century on the north coast of Peru was a dynamic time of great social transformation. Dramatic changes occurred that significantly modified the cultural continuum in the region. During the 700s CE, Moche culture, which had expanded throughout the greater part of the Peruvian north coast, came into ever more frequent contact with other cultures: Cajamarcans from the northern highlands, Nieverians from the central coast, Wari from the southern highlands, Tallanes from the extreme north coast bordering on Ecuador, and—ultimately, albeit perhaps indirectly—with West Mexicans from Mesoamerica. It seems that, within a period of a few generations, these foreign contacts had so modified the Moche tradition that it ceased to be recognizable as such in the archaeological record. The climatic and environmental shifts that have been documented for the North Coast at the beginning of the seventh century likely developed a situation that allowed for and even encouraged foreign presence. The Mega Niño phenomenon (Moseley et al. 2008), in particular, an extreme and prolonged version of the historically-documented ENSO events, undoubtedly created both new corridors of communication, as well as economically and politicallydriven impetuses for travel and trade.1 The resultant extreme cultural change is presently most demonstrable in the Jequetepeque Valley, where many of its components are documented from multi-year excavations at the sites of San José de Moro and Pacatnamu (Castillo 2004; Castillo and Donnan 1992; Donnan and Cock 1986, 1997).

the end of the Middle Horizon, 540-900 CE (Castillo and Donnan 1994; Donnan 1990). I suggest that this difference was the consequence—at least partially—of developments in Ecuador and Mesoamerica that exerted a major influence on the Moche Norteños.2 Five new cultural elements appeared on the North Coast at this time that hallmark the changes occurring there in the early eighth century: an hourglass-shaped drum carried by an unusually-accoutered individual, the hairless dog, a rectangular loincloth, the ‘half lotus’ sitting posture, and what appear to be speech scrolls. Modifications in the material culture and iconography of the Moche V Norteños cogently demonstrate the incursion of foreign influences. Although these ideas and goods came from various regions, including the central and north-central Peruvian coast, it is demonstrable that the majority came from further north. The best explanation for the introduction of this new complex of elements was a mercantile trade system run by maritime entrepreneurs of Piura and Guayaquil, antecedents of the ethnohistorically-documented Tallanes and Manteño cultures. According to the Spanish chroniclers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the Tallan and Manteño constructed huge double-decked rafts made of balsa wood that sailed the Pacific Coast from Paita, Peru, in the south to Zacatula, on the border of Michoacan, in the north (Figure 1). It also seems that they formed an essential part of a huge prehispanic exchange network that united various regional merchant groups (Anawalt 1992). Earlier (and perhaps somewhat smaller) versions of these ethnohistorically-documented sailing craft appear in

Archaeological investigations beginning in the mid-1980s have unequivocally demonstrated a cultural dichotomy between Moche culture south of the Pampa de Paiján (Moche Sureño) and those north of the Pampa (Moche Norteño). This division is observable beginning before 1

Although prior comparisons have been made of similarities in material and practice between Mesoamerica and South America (e.g. Coe 1960; Marcos and Norton 1982; Meighan 1969; Paulsen 1977), the specific set treated herein heretofore has been discussed only in a preliminary Spanish version (Cordy-Collins 2003). 2

ENSO: El Niño Southern Oscillation.

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Lambayeque (aka Sicán) art (Figure 2; Cordy-Collins 1990, her Figures 2, 3). The Female Tallan Drummers: Contact with Piura A new figure appeared in the Moche ceramic inventory in the middle of the eighth century: a female drummer (Figure 3; also see Cordy-Collins 2001a). There are four characteristics which indicate that she is foreign to the Moche tradition: 1) she wears a labret, a chin ornament not before seen in Moche art; 2) she carries an hourglassshaped drum, instead of the traditional Moche tambourine; 3) her head is heart shaped, which is a non-Moche cranial deformation type; and 4) she wears her hair long and loose over her shoulders, with bangs divided in the middle, a style outside of the Moche tradition.3 Although the full suite of these characteristics does not appear with every representation of the woman, there are sufficient examples where they do to convincingly demonstrate their interrelatedness. The Tallan culture of the far north Piura Valley seems to be the source of this foreign image. It appears that the Tallanes had much in common with southern Ecuadorian cultures, including the use of labrets and extreme cranial deformation (Iribarren 1950; Peterson 1955; Vega 1987). It is also notable that the Piura Valley was the home of the earlier Vicús people (ca. 390-650 CE), who seems to have been the creators of the hourglass-shaped drum (see Donnan 1992, Figures 131 and 132 for examples of the Vicús drum), although the later Jama-Coaque Ecuadorians also made use of this drum as well (see Hickmann 1987, Figure 5: 3.1.1.2).

Figure 1. Colonial period illustration of a large balsa raft with cabin and sail, mouth of Río Guayaquil (Original in the Museo Naval, Madrid. I. Engstrand photograph. Courtesy of the Museo Naval, Ministerio de Marina, Madrid, Spain)

It is interesting that as the Moche culture metamorphosed into the Lambayeque, the image of the female drummer was continued, but modified in various ways: 1) she carries the Moche tambourine-shaped drum instead of the Vicús, a replacement among the Lambayeque which may indicate that, as the new group of females was brought into the north Peruvian cultural repertoire, they were co-opted by existing tradition.; 2) frequently her long hair is covered by a hood; and 3) her activities are expanded: occasionally she holds a small figure upright in her hands; other times she, along with a second identical woman, swims, towing a dignitary on a raft (Cordy-Collins 2001a, Figures 11, 12). This last representation suggests that we are not dealing with a single person, but rather with a special group of individuals already present among the Moche Norteño. That some of the Moche labretted women are not shown with the drum supports this idea by indicating that their activities were varied, as indeed they are in Lambayeque times. Figure 2. Lambayeque silver earspool with repoussé design of divers collecting Spondylus shells beneath a balsa sailing raft (Courtesy of the National Museum of the American Indian, Smithsonian Institution)

There is evidence that these ceramic female figures represent historical characters. Several labrets, made both of stone and metal, were discovered in archaeological excavations in Piura (Guzmán y Ladrón de Guevara Carol Mackey (personal communication, 2007), is of the opinion the chin decorations on some of the modeled supernatural heads at the Formative Period Cupisnique site of Caballo Muerto (Moche Valley) represent labrets (see Moseley and Watanabe 1974, 154 ) 3

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Figure 3. Left, Moche ceramic modeled labretted woman with hourglass-shaped drum (Cardoen Collection, Santiago, Chile). Right, Ceramic Lambayeque female musician with tambourine-shaped drum (C.C. Vermeer Collection, Rotterdam, Netherlands. C. Donnan photographs. Used with permission)

and Casafranca 1964; Petersen 1955, his Lamina 1). My examination of a collection of these labrets in Lima’s Museo del Banco de Crédito del Perú shows them to be nearly identical in form and decoration to those depicted worn by the ceramic Moche and Lambayeque females. In addition, the Lambayeque period tomb of a woman excavated in Illimo, located in the Lambayeque Valley, by a Bruning Museum team, contained a similar small gold labret (Cordy-Collins 1996). Furthermore, ethnohistoric documents report that Tallan women wore both labrets and hooded gowns. Because of the latter detail, they were known as ‘Capullanes,’ or ‘hooded women’ (Iribarren 1950, 88; Vega 1987).

99-132). Based upon close reading of sixteenth century chroniclers who documented Bartolomé Ruiz’s 1525 encounter with one of these craft off the Ecuadorian coast, Jacinto Jijón y Caamaño suggested that the Manteño had developed a merchant league, drawing members from the Ecuadorian Kingdom of Salangone (Jijón y Caamaño 1941 II, 88-101), the latter made up (at least) of the large port towns of Çalangone, Salango, Seracapaz, and Tuses (Jijón y Camaño 1941 II, 91).4 Subsequent analysis suggests that the center of this trading league was in Manabí province near the modern town of Puerto López (Marcos and Norton 1984, 8). Any direct relationship between the Tallanes and the Manteño is as yet undemonstrated, but given that both neighbors possessed large watercraft, it seems quite possible that they were ‘in league’ with the aim of mercantile exchange. Whatever was the actual situation, it is certain that—as a consequence of their activities and machinations—new and exotic products were imported

That the Tallan people were in contact with other cultures is demonstrated by their tradition of constructing and sailing large balsa wood rafts (Vega 1987, 2). In addition, we know that their neighbors to the north, the Manteño of south coast Ecuador, also possessed large sail-rigged sea-going vehicles with which they plied the coast northward (see Cordy-Collins 1990, her Figures 17-20; Marcos 1977-1978,

The 16th century chroniclers studied include Miguel de Estete, Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo y Valdez, Juan de Sámanos, Pedro Pizarro, and Francisco de Xeres 4

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Figure 4. Modern hairless dogs (Museo Sicán, Ferrañafe, Peru, 2007. A. Cordy-Collins photograph)

from the north to the south and came into the hands of the Moche Norteños during the eighth century. One of these was a dog. Viringos: Hairless Dogs During Moche V—for the first time in Peru—there appeared an animal unique in New World prehistory. Variously called Viringo (Weiss 1976), Perro Chino, Perro Orquidea-Inca, or Flor de la Luna, this hairless dog (Figure 4) seems to have been completely unknown in South America prior to the eighth century. Insofar as I am aware, to date, no hairless dog osteological remains have been reported from archaeological excavations from any period in Peru, including the present (although, as Figure 4 above attests, the living dogs are quite in evidence). In stark contrast, the art historical record is very detailed. There is at least one Moche V vessel whereon is modeled a pair of hairless dogs (Figure 5; Cordy-Collins 1994, 38). Thereafter, hairless dogs were represented frequently by North Coast Lambayeque, Chimu, and Chimu-Inka potters and occasionally by Central Coast Chancay potters as well (Figure 6; Cordy-Collins 1994, 40).5 What allows us to identify the ceramic canine representations as the hairless dog is the accurate rendering of the creature’s essentially bald body. Boniness, wrinkles, and warts are faithful copies of the actual appearance of the live dogs (see Figure 4; Cordy-Collins 1994, 39). Unless the hide of an archaeological canine were preserved, the only means to identify it as the remains of a hairless dog would be via its dentition. Hairless dogs have a notable dental abnormality—an incomplete set of teeth. ‘While dogs with coats have ten molars and sixteen premolars,

Figure 5. Moche ceramic bottle with modeled hairless dogs (Raul Apesteguia Collection, Lima. C. Donnan photograph. Used with permission)

The Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York contains a Lambayeque example wrought in silver. 5

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Figure 6. North and Central Coast pottery with hairless dog depictions. Clockwise from the top: Lambayeque ceramic effigy bottles of hairless dogs (Museo Nacional Brüning, Lambayeque). Chimú ceramic bottle with modeled hairless dog and pups (Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York). Chimú-Inka ceramic effigy bottle of hairless dog (Ed Davies Collection, Los Osos). Chancay modeled hairless dog ceramic jars (Raul Apesteguia Collection, Lima. A. Cordy-Collins photographs)

modern hairless dogs usually lack or lose their premolars and may even be nearly toothless’ (loc. it.).

who—although he does not refer specifically to hairless dogs—states that the North Coast Yunga had the custom of eating dogs (cited in Allison et al. 1982, 301). This custom could have come from Mesoamerica whence it may have been introduced by the sailors who, during their voyages between distant ports, may have welcomed the diversified diet provided by the consumption of the strange canines.

There is considerable evidence that this canine originated on the west coast of Mesoamerica, where it is depicted in ceramics dating to between 250 BCE and 450 CE (Figure 7). It is unlikely that the hairless dog had more than one point of origin in the Americas. Elsewhere I have proposed that the animal was transported aboard the merchant boats that moved between West Mexico and Piura on the north coast of Peru (Cordy-Collins 1994). Today’s hairless dogs on both continents still can look very much alike (Figure 8). Although it has not been conclusively documented in the archaeological record, it is very possible that the ancient Mesoamericans consumed these dogs on ceremonial occasions (Baus de Czitrom 1988, 21; Fiennes and Fiennes 1968, 64). In Peru, the use of dogs as food is mentioned by diverse chroniclers, among them Guamán Poma de Ayala,

In addition, it may not be coincidence that both Mexico and Peru have parallel folkloric beliefs about the medicinal attributes of hairless dogs. It is believed that the heat from their glabrous bodies can cure arthritis and other similar infirmities (Anonymous 1917, 519; Martin 1983, 29). If this belief originated in Mexico, it would have been yet another reason to bring the dogs to South America. Furthermore, in the area of Tlaxcala, West Mexico, hairless dogs were sacrificed during droughts (Muñoz Camargo 1947, 167168). Drought is a persistent problem for agriculture in

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Figure 9. Loincloths. Top, Moche-style loincloth (D. Kindig drawing). Bottom, Mesoamerican-style loincloth (D. Kindig drawing)

Figure 7. Colima ceramic hairless dog effigy (Los Angeles County Museum of Art. Used with permission)

Figure 8. Hairless dogs. Left, Peruvian albino hairless dog (Puemape, Jequetepeque Valley. D.D. McClelland photograph. Used with permission of D.H. McClelland). Right, Mexican light-colored hairless dog (Leah Carter, owner, San Diego. A. Cordy-Collins photograph) Figure 10. Lambayeque loincloth excavated at Pacatnamu (M29 F), Jequetepeque Valley. The loincloth was inside the jar, capped by the stone (Instituto Nacional de Cultura del Perú, La Libertad. A. Cordy-Collins photograph)

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Figure 11. Moche fine-line rollout drawing of cross-legged anthropomorphs (“Wrinkle Face” [L] and “Iguana” [R] in each pair). Three of the four have mouth emanations. Phase V San José de Moro style (after Donnan and McClelland 1999, Fig. 5.56. Used with permission)

coastal Peru, especially following catastrophic El Niño events. The Mexican practice could have been a model for a similar use of the dogs on the Peruvian north coast. Finally, the viringo’s peculiar appearance may be a consideration. Even today, hairless dogs are curiosities and it is possible that they were imported specifically as exotic animals. New Loincloths The viringos were not the only Mesoamerican element to which the Moche were exposed. Another object making its appearance from that cultural zone during the eighth century is an exotic type of loincloth. Until this point, Moche men had worn a breechcloth made from a square piece of fabric, tied with a knot in front and in back (Figure 9). There are many examples of this traditional type, both in Moche art and the archaeological record. At the beginning of the eighth century, however, there appears a new and completely foreign loincloth type (Figure 10). Even miniature examples were recovered from our 1983 excavations at Pacatnamu (Verano and Cordy-Collins 1986, their Figure 8). The new type consists of a belt sewn to a long rectangular cloth. For wearing, the rectangle is drawn up from back to front between the legs, and tied in place in front with the belt ends (Figure 9). This new loincloth type appears frequently in Moche V Norteño art, especially on pieces from San José de Moro in the Jequetepeque Valley. There is little doubt that the source of this clothing item was Mesoamerica; the ancient Mexicans of the central valley and the Maya from the southeast both used this type of loincloth exclusively (Schele and Miller 1986, Plate 46; Stuart and Stuart 1993, 87, 111). Very interesting, however, is the observation made by Patricia Anawalt (1992, 118) that West Mexican males are represented archaeologically and ethnohistorically wearing the north coastal Peruvian type breechcloth! It would appear that garments were being exchanged in both directions.

Figure 12. Moche modeled effigy jar of male seated in halflotus posture, excavated at San José de Moro (U30-E7-37), Jequetepeque Valley (Instituto Nacional de Cultura del Perú, La Libertad. A. Cordy-Collins photograph)

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Figure 13. Murals from Teotihuacan depicting speech volutes. Clockwise from the top right: wall fresco showing elaborately-clad figure with ornate speech scroll, Tepantitla, Room 2, Mural 2. Wall fresco showing plumed jaguar with speech scroll, White Patio, Atetelco. Doorway fresco showing humanoid figure with speech scrolls. White Patio, Atetelco (A. Cordy-Collins photographs)

The ‘Half Lotus’ Position Simultaneously with the new loincloth a new male seating posture made its appearance (Figures 11, 12). Prior to the eighth century, the Moche artists represented males seated with the ankles directly under the opposite knee. But— suddenly—males are represented seated with one ankle on top of the opposite knee, in a position called ‘half lotus’ in yoga. Christopher Donnan and Donna McClelland describe this position as ‘legs in profile but folded beneath the torso as though viewed from above’ (1999, 172). They refer to a position as it is shown in fineline and, therefore, only in two dimensions (Figure 11). However, in our 1991 San José de Moro excavations, we encountered two modeled ceramic examples of the strangely-seated males in this position (Figure 12; Castillo Butters and Donnan 1992, Figure 46). Such posture is also represented in Ecuadorian Bahía ceramic figures and, for the elite Maya, this was the

Figure 14. Spondylus princeps symmetrical valves excavated at Pacatnamu (H1R4), Jequetepeque Valley (Instituto Nacional de Cultura del Perú, La Libertad. A. Cordy-Collins photograph)

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traditional position assumed by individuals who also wear the traditional Mesoamerican loincloth (Schele and Miller 1986, Plate 46; Stuart and Stuart 1993, 87, 111). Speech There is another new and notable element of Mesoamerican origin. In late Moche V art, especially in the fineline sub-style of San José de Moro, people are shown with volutes directly in front of the mouth (Figure 11). There is no precedent for this painted element in Moche art, nor in any other Peruvian art style. In Mesoamerican art, especially in that of Teotihuacan, however, there are many representations of people and other animals with these volutes in front of their mouths (Figure 13). They are indicators of sound or speech. The volute was yet another Mesoamerican introduction, which, along with the hairless dog, new loincloth and altered male sitting posture, formed a Mesoamerican Complex brought into Moche Norteño territory.6 Figure 15. Spondylus shells from Moche sites. Clockwise from the top right: Spondylus princeps and calcifer misshapen valves excavated at Dos Cabezas, Jequetepeque Valley (Instituto Nacional de Cultura del Perú, La Libertad. A. Cordy-Collins photograph). Spondylus princeps valve and calcifer misshapen valves excavated at La Mina, Jequetepeque Valley (Instituto Nacional de Cultura del Perú, La Libertad. C. Donnan photograph. Used with permission). Spondylus princeps misshapen valves (exteriors) excavated from the tomb of the Señor de Sipán, Sipán, Lambayeque Valley (Museo Nacional Brüning del Perú. A. Cordy-Collins photograph)

The Catalyst: The Sacred Mullu Shell How the Mesoamerican features described above were introduced to northwestern South America and why they were accepted into the cultural continuum there may be explained by a single commodity acting as a catalyst, the Spondylus shell. Known as mullu in Quechua, the bivalve enjoyed a special position in New World prehistory. Spondylus workshops have been found in coastal Ecuador as early as Valdivia times (ca. 4000 BCE), and the shell has been utilized ritually in Peru for some 4,000 years. There are representations dating from the Formative Period (Cordy-Collins 1979, 1999) through the Late Horizon (Lejeal 1905, Plate II) and it continues in use today among curanderos of the Peruvian north coast (Jorelamon 1984). In Mesoamerica, too, it had a ceremonial role from at least the second century CE until the Late Post Classic period (Marcos 1977-1978, 108).

the Gulf of California. S. princeps is the more difficult of the two to obtain, as it lives at depths between 30-50 m. Perhaps for that very reason, it was the more desired species in prehistoric Peru. There are representations in Lambayeque (Sicán) art of divers gathering the shells (Figure 2; Cordy-Collins 1990), and similar depictions are found in Chimu art as well (Pillsbury 1993). Nevertheless, it is quite important to realize that S. princeps was extremely rare and difficult for the ancient Peruvians to obtain prior to the eighth century (Cordy-Collins 1999). Furthermore, we are accustomed to think of the shell as rounded and symmetrical in form (Figure 14). Therefore, it came as a surprise to find that at Sipán in the Lambayeque Valley, the S. princeps recovered from the royal tombs are completely different from the stereotype; they are irregular in shape and contour (Figure 15; Cordy-Collins 1999). Similarly, those few found in early Moche sites in the Jequetepeque Valley (Dos Cabezas and La Mina) are also non-symmetrical and some of the pre-eighth century Spondylus are not even S. princeps, but the more easily collectable S. calcifer (Figure 16). Yet well-formed, symmetrical S. princeps have been recovered from late Moche contexts here (Figure 14).

There are two species of Spondylus on the Pacific Coast — S. princeps and S. calcifer, the first with a red-orange border and the second with a purple border. The two are native to warm waters, from the Gulf of Guayaquil to There is another possible foreign element. Excavations at Pacatnamu in 1983 revealed three groups of mutilated adult males in a trench outside the city’s main portal. John Verano’s analysis (1986) of the methods employed to dispatch the individuals demonstrated that several had been executed by opening the chest cavity (cutting through the upper sternum [manubrium] and costal cartilage, then spreading both sides of the rib cage open to the extent that the ribs were snapped posterially at their vertebral facets). The reason for this procedure is unknown, but Marla Toyne has many examples from Túcume in the Temple of the Sacred Stone (see Heyerdahl et al. 1995) and Haagen Klaus has found similar evidence at Cerro Cerrillos (Klaus et al. 2010), both in the Lambayeque Valley. Each context is Late Intermediate Period, roughly contemporary with the mass burial at Pacatnamu (John Verano, personal communication 2008). If this practice—unrecorded in Peru since a single image was carved in stone at the Formative Period site of Cerro Sechín in the Casma Valley—is traceable to Mesoamerica, it would likely have come as an idea, rather than as a practice. The Mesoamerican technique of opening the chest for heart extraction is inter- or postcostal, not suprasternal (see Robiscsek and Hales 1984). 6

Upon examination of these contexts, we find the symmetrical Spondylus shells in direct association with a specific Moche personage: The Priestess. The two Priestesses excavated at San José de Moro (1991 and 1992),

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were buried with specimens of the rounded version of the shell (Donnan and Castillo 1994). There exists a body of evidence indicating that these Moche Priestesses were part of a complex that includes noble women, Spondylus shells, blood sacrifice, and the moon (Cordy-Collins 1999, 2001b). In essence, it appears that the Priestesses, as they are represented in the much discussed Sacrifice Ceremony (cf. Donnan and McClelland 1999, 125 passim), collected human sacrificial blood in cups—whose shallow shape suggests that they may have been single Spondylus valves. Excavations in one of the Lambayeque style architectural complexes at Pacatnamu have yielded single Spondylus valves that contain some (as yet untested) organic residue (Figure 17).7 Also, when the Priestess is depicted in her crescent-shaped rayed boat, the boat itself represents a moon conflated with a Spondylus valve (Figure 18), the shell’s spines morphosed into rays. In another case, the Priestess is shown in her boat holding a cup of the same form as those in the Sacrifice Ceremony scenes, along with bound prisoners (Cordy-Collins 1999, Figure 3). Figure 16. Spondylus princeps misshapen valve (exterior) excavated from the tomb of the Señor de Sipán, Sipán, Lambayeque Valley (Museo Nacional Brüning del Perú. A. Cordy-Collins photograph)

Given that a Priestess Complex has been identified during Moche V times, it is intriguing to note that the Maya of Mesoamerica worshipped a Moon Goddess. It included noble women using Spondylus shells as receptacles to contain human blood offerings. At Bonampak, the painted mural in Structure 1, Room 2 illustrates the practice (Kerr 1992, 522; Ruppert, et al. 1955, Figure 28). It is intriguing to note that, prior to terminal Moche times (Phase V in the north, Phase IV in the south, see below) and the introduction of the symmetrical Spondylus shells, the Moche Sacrifice Ceremony scenes lack images of the Priestess. Although the partial mural from Pañamarca, in the southern Moche sphere, showing the Priestess and lesser members of the Sacrifice Ceremony (the entire left side of the mural—that we assume depicted the other principals of the ceremony—is destroyed), has been assigned a Moche IV date, this may not mean that it is chronologically earlier than Moche V in the north. Recent radiometric dating of Moche IV archaeological materials from the southern sphere has yielded dates considerably more recent than expected (Chapdelaine 2003, 279-281). The traditional Larco chronology—which is based on seriation of Moche Sureño pottery—may not be strictly applicable to the northern sphere. As I suggested during the 1999 Moche conference in Trujillo, it is quite possible that we are dealing with style as well as time insofar as Moche art’s development and variation are concerned. Therefore, we might consider the possibility that both the symmetrical Spondylus shells and the Priestess were late additions to the Sacrifice Ceremony (but see below for an alternative explanation).

Figure 17. Spondylus princeps symmetrical valve with organic residue excavated at Pacatnamu (H1R5), Jequetepeque Valley (Instituto Nacional de Cultura del Perú, La Libertad. A. CordyCollins photograph)

The Critical Event of the Eighth Century: The Collapse of Teotihuacan During the first five or six centuries CE, political and economic power in western Mesoamerica was concentrated 7

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Figure 18. Moche fineline painted ceramic bottle showing the Priestess in a Spondylus-rayed moon-boat (D.D. McClelland drawing. Used with permission of D.H. McClelland and C. Donnan)

of possible evidence: lime. In order to prepare the wall surfaces for the paint, it is necessary to first apply a layer of white gesso. Typically, it is composed of a mixture of water, clean sand, and lime. This final ingredient is made either from slaked (burned) limestone or shell. Although to the best of my knowledge, no one has yet studied the chemical composition of the Teotihuacan gesso— although both a limestone and quickline source have been located within a day’s transport (Hirth 2010), a huge quantity of it was used. All of the administrative and religious buildings at the site were covered with multiple layers of frescoes. Similarly, the walls of the great elite suburb compounds, such as Tepantitla, Atetelco, and Tetitla, had layer after layer of fresco (Miller 1973). Literally, there are kilometers of painted murals in the 2000 residential compounds. If slaked shell—Spondylus?—were used for even a portion of the gesso consumed by the murals, the demand for the raw material would have been substantial.

in Teotihuacan, the huge metropolis located in the Valley of Mexico. At its apogee, during the Xolalpan phase of the Classic Period, the site of Teotihuacan occupied an area of 122.5 sq km (Kolb 1987, 5), and incorporated an elaborate ceremonial center, specialized suburbs, and barrios for foreigners. Its population has been calculated at 125,000-150,000 individuals (Millon 1993, 18; Taube 2000, 1). Control of numerous commercial routes established Teotihuacan’s position as the major sociopolitical-economic power of the time: seven routes ran east toward the Gulf of Veracruz, south from Puebla and Morelos; another seven routes went west toward Tlaxcala, Morelos, Guerrero, and other locales; at least one ran north, in the direction of Querétero; additionally some others tended toward the southeast, in the direction of the Petén (Kolb 1987, 16-18, 123). The immensity of Teotihuacan’s power and its control over Mesoamerica—suggested by some to have been even greater than that of the later Aztec’s (Coe 2005, 89)—is demonstrated by its presence at the Maya site of Copan in Honduras (Sharer 2003, 143-166) and at Tikal in Guatemala (Taube 1992a).

One might well ask why such a special and presumably expensive shell would have been used in such contexts. Three answers suggest themselves: First, precisely because the rulers could afford to, it would have been a demonstration of tremendous ostentation. Second, especially in the case of the temples and shrines, it would have been an appropriate (perhaps the appropriate) material for a sacred context (we might compare the jewel-encrusted façade of the Taj Mahal or the Michelangelo frescoes of the Sistine Chapel ceiling). Third, it might have been an economic strategy to maintain the value of a precious commodity (such as DeBeers holding back the quantity of diamonds on the world market, or perhaps the Olmec burying layers of finished jade at La Venta). All three motivations might have prevailed.

It is interesting to note that in the Nahuatl language as spoken at the time of the Conquest, the Spondylus was called teotlchipuli, meaning ‘sacred shell’ (Kolb 1987, 23), or ‘shell of the gods.’ Whether an earlier form of Nahuatl was spoken during Teotihuacan times is uncertain, but speculation has it that classic Teotihuacan society was polyglot and, therefore, an ancestral Nahuatl may have been one current then (Cowgill 1992; Taube 2000, 10). The Teotihuacan polity did import the shell in huge quantities. Excavations at a Classic Period site on the outskirts of the city center have revealed a storage facility filled with more than 3000 examples of S. calcifer (Kolb 1987, 57 passim). More evidence comes from painted murals, where multiple examples of the sacred shell can be seen (Miller 1973, 52, 66, 134, 144, 146, 164-165). One painting even depicts a diver gathering the shells (Miller 1973, Figures 274, 275). From the same source, we have another form

Elsewhere in Mesoamerica, Spondylus shells were important elite insignia. Among the Maya, from at least the Late Preclassic through the Terminal Classic periods, the shell has been found at several sites, both as beads and

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whole as ritual caches where they are frequently associated with jades, the Mesoamerican ‘quintessence of preciosity.’ Paired valve Spondylus princeps have been archaeologically recovered as containers of jade offerings from Copan and Caracol (Freidel et al. 2002, 55, 77). Representations of S. princeps have been identified in Maya architectural ornament and glyphs (Freidel et al. 2002, 45-64). How they came into the Maya realm is still a matter of speculation, but David Freidel and colleagues note that, at the end of the Classic Period, metal bells and axes made their appearance there (Freidel et al. 2002, 44-45). These latter two elements probably can be traced to West Mexico (see Hosler 1994), with Teotihuacan as a possible intermediary. So it may well have been that the earlier Spondylus shells hailed from the same locus.

area’ (1999a, 53) where ‘it appears widely in Classic Maya iconography’ (1999a, 59).11 Although the question of actual Teotihuacan militarism in the Maya area is still under debate, Michael Coe (2005, 95-96) cites David Stuart’s epigraphic evidence (see footnotes 10 and 11 below) that it was indeed present. As the central administration at Teotihuacan began to collapse, the city’s external political involvements began to wane as well. Although warfare was a recognized feature of Teotihuacan art—particularly in the Ciudadela compound, the presumed seat of Teotihuacan rulership (Taube 1992a) —there is evidence of military acceleration during the final century that signals significant internal problems. According to Charles Kolb (1987, 126), ‘[d]uring the Metepec phase (ca. 650-750 CE) armed conflict was apparently resorted to by the Teotihuacan state as it sought to reduce the control by the emerging polities [Cholula, Xochicalco, Tula] of food and other imports. A series of internal and external difficulties, many accumulating throughout the Late Classic, ultimately led to the collapse….’ He notes the prominent representation of the military at Teotihuacan throughout the Metepec phase, and cites Rene Millon’s interpretation (1981, 236) that the increase might be seen as both a ‘symptom of the difficulty and a cause of it.’ There is much still unknown about the final days, but archaeological investigations have revealed that some parts of the city suffered a conflagration and general destruction.

Obviously, a dependable source of shell would have been required. It seems likely that this source was the league of maritime merchants established by the Manteño and associates.8 They had access to the shells, the diving experience, and large boats with sails with which they could navigate the coast from Paita in the south to West Mexico in the north.9 Furthermore, in 1525, Diego de Albornoz wrote of foreign traders who visited the West Mexican port of Zacatula by sea periodically, spending some months there until they were able to return south to their port of origin during the season of favorable winds (Anawalt 1992, 122, 124). If the scenario proposed above reflects reality, it could also explain the scarcity of symmetrical Spondylus before the eighth century in Peru. A powerful political entity such as Teotihuacan could demand and receive the greatest quantity and best quality of whatever goods it desired, leaving the asymmetric shells to be traded with other exchange partners.

With the fall of Teotihuacan, the Mesoamerican world experienced general chaos. Without a central administration to control the commercial system, the mercantile network began to disintegrate. It was a serious situation, especially for the foreign merchants, and the Manteño traders would have needed another ‘client’ in order to maintain their accustomed livelihood. Fortunately, there existed an alternative partner, the ancient Peruvians, who already had a great interest in one of their goods: Spondylus shells. Following the proposed logic, it is interesting to note that all the representations of S. princeps in Teotihuacan art are round and symmetrical, exactly the type that—at the beginning of the eighth century—appeared for the first time in the Peruvian archaeological record, among the Moche Norteños in the Jequetepeque Valley. All the Spondylus recovered from the Pacatnamu excavations are the symmetrical princeps. Moreover, by Lambayeque times the shells were so available that they could even be converted to dust and strewn as a red carpet at the feet of the local lord by a specialized courtier (Cordy-Collins 1990). At Pacatnamu, even the demi-elite could afford to be buried with a complete princeps (Figure 19). The increase in both quantity and quality of the Spondylus shells available to the Moche Norteños of the eighth century and their descendents may be seen as a result of Teotihuacan’s loss of influence and power.

It is not known precisely what debilitating events occurred during the last years of the Teotihuacan regime, but toward 650 CE, its power had diminished sufficiently that we can speak of an administrative collapse (Cowgill 1986). By 750 CE, the polity’s fall was essentially complete. There is evidence that more goods were being imported into the central region than were being produced there, and other centers had been developing in competition with Teotihuacan. In earlier times the city’s involvement has been evident even in the Maya centers, especially at Tikal and Copan where their dynasties seem traceable to Teotihuacano founders.10 Karl Taube argues that subsequently ‘a Teotihuacan warrior complex was introduced into the Maya A conclusion reached independently by Dorothy Hosler (1994, 249). María Rostworowski (1970, 1975, 1999) interprets several Spanish colonial documents relating to the Inka-period Señorío of Chincha on the south coast of Peru to indicate that a large trading fleet of balsas, specializing in Spondylus, was operational from that point north. However, Daniel Sandweiss’s Chincha archaeological excavations (1992) and especially Anne Marie Hocquenghem’s re-analysis of the ethnohistoric colonial data (1999) convincingly argue that a Chincha-based coastal balsa trading fleet cannot be substantiated. 10 Spearthrower Owl was a Teotihuacan dignitary whose son Nun Yax Ain (Curl Nose) was an Early Classic ruler at Tikal (Taube 2000, 39). Similarly, K’inich Yax K’uk’ Mo who founded the Copanec dynasty, seems to have had Teotihuacan origins (Taube 2000, 29). 8

9

On Lintel 2, Structure 1 at Tikal, Taube (2000, 72) identifies the Teotihuacan war serpent in direct relationship to Maya Ruler A. 11

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Figure 19. Drawing of Lambayeque adult female burial (H1M1B1) excavated at Pacatnamu, Jequetepeque Valley, in 1983. Note symmetrical Spondylus valve tied into each hand (after Verano and Cordy-Collins 1986, Figure 8). Detail of Spondylus princeps valves tied into the palm of each hand. The valves hinged together perfectly, demonstrating that they belonged to the same animal (Instituto Nacional de Cultura del Perú, La Libertad. A. Cordy-Collins photograph)

In Exchange

Relación de Michoacan (see Anawalt 1992, Figures 2 and 4), a colonial document.

We have seen that a complex of Mesoamerican products was imported into the northern Moche world during the eighth century, contributing to change its cultural trajectory. Nonetheless, the influences did not move in a single direction. In the process of exchange, the maritime merchants also moved goods and information from South America to Mesoamerica. In addition to having had the ability to provide the aforementioned regions with the sacred shell, there is evidence that the traders shipped other products. It has been discovered that, not only were West Mexican breechcloths an anomaly in Mesoamerica, those people’s entire manner of dress was completely different from that of the rest of Mesoamerica. Yet it was very similar to that of coastal Ecuador (Anawalt 1992). Additionally, labrets were apparently introduced to Mesoamerica some time between 450 and the sixteenth century CE. While they are absent from West Mexican ceramics of 250 BCE-450 CE, they are shown being worn by several figures in the

Another cultural element that can be considered in this discussion is the Priestess Complex and that dignitary’s role in the Sacrifice Ceremony, as identified among the Phase V Moche Norteño. It is possible that it was carried from northern Peru and incorporated by the Maya into their ceremonies, as reflected in the Bonampak frescoes (late eighth century CE). Yet, while there are some similarities between the Moche Priestess Complex and the Maya Moon Goddess Complex, they are somewhat tenuous. As noted above, the Moche Priestess Complex consists of royal women, Spondylus shells, blood sacrifice, a water-borne craft, and the moon. Among the Maya, the young Moon Goddess [Goddess I] has an association with water (Taube 1992b, 64) and with Spondylus shells (Freidel et al. 2002, 67). Interesting, too, is that the Moon Goddess/Goddess I and the Priestess are sometimes shown with a similar headdress or hair ornament (compare Maya Goddess I from

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further archaeological work may alter this rather narrow view. At this point in time, we do not know enough about late Moche Norteño demographics to suggest why the foreign elements above described found acceptance, but we must assume that the society was dense enough and sufficiently stratified for the new concepts and materials to have been incorporated. And perhaps the environmental instability was so disruptive that the Moche Norteños were looking for something tangible to replace the old ineffective regime. Certainly, the conclusion seems unavoidable that as early as the seventh-eighth centuries CE, northern South America and Mesoamerica were trading material and ideas in a regularized way. If that conclusion is valid, we should expect to find further examples of Mesoamerican origin at other Moche V Norteño sites.

the Dresden and Madrid codices in Taube 1992b, Figures 29e and 29h, with the Moche Priestess in Cordy-Collins 2001b, Figures 3.5 and 3.6). Beyond these admittedly limited comparisons, there is one other, perhaps more relevant parallel: both the Maya Moon Goddess and the Moche Priestess are sometimes conflated with males (Taube 1992b, Figure 31; Cordy-Collins 2001b, Figure 3.14). More information, especially about the Maya Moon Goddess, may initiate further investigation of the issue. Without a doubt, however, the most important introduction we are aware of from South America to Mesoamerica was metallurgy. This claim is convincingly supported by Dorothy Hosler’s detailed analyses of pre-Columbian metallurgy (1994). Although that technology has an antiquity of more than 3,500 years in northern Peru and southern Ecuador, it is not evident in Mesoamerica until the seventh century CE. Its first appearance was in West Mexico, whence it diffused to other parts of Mesoamerica. What is particularly notable is that it was not simply objects (implements or ornaments) that were introduced by the South Americans, but rather metallurgical technology itself (Hosler et al. 1990). Hosler has also demonstrated that, in the immediate aftermath, the West Mexican elites elaborated specific metal production techniques in order to yield sounds and colors never heard or seen there before. She tells us further that ‘metal was divine, indestructible, and powerful’ (1994, 248). Moreover, metallurgy is a complicated collection of processes that demands special training and experience; it is not something that common sailors, or even mercantilists, likely would have understood, much less mastered. Because of that, the implication is that the metallurgists—people with the sophisticated knowledge necessary to mine, smelt, anneal, cast, and solder metals— traveled from the south to Mesoamerica, beginning around the seventh century CE or slightly earlier.

Works Cited Allison, M., Focacci, G. and Santoro, C. 1982. The PreColumbian Dog From Arica, Chile. American Journal of Physical Anthropology 59, 299-304. Anawalt, P. 1992. Ancient Cultural Contacts between Ecuador, West Mexico, and The American Southwest: Clothing Similarities. Latin American Antiquity 3(2), 114-129. Anonymous. 1917. The Hairless Dog. Journal of Heredity 8(11), 519-520. Baus de Czitrom, C. 1988. Los perros de la antigua provincia de Colima. Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia. México, D.F. Castillo Butters, L. J. 2001. The Last of the Mochicas: A View from the Jequetepeque Valley. In J. Pillsbury (ed.), Moche Art and Archaeology in Ancient Peru, 307-332. National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C. Castillo Butters, L. J. 2003. Los últimos mochicas de Jequetepeque. In S. Uceda and E. Mujica (eds.), Moche: Hacia el final del milenio, Tomo II [Actas del segundo coloquio sobre la cultura Moche. Trujillo, 1 al 7 de agosto de 1999], 65-124 (cap. 18). Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú / Universidad Nacional de Trujillo, Trujillo, Peru. Castillo Butters, L. J. 2004. Programa arqueológico San José de Moro, Temporada 2004. Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, Lima. Castillo Butters, L. J. and Donnan, C. B. 1994. Los mochicas del norte y los mochicas del sur, una perspectiva desde el valle de Jequetepeque. In K. Makowski (ed.) Vicús, 143-181. Colección Arte y Tesoros del Perú. Banco de Crédito del Perú, Lima. Castillo Butters, L. J. and Donnan, C. B. 1992. Primer informe parcial y solicitud de permiso para excavación arqueológica Proyecto San José de Moro primera temporada de excavaciones (Junio-Agosto de 1991, Lima. Chapdelaine, C. 2003. La ciudad de Moche: urbanismo y estado. In S. Uceda and E. Mujica (eds.), Moche: Hacia el final del milenio, Tomo II [Actas del segundo coloquio sobre la cultura Moche. Trujillo, 1 al 7 de agosto de 1999], 247-286 (cap. 22). Pontificia Universidad

Conclusion During its final years, the northern Moche world experienced much change and interchange. These must have been fascinating times. The nature of the initial elements instigating the transitions are as yet incompletely understood, although intense weather changes in northern Peru have been suggested as an early contributing factor (McClelland 1990, 75-106; Moseley et al. 2008). Repercussions from the sociopolitical and economic turmoil in Mesoamerica seem likely agencies because of their presumed impact on the Ecuadorian trading system. We also are not yet certain if these changes were felt simultaneously at all Moche V Norteño settlements. What the archaeological record shows at this time is that in the northern portion of the Jequetepeque Valley in the early eighth century, the Moche rather rapidly were transformed into what we currently recognize as Lambayeque culture. To date, a detailed progressive metamorphosis from Moche V Norteño into Lambayeque has been registered only at San José de Moro (Cordy-Collins 2003; also see Castillo 2001, 2003, 2004; Rucabado and Castillo 2003), but

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Católica del Perú / Universidad Nacional de Trujillo, Trujillo, Peru. Coe, M. D. 1960. Archaeological Linkages with North and South America at La Victoria, Guatemala. American Anthropologist 62(3), 363-393. Coe, M. D. 2005. The Maya, seventh edition. Thames and Hudson, London. Cordy-Collins, A. 1979. The Dual Divinity Concept in Chavín Art. El Dorado III (2), 1-31. University of Northern Colorado. Greeley, Colorado. Cordy-Collins, A. 1990. Fonga Sigde, Shell Purveyor to the Chimu Kings. In M. E. Moseley and A. Cordy-Collins (eds.), Kingship and Statecraft in Chimor, 393-418. Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C. Cordy-Collins, A. 1994. An Un-Shaggy Dog Story. Natural History 103(2), 34-41. Cordy-Collins, A. 1996. Los entierros de Illimo: Análisis osteológico preparado para Walter Alva, Director del Museo Arqueológico Nacional Brüning de Lambayeque, Lambayeque. Unpublished report submitted to the Museo Arqueológico Nacional Brüning de Lambayeque, Peru. Cordy-Collins, A. 1999. La Sacerdotisa y La Ostra. Spondylus: ofrenda sagrada y símbolo de paz. Museo Rafael Larco Herrera, Lima. Cordy-Collins, A. 2001a. Moche Labretted Ladies: Foreign Women in Northern Moche and Lambayeque Art. In J. Pillsbury (ed.), Moche Art and Archaeology in Ancient Peru, 247-256. National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C. Cordy-Collins, A. 2001b. Blood and the Moon Priestess: Spondylus Shells in Moche Ceremony. In E. P. Benson and A. G. Cook (eds.), Ritual Sacrifice in Ancient Peru, 35-54. University of Texas Press, Austin. Cordy-Collins, A. 2003. El mundo Moche al empezar el signo VIII: transiciones e influencias. In S. Uceda and E. Mujica (eds.), Moche: Hacia el final del milenio, Tomo II [Actas del segundo coloquio sobre la cultura Moche. Trujillo, 1 al 7 de agosto de 1999], 229-246 (cap. 21). Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú / Universidad Nacional de Trujillo, Trujillo, Peru. Cowgill, G. L. 1986. Discussion. Ancient Mesoamerica 7(2), 325-331. Cowgill, G. L. 1992. Teotihuacan Glyphs and Imagery in the Light of Some Early Colonial Texts. In J. C. Berlo (ed.), Art, Ideology and the City of Teotihuacan, 231246. Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C. Donnan, C. B. 1990. Masterworks of Art Reveal a Remarkable Pre-Inca World. National Geographic Magazine 177(6), 17-33. Donnan, C. B. 1992. Ceramics of Ancient Peru. Fowler Museum of Cultural History, University of California, Los Angeles. Donnan, C. B., and Castillo Butters, L. J. 1994. Excavaciones de tumbas sacerdotisas Moche en San José de Moro, Jequetepeque. In S. Uceda and E. Mujica (eds.), Moche: Propuestas y Perspectivas [Actas del Primer Coloquio sobre la Cultura Moche (Trujillo, 12 al 16 de abril de 1993)], 415-424. Travaux de l’Institute Français de l’Etudes Andines 79. Universidad Nacional

de La Libertad-Trujillo, Instituto Francés de Estudios Andinos y Asociación Peruana para el Fomento de las Ciencias Sociales, Lima. Donnan, C. B. and Cock, G. A. (eds). 1986. The Pacatnamu Papers Volume 1. Fowler Museum of Cultural History, University of California, Los Angeles. Donnan, C. B. and Cock, G. A. (eds). 1997. The Pacatnamu Papers, Volume 2: The Moche Occupation. Fowler Museum of Cultural History, University of California, Los Angeles. Donnan, C. B. and McClelland, D. 1999. Moche Fineline Painting: Its Evolution and Its Artists. Fowler Museum of Cultural History, University of California, Los Angeles. Fiennes, R., and A. Fiennes. 1968. The Natural History of the Dog. Weidenfeld & Nicolson. London. Freidel, D. A., Reese-Taylor, K. and Mora-Marín, D. 2002. The Origins of Maya Civilization: The Old Shell Game, Commodity, Treasure, and Kingship. In M. Masson and D. A. Freidel (eds.), Ancient Maya Political Economies, 41-86. Altamira Press, Walnut Creek, CA. Guzmán y Ladrón de Guevara, C., and Casafranca Noriega, J. 1964. Vicús. In Informaciones Arqueológicas 1 (informe preliminar 33 páginas). Ediciones de la Comisión Nacional de Cultura, Lima. Heyerdahl, T., Sandweiss, D. H. and Narváez, A. 1995. Pyramids of Túcume: The Quest for Peru’s Forgotten City. Thames and Hudson, New York. Hickmann, E. 1987. Instrumentos musicales del Museo Antropológico del Banco Central del Ecuador, Guayaquil II Parte. Figurines antropomorfos con significado musical. In Miscelánea Antropológica Ecuatoriana 7, Boletín de los Museos del Banco Central del Ecuador. Guayaquil, Ecuador. Hirth, K. 2010. The Merchant’s World: Commercial Diversity and the Economics of Interregional Exchange in Highland Mesoamerica. Paper presented at the Dumbarton Oaks Conference on Merchants, Trade, and Exchange in the Precolumbian World. Washington, D.C. Hocquenghem, A. M. 1999. En Torno al Mullu, Manjar Predelicto de los Poderosos Inmortales. Spondylus: ofrenda sagrada y símbolo de paz. Museo Rafael Larco Herrera, Lima. Hosler, D. 1994. The Sounds and Color of Power: The Sacred Metallurgical Technology of Ancient West Mexico. MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts. Hosler, D., Lechtman, H. and Holm, O. 1990. Axe Monies and Their Relatives. Studies in Pre-Columbian Art and Archaeology, No. 30. Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C. Iribarren Charlin, J. 1950. Notas preliminares sobre la dispersión continental de un adorno del labio en los pueblos aborígenes, el bezote, labret, o tembeta. Ovalle, Chile. Jijón y Caamaño, J. 1941. El Ecuador interandino y occidental antes de la conquista castellana. Editorial Ecuatoriana, Quito, Ecuador. Kerr, J. 1992. The Maya Vase Book Volume 3. Kerr Associates. New York.

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Klaus, H. et al. 2010. Bioarchaeology of human sacrifice: violence, identity and evolution of ritual killing at Cerro Cerrillos, Peru. Antiquity 84: 1102-1122. Kolb, C. C. 1987. Marine Shell Trade and Classic Teotihuacan, Mexico. British Archaeological Reports International Series 364. Oxford. Lejeal, L. 1905. La collection de M. de Sartiges el les ‘Aryballes’ péruviens de Musée Ethnographique de Trocadéro. International Congress of Americanists, Thirteenth Session, New York, 1902. Eschenbach Printing Company, Pennsylvania. McClelland, D. 1990. A Maritime Passage from Moche to Chimu. In M. E. Moseley and A. Cordy-Collins (eds.), Kingship and Statecraft in Chimor, 75-106. Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C. Marcos, J. 1977-1978. Cruising to Acapulco and Back with the Thorny Oyster Set: A Model for a Lineal Exchange System. Journal of the Steward Anthropological Society 9(1-2), 99-132. Urbana, Illinois. Marcos, J. G., and Norton, P. 1982. Primer simposio de correlaciones Antropológicas Andino – Meso-americano, 25-31 de julio de 1971. Escuela Superior Politécnica del Litoral, Guayaquil, Ecuador. Marcos, J. G., and Norton, P. 1984. From the Yungas of Chinchay Suyo to Cuzco: The Role of La Plata Island in Spondylus Trade. In D. L. Brownman, R. L. Burger, and M. A. Rivera (eds.), Social and Economic Organization in the Prehispanic Andes, 7-20. 44th International Congress of Americanists Proceedings, Manchester 1982. British Archaeological Reports International Series 194, Oxford. Martin, I. 1983. The Inca Hairless Dog. Américas (JulyAugust), 26-29. Miller, A. G. 1973. The Mural Painting of Teotihuacan. Dumbarton Oaks. Washington, D.C. Millon, R. 1993. The Place Where Time Began. In K. Berrin and E. Pasztory (eds.), Teotihuacan: Art from the City of the Gods, 17-43. Thames and Hudson, The Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco, San Francisco. Millon, R. 1981. Teotihuacan: City, State, and Civilization. In J. Sabloff (ed.), Supplement to the Handbook of Middle American Indians, Volume 1: Archaeology, 198243. University of Texas Press, Austin. Moseley, M. E. and Watanabe, L. 1974. The Adobe Sculpture of Huaca de los Reyes. Archaeology 27(3), 514-161. Moseley, M. E., Donnan, C. B. and Keefer, D. K. 2008. Convergent Catastrophe and the Demise of Dos Cabezas: Environmental Change and Regime Change in Ancient Peru. In S. Bourget and K. Jones (eds.), The Art, the Arts, and the Archaeology of the Moche: Proceedings of the Fourth D.J. Sibley Family Conference on World Traditions of Culture. University of Texas, Austin. Muñoz Camargo, D. 1947. Historia de Tlaxcala, ed. 2 da. Ateneo Nacional de Ciencias y Artes de México, México. Paulsen, A. 1977. Patterns of Maritime Trade between South Coastal Ecuador and Western Mesoamerica, 1500 B.C. – A.D. 600. In E. P. Benson (ed.), The Sea in

the Pre-Columbian World, 141-160. Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C. Petersen, G. 1955. Adorno Labial de Oro Usado por los Tallanes. Revista del Museo Nacional de Antropología y Arqueología 2(2), 161-168. Lima. Pillsbury, J. 1993. Sculpted Friezes of the Empire of Chimor. Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation. Department of Art History. Columbia University. Robicsek, F., and Hales, D. 1984. Maya Heart Sacrifice: Cultural Perspective and Surgical Technique. In E. H. Boone (ed.), Ritual Human Sacrifice in Mesoamerica, 49-90. Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C. Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, M. 1970. Mercaderes del Valle de Chincha en la época prehispánica: un documento y unos comentarios. Revista Española de Antropología Americana 5, 135-177. Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, M. 1975. Pescadores, artesanos y mercaderes costeños en el Perú prehispánico. Revista del Museo Nacional 41, 311-349. Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, M. 1999. Intercambio prehispánico del Spondylus. Spondylus: ofrenda sagrada y símbolo de paz. Museo Rafael Larco Herrera, Lima. Rucabado, J., and Castillo [Butters], L. J. 2003. El Periodo Transicional en San José de Moro. In S. Uceda and E. Mujica (eds.), Moche: Hacia el final del milenio, Tomo II [Actas del segundo coloquio sobre la cultura Moche. Trujillo, 1 al 7 de agosto de 1999], 15-42 (cap. 1). Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú / Universidad Nacional de Trujillo, Trujillo, Peru. Ruppert, K., Eric, J., Thompson, S. and Proskouriakoff, T. 1955. Bonampak, Chiapas, Mexico. Publication 602, Carnegie Institution of Washington, Washington, D.C. Sandweiss, D. H. 1992. The Archaeology of Chincha Fishermen: Specialization and Status in Inka Peru. Bulletin of the Carnegie Museum of Natural History 29, 161. Schele, L., and Miller, M. E. 1986. The Blood of Kings: Dynasty and Ritual in Maya Art. George Braziller, Inc., New York. Sharer, R. L. 2003. Founding Events and Teotihuacan Connections at Copán, Honduras. In G. E. Braswell (ed.), The Maya and Teotihuacan: Reinterpreting Early Classic Interaction, 143-166. University of Texas Press, Austin. Stuart, G. S., and Stuart, G. E. 1993. Lost Kingdom of the Maya. The National Geographic Society, Washington, D.C. Taube, K. A. 1992a. The Temple of Quetzalcoatl and the cult of sacred war at Teotihuacan. In Res, Anthropology and Aesthetics, Spring, 53-87. Taube, K. A. 1992b. The Major Gods of Ancient Yucatan. Studies in Pre-Columbian Art & Archaeology, Number 32. Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D.C. Taube, K. A. 2000. The Writing System of Ancient Teotihuacan. Ancient America 1. Center for Ancient American Studies, Barnardsville, North Carolina and Washington, D.C. Vega, J. J. 1986. Las Capullanas. Los Tallanes. Universidad Nacional de Educación, Trujillo, Peru.

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Papers Volume 1, 85-94. Fowler Museum of Cultural History, University of California, Los Angeles. Weiss, P. 1976. El Perro Peruano sin Pelo (Perro Chino, Viringo, Ccala, o Ccalato). Publicaciones del Museo Nacional de Antropología y Arqueología, Serie: Paleobiología (1), 33-54. Museo Nacional de Antropología y Arqueología, Lima.

Verano, J. W. 1986. A Mass Burial of Mutilated Individuals at Pacatnamu. In C. B. Donnan and G. A. Cock (eds.), The Pacatnamu Papers Volume 1, 117-138. Fowler Museum of Cultural History, University of California, Los Angeles. Verano, J. W. and Cordy-Collins, A. 1986. H1M1: A Late Intermediate Period Mortuary Structure at Pacatnamu. In C. B. Donnan and G. A. Cock (eds.), The Pacatnamu

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Chapter 5 Food for the Dead, Cuisine for the Living: Mortuary Food Offerings from the Jequetepeque Valley, Peru

Robyn Cutright Centre College

This study examines food offerings in Lambayeque (circa AD 1000) burials at Farfán, Jequetepeque Valley, Peru, and compares these findings to George Gumerman’s (1997) analysis of Moche period burials at the nearby site of Pacatnamu. While food offerings have previously been noted as part of north coast burial traditions, I view them here in terms of their relation not only to mortuary customs and funerary rites, but also to the culinary traditions within which they were produced. Well-preserved botanical and faunal remains included as mortuary offerings in these burials provide an archaeologically visible snapshot of cuisine, revealing culturally informed choices of ingredients, preparations, and culinary equipment. After reviewing relevant ethnohistoric and ethnographic accounts of cuisine and mortuary practices on the coast, I present the results of my analysis of funerary food offerings at Farfán. I explore commonly occurring combinations, associations between food remains and vessel forms, and patterning of food remains along lines of class, age, and sex. Comparison to contemporaneous domestic faunal, botanical, and ceramic assemblages suggests that the foods and preparation methods evident in these burials represent a restricted subset of daily cuisine, perhaps considered particularly symbolically or ritually appropriate for inclusion as funerary offerings.

mortuary food offerings from Pacatnamu, another major site in the valley, serves as a comparative counterpoint. By examining funerary food remains as the products of a culinary system, I move beyond considering them as merely markers of particular mortuary traditions. Rather, because food offerings were intentionally placed in specific vessels alongside certain individuals, they present a unique opportunity to observe ingredients, recipes, and culinary equipment in action. At the same time, the mortuary food offerings at these sites are also the product of ideas having to do with appropriate treatment of the dead. In this sense, they should not be expected to directly replicate daily culinary norms, but may rather reflect the symbolic and ritual significance of certain foods. Funerary food offerings thus allow us to explore the culturally-informed culinary and ritual decisions that led to the selection of certain ingredients and preparations from within a wider range of available foods.

Mortuary food offerings provide a unique, archaeologically visible snapshot of the cultural life of food, yet rarely have been considered in the wider context of cuisine. In contrast to diet, which refers to the actual array of foods consumed, cuisine denotes the culturally constructed ways people prepare and consume appropriate foods, dishes and meals (Crown 2000). Cuisine comprises not only the varieties of foods eaten, but the ways they are used in multiple social contexts and embedded in cultural and religious traditions. It thus provides a particularly valuable and sensitive window through which to view multiple dimensions of social organization. Recent studies have focused on cuisine to elucidate household economy (Hastorf 1990; Hough 1999), gender dynamics (Crown 2000; Gero 1992; Hastorf 1991), status/class differences (Dietler 2001; Gumerman 1991; Welch and Scarry 1995), ethnicity (Lightfoot et al. 1998; Meadows 1999), and interaction between local populations and the state (Bray 2003; Brumfiel 1991; Hastorf 1991). In addition to reinforcing distinctions such as class and ethnicity, food marks different social occasions. Everyday, celebratory, and ritual meals often feature distinct ingredients, dishes, and practices, even though they are part of the same culinary system. Thus food used in ritual contexts, such as the funerary food offerings I explore here, is the product of culinary traditions at the same time as it is deeply involved in ceremonial practices.

In what follows, I first present ethnohistoric accounts and previous archaeological assessments of cuisine and mortuary traditions on the north coast of Peru. I then examine mortuary data and funerary food offerings from Pacatnamu and Farfán. In order to place these offerings in a wider social and culinary context, I will focus attention of three dimensions of the dataset. First, I examine the extent to which the kinds of food present and the particular combinations and methods of preparation represented in the offerings reflect commonly employed principles of cuisine. Second, most of the offerings are contained in ceramic and gourd vessels that served particular purposes in contexts of food preparation and consumption. I explore how the vessels included in these burials and the food placed in

Specifically, in this paper I analyze food remains from Lambayeque period burials at the site of Farfán, located in the Jequetepeque Valley on the north coast of Peru. I discuss their place in mortuary customs and funerary rites, and investigate how these remains relate to everyday cuisine. George Gumerman’s (1997a) analysis of Moche-period

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them relate to patterns of food preparation and presentation. Finally, these food offerings occur among other grave goods associated with particular individuals. I thus approach the social components of food preparation and consumption by examining the associations between certain foods and variables like age, sex, and status. Finally, I consider the range of ingredients and activities represented by these mortuary contexts in comparison to domestic assemblages and discuss implications for wider funerary patterns. Ethnohistoric and Archaeological Accounts Funerary Practices The tradition of including food as a funerary offering has a long-documented history on the north coast of Peru. Moche fineline depictions of the Presentation and Burial ceremonies highlight the placement of gourd bowls full of food in tombs (Figure 1), and archaeological studies of burial patterns (e.g. Donnan and Mackey 1978) commonly report the presence of food in burials. Customs of secondary burial and ancestor veneration were likely widespread, and there is increasing evidence that tombs were reopened and bones were manipulated after death on the north coast (Millaire 2004; Nelson 1998). Some offerings of food and drink may have been part of reopening ceremonies, but many of these offerings would likely have been left at the moment of burial. Ethnohistoric descriptions of indigenous burial practices show that traditions of mortuary food offerings continued into the post-conquest period. Cieza de León records that the population was accustomed to ‘meter con el difunto… mucha cantidad de comida, y no pocos cántaros de chicha o vino de los que ellos usan’ (1984[1553], 193).1 Cieza de León attributes this practice to the belief that after death, the individual would resuscitate in another place where they would eat and drink as in life. Father Bernabé Cobo (1990) also records this practice, and attributes it to the desire of the living to please their ancestors by providing the same food and drink they enjoyed in life.

Figure 1. Moche fineline depicting funerary ritual (redrawn from Moseley 1992)

maíz y ají y cosas de legumbres, nunca comen carne ni cosa de sustancia salvo algún pescado los que están cerca a la costa y por eso son tan amigos de beber chicha, porque les hincha la barriga y les da mantenimiento’ (in Antúnez de Mayolo 1981, 21).2 Ethnohistoric accounts (Cieza de León 1984[1553]; Cobo 1990) suggest that the basic components of the Andean diet were prepared in a fairly limited number of ways, most commonly by stewing or boiling, grinding, toasting, drying, and roasting. While combinations of foods were commonly cooked together in stews, seasonings were limited to salt and ají, or chili peppers. High class cuisine differed from that of the general population primarily based on its high quality and large quantity, rather than because it included rare or exotic ingredients (Bray 2003; Hastorf 2003).

Culinary Traditions As the material remains of funerary ritual, then, food offerings at Farfán and Pacatnamu were shaped by the social and cosmological concerns of those who placed them there. However, they were also produced within a wider North Coast culinary tradition, which links funerary practice with domestic foodways. Ethnohistoric descriptions of coastal cuisine after conquest describe daily consumption of corn, fruit, and fish (Estrella 1986, 62). Maize in all forms, including chicha, or fermented corn beer, was a dietary cornerstone. Cieza de León claims that the coastal diet was so poor, at least in the post-conquest period, that chicha provided necessary daily nutrition: ‘su mantenimiento es

Archaeological inquiry into North Coast foodways has produced results consistent with the diet described in ethnohistoric accounts and extended our understanding ‘their sustenance is corn and ají and beans, they never eat meat nor anything else of substance except those close to the coast eat some fish and for this reason they enjoy drinking chicha so much, because it swells their bellies and gives them sustenance’ 2

‘put in with the dead body…a great quantity of food, and not a few jugs of chicha or wine that they use’(translation by the author unless otherwise noted) 1

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Figure 2. Lower Jequetepeque Valley, showing Pacatnamu and Farfán

of cuisine beyond contact period Inka practices. Most archaeological analyses of food remains have focused on reconstructing diet at individual sites (Vásquez and Rosales 1998) or for particular cultures (Pozorski 1979, 1982). Several studies have gone farther, to explore how cuisine is related to social dynamics like class and ethnicity. At sites in the Casma and Moche valleys, diet has been shown to vary along lines of status and cultural affiliation (Hough 1999; Koschmieder 2004). At Puerto Pobre, in the Casma Valley, Klaus Koschmieder (2004) found that the diets of Chimú administrators and local Casma residents differed in terms of preferred ingredients, but as the two groups became acculturated over time, these differences narrowed.

Jequetepeque River on a bluff overlooking the river mouth (Figure 2). It was an important lower valley ceremonial and administrative center during the Lambayeque period, when the site’s characteristic monumental huaca-complexes were constructed (Donnan and Cock 1986). Excavations centering on clusters of non-elite Moche burials (see papers in Donnan and Cock 1997, and Zori, this volume) recovered a total of 84 Moche burials. Individuals were buried in an extended position, placed in cane-frame coffins or wrapped in textiles. Thirty tombs (36%) contained botanical offerings, along with other grave goods such as ceramic and gourd vessels.3 Gumerman’s (1997a) analysis of these botanical offerings provides a comparative baseline for my analysis of food offerings from Farfán.

In the Jequetepeque Valley, Gumerman (1991, 2002) has carried out a detailed study of Lambayeque diet at the site of Pacatnamu. There, he found that Lambayeque diet varied between elite and commoner households. The elite had greater access to camelid meat and calorically non-essential (but presumably desirable) items such as chili peppers, while commoners relied more heavily on opportunistically gathered wild resources. Despite these differences, other resources such as maize were evenly distributed across commoner and elite households. These findings highlight how cuisine varies among different social and economic groups even within a single site, and begins to illuminate the social context of dietary choices.

Farfán Farfán, another important lower valley center, is located 15 km inland from Pacatnamu (Figure 2). Although Farfán was first identified as a Chimú secondary administrative center (Keatinge and Conrad 1983), recent excavations have identified occupations dating to the Lambayeque and Inka periods as well (Mackey 2003, 2006, this volume). The Lambayeque occupation at the site consists of an administrative compound (Compound III), a residential area and ceramic workshop, and a low funerary mound, located directly to the south of Compound III (Figure 3), which forms the focus of the present study. Remains of 61

Mortuary Assemblages at Pacatnamu and Farfán

Gumerman’s analysis is concerned with the botanical offerings. He mentions that fish bones or scales were recovered from eight burials, shell from six, and sea mammal bone from one but considers at least some of this material to have been intrusive rather than intentionally placed (1997a, 246). 3

Pacatnamu The large site of Pacatnamu is located on the north side of the

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Figure 3. The site of Farfán, showing area of study (graphics courtesy of C. Mackey)

Ingredients and Recipes

non-elite individuals in 52 unlined tombs were excavated here during the 2003 field season (Mackey this volume; Mackey and Jaúregui 2003). Individuals were buried in seated or extended positions with a limited range of grave goods, including ceramic and gourd vessels, small pieces of copper, textiles, and tools associated with spinning and sewing.

Table 1 shows the fairly uniform distribution of botanical remains in burials with food offerings at Pacatnamu and Farfán. Both domesticated agricultural species and wild plant species are represented in these samples, but domesticates, especially maize, clearly dominate the botanical assemblage. Most samples contain only one or two different species. There were no statistically significant correlations between the species occurring in any particular sample, although multiple samples contained a mix of maize and fish or maize and beans.

At Farfán, 30 of 52 discrete burials (58%) contained faunal or botanical remains.4 Some organic remains were recovered from the fill surrounding the bodies, but most had been intentionally placed in gourd containers or ceramic vessels. The contents of each vessel were recovered as discrete samples, resulting in a total of 184 samples. Botanical and/or faunal food remains were present in 86 of the 184 samples analyzed during the 2003 field season. Each sample was passed through 1/8 inch screens, sorted, identified, and quantified, with a portion of the