Euripides: Phoenician Women 0856682306, 9780856682308, 9780195077087

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EURIPIDES Phoenician

Women

edited with translation and commentary by

Elizabeth

Craik

A ARIS & PHILLIPS LTD

© Elizabeth Craik 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form by any means without the prior written permission of the publishers.

B

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data

Euripides Phoenician l. Title Ill. Series 882'.01

Women. ll.

- (Classical

Craik,

texts).

Elizabeth

PA3975.P6

ISBN 0 85668 230 6 cloth ISBN 0 85668 231 4 /imp Classical

texts

ISSN

0953

Printed and

published

Teddington

House,

- 7961

in England

Warminster,

by ARIS Wiltshire,

& PHILLIPS BA12

8PQ,

Ltd, England.

CONTENTS

General Editor’s Foreword

Vii

Preface General Introduction to the Series General Bibliography Bibliography to Phoenician Women

Abbreviations Introduction to Phoenician Women Text and Translation Commentary

162

Family Tree

2/1

Index

273

GENERAL Euripides'

EDITOR'S

remarkable

FOREWORD

variety

of

subject,

ideas

and

methods challenges each generation of readers - and audiences - to fresh appraisal and closer definition. This Series of his plays is in the general style of Aris and Phillips’ Classical Texts: it offers university students and, we hope, sixth-formers,

Civilisation

as

well

at

all

as

teachers

levels,

new

of

Classics

editions

and

which

Classical

emphasise

analytical and literary appreciation. In each volume there is an editor's Introduction which sets the play in its original context, discusses its dramatic and poetic resources, and assesses its meaning. The Greek text is faced on the opposite page by a new English prose translation which attempts to be both accurate and idiomatic. The Commentary, which is keyed wherever possible to the translation rather than to the Greek, pursues the aims of the Introduction in analysing structure and development, in annotating and appreciating poetic style,

and the

in explaining the ideas; since the translation itself reveals editor's detailed understanding of the Greek, philological

comment is confined to special phenomena or problems which affect interpretation. Those are the guidelines within which individual contributors to the Series have been asked to work, but they are free to handle or emphasise whatever they judge

important in their manner of doing commentators This

on

particular so. It is

Euripides

volume

is

the

play, and to choose their natural that commentaries

should

third

in

reflect the

his

Series.

variety The

own and

as

a poet.

first,

Trojan

Women by Shirley A. Barlow (1986), included a General Introduction to the Series written by her; it is reproduced in this volume, pp. 1-25. | have added a few recent and specially important books to the General Bibliography (pp. 26-31). For Phoenissae Mrs. Elizabeth Craik has prepared a new edition of the Greek text, with a selective critical: apparatus; | take pleasure in recording again my own and the publisher's

gratitude to Dr. James Diggle, who has Series by affording Mrs. Craik access for his forthcoming University

edition

in the Oxford

College of Swansea

once more helped the to materials prepared Classical

Texts.

Christopher

Collard

PREFACE

I hope this book will help to bring Phoenician

Women,

neglected and

underrated in recent decades, into the favour it deserves with students and their teachers.

The commentary is so structured that an introduction to each dramatic section,

providing

a serial vue d’ensemble of the play, is followed by line by line

comment of a more detailed character. Throughout, in accordance with the aims of this series, literary and dramatic matters are given more prominence than

linguistic and textual. The translation is literal rather than literary and so far as possible — that is without too much dislocation of natural English word order — corresponds line by line with the Greek. The text and critical apparatus are my own. The effort involved in preparing an edition and commentary on a modest scale

is out of all proportion to the final product: one has

to reject much

that might.

in order to decide what must go in,

In textual matters,

the effort has been

lightened by the generosity of James Diggle, who allowed me access to a draft of his forthcoming edition of the play, to use in conjunction with the collations of Mastronarde and Bremer; and who commented most helpfully on the layout of my critical apparatus. I hope I have not persisted in error; waywardness I know he will expect, and trust he will forgive. In all other matters, I owe a very great debt to Christopher Collard, who offered the book a home in the series, and who

has improved it at. innumerable points by bringing to bear — always with sympathy, tact and good humour — his critical acumen and profound knowledge of all aspects of Euripidean drama. The book was prepared on an IBM PC and transferred to an Apple Macintosh system for production of camera ready copy. I am grateful to Diane Kaferly for an introduction to computers and to the staff of the Computing Laboratory of the

University of St. Andrews, especially John Ball who produced the family tree and Peter Adamson who advised on layout, for their unfailing patience and helpfulness. Finally my thanks go to the incomparable Alex, Peter and Katie for

loving and tolerant support. University of St.Andrews February 1988

Elizabeth Craik

GENERAL |.

The

Ancient

The

of

INTRODUCTION

TO

THE

SERIES

Theatre

contemporary

performance,

and

theatre

these

consists

are

on

of many

offer

different

most

of

the

types

time

at

numerous small theatres in many places, particularly in centres like London and New York where the cultural choice is vast. Audiences go to only one play at a time - unless, that is, they are attending something special like Wagner's Ring Cycle - and they go primarily for entertainment, not to be overtly

instructed

or

to

discharge

a

religious

obligation.

The

choice

includes musicals, ballets, operas, variety shows, classical plays, contemporary plays, thrillers, serious prose plays, verse dramas, domestic comedies and fringe theatre. Audiences range from the highly intellectual, who might be devotees of serious

opera,

or

self-acknowledged from real life and

of

home

and

of

Becket

or

Eliot

or

Stoppard,

to

the

low-brow, who go to the theatre to escape have a night out away from the harassments

work.

In spite,

however,

of this

range

in type of

audience, the English speaking theatre-going public has long been, and probably still is, predominantly middle class. 1t is not representative of all strata of the population. | mention all these obvious things merely to draw a contrast with the ancient theatre. For the classical Greek

theatre

did

audience.

only

not

have

The

four

this

genres

types

-

fragmentation

were

few,

tragedy,

all

of genre,

in

verse,

satyric

drama,

location

or

consisting

of

comedy

dithyramb. There were neither scattered small theatres, performances on offer all the time. Theatres were outdoor,

and or

far two

could

between, dramatic

not

go

and

performances

festivals

to

the

were

held

at

select

theatre

all

the

concentrated times

time

in

of the

and nor few

into one year.

ancient

One

Greece.

Audiences were vast mass ones (probably 14,000, for instance, at the theatre of Dionysus in Athens) and were drawn from a wide section of the population. Moreover their reasons for going were as much religious, or to glean instruction, as for pure entertainment. They would not have expected their tragedies to allow them to escape into a fantasy world which 1

to reality little relation bore private domestic world which had nor was it canvas, and it dealt large,

and

moral

issues

on,

three

poets

no

in

was

Tragedy

Greek

|

into escape relevance.

- or to no public

on

portrayed

way

another

a

small

It was grand and personal in character. religious, with elevated social, political,

elevated

in

|t

language.

poetic

conveyed

these themes through traditional myth, and was thus communal in another sense than just having a mass audience - it had a mass audience with a shared heritage about to be presented on secular | and religious both had heritage This stage. associations. First, religious. Tragedy, like the other dramatic genres, was an offering to the God Dionysus whose statue stood in the theatre throughout dramatic performances. The main festival at happened once a year for a few the Great Dionysia, Athens, days in the Spring when tragedies, comedies, satyr plays and dithyrambs were performed in open competition in Dionysus' honour. The occasion was for the whole community and a kind of carnival air reigned. The law courts were closed. Distraints for debt were forbidden. Even prisoners were released, according to Demosthenes, and any outrage committed during the performance was treated as a sacrilegious act. Although such religious ceremonial was essential to the presentation of drama at Athens, it was the state which managed the production side. A selected official, an archon, in charge of the festival, initially chose the poets and plays, and was responsible for the hiring and distribution of actors. Thus the theatre was also a state function. Peisistratus had been the one to institute tragic contests recognised by the state, and the first competition was held in 534 B.C. when Thespis won first prize. At each festival from then exhibited general

four name

were

plays for

appointed

(three the

as

tragedies

group

of

competitors,

and

plays

a

satyr

was

and

each

play).

The

didaskalia

or

teaching, because the author taught (edidaxe) the plays to the actors. A herald proclaimed the victorious poet and his choregus (trainer

of

the

Chorus),

and

these

were

crowned

with

ivy

garlands. The poet and choregus who won a prize were listed on public monuments, and in later times actors' names were also recorded on official lists. The monuments of stone erected near the Theatre of Dionysus at Athens, as well as private monuments

set

up

by

the

choregus, 2

or

the

dedication

of

masks,

marble

tablets

or

sculptural

reliefs

and

the

didaskaliai,

show how high a place the tragic poet held in society. The place of the poet in ancient fifth century society is thus different from the way poets or dramatists are regarded by most people today. His place was in a context of the whole community and so was the subject matter of his plays. Note

The most scholarly and for the festivals, staging Greek theatre may be found Dramatic Festivals of Athens Athens. Shorter and more suitable for the Greekless Arnott, /ntroduction to Greek Tragic Theatre, T.B.L.

Webster,

Bibliography,

(Oxford,

lt.

Greek

though

Tragedy

(fear,

extreme

anger,

very

A.E.

very

old

useful

treats hate,

The and

Production.

(See

General

Haigh's

Attic

Theatre

now,

The

and

in many

details on ancient

circumstances

of

Its

a

such

family.!

and

is

Were

ways

sources.

all

emotions

the occur

of an

love,

suicide,

felt

the

emotions

jealousy,

(murder,

potency and

passions madness,

circumstances

mutilation).

confines

Theatre

VIII).

some

Theatre, H.C. Baldry, The Ancient Theatre,

Tragedy

Greek kind

Section

has

Greek Simon,

Greek

1907?),

superceded,

the E.

detailed discussions and evidence and performances of the ancient in A.W. Pickard-Cambridge, The and The Theatre of Dionysus in easily digestible treatments, also reader, may be found in P.D.

affection)

incest,

more

protagonists

extreme

because

within

the

unrelated,

in

rape,

such close

such

intensity would be lacking. Yet offsetting all this violence is the concentrated and controlled form of the plays which serves as a frame for the action. Of all art forms Greek Tragedy is one of the most formalised and austere. The combination of such formality with the explosive material it expresses, is what gives this drama its impact. In life, extremes of emotion do not often have shape and ordered neatness. They are incoherent and chaotic. The newspapers show everyday the havoc wrought by acts like murder, incest, rape and suicide - the very stuff of Greek Tragedy. Amid such havoc the perpetrators or victims of violent deeds seldom have either the temperament or the opportunity to express in a shaped form how they feel or felt 3

at

the

time.

it

cannot

be

of disaster.

Lawyers their

What

may

own

later

impose

response

as

Greek Tragedy

it

an was

does

order

for

at

actual

the

is to create

them,

an

but

moment

imagined

action, through myth, where the characters are able to articulate the thoughts and emotions which drive them, and where the audience is given also the thoughts and emotions of those involved with the main actors, i.e., relatives, friends, outsiders. It does this moreover in such a way that the lasting effect is not one of repugnance, but of acceptance and understanding.

The

material

of Greek

Tragedy

is shaped

and

into art in two main ways. One is through harnessing of ancient myth and more modern other is through the formal conventions of structure. First the combination of myth with more

elements.

By

this

|

mean

the

blending

transformed

the creative insights. The language and contemporary

of traditional

stories,

the shared heritage, with the perspectives which come from the city state, particularly fifth century Athens. This means an explosive mixture of past and present. Consider first the mythical element:1) Mytn means the past to a Greek tragedian, a past which he has inherited over centuries, ever since the earliest stories were recited to his ancestors.

2) 3)

4)

This

past

myth

is usually

concerned

with

the heroic

-

the great heroes as they are presented in epic and lyric poetry. |n this telling of the heroic, the individual is important. It is the single figure and his greatness which stands out, whether Achilles or Agamemnon or Odysseus or Ajax or Philoctetes or Heracles. This single figure is so glorified that he may often

have

become,

in epic

and

particularly

in lyric

poetry,

a model, an archetype of heroic qualities. Against this let us set the other side - the contemporary world of the poet which must confront this mythical material. 1) It is the present with present values and attitudes. 2) |t is not a heroic. world - it is the city state with its keen interest in contemporary politics and social issues. 3) It is interested in co/lective values much more than in

the

lone

matters.

outstanding

individual.

The

community

4)

It

is

the

interested

great

in asking

heroes

-

at

questions,

least

not

not

in eulogising

exclusively.

As

Vernant says, when past heroes become incorporated into contemporary tragedy, they turn into problems and cease to be models.

In

the

creation

of

tragedy,

therefore,

we

have

the

meeting of the mythical past, with its stress on the greatness of the hero, with the contemporary present, with its stress on collective values and the asking of fundamental questions.

Vernant puts it very elegantly. "Tragedy is a debate past that is still alive" and "Tragedy confronts heroic and

ancient

thought

state".

So

that

too

considered

religious

representations

characterise

Nestlé,

the

"Tragedy

advent

is born

with

of

new

law

when

from the point of view of an (ordinary)

The heritage in the shape of Pindar. Tragedy

modes

within

myth

with a values the

starts

of

city

to be

citizen" .°

of myth is well represented by epic poetry Homer, and lyric poetry in the shape of borrows

heavily

from

the

stories

told

by

Homer. In fact Aeschylus was said to have called his plays "rich slices from the banquet of Homer"^ From the //iad we meet again in tragedy the heroes Agamemnon, Ajax, Menelaus, and Odysseus, as well as Hecuba, Andromache, Helen and Clytemnestra. Other figures from the other epic cycles such as Philoctetes, Heracles, Theseus and Oedipus form the main subject of tragedies. Agamemnon for instance plays a leading role in Homer's

lliad

and

Aeschylus'

Oresteia,

one author to another, changed. Agamemnon is

against the situation in

backdrop which he

yet

setting, no longer

in

the

concept seen as

transformation

from

and climate have prestigious leader

of a glorious war. The new domestic is depicted strips him both of prestige

and of a glorious cause. The righteousness of the Trojan war is questioned, Agamemnon's motives are questioned, his weaknesses dwelt upon rather than merely lightly indicated. In this new setting our concept of the hero is found to undergo a change, but it is not only that the setting alone brings about that change, it is that the tragic poet explores a complexity of motive,

both

human

and

divine,

which

would

have

been

inconceivable in Homer's day. It is not simply the greatness of the heroic figure which interests Aeschylus, but the weakness and complex negative traits which underlie the reputation of 5

that heroic greatness. He uses the familiar to paint a new picture in a dramatic form. In

Homer,

whatever

the

epic

heroes'

frame

faults,

in

which

they

are

unquestionably great and glorious. Eulogy is implicit in the very epithets used to describe them. Pindar also eulogises several of the great hero figures who become later the subject of tragedies. Among them are Ajax, Heracles, Jason and Philoctetes.

Homer

and

particularly

"huge",

his

Pindar

both

physical

"strong",

celebrate

strength.

"tower

of

Ajax's

Homer

calls

defence",

greatness, him

"great",

""rampart

of

the

Achaeans", "like a blazing lion".? He defended the ships against the onslaughts of Hector. He was pre-eminent in the battle for the body of Patroclus. He held a special place of

honour

at

one

end

of the

Greek

encampment.

Even

in

the

Odyssey, in the Underworld, where he turns his back on Odysseus, his silence is majestic and impressive” Pindar glorifies Ajax in the fourth /sthmian and pays tribute also to Homer's celebration of the hero's greatness. Neither Homer nor Pindar, however, ask fundamental questions about the nature of the man - they are content merely to celebrate him as a hero. But Sophocles begins from where Homer and Pindar left off. He too acknowledges this hero's greatness, but he asks stringent questions at the same time. His play Ajax is the vehicle for such questions: How can the world comfortably contain such an individual? How can society function properly with one such as him in its midst? How can Ajax himself

survive

when

he

confuses’

so

tragically

the

róles

of

comrade-in-arms and arch enemy? What does it mean to him mentally to take the decision to kill himself? In this play we see Ajax not only as a glorious single heroic figure, but also as a tragic character who is so because he

is

them around

isolated

from

successfully. him

-

others,

He

Odysseus,

is

and

seen

is

unable

in

Tecmessa,

the

to

communicate

perspective

Teucer,

of

Agamemnon

with

those and

Menelaus. Undoubtedly he has that epic star quality which the others do not possess and the continuity with the heroic past is important and a fundamental part of the whole conception - but that is not the whole of it. He is a problem both for himself and for others, and because he is a problem we see the tragedy unfold. The heroic individual is balanced against the collective values of a more modern society, represented particularly by Odysseus, and to some extent by 6

Agamemnon

and

Menelaus

- odious

though

they

are.®

What

makes the drama of the play is precisely this tension between the old heroic individual concerns (the core of the myth), and the newer collective values of society which had more relevance to Sophocles! own time. Of course this is an over-simplification - there are problems implicit in epic too, as in Achilles’ case, but they are not articulated as problems, they are just told and the audience must draw its own conclusions. One of the most eulogised heroes in Pindar is Heracles. He is celebrated as the glorious hero par excellence monster-slayer and civiliser of the known world. In the first Nemean Pindar introduces him, and then goes on to describe

his

miraculous

destroy words:

him

exploits in

his

as

a

cradle?

baby In

when the

Hera

ninth

sent

Pythian

snakes are

to the

Stupid is the man, whoever he be, whose lips defend not Herakles, who remembers not the waters of Dirke that gave him life, and Iphicles. |, who have had some grace of them, shall accomplish my vow to bring them glory; let only the shining

light of the singing Graces fail me not.'?

In the fourth /sthmian he speaks of Heracles' ascension to Olympus after civilising the known world, and in the second Olympian he greets Heracles as the founder of the Olympic IL games. Euripides takes the spirit of the Pindaric celebration and incorporates it early in his play, The Mad Heracles, in an ode

somewhat

reminiscent of Pindar.^

In it the chorus

eulogises the

great labours of Heracles, stressing his superhuman strength and effortless valour. But this dramatist too is concerned ultimately not with mere celebration but with problems. The end of the play shows a transformation: not the glorious invincible hero, but a vulnerable human being struck down by madness. This is a disgraced and humiliated Heracles who is broken and dependent. It is society who rescues him in the shape of Theseus his friend and Amphitryon his father. As the hero is brought down to the level of others, the superhuman isolation goes and human social values are seen to count. Once again the tension between the lone heroic figure and socially co-operative values are worked through in the course of the drama.

Perhaps

nowhere

is this

blend

of archaic

myth

and

more

recent thought, of the clash between the heroic individual and collective co-operation, seen more clearly than in Aeschylus' Oresteia. There, an archaic story of the heroic Mycenaean age ends up in Athens - not famous in Mycenaean times at all, and an Athens, at that, with contemporary resonances. The old story of a family's blood feud is played out in the Agamemnon and Libation Bearers where the tribal law of vendetta rules, and blood is shed for blood in seemingly endless succession. In the last play of the trilogy - the Eumenides - a modern

legal

solution

is

imposed,

and

by

means

of a new

jury

system

at the court of the Areopagus at Athens, a public not a private judgement is made on the crime of murder. The setting up of this court in the play reflects a historical event, the confirmed attribution to the Areopagus of homicide cases in 462 B.C. by Ephialtes, and the patronage which Athene, the patron goddess of Athens, extended to this institution and to Athens as a whole. Thus the present community of the whole city is inextricably blended with what is ostensibly an archaic drama recounting an ancient myth. Thirty two tragedies survive, and of these, nineteen have as their setting a city or polis, a polis with a ruler, a community and political implication which have a bearing on contemporary

in

Athens

itself,

Colonus,

very

Eleusis

very

Athens

itself.

Thebes,

issues.

these

Sophocles’

near

Athens,

near

Athens,

The

Mycenae,

Of

rest or

nineteen,

Oedipus

are

Troizen.

at

Euripides’

and

his

the

Eumenides

Greek

All

these

set

Colonus

is

set

at

Suppliants

is

set

at

Heracleidae

in

is

cities cities

is like

have

set

in

Corinth, a

turannos

or sole ruler. The setting and the form of rule are ostensibly archaic to fit the traditional myth, but again and again the dramatist imports contemporary resonances which will be of particular

interest

to his audience.

Two of Sophocles! plays - the Antigone and King - are set in a polis, though that of Thebes and both, concerned

and

particularly the with the question

Antigone, of rule in

are to relation

Oedipus the not Athens, some extent to the ruler

his citizens. Sophocles was not on the whole aiming to make specific references to the contemporary political scene" although the plague at Thebes in Oedipus the King will have awoken familiar echoes in the audiences’ minds of their own privations from

plague

at

War.^

But

much In

a

Athens

in

the

this

aside,

more

with

general

city,

what

opening

Sophocles

stresses

questions affect

years

of

the

Peloponnesian

was concerned in these of him

what and

makes what

a

plays

good

should

ruler be

his

relations with the citizens. Such questions would be of perennial interest to the inhabitants of a city like Athens, even though the mechanisms of rule were no longer the same as they had been under the tyrants, and even though the dramatic location was Thebes not Athens. Such examples show that in Greek tragedy the archaic myths are transmitted not only to preserve their traditional features - though this transmission of the past is a vital Ingredient of the dramatic conceptions and indeed forms an assumption from which to view the whole dramatic development"? - but they are also permeated by a sense of what the present and the city state mean. The old hero is put in a new context where new judgements are made on him. There is a sense of the community, sometimes represented by the comments of the chorus as ordinary citizens, e.g. in the Antigone, Oedipus the King, Medea and Hippolytus and sometimes by the comments of other characters who represent the common good like Odysseus in the Ajax, Theseus in the Heracles, the messengers in the Bacchae. The hero may have greatness, as he often has in Sophocles, but the greatness does not go unchallenged.

It

is

not

flawless.

In

Euripides

the

greatness

may disappear altogether, as in the case of Jason, once the great hero of the Argonauts, and now a paltry mean-minded person caught in a shabby domestic situation, or Menelaus as he appears in the Helen or Agamemnon in the /phigenia in Aulis. This questioning spirit so characteristic of Greek Tragedy is also important when one considers it as a religious event. It has often been said that tragedy's origins lie in ritual.'^ This may be true. But that implies repetition, dogma and unquestioning

belief,

and

classical

tragedy

was

never

like

this,

although its performance was sacred to a god, and its content still reflected to some extent the relations between gods and men. For gods as well as heroes were inherited from earlier myth and the innovations the dramatists bring to religious consciousness are just as important as the developing complexity in their grasp of human behaviour. In fact the two are inextricably linked. 1t is not too much to say that the gods dominate the world of tragedy and those gods are no 9

the

who

the

and

century

eighth

and born punishment Zeus

Olympians

sunny

the

longer

of

In

Homer.

fifth,

the

between

interval

consciousness

moral

been

has

associated become gods the of men's wrongdoing. Whether

the with Aeschylus'

implacable all-seeing

or

Sophocles!

relentless

is

associated

with

Justice,

or come true in the fulness of time, always which oracles hover the gods Dionysus, or Aphrodite pitiless Euripides! watching men trip themselves up. actions the heroes’ above

And

whether

it

is

the

passionate

belief of Aeschylus,

the

or

inscrutable acceptance of Sophocles, or the protesting criticism of heart at the there are always the gods of Euripides, tragedy and the new problematic lives of the heroes must be But tragedies are not seen against this divine background. sacred texts. By classical times the art form was emancipated, and the authors free to change traditional treatments, criticise

even

the

divine

figures

and

as Euripides

sometimes,

radical scepticism about the gods, their is all the result This very existence. two

between

-

worlds

the

show

morals and even their of a creative meeting

traditional,

archaic,

did,

aristocratic,

and the newer contemporary values of heroic world of myth, highly social city state where the ordinary the democratic, of human reckoning in the general counted views citizen's thinkers where contemporary and achievement, and conduct were questioning moral and theological issues.

The

tragedians

had

available

to

them

all

the

resources

of

own their into incorporated they which myth inherited experience as beings within the polis. They also had to work through the contrived shapes of language and structure which conventionally belonged to the dramatic genre of tragedy. As we see them, these contrived shapes are overt and analysable, largely is development and style of variety their and responsible for the rich and complex experience which comes from watching this drama. Through them the dramatic action is through them the reactions of those watching and assimilable: In other words they filter through listening are orchestrated. turbulence of the inherent the structures disciplined their basic

material,

thus

controlling

by

form

and

pace

the

responses of the audience. First the verse form. Greek Tragedy was written in verse Most language. poetic traditional and elevated an in translations, even the verse ones, are misleading in that they in the forms employed the variety of verse not record do different sections of the plays. Spoken dialogue was in iambic 10

some

exchanges

metres the

between

of which

different

there

moods.

lyric

portions,

sung

The

trimeter.

was

Rhyme

portions,

accompanying

the

actor

and

a wide

chorus,

range

was

not

used.

often

on

the

drama

and

sometimes

shorter called,

of

choral

which

odes,

there

or

are

in

lyric

to express

Music

would

accompany

pipe

but

the

music

not survived

except

has unfortunately

sung

were

variety

for tiny almost unintelligible fragments. The long spoken episodes, rather

between

and

arias,

solo

and

odes

choral

like

acts,

stasima

usually

as

three

stand

they or

are

four

in

the course of the play. A processional song called the parodos marks the first entrance of the chorus into the orchestra and the name is clearly associated with that of the parodoi or

side-entrances. The

elaborate

choral

odes

were

choreography

danced

which

again

as

well

has

not

as

sung,

and

survived.

had

Modern

productions have to use imagination in providing steps and music in which to express the lyric parts of tragedy, but they can on the whole successfully reproduce the basic metrical rhythms and recurring patterns of the words themselves. The

language differs.

in

which

The

former

iambic is

speech

in

the

and

Attic

choral dialect,

lyric the

are

written,

latter

includes

elements from a Doric form of Greek, perhaps reflecting the Peloponnesian origins of choral songs. There is the utmost contrast in Greek Tragedy between the spoken portion and the lyric. The former, though in verse, resembles more nearly ordinary

conversation

and,

with

occasional

colloquialisms,

particularly in Euripides, its language also owes much to rhetoric, particularly in the set debate and the longer speeches. Euripides’ language here is outstanding for its fluency and clarity of diction whether employed in argument,

appeal, statement of feeling or philosophical reflection. and

The lyrics on highly poetic

images,

more

the contrary are in language containing

condensed

syntactical

more more

elaborate metres ornament, more

structures

and

more

compressed thought patterns.'? They are composed in the tradition of the great lyric poets, particularly Pindar whose somewhat obscure but highly colourful and elaborate style was famous in antiquity and would have been familiar to the dramatists' audience. It is hard to communicate in a few words just what the lyric metres achieve in Greek Drama. And indeed we do not always know. But one can say that they characterise and control pace, mood, and tone. They act as a kind of register 11

of

emotion.

are

Certain

associated

ionic

with

rhythms

have

metres,

high cult

like

points

the

of

dochmiac,

excitement,

associations,

others,

for

others like

the

instance,

like

the

dactylic,

convey a strong sense of insistent and forward movement, or may recall the hexameter beat of epic. Frequently it is the subtle blend and changing of rhythms which create special effects as for instance when the opening tonics of the Bacchae parodos, evoking” religious and cult associations, turn eventually through choriambs and glyconics to excited dactyls as the pace gathers momentum and the women sing of rushing off to the mountains!” or when the primarily iambic first stasimon of the Trojan Women is given an epic flavour at the beginning by its opening dactyls. The

lyric

metres,

more

emotional

than

iambic

trimeters,

are often used in contrast with the trimeter in mixed dialogues where one actor sings in lyrics and another replies in spoken utterance or where an actor will speak his lines and the chorus reply in sung lyrics. In this way the different emotional levels are offset as for instance at A/c, 244, where Alcestis,

in

a

semi-delirious

trance,

as

she

has

a

vision

of

approaching death, is given lyrics, and the uncomprehending Admetus speaks in iambics. The chorus are always at the heart of the play. Singing and dancing to music, they have a function which is both a part of, and yet slightly separated from, the main action. Placed

in

the

orchestra,

the

circular

dancing

space,

the

chorus are physically distanced from the actors and like the messenger they are usually, though not always, outsiders who look at the happenings from a slightly different point of view from the protagonists. They are ordinary citizens,? the protagonists are not. The chorus! task is to change the gear of the action, interrupting its forward flow and examining it in new perspectives. Their look at events allows time for reflection and judgement, leisure to consider motivation and causal explanations, They may as so often in Aeschylus - e.g. in the parodos of the Agamemnon (80 ff.) - bring to light a whole realm of background material which sets into relief the immediate events, or they may as in the ode on Man in the Antigone (332 ff.), cast specific actions in a more universal context. Their role is that of an interested commentator who is able not only to reflect, but to look around as well as directly at an action, providing a sort of philosophical pause in highly poetic form. But sometimes, as in the Bacchae, for instance, they are strongly involved in the action as participants, and 12

here their songs actually enact the religious rituals which are at the heart of the play's experience. Here there is no detachment, only devotion to the god. The choral function is complex and multiple, and varies from context to context, particularly in Euripides. The varied lyric metres show a fine register of different emotions and indicate tone and mood. Frequently they change as an ode proceeds. Lyric is however not restricted to the chorus, and the solo aria is often a tour de force in the play and associated with high emotion expressed through the lyric metres in which it is cast. This actor's song in lyric is called a monody. Not all plays have one but some, Women and Phoenician Women

as for instance the /on, Trojan of Euripides, have two or more.

The monodies of Greek tragedy formed high points of sympathetic identification with hero or heroine - more usually the latter since only a very few male characters are given one to sing in all of extant Greek tragedy. Here the author sought to move his audience with stirring music and words that excited pity. The monody is often designed to present a subjective and partial point of view which reflects the strong preoccupations of the singer, but which may be at variance with other views presented in the play. Euripides, the most renowned composer of monodies, gives his singers just such

passionate

commitment

and

bias.?

of Apollo, Creousa's blasphemy aching despair, Cassandra's Electra's

passionate

grief.^

structure with images, prayers predominating. 23

Among pieces,

the

easily

spoken

Examples

The

monody

has

a

lyric

personal

apostrophes,

parts

the

recognisable

of

in

play

formal

(debate), dialogue).

much

marked

obviously

lon's adoration

against the same god, Hecuba's delirious wedding song, or

messenger speech, agon and stichomythia (line

more

are

non-logical

laments

are

terms,

certain such

rhesis (single In Euripides

off

than

in

and

85

set the

set speech) these are

Sophocles

and

Aeschylus so that they sometimes seem almost crystallised and isolable in themselves rather than merging into one another or growing naturally. Euripides no doubt had his own reasons for this and indeed often the sharp contrast between modes creates a dramatic excitement of a peculiarly impelling kind.? The messenger speech, much beloved by Euripides, is one such

spoken

device.”

It

is

a

the

reporting

offstage

action

to

audience.

Perhaps

here

the

audience

is

at

its

height.

set

narrative

actors

role A

of whole

13

on

the

speech

the

in

stage

and

imagination

scene

is

set

tambics,

to the

for

the

for

the

spectator with exact detail sketched in so that visual and auditory images etch themselves sharply on the mind. Gone are the personal apostrophes, images, laments and prayers of the

lyric

style.

Here,

instead,

is

ordered

narrative

in

strict

chronological sequence, full of verbs of action and graphic physical detail. Unlike the monodist, the messenger is an outsider, a third person objective witness who records events in an unbiassed way and in such a manner that the audience can make their own judgements. It would be a mistake to think of the messenger's report as a poor substitute which fails to make up for what cannot be shown on the stage. On the contrary it is superior to spectacle. The Greeks delighted in narrative ever since the

performances Peisistratus,

extended

of the

epic

rhapsodes

were

and

long

before

that

reports

will

have

given

formally no

instituted

doubt,

special

and

pleasures

by

such

in

themselves. As Aristotle saw, there were disadvantages to mere , horror spectacles even had it been feasible to stage them. For they produce confusion and shock - so that their impact would preclude proper assimilation of the events. What the messenger does is to control and stage the experience so that it is assimilable to the spectator bit by bit in an ordered way. Euripides' messenger speeches with their quiet pictorial beginnings, their slow build-ups, their fragments of recorded conversation, and their graphic descriptions of the climactic acts of horror in visual terms, are masterpieces of the art of narrative. The two in the Boacchae for instance not only tell the

audience

what

has

happened,

but

make

imaginable

through

pictures the whole Bacchic experience. Here the narrative is indispensable, for it is inconceivable that the audience would ever be able to view directly the mass attack of the women upon the cattle or upon Pentheus. It would be utterly beyond stage resources. But if by any chance they were allowed to view it, it is unlikely that they would emerge with as clear and as objective a picture as the messenger is able to give. Narrative enables greater total understanding than mere spectacle,

and

can

condense

more

into

a

short

space

of

time.

In that it is one degree removed from direct sight, and is delivered by an impartial witness, it practises a kind of distancing which reduces the crude horror of the tragic action and

requires

balanced

judgement

as

well

as

an

emotional

response.

Many

tragedies

contain

a set

14

debate

or

'agon'

where

one

cnaracter

presents

a

case

in

formal

terms,

and

another,

as

adversary, responds point for point in a counter speech. Euripides, particularly, formalised such debates, so that they often resembled iaw-court speeches, and ey are indeed sometimes cast in formal rhetorical terms. Examples are Medea's great debate with Jason, or Hecuba's with Helen in the Trojan Women. In these, logical and orderly exposition ts more important than naturalism. It is never possible entirely to

separate

feelings

from

reasoned

thought

-

nor

should

it

be.

But the modes of tragedy assault both, in differing degrees, by different routes. The solo aria is a direct appeal to the feelings through emotive sound and image, through words of personal address and reaction. The messenger speech appeals to the audience's consciousness through an ordered evocation of the senses so that one perceives and hears a chronological

sequence the

of events hand,

mind's

and

ear.

The agon,

hearts

persuasion through reasoned may involve the emotions, the

argument. method is

Although the result more intellectual than

the

aria

or

the

messenger

speech.

and

on

audience's

either

captures

eye

the

in

other

in the

Thus

minds

by

the agon

in

the Trojan Women with its sharp development of points of debate gives an academic edge to an action which is otherwise predominantly lyric in mood. The rhesis is a set speech of an actor which works by persuasive and ordered logic and which may none the less often make strong appeal to the emotions. It is the commonest of all dramatic forms and one of the most varied, and overlaps

with

other

parts.

It may,

for

example,

form

part

of a debate

scene, it may convey extended dialogue or it may stand on its own in monologue. Its tenor may be argumentative, reflective,

pathetic, the

form

motives

informative

or

of a monologue

and actions

questioning. where

Often it is hard to thought element when

Medea's

speeches

examines

his or

take her

to the women of Corinth at Med. 214 1021 ff., Phaedra's speech at Hipp.

373 ff. or 616 ff. , Hecuba's instance

speaker

set

in an intense process of self-examination 7?

Such are Medea's speech ff. or her monologue at the

the

Many

speech

speech at Hec. separate the poet

at

Med.

585 ff.

the emotional element from gets the balance right. For

1021

ff.,

where

she

debates

whether she can bring herself to kill her own children, has a tight logical structure, but through this makes strong appeal also to the emotions. ^ There is a delicate balance between direct apostrophe, a simple expression of raw feeling, and reasoned alternatives which are worked out logically. But the 15

dramatist brilliantly gives the impression that the logic is forced out desperately by a person fighting for control in a situation where the emotions threaten to take over. The result is a powerful speech which assaults both our emotional and our thinking faculties, made no less effective by the violent swings of stance which Medea takes as she is torn between the

immediate long-term present

the

sight of her children thought of her future

before life as

more from

circumstances.

Stichomythia is a special kind characters speak in single line

only

her, and the it must follow

kind

of

dialogue

or

even

the

of formal dialogue where exchanges. It is not the

commonest

in tragedy

but

|

single it out here because of its regular and easily identifiable form. Such a tight and formal framework permits speed, concentrated and pointed utterance within its compass? It is particularly suited to scenes of interrogation such as we see in the Bacchae where it communicates with its economy and rapid pace the extreme tension and changing shifts between the god Dionysus and Pentheus the King?! All

these

items,

monody,

choral

ode,

messenger

speech,

set debate, rhesis and stichomythia make up the 'formal' elements of Greek Tragedy. Now 'formal' sometimes conjures up an image of fossilisation and aridity, but this is far from the case. On the contrary, the variety of metre, language, dialect

and

mode

within

alternation

made even

action

of

the

song

and

compass speech,

of and

one of

tragedy,

and

lyric

dialogue,

and

the

Greek Tragedy a rich experience offering a range seldom dreamt of today. Each mode approaches the same dramatic

in

a

new

way,

with

its

own

perspective

and

its

own

style, so that the audience is constantly exposed to shifts of perception, and the contrasts such shifts imply. Moreover each mode would have had its own associations - lyric arousing echoes of the great lyric tradition in Greece, narrative, reminiscent of epic, catering for the pleasure in story-telling the Greeks always had. And each mode carried with it its own responses which contrasted with others. Thus the great debates provided intellectual stimulus and were set off against the more emotional colouring of choral odes and arias. All were combined within the one dramatic action. With great range of form went an economy and concentration lacking in much modern drama. The action was usually confined to twenty-four hours in one place, and was so arranged that all the parts could be taken by three actors. Scenery was sparse, subtle gestures and expressions were 16

precluded by masks, heavy costumes and the sheer size of the theatre. But these things in themselves explain why the burden must be on the language (speech and song) and why the words were so important. In them were all the things which today are done by elaborate costume, make-up, close-up photography, lighting, scenery, stage directions, and all the rest. To the Greeks the expressed utterance was all - or almost all. So it was that the very great range of form in Greek Tragedy evinced in the different modes of speech and sung lyric, was matched by an equal range of expressions of complex human emotion, action, and thought made to fit those forms and channelled into patterns of plot, setting and action of extreme economy. It was this rich content within a controlling structure which involved too a creative harmonising of past and present attitudes through use of myth, as | outlined at the beginning, which gave, and still does give,

Greek tragedy its forceful, concentrated impact. lll.

|

Euripides

Euripides was the youngest of the three great Athenian tragedians (c.484-406 B.C.) although Sophocles, his slightly older contemporary, outlived him by a few months. |n his lifetime he was not as popular with the Athenian public as the others, winning fewer prizes (four first prizes out of twenty two occasions) and ending his life in voluntary exile away from Athens at the court of Archelaus of Macedon. More of his work has survived than the meagre seven plays each we have of Aeschylus and Sophocles. Nineteen plays entire have come down to us under his name, including the satyr play Cyclops, the A/cestis, a substitute for a satyr play, and the probably spurious Rhesus. Perhaps because of the wider sample known to us, part of which has been preserved by accident and not by deliberate selection, his work seems uneven and diverse in range.?^ There are the great tragedies of a very high order such

as

But there elements Iphigenia style and structural seem to

the

Medea,

Hippolytus,

Trojan

Women

and

Bacchae.

are also plays where tragic themes mix with lighter and the ending is happy, such as the A/cestis, lon, tn Tauris, Helen, Attempts to categorise Euripides’ plot by chronological criteria, thematic groupings, or elements, have largely failed, since there always be exceptions which prevent such categories being 17

watertight.?

Euripides

is

the

most

elusive of dramatists

and

the most resistant to fixed labels. Not that his contemporaries hesitated to fix labels upon him. The comic poet Aristophanes was one such, a sharp critic who parodied him for his choice of subject matter, characters,

plots,

opinions

and

style?^

Aristophanes

saw

him

as

ultra-trendy, undermining traditional religious | and moral beliefs in a dangerous way and introducing outrageous musical innovations. He saw Euripides’ characters, particularly his women

for

characters,

their

own

as

or

unprincipled

anybody

and

else's

shameless,

good.

He

too

clever

thought

that

Euripides elevated the ordinary to an absurd degree, making the trivial seem important, and low characters appear too significant. He therefore saw him as destroying the old heroic values and introducing instead ambiguous moral standards." A rebel in fact of a most subversive kind. This is quite a catalogue of blemishes. How misleading is it? Aristophanes is concerned of course mainly with raising a laugh - and for this, gross exaggeration is necessary. None the less much of his criticism is apt, if in a superficial way. Euripides does introduce women characters who are criminal two

in

others,

their or

actions, like

like

Medea

Phaedra

who

who

kills

falsely

her

children

incriminates

and her

stepson thus indirectly causing his death. But Aeschylus had portrayed Clytemnestra surely a woman of _ towering criminality. Why the fuss now? Perhaps because Euripides led the audience to see the action from these characters’ points of view, whereas Aeschylus hardly encourages us to sympathise with Clytemnestra. Euripides was able to show what it fe/t like

to have to kill your children by devouring jealousy or a

or your mother; to desire for revenge;

be consumed to fight an

overmastering love and struggle with the consequences of madness.J? And in so doing, unlike Sophocles, who on the whole portrayed characters who retained their wholeness and integrity throughout their tragedies, he explored weakness not strength, and exposed those elements in character which revealed

disintegration

Pentheus, Phaedra, Heracles all reveal

and

the

split

persona.

Electra,

Orestes,

Admetus and even Medea or the great in some degree traits which characterise

such disintegration and a nature divided against itself.?? To say that in so presenting his debunking the heroic is only part of a play like the Electra all the old 18

characters Euripides was the truth. Undeniably in heroic assumptions and

settings are undermined or changed. Electra and Orestes are no longer the single-minded champions of justice. Clytemnestra and Aegisthus are no longer the uncompromising villains they were in Aeschylus. The murders are no longer performed in such a way that they can be seen as heroic actions. Even the

setting has changed And

leaders

in

of

other

the

from grand plays

heroic

too

palace to impoverished

such

tradition

as

like

/phigenia

Agamemnon

in

hovel.

Aulis,

and

great

Menelaus

appear in particularly despicable lights, shifting their ground, arguing for expediency and promoting personal ambition at the expense of principles. Yet it would be a mistake to say that Euripides had no concept of what it meant to be heroic if we think of this word not in its narrow archaic sense of military and physical valour, but in more general terms. |t is that often he redefines traditional heroic qualities or else transfers them to women, placed

in

instance, qualities preserve

enemies,

different

situations

from

male

although a woman, shows many of say an Ajax or an Achilles: her own honour, refusal to be

the

decisive

nature

heroes.

Medea

for

of the great heroic bravery, desire to laughed at by her

to act in revenge^? What

makes

her interesting is the combination of these traditional qualities with her róle as a woman and mother. In the Trojan Women, Hecuba the old queen of Troy is heroic in her endurance of the sufferings inflicted on her by the Greeks, and in her fight to preserve her family. And when Euripides in the first stasimon makes the chorus "Sing, Muse,

of

Ilium,

a

lament

consisting

of

new

songs"4!

he

is

redefining the old epic notions of glorious war and transferring them to a setting where it is the victims who are seen as the true heroes - a point Cassandra also makes in her speech at Tro. 365 ff. Several women characters voluntarily surrender their lives for a noble cause - such as Iphigeneia in /phigenia in Aulis, the parthenos in the Heracleidae, or Evadne in the Suppliants, not to mention Alcestis who dies to save her husband. These are all examples of heroism, though not in the traditional masculine mould. In the

Heracles

where

the

protagonist

is

male,

Euripides

contrasts the old traditional and active heroism of Heracles in performing the labours, with the more passive qualities of endurance he -must display in facing up to the terrible consequences of his subsequent madness. He rejects the 19

traditional

hero's

solution

to

disgrace,

namely

suicide

-

the

way Ajax had taken - and decides to live on in the company of his Aumiliation and misery. A new heroism perhaps for a newer age. Aristophanes, through the mouthpieces of Aeschylus and Dionysus in the Frogs, regretted the passing of the old standards and saw nothing but demeaning and undignified negativism in their place. "Oikeia pragmata", "ordinary things", to him were not worthy of tragedy. But Euripides' celebration of the ordinary, if so it may be called, is often a positive and important part of the way he saw events and actions. It is not only in settings and small actions we see it at work

*?

humble The person

but

also

characters

former in

in

play

husband the

characters.

E/ectra.

a of The

Again

and

significant

role

Electra

is

arguably

old

servant

in

in the

again

relatively

a play's the

events.

only

sane

Hippolytus

has

the wisdom Hippolytus lacks. The two messengers in the Bacchae grasp the truth of the Dionysiac phenomenon with an instinctive sense denied to all the other characters in the play.^^ They in fact carry the message of the play - that it is dangerous to deny such instinctive wisdom and to mock at belief. Aristophanes was therefore right when he said that Euripides introduced the ordinary into tragedy. He did. The ordinary person is listened to and often proved right. And if this is regarded as an overturning of values, it is a positive and significant one, and should not be dismissed as mere rabble rousing. What Aristophanes saw as frivolity and irresponsibility in Euripides in fact sprang from a deep care for the world and a wish to protest at its wrongs. This is what his characters show. lt was not to abandon a portrayal of the heroic but to redefine it, And all the charges of agnosticism or heresy which the comic poet loved to heap upon Euripides' shoulders are likewise superficially true, but in a deeper sense misleading. Aristophanes was wrong to see Euripides' own views in every character who railed against the gods. Indeed his own views are difficult to recognise since he is usually much too good a dramatist to intrude his own persona. His characters display many different beliefs as their róle and the occasion demands. |t is true however that attack on the gods is a persistent and recurring theme from major characters. Repeatedly his leading characters Hecuba, Iphigeneia, Amphitryon,

Heracles,

lon,

Creousa,

20

Electra,

Orestes

-

express their ,J9€sPair at a Universe negligently managed by divine beings. ^ But this despair springs not from a reluctance to believe at all on their part, but from an outrage that gods, as they are commonly understood, can be so amoral and utterly uncaring of human well-being. It is the disillusion of the perfectionist that Euripides so often portrays. As Heracles is made to say, 46 but ! do not believe the gods commit adultery, or bind each other in chains. l| never did believe it; | never shall; nor that one god is tyrant of the rest. If god is truly god, he is perfect,

lacking Such

but

nothing.

sentiments

from

fault

their

it

is

These are poets'

come

not

from

taking

the

Universe

latter

his

seriously.

former,

If there

anti-heroic

should

is a

read either being

his

that

characters,

against Euripides' door. And no one who has heard or the Bacchae could possibly accuse its creator of agnosticism or superficiality. There are depths in it still explored today. The very characteristics in Euripides! work disturbed Aristophanes and his contemporaries - his

scepticism,

the

too

of

laid

his

not

frivolity

lies. be

ambiguity,

the

the

wretched

stance

which moral

and

his

common touch - are what appeal to the modern reader for they seem more in keeping with our own age. In the twentieth century we have been preoccupied with . doubt — and disintegration, demythologising and rationalising, and this is what Euripides epitomises. We can admire the sheer brilliance with which he manipulates the myths in a way which both uses and exposes their assumptions. While keeping the traditional stories as a frame, he yet undercuts them by rationalising many of the attitudes which have previously underpinned them. Notions of the very gods he uses come under attack: old conceptions about pollution and guilt are questioned; traditional criteria for judging character are scrutinised and found wanting. And in this problematic climate his characters like

Electra,

way, rational

on

the grip

Orestes,

verge loses

the

Medea,

of

Phaedra

collapse

battle

with

or

under the

forces

Pentheus,

the

pick

their

as

their

strain,

of disintegration.

But the drama he created did not always offer negative perspectives. Again and again positive human are seen to triumph over divine neglect or apathy friendship of Amphitryon and Theseus, the supporting 21

purely values - the love of

Hecuba the

for

her

family

compassion

Iphigeneia,

of

Cadmus

Alcestis,

cheerful

sanity

and

and

the

of

her

courage, Agave,

parthenos

ordinary

the the

in the

people

integrity

selfless

of

sacrifice

Heracleidae,

like

lon,

and

messengers,

of the

or

servants.

In

the

the

close

not

to

interaction

focus

context

play role

importance upon

is

what

a much and the

he

attached

between

one

his

and

supporting

characters,

dominating

matters,

to

and

Euripides

protagonist.

environment

larger part in determining course of the action than

róles

The and

to

prefers

whole social

social factors

the main character's they do in Sophocles

(with the exception perhaps of the Philoctetes) 47 In

short Euripides was adventurous - adventurous above all in his treatment of myth. And adventurousness here meant an entirely new perspective on plot, character, moral and religious values, and social factors. But he was adventurous too in treatment of form and structure. He experimented with music and lyrics, with metrical forms and with the breaking up

of

dialogue.

messenger

function

He

increased

speech

of

the

and

he

chorus.

He

the

róle

sometimes

introduced

of

the

solo

changed

more

the

aria

traditional

colloquialism

the dialogue and more elaboration than Sophocles into lyrics, thus increasing contrasts between the modes.

so

and

the

into late

What is clear is that he reshaped tragedy in a radical way that it could never be quite the same again. He went as far

as he could in giving it a new image without abandoning basic conventions. And there is common agreement that work is, at its best, of the first rank.

Of course echoes from excrescences ornamentation

perhaps

there

are

faults

and

unevennesses

its his

in the plays:

the soap-box occasionally, irrelevant rhetorical sometimes, self-indulgence in over-elaborate of some of the later lyrics, too blatant melodrama

in certain

plays,

loose

plot

construction

in others.“

But informing all is an understanding of a very powerful sort, a mind which for all its critical sharpness, also knew the human heart and dissected it not only with uncanny perception but also with compassion. It was Aristotle who called Euripides tragikotatos tón poeton, "the most emotionally moving of the poets", a paradox one might think for one who was also the most intellectual of dramatists, but a paradox that for him somehow makes sense.

Shirley A. 22

Barlow

Notes Aristotle,

Poetics,

Vernant Cited

to General ch.

XIV,

& Vidal-Naquet,

ib.,

Introduction

1453

10;

b,

19-22.

4.

9.

Athenaeus,

347e.

Homer,

23.

I/.

708,

842;

Od. 11. 556; 11]. 3. 229; Il. 11. 5-9. Od. 11. 543 ff.

3.

229;

7.

211;

17.

174,

360;

6. 5; 7. 211.

See especially Soph. Aj. 121 ff. where Odysseus rejects the traditional Greek view of the rightness of hating one's enemies and 1067 ff. where Menelaus complains of the problems an individual such as Ajax poses for the army as a whole and its discipline. Pindar,

10. 11. 12. 13.

Pyth.

Nem.

9.

1. 33 ff.

87 ff. , transl.

by

R.

Lattimore.

ἰδίῃ. 4. 56 ff. Ol. 2. 3 ff. H.F. 348 ff. Unless the use of ton strategon

'the

commander!

and andrón próton 'first of men' O.T. references to Pericles who was strategos

whose

influence

was

Thuc.

(1.65.10;

V.

(Oxford 1η. 15.

16.

O.T.

much

that

Ehrenberg,

8,

33 are veiled 'general!', and

of first

Sophocles

citizen. and

See

Pericles

105 ff.

168 ff.

In fact Aristophanes set great store by what he saw as the róle of tragedy to preserve traditional heroic features and criticised Euripides strongly for debasing such features. See next section. |

For see

a

recent

analysis

F.R.

(Leiden, 17. 18. 19. 20.

1954)

very

Ant.

Adrados, 1975),

Collard (1981) ib. 26-27.

chs.

II,

20-23,

of ritual

elements

Festival,

Comedy

VII,

XI.

VIII,

in Greek and

64 ff. and Dodds' analysis, Bacchae (1960) in the technical sense of course since

not

full

but

Tragedy

25-27.

Ba. Not

citizens

Drama

in

the

sense

of

people

72-74. women

were

concerned

at

issues in the community. 21.

22. 23.

On

the

function

ff. lon 82 ff., e.g. also

Hipp. Barlow,

of

859 ff.; 817

ff.;

the

Tro. lon

monody

308 ff., 82

ff.,

45 ff. 23

see

Barlow,

98 ff. ; Εἰ. 859

ff.;

ch.

lll,

43

112 ff. Tro.

98

ff.

See

24.

See

the

for

instance

prologue

monody

and

at

iambic

ff.

play. On the messenger

in

monody,

rhesis,

choral

and

between

Cassandra's

the

great

between

lyric kommos

see Barlow

L'Agdn

dans

|a

between debate

the _ iambic

which

ends

the

58-71;

J.

61 ff.

tragédie

grecque

(Paris,

1945). Collard (1981) 21-22. | am assuming here that 1056-80 are genuine as it seems to me they must be (pace Diggle, Tomus | (1984) of his Classical

Collard Ba.

(1981)

Text).

22.

463-508,

two-line

647-655,

dialogue,

for

i.e.

the

802-841.

N.B.

distychomythia,

32.

But

33.

performance see Taplin (1978) passim. See the chart of chronology and Collard (1981) 2.

Collard

34, 35. 36.

Women

between

ode,

the

speech

Trojan

Aristotle, Poetics, ch. XIII, 1453 b, 8-10. On the agon see C. Collard, G ἃ R, 22 (1975),

Oxford 30, 31.

Hecuba's

her

1260

Duchemin, 28. 29.

contrasts

subsequent

dialogue 25. 26. 27.

and

and

the

the

role

(1981)

of

the

3; Barrett,

the

to

at 923-962.

non-verbal

Hippolytos

change

in

theatrical

award

of

prizes

(1964)

50 ff.

in

Collard (1981) 5. Criticisms of Euripides occur extensively in Frogs, Thesmophoriazusae, substantially in Acharnians and in scattered references throughout Aristophanes’ other works. See G.M.A. Grube, The Greek and Roman Critics (London, 1965) 22-32; P. Rau, Paratragodia (München, 1967); K.J. Dover, Aristophanic Comedy (London, 1972) 183-189.

37.

Religious

beliefs:

ff.,

1079

ff.,

1298

ff.,

Ihesm.

ff. Frogs

38.

Thesm.

1331

389

Stress

ff.

on

959 ff.,

Frogs ff.

888 389

ff.

Women

Cleverness:

the 1013

ordinary ff.,

1064,

ff.

immorality:

Musical

innovations:

characters:

Frogs

775

or

sordid,

Ach.

410

Frogs

Frogs

ff.,

956

the

771 Frogs

1049

ff.,

ff.,

1069

antiheroic:

ff.

A point made by Vickers 563-4 and 566 (apropos of the Electra). See Medea's agonised speech at 1021 ff., Electra's remorse at 1183 ff., Hermione's vindictive jealousy expressed in the scene at And. 147 ff., Hecuba's gloating revenge over Polymestor Hec. 1049 ff. and her

justification

before

Agamemnon 24

1233

ff.,

| Phaedra's

39.

face

to

struggle

Heracles'

ff.,

393

and

380-381

particularly

ff.

373

Hipp.

at

love

her

with

struggle

the

consequences of his madness from H.F. 1089 to the end. Electra and Orestes in the Electra both suffer remorse for their murder of their mother. Orestes in the Orestes through guilt and tormented by to madness is reduced conscience (sunesis). Pentheus is destroyed by the very as life his ending despise, to professes he thing dissociated but cannot

previously should be

he

had

how knows Phaedra himself. achieve it. Her love overrides

she her

which

from

revel

Bacchic

a

at

spectator

voluntary

380-381, better judgement as does Medea's hate ( Hipp. 1078-9). Admetus suffers acute remorse for letting Med.

40, 41, 42.

43.

Alcestis give her life for him (A/c. 861 ff. and 935 ff.). Heracles is on the brink of total disintegration (H.F. 1146 ff.). YCS 25 (1977), of Euripides', 'The Medea Knox, B.M.W.

Settings such as the farmer's cottage in the Electra or the drab tents of the Greek encampment in the Trojan as such are described actions ordinary Often Women. when the chorus and companions are doing the washing

Ba.

979,

ff.,

Women

469

ff.,

1340

1190,

1246.

339 981,

914 ff.).

for bed (Hec. ff.,

1240

lon

ff.

435

ff.,

Arrowsmith,

by W.

1341-1346 transl.

1546

cf.

are

points

These

by

covered

excrescences

rhetorical

ff.,

911

384

ff.

ff.

Εἰ.

384 ff.

/. T.

25-26,

in

ἃ

ὦ

pointed out, Aristotle,

R

opinions

Poetics,

115-25,

29(1982), ch.

on this subject XIII,

1453 a, 25

e.g.

(1981)

Collard

over-ornamentation

lyrics 26-27, melodrama to be seen in plays have 6. Many or recognitions in the past; their plot construction 49.

/.7.

ff.

1280

43,

See n.

H.F.

describe

chorus

1150 ff.

769 ff.,

Trojan

ready

getting

themselves

the

or

Bond),

ii

1.

fr.

(Hyps.

or lon is sweeping out the ff.) or Hypsipyle sweeping

179 ff.) (/on 112

121 ff., Hel. with a broom

step

H.F. 46. 47. 48.

Euripides'

in

Bia

and

‘Arete ff.

Chalk, H.H.O. JHS 82 (1962), 7

See esp. Herakles',

the 45.

note on this passage.

See my

ff.

511

Tro.

(Hipp. temple

45,

198-9.

193-225, esp.

last minute rescues been criticised for see my article on

although,

are

of

now

28-30.

as

|

changing.

have

GENERAL

(This and

Bibliography

has

concentrates

Bibliography

BIBLIOGRAPHY

been

on

compiled

works

for Orestes

in

by

the

Genera!

English;

follows,

compiled

a

by

Editor,

supplementary

the editor of this

volume). | : complete critical editions The standard edition is by J. Diggle in the Oxford Classical Texts: Tomus | (1984) Cyclops, Alcestis, Medea, Heraclidae, Hippolytus, Andromacha, Hecuba; Tomus |l! (1981) Supplices,

Electra,

lon;

Tomus

Murray

until

Bacchae,

is

published,

Iphigenia

The 1878-1902)

edition is still

‘Collection

Budé'

onwards),

with

its

in

Tauris,

predecessor,

by

ὦ.

for Helena, Phoenissae,

Aulidensis,

edition,

issues

brief

by

lacks

essays

Teubneriana'

Iphigenia

Rhesus.

of R. Prinz and N. Wecklein (Leipzig, useful for its apparatus and appendices. The still

introductory some

II!

Troades,

(1913? ), will remain standard

Orestes,

1923

Hercules,

Méridier

Rhesus;

and

it

some

plays

critical

L.

singly,

notes,

has

others

French

notes. each

by

and

translation,

The

with

(Paris,

'Bibliotheca

bibliography

different

editors

and

(Leipzig,

1964 onwards).

Fragments:

when

it

is published,

Volume

Graecorum

Fragmenta,

Euripides,

ed.

unite

one

the

long-known

in

book

many

R.

V of Tragicorum

Kannicht,

and

will

at

last

frequently

re-edited fragments with modern finds. For the present, see Hypsipyle, ed. G.W. Bond (Oxford, 1963); Phaethon, ed. J. Diggle (Cambridge, 1970); A. Nauck, Tragicorum Graecorum

Fragmenta

(Leipzig,

Supplementum by ('Loeb', London, in Papyris (Oxford,

of 1964)

Transmission 249-88;

I!

J.

of

Diggle,

reprinted

Hildesheim,

1964

with

B. Snell); D.L. Page, Greek Literary Papyri 1942); C. Austin, Nova Fragmenta Euripidea

Reperta

History

18892,

(Berlin,

the

text:

45-90;

the

Plays

Praefatio

: complete commentaries F.A. Paley (London,

1967).

W.S. QG.

Barrett, Zuntz,

of Euripides to his OCT

1857!

-1889^

Euripides: An

Inquiry

(Cambridge, Tomus

)

Hippolytos

I,

into

the

1965)

esp.

v-xiv.

(commonsensical

and

still useful).

E.

Schwartz, Scholia in Euripidem (Berlin, 1887-91) (nine plays only; a more widely based edition of the ancient and medieval scholia is needed). 26

'Reference! commentaries Barrett, Hippolytos (Oxford, (Oxford,

1981);

Denniston,

Text

of

C.

Collard,

Electra

Supplices

(Oxford,

Euripides

on single plays are: W.5. 1964); G.W. Bond, Heracles 1939);

(Oxford,

(Groningen, J.

Diggle,

1981);

E.R.

1975);

Studies

Dodds,

J.D.

on

the

Bacchae

(Oxford, 1960); R. Kannicht, Helena (Heidelberg, 1969); R. Seaford, Cyclops (Oxford, 1984); U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Herakles (Berlin, 18957; reprinted Bad

Homburg 1959); C.W. Willink, Orestes (Oxford, 1986). Commentaries on the other tragedians important for reference are: E. Fraenkel, Aeschylus: Agamemnon (Oxford, 1950); R.C. Jebb, | Sophocles (7 vols., Cambridge,

1883'-19033); vols., ΠῚ

A.C.

Cambridge,

: complete

Pearson,

The

Vellacott,

(‘Penguin IV

of

Sophocles

(3

1917).

English

translations

D. Grene, R. Lattimore (eds.), Euripides (2 vols., Chicago, P.

Fragments

Euripides

The Complete 1958-9)

(4 vols.,

Greek

Harmondsworth,

Tragedies:

1953-72)

Classics')

: lexicography

J.T. Allen, G. Italie, A Concordance to Euripides, Berkeley / London 1954, reprinted Groningen 1970; Supplement by C. Collard, Groningen 1971. V : bibliographical aids L'Année Philologique has

Anzeiger

recorded

publications

für die Altertumswissenschaft

since

1924,

has published occasional

evaluative surveys since 1948. From Section VI below, see Burian, Cambridge History of Greek Literature, !, Collard (evaluative), Lesky (1983; bibliography only till 1971) and Webster (esp. lost plays). VI

: general

studies

and handbooks

A.

Brown, A New Companion (a 'dictionary').

(Greek

to Greek

Tragedy;

Tragedy

Euripides)

(London,

1983)

P.

Burian (ed.), New Directions in Euripidean Criticism (Durham, U.S.A., 1985). A.P. Burnett, Cotastrophe Survived: Euripides' plays of mixed reversal (Oxford, 1971). Cambridge History of Classical Literature, Literature ed. P.E. Easterling, B.M.W.

1985),

258-345,

758-73 (chapters 27

Volume I: Greek Knox, (Cambridge,

by leading scholars).

C.

Collard,

Euripides,

Classics

No.

‘Greece and

14 (Oxford,

1981)

Rome'

New

Surveys

(brief survey

with

in the biblio-

graphical emphasis). Ὁ...

Conacher,

(Toronto,

Euripidean

1967)

Drama:

(best general

A.M. Dale, Collected Papers aspects of drama). K.J. Dover (ed.), Ancient 53-73 (Ch.4, 'Tragedy',

G.F.

Else,

Myth,

Theme

introduction of its kind).

(Cambridge,

1969)

Greek Literature by K.J. Dover).

Aristotle's Poetics:

and Structure (on many

(Oxford,

the Argument

1980),

(Harvard,

1957).

Entretiens sur l'Antiquité Classique, VI: Euripide (VandoeuvresGenéve, 1960) (seven papers, and transcribed discussion, by

leading scholars). S. Goldhill, Reading L.H.G.

Greenwood,

Greek Aspects

Tragedy

(Cambridge,

of Euripidean

Drama

1986). (Cambridge,

1953).

G.M.

Grube,

The Drama of Euripides

(London,

19612)

(handbook).

S.Halliwell, Aristotle's Poetics (London, 1986). M. Heath, The Poetics of Greek Tragedy (London, 1986). J. Jones, On Aristotle and Greek Tragedy (London, 1962). H.D.F. Kitto, Greek Tragedy: a Literary Study (London, 19617). B.M.W. Knox, Word and Action (Baltimore, 1979) (collected papers on drama). W. Kranz, Stasimon (Berlin, 1933) (fundamental work on the

Chorus). R. Lattimore,

The

Poetry of Greek

-

Story Patterns

in Greek

Tragedy

A.

Lesky,

Tragedy,

trans.

1967) -

Greek

Greek

(Oxford,

(London, H.

1958).

1964).

Frankfort

(London,

(basic text-book). Tragic

(scholar's D.W.

Tragedy

Lucas,

Poetry,

trans.

M.

Dillon

(New

Haven,

1983)

handbook). Aristotle: Poetics (Oxford,

1968)

(commentary).

A.N. Michelini, Euripides and the Tragic Tradition (Wisconsin, 1987). G. Murray, Euripides and his Age (London, 1946?) (an 'evergreen!). A.W. Pickard-Cambridge, Dithyramb, Tragedy and Comedy, 2. ed. by T.B.L. Webster (Oxford, 1962). 2 A. Rivier, Essai sur le tragique d'Euripide (Paris, 1975 ). L. Séchan, Etudes sur la tragédie grecque dans ses rapports avec la céramique (Paris, 1926). 28

E. Segal 1984)

W.B.

(ed.),

Oxford

(important

Stanford,

Readings

essays

Greek

by

in Greek

leading

Tragedy

scholars

(Oxford,

reprinted).

Tragedy and the Emotions

(London,

1983).

O.

Taplin, The Stagecraft of Aeschylus (Oxford, 1977) (important for all Tragedy). - Greek Tragedy in Action (London, 1978) (vigorous introduction). A.D. Trendall, T.B.L. Webster, ///ustrations of Greek Drama (London, 1971) (vase-paintings and the plays).

P.

Vellacott,

Meaning

/ronic

Drama:

(Cambridge,

a Study

1976)

of Euripides'

(the plays

Method

as veiled

and

social

criticism). J.P.

Vernant,

Greece,

B.

P.

Vidal-Naquet,

English

Vickers,

trans.

Towards

7ragedy

(Brighton,

Greek

and Myth

1981).

Tragedy:

Drama,

(London, 1973). P. Walcot, Greek Drama in its Theatrical and (Cardiff, 1976). T.B.L. Webster, 7he Tragedies of Euripides

(a profile of the dramatic and Yale Classical Studies 25 (1977): from

prominent

Reinhardt,

Myth,

Society

Social

Context

(London,

1967)

poetic career as it developed). Greek Tragedy (papers invited

scholars).

VII : Euripides and contemporary events and R. C. Buxton, Persuasion in Greek Tragedy: (Cambridge, 1982). K.

in Ancient

7radition

und

Geist

ideas a Study

(Góttingen,

of 'Peitho'

1960)

223-56

('Die Sinneskrise bei Euripides': classic discussion of Euripides' intellectualism and its reflection in his dramaturgy). P.T.

Stevens,

‘Euripides

and

the Athenians',

76-84 (contemporary reception). R.P. Winnington-Ingram, ‘Euripides: 2 (1969),

127-42

(need

for

balanced

Poiét@s

JHS

76 (1976),

Sophos',

interpretation

Arethusa

of Euripides'

cleverness).

2

G. Zuntz, The Political Cf. esp. Lesky (1983),

Walcot VIII P.D.

from

Section

: theatre and Arnott,

Plays of Euripides (Manchester, 1963}. Murray, Vellacott, Vernant, Vickers and

VI

above.

production

introduction

to the

Greek

Theatre

(London,

1959).

Greek Scenic Conventions in the Fifth Century B.C. (Oxford, 1962). The Greek Tragic Theatre (London, 1971). H.C. Baldry,

-

29

M.

Bieber,

The History of the Greek

(Princeton,

R.C.

1961°)

Flickinger,

1936

A.W.

{copious

The Greek

(Oxford,

Cambridge,

Theater and its Drama

(Chicago.

E.

Simon, The Ancient (London, 1982). Webster,

esp.

Dale,

above;

Theatre of Dionysus

in Athens

1946).

The Dramatic Festivals Lewis (Oxford, 1968).

Bain,

of Athens,

Theatre,

Greek

Taplin

in Section IX D.

illustrations).

The

-

Cf.

Theatre

).

Pickard-

T.B.L.

and Roman

Halleran,

IX

ed.

trans.

Theatre

(1978),

2.

by

C.E.

Production

Trendall

D.M.

Vafopoulo-Richardson 2

Walcot Jens

1970

)

in Section

and

VI

Mastronarde

below.

: dramatic form and theatrical technique Bain, Actors and Audience: a study of asides conventions

Gould,

(London,

and

Hourmouziades,

J.

in Greek

M.R.

Halleran,

N.C.

Hourmouziades,

drama

Stagecroft

(Oxford,

in Euripides

Production

and related

1977).

(London,

and Imagination

1985).

in Euripides

(Athens, 1965). W. Jens (ed.), Die Bauformen der griechischen Tragodie (München, 1971). D.J. Mastronarde, Contact and Discontinuity: Some Conventions of Speech and Action on the Greek Tragic Stage (Berkeley, 1979).

W.

Schadewaldt,

W.

Steidle,

Studien

sichtigung H.

Strohm,

esp. Section

X

Euripides: VI

Drama

(München,

Interpretationen

Kranz,

Lesky

and

Barlow,

Stevens,

zur

besonderer

Bertick-

1968). dramatischen

Form

(1983)

and Taplin

(1977)

from

style

7he Imagery of Euripides

(London,

1971)

(widest

study).

Breitenbach, Untersuchungen Lyrik (Stuttgart, 1934) (/ndex Amsterdam, 1979).

P.T.

unter

1926).

above.

appreciative W.

antiken

(Berlin,

1957).

Burnett,

: language

S.A.

zum

und Selbstgesprüch

des Bühnenspiels

(München,

Cf.

Monolog

Colloquial

zur Sprache der euripideischen Locorum by K.H. Lee,

Expressions

in Euripides

(Wiesbaden,

1977). Cf. Section IV above; Lattimore (1958), Lesky (1983) and from Section VI above; Buxton from Section VII above. 30

Stanford

ΧΙ

: verse

-

Metrical Analyses of Tragic Choruses, BICS Supplement 21.1 (1971); 21.2 (1981); 21.3 (1983) (index of Choruses

A.M. Dale,

and

21.3) D.S. Raven,

metre

The Lyric Metres of Greek Drama (Cambridge,

Greek

Metre

complete odes). M.L. West, Greek Metre Introduction to Greek

U.

(London,

1962)

(Oxford, 1982) Metre (Oxford,

2

1968^). in

(analyses many (standard handbook). 1987) (abridged and

slightly simplified version of Greek Metre). von Wilamowitz -Moellendorff, Griechische Verskunst (Berlin,

1921)

(analyses

and

interprets

31

many

complete odes).

BIBLIOGRAPHY TO PHOENICIAN WOMEN Texts an

mmentari

A.C, Pearson, Euripides, the Phoenissae (Cambridge, 1909) J.U. Powell, The Phoenissae of Euripides (London, 1911, repr.1979)

L. Méridier & F. Chapouthier, Les Phéniciennes , in Euripide (Paris, 1950) For commentaries on other plays, see General Bibliography II: plays (see Introduction) are particularly relevant.

"V, Budé ed. other Theban

Secondary Literature Note: To avoid overloading this bibliography, some items have been excluded, especially where full documentation is readily available elsewhere, e.g. for earlier discussions of exodos see Conacher, 1967; of interpolation Reeve, 1982 IIl; of textual tradition Mastronarde and Bremer, 1982. I include Mastronarde,

1974, though I deliberately did not consult this thesis until my own work was far advanced. For a full critique of the secondary literature see C.MuellerGoldingen, Untersuchungen zu den Phónissen des Euripides

(Stuttgart, 1985),

reviewed E.M. Craik, CR 1988. M.B. Arthur, “The curse of civilization.

The choral odes of the Phoenissae

",

HSCP 81 (1977), 163-85 H.C. Baldry, "The dramatisation of the Theban legend", GR

25 (1956), 24-37

W.S. Barrett, “The epitome of Euripides’ Phoinissai ", CQ 15 (1965), 58-71 E.K. Borthwick, "Two scenes of conflict in Euripides", JHS 90 (1972), 15-21 J.M. Bremer, "Euripides, Phoenissae 830-832", Mnemosyne

33 (1980), 278-87

J.M. Bremer, "The popularity of Euripides' Phoenissae in late antiquity", Actes du Vile congrés de la FIEC Vol.I (Budapest, 1983; published 1985) DJ. Conacher, "Themes in the exodus of Euripides’ Phoenissae ", Phoenix 21 (1967), 92-101 H. Erbse, “Beitrige zum Verstündnis der euripideischen Phónissen ", Philologus

110 (1966), 1-34 H.P. Foley, Ritual Irony: poetry and sacrifice in Euripides (Ithaca, 1985) E. Fraenkel, “A passage in the Phoenissae

E. Fraenkel, "Zu den Phoenissen

", Eranos 44 (1946), 81-89

des Euripides", SB d.Bayr.Ak.d.Wiss., phil.-

hist.Kl. (1963)

Y. Garlan, "De la poliorcétique dans les Phéniciennes d'Euripide", REA (1966), 264-77

32

68

M.W. Haslam, “The authenticity of Euripides, Phoenissae 1-2 and Sophocles, Electra 1", GRBS 16 (1975), 149-74 M.W. Haslam, “Interpolation in the Phoenissae: papyrus evidence", CQ 26 (1976), 4-10 J. Jouanna, “Remarques sur le texte et la mise en scéne de deux passages des Phéniciennes d'Euripide", REG 89 (1976), 40-56 H.D.F. Kitto, “The final scenes of the Phoenissae ", CR

53 (1939), 104-11

D. Kovacs, “Tyrants and demagogues in tragic interpolation", GRBS 31-50 D

23 (1982),

J. Mastronarde, “Studies in Euripides’ Phoinissai ", diss. Toronto (1974)

DJ. Mastronarde, “Are Euripides Phoinissai 1104-40 interpolated?” Phoenix 32 (1978), 105-28 DJ. Mastronarde (1979): see General Bibliography IX DJ. Mastronarde & J.M. Bremer, The Textual Tradition of Phoinissai (Berkeley-Los Angeles, 1982: Univ.Calif.Publ.Class.Stud.) DJ.

Mastronarde, “P. Strasbourg WG

307 re-examined (Eur.Phoin.

Euripides 1499-1581,

1710-1736)", ZPE 38 (1980), 1-42 H.O. Meredith, “The end of the Phoenissae ", CR

51 (1937), 97-105

H. Parry, “Lines 830-832 of Eunpides’ Phoenissae ", Phoenix 21 (1967), 20-26 A.J. Podlecki, “Some themes in Euripides’ Phoenissae ", TAPhA 93 (1962), 35573 E. Rawson, “Family and fatherland in Euripides’ Phoenissae ", GRBS

109-127 M.D. Reeve, “Interpolations in Greek tragedy", I, GRBS 451-74; III 14 (1973), 145-71 C. Robert, Oidipus. (Berlin, 1915)

11 (1970),

13 (1972), 247-65;

II,

Geschichte eines poetischen Stoffs im griechischen Altertum

J. de Romilly, "Les Phéniciennes d'Euripide ou l'actualité dans la tragédie grecque", RPh 39 (1965), 28-47 J. Roux, “A propos du décor dans les tragédies d'Euripide", REG 74 (1961), 2560 S.T. Thompson, "Euripides' Phoenissae 847", Philologus 120 (1976), 293-6 M. van der Valk, “Euripides’ Phoenissae 1-2 and Sophocles’ Electra 1 again", GRBS 23 (1982), 235-40 F. Vian, Les origines de Thébes: Cadmos et les Spartes

(Paris, 1963)

M.L. West, “Tragica V", BICS 28 (1981), 61-78 U. v. Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, “der Schluss der Phoenissen

des Euripides" =

Kleine Schriften VI, 344-59 Th. Zielinski, "De Euripidis Thebaide posteriore", Mnemosyne

205

33

52 (1924),

189-

PHOENICIAN WOMEN

: ABBREVIATIONS

Abbreviations for ancient authors and for titles of periodicals follow the standard forms of LSJ (see below) and L’Année Philologique respectively. The following abbreviations are used for works of reference: AIC J.T. Allen ἃ G. Italie, A Concordance to Euripides

(Berkeley-Los Angeles & London, 1954 with C.Collard Supplement, 1971) ARV DGP

1.0. Beazley, Attic Red-Figure Vase Painters (Oxford, 1963) 1.0. Denniston, The Greek Particles , 2nd ed. (Oxford, 1954)

GMT

W.W. Goodwin, Syntax of the Moods and Tenses of the Greek Verb (London, 1889)

H.G. Liddell & R. Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon , 9th ed. (Oxford, 1925-40)

Metrical abbreviations and basic metrical terms, expressed in “feet” or, where appropriate, "metra" (7 short, - long, x anceps shortorlong, oo double anceps ):

an

cat

~~"

— anapast

. catalectic

—dimeter

dr

dragged

enop

gl ia

ih

. bacchius

“ “-

ch

choriamb

- ~ ~ -

do

dochmiac

x

da

v7

cr — cretic dim

ba

"v"--

dactyl

---

-

- -“

(e.g.do x --- -)

ork "v" vov τ ) a enoplian (alternation of double short with long combined with alternation of single short with long; initial x may be ", glyconic 00 ~~~" Xxiamb X -“-

ithyphallic

-~-~--

- or"

~)

io

ionic

Mcr

lec

lecythion

-~-

mol

molossus

-ττ-

pae ph

paeon pherecratean

~~~“ ~ or 00 -~~-

res

resolved, resolution(s)

sp

spondee

tet

tetrameter

tr

trib

tribrach

tim

----

~~ v - (rescr) - (cat gl)

- -

sync

34

syncopated, syncopation trochee

trimeter

T7"U-X

INTRODUCTION TO PHOENICIAN WOMEN I The M Aristotle observed (Po.1453a) that the finest tragedies were composed on the subject of the same few families. Of these, the family of Oidipous was much favoured. The story of the doomed royal house of Thebes spanned several generations.

In broad and bald outline (but there were multifarious variants and

complex ramifications) it ran: Laios, descendant of Kadmos and king of Thebes, was warned by Apollo that if he had a son that son would kill him. Oidipous duly

fulfilled this prophecy, unwittingly killing his father and marrying his mother lokaste. There were four children of the incestuous union, two daughters and two sons; the latter fought over their inheritance and killed each other. There are glimpses of earlier treatments in epic and lyric. In the Odyssey (Od.11.271-80) Homer mentions the marriage of Oidipodes son of Laios with his mother Epikaste, but without reference to children, and seems to imply that it was shortlived (274, "the gods soon made it known to mankind”; but "thereafter" or "suddenly" may be the truer meaning of the adverb in this context): Epikaste then hanged herself while Oidipodes lived on “in distress". In the [liad it is implied that Oidipodes, for whom funeral games were held, died in battle (7/.23.679-80, where a verb appropriate to a warrior's thudding fall is used). The siege of Thebes by Polyneikes with a heroic coalition in which Tydeus was prominent is treated as a familiar antecedent of the siege at Troy (1.4.378sqq., 6.222, 10.285). Hesiod too alludes to episodes at Thebes: the ravages of the Sphinx and the siege of the city, regarded as a raid on Oidipous' livestock (Theog.326, WD 162). Other early epics, the Oidipodeia and the Thebais , were devoted to Theban subjects.!

These poems, lost to us, would be

well known to Euripides and his contemporaries; and surely many elements recurring in different tragic treatments derive not from mutual interaction but from common source. From the fragments, of which the longest is 10 lines (about

Oidipous' curse on his sons), from brief allusions in fifth century lyric

poetry (Pi.O. 2.38-45, O. 6.15-16, N. 9.16-27), from such later accounts of the myth as seem to be independent of tragic sources Paus.8.5.10sqq.) | and from scholiastic comment

(esp.Apollod.3.5.7sqq., their content can be

reconstructed. In this way the originality of the tragedians can be assessed.? In addition to Phoenician Women five tragedies, treating various phases of the myth, have survived complete: Aischylos' Seven against Thebes (467); Sophokles' Antigone (c. 443), Oidipous the King (c. 428), Oidipous at Kolonos (posthumously produced, 401); Euripides' Suppliant Women (c. 423). Others 35

have survived in fragmentary form: Aischylos' Laios, Oidipous and satyric Sphinx (presented in a tetralogy with Seven against Thebes); Euripides’ Antigone, Antiope, Chrysippos,

Hypsipyle,

and some dozen plays entitled Oidipous

Oidipous

;

Sophokles’

by minor dramatists.

Theban myth around 409 BC, Euripides in Phoenician Women

Eriphyle

In retuming to does not invent a

totally new angle (as he seems to have done in Antigone, produced probably a few years before); but rather combines many old components in a new and piquant way. Because so many plays on the Oidipous theme are extant, it is possible to isolate innovatory alterations and additions, and to detect passages of

near plagiarism or common epic influence which otherwise might have gone unremarked. The last part of the story, events after the discovery by Oidipous and Iokaste of their true relationship, is particularly subject to variation.

The

epic version of Iokaste's suicide is followed by Sophokles (S.Ant.53-4, OT fin.). In making her survive the realisation and remonstrate with the quarrelling brothers Euripides follows an unusual but not unique version, now known from

another fifth century poem.? — In epic, Oidipous remains at Thebes until his death; dies

in Aischylos he is buried at Thebes (implied A.7h.1004); “loathed

and

dishonoured"

(Ant.50);

Oidipous but not imposed (OT fin.)

exile

is mooted

and

desired

by

or finally exiled by the city with the

connivance of his sons he dies at Athens and is heroized (OC

all of these plays, Oidipous

in Sophokles he

is survived by his sons.

440-1 and fin.).

Euripides

In

innovates:

Oidipous lives on in the palace, to be exiled only after the deaths of Eteokles and

Polyneikes.

The blinding of Oidipous, so prominent in later tradition, may have

been a tragic invention: for Aischylos the evidence is tenuous (only A.TA. 784,

corrupt and dubious reference to eyes) in Sophokles' Theban plays, as in Phoenician Women, there is powerful descnptive and pervasive figurative treatment; in Euripides' Oidipous the king is blinded not by himself but by servants of Laios. The actions, character and very existence of the children of Oidipous and Iokaste are variously presented. Pausanias, quoting Homer (Od.11.274) and citing the Oidipodeia, argued that Oidipous and Iokaste had no children (9.5.11); that

Euryganeia,

whom

Oidipous

later

married,

was

mother

of

Eteokles,

Polyneikes, Antigone and Ismene. Peisandros, an early epic poet and Pherekydes, a mythographer, shared this view; but the latter compromised, saying that Oidipous had also two sons by Iokaste (2Ph.1760, 53). Τῆς alternative name Astymedousa is given to a second wife of Oidipous (ZPA.53 and [1.4.376). Snippets of lyric poetry suggest a less important and more passive role for Antigone and Ismene than is found in Attic drama. — Ion of Chios told in a 36

dithyramb that both sisters were burned to death in Hera's temple by a son of Eteokles. Mimnermos told that Ismene was put to death by Tydeus (hypothesis to S.Ant.; cf.2Ph.53). In tragic presentation, Antigone the elder is the more dominant figure, presented as devoted daughter of Oidipous (S.OC ), devoted sister

of

Polyneikes

(A.Th.,

S.Ant.)

and

prospective

(S.Ant.)

or

actual

(fragments of E.Ant.) bride of Haimon. In Aischylos' Seven against Thebes , as the play has been transmitted, Antigone and Ismene come on stage to lament their dead brothers; and Antigone asserts her intention to bury Polyneikes, in defiance of a state edict. But it is suspected on linguistic and aesthetic grounds that the ending is adulterated; that the last lines are not by Aischylos (1005-78), that the lament was originally sung by a divided chorus (961-1004), that the earlier passage introducing the sisters is anticipatory interpolation (861-74): ἃ compromise view is that the sisters lead the lync lamentation, both being presented and neither in an active role.

Sophokles explores Antigone's role as

sister in Antigone , where her character emerges not only in relation to the dead Polyneikes, but also in relation to Ismene, who at first tries to dissuade Antigone from the act of burial, then later seeks to share the blame. Antigone is seen as

daughter in Oidipous at Kolonos, where Ismene too appears as a convenient adjunct (acting as messenger and being kidnapped by the unscrupulous Kreon);

also as sister in a moving exchange (esp.1409-10, 1435-6). The relationship between Antigone and her cousin Haimon is lightly handled by Sophokles in Antigone : the two characters do not meet on stage;

Antigone makes no direct

allusion to Haimon (unless in 572, probably however spoken by Ismene);

and

while her extravagant disclaimer that she would have performed the burial for

no relative other than a brother (904-20) may be discounted as an interpolation, it is not inconsistent with her attitudes as portrayed. Strong emotional attachment is evinced by Haimon's words and actions, but expressed only in the

oblique language of lyric (7815 44ᾳ.). In Euripides’ Antigone, on the other hand, the love interest was a focal point: Antigone was "caught with Haimon" -whether in the act of burying Polyneikes or in a clandestine marriage is not clear — and the pair were formally married (hypothesis to S.Ant.). In Phoenician Women, Antigone is presented in a remarkable nexus of relationships, on stage with Iokaste and Oidipous and by allusion with Polyneikes

and Haimon; in the

course of the play her situation is seen to change radically (see introduction to exodos, 1307-1766, and on 1270).

The sons of Oidipous and lokaste are presented in different lights in different plays. Their quarrel is the result of the curse invoked on them by Oidipous, compounded to a greater or lesser degree by their own attitudes and actions. The curse itself is given different, usually trivial, motivation and occurs 37

at different times (in OC — apparently delayed until the sons have quarrelled, 421sqq. reiterated 1375, 1384; unless this is renewal of imprecations earlier made) it is not always clearly differentiated from the general curse on the family.

A Homeric

ousted Polyneikes.

scholiast (/1.4.376) explains that Eteokles as older brother

Aischylos does not commit himself on priority;

makes Eteokles the younger (OC

375), while in Phoenician Women

Sophokles he is the

elder. The common account was that they could not agree over their inheritance: various attempts at resolution of the dispute were that one should have kingship, the other property (proposed by Iokaste, Lille papyrus:

see n.3 below) or that

both should cede rule to Kreon (the initial wish of the brothers themselves, OC 367sqq.. cf.422). In Aischylos’ Seven against Thebes Eteokles is the central figure of a static play, seen in his dual character as ruler of Thebes and doomed son of Oidipous.

unsympathetic

In Sophokles’ Oidipous at Kolonos

character,

belatedly

asking

his

Polyneikes appears as an

father’s

protection,

and

hypocnitically deploring Oidipous’ destitute and squalid circumstances, which he

has been instrumental in creating. In Phoenician Women Euripides boldly presents both brothers, and boldly alters the received characterisation. By his very name, “much strifing", Polyneikes had been typecast as grasping and unscrupulous; willing to bring a foreign army against his city to achieve his ends. In Euripides, he still brings a foreign army — that is an immutable element in the tradition — but his action is viewed as justified, and even as just (see on 55-

8, 154, 497-8, 526-7). Eteokles by contrast is seen not as patriotic defender of the city, but as intransigent, spiteful, sophistic, self-seeking and avaricious, paradoxically belying his name "true glory". But ultimately both brothers, commonly linked by use of the dual number, are culpable in their mutual hatred, which precipitates the fratricide (see on 274-5, 621-2, 1289, 1376), a certain outcome,

though

uncertain

in circumstances (see on 749).

The marriage of

Polyneikes to Argeia, daughter of the Argive king Adrastos, provides him with an army to bring against Thebes, but has little importance in itself. Polyneikes and Eteokles were childless according to Aischylos (7h.828); but other fifth

century writers refer to Thersander son of Polyneikes cf.Paus.9.5.14)

and

Laodamas

son

of Eteokles

(Hdt.5.61,

(Pi.O.2.38, Hdt.4.147; Ion of Chios,

cited

hypothesis to S.An:.; cf.Paus.9.5.13 and 9.10.3). Kreon, like Eteokles and Polyneikes, is differently depicted in accordance with different dramatic aims. The name itself is a stopgap one ("ruler", used of any king, as the feminine form Kreousa is used of any princess) and he is a stopgap monarch, who steps in to rule Thebes when there is a vacuum, as in the interregnum between Laios and Oidipous, and after the deaths of Eteokles and

Polyneikes. He may be presented as an overbearing tyrant (S.Ant.) or as a self 38

effacing

man,

reluctant

to rule

heartless and ruthless (S.OC).

(S.OT);

as reasonable

In Phoenician Women

and

kindly

(5.07)

or

the military aspect of his

character is stressed (see on 697 and introduction to exodos,

1307-1766).

The

members of Kreon's family are variously named and treated. In early epic Haimon is killed by the Sphinx (cf.Apollod.3.5.8). In Sophokles, Haimon is

Kreon’s last and youngest son (Ant.627); there are passing allusions to another son, Megareus, who died earlier in glorious but unspecified circumstances (Ant.1303; cf.1191, 1312-3). Megareus, despite the different name, is surely the same character as Menoikeus in Phoenician Women , where it is implied he is the younger brother (see on 942).

another story:

(Aischylos uses the name

Megareus also, in yet

he is one of the Theban warriors despatched

to defend a gate of

the city, 7h.474.) Euripides’ account of Menoikeus' youthful idealism has no known antecedent and may be a new slant on the character (see on 976); it has much in common with his portrayal of girl heroines in other plays (especially Iphigeneia in /A ). Kreon's wife Eurydike, who kills herself on hearing of Haimon's death in Sophokles (Antfin.) plays no part in Phoenician Women. Instead, Iokaste acts as mother substitute to her nephew.

Teiresias, the old blind prophet ubiquitous in Theban myth, is perhaps the character most consistently portrayed. Teiresias is a movable figure, located in any period of Theban history: he may even be made contemporary with Kadmos (E.Ba.) The general consistency of the portrait confirms that we have in

Teiresias a single character, not a series of figures from different generations of an occupational clan (though such clans did exist; e.g. the Athenian Eumolpidai and Spartan Talthybiadai).

But Euripides contrives some novelty even with this

stock character, given sophistic traits in his manner of speech . The different aims of the tragedians can be seen in their selection of mythical material, placing of emphasis, presentation of character and structuring

of plot. Aischylos' fascination with individual freewill can be seen in with a new generation. Sophokles' structure: whereas Oidipous the unfolding

realisation

by

Oidipous

the meshing of ineluctable ancestral guilt and the format of the trilogy, each play dealing Theban plays are markedly different in plot King is tautly economical, tailored to the and

lokaste

of

their

true

relationship,

Antigone makes its impact by juxtaposition rather than by integration, presenting successively the tragedies of Antigone and of Kreon; and Oidipous at Kolonos 1s a loosely episodic series of scenes as characters arrive and interact with the old and almost immobile Oidipous. In structure Phoenician Women most resembles this last; but its mythical sweep is much wider. This is reflected in the cast list, which reads like a guest list for a macabre house party of the Theban royal family. 39

The myth maintained its fascination for later writers. Seneca’s tragedies Phoenician Women

and Oedipus

both draw on Euripides’Phoenician Women

In the former Antigone is presented successively with her father as he faces exile, and with her mother in Thebes; both are asked to remonstrate with the warring brothers and Iokaste does so.

Sophokles’ Oidipous stasimon).

The plot of Seneca’s Oedipus

is based on

but portions of lyric echo the Euripidean play (see on Ist

Statius derives

much,

both

in subject matter and

treatment, from

Euripides in his epic Thebaid. One of the earliest adaptations of a Greek play staged in Britain, in 1566, was Gascoigne's Gray's Inn presentation of Jocasta, translated from an Italian model based on the Euripidean and Senecan tragedies;

and perhaps known to Shakespeare.? II The Play

(a) Date of Production The

approximate

date

of Phoenician

Women

may

be deduced

from

scholiastic comment on Aristophanes' Frogs, produced at the Lenaia (in January) of 405 BC: why, asks the writer, did Aristophanes mention Andromeda (412 BC)

in

preference

to

plays

more

recently

produced

such

as

Hypsipyle,

Phoenician Women, Antiope. While no year between 411 and 407 (the candidate before Euripides' death) can be ruled out, we may infer a date production fairly close to 405 (not therefore 411 or 410) and, accepting probability that Euripides left Athens for Macedon after the production

last of the of

Orestes in 408, regard 409 (or 408, with Orestes) as most likely. The three plays cited have certain common thematic elements (phases in Theban history), but there is no compelling reason to suppose they formed a connected trilogy, or

even that they were performed together, rather than (for instance) in successive years. Tantalisingly, the hypothesis of Aristophanes of Byzantium (3rd century BC) suggests a different dramatic context. It tails off in a mutilated reference to Oinomaos

and Chrysippos

in association with Phoenician Women, and gives a

puzzling name, apparently as that of the archon at the time, Nausikrates, not known in archon lists. Here too there is common thematic ground (development of a curse) but it is not at all clear that Aristophanes viewed these plays as a trilogy, or simply as similar. Even if our play was originally staged in conjunction with one or other of these two groups of plays on related themes, the connection may have been

tangential rather than direct (as it probably was in the case of Trojan Women, part of a trilogy produced 415 BC); and certainly in fourth century revivals the 40

.

play stood alone.© What can be said with certainty is that in the last years of his career, Euripides had a particular interest in the myths of Thebes. Bakchai too is set there, in the days of Kadmos. The interest extends to the layout of the seven gated city and the topography and terrain of the region, with which Euripides was evidently familiar.

(b) Plot management The play is full of challenging piquancy, of surprise and suspense (see extended introductions to sections of the play; some key references are given below).

Euripides seems to rely on familiarity with the myth and with previous

dramatic treatments to secure an effective impact for his innovations. That Iokaste, having survived the horror of revelation, is the prologue speaker is the first surprise. That Oidipous is said to be inside raises the breathtaking possibility of a meeting. That Antigone then emerges with a slave for a rooftop exchange is unexpected. That Polyneikes and not Eteokles the city defender arrives first on stage teases expectation as to whether brother and sister will meet; and there is continuing suspense over the manner of the inevitable eventual fratricide. The brothers' altercation, presided over by Iokaste, is vividly presented.

The ensuing military debate between

Kreon

and Eteokles brings

develops, and the voluntary sacrifice of Menoikeus has an immediate impact, the more telling because it is not anticipated and not subsequently diluted by discussion. The long messenger speeches arrest the action, but have a momentum of their own; and in the exodos interest is sustained by the arrival of the bodies,

by the eventual emergence of Oidipous, and by the presentation of Antigone and Kreon in a new and lurid light. Because of its unconventional richness of character and incident, the meaning, theme or unity of Phoenician Women resists conventional analysis. The unity is not of the obvious kind based on the presence throughout of an important

single

character

(though

it has

been

interpreted

as "waiting

for

Oidipous", or as "Iokaste dolorosa") or the repetition throughout of a single verbal theme (though exile is important initially and finally). Obviously, different characters dominate different parts of the play; more different ideas, such as diallage “reconciliation” and soteria

subtly so do “salvation”,

"safety", "rescue". The play is neither about the family alone nor the state alone nor simply about the two in conjunction. The powerful imagery (especially of bestiality and of the dance;

see on 1296, 1488-9);

of motherhood and other family relationships;

the intense pathos (especially

see on 1526-7) and the densely

repeated terminology (especially of blood and bloodshed;

see on 41-2) give the

drama texture and coherence, but cannot alone give it meaning. 4]

Perhaps balanced paradox is the key to the play. It explores with telling oxymoron the vicissitudes of (apparently) good and (truly) bad fortune, the

illusory and transitory nature of human happiness (see esp. on 638-89).

In itself

this 1s almost hackneyed, the stuff of many tragedies; but the theme is developed

and elaborated in intricately interlocking patterns which combine to suggest the essential ambivalence of all things, with harmony dependent on a state of tension

between apparent opposites (see on 528sqq., 830-2, 1688). By the use of similar descriptive language it is implied that events superficially different have an inherent similarity and in particular that history repeats itself at Thebes (see esp.

on 784-833, 1019-66). Apparently favourable deities are seen to be interlinked with evidently

hostile powers (as is Dionysos with Ares), or to be themselves actually or potentially hostile (as is Apollo): Euripides here manipulates at will, suppressing such common aspects as Ares’ protection of Thebes (A.7h.108, 135-8, S.Ant.140; see on 822-3) Syncretism pervades the play: Apollo—Dionysos linked with Ares; Demeter-Gaia with Kore-Artemis linked with Sphinx; Demeter linked with Ares;

Ares linked with Sphinx (see on 109, 638-89, 1019-

66). Even Argos and Thebes are aligned in their common ancestry (see on 676sqq., 1226). Victory is seen, in illustration of the proverbial phrase "Kadmean victory" (Hdt.1.166, Paus.9.9.3, Souda s.v.), to bring no lasting or worthwhile advantage (see on 781, 855);

glory involves shame and shame glory

(see on 821). Light and dark, sight and blindness, harmony and discord are intermingled (see on 949-51); animals are wild and tame, the hunter may be

hunted (see on 263, 947). Behind these ideas lies the principle, both popular and philosophical, of cyclic change (propounded by Iokaste, 528sqq.; cf.S.4j.669 sqq.; Herakleitos DK 22 B 88), with its political corollary that disruption of democratic balance and equity, as in the brothers’ inability to share rule, brings

chaos (541-2; cf.Pl.Lgg.757a-758a). The treatment of the gods is similar in tone to Bakchai where Dionysos is simultaneously "terrible and gentle"; to /on where similar syncretisms are suggestively indicated and to Hippolytos

Artemis

and Aphrodite,

representing

in Phaidra and Hippolytos

where

the opposite

extremes of sexual passion and obsessive chastity, are alike in their cool lack of concern for human suffering and death. The treatment of martial victory recalls Trojan

Women

with

its anti-war tenor,

the expression

of the alteration

of

hope, ultimately perceived to be futile, with despair is notably similar to the treatment of soteria "salvation" in Orestes, close in date. The play is starkly pessimistic: human intellect (Oidipous’ victory over the Sphinx), idealism (Menoikeus’ sacrifice), good intentions (Iokaste's attempts to influence her sons),

42

affection (between the members of the family) are alike powerless to avert bloodshed and disaster. The play is marked by careful structural equipoise both overall and in its episodes, some of which are of schematic arrangement (see on 193-201, 10671283). Iokaste's prologue speech is balanced by Oidipous' entering speech (see on 1595-1624) and Iokaste's monody by Antigone's (see on 1480-1581); the

four (or two bipartite) mesenger speeches correspond in length each with a descriptive narrative followed by an account of altercation of the agon scene is organised with crisp precision (see Hopes for soteria "salvation" are expressed in terms of the families

and purpose, action; the on 443-587). of Kreon and

Oidipous (813, 952, 1341-3) both to be destroyed when the city is saved (see on

1308). Iokaste is in a quasi-maternal relationship with Kreon's son Menoikeus and Kreon in a quasi-paternal relationship with Iokaste's son Eteokles. The sibling relationship of Iokaste and Kreon parallels that of Antigone and Polyneikes (see on 11, 1202) and the fortunes and emotions of Iokaste and Kreon

are presented in tandem (see on 965, 986sqq.) A prospective link between the families, in marnage between Haimon and Antigone, ts frustrated. Both ancient lines, that of Oidipous descending from Kadmos and that of Kreon descending from the Spartoi, are to be extinguished (Ismene and Haimon,

survivors who

have not appeared, being forgotten). The stark choice facing Menoikeus, with its civic and familial aspect, corresponds with Polyneikes’ double grievance, deprived of country and inheritance (see on 984, 998).

Both have it in their

power to withdraw from Thebes: if Polyneikes does so the city will be saved; if Menoikeus does so it will be lost. Polyneikes meets an involuntary death attacking his homeland, Menoikeus a voluntary death saving it. In each case a parent tnes ineffectually to prevent this outcome, and to persuade the son to

leave Thebes; each parent is bereaved. In each case the outcome, though in part dependent on human choice, rests on the ineluctabiility of the gods’ will and is a sphage

“sacrifice” (see on 893, 1431).

has a choice; (see on 621-2).

Ares demands a sacrifice, yet Menoikeus

Eteokles and Polyneikes are under a curse yet seal their own fates Iokaste speculates and Oidipous asserts (350sqq., 382, 1612-4)

that some divine influence is at work in their lives.

And throughout the play

divine motivation expressed in terms of daimonion, tyche, or ate interacts with human or naturalistic motivation expressed in terms of miasma or alastor arising from Oidipous' parricide, and ara _ the curse he set on his sons (for these terms see esp. on 4, 892, 1200-1, 1555, 1611). Eris “strife” and Erinys “curse”

which may be abstract nouns or personified as minor goddesses lie between

43

divine and human will (see on 350-3). Justice 15 involved in divine influence, but not central to it (see on 154).

In addition to organic structural parallelisms, there is much balance in presentation. In some cases, this lies in the echoing of terminology and ideas; in some it lies in visual mirroring between scenes; more commonly verbal and visual impact are combined (see 1067-71, with 291-300, and on 1202). The exiles initially of Polyneikes and finally of Oidipous are similarly viewed by themselves and by a sympathetic female relative, Iokaste with Polyneikes and

Antigone with Oidipous. The arrival from Athens of the old blind Teiresias foreshadows the departure for Athens of the old blind Oidipous; and both men are

led by

their daughters,

both parthenoi

“unmarried

girls

" (106,

838).

Antigone’s lyric exchange with the slave at the start of the play 1s in counterpoint with her exchange with Oidipous at the end; whereas the slave is her guide, taking her hand, she finally similarly guides Oidipous (106, 1694). The lyrics have a uniform relevance (if at times a loose and tangential one) to events befalling the Theban state and dynasty in their sweeping reference to the multifarious

yet symbolically

linked horrors of the past, present and finally

future.

(c) Contemporary influence: content and form When Phoenician Women was first staged, Athens had been at war with Sparta for some twenty years. In 411 BC the city had suffered a shortlived but bitter and bloody internal revolution, and democracy had been suspended. As all adult males served in the army and participated in political debate and decision,

issues relating to the conduct of war and to civic allegiances and forms of government were of direct interest to Euripides’ audience. Concern with these contemporary matters is evident at certain points in the play, especially in the agon

and in the debate between Eteokles and Kreon (see on 528sqq., 692-3, 712-

34). In these same two scenes, expression as well as content has a strong contemporary colour, and sophistic influence can clearly be traced. The idea that war is futile, that both sides suffer and that victory is hollow is central to the play’s development.

However, Euripides addresses not simply

the general effects of war but also specific questions of military strategy. The protracted debate on the prerequisites for victory and the qualities to be desiderated in a general may be specific comment on events of the recent past or general theorising on the issues they raised (see on 693, 712-34).

The effect of

civil war on families, and especially on their women, is poignantly depicted. Separation from relatives and the miseries of long penurious exile had been experienced at first hand by many Athenians. Many refugees no doubt were, like 44

Polyneikes and Menoikeus, preoccupied with financial provisions (see on 43842, 980-5). Family disputes over legitimacy, or over priority, in inheritance cases, with implications for the individual’s continued

status as citizen and

threatened demotion to metic or even slave status, were rife in the fourth century. Some such cases arose directly from the unsettled conditions of the late fifth century (see Demosthenes 57, Against Euboulides — especially 18, on the Dekeleian War).

The deep influence on Euripides of sophistic ideas and modes of expression 15 evident throughout Phoenician Women . Linguistic wordplay of various kinds abounds: punning, differentiation between near synonyms, alliteration, assonance and general syllabic or other repetition (see e.g. on 55-8, 528sqq., 718-9, 931sgg., 1161)

Remarkable sound clusters are concentrated in,

but not confined to, the agon.

This verbal ingenuity, at times idly expended, is

used also to emphasise and point the play’s tenor. There is pervasive punning on

the title of the play. The word Phoinix (also the name of a brother of Kadmos) “Phoenician” and then “dark red” the colour of blood — either with reference to the ruddy complexions of Eastern peoples or because crimson dye was regarded as a Phoenician invention — is turned to a nexus of associations with phonos "slaughter", "murder", “carnage” elaborated in relation to successive events at Thebes (see on 41-2, 1487). Also, there is much play on haima “blood”, with the semantic range “bloodshed”, “bloodlust”, “blood kin " (see on 20, 789-90). As a corollary, with a simple yet effective symbolism, Argos — homonymous with argos “white” and argos , 1.6. a-ergos , “lazy”, “inactive” — is associated with white and with delay (but commonly as “not white”, the Argives too being blood reddened; see on 41-2, 172, 753). There are other striking puns on names as on Danaids as daughters of Danaos or Argive troops (see on 1675; also 55-8, 412, 499-502). The sophistic ideal of time-serving expediency is expressed and there are many clichéed lines on sophia and amathia “wisdom” and “ignorance”, and on physis and nomos “nature” and “nurture”, favounte debating ground of Euripides (see on 393, 405, 871).

But these debates are here handled in a novel

fashion: for instance in the divergent views of Iokaste and her sons may be seen a tacit comment

on the generation gap (see on 452-3).

The general sophistic

colour is highlighted by allusion to current philosophical or scientific ideas, e.g. those of Parmenides (see on 3).

(d) Stage effects “The drama is fine as regards visual effects” was the judgment of the anonymous writer of one of the ancient prefaces. The visual effects so praised 45

cannot be directly appreciated, or even identified with certainty. One can surmise, however, that elements in the visual impact were these: the appearance of the chorus in an exotic style of dress; some representation of the Theban scene so amply and evocatively described in the words of the play; crowds of extras, such as soldiers and servants; and above all the use of theatrical resources to the full, the roof for the scene of speech and song between Antigone and the old slave (103-201) and the parodoi, rather than the skene door, for the play's entrances

and exits.

Increasing theatrical realism, both in description and in presentation,

is marked in other late fifth century plays, of Sophokles (Ph.,OC ) as well as of

Euripides:

in Phoenician Women

there are explicit descriptions of characters'

appearance and stage directions incorporated into the text (see esp.on entrances

of Polyneikes in Ist episode and of Teiresias in 3rd). The aural effects too were striking and innovatory, with extensive use of operatic monody and actors' song. Antigone and Iokaste both have long arias; Oidipous joins his daughter in song and Kreon has a

brief griefstricken lyric

outburst; also the old slave in the scene with Antigone probably chanted some of his lines. This makes the allocation of parts to the three actors difficult, as usually only one actor seems to have been a singer; in this play all three sing. A scholiast states that the slave appeared on the roof before Antigone so that the actor playing Iokaste would have time to change after the prologue and reappear

in the part of Antigone. Antigone and Iokaste appear together in a later scene, where however Antigone speaks only a few lines; the part might there have been played by a different actor wearing her mask, or possibly by an extra.

(The part

of Ismene was probably similarly split in S.OC .) There is some reason to suppose that the same actor played Eteokles and Teiresias (see on 767) and it would be advantageous to have the boy Menoikeus

played by the actor, probably light in voice and slight in build, who took the female parts. The allocation of parts would then be: 1. Iokaste, Antigone (but not 1270-82), Menoikeus

2. Eteokles, Teiresias, Messengers, Oidipous 3. Slave, Polyneikes, Kreon, Antigone 1270-82. Alternatively, for rather more even distribution of parts (the third actor on the

above scheme is light), the messengers might be played by different actors:

1. Iokaste, Antigone, Menoikeus 2. Eteokles, Teiresias, 2nd messenger, Oidipous 3. Slave, Polyneikes, Kreon, 1st messenger.

III

The Metres

(see Abbreviations above)

To facilitate understanding and enhance appreciation of the poetic form of the play, some preliminary discussion of metre is required. Greek tragedy was written in verse, part to be spoken (in ia trim or, for some scenes, tr tet), and part to be sung (in a variety of lyric metres). Recitative (primarily anap) occurs also. Variation in metrical form is used to point change in dramatic tempo.

Jambictrmeter

(x - "^

x-v"-

x-v-y

The progressive frequency of resolution (making the iambic foot trisyllabic) in the later plays of Euripides is probably due to unconscious rather than conscious stylistic development. But within each play resolution is used to mannered effect: see 366-9 (consecutive lines res, with sequences of short syllables), 56570 (consecutive lines res, with variation), 854-8 (consecutive lines, 4 with 3rd foot da followed by 1 with 2nd foot trib); also 922, 926, 943 and 958 (an in 1st

foot repeated in this scene); (cluster of 1st foot trib).

a play of its date.

494, 509 (remarkable trib in 5th foot) and 1598-9

Phoenician Women

has a low resolution frequency for

This may be explained by Eunpides’ reversion to an earlier

mode, by chance variation in metrical style, by delay between wnting and production, or by the distorting effect of the inclusion of spurious lines. The

uneven distribution of res lines would be consistent with this last explanation; but consistent also with conscious continuous variation by Euripides for different dramatic purposes. The high res frequency in the long speeches of Iokaste (1-87, 528-85) and in the messenger speeches (1099-1199, 1217-63, 1356-1424, 1427-

79) is surely to break monotony.

The res in Teiresias’ words on arrival (849,

854-7) suggest breathlessness, in line with Kreon's words (851); the effect is

similar to that achieved by double bold synizesis at the beginning of the messenger speech (1358-9). The large number of res feet in Kreon's speech at 1310-21

(in marked

contrast

with

his earlier utterances)

suggests

emotion,

maintaining the mood of lament established in the choral lyric 1284-1309 and sustained in the ensuing lyric exchange 1340-51. Elsewhere too res conveys pathos (366-9, 467, 1452) or excitement (918); arrests attention at moments of dramatic tension and climax (779); or lends emphasis to gnomic statements (201,

356, 452-3, 553-6, comparatively free frequency earlier in statement of 201). assonance are subtly

965). Scenes and long monologues tend to end in lines from resolution (strikingly absent from 80-87 after a high the prologue; and in 193-201 occurring only in the gnomic Metre, diction and such stylistic features as alliteration and interlinked.

47

Trochaic tetrameter

(--~"-

xX

7

»~-"7 xX

-

--

x

regularly catalectic,

stopping short with the last metron lacking a syllable - ~ - ): According to Aristotle (Po.1449a21, Rh.1404a30) the tr tet was the regular metre of exchange in early tragedy and lapsed in favour of the ia trim, which was closer to the rhythms of speech. It seems that, after a long period of disuse (no examples after A.Ag. of 458 apart from the doubtfully genuine last lines of S.OT) Euripides revived the metre. He used it in most of his later plays (after Trojan Women οἱ 415), typically in scenes with rapid argument in stichomythia and often in conjunction with antilabe (588-637);

but also in brief

bursts for instant impact (1308-9 and 1335-9). The change of tempo from ia to tr is always arresting, whether used as a device to highlight a climax (as at 588637), to introduce a new and significant phase of the action with the entrance of a character (as 1308-9 and 1335-9), or to serve as conclusion (1758-63).

Anapaestic dimeter

(ςτὸ

eer

ever

we we)

An dim systems may be viewed as recitative and as a bridge between the spoken and sung elements of tragic verse. In Phoenician Women the slow march nature of the rhythm is marked as the chorus comment on the approach of the procession bearing the corpses of Iokaste, Eteokles and Polyneikes (1480-4; note the heavy

double

sp in 1481

and

triple in 1482,

in accord

with

content).

Originally the metre of the parodos, an was later conventionally used to announce arrivals and to accompany the departure of the chorus at the end of the play (as Ph.1764-6).

Lyric Metres: Whereas in the spoken metrical schemes discussed above there is highly regular repetition of a short sequence of syllables, in schemes to be sung the patterns are larger and much more varied. In performance, the lyrics of tragedy were accompanied by dance and music, of which almost nothing is certainly known and little can be safely conjectured.

The relative importance of words and music

evidently varied considerably from one play to another and, within the play, from beginning to end, choral ode to solo song etc. The lyric parts of Phoenician Women were apparently musically innovatory and exciting, probably composed in the style characterised as “operatic” or "dithyrambic". Stripped of their music, they have seemed to some critics to be of poor poetic quality, jejune

intellectual content and low semantic relevance. This view is contested in the notes which preface the play's stasima.

The metrical arrangements (a faint echo

of the music) are adventurous, embracing a remarkable degree of cross-rhythm — see 638-89, 1019-66 (1a to tr, with much res and sync) and 784-833 (da to an);

48

and evincing an unusual freedom in mixing metrical pattems (da

do

10) and

1567-81

(da

tr). At

the

same

time,

--

Euripides’

see 1539-45 dexterity

in

manipulating lyric in a more conventional fashion is also in evidence — see 20225 (sequence of gl cola, though with some unusual res forms, in parodos), 291354 (common combination of 1a with do) and 239-60 (use of lec as Leitmotiv).

The play contains three types of lyric: 1. Choral odes: 202-60 (parodos); 638-89, 784-833, 1019-66, 1284-1306 (Ist, 2nd, 3rd and 4th stasima). These are blocks with strophe(s) and antistrophe(s) in

metrical, and perhaps also musical, correspondence, with or without an astrophic intervening "mesode" (parodos 226-38) or ensuing “epode” (1st stasimon 67689. 2nd stasimon 818-33).

2.

Monody or actor's song:

301-54, with choral prelude 290-300 (Iokaste);

1485-1538, followed by amoibaion (Antigone). 3. Amoibaion or lyric exchange between actors, or between actors and chorus: 103-201 (“epirrhematic amoibaion", Antigone singing in lyric metres and the slave intoning ia trims, ending in solo stanza from Antigone, 182-92);

1340-51

(chorus, messenger, Kreon); 1539-81 (Antigone and Oidipous, following Antigone's monody and ending in solo stanza from Antigone, 1567-81); 171057 (Antigone and Oidipous). In the commentary, each section of lyric is prefaced by some general descriptive remarks, following analysis of subject matter and comments on style. In the line by line treatment, discussion of colometry (establishing points of verse-

end: sometimes easy, e.g. where hiatus or strong sense pause occurs, or where, in the case of strophic stanzas, word

end coincides

in str and ant;

sometimes

difficult and dependent on the editor's estimate of metrical probabilities) and of text (particularly prone to corruption in lyric because its metre, diction and style are inherently more difficult and more varied than those of dialogue and inevitably less familiar to scribes) is pared down to a minimum. In those frequent passages where metrical and textual problems are inextricably linked, a translatable text, not too far from the ms tradition, is presented as a "solution",

often with rather brief argumentation.

IV The Text

"Antigone's looking arrival under truce happens with a formless lament, is with the ancient critic quoted

from the walls is not part of the for no reason; Oidipous' going attached vapidly". Many modern that certain parts of the play do not 49

play; Polyneikes' into exile, finally, readers have felt belong and have

addressed

themselves

to

deletion

rather

than

interpretation.

The

elements

singled out in the hypothesis — the Antigone scene which follows Iokaste’s prologue speech and commonly suspected.

the Oidipous scene of the exodos — have been most Many wonder with a scholiast (on 1692) how Antigone

could bury Polyneikes if she went into exile with Oidipous; and some solve the problem by excision of all references either to burial or to exile (see esp. on 1630). The play 1s truncated by most editors, made to end at 1736 or earlier. It has been argued further that the play as it stands is repetitious, with elements in the long messenger speeches reiterating material already presented. Here the most troublesome example is the apparent dual presentation of the Argive champions, first in the duet of Antigone with the slave (88-201) and later in the words of a messenger (1104-40); it has been suggested that these were alternatives for use in different performances.

In addition to these broad matters

of content, there are many cases of single lines which seem unusually weak, repetitive (as 141-4, 1135-6) or tautologous (520) or which seem to introduce

inconsistencies or anachronisms (see on 549-67) or to break the sequence of thought (as 369-70, 1075 etc.);

there are many lines (esp.in the exodos) which

resemble lines in other plays (see on 1634, 1758544.) or play (12822976); there are many cases where the Greek is downright ungrammatical (see esp. on 88-201, 448-51); extraordinarily long. Arguments for deletion based considerations of literary taste are inconclusive:

replicate lines in this singular, inelegant or certainly the play is on such subjective

for instance in the case of

repetition, it may be argued that this is deliberate and effective rather than unintended and weak.

Some objective assistance comes from the nature of the

textual tradition, in particular from the statements of scholiasts that certain lines are otiose (as 974), or are missing in some copies (as 375), and from the presence or absence of lines in ancient citation (as 1380) or papyrus sources (as 1-2, 387,

781). These

problems

cannot

be

approached

without

some

preliminary

discussion of the text, and a perception of the rationale for and limitations of

textual study. autograph.

The printed text is a very distant descendant of the author's

When Phoenician Women

was staged early in the last decade of the

fifth century, Athens used an idiosyncratic local scnpt superseded, after progressive encroachment of "Ionic" letter forms, by decree in 401. As an old man, Euripides probably used old letter forms: for psi, phi sigma; for xi, chi sigma;

he was probably inconsistent in the orthography of vowel sounds and

slapdash with the aspirate. Only "capital" letters existed at this date; words were run together without indication of division and lyric passages were consecutively

50

written like prose.

In appearance, such a text would look very unfamiliar to us;

and many mutations were to come.

As to content, the notion of a fixed text is anachronistic. The dramatist expected that his play would be performed only once, at the festival for which it was written. For that occasion, copies, perhaps of parts rather than the whole,

must have been available for each of the three actors and for the members - or at least the leader — of the chorus. (The eponymous archon who authorised the production and the choregos who financed the chorus might have been content with an oral summary.)

From

these originals, or from

dictation by actors,

further copies could be made, and distributed to a reading public. But these copies need not have been regarded as definitive. There is evidence that Aristophanes rewrote one of his plays (Clouds) after production; and that in the fourth century forensic speeches were revamped by their authors after delivery by clients in court.

It may be supposed that for the duration of his life Euripides

took a personal interest in the format of his plays, and that this did not preclude revision. Phoenician Women was a popular play, parodied by Aristophanes (see on 15955sqq.) and Strattis (on 460-1), and quoted by Plato (on 934).

Two decades after Euripides died, the practice of reviving one old play for performance at each dramatic festival was instituted. In the ensuing years Euripides’ tragedies became more popular than they had been in his lifetime, and his later work had a particular appeal. Evidently the words of the old tragedies were not regarded as sacrosanct by performers;

steps were taken to ensure standardisation.

as some fifty years later still

It was decreed that official copies

should be made of the works of Aischylos, Sophokles and Euripides and that these should be used for subsequent performances. The standardisation sought may have been of a broad kind — consistency in the overall sequence of scenes,

adherence to a particular ending, or integrity in tenor and spirit — rather than fidelity of detail in the reproduction of individual lines. This would inhibit wholesale interpolation of a kind which would change the plot, but not intermittent alteration on a line to line basis. These were political measures to

curb histrionic excesses and the contemporary interest was in the spoken word, the stage script; not the written word, the literary creation.

Philological rather than histrionic interest in the plays began with the Alexandrian scholars of the third century. For the intervening two centuries the text was more or less fluid. And the Alexandrians stand to Euripides and classical tragedy in the same temporal relation as we in the twentieth century do to Sheridan and the comedy

of manners.

It may

be some consolation that the

interests of actors coincide more closely with those of playwrights than with those of scholars. There is good evidence that one line of Phoenician Women 51

(264) was altered by actors for simple reasons of euphony. Padding of speeches resulting in mild tautology or gratuitous rhetoric might have amused rather than offended Euripides, himself fond of debating points and the opportunistic flourish. Alteration of scenes is a more complex matter. Here one may speculate

that different producers in the fourth century elected to elaborate on different elements in Euripides’ wide ranging treatment; and that various additions, made at different times for different productions, were then incorporated in a single written verston. It is probable that all the copious thematic elements present in Our text were present in Eunpides’ original production;

ordering may well have been rather was staged, to general acclaim, in a classical revivals.8 Aristophanes of Byzantium Aischylos, Sophokles and Euripides each. The existence of the Ptolemaic study and the official Athenian

but the emphasis and

different. And it is probable that the play form close to that transmitted to us, in post (ff.c.200 BC) edited all the plays of then in circulation, about one hundred of library fostered and facilitated comparative copy may have been a prime source.

Aristophanes’ text, created with the aim of establishing and preserving for future

study a version of the play as close as possible to Euripides' original, probably served as a basis for the ensuing work of transmission and criticism; certainly in spirit it is the ancestor of all subsequent texts. In modem criticism, we may realistically hope

to recover Anstophanes’

version but not Euripides’.

The

scholia, marginal annotations of various date and worth, may in many cases stem indirectly from Aristophanes. The

Euripidean

text

established

by

the

critics

was

extensively and intensively studied in schools for almost a millennium:

till

classical learning was swept away in the Dark Ages.

Alexandrian

Papyrus fragments which

have survived from this era — scraps of complete copies or excerpted snatches or brief comments — are more numerous for Phoenician Women

than for any other

ancient play. Cumulatively they attest over a quarter of the text. These fragments, ranging in date from the third century BC to the sixth AD are of value as the earliest extant evidence for the ancient text. Citation in authors, Greek and Roman, of late antiquity are of variable accuracy and value as evidence for the contemporary text.

Here the first half of the play, more rich in

aphoristic content, is better represented. Phoenician Women, favoured by actors in the Hellenistic period, was later beloved by scholars, and subject to further tampering, though of a different kind. It was one of the nine plays selected for special study, along with seven each of Aischylos and Sophokles (perhaps in third century AD) and then one of the three picked from those (with Hekabe and

Orestes , the so-called Byzantine triad).? 52

With the revival of ancient learning in the ninth-tenth centuries comes a new phase in the tradition.

From those mss which had survived, written in the

old uncial script, transcription into minuscules was made of text and in some cases of scholia also. From this point the process of copying and dissemination proceeded rapidly. Large numbers of these copies survive, especially for the favoured group of three. The relationship between surviving mss is complex. The tradition of Phoenician Women justifies the scepticism now prevailing about the basic postulates of stemmatics (the attempt to draw up a family tree of mss, on the assumption that all mediaeval mss had a common putative ancestor, the archetype, often failing to allow for “horizontal contamination” or “openness” in the tradition). With the invention of the printing press, exact duplication of a particular text became possible for the first time. The authority of the early printed text was illusory, as it was only as good as its originator. In the case of Phoenician Women the Aldine edition (1503) needed much refinement.

Major contributions

were made by Valckenaer (1755) and the nineteenth century editors Geel, Hermann, Kirchhoff and Wecklein. Early this century two useful short commentaries appeared (Pearson and Powell: see Bibliography). Fraenkel’s influential study of the play began ἃ see-saw of arguments for and against interpolation (notably Erbse, Reeve: see Bibliography). The exhaustive collations of Mastronarde and Bremer (1982) will be of immense value to future

editors. The preparation of this modest edition has been much facilitated by their

work and that of James Diggle (see Preface). However, the text printed here is my own responsibility. It seemed

unnecessary

available elsewhere. conventions:

to reproduce

Accordingly,

I have

critical

adopted

detail

the

comprehensively

following

simple

B (or other specified ms), reading found in ms cited B (or other specified ms) al., reading found in ms(s) cited and others

I have preferred to athetise lines after the fashion of the Alexandrian editors rather than put them in square brackets in the modern fashion.

These symbols

are used: — line judged to be spurious (1-2, 375, 800, 1116-8, 1136, 1225, 1282, 1613, 1634) Φ

line suspected as spurious (11, 52, 376-8, 428, 448, 710, 778, 781, 912, 1075,

1199, 1235, 1604-7, 1744-6, 1758-63) The main mss cited in the apparatus (based on Mastronarde and Bremer, 1982; see esp.167 sqq.) are:

53

"veteres":

B 1000-1050, Paris H lOth-11th century, Jerusalem (811-99 and 1601-1700) M lIIth century, Venice

O 12th century, Florence "recentiores":

V c.1250, Vatican A c.1300, Paris Aa 14th century, Milan (1- 1650) C 1300-1350, Turin F late 13th century, Venice

L 1300-1320, Florence P 1320-1325, Florence R 13th century, Vatican

"Triklinian": "Moschopoulean": “Thoman”:

S W T X Z

1326, Salamanca (1-871, 921-1424, 1487-1766) c.1300, Athos (1150-1766) 1300-1325, Rome c.1330-40, Oxford 14th century, Cambndge

WD

t9

Te

The following papyrus sources 2nd century AD (on 4th-5th century AD 2nd-3rd century AD

are cited as appropriate : opening) (1097-1107, 1126-1137) (1017-43, 1064-71)

2nd century BC (106-118, 128-139)

WD OO

AN

LA

4

Ist century AD (171-84, 220-26) 3rd century BC (52-75, 1499-1581, 1710-36) 6th century AD (lemmata on various lines) 2nd century AD (1027-47) 6th century AD (307-10, 337-41) 2nd century AD (1079-95) 10 2nd century AD (768-89, 793-806)

11

6th-7th century AD (31-35)

12

13

5th century AD (493-503, 505-12, 533-4, 543-8, 565-9, 591-7,601-5, 615-8, 690-73, 719-20, 722-39, 829-33, 846-51, 861-7, 898-900, 931-4, 1079-95, 1113-29) 3rd century AD (280-97, 337-51, 364-92

14

Ist century BC (183-90)

15 16

2nd-3rd century AD (552-75) 2nd-3rd century AD (3-40, 51-63)

17

1st-2nd century AD (3-14, 46-61)

18

6th century AD (1383-7, 1415-8) 54

Notes to Introduction to Phoenician Women

1. See G.L.Huxley, Greek Epic Poetry , London, 1969, 39-50. 2. See Baldry, 1956 for general discussion. 3. On the Lille Papyrus, a second century source for a fifth century poem, attributed by some to Stesichoros, see esp.P J. Parsons, “The Lille ‘Stesichoros’ ", ZPE

4.

26 (1977), 7-36.

On the controversy, see Hutchinson ed.;

also W.G. Thalmann, Dramatic

Art in Aeschylus' s Seven against Thebes , Yale Classical Monographs, 1

(1978), Appendix I. It is commonly supposed that Sophokles invented the burial motif foisted subsequently into A.7h.; but it may have been traditional. See Robert I, 181; Lloyd-Jones, CQ 9 (1959), 96. 5.

See G. Gascoigne, The Posies, ed.J. Cunliffe (Cambridge,

1910) for Jocasta

“translated and digested into Acte", with Francis Kinwelmershe. See also Pearson, ed. on 504. 6.

See Zielinski, 1924 and Méridier, ed., 132 for advocacy of Oinomaos, Chrysippos, Phoinissai trilogy. On Antiope see Kambitsis, ed.

(esp.xxxi-xxxiv) and on Hypsipyle Bond, ed. (esp.Appendix III, 144). The theory of a satyric Orestes (concluding tetralogy with Antiope etc. in 408) has found some favour — see most recently W.Luppe, Rh.Mus.130 (1987), 29-34; but is entertained neither by Willink, ed. (xxv, n.16), nor

by West, ed. (45, n.3). 7. See on state and family Rawson, 1970; on imagery Podlecki, 1962; Arthur, 1977; Kitto , Greek Tragedy, 2nd ed., London 1950, described the play as a "dramatic pageant", and Conacher, 1967, as "a series of paradoxical confrontations of the world of myth ... and the ‘real’ world of Euripidean drama". 8. Even today, in an age of widespread literacy, with a developed public awareness of copyright, it is assumed by actors and accepted by playwrights that changes may be made in scripts before, during and after

9.

performance of a play. Informal conversation with actor friends confirms the remarks of Tom Stoppard, cited Dawe, ed.OT , 23. For the textual tradition of Euripides, the most useful, accessible authoritative summary is in Barrett, ed.Hipp.; see also West, ed.Or.

On interpolation see the perceptive remarks of Jebb, ed.OC Dale, ed.Hel. xxxi-xxxiv.

59

1-1} and

and

With Translation

Ι. ΥΓΠΟΘΕΣῚΣ

ΘΟΙΪΙΝΙΣΣῺΝ

Ἐτεοκλῆς

Πολυνείκην

παραλαβὼν

ἀπεστέρησε

τὴν

τοῦ

ἐν

Θήβαις

δικαίου.

βασίλειαν

φυγὰς

δὲ

τὸν

ἐκεῖνος

ἀδελῴὸν

εἰς

“Apyos

παραγένομενος ἔγημε θυγατέρα τοῦ βασιλέως ᾿Αδράστου κατελθεῖν δὲ εἰς τὴν πατρίδα φιλοτιμούμενος καὶ τὸν πενθερὸν πείσας στρατὸν

ἀξιόχρεων

συνήθροισεν

ἐπὶ

Θήβας.

ἡ δὲ μήτηρ

αὐτῶν

ἔπεισεν

αὐτὸν

ὑπόσπονδον εἰς τὴν πόλιν παραγενέσθαι, δεινοπροσωπήσαντος δὲ ὑπὲρ τῆς τυραννίδος Ἐτεοκλέους, οὐκ ἠδύνατο τὰ τέκνα συναγαγεῖν

εἰς

φιλίαν.

Πολυνείκης.

ἔχρησε

νικήσειν

σφάγιον

Ἄρει

ἀπέσφαξεν" Ἐτεοκλῆς δὲ

μὲν

οὖν

τοὺς

δὲ

ἐκ

παραταξόμενος

τῆς

γένητα.

πόλεως

ὁ

μὲν

ἐὰν

οὖν

ἐχωρίσθης

Τειρεσίας

ὁ Κρέοντος

νεανίσκος

δὲ

υἱὸς Μενοικεὺς

ἑκουσίως

ἑαντὸν

Θηβαῖοι δὲ τοὺς ἡγεμόνας τῶν ᾿Αργείων ἔσφαξαν" καὶ Πολυνείκης μονομαχήσαντες ἀλλήλους ἀνεῖλον. ἡ

μήτηρ

προσεπέσφαξεν,

αὐτῶν

ὁ δὲ

νεκροὺς

ταύτης

ἀδελφὸς

εὑροῦσα

τοὺς

παῖδας

Κρέων

παρέλαβε

ἑαυτὴν

τὴν βασιλείαν"

οἱ δὲ ᾿Αργεῖοι τῇ μάχῃ τρεῴφθέντες ἀπεχώρησαν. Κρέων δὲ παρρησιαστικώτερον τῇ τύχῃ χρώμενος τοὺς μὲν ὑπὸ τῇ Καδμείᾳ τῶν πολεμίων πεσόντας εἰς ταφὴν οὐκ ἔδωκεν, Πολυνείκην δὲ

ἀκήδευτον

ὧν μὲν

ἔρριψεν,

οὐ φυλάξας

λοιπογραῴφήσας

2.

Οἰδίποδα

οὐδὲ

περιπαθεῖς

δὲ

φυγάδα

τὸν ἀνθρώπινον

al

πόλεως

νόμον,

τοὺς δυστυχεῖς

ἄγαν

τῆς

ἀπέστειλεν,

éó' ὧν δὲ τὴν

ἐφ᾽

ὀργὴν

οὐ

ἐλεήσας.

Φοίνισσαι

τῇ

τραγῳδίᾳ.

ἀπώλετο

γὰρ

ὁ

Κρέοντος υἱὸς ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχους ὑπὲρ τῆς πόλεως ἀποθανών, ἀπέθανον δὲ καὶ οἱ δύο d&deAdol ὑπ᾽ ἀλλήλων, καὶ Ἰοκάστῃ ἡ μήτηρ ἀνεῖλεν ἑαυτὴν ἐπὶ τοῖς παισί, καὶ οἱ ἐπὶ Θήβας στρατευσάμενοι ᾿Αργεῖοι

τῆς

πατρίδος

δὲ τὸ καλῶν.

3.

ἀπώλοντο, δρᾶμα

Τὸ

δὲ

καὶ

ἄταφος

ἐκβάλλεται καὶ

καὶ

Πολυνείκης

σὺν

πολυπρόσωπον

ópáud

ἐστι

μὲν

αὐτῷ καὶ

ταῖς

πρόκειται,

ἡ θυγάτηρ

γνωμῶν

σκηνικαῖς

ὁ Οἰδίπους

᾿ἸΑντιγόνη.

μεστὸν

ὄψεσι

καὶ

πολλῶν

καλόν,

ἔστι

ἔστι τε

καὶ

δὲ καὶ

παραπληρωματικόν᾽ i τε ἀπὸ τῶν τειχέων ᾿Αντιγόνῃ θεωροῦσα μέρος οὐκ ἔστι δράματος, καὶ ὑπόσπονδος Πολυνείκης οὐδενὸς ἕνεκα παραγίνεται,

Οιδίπους

ὅ

τε

ἐπὶ

προσέρραπται

πᾶσι

μετ᾽

δῆς

ἀδολέσχου

φνγαδευόμενος

διὰ κενῆς.

Argumenta 1-5 et 8 fere codd.: arg.6 BFG al.: arg.7 VRf: arg.8 alii alia fragmenta, optime Sa.

58

ANCIENT PREFACES

1. Hypothesis of Phoenician Women Eteokles, having acquired the kingdom at Thebes, deprived his brother Polyneikes of his right. The latter having reached Argos as an exile married the daughter of king Adrastos. Aspiring to return to his country, and having won over his father-in-law he gathered together a considerable army against Thebes. Their mother persuaded Polyneikes to come into the city under truce and, after Eteokles made a fierce claim to rule, failed to reconcile her sons. Polyneikes went away to marshal his troops. Teiresias made a pronouncement that the men

of Thebes would prevail if Menoikeus son of Kreon were sacrificed to Ares. The youth voluntarily killed himself. The Thebans slaughtered the Argive leaders. Eteokles and Polyneikes joined in a duel and killed each other.

Then their

mother, finding her children dead, killed herself too and her brother Kreon took

over the kingdom. The Argives, routed in battle, retreated. Kreon, using his position in a rather vociferous way, refused to hand over for burial those of the enemy who fell below the Kadmean citadel, cast out Polyneikes without funeral

rites and sent Oidipous away in exile from the city; in the one case not following human rights and in the other not cancelling his anger or pitying the unfortunate.

2.

Phoenician Women is highly emotional in its tragedy. For Kreon’s son fell to

his death from the ramparts giving his life for the city; the two brothers died at each others’ hands; Iokaste their mother killed herself over her sons; the Argives who joined in the expedition against Thebes were destroyed; Polyneikes

lies unburied and Oidipous is exiled from his country and with him his daughter Antigone. The drama has a large cast and is full of many fine sayings.

3. The drama is fine as regards visual stage effects; but it is overfull. Antigone looking from the walls is not a part of the play. Polyneikes comes under truce

for no reason and, on top of all, Oidipous' going into exile with babbling lyric is stitched on to no purpose.

39

4.

ΧΡΗΣΜΟΣ Λάιε

Λαβδακίδη,

παίδων

γένος

τέξεις μὲν φίλον υἱόν, ἀτὰρ

ὄλβιον

αἰτεῖς"

τόδε σοι μόρος ὄσται

παιδὸς ἑοῦ χείρεσσι λιπεῖν βίον. ὥς γὰρ ἔνευσε Ζεὺς Κρονίδῃς Πέλοπος στυγεραῖς ἀραῖσι πιθήσας, οὗ φίλον ἥρπασας vióv: ὁ δ᾽ ηὔξατό σοι τάδε πάντα.

5.

TO

ΤΗΣ ΣΦΙΓΓῸΣ AINII'MA

Ἔστι καὶ

δίπουν ἐπὶ γῆς καὶ tetpdrov, Tpírov:

ἀλλάσσει

ov pla φωνή,

δὲ φυὴν μόνον,

ὅσσ᾽ ἐπὶ

γαῖαν

ἑρπετὰ γίνονται ἀνά τ᾽ αἰθέρα καὶ κατὰ πόντον. ἄλλ᾽ ὁπόταν πλεόνεσσιν ἐρειδόμενμον ποσὶ βαίνῃ, ἔνθα μένος γυίοισιν ἀφαυρότερον πέλει αὐτοῦ.

6.

ΛΥ͂ΣΙΣ TOY AINITMATOL Κλῦθι καὶ οὐκ ἐθέλουσα, κακόπτερε μοῦσα

θανόντων,

φωνῆς ἡμετέρης, σῆς τέλος ἀμπλακίης" ἄνθρωπον karéAetas,

ὃς ἡνίκα

γαῖαν ἐφέρπει

πρῶτον ἔφυ τετράπους νήπιος ἐκ λαγόνων, γηραλέος δὲ πέλων τρίτατον πόδα βάκτρον αὐχένα φορτίζων, γήραϊ καμπτόμενος.

ἐρείδει,

T.

ΑΡΙΣΤΟΦΑΝΟΥ͂Σ ΓΡΑΜΜΑΤΙΚΟΥ͂ Υ̓́ΠΟΘΕΣΙΣ . ἐπιστρατεία Πολυνείκους μετὰ τῶν ᾿Αργείων ἐπὶ Θήβας καὶ ἀπώλεια τῶν ἀδελφῶν Πολυνείκους καὶ Ἐτεοκλέους καὶ θάνατος Ἰοκάστης. ? μυθοποιία κεῖται nap’ Αἰσχύλῳ ἐν ‘Entra ἐπὶ Θήβας πλὴν τῆς Ἰοκάστης. «ἐδιδάχθη» ἐπὶ Ναυσικράτους ἄρχοντος . .. δεύτερος Εὐριπίδης. . . καθῆκε διδασκαλίαν περὶ τούτου. καὶ γὰρ ταῦτα ὁ Οἰνόμαος καὶ Χρύσιππος καὶ... «οὗ» σῴζεται. συνέστηκεν ἐκ Φοινισσῶν γυναικῶν, προλογίζει δὲ Ἰοκάστη.

8.

τὰ

τοῦ

δράματος

mpdowna’

χορὸς ἐκ Φοινισσῶν, Πολυνείκης, Μενοικεύς, ἄγγελος, ἕτερος ἄγγελος,

Ἰοκάστη,

παιδαγωγός,

Ἐτεοκλῆς, Οἰδίπους.

Κρέων,

ὁ χορὸς

᾿Αντιγόνη,

Τειρεσίας,

4. Oracle Laios, son of Labdakos, you ask the blessing of children's birth. You will have a son of your own, but this will be your fate: to die at the hands of your son. For so decreed Zeus son of Kronos, acceding to the loathsome curse of Pelops,

whose own son you carried off. He asked all this would befall you.

5. Riddle of the Sphinx There is on earth a creature with two legs, four legs and one voice: three legs too. Alone it changes in form of creatures who exist

on earth, in air, on sea. But when it goes resting on more feet then the strength in its limbs 1s weaker.

6. Answer to the riddle Listen like it or not, ill winged songstress of death, to my voice, which will end your folly. You mean man, who crawling on the ground at first 15 four footed, a babe from the womb;

then in old age leans on a stick as third foot, with a burden on back, bent double in old age.

7. Hypothesis of Aristophanes the Grammarian . expedition of Polyneikes with Argives against Thebes and destruction of the brothers Polyneikes and Eteokles and death of Iokaste. The plot is found in Aischylos' Seven against Thebes, with the exception of Iokaste ... in the

archonship of Nausikrates . . . Euripides was second . . . didaskalia records . . . also Oinomaos and Chrysippos and . . . is not preserved. composed of Phoenician Women. Iokaste speaks the prologue.

. . The chorus is

8. Characters of the play: lIokaste, tutor, Antigone, Chorus of Phoenician Women, Polyneikes, Eteokles, Kreon, Teiresias, Menoikeus, Messenger, 2nd Messenger, Oidipous.

61

IOKAZTH

— —

Ὦ

την ἐν ἄστροις" οὐρανοῦ τέμνων ddov

xal χρυσοκολλήτοισιν ἐμβεβὼς δίῴφροις “Ἥλιε, Goats ἕπποισιν εἱἰλισσων dAoya, ws

δυστυχῆ

Θήβαισι

ἀκτῖν᾽ ἐφῆκας,

τῇ

Κάδμος

τόθ᾽ ἡμέρᾳ

ἡνίκ᾽ ἦλθε γῆν

5

τήνδ᾽, ἐκλιπὼν Φοίνισσαν ἐναλίαν ybova: ὃς

παῖδα

γήμας

Κύπριδος

Πολύδωρον ἐξέφυσε,

Ἁρμονίαν

ποτὲ

τοῦ dé Λάβδακον

φῦναι λέγουσιν, ἐκ δὲ τοῦδε Λάιον. ἐγὼ δὲ παῖς μὲν κλήζομαι Μενοικέως,

10

* Κρέων τ᾽ ἀδελῴὸς μητρὸς ἐκ μιᾶς ἔφυ, καλοῦσι δ᾽ ᾿Ιοκάστην ue: τοῦτο γὰρ πατὴρ ἔθετο. γαμεῖ δὲ Λάιός μ᾽ ἐπεὶ δ᾽ Aras

ἦν χρόνια λέκτρα τἄμ᾽ ἔχων ἐν δώμασιν, ἐλθὼν ἐρωτᾷ παίδων

Φοῖβον ἐξαιτεῖ θ᾽ dua

ἐς οἴκους ἀρσένων

ὃ 8’ εἶπεν.

15

κοινωνίαν.

ὦ Θήβαισιν εὐίπποις ἄναξ,

μὴ σπεῖρε τέκνων ἄλοκα δαιμόνων βίᾳ" εἰ yàp τεκνώσεις παῖδ᾽ ἀποκτενεῖ a’ ὁ gts

καὶ

πᾶς σὸς οἶκος βήσεται

δι᾽ αἵματος.

20

ὃ δ᾽ ἡδονῇ δοὺς ἔς τε βακχεῖον πεσὼν ἔσπειρεν ἡμῖν matóa: καὶ σπείρας πατὴρ γνοὺς τἀμπλάκημα τοῦ θεοῦ τε τὴν φάτιν λειμῶν᾽ ἐς Ἥρας καὶ Κιθαιρῶνος λέπας δίδωσι βουκόλοισιν ἐκθεῖναι βρέφος,

σφυρῶν

σιδηρᾶ κέντρα

25

διαπείρας μέσον"

ὅθεν wv Ἑλλὰς ὠνόμαζεν Οἰδίπουν. Πολύβου δέ νιν λαβόντες: ἱπποβουκόλοι φέρουσ᾽ ἐς οἴκους ἔς τε δεσποίνης χέρας

ἔθηκαν.

ἣ δὲ τὸν ἐμὸν ὠδίνων

μαστοῖς

ὑῴφεῖτο καὶ

ἤδη δὲ πυρσαῖς

πόσιν

πείθει

πόνον

30

τεκεῖν.

γένυσιν ἐξανδρούμενος

παῖς οὑμός ἢ γνοὺς "^ τινος μαθὼν πάρα ἔστειχε τοὺς φύσαντας ἐκμαθεῖν θέλων πρὸς δῶμα Φοίβου, Λάιός θ᾽ οὑμὸς πόσις τὸν ἐκτεθέντα παῖδα μαστεύων μαθεῖν

εἰ μηκέτ᾽ εἴη.

καὶ ξυνάπτετον

35

πόδα

1-2 om. ΠῚδ I]? cf.J78 (initium esse v.3 praebet): del Haslam

5 ἀφῆκας V

11 ITI vacat

post adeAdos et in I]1? servatur tantum ] v: del.Paley (susp.Geel) 21 Baxye(av F 22 πατήρ Herwerden: βρέφος codd. 27 del.Valckenaer 34 φύσαντας codd.: τεκόντας Str.16.2.38

62

1-201

Prologue

IOKASTE

— Cutting your course through heavenly constellations, — riding on chariot inlaid with gold, sun, with swift horses whirling flame, how unlucky for Thebes on that distant day the ray you directed when Kadmos came to this land, leaving the Phoenician coastal country:

who after marrying Aphrodite's daughter Harmonia, long ago, fathered Polydoros. From him Labdakos they say was sprung and from him Laios. I am known as child of Menoikeus —

10

* Kreon my brother was bom of the one mother — and they call me Iokaste. For this was the name my father gave me. Laios married me. Since he was childless long sharing my bed in the palace,

he went off, put a question to Phoibos and at the same time a request for a union producing male children for our household. Apollo replied: "Ruler over Thebes of fine horses,

do not sow a furrow of children against the gods’ will. For if you have a child, your issue will kill you

and all your household will wade through blood.”

20

But having yielded to pleasure and given way to madness he sowed a child to me. And having sowed, as father recognising his error and the god’s command, at the meadow of Hera and the crag of Kithairon he gave the infant to herdsmen to expose,

after boring iron spikes through the middle of his ankles; from which Greece gave him the name Oidipous. But the herdsmen of Polybos took him up, carried him home and placed him in the hands of their mistress. The painful result of my labour 30 she set to her breast and persuaded her husband she had given birth. Now, coming to manhood with reddish down on his cheeks, my son — either because he realised or because he leamed from someone —

set out, wishing to learn for sure the identity of his parents, to the home of Phoibos; and so did Laios my husband, seeking to learn about the child who was exposed, whether he no longer lived. And they joined step

(1-37)

63

ἐς ταὐτὸν dudw Φωκίδος σχιστῆς ὁδοῦ. καί νιν κελεύει Λαΐου τροχηλάτης"

ὦ ξένε,

τυράννοις ἐκποδὼν μεθίστασο.

40

ὃ δ᾽ elpr' ἄναυδος, μέγα φρονῶν. πῶλοι χηλαῖς τένοντας ἐξεφοίνισσον ποδῶν.

δέ νιν

ὅθεν -- τί τἀκτὸς τῶν κακῶν pe δεῖ λέγειν; παῖς πατέρα καίνει καὶ λαβὼν ὀχήματα Πολύβῳ τροῴφεῖ δίδωσιν. ὡς δ᾽ ἐπεζάρει

-45

Σφὶγξ ἁρπαγαῖσι πόλιν ἐμός τ᾽ οὐκ ἦν πόσις, Κρέων ἀδελῴός τάἀμὰ κηρύσσει λέχη, ὅστις σοφῆς αἴνιγμα παρθένου μάθοι, τούτῳ ξυνάψειν λέκτρα. τνυγχάνει δέ πως μούσας ἐμὸς παῖς Οἰδίπους Σῴφιγγὸς ua0óv: ὅθεν τύραννος τῆσδε γῆς καθίσταται

καὶ σκῆπτρ᾽ ἔπαθλα γαμεῖ

δὲ

τὴν

50

τῇσδε λαμβάνει χθονός.

τεκοῦσαν

οὐκ εἰδὼς

τάλας

οὐδ᾽ ἡ τεκοῦσα παιδὶ σνγκοιμωμένη. τίκτω δὲ παῖδας παιδὶ δύο μὲν dpoevas, Ἐτεοκλέα κλεινήν τε Πολυνείκους βίαν,

55

κόρας re δισσάς" τὴν μὲν Ἰσμήνην πατὴρ ὠνόμασε, τὴν δὲ πρόσθεν ᾿ἸΑντιγόνην ἐγώ. μαθὼν δὲ τἀμὰ λέκτρα μητρῴων γάμων ὁ πάντ᾽ ἀνατλὰς Οἰδίπους παθήματα ἐς ὄμμαθ᾽ αὑτοῦ δεινὸν ἐμβάλλει φόνον,

χρυσηλάτοις ἐπεὶ

δὲ

πόρπαισιν αἱμάξας κόρας.

τέκνων

κλήθροις ἔκρυψαν γένοιτο

γένυς

ἐμῶν

σκιάζεται,

πατέρ᾽ tv’ ἀμνήμων

πολλῶν δεομένη

ζῶν δ' ἔστ᾽ ἐν οἴκοις. ἀρὰς θηκτῷ τὼ δ᾽ εὐχὰς

60

τύχη

σοφισμάτων"

65

πρὸς δὲ τῆς τύχης

νοσῶν

ἀρᾶται παισὶν ἀνοσιωτάτας, σιδήρῳ δῶμα διαλαχεῖν τόδε. ἐς φόβον πεσόντε, μὴ τελεσῴφόρους θεοὶ κραίνωσιν οἰκούντων ὁμοῦ,

70

CuuBávr' ἔταξαν τὸν νεώτερον πάρος φεύγειν ἑκόντα τήνδε Πολυνείκημν χθόνα, Ἐτεοκλέα δὲ σκῆπτρ᾽ ἔχειν μένοντα γῆς, ἐνιαντὸν ἀλλάσσοντ᾽ * ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἐπὶ ζυγοῖς καθέζετ᾽ ἀρχῆς, οὐ μεθίσταται θρόνων,

50 μουσας

II! et γρ.Σ: αἴνιγμ᾽ fere codd.

51-2 del.Leutsch

62 del.Fraenkel

51 del.Valckenaer

70 εὐχὰς:

64

ὀργὰς

V: dpdsR

75

52 om.J/‘?: del.Dindorf οἰκούντοιν Elmsley

at the same point, both of them, the forked path of Phokis, and Laios’ driver commanded him:

"Foreigner, make way for the royal entourage."

40

He continued on his way, not speaking, in his pride. The colts with their hooves then bloodied him on the tendons of his feet. Then — why should I tell matters irrelevant to the disaster? —

son killed father and taking the chariot gave it to Polybos his foster father. Ás there began to prey on the city the Sphinx with her ravages, and as my husband was no more, Kreon my brother made proclamation of my bed: that if anyone should solve the riddle of the wise maiden,

with him he would contract a marriage alliance. Fate somehow decreed that

my son Oidipous understood the verses of the Sphinx

50

from which he became king of this country and took the sceptre of this land as prize. He married his mother in ignorance, wretch, and his mother unwittingly slept with her son. I bore to my own child two male children,

Eteokles and, fine in might, Polyneikes, and two daughters. Ismene her father

named, while I named the first-born Antigone. Realising my bed was one of marriage with his mother Oidipous, having endured all sufferings, thrust dreadful destruction upon his own eyes,

60

and made his pupils bloody with gold pins. But when the cheek of my sons was shadowed with down

they hid their father with barred doors, so that his fortune should be unmentioned, despite needing many devices to conceal it.

He is alive in the house. Further, deranged from ill-fortune, he called down most unholy curses on his sons,

that they should share this inheritance by the whetted sword. The two, terror-stricken in case the gods would bring about fulfilled curses if they lived in the same place,

70

determined in a contract that first the younger Polyneikes should go into voluntary exile from this country while Eteokles remaining should have the rule over the land the two altemating annually. But when Eteokles settled on the seat of power, he would not leave the throne

(38-75)

65

φυγάδα δ᾽ ἀπωθεῖ τῆσδε Πολυνείκην χθόνος. ὃ 6' Ἄργος ἐλθὼν, κῆδος ᾿Αδράστον λαβών, πολλὴν ἀθροίσας ἀσπίδ᾽ ᾿Αργείων ἄγει"

ἐπ᾽ αὐτὰ

8’ ἐλθὼν ἑπτάπυλα

πατρῷ᾽ ἀπαιτεῖ

σκῆπτρα

τείχη

τάδε,

καὶ μέρη χθονός.

80

ἐγὼ δ᾽ ἔριν λύουσ᾽ ὑπόσπονδον μολεῖν ἔπεισα παιδὶ παῖδα πρὶν ψαῦσαι δορός.

ἥξειν δ᾽ ὁ πεμῴθείς φησιν αὐτὸν ἄγγελος. ἀλλ᾽ ὦ φαεννὰς οὐρανοῦ ναίων πτυχὰς; Ζεῦ, σῶσον ἡμᾶς, δὸς δὲ σύμβασιν τέκνοις. χρὴ δ᾽ εἰ σοφὸς πέφυκας οὐκ ἐᾶν βροτῶν

85

τὸν αὐτὸν αἰεὶ δυστυχῆ καθεστάναι. ΠΑΙΔΑΓΩΓῸΣ

ὦ κλεινὸν οἴκοις ἐπεί

σε μήτηρ

᾿Αντιγόνη θάλος πατρί, παρθενῶνας

ἐκλιπεῖν

μεθῆκε μελάθρων ἐς διῆρες ἔσχατον στράτευμ᾽ ἰδεῖν

ἐπίσχες, μή

τις

‘Apyetov ἱκεσίαισι

ὡς ἄν προυξερεννήσω πολιτῶν ἐν τρίβῳ

90 σαῖς,

στίβον,

φαντάζεται,

κἀμοὶ μὲν ἔλθῃ φαῦλος ὡς δούλῳ ψόγος, σοὶ

δ᾽ ὡς ἀνάσσῃ

πάντα

δ᾽ ἐξειδώς

φράσω

95

d τ’ εἶδον εἰσήκουσά τ᾽ ᾿Αργείων πάρα, σπονδὰς ὅτ᾽ ἦλθον σῷ κασιγνήτῳ φέρων ἐνθένδ᾽ ἐκεῖσε, δεῦρό τ’ αὖ κείνου πάρα. ἄλλ᾽ οὔτις ἀστῶν τοῖσδε χρίμπτεται κέδρον παλαιὰν κλίμακ᾽ ἐκπέρα ποδί"

δόμοις, 100

σκόπει δὲ πεδία καὶ παρ᾽ ᾿Ισμηνοῦ ῥοὰς Δίρκης Te νᾶμα πολεμίων στράτευμ ' ὅσον. ΑΝΤΙΓΟΝΗ ὄρεγέ νυν ὄρεγε γεραιὰν νέᾳ χεῖρ᾽ ἀπὸ

κλιμάκων

ποδὸς ἴχνος ἐπαντέλλων. Πα. ἰδοὺ ξύναψον, παρϑέν ': ἐς καιρὸν δ᾽ ἔβης" κινούμενον

Αν.

γὰρ

τυγχάνει

στράτευμα, χωρίζουσι ἰὼ πότνια παῖ

105

Πελασγικὸν

δ᾽ ἀλλήλων λόχους.

Λατοῦς Ekára, κατάχαλκον πεδίον ἀστράπτει.

ἅπαν

86 βροτῶν Ab**: βροτὸν rell. 91 Apyeiov vel ᾿Αργείων τρίβον NV 94 ἔλθῃ: ἔλθοι A al. 98 Kelvou. κείνων ἐπανατέλλων fere codd.

66

110

codd., ut saepe 92 στίβον: V 105 ἐπαντέλλων B al:

but drove Polyneikes in exile from this land. Polyneikes, after going to Argos, making a marriage alliance with Adrastos and collecting a large force of Argives, brings it. Coming to these very walls, with their seven gates,

he demands ancestral power and a share in the land.

80

J, trying to stop the strife, have persuaded my son Polyneikes to come under truce to my son Eteokles, before setting hand to spear. The messenger despatched says that he will come.

But — you who live in the bright folds of the heavens — Zeus, save us; grant reconciliation to my sons. You ought, if you are wise, not to allow the same one of mortals always to be unhappy. SLAVE

Antigone, fine flower to your father in the house, since your mother has permitted you to leave the women’s apartments; and at the highest rooftop of the palace to see the Argive army, on your entreaty; wait, so that I can reconnoitre the way, in Case any citizen appears on the path, and miserable censure comes to me as a slave

90

and to you, as princess. Having full knowledge of all, I shall tell what I saw and heard from the Argives

when I went taking truce terms to your brother from here there and back here from him.

After all, none of the townsfolk approaches the palace here: pass beyond the old stair of cedar in your step.

100

Gaze on the plains and, beside the waters of Ismenos

and the stream of Dirke, on the size of the enemy force.

ANTIGONE Reach out, reach out old to young

Si.

An.

hand from the staircase raising my foot’s tread. See, clasp my hand, maiden. You have come at the right moment; for the Pelasgic army 15 actually on the move, and they are separating the detachments one from another. August daughter of Leto, Hekate, the entire plain covered with bronze flashes like lightning.

110

(76-111)

67

Πα.

οὐ γάρ τι φαύλως ἦλθε Πολυνείκης χθόνα, πολλοῖς" μὲν ἵπποις, μυρίοις δ᾽ ὅπλοις βρέμων.

Ar. dpa πύλαι κλύήθροις χαλκόδετ᾽ ἔμβολά λαϊνέοισιν ᾿Αμῴφίονος τείχεος ἥρμοσται;

Πα.

θάρσει’

Av.

ὀργάνοις

τά γ᾽ ἔνδον ἀσφαλῶς

ἄλλ᾽ εἰσόρα

τὸν

τε

πρῶτον,

115

ἔχει

πόλις.

εἰ βούλῃ μαθεῖν.

τίς οὗτος ὁ λευκολόφας, πρόπαρ ὃς ἀγεῖται στρατοῦ παγχάλκον ἀσπίδ᾽ ἀμφὶ βραχίονι

120 κουφίζων;

Πα. λοχαγός, ὦ δέσποινα. Av. τίς, πόθεν γέγως; αὔδασον, ὦ γεραιέ, τίς ὀνομάζεται; Πα. οὗτος Μυκηναῖος μὲν αὐδᾶται γένος, Λερναῖα Av.

δ᾽ οἰκεῖ váua0,

é € ὡς

γαῦρος,

γίγαντι

γηγενέτᾳ

ἀστερωπὸς

Ἱππομέδων

ὡς φοβερὸς

εἰσιδεῖν,

οὐχὶ

πρόσφορος

Πα.

τὸν δ᾽ ἐξαμείβοντ᾽ οὐχ ὁρᾷς Δίρκης

Av.

ἄλλος

ὅδε

τευχέων

τίς δ᾽ ἐστὶν οὗτος; Τυδεύς,

ἄναξ.

προσόμοιος

ἐν γραῴφαῖσιν,

ἄλλος

125

Πα.

ἁμερίῳ

γέννᾳ.

130

ὕδωρ;

τρόπος.

παῖς μὲν Οἰνέως ἔφυ

"Apn δ᾽ Αἰτωλὸν ἐν στέρνοις ἔχει.

Av. οὗτος ὁ τᾶς Πολυνείκεος, ὦ γέρον, αὐτοκασιγνήτας νύμφας

135

ὁμόγαμος κυρεῖ; ὡς ἀλλόχρως: ὅπλοισι, μειξοβάρβαρος. Πα. σακεσφόροι γὰρ πάντες Αἰτωλοί, τέκνον, λόγχαις

τ᾽ ἀκοντιστῆρες

Av. σὺ 6, ὦ γέρον, Ila.

onpet’ ἰδὼν

σπονδὰς

Αν.

εὐστοχώτατοι.

πῶς αἰσθάνῃ σαφῶς

τότ᾽ ἀσπίδων

140

τάδε;

ἐγνώρισα,

ὅτ᾽ ἦλθον σῷ κασιγνήτῳ

φέρων,

ἃ προσδεδορκὼς οἶδα τοὺς ὡπλισμένους. τίς δ᾽ οὗτος ἀμφὶ μνῆμα τὸ Ζήθου περᾷ

145

καταβόστρυχος, ὄμμασι γοργὸς" εἰσιδεῖν

νεανίας,

Aoyayós, ὡς ὄχλος νιν ὑστέρῳ ποδὶ πάνοπλος ἀμῴφέπει; Πα. ὅδ᾽ ἐστὶ Παρθενοπαῖος, ᾿Αταλάντης γόνος.

114 χαλκόδετ᾽ ὄμβολά

re Seidler: χαλκόδετά

150

T' ἔμβολα codd.: χαλκόδετ᾽ dp’ ἔμβολα

Murray 123-4 del.Dindorf 131 λοχαγὸν post ὕδωρ B al. (λοχαγος IP) om.XZ ἃ]. 131-3 Antigonae contin.Hamaker 141-4 del.Schumacher, cf.95-98 148-9 Aoyayds κτὰ Antigonae contin.L al.: Paedagogo trib.M al.: λοχαγός Paedagogo cetera Antigonae trib.fere codd.

68

Sl. An.

Yes, for Polyneikes has come to this land in far from mean fashion, clamouring with many cavalry and vast infantry force. Are the gates fastened with bars — are the brass-bound bolts

in the stone handiwork of Amphion, the walls, shot home? Si.

Have confidence. Internally at least the city is secure. But have a look if you want to learn who the leader is.

An, Who is this with white crest

Sl. SÍ.

who out in front leads the army, poising shield of solid bronze upon his arm? A captain, mistress. An. Who, what his origin? Tell me, old man, who is he called? He is known as Mykenaian in origin,

120

He lives by the waters ot Lerna, King Hippomedon. Án.

Ah, how haughty, how dreadful to look at, resembling a primeval giant in outline, dazzling, not like the generation of mortals.

Sl.

Do you not see the man crossing the water of Dirke?

An.

Different, different the fashion of his armour.

Whoisthis man? An.

Sl. He is son of Oineus,

Tydeus; he has Aitolian Ares in his heart. Is this the man married, old man, to Polyneikes'

bride's very own sister,

An.

married together with him? How strange in his weapons, half-barbarian. All the Aitolians are shield-bearers, child, and very accurate marksmen with the spear. But, old man, how do you perceive these things clearly?

Sl.

I got to know the emblems of their shields on that occasion

Sl.

130

140

when I went taking truce terms to your brother;

having seen them I recognise the men in armour. An.

SI.

Who is this crossing by the monument of Zethos, with flowing hair, with eyes dazzling to look at, a young man, a captain, since a company follows at his heels, fully-armed? This is Parthenopaios, son of Atalante.

150

(112—50) 69

Av.

ἀλλά νιν d κατ᾽ ὄρη μετὰ ματέρος Ἄρτεμις leuéva τόξοις δαμάσασ᾽ ὀλέσειεν, ὃς én’ ἐμὰν πόλιν ἔβα πέρσων.

Πα. εἴη τάδ᾽ ὦ παῖ. Av.

Πα.

σὺν δίκῃ δ᾽ ἥκουσι

γῆν"

ὃ καὶ δέδοικα μὴ σκοπῶσ᾽ ὀρθῶς θεοί. ποῦ δ᾽ ὃς ἐμοὶ μιᾶς ἐγένετ᾽ ἐκ ματρὸς πολυπόνῳ

μοίρᾳ;

ὦ φίλτατ᾽

εἰπέ,

ποῦ

στι

Πολυνείκης,

155

γέρον.

ἐκεῖνος ἑπτὰ παρθένων τάφου πέλας; Νιόβης ᾿Αδράστῳ πλησίον παραστατεῖ.

ὁρᾷς; μορφῆς

160

Av. ὁρῶ δῆτ᾽ οὐ σαφῶς, ὁρῶ δέ πως τύπωμα στέρνα τ᾽ ἐξῃκασμένα.

ἀνεμώκεος

εἶθε δρόμον

νεφέλας"

ποσὶν ἐξανύσαιμι δι᾽ αἰθέρος πρὸς ἐμὸν ὁμογενέτορα, περὶ δ᾽ ὠλένας δέρᾳ

φιλτάτᾳ

βάλοιμ᾽ «ἐν»

φυγάδα μέλεον.

165

χρόνῳ

ὡς

ὅπλοισι χρυσέοισιν ἐκπρεπής, γέρον, ἑῴοις ὅμοια φλεγέθων βολαῖς [ἀελίου]. Πα. ἥξει δόμους τούσδ᾽, ὥστε σ᾽ ἐμπλῆσαι χαρᾶς,

ἔνσπονδος.

ΑΝ. οὗτος δ᾽ ὦ γεραιέ,

170

τίς κυρεῖ,

ὃς ἅρμα λευκὸν ἡνιοστροῴφεῖ βεβώς;

Πα. ὁ μάντις σφάγια

Av.

᾿Αμφιάραος, ὦ δέσποιν᾽

δ᾽ du’ αὐτῷ,

ὦ λιπαρόξωνος Σελαναία,

06e

γῆς φιλαιμάτου ῥοαί.

θύγατερ

᾿Λελίου

χρυσεόκυκλον

φέγγος,

175

ὡς ἀτρεμαῖα κέντρα καὶ oddpova πώλοις μεταφέρων

ποῦ δ᾽ ὃς τὰ δεινὰ Καπανεύς;» πύργων, ἄνω

Av.

ἰθύνει.

τῇδ᾽ ἐφυβρίζει

πόλει

Ila. ἐκεῖνος προσβάσεις τεκμαίρεται τε καὶ κάτω τείχη μετρῶν.

180

ἰώ, Νέμεσι καὶ Διὸς βαρύβρομοι βρονταί, κεραύνιόν T€ φῶς αἰθαλόεν, σύ τοι μεγαλαγορίαν ὑπεράνορα κοιμίζεις"

ὅδ᾽ ἐστίν,

αἰχμαλώτιδας

185

ὃς. δορὶ Θηβαίας Μυκηνηΐσιν 166 βάλοιμ᾽ ἐν Hermann: βάλοιμι codd.

169

deAlov (ἡλίου 1, ἀελίοιο P) del.Wecklein

174 φιλαιμάτον vel φιλαίματοι codd. 175 λιπαρόζωμος Burges: λιπαροζώνμον codd. ἀελίου codd.: ‘AAfov Hermann: d Λατοῦς Nauck 180 ἐκεῖνος Valckenaer: ἐκεῖνος ἑπτὰ codd. (cf.159) 184 μεγαλαγορίαν Valckenaer: ueyaAavopíav fere codd.

70

An.

Well, on the mountains with his mother,

may Artemis ranging strike him with her arrows and kill him Sl.

since he has come intending to sack my city. So be it, child. But they come to this land with justice;

and so I am afraid indeed the gods may view it anght. An.

But where ts the one who was born of one mother with me, with fate full of woe?

Si.

Near the tomb of the seven daughters of Niobe, there he stands alongside Adrastos. Do you see? An. I see indeed, not clearly, but I see somehow the impression of his form and trunk in outline. I wish that I could achieve in my tread the course of the wind-swift clouds through the air to my brother and throw my arms around his dearest neck, after so long,

160

the piteous exile. How

Sl.

SÍ. An.

An.

he stands out in his golden armour, old man, flashing like the dawn rays [of the sun]. He will come to these halls so as to fill you with joy, under truce. An. This one — old man — who is he, who drives a white team, mounted in a chariot? This man, lady, is the seer Amphiaraos. There are victims along with him, streaming for the bloodthirsty earth. Bright-girdled daughter of the Sun, Moon-goddess, light in a golden circle; how gentle and restrained the goad he applies in turn to the colts as he drives. Where is the man who is making the dread threats against our city, Kapaneus? Sl. There he is, working out ways of scaling the towers, measuring the walls from top to bottom. Alas. Nemesis and loud-roaring thunder of Zeus,

170

180

blazing light with the thunderbolt; you indeed lay to rest proud boasts. This is the man who threatened to give captive women

from Thebes by the spear to the women of Mykenai

(151-86)

71

Λερναίᾳ τε δώσειν τριαίνᾳ, Ποσειδανίοις ᾿Αμυμωνίοις

ὕδασι

δουλείαν

μήποτε

περιβαλών"

μήποτε

τάνδ᾽,

190

ὦ πότνια χρυσεοβόστρυχον ὦ Διὸς: ἔρνος Ἄρτεμι,

δουλοσύναν

τλαίην.

Πα. ὦ τέκνον, éoBa δῶμα καὶ κατὰ στέγας ἐν παρθενῶσι

μίμνε

σοῖς,

ἐπεὶ

πόθου

ἐς τέρψιν ἦλθες ὧν ἔχρῃζες εἰσιδεῖν.

195

ὄχλος γάρ, ὡς ταραγμὸς εἰσῆλθεν πόλιν, χωρεῖ γυναικῶν πρὸς δόμους τυραννικούς. φιλόψογον δὲ χρῆμα θηλειῶν ἔφυ, σμικράς τ᾽ ἀφορμὰς ἣν λάβωσι τῶν λόγων,

πλείους émeodépovow: ἡδονὴ δέ τις γυναιξὶ μηδὲν ὑγιὲς ἀλλήλας λέγειν.

200

ΧΟΡΟΣ

Τύριον οἶδμα λιποῦσ᾽ ἔβαν ἀκροθίνια Λοξίᾳ

στρ.α

Φοινίσσας ἀπὸ wícov Φοίβῳ δούλα μελάθρων,

205

ἵν᾽ ὑπὸ δειράσι νιφοβόλοις Παρνασοῦ κατενάσθῃ, Ἰόνιον κατὰ πόντον ἐλά Ta πλεύσασα περιρρύτων ὑπὲρ ἀκαρπίστων πεδίων Σικελίας Ζεφύρου πνοαῖς ἱππεύσαντος, ἐν οὐρανῷ κάλλιστον κελάδημα.

210

πόλεος ἐκπροκριθεῖσ᾽ ἐμᾶς καλλιστεύματα Λοξίᾳ

Καδμείων

ἔμολον

ávT.a 215

γᾶν,

κλεινῶν ᾿Αγηνοριδᾶν ὁμογενεῖς ἐπὶ Λαΐου πεμῴφθεῖσ᾽ ἐνθάδε πύργους. ἴσα δ᾽ ἀγάλμασι γρυσοτεῦ

220

207 κατεμάσθη Ad: 198 δὲ M al: ydp fere codd. 201 ἀλλήλας vel ἀλλήλαις codd. κατενάσθην rell. 209 περιρρύτων fere codd: περιρρύτον Stinton 214 πόλεος Musgrave: πόλεως codd. 220 χρυσοτεύκτοις VP: χρυσεοτεύκτοις rell.

72

and to the trident of Lerna;

Sl.

for the waters of Amymone, created by Poseidon, enveloping them in slavery. Never, never, may I suffer — lady, golden-haired daughter of Zeus, Artemis — slavery such as this. My child, go into the house and inside the building stay in your women's apartments, since you have had gratification of your longing, of what you wished to see. For, now that confusion has reached the city, a horde of women is advancing towards the royal palace.

190

Women's character is carping and if they get slight grounds for gossip

they invent more. There is a kind of pleasure

for women in speaking no good of one another. 202-60

Parodos

CHORUS

Leaving the Tyrian swell, I have come, an offering to Loxias, from the Phoenician island, a temple-slave for Phoibos, where, under the snowy ridges

str.1

of Parnassos he has made his home; over the Ionian sea having sailed with oar over the circling barren sea-plains of Sicily, as the Zephyr with its breezes rode in the heavens with a most delightful murmur.

Chosen out from my city,

210

ant.1

offering of greatest beauty for Loxias, land of Agenor's noble descendants, to Laios' kindred towers — here, escorted. Like offerings of gold

220

(187—220)

73

κτοις Φοίβῳ λάτρις ἐγενόμαν" ἔτι δὲ Κασταλίας ὕδωρ περιμένει με κόμας ἐμᾶς δεῦσαι παρθένιον χλιδὰν Φοιβείαισι λατρείαις.

225

ἰὼ λάμπουσα πέτρα πυρὸς δικόρυῴφον σέλας ὑπὲρ ἄκρων βακχειῶν Διονύσου, olva θ᾽ ἃ καθαμέριον στάζεις τὸν πολύκαρπον οἰνάνθας leica βότρυν, ζάθεά τ᾽ ἄντρα δράκοντος οὔ petal τε σκοπιαὶ θεῶν νιφόβολόν τ᾽ ὄρος ἱερόν, εἰλίσσων ἀθανάτας θεοῦ χορὸς γενοίμαν ἄφοβος παρὰ ueoóuóaAa γύαλα ot βου Δίρκαν προλιποῦσα.

μεσ.

230

235

viv δέ μοι πρὸ τειχέων θούριος. μολὼν "Apns

στρ.β΄ 240

αἷμα δάιον φλέγει τᾷδ᾽, ὃ μὴ τύχοι, πόλει" κοινὰ γὰρ φίλων dyn, κοινὰ δ᾽ εἴ τι πείσεται ἑπτάπυργος dóe γᾶ, Φοινίσσᾳ χώρᾳ. φεῦ φεῦ.

245

κοινὸν αἷμα, κοινὰ τέκεα Tas κερασῴφόρον

πέφυκεν

ὧν μέτεστί μοι

πόνων.

Ἰοῦς"

dudi δὲ πτόλιν νέφος ἀσπίδων πυκνὸν φλέγει σχῆμα φοινίου μάχης, ἃν "Ἄρης τάχ᾽ εἴσεται παισὶν Οἰδίπον φέρων myuovay Ἐρινύων,

223 περιμένει

M al.: ἐπιμέμει

ἀθανάτους Paley

fere codd.

240 post 241 Hermann

dvT.B'

250

255

235

ἀθανμάτας

250 πτόλιν I

74

fere codd. et 2! ἀθαμάτου

B al.: πόλιν fere codd.

Z:

I became an acolyte to Phoibos. Still the water of Kastalia waits for me: my hair to moisten, my maiden glory,

in my service to Phoibos. Ah, rock lighting up with fire’s blaze double-peaked, above the crags

mes.

Bakchic, of Dionysos;

and you, vine, which daily

npen, fruitful

230

cluster of shoots producing;

and holy caves of the dragon and mountain vantage-points of the god and sacred snowy mountain; I wish I were, whirling, the deathless goddess’ dancer; free from fear,

by the hollows of Phoibos in the centre of the earth

having left Dirke.

But as it is, before the walls, fierce Ares has come and inflames hostile bloodshed — may it not happen — for this city. As shared are friends’ troubles, so will be shared any sufferings of this seven-turreted city

str.2 240

with the Phoenician land. Alas, alas.

Shared descent, shared offspring sprang from homed Io. I have a part in these sufferings. Around the city, a cloud

ant.2

250

of shields, thick, flashes out

the configuration of bloody battle, which Ares shall soon decide bringing to the sons of Oidipous the woe of the Funes.

(221-55)

75

Ἄργος ὦ Πελασγικόν, δειμαίνω τὰν σὰν ἀλκάν, καὶ τὸ θεόθεν’ οὐ γὰρ ἄδικον

εἰς ἀγῶνα

τόνδ᾽ ἔνοπλος

ὃς μετέρχεται

ὁρμᾷ

[παῖς]

δόμους.

260

ΠΟΛΥΝΕΊΚΗΣ τὰ pev πυλωρῶν κλῇθρά μ᾽ εἰσεδέξατο δι᾽ εὐπετείας τειχέων ἔσω μολεῖν. ὃ καὶ

δέδοικα

μή με δικτύων

ἔσω

λαβόντες οὐκ ἐκῴρῶσ᾽ ἀναίμακτον χρόα.

ὧν οὕνεκ᾽ ὄμμα πανταχῇ διοιστέον κἀκεῖσε καὶ τὸ δεῦρο, μὴ δόλος" τις D.

265

ὡπλισμένος δὲ χεῖρα τῷδε φασγάνῳ τὰ πίστ᾽ ἐμαυτῷ τοῦ θράσους παρέξομαι.

ὠή, τίς οὗτος; ἅπαντα

γὰρ

τολμῶσι

ὅταν δι᾽ ἐχθρᾶς πέποιθα

ἢ κτύπον φοβούμεθα;

μέντοι

δεινὰ

φαίνεται,

270

ποὺς ἀμείβηται χθονός. μητρί,

κοὐ

πέποιθ᾽ ἅμα,

ἥτις μ᾽ ἔπεισε δεῦρ᾽ ὑπόσπονδον μολεῖν.

ἀλλ᾽ ἐγγὺς ἀλκή:

βώμιοι γὰρ ἐσχάραι

πέλας πάρεισι, koU« ἔρημα δώματα. φέρ᾽ ἐς σκοτεινὰς περιβολὰς μεθώ ξίφος

275

καὶ τάσδ᾽’ ἔρωμαι, τίνες ἐῴφεστᾶσιν δόμοις. ἔέναι γνναῖκες, elrrar’, ἐκ ποίας πάτρας; Ἑλληνικοῖσι δώμασιν πελάζετε; Χο.

Φοίνισσα

μὲν

γῆ

πατρὶς

ἡ θρέψασά

με,

280

᾿Αγήνορος δὲ παῖδες ἐκ παίδων δορὸς Φοίβῳ μ᾽ ἔπεμψαν ἐνθάδ᾽’ ἀκροθίνιον. μέλλων δὲ πέμπειν μ᾽ Οἰδίπου κλεινὸς

μαντεῖα

σεμνὰ Λοξίου

γόνος

τ’ ἐπ' ἐσχάρας

ἐν τῷδ᾽ ἐπεστράτευσαν ᾿Αργεῖοι πόλιν. σὺ δ᾽ ἀντάμειψαί μ᾽ ὅστις ὧν ἐλήλυθας ἑπτάστομον πύργωμα Θηβαίας χθονός.

Πο.

285

πατὴρ μὲν ἡμῖν Οἰδίπους ὁ Λαΐου, ἔτικτε δ᾽ Ἰοκάστη με, παῖς Μενοικέως" καλεῖ

259 ἔνοπλος

δὲ Πολυνείκην με vel

Hartung, del. ὃς’ tives égeoraody

ἔνοπλον

codd.

Θηβαῖος

λεώς.

codd. ὁρμῶν

παῖς

264 οὐκ ἐκῴρῶΩσ᾽ Bergke 2: ov μεθῶσ᾽ vel οὐ μεθῶσιν codd.

277

fere codd.:

ὁρμᾷ coni Triclinius:

290 ὁρμᾷ

παῖς

τὰς ἐφεστώσας (éfeorácas L) P al.

76

Pelasgic Argos, I fear your strength and what comes from the gods.

For not unjustly

into this struggle rushes, in armour,

the one who comes in quest of his heritage.

260

261-637 1st episode POLYNEIKES The bolts of the gate-keepers have admitted me easily to pass inside the walls. And so I fear that catching me in the net they will not release me without bloodshed. For this reason, I must cast my gaze everywhere — there and here — in case there is some trickery. Armed with this sword in hand

I shall give myself confidence in this venture. Ah, who is this? Or am I afraid of a sound? For everything seems formidable to those who are bold, when their step passes through enemy territory. However, I trust my mother — and at the same time do not trust her; who persuaded me to come here under truce. But support is at hand. For the fires on the altars are near, and the shrines are not untended. Come, let me put my sword into its dark sheath and ask these women, who are those who stand at the palace.

270

Foreign ladies, tell me: from what country do you approach Greek dwellings? Ch. The Phoenician land is the country which nurtured me and the issue of Agenor’s issue sent me here as spear's choice offering to Phoibos. And just as the noble son of Oidipous was about to send me to the holy oracles of Loxias and to his hearth, in the meantime the Argives marched against the city. But do you answer me in return: tell me who you are who have come to the seven-entranced citadel of the Theban land. Po. My father is Oidipous son of Laios;

280

Iokaste daughter of Menoikeus was my mother; The Theban people calls me Polyneikes.

290

(256-90)

77

Χο.

ὦ συγγένεια ἐμῶν

τῶν

τυράννων,

‘Aytvopos τέκνων, ὧν ἀπεστάλην

γονυπετεῖς ἕδρας προσπίτνω τὸν οἴκοθεν νόμον σέβουσ᾽ ἔβας ὦ χρόνῳ γᾶν πατρῴαν.

ἰὼ ἰώ’ πότνια, μόλε ἀμπέτασον

a’ ἄναξ, 295

πρόδρομος

πύλας.

κλύεις, ὦ τεκοῦσα lo.

ὕπο,

τόνδε μᾶτερ;

τί μέλλεις ὑπώροφα μέλαθρα θιγεῖν τ᾿ ὠλέναισιν τέκνον; Φοίνισσαν βοὰν

περᾶν 300

κλύουσ᾽ ὦ νεάνιδες γηραίῳ ποδὶ τρομερὰν ἕλκω βάσιν. ἰὼ τέκνον, χρόνῳ σὸν ὄμμα μυρίαις τ᾽ ἐν ἀἁμέραις mpoceióov: ἀμφίβαλλε ua

στὸν ὠλέναισι

ματέρος,

παρηίδων τ᾽ ὄρεγμα Bo στρύχων τε κνανόχρωτα yalτας πλόκαμον, δέραν σκιάζων ἰὼ ἰώ, μόλις φανεὶς

ἄελπτα

305

ἁμάν. 310

κἀδόκητα ματρὸς ὠλέναις.

τί φῶ σε; πῶς ἅπαντα καὶ χερσὶ καὶ λόγοισι πολυέλικτον ἁδονὰν ἐκεῖσε καὶ τὸ δεῦρο περιχορεύουσα τέρψιν παλαιᾶν λάβω χαρμονᾶν; ἰὼ τέκος, ἔρημον πατρῷον ἔλιπες δόμον φυγὰς ἀποσταλεὶς ὁμαίμου λώβᾳ,

315

4 ποθεινὸς φίλοις, ἦ ποθεινὸς Θήβαις.

320

ὅθεν ἐμάν τε λευκόχροα κείρομαι δακρυόεσσ᾽ ἀνεῖσα πένθει κόμαν,

dmemAog φαρέων λευκῶν, «ὦ»

291-2 om./T1?: del.Haslam

295

ἔβας

IT3BHMP al.: πρόδομος M2OVLZ al.

τέκνον,

B al: Bas

ἔβας

fere codd. 296 πρόδρομος

300 ὠλέναισιν Hermann:

cAératg codd.

301-2

κλύουσα ethunc ordinem MO al.: Φοίνισσαν ὦ νεάνιδες βοὰν ὅσω δόμων κλύουσα τῶνδε fere codd. 2303 βάσιν Kirchhoff: ποδὸς βάσιν codd. 306 ἀμφίβαλλε BM alet Σ' ἀμφίβαλε VXZal. 309 δέραν σκιάξζων Fritzsche: σκιάζων δέραν codd. 315 del.Murray, cf266 323 δακρύοεσσ᾽ ἀνεῖσα πένθει Hermann δακρυόεσσαν ἰεῖσα πενθήρῃ fere codd. 324 ᾧ add.Dindorf

78

Ch. O relative of the children of Agenor,

of my kings, by whom I was sent -I fall before you in prostrate position, lord, in observance of the custom of my home. You have come at last to your fatherland. We call: queen, come rushing; open wide the doors. Do you hear, mother who bore this man? Why do you delay to traverse the high halls and hold your son in your arms? Io.

300

Hearing the Phoenician cry, young women, with aged step I drag my unsteady tread. Ah, my child,

at last and after countless days I see your face. Clasp the breast of your mother in your arms, extend your cheek and your luxuriant hair's dark lock, shadowing my neck.

Ah, ah, at long last appearing

310

against hope and expectation for your mother's arms. What shall I say of you? How — completely — through my hands and my words in varied pleasure — here and there — dancing around you, recover the delight of past joys? My child, you left your father's house bereft when sent into exile by your brother's outrage; indeed you are longed for by your friends, longed for by Thebes. For that reason I shear off my grey hair tearfully yielding to grief; not dressed in white robes, child,

320

(291--324)

79

δυσόρῴναια δ᾽ ἀμφὶ σκότι᾽ ἀμείβομαι.

ὁ δ᾽ ἐν δόμοισι

τρύχη

τάδε

325

πρέσβυς ὀμματοστερὴς

ἀπήνας ὁμοπτέρου τᾶς ἀπο ζυγείσας δόμων πόθον ἀμφιδάκρντον ἀεὶ κατέχων

330

ἀνῇξε μὲν ξίφους én’ αὐτόχειρά τε σφαγάν, ὑπὲρ τέραμνά τ᾽ ἀγχόνας, στενάζων ἀρὰς τέκνοις" σὺν ἀλαλαῖσι δ᾽ αἰὲν αἰαγμάτων σκότια κρύπτεται. σὲ δ᾽ ὦ τέκνον [καὶ] γάμοισι δὴ κλύω (vyévra παιδοποιὸν ἁδονὰν

335

ξένοισιν ἐν δόμοις ἔχειν ξένον τε κῆδος ἀμφέπειν, ἄλαστα ματρὶ τᾷδε Λα (o re τῷ παλαιγενεῖ, γάμων ἐπακτὸν drav. ἐγὼ δ᾽ οὔτε σοι πυρός ἀνῆψα φῶς νόμιμον ἐν γάμοις [ὡς πρέπει] ματέρι paxapia: ἀνυμέναια δ᾽ Ἰσμηνὸς ἐκηδεύθη λοντροῴφόρον χλιδᾶς, ἀνὰ δὲ Θηβαίαν πόλιν ἐσιγάθη ods ἐσόδῳ νύμφας. ὄλοιτο,

τάδ᾽ εἴτε

σίδαρος

340

345

350

εἶτ᾽ ἔρις εἴτε πατὴρ ὁ σὸς αἴτιος,

Χο. Πο.

εἶτε τὸ δαιμόνιον κατεκώμασε δώμασιν Οἰδιπόδα: πρὸς ἐμὲ γὰρ κακῶν ἔμολε τῶνδ᾽ ἄχη. δεινὸν γυναιξὶν αἱ δι᾽ ὠδίνων yoval, καὶ φιλότεκνόν πως πᾶν γυναικεῖον γένος. μῆτερ, φρονῶν εὖ κοὐ φρονῶν ἀφικόμην ἐχθροὺς ἐς ἄνδρας" ἀλλ᾽ ἀναγκαίως ἔχει πατρίδος ἐρᾶν ἅπαντας" ὃς δ᾽ ἄλλως λέγει λόγοισι χαίρει τὸν δὲ νοῦν ἐκεῖσ᾽ ἔχει.

355

360

341 τᾷδε Triclinius 337 καὶ del. Hermann 346 ὡς πρέπει del.Nauck 349 ἐσιγάθη fere (coni.Valckenaer): τάδε codd.: | de 7713 codd.: ἐσιγάθησαν BY? ἐσόδῳ Woelfflin (ἔσοδοι Kirchhoff): ἐσοδοι 1713: εἴσοδοι Mal: 335 ἀλαλαῖσι

B al: ἀλαλαγαῖσι

V

al.

εἴσοδος fere codd.

80

around me these dusky gloomy rags I wear in their place. And in the house, the old man, bereft of his sight, for the kindred pair unyoked from the house ever maintaining tearful yearning,

330

starts up for the sword’s suicidal slaughter or the noose over the beams moaning imprecations against his sons; with cries always of woe he is hidden in darkness. But as to you, my son — I hear you are partnered in marriage; that you have its procreative joys in a foreign family;

that you cherish a foreign bond

340

abhorrent to me your mother and to Laios of distant days; the doom brought in with marriage. And I never lit for you the torch customary at marriage for the happy mother.

Ismenos was allied without celebration or the display which brings water for the bath; and throughout the Theban city there was silence on the entry of your bride. May it be damned -- whether it is the sword 350 or strife or your father to blame; or whether the gods have revelled destructively against the house of Oidipous. On me the miseries of these misfortunes have fallen. Ch. The children they have borne are a powerful thing for women and all womankind are prone to love their children. Po. Mother, sensibly yet senselessly I have come to my enemies. But it is inevitable that all men love their country. Anyone who says otherwise plays with words, but is devoid of wit.

360

(325-60)

81

οὕτω δὲ φόβον ἐς ταρβόσυνον ἀφικόμην, μή τις δόλος pe πρὸς κασιγνήτου κτάνῃ,

ὥστε ξιῴφήρη χεῖρ᾽ ἔχων δι᾽ ἄστεως; κυκλῶν πρόσωπον ἦλθον. ὃν δέ μ᾽ ὠφελεῖ, σπονδαί τε καὶ σὴ πίστις, i μ᾽ ἐσήγαγε τείχη πατρῷα᾽ πολύδακρυς δ᾽ ἀφικόμην, χρόνιος ἰδὼν μέλαθρα καὶ βωμοὺς θεῶν

γυμνάσιά

θ᾽ οἷσιν ἐνετράφην Δίρκης

365

θ᾽ ὕδωρ᾽

ὧν οὐ δικαίως ἀπελαθεὶς ξένην πόλιν ναίω, δι᾽ ὄσσων ὄμμ᾽ ἔχων δακρυρροοῦν.

eee

|

ἀλλ᾽

lo.

ἐκ γὰρ ἄλγους

370

ἄλγος αὖ, σὲ δέρκομαι

κάρα ξυρῆκες καὶ πέπλους ueAayxíuovg ἔχουσαν, οἴμοι τῶν ἐμῶν ἐγὼ κακῶν. ὡς δεινὸν ἔχθρα, μῆτερ, οἰκείων φίλων καὶ δυσλύτους: ἔχουσα τὰς διαλλαγάς. τί γὰρ πατήρ μοι πρέσβυς ἐν δόμοισι δρᾷ,

σκότον δεδορκώς; 7 Tov στένουσι κακῶς θεῶν tis οὕτω γὰρ ἤἥρξατ᾽ κακῶς δὲ γῆμαι ἀτὰρ τί ταῦτα; ὅπως δ᾽ ἔρωμαι, δέδοιχ᾽ ἃ χρήζω:

τί δὲ κασίγνηται

375

δύο;

τλήμονες φυγὰς ἐμάς; Οἰδίπον φθείρει γένος" ἄνομα μὲν τεκεῖν ἐμέ, πατέρα σὸν φῦναί τε σέ. δεῖ φέρειν τὰ τῶν θεῶν. μή τι σὴν δάκω φρένα, διὰ πόθου δ᾽ ἐλήλυθα.

380

. OA’ ἐξερώτα, μηδὲν ἐνδεὲς λίπῃς" ἃ yap

σὺ βούλῃ

385

ταῦτ᾽ ἐμοί, μῆτερ,

φίλα.

καὶ δή σ᾽ ἐρωτῶ πρῶτον ὧν χρῴζω τυχεῖν, τί τὸ στέρεσθαι πατρίδος; ἦ κακὸν μέγα; Io. μέγιστον: ἔργῳ δ᾽ ἐστὶ μεῖζον ἢ λόγῳ. lo. τίς ὁ τρόπος αὐτοῦ; τί φυγάσιν τὸ δυσχερές; Ilo. ὃν μὲν μέγιστον, οὐκ ἔχει παρρησίαν. lo.

δούλου τόδ᾽ εἶπας, μὴ λέγειν d τις φρονεῖ.

Ilo. lo. IIo. lo.

τὰς τῶν κρατούντων ἀμαθίας φέρειν χρεών. καὶ τοῦτο λυπρόν, σνυνασοῴφεῖν τοῖς μὴ σοφοῖς. ἄλλ᾽ ἐς τὸ κέρδος παρὰ φύσιν Sovrevréov.

αἱ δ᾽ ἐλπίδες βόσκουσι

φυγάδας,

395

ὡς λόγος.

361 φόβον ἐς ταρβόσννον Craik: δὲ τάρβους és φόβον T' codd. (sed r' del.vel 370 ὄμμ᾽ fere om.nonnulli): δὲ τάρβος Triclinius: δ᾽ ἐτάρβουν Porson 369-70 del. West codd. : alu’ φέρεται

L: vdu' Musgrave

372

del.Kirchhoff

376-8 del.Usener (376 om.Ad) al: δυστυχές A al. et M??, Plu.mor.605F

— 375 del.Usener cf.Z; év

387 οπι. Π13: del.Haslam

82

τισιν οὐ

390 δυσχερές

BM

I had come to such fear in dread that some trickery on my brother's part should kill me that I went through the city with hand on sword and turning my glance around. One thing avails me: your assurance of truce, which brought me within the ancestral walls. I came with many tears, after a long time seeing the halls, the altars of the gods,

the gymnasia where I was nurtured and the stream of Dirke. From these unjustly driven, in foreign country I live, with a tearful gaze in my eyes. But — misery upon misery — I see you with shaven head and black robes; alas for my misfortunes. How terrible 1s enmity, mother, between relatives and how hard to reconcile. So: what is my aged father doing in the palace, gazing on darkness? What my two sisters? Perhaps they bewail my exile in misery? Io. Some god unhappily destroys the family of Oidipous. For so he began: that I had a child despite a prohibition; then I unhappily married your father and gave birth to you. But what of this? One must endure what the gods send. As to how I can ask what I want, without hurting your heart, I am apprehensive. But I felt a longing. . Come, ask: leave nothing lacking. For what you want, mother, is dear to me. Well, then, I ask you first what I wish to know. What is it to be deprived of one's country? Surely a great unhappiness? . The greatest. But worse to experience than to describe. What is its nature? What is unpleasant to exiles?

. Onething worst of all: he lacks freedom of speech. You mention a slave's condition; not to say what one thinks. . Onehasto endure the stupidities of those who rule.

And this is painful, to share the follies of the foolish. Po.

lo.

But for advantage one must play the slave against one's nature. Hopes feed exiles, the saying goes.

(361—96)

83

370

380

390

IIo. καλοῖς βλέπουσαί

lo.

γ᾽ ὄμμασιν,

μέλλουσι

δέ.

οὐδ᾽ ὁ χρόνος αὐτὰς διεσάφησ᾽ οὔσας κενάς;

IIo. ἔχουσιν ᾿Αφροδίτην tiv’ ἡδεῖαν κακῶν. lo. πόθεν δ᾽ ἐβόσκου πρὶν γάμοις εὑρεῖν βίον;

Πο. lo.

ποτὲ μὲν ἐπ᾽ ἦμαρ εἶχον, εἶτ᾽ οὐκ εἶχον ἄν. φίλοι δὲ πατρὸς καὶ ξένοι σ᾽ οὐκ ὠφέλουν;

Πο.

εὖ πρᾶσσε.

lo.

οὐδ' ηὑγένειά

τὰ φίλων

δ᾽ οὐδέν,

ty

τις δυστυχῇ.

σ᾽ ἦρεν εἰς ὕψος μέγαν;

IIo. κακὸν τὸ μὴ ἔχειν. τὸ γένος οὐκ ἔβοσκέ με. lo. ἡ πατρίς, ὡς ἔοικε, φίλτατον βροτοῖς. IIo. οὐδ' ὀνομάσαι δύναι᾽ ἂν ὡς ἐστὶν φίλον.

lo.

πῶς δ᾽ ἦλθες Ἄργος;

Ilo. ἔχρησ᾽ lo. ποῖον; IIo. κάπρῳ lo.

καὶ

τί τοῦτ᾽ ἔλεξας; λέοντί θ᾽ ἁρμόσαι τί

θηρῶν

405

τίν᾽ ἐπίνοιαν ἔσχεθες;

᾿Αδράστῳ Λοξίας ypnouóv

σοὶ

400

τινα.

οὐκ ἔχω μαθεῖν. παίδων γάμους.

ὀνόματος

μετῆν,

410

τέκνον;

ITo. οὐκ οἶδ᾽. ὁ δαίμων μ᾽ ἐκάλεσεν πρὸς τὴν τύχην. lo.

σοφὸς

γὰρ

IIo. νὺξ ἦν, lo.

ὁ θεός"

τίνι

τρόπῳ

δ᾽ ἔσχες

λέχος;

᾿Αδράστῳ δ᾽ ἦλθον ἐς παραστάδας.

κοίτας ματεύων,

ἢ φυγὰς

415

πλανώμενος;

Ilo. ἦν ταῦτα᾽ kdrá γ᾽ ἦλθεν ἄλλος: αὖ φυγάς. lo. τίς οὗτος; ὡς dp’ ἄθλιος κἀκεῖνος ἦν. Ilo. lo.

Τυδεύς, ὃν Οἰνέως φασὶν ἐκῴῦναι πατρός. τί θηρσὶν ὑμᾶς δῆτ᾽ "Λδραστος fxacev;

IIo. στρωμνῆς

ἐς ἀλκὴν οὔνεκ᾽ ἤλθομεν

420

πέρι.

lo. ἐνταῦθα Ταλαοῦ παῖς συνῆκε θέσφατα; Ilo. κἄδωκέ γ᾽ ἡμῖν δύο δυοῖν νεάνιδας.

lo.

ἄρ᾽ εὐτυχεῖς οὖν τοῖς γάμοις ἢ δυστυχεῖς;

Πο.

οὐ μεμπτὸς

lo.

πῶς

δ᾽ ἐξέπεισας

IIo. δισσοῖς

©

ἡμῖν ὁ γάμος ἐς τόδ᾽ ἡμέρας.

"Aópaoros

δεῦρό

aot

duocev

σπέσθαι

γαμβροῖς

425

στρατοῦ;

τόδε,

Τυδεῖ τε kduo(: σύγγαμος γάρ ἐστ᾽ ἐμός" ἄμφω κατάξειν ἐς πάτραν, πρόσθεν δ᾽ ἐμέ. πολλοὶ

δὲ Δαναῶν

καὶ

Μυκηναίων

ἄκροι

430

397 βλέπουσαί Hermann: βλέπουσί codd., Plu.mor.606D 399 ἡδεῖαν codd.: εὐδίαν Jackson 403 ms δυστυχῇ codd.: τι δυστυχῇς Elmsley 404 μέγαν Wecklein: μέγα codd.

407 Siva.’ dv Markland: δύναιμ᾽ dv codd. 408 ἔσχεθες Bal: ἔσχες Kirchhoff: κάδωκεν codd. 428 delJortin: cf.2 τοῦτο γὰρ περισσόν

σύλγ)αμβρος" V al. 84

O al. κἄδωκέ y’ σύγγαμος Bal:

. Yes, they look with favouring aspect; but stop short.

. . . . . . .

Does not time reveal them as empty? They have a certain lovely charm in misfortune. How were you fed, before you found a livelihood in marriage? Sometimes I had my daily needs; then would not have them. Did your father’s fnends and associates not help you? Do well: friends are nothing if one is unfortunate. Did not your noble birth raise you to great heights? Penury is miserable. My lineage did not feed me. One's country, as it seems, 15 the dearest thing to mortals. You could not express how dear it is. How did you go to Argos? What intention did you have? Loxias gave Adrastos a particular oracle. What sort? What is this you say? I cannot grasp it. To join his daughters to boar and lion in marriage. And what had you to do with the name of beasts, my child?

. Idonot know.

400

410

But fortune summoned me to this fate.

That god is wise. But in what way did you enter into this marriage?

. It was night when I came to Adrastos’ halls. Seeking a place to sleep, or wandering in your exile? . The latter. And then a second exile arrived. Who was this? He too was miserable.

. Tydeus, who is called son of Oineus. How, then, did Adrastos liken you to beasts?

420

. Because we came to blows for our bed.

From that the son of Talaos understood the oracle?

. And gave the two of us his two young daughters. So are you happy or unhappy in your marriage?

. Ihave no fault to find with marriage to this day. How did you persuade an army to follow you here? . Adrastos swore this oath to his two sons-in-law,

Tydeus and me (for he is my brother-in-law): to restore both to native country, but me first.

Many chieftains of Danaans and Mykenaians

430

(397-430)

85

παῤεισι,

λυπρὰν χάριν,

ἀναγκαίαν δ᾽, ἐμοὶ

διδόντες" ἐπὶ γὰρ τὴν ἐμὴν στρατεύομαι πόλιν. θεοὺς δ᾽ ἐπώμοσ᾽ ὡς ἀκουσίως τοῖς φιλτάτοις ἑκοῦσιν ἡράμην δόρυ. ἄλλ’ ἐς σὲ τείνει τῶνδε διάλυσις κακῶν, μῆτερ, διαλλάξασαν ὁμογενεῖς φίλους παῦσαι πόνων με καὶ σὲ καὶ πᾶσαν πόλιν.

435

πάλαι μὲν οὖν ὑμνηθέν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως ἐρῶ" τὰ χρήματ᾽ ἀνθρώποισι τιμιώτατα, δύναμίν τε πλείστην τῶν ἐν ἀνθρώποις ἔχει. ἀγὼ μεθήκω δεῦρο μυρίαν ἄγων λόγχην πένης ydp οὐδὲν εὐγενὴς ἀνήρ.

Χο. καὶ μὴν χωρεῖ"

440

Ἐτεοκλῆς ἐς διαλλαγὰς ὅδε σὸν ἔργον,

μῆτερ

Ἰοκάστη,

λέγειν

τοιούσδε μύθους οἷς διαλλάξεις τέκνα.

445

ETEOKAHZ μῆτερ,

πάρειμι'

τὴν χάριν

δὲ ool

διδοὺς

ἦλθον. τί χρὴ δρᾶν; ἀρχέτω δέ τις λόγου" * ὡς ἀμφὶ τείχη καὶ ξνυνωρίδας λόχων τάσσων ἐπέσχον πόλιν, ὅπως κλύοιμί σον

κοινὰς βραβείας,

αἷς ὑπόσπονδον μολεῖν

450

τόνδ᾽ εἰσεδέξω τειχέων πείσασά με. lo. ἐπίσχες: οὔτοι τὸ ταχὺ τὴν δίκην ἔχει, βραδεῖς δὲ σχάσον δὲ οὗ γὰρ τὸ Γοργόνος,

μῦθοι πλεῖστον ἀνύουσιν σοφόν. δεινὸν ὄμμα καὶ θυμοῦ πνοάς" λαιμότμητον εἰσορᾷς κάρα ἀδελῴὸόν δ᾽ εἰσορᾷς ἥκοντα σόν.

455

σύ T' αὖ πρόσωπον πρὸς" κασίγνητον στρέφε, Πολύνεικες“

ἐς γὰρ

λέξεις τ᾽ ἄμεινον

ταὐτὸν

ὄμμασιν βλέπων

τοῦδέ τ᾽ ἐνδέξῃ λόγους.

παραινέσαι δὲ σφῶν τι βούλομαι aoddv’ ὅταν φίλος τις ἀνδρὶ θυμωθεὶς φίλῳ ἐς év συνελθὼν ὄμματ᾽ ὄμμασιν διδῷ,

460

ἐφ᾽ οἷσιν ἥκει, ταῦτα χρὴ μόνον σκοπεῖν, κακῶν δὲ τῶν

πρὶν μηδενὸς μνείαν ἔχειν.

λόγος μὲν οὖν σὸς πρόσθε, σὺ γὰρ στράτευμα Δαναϊδῶν ἄδικα πεπονθώς, ὡς σὺ φῇς"

438-42 del.Leidloff West

Πολύνεικες

τέκνον"

465

ἥκεις. ἄγων, κριτὴς δέ τις

448-51 del.Diggle (450-1 susp.Wecklein}

86

453 σοῴόν

codd.: copois

are here: rendering irksome service, but necessary to me. For I am leading an army against my own city. I protest by the gods that against my will I took up the spear against my family who willed it.

Resolution of this dispute rests with you, mother: to reconcile brothers of common origin and release from misfortunes me, you and all the city. It is an old refrain; but I shall say it all the same: property is most valued by mankind and has most force of all things among them. That is what I come after, bringing here countless spearmen, for a man who is poor is in no way noble. Ch.

Look!

440

Eteokles approaches for a reconciliation attempt.

It is your task, Iokaste, mother, to speak

words of a kind by which you shall reconcile your sons. ETEOKLES Mother, I am here. To do you a favour Ihave come. What is to be done? Let someone begin the exchange.

Around the walls and the pairs of companies I ceased from drawing up the citizens, to listen to you in impartial arbitration, for which you admitted this man Io.

to come under truce inside the walls, after persuading me — Wait. Haste does not bring justice and considered words achieve most sense. Stop your dreadful glare and gasps of anger. You are not looking at the throat-severed head of a Gorgon, but looking at your brother who has come. And you as well: turn your face to your brother, Polyneikes. For if you look with eyes to the same point you will speak better and will better catch his words. I want to give you both some sensible advice. When relative, angry with relative, comes to one point and meets eye to eye

450

460

he should consider only the purpose of his coming and have recollection of no previous dispute. Yours is first turn to speak, Polyneikes my child, for you have come with an army of Danaids, having suffered injustice, as you allege. May one

(431-67) 87

θεῶν γένοιτο καὶ διαλλακτὴς κακῶν. IIo. ἁπλοῦς ὁ μῦθος τῆς ἀληθείας ἔφυ,

κοὺ ποικίλων δεῖ τἄνδιχ᾽ ἑρμηνευμάτων"

470

ἔχει γὰρ αὐτὰ καιρόν" ὁ δ᾽ ἄδικος λόγος “νοσῶν ἐν αὑτῷ φαρμάκων δεῖται σοφῶν. ἐγὼ δὲ πατρὸς δωμάτων προὐσκεψάμην

τοὐμόν τε καὶ τοῦδ᾽ ἐκφυγεῖν ypi(ov ἀρὰς ds Οἰδίπους ἐφθέγξατ᾽ εἰς ἡμᾶς ποτε, ἐξῆλθον ἔξω τῆσδ᾽ ἑκὼν αὐτὸς χθονός, δοὺς τῷδ᾽ ἀνάσσειν πατρίδος ἐνιαντοῦ κύκλον,

475

ὥστ᾽ αὐτὸς ἄρχειν αὖθις ἀνὰ μέρος λαβὼν καὶ μὴ δι᾽ ἔχθρας τῷδε καὶ φόνου μολὼν κακόν τι δρᾶσαι καὶ παθεῖν, ἃ γίγνεται.

ὃ δ᾽ αἰνέσας

ταῦθ᾽ ὁρκίους

480

re δοὺς θεούς,

ἔδρασεν οὐδὲν ὧν ὑπέσχετ᾽, ἀλλ᾽ ἔχει τυραννίδ᾽ αὐτὸς καὶ δόμων ἐμῶν μέρος. καὶ νῦν ἕτοιμός εἰμι τἀμαυτοῦ λαβὼν στρατὸν μὲν ἔξω τῆσδ᾽ ἀποστεῖλαι χθονός,

485

οἰκεῖν δὲ τὸν ἐμὸν οἶκον ἀνὰ μέρος λαβὼν καὶ τῷδ᾽ ἀφεῖναι τὸν ἴσον αὖθις «αὖ» χρόνον, καὶ μήτε

πορθεῖν

πατρίδα μήτε

πύργοισι

πηκτῶν κλιμάκων

προσφέρειν

προσαμβάσεις,

ἃ μὴ κυρήσας τῆς δίκης πειράσομαι δρᾶν. μάρτυρας δὲ τῶνδε δαίμονας καλῶ, ὡς πάντα πράσσων σὺν δίκῃ, δίκης ἄτερ ἀποστεροῦμαι πατρίδος ἀνοσιώτατα. ταῦτ᾽ αὖθ᾽ ἕκαστα, μῆτερ, οὐχὶ περιπλοκὰς

490

λόγων ἀθροίσας εἶπον,

495

καὶ τοῖσι Xo. ἐμοὶ μέν,

φαύλοις évàÀx, ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκεῖ. εἰ καὶ μὴ καθ᾽ Ἑλλήνων χθόνα

τεθράμμεθ᾽ Er. εἰ πᾶσι

ἀλλὰ καὶ σοῴοϊς

ἀλλ᾽ οὖν ξυνετά μοι δοκεῖς λέγειν.

ταὐτὸ

καλὸν

ἔφυ σοῴόν

θ᾽ ἅμα,

οὐκ ἦν dv dudliextos ἀνθρώποις ἔρις" νῦν δ᾽ οὔθ' ὅμοιον

500

οὐδὲν οὔτ᾽ ἴσον βροτοῖς,

πλὴν ὀνομάσαι" τὸ δ᾽ ἔργον οὐκ ἔστιν τόδε. ἐγὼ γὰρ οὐδέν, μῆτερ, ἀποκρύψας ἐρῶ: ἄστρων ἂν ἔλθοιμ᾽ ἡλίου πρὸς ἀντολὰς

476 del.Paley 478-80 del.Diggie (480 del. Nauck, 479-80 susp.Wecklein) 479 $óvov fere codd.: ὀθόνον M7PCS 487 αὖ add.Triclinius: ἐς add.Jackson: v.susp.Nauck 504 ἡλίου codd.: αἰθέρος Stob.4.6.3

88

of the gods be judge, and arbitrator of troubles. Po.

Simple is the account of truth and justice needs no fancy interpretation. For of itself it has advantage. But the unjust word diseased within itself needs considered treatment.

470

I first had thought, in father’s property, for my share and his; wishing to escape the curses which Oidipous once uttered against us,

I myself went out from this country voluntarily into exile, ylelding to him mule over the land for a year’s span on condition that I in tum taking over should myself rule again, and so that I should not, feeling murderous hate towards him, do and suffer some harm — which now occurs. And he, agreeing to this and taking an oath by the gods performed nothing he promised; but holds to monarchy himself and my share in the inheritance. Even so, I am willing, if I receive my due,

480

to send the army away from this land,

and to manage the household taking it in rotation and to give it up to him for an equal time again;

and not to devastate my country, nor to bring up scaling-ladders to be fixed to the towers: things which, if I do not meet with justice, I shall try

490

to do. I call on the gods as witness to this:

Ch.

that although I am acting justly in all respects, I am unjustly deprived of my country, most impiously. These several points, mother, I argued without collecting devious arguments; but to sophisticated and to simple in just terms, as it seems to me. To me, at any rate, even if I was not nurtured on Greek soil, you seem to speak judiciously.

Et. If the same thing seemed to all fine and sensible, there would be no contentious strife among mankind. But in fact nothing is the same and uniform to mortals except in name: the actuality is not so. I shall speak, mother, concealing nothing. I would go to the rising of the sun up to the stars

500

(468—504)

89

καὶ γῆς ἔνερθεν, δυνατὸς ὧν δρᾶσαι τάδε, τὴν θεῶν μεγίστην ὥστ᾽ ἔχειν Τυραννίδα.

τοῦτ᾽ οὖν τὸ χρηστόν,

μῆτερ,

ἄλλῳ

ἢ σῴζειν

παρεῖναι

ἀνανδρία

γάρ,

μᾶλλον

οὐχὶ βούλομαι ἐμοί:

τὸ πλέον ὅστις ἀπολέσας

TovAagoov ἔλαβε. πρὸς δὲ τοῖσδ᾽ αἰσχύνομαι, ἐλθόντα σὺν ὅπλοις τόνδε καὶ πορθοῦντα γῆν τυχεῖν ἃ χρήζει᾽ ταῖς γὰρ dv Θήβαις τόδε γένοιτ᾽ ὄνειδος, εἰ Μυκηναίου δορὸς ὠόβω παρείην σκῆπτρα τἀμὰ τῷδ᾽ ἔχειν. χρὴν δ᾽ αὐτὸν οὐχ ὅπλοισι τὰς διαλλαγάς, μῆτερ, ποιεῖσθαι" πᾶν γὰρ ἐξαιρεῖ λόγος ὃ καὶ σίδηρος πολεμίων δράσειεν ἄν. ἀλλ᾽ εἰ μὲν ἄλλως τήνδε γῆν οἰκεῖν θέλει, éfear” ἐκεῖνο δ᾽ οὐχ ἑκὼν μεθήσομαι. ἄρχειν παρόν μοι, τῷδε δουλεύσω ποτέ;

πρὸς

505

ταῦτ᾽ ἵτω μὲν

510

515

520

πῦρ, [tw δὲ φάσγανα,

ζεύγνυσθε δ᾽ ἵππους, πεδία πίμπλαθ᾽ ἁρμάτων, ὡς οὐ παρήσω τῷδ᾽ ἐμὴν τυραννίδα.

εἴπερ

γὰρ ἀδικεῖν χρή,

κάλλιστον

ἀδικεῖν,

τἄλλα

Xo. οὐκ εὖ λέγειν χρὴ μὴ ov γὰρ καλὸν

τυραννίδος

τοῦτ᾽

lo. ὦ τέκνον, οὐχ ἅπαντα

πέρι

δ᾽ εὐσεβεῖν χρεών.

525

"πὶ τοῖς ἔργοις καλοῖς" ἀλλὰ

τῇ δίκῃ πικρόν.

τῷ γήρᾳ κακά,

Ἐτεόκλεες, πρόσεστιν" ἀλλ᾽ ἡμπειρία ἔχει τι λέξαι τῶν νέων σοφώτερον. τί τῆς κακίστης δαιμόνων ἐφίεσαι Φιλοτιμίας, παῖ; μὴ σύ γ᾽ ἄδικος ἡ θεός" πολλοὺς δ᾽ ἐς οἴκους καὶ πόλεις εὐδαίμονας

ἐσῆλθε κἀξῆλθ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ὀλέθρῳ τῶν χρωμένων" éó' ἧἦ σὺ μαίνῃ. κεῖνο κάλλιον, τέκνον, Ἰσότητα τιμᾶν, ἢ φίλους dei φίλοις πόλεις τε πόλεσι συμμάχους τε συμμάχοις συνδεῖ: τὸ γὰρ ἴσον μόνιμον ἀνθρώποις ἔφυ, τῷ πλέονι δ᾽ αἰεὶ πολέμιον καθίσταται τοὔλασσον ἐχθρᾶς θ᾽ ἡμέρας κατάρχεται. καὶ γὰρ μέτρ᾽ ἀνθρώποισι καὶ μέρῃ σταθμῶν

530

535

540

519 μεθήσομαι codd.: μαθήσομαι Geel 520 δουλεύσω fere codd.: δουλεῦσαι AX v.del.Kirchhoff 530 λέξαι codd.: δεῖξαι Stob.4.50.1 532 φιλοτιμίας codd.: πλεονεξίας Dio.Chrys.17.9 538 μόνιμον Plu.mor.481A codd.plerique:'vóutuov. codd. et Plu.l.c.pars codd.

90

and below the earth, if I were able to do this, to possess Monarchy, the greatest of gods. That good, mother, I do not wish

to yield to another, rather than keep for myself. For it is unmanliness for one to lose the greater and get the lesser share. In addition, I feel shame

510

that this man should come with arms, devastate the land and get what he wants. For to Thebes this would be a disgrace, if through dread of Mykenaian spear I were to yield my sceptre for him to possess. He ought not to seek a truce with arms,

mother. For words remove every obstacle as well as an enemy sword could do But if he wants to live in this land on he may. But that is a thing I will not When it is in my power to rule, shall

it. any other terms, willingly relinquish. I ever be a slave to him?

520

And so: let fire come, let swords come,

yoke the horses, fill the plain with chariots; I shall never give up my monarchy. If one is to do wrong, then it is finest to do wrong

Ch. lo.

for the sake of monarchy; in other respects one should act justly. One should not speak well in case of ill deeds, for this is not good, but inimical to justice. My child, not everything in old age

cornes as unpleasant, Eteokles. Rather, experience can speak more wisely than youth. Why do you pursue the worst of deities, Ambition, my son? Do not. That goddess is unjust. To many houses and cities once happy she has come and gone, to the doom of those following her, the one for whom you madly crave. It is better, child to honour Equity, who ever binds together friends to friends, cities to cities and allies to allies For Equity is enduring for mankind; but the lesser is ever in enmity with the greater and so begins the day of strife. But measures for mankind and units of weight

530

540

(505-41)

Ἰσότης ἔταξε κἀριθμὸν διώρισε, νυκτός T' ἀφεγγὲς βλέφαρον ἡλίον τε φῶς ἴσον βαδίζει

τὸν ἐνιαύσιον κύκλον,

κοὐδέτερον αὐτῶν φθόνον ἔχει

νικώμενον.

545

εἶθ’ ἥλιος μὲν νύξ re δουλεύει βροτοῖς σὺ 5’ οὐκ ἀνέξῃ

δωμάτων

καὶ τῷδε νεῖμαι; τί τὴν τυραννίδ᾽

ἔχων ἴσον

κᾷτα ποῦ στιν ἡ δίκη; ἀδικίαν εὐδαίμονα,

τιμᾷς ὑπέρῴφευν καὶ μέγ᾽ ἥγησαι

τόδε;

550

περιβλέπεσθαι τίμιον; κενὸν μὲν οὖν. ἢ πολλὰ μοχθεῖν πόλλ᾽ ἔχων ἐν δώμασι

βούλῃ; τί δ᾽ ἔστι τὸ πλέον; ὄνομ᾽ ἔχει μόνον" ἐπεὶ τά γ᾽ ápkobvO' ἱκανὰ τοῖς γε σώφροσιν. οὗτοι τὰ χρήματ᾽ ἴδια κέκτηνται βροτοί,

555

τὰ τῶν θεῶν δ᾽ ἔχοντες ἐπιμελούμεθα" ὅταν δὲ χρήζωσ᾽, αὔτ᾽ ἀφαιροῦνται πάλιν.

ὁ 5’ ὄλβος οὐ βέβαιος, ἀλλ᾽ ἐφήμερος. dy, ἥν σ᾽ ἔρωμαι δύο λόγω προθεῖσ᾽ ἅμα, πότερα τυραννεῖν ἢ πόλιν σῶσαι θέλεις,

560

ἐρεῖς τυραννεῖν; ἣν δὲ νικήσῃ σ᾽ ὅδε Apyetá τ᾽ ἔγχη óópv τὸ Καδμείων ἕλῃ, ὄψῃ δαμασθὲν dorv Θηβαῖον τόδε, ὄψῃ δὲ πολλὰς αἰχμαλωτίδας κόρας βίᾳ πρὸς ἀνδρῶν πολεμίων πορθουμένας.

565

δαπανηρὸς ἄρ᾽ ὁ πλοῦτος, ὃν ζητεῖς ἔχειν, γενήσεται Θήβαισι, φιλότιμος δὲ σύ. σοὶ μὲν τάδ᾽ αὐδῶ. σοὶ δέ, Πολύνεικες, λέγω" ἀμαθεῖς "Αδραστος χάριτας ἔς σ᾽ ἀνήψατο,

ἀσύνετα

δ᾽ ἦλθες καὶ σὺ πορθήσων πόλιν.

dép,

ἢν ἕλῃς γῆν τήνδ᾽

ὃ μὴ

πρὸς

θεῶν,

ἀναστήσεις

τρόπαια

πῶς

τύχοι

ποτέ, Διί;

πῶς δ᾽ αὖ κατάρξῃ

θυμάτων, ἑλὼν πάτραν,

καὶ

πῶς

σκῦλα

γράψεις

ἐπ᾽

Tváyov ῥοαῖς;

Θήβας πυρώσας τάσδε Πολυνείκης θεοῖς

ἀσπίδας ἔθηκε; τοιόνδε

σοι

570

575

μήποτ᾽, ὦ τέκνον, κλέος"

γένοιθ᾽ up’

Ἑλλήνων

λαβεῖν.

ἣν 8' αὖ κρατηθῇς καὶ τὰ τοῦδ᾽ ὑπερδράμῃ, 546 βροτοῖς codd.: μέτροις Weil 548 τῷδε νεῖμαι Salmasius: τῷ δ᾽ ἀπονεῖμαι fere codd.: v.del.Schoene 549-67 del.Kovacs 555-8 del.Nauck (susp. Valckenaer et 558 del.)

562 del.Murray

566 δαπανηρὸς I5

yp.2: ὀδυνηρὸς codd. πονηρὸς ΜΥΡΟῪΡ

572 διί

Rw, sicut coni.Kirchhoff: δή M al.: δορός fere codd. 577 γένοιθ᾽ P al.: γένοιτ᾽ dv rell.

92

Equity drew up and number she defined;

the dark eye of night and the light of the sun proceed equally through the annual cycle, and neither of them feels envy when ousted.

So: sun and night are in servitude for man; but you will not submit, with an equal share in your inheritance, and give this man here a share too? Then, where is justice? Why is it monarchy, happy injustice,

you honour excessively and this you have thought important? Is it honourable to be regarded? An empty honour.

550

Or to toil much, with many possessions in your halls -

is that your wish? What is advantage? It has nothing but a name, since sufficiency is enough, at any rate for those who are sensible. Mortals do not possess property of their own: we merely have in trust what belongs to the gods. And when they want it, they take it back again.

Wealth is not lasting, but ephemeral. Come, suppose I ask you two questions, putting them together: do you want to be monarch or to preserve the city? 560 Will you say to be monarch? But suppose Polyneikes wins against you

and the Argive spears take the Theban shaft: you will see this city of Thebes laid low;

you will see many girls as prisoners forcibly taken by enemy soldiers. Costly the wealth, which you wish to possess, will be to Thebes; yet you remain ambitious. To you I say this. And to you, Polyneikes, I speak. Foolish was the favour Adrastos contracted for you and you too act senselessly in coming to sack your city. Come, if you take this land — may that never happen — how, by the gods, will you set up trophies to Zeus? How, again, will you embark on sacrifice, after taking your country, and how will you inscribe your spoils by the waters of Inachos?

570

“Having fired this land of Thebes, Polyneikes dedicated shields to the gods"? Never, my child, may it fall to you to get fame of this sort from the Greeks. And if again you are defeated and his cause prevails,

(542-78)

93

πῶς

Ἄργος

ἥξεις μυρίους λιπὼν νεκρούς;

ἐρεῖ δὲ δή tis’ Ὦ κακὰ μνηστεύματα ᾿Ἄδραστε προσθείς, διὰ μιᾶς νύμφης γάμον ἀπωλόμεσθα. δύο κακὼ σπεύδεις, τέκνον,

κείνων στέρεσθαι

τῶνδέ

T' ἐν μέσῳ

580

πεσεῖν.

μέθετον τὸ λίαν, μέθετον- ἀμαθία δυοῖν, ἐς ταῦθ᾽ ὅταν μόλητον, ἔχθιστον κακόν. Χο. ὦ

θεοί, γένοισθε τῶνδ᾽ ἀπότροποι

καὶ ξύμβασίν ET.

μῆτερ,

585

κακῶν

tiv’ Οἰδίπουν τέκνοις δότε.

οὐ λόγων

ἔθ᾽ ἀγών,

ἀλλ᾽ ἀναλοῦται

ypdvos

οὖν μέσῳ μάτην, περαίνει δ' οὐδὲν ἡ προθυμία" oU ydp dv ξυμβαῖμεν ἄλλως ἢ "πὶ τοῖς εἰρημένοις,

ὥστ᾽ ἐμὲ σκήπτρων κρατοῦντα τῶν μακρῶν καὶ Ilo.

σὺ

δ᾽ ἀπαλλαγεῖσα

τῶνδ᾽ ἔξω

πρὸς τίνος; ἐγγύς,

τειχέων,

τίς ὧδ᾽ ἄτρωτος,

φόνιον ἐμβαλὼν ἔτ. IIo. ET. IIo. ET. IIo. ET. Ilo. Ilo. ITo. Ifo.

τῆσδ᾽ ἄνακτ᾽ εἶναι χθονός"

νουθετημάτων

κομίζον

μ᾽

ἔα.

ἢ κατθανῇ.

ὅστις εἰς ἡμᾶς" ξίφος

τὸν αὐτὸν οὐκ ἀποίσεται

οὐ πρόσω βέβηκας

590

ἐς χέρας

μόρον;

λεύσσεις

595

ἐμάς;

εἰσορῶ’ δειλὸν δ᾽ ὁ πλοῦτος καὶ φιλόψυχον κακόν.

κἄτα σὺν πολλοῖσιν ἦλθες. πρὸς τὸν οὐδὲν ἐς μάχην; ἀσφαλὴς

ydp’ ἐστ᾽ ἀμείνων

κομπὸς εἶ σπονδαῖς

ἢ θρασὺς

πεποιθώς,

στρατηλάτης.

αἵ σε σῴζουσιν θανεῖν.

600

καὶ σέ" δεύτερον δ' ἀπαιτῶ σκῆπτρα καὶ μέρη χθονός. οὐκ ἀπαιτούμεσθ᾽. ἐγὼ γὰρ τὸν ἐμὸν οἰκήσω δόμον. τοῦ μέρους ἔχων τὸ πλεῖον’ Er. dh” ἀπαλλάσσου δὲ γῆς.

ὦ θεῶν βωμοὶ κλύετέ μον καὶ

θεῶν

πατρῴων —

-- Er.

ET. ols σὺ πορθήσων πάρει —

τίς δ᾽ dv κλύοι

τῶν λευκοπώλων

δώμαθ᾽

cov πατρίδ᾽ ἐπεστρατευμένου; — Er.

οἱ στυγοῦσί σε --

ἐξελαυνόμεσθα πατρίδος — Et. καὶ γὰρ ἦλθες ἐξελῶν -IIo. ἀδικίᾳ γ᾽ ὦ θεοί -- Er. Μυκήναις μὴ νθάδ᾽ ἀνακάλει θεούς-Io.

IIo. Ilo. IIo Ilo Π0ο. IHo. Ilo.

ἀνόσιος

πέφυκας

—

Ετ.

ἀλλ᾽ οὐ πατρίδος,

ὡς

σύ,

πολέμιος--

ὅς μ᾽ ἄμοιρον ἐξελαύνεις --

Et. καὶ κατακτενῶ

ὦ πάτερ, κλύεις.

Er. καὶ γὰρ οἷα δρᾷς κλύει --

ἃ πάσχω;

γε πρός --

καὶ σύ, μῆτερ; ὦ πόλιςEr.

Er. ἀθέμιτόν oot μητρὸς ὀνομάζειν κάρα μολὼν ἐς Ἄργος ἀνακάλει Λέρνης: ὕδωρ--

εἶμι, μὴ πόνει.

σὲ δ᾽ αἰνῶ, μῆτερ.

ἔξιμεν:.

δέ μοι

πατέρα

583 πεσεῖν codd.: πεσών Lloyd-Jones

Canter: ὄστ᾽ ἀγών fere codd.

δὸς εἰσιδεῖν.

610 —

Er. ἔξιθι χθονός. Er.

οὐκ ἂν τύχοις.

615

585 ἔχθιστον B al: αἴσχιστον A al. 588 ἔθ᾽ ἀγών

596 βέβηκας codd.: βέβηκεν ΠΊ2, sicut coni.Heath

597

δειλὸν fere codd.: δειμὸν BM al. 601 δ᾽ Wilamowitz: γ᾽ codd.604 πατρῴων T: πατρῷοι rell. 612 ἀθέμιτόν Bothe: οὐ θεμιτόν codd. 615 ὄξιμεν Musgrave: ἔξειμι codd.

94

how will you come to Argos, leaving many dead? Someone will say: grievous the marriage alliances, Adrastos, you brought upon us: through the marriage of one girl we have perished. You are pursuing two ills, my child,

580

to be deprived of one thing and to fail in the other. Give up excess, give itup. The folly of two people, when they come to a single objective, is the most hateful trouble.

Ch.

Gods, act as averters of these troubles, and grant some kind of reconciliation to the children of Oidipous.

Et.

Po.

Et. Po. Et. Po.

Et. Po.

Mother, the dispute is no longer one of words, and time is being wasted in the interim, uselessly; your concern accomplishes nothing. For we can come to no agreement other than on the terms stated: 590 that I have possession of the sceptre and am king of this land. Give up lengthy admonitions and let me be. As for you: get outside these walls, or you'll die. At whose hands? Who is so invulnerable that, if he thrusts upon me a murderous weapon, he will not suffer the same fate? You are near at hand, not gone far. Do you observe my hands? Isee them. But wealth is cowardly, and contemptibly clinging to life. Then you have come with your hordes to do battle with a nonentity? The prudent general is better than the audacious one. You are all boasting, trusting in the truce which saves you from death. 600 And saves you. For the second time I demand the sceptre and my share

[in my inheritance. I refuse to be demanded. I shall manage my own household.

Et. Po. With the greater share? Et. Yes: get away from the land. Po. Altars of ancestral góds — Et. which you come to devastate —

Po. Hear me - Et. Who would hear someone attacking his own country? — Po. And temples of the white-horsed gods — Et. who loathe you — Po. Iam driven from my country — Et. as you came to destroy it — Po. Unjustly, gods — Et. Call on the gods in Mykenai, not here — Po. You are impious — Et. yet not, like you, enemy to my country -Po. Who drive me out without my dues — Et. Yes, and I'll kill you too Po. Father, do you hear what I suffer? — Et. Yes, he hears what you do too — Po. And you, mother? —Et. It is wrong for you to use the name mother — Po. O city — Et. Goto Árgos and call on the waters of Lerna Po. I shall go, do not worry. You I thank, mother - Er. Leave the country Po. Igo. But allow me to see my father - Et. You would not get that wish -

(579-615)

95

610

IIo. ἀλλὰ

παρθένους

ἀδελῴάς.

Er.

To. ὦ κασίγνηται.

Er.

Ilo. μῆτερ,

σὺ yaipe.

ἀλλά μοι

IIo. οὐκέτ᾽ εἰμὶ

οὐδὲ

τάσδ᾽ ὄψῃ

ποτέ.

τί ταύτας ἀνακαλεῖς ἔχθιστος dv;

παῖς ads.

fo. χαρτὰ

γοῦν

Ilo. ἐς πόλλ᾽ ἀθλία

πάσχω,

τέκνον.

πέφυκ᾽ ἐγώ.

Πο. ὅδε γὰρ εἰς ἡμᾶς ὑβρίζει. ET. καὶ γὰρ ἀνθυβρίζομαι. 620 Ilo. ποῦ ποτε στήσῃ πρὸ πύργων; ET. ὡς τί μ᾽ ἱστορεῖς τόδε; IIo. ἀντιτάξομαι κτενῶν σε. ET. κἀμὲ τοῦδ᾽ ἔρως ἔχει.

lo. ὦ τάλαιν᾽ ἐγώ.

τί δράσετ' ὦ τέκνα;

Ho. αὐτὸ σημανεῖ.

lo. πατρὸς oU φεύξεσθ’' Ἐρινῦς; Εἶτ. ἐρρέτω πρόπας δόμος. Ilo. ὡς τάχ᾽ οὐκέθ᾽ αἱματηρὸν τοὐμὸν ἀργήσει ξίφος. τὴν δὲ θρέψασάν με

ὡς ἄτιμος οἰκτρὰ δοῦλος ὥς,

γαῖαν καὶ

πάσχων

ἀλλ᾽ οὐχὶ

κἄν τί σοι,

πόλις,

θεοὺς μαρτύρομαι,

ἐξελαύνομαι

ταὐτοῦ

πατρὸς

γένηται, μὴ

625

μέ,

χθονός, Οἰδίπου

γεγώς"

τόνδε δ᾽ αἰτιῶ"

οὐχ ἑκὼν γὰρ ἦλθον, ἄκων δ᾽ ἐξελαύνομαι χθονός.

630

καὶ ov, PAB’ ἄναξ ᾿Αγυιεῦ, καὶ μέλαθρα, χαίρετε, ἥλικές θ᾽ οὑμοί, θεῶν re δεξίμηλ᾽ ἀγάλματα. οὐ yap οἶδ᾽ εἴ μοι προσειπεῖν αὖθις ἔσθ᾽ ὑμᾶς more:

ἐλπίδες δ᾽ οὕπω καθεύδουσ᾽,

αἷς πέποιθα σὺν θεοῖς

τόνδ᾽ ἀποκτείνας

τῆσδε

κρατήσειν

Θηβαίας χθονός.

635

ET. ἔξιθ’ ἐκ χώρας" ἀληθῶς δ᾽ ὄνομα Πολυνείκην πατὴρ ἔθετό σοι θείᾳ προνοίᾳ νεικέων ἐπώνυμον.

Χο. Κάδμος

éuoÀe

τάνδε

γᾶν

στρ.

Τύριος, ᾧ τετρασκελὴς"

640

μόσχος ἀδάματον πέσημα δίκε

τελεσῴφόρον διδοῦσα

χρησμόν, πεδία

οὗ κατοικίσαι

μιν τὸ θέσφατον

πυροφόρα δόμων ἔχρη, καλλιπόταμος ὕδατος ἵνα νοτὶς ἐπέρχεται γύας,

Te

645

Δίρκας χλοηφόρους καὶ βαθυσπόρους

Βρόμιον ἔνθα

γύας"

τέκετο μάτηρ

623b Po.trib.fere codd.: Et.trib.AaCX: utramque notam Ε 6240 Et.trib.C: Po.trib.fere codd.:

notam om.M: Et.post δόμος M corr. al: τόνδ᾽ plerique

625 Po.trib.C: notam om.fere codd.

630 del.Valckenaer

629 τόνδε δ᾽ B

640 ἀδάματον Elmsley: ἀδάμαστον codd.et 2:

τετρασκελὲς.. ἀδάματος Bergk 642 κατοικίσαι J: κατῴκισείν fere codd. — 643 mv Dindorf: μὲν codd.et 2 δόμων codd.: 'Aóvwv Valckenaer ἔχρη Hermann: ἔχρησε codd.et

Σ

646 γύας Valckenaer. yulas Bal: γαίας LaletB? 96

648 γύας Barnes: yuag codd.

Po.

Then my young sisters -- Et. You will never see them either --

Po. Ὁ sisters. Et. Why do you call on them, their greatest enemy? Po. Mother, you at least I bid farewell. Jo. A farewell indeed I suffer, [my child. Po. I your son exist no longer. 10. I am miserable in many ways. Po. This man does me wrong. Er. Yes, and Iam wronged in tum. 620 Po. Where will you be stationed before the walls? Er. Why do you ask me this?

Po. I shall take my place opposite to kill you.

Er. Desire for that grips me too.

lo. Unhappy me, what will you do, children? Po. The issue will show. Io. Will you not avoid your father's curse? Et. Let the whole house be damned.

Po. Soon my sword will hesitate no longer to be bloodied. I call to witness the land which nurtured me and the gods that, suffering wretchedly, I am driven dishonoured from my country

as if a slave and not a son of the same father, Oidipous. And if anything happens to you, city, blame him, not me. For I came not of my own will and against it I am driven from the land. 630 You, lord Phoibos Agyieus, and palace, farewell; and my companions and the statues where sacrifice is made. For I do not know whether I shall ever again be able to address you.

Hopes are not yet laid to rest, in which I trust — with the gods’ will -to kill this man and get possession of this land of Thebes.

Et.

Leavethe country. Aptly, with divine prescience, our father gave you the name Polyneikes, named for strife.

638-89 Ist stasimon Ch. There came to this land Kadmos

str.

the Tyrian, for whom the quadruped heifer in chosen fall

640

collapsed, giving fulfilment of the oracle, where the divine voice instructed him to settle lands,

wheat producing, for his home; where water's fine-flowing moisture reaches the acres, Dirke's verdant and fertile acres;

where his mother gave birth to Bromios

(616-49)

97

Διὸς γάμοισι, κισσὸς ὃν περιστεφὴς ἑλικτὸς εὐθὺς ἔτι βρέφος;

650

χλοηφόροισιν ἔρνεσιν κατασκίοισιν ὀλβίσας ἐνώτισεν, βΒάκχιον χόρευμα παρθένοισι Θηβαίαισι καὶ γυναιξὶν εὐίοις.

ἔνθα φόνιος ἦν δράκων

655

ἄντ.

Ἄρεος ὠμόφρων φύλαξ νάματ᾽ ἔνυδρα καὶ ῥέεθρα χλοερὰ δεργμάτων κόραισι πολνυπλάνοις ἐπισκοπῶν"

660

ὃν ἐπὶ χέρνιβας μολὼν Κάδμος

κρᾶτα

ὄλεσε μαρμάρῳ

φόνιον ὀλεσίθηρος"

ὠλένας κιχὼν βολαῖς, δίας «r5 ἀμάτορος ἐς βαθνσπόρους γύας γαπετεῖς δικὼν ὀδόντας θεᾶς φραδαῖσιν"

665 666 669 668 667

ἔνθεν ἐξανῆκε

670

γᾶ

πάνοπλον ὄψιν ὑπὲρ ἄκρων ὅρων χθονός" σιδαρόῴφρων

δέ νιν φόνος αἵματος

πάλιν ξυνῆψε

δ᾽ ἔδευσε

γαῖαν,

γᾷ φίλᾳ. d νιν εὐηλίοισι

δεῖξεν αἰθέρος πνοαῖς.

675

καὶ σέ, τὸν προμάτορος Ἰοῦς ποτ᾽ ἔκγονον "Enadov, ὦ Διὸς γένεθλον, ἐκάλεσ᾽ ἐκάλεσα βαρβάρῳ βοᾷ, ἰώ, βαρβάροις λιταῖς" Pah βᾶθι τάνδε yar: σοί νιν ἔκγονοι κτίσαν" καὶ διώνυμοι θεαί, Περσέῴφασσα καὶ φίλα

ἐπ.

680

655 Βάκχιον Valckenaer: βακχεῖον codd. 663 ἄλεσε S, sicut coni.Hermann: decd codd. 665 ὠλένας Fal: ὠλενῶν X al. ὠλέναις fere codd. κιχὼν Kock: δικὼν | codd. 666 τ᾽ add. Rauchenstein (δ΄ Brunck) 667-9 trs. Murray 667 θεᾶς Wecklein: Παλλάδος"

codd.

669 γύας Valckenaer: γυίας codd.

683 xal Hartung: &i) fere codd.

98

in union with Zeus, him whom twined ivy

650

even while he was still a child, spiralling in green shoots all-shadowy, enfolded, in abundance: originator of Bacchic dance for Theban girls and for women possessed.

There was the murderous dragon of Ares, a savage guardian, watching greenery in glance Kadmos,

ant.

the streams of water and the flowing with eyes, vigilant. come for sacrificial water,

killed it with a rock, monster-killer; its murderous head reaching with throws from his arm;

and, by command of the motherless deity, on to the broad acres

casting to the earth its teeth, by command of the goddess. From there the earth put out a fully armed array above the topmost surface of the land. But steely-hearted slaughter once more united them with the earth of their origins. It bedewed with blood the earth, which to sunny winds of heaven had revealed them.

And you, of ancestress

ep.

Io one-time progeny, Epaphos, child of Zeus, I invoke, I invoke in barbarian cry, hail, with barbarian prayers: come, come to this land.

680

Since your descendants founded it; and the goddesses named together, Persephone and dear

(650—84)

Δαμάτηρ

θεά,

πάντων

ἄνασσα,

κτήσαντο-

685 πάντων

πέμπε

δὲ Id

τροῴός,

πυρῴόρους

ϑεάς, ἄμυνε τᾷδε yd: πάντα δ᾽ εὐπετῇ θεοῖς.

ἔτ. χώρει

σὺ καὶ

Kpéovr,

κόμιζε

τὸν Μενοικέως"

ἀδελῴφὸν μητρὸς

Ἰοκάστης

690

ἐμῆς,

λέγων τάδ᾽, ὡς οἰκεῖα καὶ κοινὰ χθονὸς" θέλω πρὸς αὐτὸν συμβαλεῖν βουλεύματα,

πρὶν ἐς μάχην

Tre καὶ δορὸς τάξιν μολεῖν.

καίτοι ποδῶν σῶν μόχθον ἐκλύει παρών" ὁρῶ γὰρ αὐτὸν πρὸς δόμους στείχοντ᾽ ἐμούς.

695

KPEQN

4 πόλλ᾽ ἐπῆλθον εἰσιδεῖν γρήξζων σ᾽ ἄναξ Ἐτεόκλεες, πέριξ δὲ Καδμείων πύλας φυλακάς τ᾿ ἐπῆλθον σὸν δέμας θηρώμενος. ET. καὶ μὴν ἐγὼ σ᾽ ἔχρῃζον εἰσιδεῖν, Κρέον"

700

πολλῷ γὰρ ηὗρον ἐνδεεῖς διαλλαγάς ὡς ἐς λόγους συνῆψα Πολυνείκει μολών. Κρ. ἤκουσα μεῖζον αὐτὸν ἢ Θήβας φρονεῖν, κήδει

τ᾿ ᾿Αδράστον

καὶ

στρατῷ

πεποιθότα.

ἀλλ᾽ ἐς θεοὺς χρὴ ταῦτ᾽ ἀναρτήσαντ᾽ ἔχειν' ἃ δ᾽ ἐμποδὼν μάλιστα, ταῦθ᾽ ἥκω φράσων.

705

ET. τὰ ποῖα ταῦτα; τὸν λόγον γὰρ ἀγνοῶ. Κρ. ἥκει τις αἰχμάλωτος" ᾿Αργείων πάρα. Er. λέγει δὲ δὴ τί τῶν ἐκεῖ νεώτερον;

Κρ. “μέλλειν πέριξ πύργοισι Καδμείων πόλιν ὅπλοις ἑλίξειν αὐτίκ᾽ ᾿Αργείων στρατόν. Er. ἐξοιστέον τἄρ᾽ ὅπλα Καδμείων πόλει. Κρ. ποῖ;

μῶν

νεάζων

οὐχ

ὁρᾷς

ἃ χρή

710

σ᾽ ὁρᾶν;

ET. ἐκτὸς τάφρων τῶνδ᾽ ὡς μαχουμένους τάχα. Κρ. σμικρὸν τὸ πλῆθος τῆσδε γῆς, oi δ᾽ ἄφθονοι.

715

ET. ἐγῴδα κείνους τοῖς λόγοις ὄντας θρασεῖς. Κρ. ἔχει

τιν᾽ ὄγκον

687 κτήσαντο

τἄργος

Porson: ἐκτήσαντο

Ἑλλήνων

πάρα.

ΑΧΖ al:

ἐκτίσαντο

fere codd.

codd.: πυροφόρους Mal. 688 duvve Hermann: ἀμῦναι fere codd. φύλακας M al.703 ἢ codd.: ἐς Wecklein 710-1 πέριξ. ὅπλοις del.Dindorf (711 Apyelous πόλι: 711 om.S: 711-2 om.Aa

100

πυρῴόρους

fere

699 ῥυλακάς B al: del.Wilamowitz: 710

goddess Demeter, queen of all and as Earth nurturer of all

have possessed it — send fire-bearing goddesses, protect this land; for to the gods all things are easy.

690—783 2nd episode Et. Goand bring Menoikeus' son Kreon, brother of my mother Iokaste,

690

saying this: on domestic and on public matters I wish to join in counsel with him

before going into battle and spear's array. But he prevents the trouble of your going and is here; for I see him coming towards my palace. I tell you, I have gone to many places, hoping to see you, King Eteokles: around the gates of the Kadmeans

and the lookouts I have gone, hunting for your presence. Et.

AndIwanted to see you, Kreon;

700

for I found reconciliation far lacking Kr.

when I went and joined in talk with Polyneikes. Ihave heard that he has more confidence than Thebes,

putting trust in his alliance with Adrastos and his army. But one must put these things in the gods' care and keep them so; what is most immediate, that I come to tell you. Et. What sort of things? I do not know the report. Kr. A prisoner has come from the Argives. Et. What recent report does he give about the men there? Kr.* He says that, all around, by the fortifications, the Argive host is on the point of surrounding by arms the Kadmean city. Et. Then the Kadmean citizens must take out arms. Kr. Where? In your youth do you fail to see what you ought to see? Et. Beyond these ditches, since we shall soon be joining battle. Kr. Smallis the complement of this land while they are numerous. Et. Iknow that they are bold in their words. Kr. Argos makes a big impression on the Greeks.

710

(685—717)

101

Er. θάρσει:

τάχ᾽ αὐτῶν

πεδίον ἐμπλήσω

Κρ. θέλοιμ᾽ dv: ἀλλὰ τοῦθ᾽ ὁρῶ ET. ὡς οὐ καθέξω τειχέων ἔσω

Κρ. καὶ μὴν ἔτ. βούλῃ

τὸ νικᾶν ἐστι

τράπωμαι

Κρ. πάσας

φόνου.

πολλοῦ πόνου. στρατόν.

720

πᾶν εὐβουλία.

δῆθ᾽ ὁδοὺς ἄλλας

τινάς;

γε, πρὶν κίνδυνον εἰς ἅπαξ μολεῖν.

Er. εἰ νυκτὸς αὐτοῖς προσβάλοιμεν ἔκ λόχον; Κρ. εἴπερ σῴφαλείς γε δεῦρο σωθήσῃ πάλιν. Ετ. ἴσον φέρει νύξ, τοῖς δὲ τολμῶσιν πλέον.

Κρ. ἐνδυστυχῆσαι

725

δεινὸν εὐφρόνης κνέφας.

Er. ἀλλ᾽ ἀμφὶ δεῖπνον οὖσι προσβάλω δόρυ; Κρ. ἔκπληξις ἂν γένοιτο" νικῆσαι δὲ δεῖ. Er. βαθύς γέ τοι Διρκαῖος ἀναχωρεῖν πόρος. Κρ. ἅπαν κάκιον τοῦ φυλάσσεσθαι καλῶς.

730

ἔτ. τί 6, εἰ καθιππεύσαιμεν ᾿Αργείων στρατόν; Κρ. κἀκεῖ πέῴφρακται λαὸς ἅρμασιν πέριξ. ET. τί δῆτα

δράσω;

πολεμέίέοισι

δῶ

πόλιν;

Kp. μὴ δῆτα’ βουλεύου 6, ἐπείπερ εἶ σοῴός. Er. τίς οὖν πρόνοια γίγνεται σοφωτέρα; Kp. Ετ. Kp. Er.

ὅπτ᾽ ἄνδρας αὐτοῖς φασιν, ὡς ἤκουσ᾽ ἐγώ -τί προστετάχθαι δρᾶν; τὸ γὰρ σθένος βραχύ. λόχων ἄνακτας ἑπτὰ προσκεῖσθαι πύλαις. τί δῆτα δρῶμεν; ἀπορίαν ydp οὐ evo.

Kp. ἔπτ᾽ ἄνδρας ET. λόχων

735

740

αὐτοῖς. καὶ σὺ πρὸς πύλαις ἑλοῦ.

ἀνάσσειν

ἢ uovooróAov

δορός;

Κρ. λόχων, προκρίνας οἵπερ ἀλκιμώτατοι. Er. ξυνῆκ " ἀμύνειν τειχέων προσαμβάσεις.

Kp. καὶ ξυστρατήγους «y

els δ᾽ ἀνὴρ οὐ πάνθ᾽ ὁρᾷ.

ET. θάρσει προκρίνας ἢ φρενῶν Kp. ἀμφότερον ἀπολειφθὲν γὰρ

745

εὐβουλίᾳ; οὐδὲν θάτερον.

Er. ἔσται τάδ΄. ἐλθὼν ἑπτάπυργον ἐς πόλιν τάξω λοχαγοὺς πρὸς πύλαισιν, ὡς λέγεις, ἴσους

ἴσοισι

πολεμίοισιν

ἀντιθείς.

750

ὄνομα δ᾽ ἑκάστον διατριβὴ πολλὴ λέγειν, ἐχθρῶν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῖς τείχεσιν καθημένων.

ἀλλ᾽ εἶμ᾽ ὅπως dv μὴ καταργῶμεν χέρα.

734 πολεμίοισι δῶ Bal.: πολεμίοις. δώσω Mal.

739 ἄνακτας Matthiae: ἀνάσσειν codd.

745 γ᾽ add.Lenting 747 ἀμφότερον... θάτερον codd.: duddrep” ὃν ἀπολειφθὲν γὰρ οὐδὲν θατέρου vel ὃν οὐδὲν θατέρου λελειμμένμον Wecklein 751 διατριβὴ πολλὴ λέγειν fere codd.: διατριβὴν πολλὴν ὄχει M 753-6 del.Paley (756 del. Valckenaer, οἵ. 1376)

102

ΕἸ.

Courage. I shall soon fill the plain with their slaughter.

Kr. Et. Kr.

I would wish for that. But I see this causing much hardship. I shall not hold back the army within the walls. And yet victory lies entirely in good counsel.

Et.

Is it your wish that I tum to some other ways?

Kr. Et. Kr. Et. Kr. Εἰ. Kr. Et. Kr. Et. Kr. Ft. Kr. Et. Kr. Et. Kr. Et. Kr. Et. Kr. Et. Kr.

Yes, all, before going once into peril. Suppose we were to attack them at night from ambush? Yes, if, frustrated, you could get back safely here. Night brings equal advantage; but more to the daring.

Et. Kr.

Et.

720

The darkness of night is terrible for failure. Shall I mount a spear attack on them when they are at a meal?

There would be constemation. But we have to win. The stream of Dirke is deep for retreat.

730

Everything is less important than keeping a good guard. What then, if we were to mount a cavalry charge on the Argive army? There too the host is fenced around with chariots. What then shall I do? Shall I yield the city to the enemy? By no means. Act prudently if you are sensible. What prudence is more sensible than forethought? The report goes that they have seven champions, as I have heard —

What are they drawn up to do? For that force is slight. As commanders of detachments, to take up position at the seven gates.

What are we to do then? I shall not put up with indecision. Choose seven men for your part too, to meet them at the gates. To command detachments, or for single combat? Detachments, after picking those who are bravest. I understand: to defend the approaches to the walls. And to have fellows in command; for one man cannot see everything. Picking for daring or for good counsel? Both; for one of the two is useless without the other. This will be done. I shall go to the seven towers of the city and shall station commanders at the gates, as you say, placing an equal number of men against the enemy equal in number. It would be a great waste of time to state the name of each,

while the enemy are stationed at our very walls. But I shall go, so that we do not delay in action.

(718—53)

103

750

καί μοι

γένοιτ᾽ ἀδελῴόν

καὶ ξνυσταθέντα

ἀντήρη

διὰ μάχης

λαβεῖν

ἑλεῖν δορί

κτανεῖν θ᾽, ὃς ἦλθε πατρίδα

755

πορθήσων ἐμήν.

γάμους δ᾽ ἀδελῴφῆς ᾿Αντιγόνης παιδός re σοῦ Αἵμονος, ἐάν τι τῆς τύχης ἐγὼ σφαλῶ, σοὶ χρὴ μέλεσθαι" τὴν δόσιν δ᾽ ἐχέγγνον

τὴν πρόσθε

ποιῶ νῦν ἐπ᾽ ἐξόδοις ἐμαῖς.

760

μητρὸς δ᾽ ἀδελῴὸς εἶ" τί δεῖ μακρηγορεῖν; τρέφ᾽ ἀξίως" νιν σοῦ τε τήν τ᾽ ἐμὴν χάριν. πατὴρ

δ᾽ ἐς αὑτὸν

ὄψιν τυῴφλώσας"

ἀμαθίαν

ὀφλισκάνει,

οὐκ ἄγαν ag’ ἐπήνεσα᾽

ἡμᾶς δ᾽ ἀραῖσιν, ἢν τύχῃ, κατακτενεῖ. ὃν δ᾽ ἐστὶν ἡμῖν ἀργόν, εἴ τι θέσῴφατον οἰωνόμαντις Τειρεσίας ἔχει φράσαι, τοῦδ᾽ ἐκπυθέσθαι ταῦτ᾽ ἐγὼ δὲ παῖδα σὸν Μενοικέα, σοῦ πατρὸς αὐτεπώνυμον, λαβόντα πέμψω δεῦρο Τειρεσίαν, Κρέον"

765

770

σοὶ μὲν γὰρ ἡδὺς ἐς λόγους ἀφίξεται, ἐγὼ ἤδη

δὲ τέχνην μαντικὴν ἐμεμψάμην πρὸς αὐτόν, ὥστε μοι pouddas ἔχειν.

πόλει

δὲ καὶ σοὶ

ἥνπερ

κρατήσῃ

μήποτε

ταῦτ᾽ ἐπισκήπτω,

τάμά,

ταφῆναι

Κρέον"

Πολυνείκους

νέκυν

775

τῇδε Θηβαίᾳ χθονί,

θνήσκειν δὲ τὸν θάψαντα, κἂν φίλων τις D. * σοὶ μὲν τάδ᾽ εἶπον" προσπόλοις δ᾽ ἐμοῖς λέγω: ἐκῴφέρετε τεύχη πάνοπλά τ᾽ ἀμῴφιβλήματα, ὡς εἰς ἀγῶνα τὸν προκείμενον δορὸς

780

* ὁρμώμεθ' ἤδη ξὺν δίκῃ νικηφόρῳ.

τῇ δ᾽ Εὐλαβείᾳ, χρησιμωτάτῃ θεῶν, προσευχόμεσθα τήνδε διασῶσαι πόλιν.

Χο. ὦ πολύμοχθος

"Apns,

τί ποθ᾽ αἵματι

στρ.

καὶ θανάτῳ κατέχῃ Βρομίον παράμουσος ἑορταῖς; οὐκ ἐπὶ καλλιχόροις στεῴφάνοισι νεάνιδος ὥρας βόστρυχον ἀμπετάσας λωτοῦ κατὰ πνεύματα μέλπῃ

μοῦσαν, ἀλλὰ

785

ἐν ᾧ χάριτες χοροποιοί,

σὺν ὁπλοῴφόροις

763-5 del.Fraenkel (susp.Paley)

om.7710: del. Kirchhoff

στρατὸν

‘Apyelwy

ἐπιπνεύσας

773 ἔχειν codd.: ἔχει West

781 om.77109: del.Haslam

χοροποιοί MIX O al.: yaporroto(. fere codd.

104

774-7 del.Wecklein 778

786 wpas II10 :ὥραις fere codd. 788

And may it fall to me to get my brother opposite me and take him by spear in battle as he joins with me, and kill him, since he came to devastate my country. As to the marriage between my sister Antigone and your son Haimon: if I am unfortunate in the outcome, you must see to it. The agreement to betrothal,

made before, I now ratify on the point of my departure. You are my mother's brother. What need for long speeches? Look after her properly, for your sake and mine. My father brings the charge of folly on himself,

760

since he has destroyed his sight. I do not admire him much. And if he gets his way, he will kill us, by his curse. There is one thing undone: if the seer Teiresias can tell us some oracle, to learn this from him. I shall send your son Menoikeus, who has the same name as your father, to fetch Teiresias here, Kreon. For he will gladly come to converse with you, but I criticised the craft of divination

710

in the past to him, so that he resents me. I enjoin you, Kreon, and the city:

that, if my cause triumphs, Polyneikes' corpse

should never be buried in this land of Thebes; and that the burier of it be put to death, even if one of the family. * These are my words to you. I address my attendants:

Bring out my equipment and fully-armed trappings so that into the imminent conflict of spear

780

* we may now charge with victory-bringing justice. But to Precaution, the most practical of goddesses, we pray to save this city.

784-833 Ch.

2nd stasimon

O Ares, bringer of suffering, why in bloodlust and death are you gripped, out of tune with Bakchic festivals? Not at the lovely garlanded dance of young girls

Str.

do you sing to the breath of the flute, with hair flowing, a strain in which are the graces who form the dance;

but with armed men, having incited the army of the Argives

(754-89)

105

—

αἵματι Θήβαις κῶμον ἀναυλότατον προχορεΐύεις. οὐδ᾽ ὑπὸ Ovpcouavet νεβρίδων μέτα δινεῖς ἅρμασι καὶ ψαλίοις: τετραβάμονα μώνυχα πῶλον Ἰσμήνου τ᾽ ἐπὶ χεύμασι βαίνων ἱππείαισι θοάζεις, ᾿Αργείοις ἐπιπνεύσας Σπαρτῶν γένναν, ἀσπιδοφέρμονα θίασον ἐνόπλιον, ἀντίπαλον κατὰ λάινα τείχεα χαλκῷ κοσμήσας. ) δεινά τις Ἔρις θεός, ἃ τάδε μήσατο πήματα γᾶς βασιλεῦσιν, λαβδακίδαις πολυμόχθοις.

ὦ ζαθέων πετάλων roÀvOnpóra

790

795

800

ἀντ.

τον νάπος, Ἀρτέμιδος χιονοτρόῴφον ὄμμα Κιθαιρών, μήποτε τὸν θανάτῳ προτεθέντα, λόχευμ᾽ Ἰοκάστας, ὠῴφελες Οἰδιπόδαν θρέψαι, βρέφος: ἔκβολον οἴκων, χρυσοδέτοις περόναις ἐπίσαμον᾽ μηδὲ τὸ παρθένιον πτερόν, οὔρειον τέρας, ἐλθεῖν πένθεα γαίας Σῴφιγγὸς ἀμουσοτάταισι σὺν ὠδαῖς, d more Kaóuoyevfü τετραβάμοσι χαλαῖς τείχεσι χριμπτομένα φέρεν αἰθέρος εἰς ἄβατον φῶς γένναν, ὧν ὁ κατὰ χθονὸς Ἅιδας

805

810

Καδμείοις ἐπιπέμπει. δυσδαίμων δ᾽ ἔρις ἄλλα θάλλει παίδων Οἰδιπόδα κατὰ δώματα καὶ πόλιν. οὐ γὰρ ὃ μὴ καλὸν οὔποτ᾽ ἔφυ καλόν,

οὐδ᾽ οἱ μὴ νόμιμοι [παῖδες]

ματρὶ

815

λόχευμα,

μίασμά

τι

πατρός͵,

οὐδὲ σύναιμον ὃς ἐς λέχος ἦλθεν. ἔτεκες, ὦ Tat’ ἔτεκές more, βάρβαρον ws dkodv ἐδάην ἐδάην

ἐπ. ποτ᾽ ἐν οἴκοις,

790 Θήβαις V2: Θήβας fere codd. 792 δινεῖς Geel: δινεύεις codd. 793 ψαλίοις AaV2al.: ψαλίων fere codd. τετραβάμονα Hartung: τετραβάμοσι codd.et 2 μώνυχα πῶλον O al: μωνύχων πώλων A al: μώνυχα πώλων fere codd. 795 γένναν M αἱ. γέννα Val: γέννᾳ Bal. 796 ἐνόπλιον Schoene: ὄνοπλον codd.et & 800 om.7710: del.Nauck 816 παῖδες delKirchhoff μίασμά τι Craik (μιάσματι Pearson): μίασμα codd. 817 οὐδὲ Weidgen: ἡ δὲ, Se, ἥδε, ἢ δὴ, οἱ δὲ codd. σύναιμον ὃς Paley: cvvaíuovosg

B al: σύναιμον

fere codd.818 Fat’ H, sicut coni.Murray: γᾷ

106

M: ya@ fere codd.

with bloodlust against Thebes,

790

in revelry where no flutes play you lead the dance. Not the and you the

at the will of the thyrsus-maddened god, among fawnskins, you wheel horse, hooved quadruped, with chariots and bits at Ismenos’ streams advancing charge on horseback, having incited against the Argives race of sown men,

in a shield-bearing armed band, hostile, against the stone walls having equipped them with bronze. Strife is indeed a dreadful goddess; she devised these troubles for the rulers of the land, — for the deep-suffering Labdakids. O you with heavenly foliage, much frequented by beasts,

800

ant.

glade, Kithairon, snow-harbouring, delight of Artemis,

never, since he was laid out for death, brood of Iokaste, should you have nurtured Oidipous, baby cast out of his home, marked with gold-bound pins.

Nor should the winged maiden, mountain monster, have come as bane to the land with the discordant verses of the Sphinx who once, with her four talons, approaching the walls, bore off to the shining inaccessible heaven children of Kadmos; she whom Hades from under the earth sent against the Kadmeans. Further unhappy strife is rampant among the children of Oidipous in the palace and in the city. What is not good never gave rise to good; not the illicit ones [children] brood of their mother and pollution of their father and not the one who came to a kindred bed. You produced, Earth, you once produced — so I once learned, learned the foreign story in my home —

810

ep.

(790—819)

107

τὰν ἀπὸ Onporpó$ov φοινικολόῴφοιο δράκοντος γένναν ὀδοντοῴφυῆ, Θήβαις κάλλιστον ὄνειδος" Ἁρμονίας δέ ποτ᾽ εἰς ὑμεναίους ἤλυθον οὐρανίδαι, φόρμιγγί τε τείχεα Θήβας τᾶς ᾿Αμφιονίας τε λύρας ὕπο πύργος ἀνέστα διδύμων ποταμῶν πόρον dudi μέσον,

820

825

Δίρκα xAoeporpódov d πεδίον πρόπαρ Ἰσμηνοῦ καταδεύει" Ἰώ 0, d κερόεσσα προμάτωρ, Καδμείων βασιλῆας ἐγείνατο,

μυριάδας δ᾽ ἀγαθῶν ἑτέροις éré pas μεταμειβομένα

Apnias

πόλις

830

ὅἄδ᾽ én’ ἄκροις

ἕστακ

,

στεφάνοισιν.

TEIPEXIAZ ἡγοῦ

πάροιθε,

Ovyarep:

ὡς

τυφλῷ

ποδὶ

ὀφθαλμὸς εἶ σύ, ναυβάταισιν ἄστρον ὥς"

835

δεῦρ᾽ ἐς τὸ λευρὸν πέδον ἴχνος τιθεῖσ᾽ ἐμόν, πρόβαινε, μὴ σφαλῶμεν: ἀσθενὴς πατήρ᾽ κλήρους τέ μοι φύλασσε παρθένῳ χερί, ols ἔλαβον οἰωνίσματ᾽ ὀρνίθων μαθὼν

θάκοισιν ἐν ἱεροῖσιν, οὗ μαντεύομαι. τέκνον Μενοικεῦ,

TÓOT

τις ἡ

παῖ Κρέοντος,

᾿πίλοιπος ἄστεως

840

εἰπέ μοι

ὁδὸς

πρὸς πατέρα τὸν σόν: ὡς ἐμὸν κάμνει γόνυ, πυκνὴν δὲ βαίνων ἥλνσιν μόλις περῶ. . θάρσει" πέλας γάρ, Τειρεσία, φίλοισι σοῖς ἐξώρμισαι σὸν πόδα" λαβοῦ δ᾽ αὐτοῦ, τέκνον᾽ ὡς πᾶσ᾽ ἀπήνη πούς Te πρεσβύτον φιλεῖ χειρὸς θυραίας ἀναμένειν κουφίσματα.

. εἶεν,

πάρεσμεν:

. οὔπω

AeÀrjoue8"

τί με καλεῖς σπουδῇ, ἀλλὰ

σύλλεξαι

845

Κρέον;

σθένος

850

καὶ πνεῦμ᾽ ἄθροισον, αἷπος ἐκβαλὼν ὁδοῦ, . Κόπῳ παρεῖμαι γοῦν Ἐρεχθειδῶν dro δεῦρ᾽ ἐκκομισθεὶς τῆς πάροιθεν ἡμέρας"

κἀκεῖ γὰρ ἦν τις πόλεμος Εὐμόλπου δορός, 826 Δίρκα

Burges: Alpxas fere codd.

d πεδίον Burges: ἃ πεδίον A al.: ἀμπεδίον Hal.

846 ἐξώρμισαι 1, al: 830-1 ἑτέρας ἑτέροις Mal 836 πέδον Barnes: πεδίον codd. 847 παῖς ὄτ᾽ ἀπτὴν Hermann 852 ἐξορμίσαι Mal.: ἐξόρμισαι V al.: εἰσώρμισαι West παρεῖμαι F al.: πάρειμι fere codd. 108

from savage dragon of fiery crest the brood sprung from teeth, glory and shame to Thebes. And once, to the wedding of Harmonia the gods came; and to the harp of Amphion the walls of Thebes

820

rose, and a tower to his lyre,

between the courses of the two streams, where Dirke waters the luxuriant green plain before Ismenos. And Io, our horned ancestress, bore kings for the Kadmeans.

Countless numbers of other good things

830

exchanging for different ones, this city stands on the brink of Ares’ encircling.

834-1018 3rd episode TEIRESIAS

Lead onward, daughter, since to blind tread

Kr.

Te. Kr. Te.

you are an eye, like a constellation to seafarers. Set my step here, on level ground, and advance, in case we trip: your father is weak. Keep safe in your maiden hand the messages which I received on apprehending birds’ omens at my sacred seat, where I make consultations. Young Menoikeus, son of Kreon, tell me how much is left of the way in the city to your father. My legs are tired and I proceed with difficulty, as I go with many a step. Courage; for you have launched your tread near to your friends, Teiresias. Take hold of him, child, since every carnage and old man's tread commonly awaits assistance from another's hand. Well, here we are. Why do you summon me in haste, Kreon? I have not yet forgotten. But gather your strength and get back your breath, setting aside your steep travel. Indeed I am overcome with weariness, since I was brought here from the land of the Erechtheidai yesterday. For there too there was a war, involving Eumolpos' spear,

840

850

(820-54)

109

οὗ καλλινίκους Κεκροπίδας

ἔθηκ᾽ ἐγώ:

855

καὶ τόνδε χρυσοῦν στέφανον ws ὁρᾷς ἔχω λαβὼν ἀπαρχὰς πολεμίων σκυλευμάτων. Κρ. οἰωνὸν ἐθέμην καλλίνικα σὰ στέφη;

ἐν γὰρ κλύδωνι κείμεθ' ὥσπερ olota σύ, δορὸς Δαναϊδῶν καὶ μέγας Θήβαις ἀγών.

860

βασιλεὺς μὲν οὖν βέβηκε κοσμηθεὶς ὅπλοις ἤδη πρὸς ἀλκὴν Ἐτεοκλῆς Muknvíóa: ἐμοὶ δ᾽ ἐπέσταλκ᾽ ἐκμαθεῖν σέθεν πάρα, τί δρῶντες ἄν μάλιστα σώσαιμεν πόλιν. Te. Ἐτεοκλέους" μὲν οὕνεκ᾽ Qv κλήσας στόμα χρησμοὺς ἐπέσχον" aol δ᾽ ἐπεὶ χγρήζεις μαθεῖν

λέξω.

νοσεῖ

ἐξ οὗ

τεκνώθη Adios βίᾳ θεῶν

γὰρ ἥδε γῆ πάλαι, Κρέον,

πόσιν τ᾽ ἔφυσε μητρὶ μέλεον Οἰδίπουν" αἵ θ᾽ αἱματωποὶ δεργμάτων διαῴφθοραὶ

θεῶν σόφισμα

865

κἀπίδειξις

870

Ἑλλάδι.

ἃ συγκαλύψαι παῖδες Οἰδίπον χρόνῳ χρήζοντες ὡς δὴ θεοὺς ὑπεκδραμούμενοι, ἥμαρτον ἀμαθῶς" οὔτε γὰρ γέρα πατρὶ οὔτ᾽ ἔξοδον διδόντες, ἄνδρα δυστυχῆ

875

éfnyplwoav’ ἐκ δ᾽ ἔπνευσ᾽ αὐτοῖς ἀρὰς δεινάς, νοσῶν Te καὶ πρὸς ἠτιμασμένος. ἀγὼ

τί «οὖ»

δρῶν,

ποῖα

és ἔχθος. ἦλθον παισὶ

δ᾽ οὐ λέγων

ἔπῃ

τοῖσιν Οἰδίπου;

ἐγγὺς δὲ θάνατος αὐτόχειρ αὐτοῖς, Κρέον" πολλοὶ δὲ νεκροὶ περὶ νεκροῖς πεπτωκότες;

Apyeia

καὶ Καδμεῖα μείξαντες μέλη

πικροὺς

γόους δώσουσι

Θηβαίᾳ χθονί.

σύ τ᾽ ὦ τάλαινα συγκατασκάπτῃ εἰ μὴ

λόγοισι

880

τοῖς ἐμοῖς

τις

πόλι

πείσεται.

885

ἐκεῖνο μὲν γὰρ πρῶτον ἦν, τῶν Οἰδίπου μηδένα πολίτην μηδ᾽ ἄνακτ᾽ εἶναι χθονός, ws δαιμονῶντας κἀνατρέψοντας πόλιν. ἐπεὶ δὲ κρεῖσσον τὸ κακόν ἐστι τἀγαθοῦ, pl’ ἔστιν ἄλλῃ μηχανὴ σωτηρίας. ἀλλ᾽ ov γὰρ εἰπεῖν οὔτ᾽ ἐμοὶ τόδ᾽ ἀσφαλὲς

890

864 μάλιστα fere codd.: κάλλιστα A al. 868 om.S: del.Reeve 869-80 del.Fraenkel (869 delPaley) 878 τί ov δρῶν H* al: τί Ópdwvfere codd. ποῖα ΗΞΡ et yp.d: ὁποῖα fere codd. 882 μέλῃ Earle: βέλῃ codd. 884 συγκατασκάψῃ Herwerden (2 διαφθαρήσῃ

110

where I made the Kekropidai gloriously victorious.

And I wear this golden crown, as you see, Kr.

having got it as a prize from the enemy spoil. I regard your garland of victory as an omen. We afe in a sea of troubles, as you know,

from Danaids' spear and the struggle for Thebes is great.

Te.

860

Our king has already gone arrayed in armour, Eteokles, against Mykenaian might. He gave me orders to learn from you by what action we would be most likely to save the city. As far as Eteokles is concerned, I would have kept my mouth shut and withheld my oracles. To you, since you wish to know, I shall speak. This land has been troubled for long, Kreon:

since Laios had issue against the gods’ will and fathered pitiful Oidipous, to be husband to his mother. The bloody destruction of his sight was a contrivance of the gods and an example to Greece. The sons of Oidipous, wishing to conceal these things through time’s agency — foolishly attempting to escape the gods —

870

went astray in perversity. For to their father granting neither prerogatives nor exit, they made the unfortunate man

savage. He gasped out on them curses dread, being distraught and, further, dishonoured. What did I not do, what words did I not speak

and so came to enmity with the sons of Oidipous? Death at their own hands is near for them, Kreon. Many corpses fallen by corpses, after mingling Argive and Kadmean limbs,

880

will cause bitter lamentation to the land of Thebes. And you, unhappy city, will be destroyed with them unless someone pays attention to my words. Best of all was that: that of Oidipous' issue none be citizen or king of the land, since they are possessed and will destroy the city. But since evil is stronger than good

there is one other means of security.

890

But — for it is not safe for me to say this

(855-91) 111

πικρόν TE τοῖσι τὴν τύχην κεκτημένοις πόλει παρασχεῖν φάρμακον σωτηρίας,

ἄπειμι.

χαίρεθ" εἷς γὰρ ὧν πολλῶν μέτα

τὸ μέλλον,

εἰ χρή,

Κρ. ἐπίσχες αὐτοῦ, Κρ. Κρ. Te. Κρ. Te. Κρ. Te.

mpéoBv.

τί γὰρ

Te. μὴ

πάθω;

895

"mAayufávov.

μεῖνον, τί φεύγεις; Te. ἡ τύχη σ᾽ ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐγώ. ῥράσον πολίταις καὶ πόλει σωτηρίαν. βούλῃ σὺ μέντοι κοὐχὶ βουλήσῃ τάχα. καὶ πῶς πατρῴαν γαῖαν ov σῶσαι θέλω; θέλεις ἀκοῦσαι δῆτα καὶ σπουδὴν ἔχεις; ἐς γὰρ τί μᾶλλον δεῖ προθυμίαν ἔχειν; κλύοις ἂν ἤδη τῶν ἐμῶν θεσπισμάτων. πρῶτον δ᾽ ἐκεῖνο βούλομαι σαφῶς μαθεῖν,

ποῦ

στιν Μενοικεύς,

Kp. ὅδ᾽ ov μακρὰν

Te. ἀπελθέτω Κρ. Te. Κρ. Te. *

πείσομαι"

ὅς pe δεῦρ᾽ ἐπήγαγεν;

ἄπεστι,

πλήσιον

vvv θεσφάτων

905

δὲ σοῦ.

ἐμῶν ἑκάς.

ἐμὸς πεφυκὼς παῖς ἃ δεῖ σιγήσεται. βούλῃ παρόντος δῆτά σοι τούτου φράσω; κλύων γὰρ ἂν τέρποιτο τῆς σωτηρίας. dkove δή vvv θεσφάτων ἐμῶν ὁδόν" à δρῶντες Gv σώσαιτε Καδμείων πόλιν

σφάξαι σὸν

Μενοικέα

παῖδ᾽

Κρ. τί φής; Te. ἅπερ

ἐπειδὴ

τόνδε δεῖ σ᾽ ὑπὲρ τὴν

τύχην

αὐτὸς

910

πάτρας, καλεῖς.

τίν᾽ εἶπας τόνδε μῦθον, ὦ γέρον;

πέφηνε,

ταῦτα

900

κἀνάγκη

915

σὲ δρᾶν.

Κρ. ὦ πολλὰ λέξας ἐν βραχεῖ χρόνῳ κακά. Te. σοί y; ἀλλὰ πατρίδι μεγάλα καὶ Kp. οὐκ ἔκλνον, οὐκ ἥκουσα" χαιρέτω

Te. ἀνὴρ ὅδ᾽ οὐκέθ᾽ αὑτός

ἐκνεύει

σωτήρια. πόλις.

πάλιν.

920

Κρ. χαίρων ἴθ" οὐ γὰρ σῶν με δεῖ μαντευμάτων. Te. ἀπόλωλεν ἀλήθει᾽ ἐπεὶ σὺ δυστυχεῖς;

Κρ. ὦ πρός σε γονάτων καὶ Te. τί προσπίτνεις. με;

Κρ. σίγα"

γερασμίον

τριχὸς.

δυσῴφύλακτ᾽ αἰτῇ κακά.

πόλει δὲ τούσδε μὴ λέξῃς λόγους.

925

Te. ἀδικεῖν κελεύεις. u^ ov σιωπήσαιμεν dv. Κρ. τί δή με δράσεις; παῖδά μον κατακτενεῖς; Te. ἄλλοις. μελήσει ταῦτ᾽ ἐμοὶ δ᾽ εἰρήσεται.

899 τάχα I]? fere codd.: τάδε A al.

903-4 del.Zipperer

912 del.Kirchhoff, cf.864 914 del. Nauck (E πέπρωται): πέφυκε codd. 917 χρόνῳ Valckenaer: οὐκέτ᾽ αὐτός fere codd.

112

911 del. Nauck

916 πέφηνε Camper: πέπηγε Valckenaer codd.: λόγῳ Nauck 920 οὐκέθ᾽ αὑτός

and it is bitter for those who have the destiny to give the city a sacrifice for its security — I shall go away. Farewell. As one man with many

I shall endure the future if need be. For how can I help it? . . . . . . . .

Stop there, old man. 7e. Do not lay hands on me. Wait; why are you running away? Te. Destiny — not I — evades you. Tell the citizens and the city of their means of salvation. You want that, yet soon you will not want it. Buthow should I not wish to save my country? Youreally wish to hear and you feel eagerness? For what rather should I have readiness? Then you may hear my predictions now. But first I want to learn clearly this:

900

where 1s Menoikeus, who conducted me here?

. Heis not far away, but near you. . Lethim go away, far from my prophecies.

. My own child will keep silent what should be so. . Do youreally wish me to tell you in his presence?

. Listening to the means of salvation he would be pleased.

910

Hear then the direction of my prophecies, by what action you would save the city of Thebes: for the sake of the country, you must kill Menoikeus here, your son, since you yourself call on destiny. . Whatare you saying? What is this story you tell, old man? . Whatis revealed: this you must certainly do.

. Ospeaker of much ill in little time. . . . . . .

To you, yes; but to your country words of import and security. Idid not listen; I did not hear. Let the city go. Kreonis no longer himself; he shies away. Go. I do not need your oracles. Is truth destroyed because of your misfortune? By your knees and by your grey beard...

920

. Why do you fall before me? You ask about evils hard to avert. . Bequiet. Do not utter these words to the city. . You urge me to do wrong. I could not keep silence.

. What will you do to me? Will you kill my son? . These things will concern others; but I will speak.

(892-928)

113

Κρ. ἐκ τοῦ δ᾽ ἐμοὶ τόδ᾽ ἦλθε καὶ τέκνῳ κακόν; Tt. ὀρθῶς μ᾽ ἐρωτᾷς κεὶς ἀγῶν᾽ ἔρχῃ λόγων.

δεῖ τόνδε θαλάμαις, ἐγένετο

Δίρκης

σφαγέντα Κάδμου

930

οὗ δράκων ὁ ynyevis

ναμάτων

ἐπίσκοπος,

φόνιον αἷμα γῇ δοῦναι γοὰς παλαιῶν

"Apeog

ὃς γηγενεῖ δράκοντι

ἐκ μηνιμάτων

τιμωρεῖ φόνον.

935

καὶ ταῦτα δρῶντες σύμμαχον κτήσεσθ᾽ "Apr. χθὼν δ᾽ ἀντὶ καρποῦ καρπὸν ἀντί θ᾽ αἵματος

αἷμ᾽ fj» λάβῃ βρότειον, ἔξετ᾽ εὐμενῆ γῆν,

7) ποθ᾽ ἡμῖν χρυσοπήληκα

στάχυν

σπαρτῶν ἀνῆκεν. ἐκ γένους δὲ δεῖ θανεῖν τοῦδ᾽ ὃς δράκοντος γένυος éxnéduce παῖς.

σὺ δ᾽ ἐνθάδ᾽ ἡμῖν λοιπὸς εἶ σπαρτῶν ἀκέραιος ἔκ τε μητρὸς

οἱ σοί τε παῖδες.

ἀρσένων

940

γένους"

τ᾽ ἄπο

Αἵμονος μὲν οὖν γάμοι

σφαγὰς ἀπείργουσ. οὐ γάρ ἐστιν feos’ Kel μὴ γὰρ εὐνῆς bar’ ἀλλ᾽ ἔχει λέχος.

945

οὗτος δὲ πῶλος τῇδ᾽ ἀνειμένος πόλει θανὼν πατρῴαν γαῖαν ἐκσώσειεν dv. πικρὸν δ᾽ ᾿Αδράστῳ νόστον ᾿Αργείοισί

τε

θήσει μέλαιναν κῆρ᾽ én’ ὄμμασιν βαλών,

950

κλεινάς τε Θήβας. τοῖνδ᾽ ἑλοῦ δυοῖν πότμοιν τὸν ἕτερον" ἢ γὰρ παῖδα σῶσον ἢ πόλιν. τὰ μὲν nap’ ἡμῶν πάντ᾽ ἔχεις" ἡγοῦ, τέκνον,

πρὸς οἶκον. μάταιος"

ὅστις δ᾽ ἐμπύρῳ χρῆται

ἦν μὲν ἐχθρὰ

σημήνας

τέχνῃ

τύχῃ,

955

πικρὸς καθέστηχ᾽ οἷς ἄν οἰωνοσκοπῇ᾽ ψευδῆ δ᾽ un’ οἴκτον τοῖσι χρωμένοις λέγων ἀδικεῖ τὰ τῶν θεῶν. Φοῖβον ἀνθρώποις μόνον χρῆν θεσπιῳδεῖν ὃς δέδοικεν οὐδένα. Χο. Κρέον, τί σιγᾷς γῆρυν ἄφθογγον σχάσας;

κἀμοὶ

960

γὰρ οὐδὲν ἧσσον ἔκπληξις πάρα.

. TE δ᾽ dv τις εἴποι;

δῆλον

οἵ γ᾽ ἐμοὶ

λόγοι.

ἐγὼ γὰρ οὔποτ᾽ ἐς τόδ᾽ εἶμι συμφορᾶς ὥστε

ofayévtra

παῖδα

προσθεῖναι

πόλει.

πᾶσιν γὰρ ἀνθρώποισι φιλότεκνος βίος οὐδ᾽ dv τὸν αὑτοῦ παῖδά τις δοίη κτανεῖν.

930 del. Herwerden

946 del. Valckenaer

954 δ᾽ del.Fraenkel

codd.:mpoOeivat F al.

114

965

964 προσθεῖναι

fere

Kr. Te.

From what cause came this ill to me and to my child? Rightly you question me and come to debate in words.

930

This boy you must sacrifice in caves where the earth-sprung dragon arose, the guardian of Dirke’s streams, and render in libation blood of slaughter to the land of Kadmos, because of the ancient wrath of Ares who demands slaughterin vengeance for the earth-sprung dragon. Through these actions, you will win Ares as ally. And if the land takes fruit for fruit and human blood for blood, you will have well-disposed

the earth which once put forth the gold-helmeted crop of sown men. One of the race must die — this race; a child sprung from the dragon's jaw.

940

Of the race of sown men you are our last local pure descendant, of mother's line and male side;

and your children too. The marriage of Haimon precludes his sacrifice. For he 15 not single: although he has not had union, he has a bride. But this colt, unyoked for the city's sake, by his death could save his native land. Bitter the return for Adrastos and the Argives he will impose, setting dark destruction on their eyes, and he will bring fame to Thebes. Of these two destinies choose one: save either son or city.

950

There you have everything from me. Lead, my child,

Ch. Kr.

homewards. Anyone who practises the craft of divination is foolish. For if he happens to give unwelcome portents, he becomes an irntant to those for whom he acts as augur. And if, through pity for those who consult him, he tells lies, he abuses the gods' sphere. For mankind, Phoibos alone should give oracles, since he fears no one. Kreon, why are you silent, slackening utterance in speechlessness? To me, no less than you, is horror present. What could one say? It is clear what my words must be. I shall never come to such a pass as to sacrifice my son and offer him to the city. For to all mankind to love their children is a way of life, and no one would give up his child to kill.

(929—66)

115

960

μή u' εὐλογείτω τάμά τις κτείνων τέκνα. αὐτὸς δ᾽ ἐν ὡραίῳ γὰρ ἕσταμεν βίου, θνήσκειν ἕτοιμος πατρίδος ἐκλυτήριον. ἄλλ᾽ εἶα, τέκνον, πρὶν μαθεῖν πᾶσαν πόλιν ἀκόλαστ᾽ ἐάσας μάντεων θεσπίσματα, φεῦγ᾽ ὡς τάχιστα τῆσδ᾽ ἀπαλλαχθεὶς yGovds: λέξει γὰρ ἀρχαῖς καὶ στρατηλάταις τάδε πύλας ἐφ᾽ ἑπτὰ καὶ λοχαγέτας μολών" κἂν μὲν φθάσωμεν ἔστι σοι σωτηρία" ἣν δ᾽ ὑστερήσῃς οἰχόμεσθα, κατθανῇ.

970

975

MENOIKETS ποῖ

δῆτα

φεύγω;

Κρ. ὅπον χθονὸς

τίνα

πόλιν;

τίνα

ξένων;

τῆσδ᾽ ἐκποδὼν μάλιστ᾽ ἔσῃ.

Με. οὐκοῦν σὲ φράζειν εἰκός, ἐκπονεῖν δ᾽ ἐμέ. Κρ. Δελφοὺς περάσας — Me. ποῖ ue χρή, πάτερ, μολεῖν; Κρ. Αἰτωλίδ᾽ ἐς γῆν.

Me.

Κρ. Θεσπρωτὸν οὖδας. Kp. ἔγνως.

Με.

ἐκ δὲ τῆσδε

Με.

ποῖ

περῶ;

σεμνὰ Δωδώνης βάθρα;

τί δὴ τόδ᾽ ἔρυμά μοι

γενήσεται;

Kp. πόμπιμος 6 δαίμων. Me. χρημάτων δὲ τίς πόρος; Κρ. ἐγὼ πορεύσω γρυσόν. Με. εὖ λέγεις, πάτερ. χώρει vvv: ὡς σὴν πρὸς κασιγνήτην μολών, ἧς πρῶτα μαστὸν εἷλκυσ᾽͵ Ἰοκάστην λέγω,

μητρὸς

στερηθεὶς ὀρῴανός

990

καὶ δειλίᾳ δίδωσι. καὶ συγγνωστὰ μὲν γέροντι, τοὐμὸν δ᾽ οὐχὶ σνγγνώμην ἔχει γενέσθαι

πατρίδος

τε δώσω

995

ἥ μ᾽ ἐγείνατο.

ὡς οὖν dv εἰδῆτ᾽ εἶμι καὶ σώσω ψυχήν

πόλιν

τῆσδ᾽ ὑπερθανεῖν χθονός.

αἰσχρὸν γάρ: οἱ μὲν θεσφάτων ἐλεύθεροι κοὐκ εἰς ἀνάγκην δαιμόνων ἀφιγμένοι

967-9 del.Herwerden

ἐστιν

985

τ᾽ ἀποζυγείς,

προσηγορήσων εἶμι καὶ σώσων βίον. ἀλλ᾽ εἶα, χώρει" μὴ τὸ σὸν κωλυέτω. γυναῖκες, ws εὖ πατρὸς ἐξεῖλον φόβον κλέψας λόγοισιν, ὥσθ᾽ ἃ βούλομαι τυχεῖν’ ὅς μ᾽ ἐκκομίζει πόλιν ἀποστερῶν τύχης,

προδότην

980

968 βίου

Reiske: βίῳ

codd.

1000

974 del.Valckenaer: cf.

περιττός

980 περάσας Bal.: περάσας φεῦγε ferecodd.

πάτερ om.L al. del.V? 983

δὴ τόδ᾽ Musgrave: δῆτ᾽ codd. 986 χώρει vvv codd.plerique: notam «p.om.CX al.: notam jpe.om.CP al. Creonti trib.codd.plerique: notam xp.om.P sed ue.991 habet

Men.trib.Musgrave: Creonti 990 Men.contin.Musgrave:

116

Let no one praise me if he would kill my children. But I myself— for I am at a fit time of life — am ready to die to set my city free.

But come, my son, before the whole city hears of this;

970

dismiss the prophecies of seers as wanton, and flee with all speed, leaving behind this land. For he will tell these things to rulers and commanders, going to the seven gates and captains; and if we anticipate him you are secure, but if you delay we are done for; you will die. MENOIKEUS Where shall I flee? To what city? Whom of foreign friends? Kr. Where you will be most out of the way of this land. Me. It is appropriate for you to say, for me to endure it. Με. Where must I go, father? Kr. Having passed Delphi — Kr. To the land of Aitolia— Με. And from there where shall I go? Kr. Kr. Kr. Kr.

The Thesprotian region —

Me.

980

The holy seat of Dodona?

Yes — Me. How will this be my protection? The god will act as escort — Me. But what resource of money? I shall provide gold — Me. You promise well, father. Leave then; going to your sister at whose breast I nursed in early days — I mean Iokaste — since I was bereft of my mother and separated in bereavement, I shall go on to speak to her and save my life. But come, leave; don't you hinder things.

990

Women, how well I removed my father's fear, deceiving him with words, so as to win what I wish;

since he tries to remove me, depriving the city of its destiny and giving me over to cowardice. This is pardonable in an old man; but my conduct has no exoneration, to be a traitor to the country which gave me birth. 50 that you may know: I shall go and save the city. I shall give my life to die for the sake of this land. For it is disgraceful — other men, free from prophecy and not brought to divine constraint,

1000

(967—1000)

117

στάντες παρ᾽ ἀσπίδ᾽ οὐκ ὀκνήσουσιν θανεῖν, πύργων πάροιθε μαχόμενοι πάτρας UÜmep: ἐγὼ

δὲ

πατέρα

καὶ

κασίγνητον

προδοὺς;

πόλιν τ᾽ ἐμαυτοῦ δειλὸς ds ὄξω χθονὸς; ἄπειμ; ὅπον δ᾽ ἂν ζῶ κακὸς φανήσομαι; μὰ τὸν per’ ἄστρων Ζῆν᾽ 'Apn re φοίνιον, ὃς τοὺς ὑπερτείλαντας ἐκ γαίας ποτὲ Σπαρτοὺς ἄνακτας τῆσδε γῆς ἱδρύσατο.

1005

ἀλλ᾽ εἶμι καὶ στὰς ἐξ ἐπάλξεων ἄκρων addfas éuavróv σηκὸν és μελαμβαθῇ δράκοντος, ἔνθ᾽ ὁ μάντις ἐξηγήσατο, ἐλευθερώσω γαῖαν" εἴρηται λόγος. στείχω δὲ θανάτον δῶρον οὐκ αἰσχρὸν

δώσων,

1010

πόλει

νόσον δὲ τήνδ᾽ ἀπαλλάξω χθόνα.

εἰ γὰρ λαβὼν ἕκαστος ὅ τι δύναιτό τις χρηστὸν διέλθοι τοῦτο κἀς κοινὸν φέροι

1015

πατρίδι, κακῶν ἂν αἱ πόλεις ἐλασσόνων πειρώμεναι τὸ λοιπὸν εὐτυχοῖεν dv.

Χο.

ἔβας ἔβας,

στρ.

ὦ πτεροῦσσα μνερτέρου

γᾶς λόχευμα

T' Ἐχίδνας,

1020

Καδμείων ἁρπαγά, πολύῴθορος πολύστονος μειξοπάρθενος, δάιον τέρας φοιτάσι πτεροῖς" xaAatoí τ᾽ ὠμοσίτοις" Διρκαίων d ποτ᾽ ἐκ τόπων νέους πεδαίρουσ᾽

1025

ἄλυρον dudl μοῦσαν ὀλομέναν

τ᾽ Ἐρινὺν

ἔφερες ἔφερες ἄχεα dóvia:

φόνιος

πατρίδι

1030

ἐκ θεῶν

ὃς τάδ᾽ ἦν ὁ πράξας. ἰάλεμοι

δὲ ματέρων,

ἰάλεμοι

δὲ παρθένων

1013-8 del.Scheurleer 1019 πτεροῦσσα IT B al.: πτεροῦσα IP fere codd. 1021 dprayd IP, sicut coni.Musgrave: dpmayd fere codd. 1023 μειξοπάρθενος: Murray: μιξοπάρθενος codd.

1029 τ’ codd.: del.Hartung

118

standing by the shield, will not shrink from death

fighting before the towers for their country; shall I, betraying father and brother and my own city too, go away like a coward from the land? Wherever I live, shall I appear a villain? No, by Zeus in the heavens and murderous Ares, who once established rulers of this land

those risen from the earth, sown men. Rather, I shall go, and taking stance on topmost battlements slay myself, into the lair, with dark depths,

1010

of the dragon, the point the seer indicated,

and free the land. My words are uttered. I go, to give gift of death not dishonourable for the city; I shall free this land from trouble. If each individual, seizing what he could of good, were to accomplish this and bring it to the common pool for his country, cities would experience fewer ills, and in the future have good fortune.

1019-66

Ch.

3rd stasimon You went, you went,

str.

winged one, brood of earth, of goblin underground, seizing Kadmeans;

1020

full of destruction, full of woe,

half woman savage monster, with beating wings, and talons feeding on flesh;

who once from Dirke's regions raising up young men, with strident sound and baneful fury

brought, brought to our country woes

1030

of murder. Murderous the one among the gods who brought this about.

Laments of women laments of girls

(1001-34) 119

ἐστέναζον

οἴκοις"

1035

lmrkov βοάν,

ἰηιήιον μέλος, ἄλλος ἄλλ᾽ ἐπωτότυζε διαδοχαῖς ἀνὰ πτόλιν. βροντᾷ δὲ στεναγμὸς

ἀχά

T' ἣν ὅμοιος,

ὁπότε á

πόλεος

πτεροῦσσα

1040

ἀφανίσειεν παρθένος

τιν᾽ ἀνδρῶν.

χρόνῳ δ᾽ ἔβα Πυθίαις ἀποστολαῖσιν

ἄντ.

Οἰδίπους ὁ τλάμων Θηβαίαν

τάνδε

τότ᾽ ἀσμένοις

γᾶν

1045

πάλιν δ᾽ dyn:

ματρὶ γὰρ γάμους δυσγάμους τάλας; καλλίνικος ὧν αἰνιγμάτων

συνάπτει,

μιαίνει δὲ πτόλιν" δι᾿ αἱμάτων δ᾽ ἀμείβει μυσαρὸν εἰς ἀγῶνα

1050

καταβαλὼν ἀραῖσι τέκεα μέλεος. ἀγάμεθ᾽ ἀγάμεθ᾽ ὃς ἐπὶ θάνατον οἴχεται γᾶς ὑπὲρ πατρῴας, Κρέοντι

μὲν λιπὼν

τὰ δ᾽ ἑπτάπυργα καλλίνικα

γόους

κλῇθρα

γᾶς

θήσων.

yevolued’ ὧδε ματέρες γενοίμεθ᾽ εὔτεκνοι,

Παλλάς,

1055

1060

φίλα

ἃ δράκοντος αἷμα

λιθόβολον κατειργάσω, Καδμείαν μέριμναν

ὁρμήσασ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἔργον, ὅθεν ἐπέσυτο τάνδε

γαῖαν

ἁρπαγαῖσι

τις dra.

δαιμόνων

1065

1036, 1037 «mrkov. Π2ΠΊ: ἰἥκον fere codd. 1038 ἐπωτότυζε R al: ἐπωτοτυξε ut videtur Π2 «moTo| ΠῚ — 1040 dyd Musgrave: aya: 17: layá plerique 1041 rodeos IP, sicut coni. Musgrave: πόλεως fere codd. 1047 τάλας T: ὁ τάλας; fere codd. 1050 πτόλιν Triclinius: πόλιν codd. 1058 ἑπτάπυργα fere codd.: ἑπτάπυλα Lal. 1065 γαῖαν Battier: γᾶν codd.

120

they moaned in their houses. A cry of alas

a song of alas: different people raised different lamentations one after another through the city. The moaning thundered, and there was a like sighing every time the bird-woman snatched one of the men from the city. In time came on Delphic sending

1040

ant.

Oidipous the unfortunate to this land of Thebes, at one time to welcoming people but later cause of woe. For he contracted marriage with his mother,

ill-fated marriage, wretch, being gloriously victorious over the riddles and polluted the city. From bloodshed to bloodshed he passes thrusting by his curses his children, wretch, into ghastly conflict.

1050

We are happy, happy that one goes to his death for native land, leaving lamentation to Kreon but rendering gloriously victorious the seven-towered barriers of the land. Thus may we, may we be mothers blessed in our children, dear

1060

Pallas, who by hurling a stone caused to flow the blood of the dragon,

thereby prompting the thought of Kadmos to his task; from which fell on this land, by supematural seizure, a kind of destruction.

(1035—66)

121

AITEAOZ wh, τίς ἐν πύλαισι δωμάτων κυρεῖ; ἀνοίγετ᾽, ἐκπορεύετ᾽ Ἰοκάστην δόμων.

wn pdr’ αὖθις.

διὰ μακροῦ μέν, ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως --

ἔξελθ᾽ ἄκουσον, Οἰδίπον κλεινὴ δάμαρ, λήξασ᾽ ὀδυρμῶν πενθίμων τε δακρύων. To.

1070

ὦ φίλτατ᾽ οὔ πον ξυμφορὰν ἥκεις φέρων Ἐτεοκλέους θανόντος, οὗ παρ᾽ ἀσπίδα βέβηκας αἰεὶ πολεμίων εἴργων βέλη; τί μοί ποθ᾽ ἥκεις καινὸν ἀγγελῶν ἔπος; τέθνηκεν f) ζῇ παῖς ἐμός; σήμαινέ μοι.

1075

. 45, μὴ τρέσῃς, τοῦδ᾽ ὥς σ᾽ ἀπαλλάξω φόβον. . τί 6; ἑπτάπυργοι πῶς ἔχουσι περιβολαί; . ἑστάσ᾽ ἄθραυστοι, κοὐκ ἀνήρπασται πόλις.

. ἦλθον δὲ πρὸς κίνδυνον . ἀκμήν

‘Apyelou δορός;

γ᾽ ἐπ’ αὐτήν" ἀλλ᾽ ὁ Καδμείων

κρείσσων

κατέστη

τοῦ Mucvatouv

1080

"Αρης

δορός.

. ὧν εἰπὲ πρὸς θεῶν, εἴ τι Πολυνείκους

πέρι

οἷσθ᾽- ὡς μέλει μοι καὶ τόδ᾽ εἰ λεύσσει φάος. . (6 σοι ξυνωρὶς ἐς τόδ᾽ ἡμέρας

τέκνων.

1085

. εὐδαιμονοίης. πῶς γὰρ ᾿Αργείων δόρυ πυλῶν ἀπεστήσασθε πυργηρούμενοι; λέξον, γέροντα τυφλὸν ὡς κατὰ στέγας ἐλθοῦσα τέρψω, τῆσδε γῆς σεσωσμένης.

. ἐπεὶ Κρέοντος παῖς ὁ γῆς ὑπερθανὼν πύργων én’ ἄκρων στὰς μελάνδετον ξίφος λαιμῶν

διῆκε

τῇδε

1090

γῇ σωτήριον,

λόχους ἔνειμεν ἑπτὰ καὶ λοχαγέτας πύλας ἐφ᾽ ἑπτά, φύλακας ᾿Αργείου δορός, σὸς παῖς, ἐφέδρους «65 ἱππότας μὲν ὅταξ᾽͵ ὁπλίτας δ᾽ ἀσπιδηφόροις ἔπι,

ἱππόταις

1095

ὡς τῷ νοσοῦντι τειχέων εἴη δορὸς ἀλκὴ &' ὀλίγου. περγάμων δ᾽ dr’ ὀρθίων λεύκασπιν εἰσορῶμεν ᾿Αργείων στρατὸν Τευμησὸν ἐκλιπόντα, καὶ τάφρον πέλας δρόμῳ ξνυνῆψαν dorv Καδμείας χθονός.

1070-1 susp.Reeve (1069 del.Zipperer, 1070 del.Bruhn)

fere codd.

1075 del.Kirchhoff: cf.Z

1069-70 ἐν τοῖς

οὗτος ὁ στίχος (huc refert Valckenaer)

σ᾽ BJRfSX al.: om.fere codd.

1100

1072 οὔ πον Kirchhoff: ἧπου πολλοῖς

ἀντιγράφοις

ov φέρεται

1077 τοῦδ᾽ Rf, sicut coni.Porson: τόδ᾽ fere codd.

1080 Ἄργειον 179 1095 δ᾽ add.Grotius 122

1101 del.Kirchhoff

1067-1283 4th episode MESSENGER Hal-lo. Who is posted at the gate of the house?

Open up, bring Iokaste out of the house. Hal-lo again. Even if from a long way off, even so — Come out, listen, famed wife of Oidipous,

1070

desisting from lamentation and tears of grief. Jo.

My dear, I hope you have not come bringing bad news

of Eteokles’ death, on whose shield side you have ever stood, keeping off missiles from the enemy? What fresh report have you come to announce to me? Is my child dead or alive? Tell me. . He is alive, dread not; that I may free you from this fear.

What then?

How are the seven encircling towers?

. They stand unbreached, and the city is not taken. But they have come to hazard from Argive spear? . Yes, to the very point of it. But Kadmean Ares stood stronger than Mykenaian spear. Tell me one thing, by the gods; if you know anything about Polyneikes This indeed I care about: whether he sees the light of day. . Your pair of sons are both alive until this day. Ibless you. How have you repulsed the Argive spear from the gates, beleaguered? Tell me, so that 1 can go and gladden the blind old man in the house, this city being saved. Ms. When Kreon's son, who died for the land, taking stance on topmost towers plunged in his throat the black-bound sword, bringing security to this land; your son assigned seven companies and commanders

1080

1090

to seven gates, as guardians against the Árgive spear, and drew up horsemen in reserve for horsemen and hoplites for shieldbearers

so that there would be spear's assistance soon at hand to any troubled point in the walls. From the steep citadel we saw the army of the Argives, with white shields, leaving Teumessos; and near the ditch at a run they closed in on the citadel of the Kadmean land.

1100

(1067-1101)

123

παιὰν δὲ καὶ σάλπιγγες ἐκελάδουν ὁμοῦ ἐκεῖθεν ἔκ τέ τειχέων ἡμῶν πάρα. καὶ πρῶτα μὲν προσῆγε Νηίταις λόχον πυκναῖσιν ἀσπίσιν πεῴφρικότα

πύλαις 1105

ὁ τῆς κυναγοῦ Παρθενοπαῖος ἔκγονος, ἐπίσημ᾽ ἔχων οἰκεῖον ἐν μέσῳ σάκει ἑκηβόλοις τόξοισιν ᾿Αταλάντην κάπρον χειρουμένην Altwidv. ἐς δὲ Προιτίδας πύλας ἐχώρει σῴάγι᾽ ἔχων ἐφ᾽ dopant ὁ μάντις ‘Audidpaos οὐ anuet' ἔχων ὑβρισμέν᾽ ἀλλὰ σωῴφρόνως ἄσημ᾽ ὅπλα.

Ὠγύγια

δ᾽ ἐς πυλώμαθ’

1110

Ἱππομέδων ἄναξ

—

ἔστειχ᾽ ἔχων σημεῖον ἐν μέσῳ σάκει στικτοῖς Πανόπτην ὄμμασιν δεδορκότα, τὰ μὲν σὺν ἄστρων ἐπιτολαῖσιν ὄμματα

— —

βλέποντα τὰ δὲ κρύπτοντα δυνόντων μέτα, ὡς ὕστερον θανόντος εἰσορᾶν παρῆν.

1115

Ὁμολωίσιν δὲ τάξιν εἶχε πρὸς πύλαις Τυδεύς, λέοντος δέρος ἔχων ἐπ᾽ ἀσπίδι χαίτῃ πεῴρικός" δεξιᾷ δὲ λαμπάδα Τιτὰν Προμηθεὺς ἔφερεν ὡς πρήσων πόλιν. ὁ σὸς

δὲ Κρηναίαισι

Πολυνείκης

1120

πύλαις

Ἄρη προσῆγε: Ποτνιάδες δ᾽ én’ ἀσπίδι ἐπίσημα πῶλοι δρομάδες: ἐσκίρτων φόβῳ

1125

εὖ πως στρόφιγξιν ἔνδοθεν κυκλούμεναι πόρπαχ᾽ um’ αὐτόν, ὥστε μαίνεσθαι δοκεῖν. ὁ δ᾽ οὐκ ἔλασσον Ἄρεος ἐς μάχην φρονῶν Καπανεὺς προσῆγε λόχον én’ Ἠλέκτραις πύλαις" σιδηρονώτοις δ᾽ ἀσπίδος κύκλοις ἐπῆν γίγας én’ duas γηγενὴς ὅλην πόλιν φέρων μοχλοῖσιν ἐξανασπάσας βάθρων,

1130

ὑπόνοιαν ἡμῖν οἷα πείσεται πόλις. ταῖς δ᾽ ἑβδόμαις "Λδραστος ἐν πύλαισιν ἦν, -

ἑκατὸν ἐχίδναις ἀσπίδ᾽ ἐκπληρῶν γραφῇ, ὕδρας ἔχων λαιοῖσιν ἐν βραχίοσιν

1135

Apyetov αὔχημ" ἐκ δὲ τειχέων μέσων δράκοντες ἔφερον τέκνα Καδμείων γνάθοις.

1104-40

del.Morus

(1116-8

1130 σιδηρονωτον IT! βίᾳ fere codd. 1133

susp. Valckenaer,

1136

del.Murray)

1121

πεῴφρικώς

M

al.

κυκλοις. I]: τύποις codd. 1132 βάθρων IMR al.et "Mi al.: vwrovaa wu» In 1136 ὕδρας fere codd.: ὕδραν IT! 124

The bugles blared a battle tune simultaneously from the enemy side, and from the walls on our side.

First of all, Parthenopaios, son of the huntress, brought to the Neitan Gate

a company bristling with massed shields. He had a family motif on the middle of his shield: Atalanta, with far-shooting shafts overwhelming the boar of Aitolia. To the Proitidan gates went the seer Amphiaraos with sacrificial victims on his chariot, bearing no emblems of arrogance; but modestly arms without device. To the Ogygian gate, Lord Hippomedon

1110

went with an emblem on the middle of his shield: Panoptes seeing with faceted eyes; — one set of eyes looking with the rise of the stars — one set closing with their setting —

— as later, when he was dead, one could observe. By the Homoloidan gate Tydeus had his detachment with on his shield a lionskin bristling with hairs. In his nght hand,

1120

Titan Prometheus carried a torch, as if to set fire to the city. Your son Polyneikes brought up Ares at the Krenaian Gate. Upon his shield as a device Potniad colts, running around, leapt distraught

cunningly somehow enclosed inside by pivots close to the handle, so as to seem crazed. And no less minded for the battle of Ares, Kapaneus brought up a detachment to the Elektran gate. On the iron-backed outline of his shield was set an earth-bom giant, upon his shoulders a whole city carrying, having wrested it from its foundation by levers: a hint to us of the kind of thing a city will endure. At the seventh gate was Adrastos, his shield filled with a hundred snakes in depiction, — with hydra on his left arm, an Argive boast. From the middle of the walls the snakes carried off the children of Kadmeans in their jaws.

1130

(1102-38)

125

rapnv δ᾽ ἑκάστου ἐύνθημα

τῶνδέ μοι

παρῴφέροντι

καὶ

ποιμέσιν λόχων.

πρῶτα μὲν τόξοισι

ἐμαρνάμεσθα

πέτρων

θεάματα

σφενδόναις

τ᾽ ἀραγμοῖς:

1140

καὶ μεσαγκύλοις

θ᾽ ἐκηβόλοις

ὡς δ᾽ ἐνικῶμεν μάχῃ

ἔκλαγξε Τυδεὺς καὶ σὸς ἐξαίφνης γόνος" Ὦ

τέκνα

Δαναῶν,

τί μέλλετ᾽ ἄρδην γυμνῆτες

ἱππῆς

πρὶν κατεξάνθαι

βολαῖς,

πάντες ἐμπίπτειν ἁρμάτων

1145

πύλαις

τ᾽ ἐπιστάται;

ἡχῆς δ᾽ ὅπως ἥκουσαν οὔτις ἀργὸς hv πολλοὶ

δ᾽ ἔπιπτον κρᾶτας

αἱματούμενοι,

ἡμῶν τ᾽ ἐς οὖδας εἶδες ἂν πρὸ τειχέων

1150

πυκνοὺς κυβιστητῆρας ἐκπεπνευκότας" ξηρὰν δ᾽ &Sevov γαῖαν αἵματος ῥοαῖς. ὁ 6' Apkás, οὐκ ‘Apyetos, ᾿Αταλάντης τυφὼς πύλαισιν ὥς τις ἐμπεσὼν βοᾷ

γόνος

πῦρ καὶ δικέλλας ὡς κατασκάψων πόλιν" ἀλλ᾽ ἔσχε μαργῶντ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐναλίον θεοῦ Περικλύμενος παῖς λᾶαν ἐμβαλὼν κάρᾳ

1155

ἁμαξοπληθῆ, γεῖσ᾽ ἐπάλξεων ἄπο: ξανθὸν δὲ κρᾶτα διεπάλυνε καὶ ῥαφὰς

ἔρρηξεν ὀστέων ἄρτι δ᾽ οἱἰνωπὸν γένυν

1160

καθημάτωσεν" οὐδ᾽ ἀποίσεται βίον τῇ καλλιτόξῳ μητρὶ Μαινάλου κόρῃ. ἐπεὶ

δὲ τάσδ᾽ ἐσεῖδεν εὐτυχεῖς

πύλας,

ἄλλας ἐπύήει παῖς σός, εἰπόμην δ᾽ ἐγώ. ὁρῶ δὲ Τυδέα καὶ παρασπιστὰς πυκνοὺς Αἰτωλίσιν λόγχαισιν εἰς ἄκρον στόμα πύργων ἀκοντίζοντας ὥστ᾽ ἐπάλξεων λιπεῖν ἐρίπνας φυγάδας ἀλλά νιν πάλιν κυναγὸς

ὡσεὶ

παῖς σὸς

1165

ἐξαθροίζεται

πύργοις δ᾽ ἐπέστησ᾽ αὖθις.

ἐς δ᾽ ἄλλας πύλας

1170

ἠπειγόμεσθα τοῦτο παύσαντες νοσοῦν. Καπανεὺς δὲ πῶς εἴποιμ᾽ ἄν ὡς ἐμαίνετο; μακραύχενος

γὰρ κλίμακος

προσαμβάσεις

ἔχων ἐχώρει καὶ τοσόνδ᾽ ἐκόμπασε, μηδ᾽ ἂν τὸ σεμνὸν πῦρ νιν εἰργαθεῖν Διὸς τὸ μὴ οὐ κατ᾽ ἄκρων περγάμων ἑλεῖν πόλιν.

1140

παρῴέροντι

Bal: παραφέροντι

1155 δικέλλας Bal: δίκελλαν Aal

Mal

1143 πέτρων

1158 om.M (add.

126

1175

Wecklein: πετρῶν

M^): susp. Wecklein

codd.etJ

Scrutiny of each of these men was possible for me as I took a message to the shepherds of our companies.

1140

First of all, we fought with bows and thonged javelins and with far-reaching slings and stones to rend flesh. As we were winning in the fight, Tydeus and your son suddenly screamed, “Children of Danaans, before you are tom to shreds by missiles, why do you hesitate all in a body to fall on the gates: light troops, horsemen and drivers of chariots?"

When they heard the cry, no one was slow. Many fell with heads pouring blood and you would have seen many of us falling to the ground before the walls, tumblers who had breathed their last, and they wet the dry earth with streams of blood. Then the Arkadian, no Argive, son of Atalanta

1150

falling on the gates like a whirlwind shrieks out fire and destruction, as if to raze the city. But the sea-goddess's son Periklymenos checked him in his fury, hurling at his head a rock as big as a cart, a coping-stone from the battlements.

It pulverised his fair hair and burst the sutures of his bones; and bloodied his cheek with first beard. He will not take back his life to his mother, the dweller on Mainalos with fine bow.

1160

When he saw this gate successful, your son went on against others and I followed. I saw Tydeus and massed spearsmen with Aitolian spear aiming to the very edge

of towers, so that fugitives left the battlements' sheer slopes. But again like a huntsman your son marshalled them

and set them again on the towers. And to other gates

1170

we hurried, when we had checked this trouble. As to Kapaneus, how could I tell you how mad he was?

A long ladder's scaling reach in his grasp, he went on and made a tremendous boast: that not even the holy fire of Zeus could restrain him from taking the city, right down from topmost towers.

(1139-76)

127

καὶ

ταῦθ᾽ du’ ἠγόρευε

καὶ

πετρούμενος

ἀνεῖρῴ᾽ ὑπ᾽ αὐτὴν ἀσπίδ᾽ εἰλίξας δέμας, κλίμακος ἀμείβων ξέστ᾽ ἐνηλάτων βάθρα. ἤδη δ᾽ ὑπερβαίνοντα γεῖσα τειχέων βάλλει κεραυνῷ Ζεύς wv: ἐκτύπησε δὲ χθὼν ὥστε δεῖσαι πάντας ἐκ δὲ κλιμάκων ἐσῴφενδονᾶτο χωρὶς ἀλλήλων μέλη,

1180

κόμαι μὲν εἰς Ὄλυμπον αἷμα δ᾽ ἐς χθόνα χεῖρες δὲ καὶ κῶλ᾽ ὡς elllacer”

κύκλωμ᾽

ἐς γῆν δ᾽ ἔμπυρος

πίπτει

ὡς δ᾽ eló' "Λδραστος Ζῆνα ἔξω

τάφρου καθῖσεν

Ἰξίονος

1185

νεκρός.

πολέμιον στρατῷ,

᾿Αργείων στρατόν.

οἱ δ᾽ αὖ παρ᾽ ἡμῶν δεξιὸν Διὸς" τέρας ἰδόντες ἐξήλαυνον ἁρμάτων ὄχοι ἱππῆς ὁπλῖται κἀς péa’

1190

᾿Αργείων ὅπλα

συνῆψαν éyym: πάντα δ᾽ ἦν ὁμοῦ κακά: ἔθνῃσκον

ἐξέπιπτον

ἀντύγων

diro,

τροχοί τ᾽ ἐπήδων ἄξονές τ᾽ én’ ἄξοσι, νεκροὶ δὲ νεκροῖς ἐξεσωρεύονθ᾽ ὁμοῦ. πύργων μὲν οὖν γῆς ἔσχομεν κατασκαφὰς ἐς τὴν παροῦσαν

ἔσται

ἡμέραν:

1195

εἰ δ᾽ εὐτυχὴς

τὸ λοιπὸν ἧδε γῆ θεοῖς μέλει"

* καὶ νῦν γὰρ αὐτὴν δαιμόνων ἔσωσέ Tis. Χο. καλὸν τὸ νικᾶν" εἰ δ᾽ ἀμείνον᾽ οἱ θεοὶ

1200

γνώμην ἔχουσιν εὐτυχὴς εἴην ἐγώ. lo.

καλῶς παῖδές Κρέων τῶν τ᾽ παιδὸς

τὰ τῶν θεῶν καὶ τὰ τῆς τύχης ἔχει" Te γάρ μοι ζῶσι κἀκπέφευγε γῆ. δ᾽ ἔοικε τῶν ἐμῶν νυμφευμάτων Οἰδίπου δύστηνος ἀπολαῦσαι κακῶν στερηθεὶς τῇ πόλει μὲν εὐτυχῶς

ἰδίᾳ δὲ λυπρῶς.

ἀλλ᾽ ἄνελθέ μοι

1205

πάλιν

τί τἀπὶ τούτοις παῖδ᾽ ἐμὼ δρασείετον. Αγ. ἔα τὰ λοιπά: δεῦρ᾽ ἀεὶ γὰρ εὐτυχεῖς. lo. τοῦτ᾽ εἰς ὕποπτον εἶπας οὐκ ἑατέον.

Αγ. μεῖζον τί χρήζεις lo. καὶ

τἀπίλοιπά

γ᾽ εἰ καλῶς:

Αγ. μέθες u^ ἔρημος lo. κακόν

παῖδας

1183-5 del.Nauck

ἢ σεσωσμένους; πράσσω

παῖς ὑπασπιστοῦ

τι κεύθεις καὶ

1210

στέγεις

ὑπὸ

κλύειν.

σέθεν. σκότῳ.

[186 εἰλίσσετ᾽ Z, sicut coni.Heath: éAlover’ fere codd.

Musgrave: ὄχους fere codd. 1199 om.codd.plerique: habent

128

M et L?

1190 ὄχοι

1201 ἔχοιεν MPO al.

Even as he asserted this, though being struck by rocks he climbed, with body curled under his shield climbing one by one the polished stepping-rungs of the ladder. And, as he was already passing the coping of the walls,

1180

Zeus struck him with a thunderbolt. Then the earth roared so that all were terrified. From the ladder his limbs were catapulted separately: his hair to heaven, his blood to earth,

his hands and legs whirled like Ixion's wheel. He fell to earth a blazing corpse. When Adrastos saw that Zeus was hostile to his army, he halted the Argive army beyond the ditch.

Our men, again, observing the favourable omen from Zeus charged out — chariots,

1190

horsemen and footsoldiers — and into the midst of Argive arms engaged their spears. All was disaster together: they died as they fell from chariot rails; wheels started and one axle after another; corpses upon corpses were heaped up together. We have checked destruction of the towers of the city up to the present day. But whether this land will be fortunate for the future, that lies with the gods.

For the moment, some divinity has preserved it.

Ch.

Victory is good. And if the gods have still better

1200

purpose, I should be happy. Io.

The dispensations of the gods and of destiny go well. My sons are alive and the country has escaped. Kreon seems, poor man, to take the brunt of my marriage and of Oidipous' woes,

bereft of his son — happily for the city

but miserably for him personally. But please resume again: what did my two sons aim to do after these events? Ms. Ms.

Forget the rest. To this point they are happy still. What you have said leads to suspicion. The subject cannot be forgotten.1210 Do you want more as regards your sons than that they live?

Io.

To hear if I am fortunate for the future too.

Ms.

Let me go. Your son is deprived of his attendant. You are concealing something unhappy and veiling it in darkness.

Jo.

Io.

(1177-1214) 129

Ay. κοὐκ dv ye λέξαιμ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἀγαθοῖσι

σοῖς κακά.

1215

lo. ἣν μή γε φεύγων ἐκφύγῃς πρὸς αἰθέρα. Ay. alai* τί μ᾽ οὐκ εἴασας ἐξ εὐαγγέλου φήμης ἀπελθεῖν ἀλλὰ μηνῦσαι κακά"

Tw

παῖδε

τὼ ow μέλλετον,

τολμήματα

αἴσχιστα,

χωρὶς μονομαχεῖν

παντὸς

λέξαντες

᾿Αργείοισι

Καδμείοισί

στρατοῦ

1220

τε

ἐς κοινὸν οἷον μήποτ᾽ ddeAov λόγον.

—

Ἐτεοκλέης δ᾽ ὑπῆρξ᾽ ἀπ᾽ ὀρθίον σταθεὶς πύργον κελεύσας σῖγα κηρῦξαι στρατῷ" ἔλεξε 6^ Ὦ γῆς Ἑλλάδος στρατηλάται Δαναῶν ἀριστῆς οἴπερ ἤλθετ᾽ ἐνθάδε Κάδμου

τε λαός, μήτε

Πολυνείκους χάριν

ψυχὰς ἀπεμπολᾶτε μήθ᾽ ἡμῶν ἐγὼ

γὰρ

αὐτὸς

ὕπερ.

τόνδε κίνδυνον μεθεὶς

μόνος" συνάψω συγγόνῳ τὠμῷ μάχην᾽ κἂν μὲν κτάνω τόνδ᾽ οἶκον οἰκήσω μόνος, ἡσσώμενος

δὲ τῷδε

παραδώσω

σὸς δὲ Πολυνείκης

ἐκ τάξεων ὥρουσε πάντες

κάἀπήνει

δ᾽ ἐπερρόθησαν

συνῆψαν

λόγους.

᾿Αργεῖοι

ἐμμενεῖν

ἤδη δ᾽ ἔκρυπτον σῶμα δισσοὶ

γέροντος

Οἰδίπου

τάδε

1240

στρατηλάται.

παγχάλκοις ὅπλοις" νεανίαι"

φίλοι δ᾽ ἐκόσμουν, τῆσδε μὲν πρόμον χθονὸς Σπαρτῶν ἀριστῆς, τὸν δὲ Δαναϊδῶν ἄκροι. ἔσταν δὲ λαμπρὼ χρῶμά τ᾽ οὐκ ἠλλαξάτην μαργῶντ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἀλλήλοισιν

1235

γόνος"

Κάδμου τε λαὸς ὡς δίκαι᾽ ἡγούμενοι. ἐπὶ τοῖσδε δ᾽ ἐσπείσαντο κἀν μεταιχμίοις ὄρκους

1230

μόνῳ:

ὑμεῖς δ᾽ ἀγῶν᾽ ἀφέντες, ᾿Αργεῖοι, γθόνα νίσεσθε βίοτον μὴ λιπόντες ἐνθάδε, * Σπαρτῶν τε λαὸς ἅλις ὃς κεῖται νεκρός. τοσαῦτ᾽ ἔλεξε

1225

ἱέναι

1245

δόρυ.

παρεξίοντες δ᾽ ἄλλος ἄλλοθεν φίλων λόγοις ἐθάρσυνόν τε κἀξηύδων τάδε"

1225, 1233-5, 1238-9, 1242-58 del.Fraenkel (1225 del.Kirchhoff, cf.Z οὐ φέρεται

ἐν τοῖς

πολλοῖς ἀντιγράφοις: 1235 del. Valckenaer: 1239 del.Nauck: 1221-58 del.Paley) 1226 et 1245 ἀριστεῖς fere codd. 1232 μόνῳ A al: μόνος Bal: δόμον Lal. 1233 Ἀργεῖοι M al: Apye(ar plerique 1235 del.Valckenaer. ὃς B al.: ὅσος. Χ al. νεκρός fere codd.: θανών Pal 1234 ἐμμενεῖν Elmsley: ἐμμένειν codd. στρατηλάται L al: στρατηλάτας B al.: στρατηλάταις V 1249 λόγοις ἐθάρσυμόν τὲ B al: λόγοισι θαρσύνοντες Ἡ al.

130

Ms. lo.

Ms.

Yes, but I would not wish to report bad news after your good news. You must, unless you escape by flight into thin air. Alas. Why did you not allow me to go away after good news’ report; but force me to tell misfortune? Your sons intended — venture most shameful — to meet in single combat apart from all the army: they made to Argives and Kadmeans in public such speech as they never should. Eteokles began, from stance on lofty tower, after ordering that silence be proclaimed to the army,

1220

he said, “Commanders of the land of Greece, chieftains of the Danaans, who have come here, and people of Kadmos; do not for Polyneikes’ sake

barter away your lives, nor for mine. For I myself, setting aside this danger, shall join in single combat with my brother. And if I kill him, I alone shall live in the house; but if defeated I shall yield it to him alone.

1230

As for you, Argives: give up the conflict and return to your land, not laying down your lives here; of the sown men too the host lying dead is enough.”

So much he said. Your son Polyneikes leapt up from the ranks and applauded his words. All the Argives shouted agreement at this and the host of Kadmos, as if they thought it nght. On these terms they made a truce, and in the middle ground

1240

the commanders took oaths to abide by it. Already the two young sons of aged Oidipous began to cover their bodies with arms all of bronze.

Their friends arrayed them: the chieftains of the Spartoi the leader of this land, the other the foremost of the Danaids.

They stood both gleaming and did not change colour savagely ready to hurl the spear at each other. Different friends came out to their side at different points, gave verbal encouragement and addressed them as follows:

(1215-49)

131

Πολύνεικες, τρόπαιον

ἐν σοὶ Ζηνὸς: ὀρθῶσαι βρέτας

“Apyet

τ᾽ εὐκλεᾶ

δοῦναι

1250

λόγον"

Ἐτεοκλέα δ᾽ ab Νῦν πόλεως ὑπερμαχεῖς, νῦν καλλίνικος γενόμενος σκήπτρων κρατεῖς. τάδ᾽ ἡγόρευον παρακαλοῦντες ἐς μάχην.

μάντεις δὲ pir’ ἔσφαζον, ῥήξεις 7’ ἐνώμων ὑγρότητ᾽ ἄκραν re λαμπάδ᾽ fj óvotv νίκης τε σῆμα καὶ τὸ τῶν ἀλλ᾽ εἴ τιν’ ἀλκὴν

7 φίλτρ᾽ ἐπῳδῶν, δεινῆς

καὶ

ἁμίλλης

ἐμπύρους τ᾽ ἀκμὰς ἐναντίαν ὅρους ἔχει ἡσσωμένων.

ἢ σοφοὺς

orety;

ἔχεις λόγους

ἐρήτυσον

τέκνα

1260

ὡς ὁ κίνδυνος μέγας"

τἄθλα δεινὰ δάκρυά σοι

δισσοῖν

1255

στερείσῃ

γενήσεται

τῇδ᾽ ἐν ἡμέρᾳ

τέκνοιν.

lo. ὦ τέκνον ἔξελθ᾽ ᾿Αντιγόνη δόμων πάρος" οὐκ ἐν χορείαις οὐδὲ

παρθενεύμασι

1265

νῦν σοι προχωρεῖ δαιμόνων κατάστασις, ἀλλ᾽ ἄνδρ᾽ ἀρίστω καὶ κασιγνήτω σέθεν ἐς θάνατον ἐκνεύοντε κωλῦσαί σε δεῖ

Civ μητρὶ τῇ σῇ μὴ πρὸς ἀλλήλοιν θανεῖν.

Av. τίν; ὦ τεκοῦσα μῆτερ, ἔκπληξιν νέαν φίλοις

ἀντεῖς

τῶνδε

δωμάτων

1270

πάρος;

lo. ὦ θύγατερ, ἔρρει σῶν κασιγνήτων βίος. Av. πῶς εἶπας; lo. αἰχμὴν ἐς μίαν καθέστατον. Av. ol γώ, τί λέξεις, μῆτερ; lo. οὐ φίλ᾽ ἀλλ᾽ ἕπου. Av. ποῖ, παρθενῶνας ἐκλιποῦσ: Io. ἀνὰ στρατόν. Av. αἰδούμεθ᾽ ὄχλον. lo. οὐκ ἐν αἰσχύνῃ τὰ od. Av. δράσω

δὲ δὴ

τί,

Av. τί δρῶσα, μῆτερ; ἡγοῦ

συγγόνων

λύσεις

ἔριν.

lo. προσπίτνονσ᾽ ἐμοῦ μέτα.

σὺ πρὸς μεταίχμι"

ἔπειγ᾽ ἔπειγε, —

lo.

1275

ov μελλητέον.

θύγατερ. ὡς ἣν μὲν φθάσω

1280

παῖδας πρὸ λόγχης, οὑμὸς ἐν φάει βίος, ἦν δ᾽ ὑστερήσῃς οἰχόμεσθα, κατθανῇ, θανοῦσι δ᾽ αὐτοῖς συνθανοῦσα κείσομαι.

1262-3 del.Valckenaer 1265-9 del.Fraenkel (1269 del.Wecklein) 1279 Iocastae contin.Z, sicut coniJackson: Antigonae trib.codd.plerique 1282 om.OP al.: del.Grotius, cf.976 et 2

ἐν πολλοῖς: οὐ φέρεται

πολλοῖς

132

Polyneikes, it lies in your hands to set up Zeus' image as a trophy and to give Árgos a glorious reputation. And in the case of Eteokles again: now you fight for the city; now if you are gloriously victorious you have possession of the sceptre. That is what they were saying, urging them to battle. The seers were sacrificing sheep and starting to scrutinise the blazing points, clefts with an unfavourable flickering and the topmost flame, which has markers for two things: the sign of victory and that of men being defeated. But, if you have some power or wise words or spells to charm, go, restrain your sons

1250

1260

from dread conflict. For the danger is extreme. Their struggle will mean terrible tears for you, if you are bereft of both sons on this day. Daughter Antigone, come out before the house. Not among dances or maiden pursuits does the pattern of the gods lie before you;

lo.

but you must prevent, with your mother, two fine men, your brothers, bent on death, from dying at each other's hands. .

Mother who bore me, what new terror

1270

do you call out to our friends before this house? Daughter, the life of your brothers is waning. . Whatdo yousay? . lo. They have set themselves to single combat.

. Alas, what will you say, mother? 10. Itis not welcome, but follow me. . Where, if Imust leave the women's rooms? 10. Through the army. . Ishrink from the crowd. 10. Your position does not allow shrinking. . But whatshallIdo? 10. You will resolve your brothers’ strife. . By what action, mother? 10. By entreaty, with me. Lead into the open: we must not delay. Hurry, hurry, daughter. For, if I arrive in time, before my sons' duel, my life is saved. — But if you delay, we are done for; you will die and sharing their death I shall lie over their bodies.

1280

(1250-83)

133

Xo. alat αἰαῖ τρομερᾶν $píka

στρ. τρομερὰν

φρέν᾽ ἔχω:

1285

διὰ σάρκα δ᾽ ἐμὰν ἔλεος ἔλεος ἔμολε ματέρος δειλαίας. δίδυμα τέκεα πότερος ἄρα πότερον aluátei ἰώ μοι πόνων, ἰὼ Ζεῦ, ἰὼ γᾶ ὁμογενῆ δέραν ὁμογενῆ ψυχὰν δι᾽ ἀσπίδων δι᾽ αἱμάτων; τάλαιν᾽ ἐγὼ τάλαινα,

1290

πότερον ἄρα

1295

νέκυν ὀλόμενον ἰαχήσω;

φεῦ δᾶ φεῦ δᾶ δίδυμοι θῆρες φόνιαι δορὶ

ἄντ. ψυχαὶ

παλλόμεναι

πέσεα

πέσεα δάι᾽ αὐτίχ᾽ aludéerov.

τάλανες

ὅ τι

ποτὲ μονομάχον

ἐπὶ

φρέν᾽ ἠλθέτην,

1300

βοᾷ βαρβάρῳ στενακτὰν ἰαχὰν μελομέναν νεκροῖς δάκρυσι θρηνήσω. σχεδὸν τύχα πέλας: φόνου" κρινεῖ φάος τὸ μέλλον. ἄποτμος ἄποτμος ὁ φόνος ἕνεκ᾽

ἀλλὰ

γὰρ Κρέοντα

πρὸς

δόμους

λεύσσω

στείχοντα,

1305 Ἐρινύων.

τόνδε δεῦρο συννεφῆ

παύσω

τοὺς

παρεστῶτας

γόους.

Κρ. οἴμοι τί δράσω; πότερ᾽ ἐμαντὸν ἢ πόλιν στένω δακρύσας ἣν πέριξ ὄχει νέφος τοιοῦτον ὥστε δι᾽ ᾿Αχέροντος ἰέναι; ἐμός τε γὰρ παῖς γῆς ὄλωλ᾽ ὑπερθανὼν τοὔνομα λαβὼν γενναῖον ἀνιαρὸν δ᾽ ἐμοί: ὃν ἄρτι

κρημνῶν

αὐτοσῴφαγῆ

ἐκ δρακοντείων

1310

ἑλὼν

1315

δύστηνος ἐκόμισ᾽ ἐν χεροῖν,

βοᾷ δὲ δῶμα πᾶν- ἐγὼ δ᾽ ἥκω μέτα γέρων ἀδελφὴν γραῖαν Ἰοκάστην, ὅπως λούσῃ προθῆταί τ᾽ οὐκέτ᾽ ὄντα παῖδ᾽ ἐμόν.

1284 al velat quater Bal: bis R al.: octies V 1285 post ἔχω habent al. vel af quater B al.: bis X al:decies V 1287 ματέρος T: ματρός fere codd. 1300 rdAaves Fal: τάλαινες"

fere codd. novit 2

1302 στενακτὰν hoc loco S al.: post laydr O al.: ante ἐπὶ L: om.codd.plerique: 1305

φάος

codd. ξίφος

(1312 del.Kirchhoff, 1323 del.Kvicala, fere codd.: κλαύσῃ L al.

Hermann

1308-34 et fere 1338-53 del.Fraenkel

1343 susp. Valckenaer

134

et del.Geel)

1319 λούσῃ

1284-1306 Ch.

4th stasimon

Alas, alas,

str.

I have a heart quivering, quivering with dread. Through my flesh pity, pity moved, for an unhappy mother. The two children — which will draw whose blood first? Alas for woes, o Zeus ὁ Earth -which kindred neck, which kindred life by weapons, by bloodshed?

1290

Unhappy I am, unhappy; which corpse shall I bewail in its death? Alas earth, alas earth,

ant.

murderous spirits, twin beasts, brandishing with spear in falls, fierce falls will at once bring blood. Reckless in that they came to intent of single combat. With foreign shriek I shall wail a groaning dirge suited to the dead with tears. The doom of death is quite close. The present day will decide the future. Ill-fated ill-fated

1300

The slaughter through the Erinyes.

1307-1766

Exodos

But I see Kreon frowning here coming to the house: I shall stop my present lamentation. Kr. Alas, what shall Ido? AmI to lament in tears

1310

myself or the city, which a cloud surrounds so as to make it go through Acheron? My son is gone, having died for his country, getting a noble name, but cruel for me.

Having recently taken him from the dragon cliffs in my misery I brought him, self-slaughtered, in my arms and the whole house wails. I come to look for my aged sister Iokaste, old man as I am, so that she may wash and lay out my son, no longer living.

(1284-1319)

135

τοῖς yap θανοῦσι χρὴ τὸν ov τεθνηκότα τιμὰς διδόντα χθόνιον εὐσεβεῖν θεόν.

Χο. βέβηκ᾽ ἀδελφὴ

σή, Κρέων,

1320

ἔξω δόμων

κόρη τε μητρὸς ᾿Αντιγόνη κοινῷ ποδί. Kp. ποῖ; κἀπὶ ποίαν auudopáv; σήμαινέ μοι. Xo. ἥκουσε τέκνα μονομάχῳ μέλλειν δορὶ

ἐς ἀσπίδ᾽ ἥξειν βασιλικῶν δόμων Kp. πῶς

dis;

νέκυν

τοι

παιδὸς

1325

ὕπερ.

ἀγαπάζων

ἐμοῦ

οὐκ ἐς τόδ᾽ ἦλθον ὥστε καὶ τάδ᾽ εἰδέναι. Χο. ἀλλ᾽ οἴχεται μὲν σὴ κασιγνήτη πάλαι" δοκῶ &’ ἀγῶνα τὸν περὶ ψυχῆς, Κρέον, ἤδη πεπρᾶχθαι παισὶ τοῖσιν Οἰδίπου. Κρ. οἴμοι, τὸ μὲν σημεῖον εἰσορῶ τόδε, σκυθρωπὸν ὄμμα καὶ πρόσωπον ἀγγέλου στείχοντος ὃς πᾶν ἀγγελεῖ τὸ δρώμενον.

1330

ΑΓΓΕΛΟΣ

ὦ τάλας ἐγώ, Kp. οἰχόμεσθ

τίν᾽ εἴπω μῦθον ἢ τίνας λόγους;

οὐκ εὐπροσώποις

φροιμίοις

Αγ. ὦ τάλας, δισσῶς ἀντῶ-: μεγάλα Κρ. πρὸς" πεπραγμένοισιν

ἄλλοις

ἄρχῃ

1335

λόγου.

γὰρ φέρω κακά.

πήμασιν.

λέγεις δὲ τί;

Αγ. οὐκέτ᾽ εἰσὶ σῆς ἀδελῴῆς παῖδες ἐν φάει, Κρ. alat μεγάλα μοι θροεῖς πάθεα καὶ πόλει.

Κρέον. 1340

ὦ δώματ᾽ εἰσηκούσατ᾽ Οἰδίπουν τάδε παίδων ὁμοίαις συμῴοραῖς Χο. ὥστ᾽ ἄν δακρῦσαί

Κρ. οἴμοι

ὀλωλότων;

γ᾽ εἰ φρονοῦντ᾽ ἐτύγχανεν.

ξυμφορᾶς βαρυποτμωτάτας,

1345

οἴμοι κακῶν δύστηνος ὦ τάλας ἐγώ. Ay. Kp. Αγ. Χο.

εἰ καὶ τὰ πρὸς τούτοισί γ᾽ εἰδείης κακά. καὶ πῶς γένοιτ᾽ ἂν τῶνδε δνυσποτμώτερα; τέθνηκ᾽ ἀδελφὴ σὴ δυοῖν παίδοιν μέτα. ἀνάγετ᾽ dvdyer’ é & κωκντὸν χεροῖν ἐπὶ κάρα Te λευκοπήχεις κτύπους.

Kp. ὦ τλῆμον,

οἷον τέρμον᾽

1350

Ἰοκάστη, βίου

γάμων τε τῶν σῶν Σῴιγγὸς αἰνιγμοὺς ἔτλης. Tas καὶ πέπρακται διπτύχων παίδων φόνος

1335 λόγους

Fraenkel

ἴετε codd.: γόους

Β

1336 Creonti trib.codd.: choro trib.Di Benedetto,

1340-1 Creonti trib. ALR al.: choro trib. ACBMXZ αἱ.

1342 Creonti contin. (AL al.)

aut trib. (BMX al.) codd.plerique: choro contin.Z: nuntio trib. VR al.

Hartung: ὥστε

δακρῦσαι

Bal: ὥστ᾽ ἐκδακρῦσαι

Pal

1344

ὥστ᾽

13460m.BMVL

ἀνάγετε κωκυτὸν et χεροῖν post κτύπους codd. 1352 répuov' M al.: τέρμ᾽

136

dv δακρῦσαι

1350-1 ἀνάγετ᾽

fere codd.

Ch. Kr. Ch. Kr.

Ch.

Kr.

For to the dead the living should give honour and revere the god of the underworld. Your sister has gone, Kreon, out of the house and on the same journey Antigone, daughter with mother. Where? And for what kind of happening? Tell me. She heard that her children were on the brink, in single combat, of engaging arms for the royal house. What do you say? In attending to my son's body, I was not in a position to know of this. But your sister is long gone. I suppose the life-struggle, Kreon, is long completed for the sons of Oidipous. Alas. I see this sign -a gloomy aspect and expression of a messenger approaching, who will report the whole action.

1320

1330

MESSENGER Kr. Ms. Kr. Ms. Kr.

Wretched me, what account, what words am I to tell? We are undone. You begin your speech with no happily expressed [preamble. Wretched me, I cry it yet again; for I bring great misfortunes. In addition to other miseries accomplished; what do you speak of?

Your sister’s sons no longer live, Kreon. Alas. You speak of great sufferings for me and for the city.

1340

Halls of Oidipous, did you hear this: CR. Kr.

sons dead by shared catastrophe? So that they would weep if they were sentient. Alas for this catastrophe, most heavy blow of fate. Alas for my misfortunes, miserable man; o wretched me.

Ms. Kr.

If you but knew of the misfortunes further to these. How could there be worse fate than this?

Ms.

Your sister is dead, with her two sons.

Ch.

Raise, raise a shriek— alas, alas — and hands’ white-armed beating on the head.

Kr.

Poor Iokaste, what an end to life

1350

and to marriage have you proved the riddle of the Sphinx. How was the slaughter of the two sons brought about,

(1320—54)

137

ἀρᾶς τ᾽ ἀγώνισμ᾽' Οἰδίπου; σήμαινέ μοι. Αγ. τὰ μὲν πρὸ πύργων εὐτυχήματα χθονὸς οἶσθ᾽. οὐ μακρὰν γὰρ τειχέων περιπτυχαί ὥστ᾽ οὐχ ἅπαντα σ᾽ εἰδέναι τὰ δρώμενα. ἐπεὶ δὲ χαλκέοις σῶμ᾽ ἐκοσμήσανθ᾽ ὅπλοις οἱ

τοῦ

γέροντος

1355

Οἰδίπουν νεανίαι

1360

ἔστησαν ἐλθόντ᾽ és μέσον μεταίχμιον δισσὼ στρατηγὼ Kal διπλὼ στρατηλάτα ws εἰς ἀγῶνα

τ᾽ ἀλκὴν δορός.

μονομάχου

βλέψας δ᾽ ἐς "Ἄργος ἧκε Πολυνείκης ἀράς" 1365

Ὦ πότνι᾽ 'Hpa, σὸς γάρ εἰμ’ ἐπεὶ γάμοις é(evt' ‘Adpdarov παῖδα καὶ ναίω χθόνα, κτανεῖν

δός μοι

καθαιματῶσαι

δ᾽ ἐμὴν

ἀντήρη

ἀδελῴόν,

δεξιὰν νικηφόρον"

αἴσχιστον αἰτῶν στέφανον, ὁμογενῆ πολλοῖς δ᾽ ἐπύήει δάκρυα τῆς τύχης

ἀλλήλοισι

κἄβλεψαν Ἐτεοκλέῃς

κτανεῖν. ὅση

1370

διαδόντες κόρας.

δὲ Παλλάδος ypvodoméos

βλέψας: πρὸς οἶκον ηὔξατ᾽

Ὦ Διὸς κόρη,

δὸς ἔγχος ἡμῖν καλλίνικον ἐκ χερὸς ἐς στέρν᾽ ἀδελφοῦ τῆσδ᾽ dr’ ὠλένης βαλεῖν

1375

κτανεῖν θ᾽ ὃς ἦλθε πατρίδα πορθήσων ἐμήν. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἀφείθη πυρσός, ὡς Τυρσηνικῆς σάλπιγγος

hy},

σῆμα

gotov

μάχης,

ὅξαν δρόμημα δεινὸν ἀλλήλοις" £m δ᾽ ὅπως

κάπροι ἔυνῆψαν

ἀφρῷ

διάβροχοι

1380

γένυν

θήγοντες ἀγρίαν

γενειάδας"

ἧσσον δὲ λόγχαις" ἀλλ᾽ ὑφίζανον κύκλοις ὅπως: σίδηρος ἐξολισθάνοι μάτην. εἰ 5’ ὄμμ᾽ ὑπερσχὸν [rvog ἅτερος μάθοι, λόγχην

ἐνώμα

στόματι

θέλων.

προφθῆναι

1385

ἀλλ᾽ εὖ προσῆγον ἀσπίδων κεγχρώμασιν ὀφθαλμόν,

ἀργὸν ὥστε

γίγνεσθαι

δόρν.

πλείων δὲ τοῖς ὁρῶσιν ἐστάλασσ᾽ ἱδρὼς ἢ τοῖσι

δρῶσι

διὰ φίλων ὀρρωδίαν.

1358 del.Wecklein 1362 del.Valckenaer 1363 μονομαχοῦντ᾽ fere codd. 1364 ἐς fere codd.et D.S.10.9.8: ér' M 1369 αἰτῶν Zc, sicut coni.Canter: αἰτῶ fere codd. 1369-71 del.Valckenaer 1371 διαδόντες M al.: 6(6ovreg fere codd. 1376 del.Valckenaer 1377 ἀνήφθη Diggle 1379 Spdunua οοὐά : δράμημα Cobet 1380 post h.v. «λοξὸν βλέποντες ἐμπύροισιν ὄμμασιν» add.Valckenaer 1383 ἐξολισθάνοι R al., sicut coni.Porson: ἐξολισθαίνοι

fere codd.

1388-9 del. Wecklein (1389 del.Nauck, πᾶσιν pro πλείων

138

1388)

Ms.

the combat caused by the curse of Oidipous? Tell me. The triumph of the land before the towers you know. The circuit of the walls is not far distant, to prevent your knowing all that is done. When they arrayed their persons with bronze weapons — the young sons of aged Oidipous — and both went and took their stance in no man's land the two commanders, twin leaders of the armies, as if for engagement and test of valour by single combat, Polyneikes, gazing in the direction of Argos, uttered a prayer:

1360

"Lady Hera — for I am yours, since in marriage I took the daughter of Adrastos and live in his land — grant that I kill my brother, and make bloody my opposing hand, victory-bringing": asking a most shameful crown of glory, to kill his kinsman. Tears came to many at that dread destiny and they exchanged looks, meeting eyes in turn.

1370

Eteokles then, gazing at golden-shielded Pallas’ house, prayed: "Daughter of Zeus, grant that my spear, gloriously victorious, from my hand, thrown by this arm, shall smite my brother's chest

and kill the man who came to sack my land." When the torch was hurled, Etruscan trumpet's blare resembling, as a sign for bloody battle,

they rushed in dreadful dash upon each other. Like wild boars whetting savage tusk they came together, their beards dripping with foam.

1380

They fenced with spears, but crouched behind their shields,

so that the steel would slip aside in vain. If one saw the other's eye above the shield, he launched his shaft, eager to reach the mouth; but skilfully they directed their eye at shields’ studs, so that spear was ineffectual. There was more sweat dripping from onlookers than from those fighting, through apprehension for their friends.

(1355—89)

139

Ἐτεοκλέῃς δὲ ποδὶ μεταψαίρων πέτρον ἴχνους ὑπόδρομον, κῶλον ἐκτὸς ἀσπίδος τίθησι" Πολυνείκης δ᾽ ἀπήντησεν δορὶ πληγὴν σιδήρῳ παραδοθεῖσαν εἰσιδών, κνήμην te διεπέρασεν ᾿Αργεῖον δόρυ"

1390

στρατὸς δ᾽ ἀνηλάλαξε Δαναϊδῶν

1395

κἀν τῷδε μόχθῳ

ἅπας.

γυμνὸν ὦμον εἰσιδὼν

ὁ πρόσθε τρωθεὶς στέρνα Πολυνείκους βίᾳ διῆκε λόγχην κἀπέδωκεν ἡδονὰς Κάδμου πολίταις" ἀπὸ δ᾽ ἔθραυσ᾽ ἄκρον δόρυ. ἐς δ᾽ ἄπορον ἥκων δορὸς ἐπὶ σκέλος πάλιν

1400

χωρεῖ, λαβὼν δ᾽ ἀφῆκε μάρμαρον πέτρον μέσον δ᾽ ἄκοντ᾽ ἔθραυσεν" ἐξ ἴσου δ᾽ “Apns hv, κάμακος ἀμφοῖν χεῖρ᾽ ἀπεστερημένοιν. ἔνθεν δὲ κώπας ἁρπάσαντε φασγάνων

ἐς ταὐτὸν ἧκον, συμβαλόντε δ᾽ ἀσπίδας πολὺν ταραγμὸν ἀμφιβάντ᾽ εἶχον μάχης.

1405

καί πως νοήσας Ἐτεοκλῆς τὸ Θεσσαλὸν éonyayev σόφισμ᾽ ὁμιλίᾳ χθονός. ἐξαλλαγεὶς γὰρ τοῦ παρεστῶτος πόνου, λαιὸν μὲν

ἐς τοὔπισθεν

ἀμῴφέρει

πόδα

1410

πρόσω τὰ κοΐλα γαστρὸς εὐλαβούμενος, προβὰς δὲ κῶλον δεξιὸν δι᾽ ὀμφαλοῦ καθῆκεν

ἔγχος

ὁμοῦ δὲ κάμψας σὺν aluarnpais

σῴφονδύλοις

τ᾽ ἐνήρμοσεν.

πλευρὰ καὶ νηδὺν σταγόσι

τάλας

Πολυνείκης

πίτνει.

1415

ὃ 8’ ὡς κρατῶν δὴ καὶ νενικηκὼς μάχῃ ξίφος δικὼν ἐς γαῖαν éoxtAevé νιν τὸν νοῦν πρὸς αὑτὸν οὐκ ἔχων, ἐκεῖσε δέ. ó καί νιν ἔσφηλ᾽. ἔτι γὰρ ἐμπνέων βραχύ, σῴζων σίδηρον ἐν λυγρῷ πεσήματι,

1420

μόλις μὲν ἐξέτεινε δ᾽ εἰς ἧπαρ ξίφος Ἐτεοκλέους ὁ πρόσθε Πολυνείκης πεσών. γαῖαν δ᾽ ὀδὰξ ἑλόντες ἀλλήλων πέλας" πίπτουσιν dud« xov διώρισαν κράτος. Xo. φεῦ φεῦ κακῶν σῶν, Οἰδίπου, σ᾽ ὅσον στένω" τὰς σὰς δ᾽ ἀρὰς ἔοικεν ἐκπλῆσαι θεός.

1394 κνήμην OX al.: κνήμης fere codd.

(susp.Paley)

1418 αὑτόν vel αὐτόν codd.

1425 Xo.om.L: Σ τινὲς Κρέων

1425

1422 del.Blaydes

Οἰδίπουν σ᾽ ὅσον B2al., sicut

coni.Hermann: Οἰδίπους ὅσον W al.: Οἰδίπου ὅσον F al.: Οἰδίπουν σὸς ὧν fere codd.

140

Eteokles, brushing aside with his foot a stone in the way of his tread, sets his leg beyond spear’s protection Polyneikes aimed at it with his spear seeing the blow offered to the steel; and the Argive spear pierced the calf. All the army of the Danaids raised a cry. During this struggle, seeing a shoulder exposed, the one first wounded thrust his shaft forcibly through Polyneikes' chest and gave jubilation to the citizens of Kadmos, but broke the tip of his spear. Deprived of spear's resource, Eteokles retreats back on his heels and, seizing a slab of rock, throws, and breaks Polyneikes' lance in the middle. The battle stood poised,

1390

1400

each man's hand bereft of spear. Then, both seizing swords" hilts they came together and clashing shields they made a loud battle-sound, close-locked.

Ch.

feint, through visiting that land, brought it to bear. Freed from his current bout, he put his left foot back guarding his belly's hollow in front, then advancing his right foot, through the navel he plunged his sword and brought it to the backbone. Doubling chest close to stomach, wretched Polyneikes falls with blood streaming. Eteokles, of course supposing himself victor and winner in the fight cast sword to the ground and plundered him not paying attention to himself, but to that aim. That was his undoing. For still just breathing, keeping his weapon in his fatal fall, with an effort he reached his sword into the liver of Eteokles — Polyneikes, who had fallen first. Biting the dust near to each other both are fallen and have not settled the power-struggle. Alas, alas; how I bewail your misfortunes, Oidipous. Heaven seems to have fulfilled your curse.

(1390-1426)

141

1410

1420

Αγ. ἄκουε

δή vvv καὶ

ἐπεὶ

τέκνω

τὰ

πρὸς

κακά.

πεσόντ᾽ ἐλειπέτην βίον,

ἐν τῷδε μήτηρ

ἡ τάλαινα

σὺν παρθένῳ

re καὶ

τετρωμένους

δ᾽ ἰδοῦσα

ᾧμωξεν.

τούτοις

προσπίτνει

προθυμίᾳ

ποδός.

καιρίους

1430

σφαγὰς"

ὮὯὮ τέκν᾽; ὑστέρα βοηδρόμος

πάρειμι. προσπίτνουσα δ᾽ ἐν μέρει τέκνα ἔκλαι᾽, ἐθρήνει, τὸν πολὺν μαστῶν πόνον στένουσ᾽ ἀδελῴή 0' ἡ παρασπίζουσ᾽ óuob:

1435

Ὦ γηροβοσκὼ μητρός, ὦ γάμους ἐμοὺς προδόντ᾽ ἀδελῴφω

φιλτάτων

στέρνων

δ᾽ ἄπο

φύσημ᾽ ἀνεὶς δύσθνητον

Ἐτεοκλῆς

ἤκουσε μητρός,

ὑγρὰν χέρα

κἀπιθεὶς

φωνὴν μὲν οὐκ ἀφῆκεν, προσεῖπε

δακρύοις,

ἄναξ

ὀμμάτων δ᾽ ἄπο

ὥστε

σημῆναι

1440

φίλα.

ὃ δ᾽ ἦν ἔτ᾽ ἔμπνους, πρὸς" κασιγνήτην δ᾽ ἰδὼν γραῖάν τε μητέρ᾽ εἶπε Πολυνείκης τάδε" ᾿Απωλόμεσθα, καὶ

ufjrep: οἰκτίρω δὲ σὲ

τήνδ᾽ ἀδελῴφὴν καὶ

φίλος

κασίγνητον

γὰρ ἐχθρὸς éyéver,

νεκρόν.

ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως

1445

φίλος.

θάψον δέ μ᾽ ὦ τεκοῦσα καὶ σύ, σύγγονε, ἐν γῇ πατρῴᾳ

καὶ

πόλιν θυμουμένην

παρηγορεῖτον, ὡς τοσόνδε γοῦν τύχω χθονὸς πατρῴας kel δόμους ἀπώλεσα.

1450

ξυνάρμοσον δὲ βλέφαρά μον τῇ σῇ χερί, μῆτερ, τίθησι δ᾽ αὐτὸς ὀμμάτων ἔπι, καὶ χαίρετ᾽ ἤδη yap pe περιβάλλει. σκότος. ἄμφω δ᾽ du’ ἐξέπνευσαν ἄθλιον βίον. μήτηρ δ᾽ ὅπως ἐσεῖδε τήνδε ovudopáv ὑπερπαθήσασ᾽ ἥρπασ᾽ ἐκ νεκρῶν ξίφος

1455

κἄπραξε δεινά" διὰ μέσου γὰρ αὐχένος ὠθεῖ σίδηρον, ἐν δὲ τοῖσι φιλτάτοις θανοῦσα κεῖται περιβαλοῦσ᾽ dudotv γέρας.

ἀνῇξε δ᾽ ὀρθὸς λαὸς εἰς ἔριν λόγων, ἡμεῖς μὲν ὡς νικῶντα δεσπότην ἐμόν, οἱ δ᾽ ὡς ἐκεῖνον.

οἱ μὲν

πατάξαι

1430 del. Valckenaer

fere codd. ἥρπασε

1460

ἦν 8’ ἔρις στρατηλάταις,

πρόσθε

Πολυνείκην δορί,

1434 μαστῶν codd.: μάτην Nauck

1438 δύσθνητον M: δύστλητον

1456 ἥρπασ᾽ ἐκ νεκρῶν ξίφος fere codd. (ἐκ νεκροῦ P al): ἐκ νεκρῶν ξίφος L (εἷλε ξίφος F:

λάβε

ξίφος B)

142

Ms.

Hear now the further misfortunes. When her two children, fallen, were departing life at this point the wretched mother rushes up with daughter and in haste of tread. Seeing them wounded with fatal death-blows she moaned: “My children, too late as helper am I here." Falling on her children in tum she wept and wailed, lamenting the great effort of nurture, and their sister their comrade joined in: "Mother's keepers in old age; and my marriage

1430

frustrating, two dearest brothers." From his breast heaving a gasp in death throes, King Eteokles heard his mother and, laying on her a clammy hand, uttered no speech; but from his eyes spoke with tears, so as to give a sign of love. The other was still alive, and looking at his sister and aged mother, Polyneikes spoke as follows: “We are finished, mother. I pity you and my sister and my dead brother. A friend, he became foe; but still he was friend. Bury me, mother; and you, sister, in my own country; and if the city is angry appease them both of you — so that this much at least I win of my own country, even if I have lost my inheritance. Close my eyelids with your own hand, mother” — and he himself lays it on his eyes —

1440

1450

“and farewell; for already darkness envelops me.” Simultaneously, both breathed their last of wretched life. Their mother, on seeing this catastrophe, overcome with grief, seized from the corpses a sword

and did a dreadful thing. Through the middle of her neck she plunges the weapon and amid those most dear to her

she lies dead, having thrown her arms round both. The throng leapt upright and rushed into violent argument, 1460 we Claiming that my master was the victor, they that Polyneikes was. There was argument between the commanders, one side alleging that Polyneikes had been first to strike with the spear,

(1427-63)

143

οἱ δ᾽ ὡς

κἀν

θανόντων

τῷδ᾽ ὑπεξῆλθ᾽

οὐδαμοῦ

νίκῃ

πέλοι.

᾿Αντιγόνη στρατοῦ δίχα.

1465

at δ᾽ εἰς ὅπλ᾽ ἧσσον. εὖ δέ πῶς προμηθίᾳ καθῆστο Κάδμον λαὸς ἀσπίδων ἔπι" κἀἄφθημεν οὔπω τεύχεσιν πεφραγμένον Apyeiov ἐσπεσόντες ἐξαίφνης στρατόν. κοὐδεὶς

ὑπέστη,

φεύγοντες,

πεδία

ἔρρει

δ᾽ ἐξεπίμπλασαν

1470

δ᾽ αἷμα μυρίων νεκρῶν

λόγχαις πιτνόντων. ὡς δ᾽ ἐνικῶμεν μάχῃ, οἱ μὲν Διὸς τροπαῖον ἵστασαν βρέτας, ot 5’ ἀσπίδας σνλῶντες ᾿Αργείων νεκρῶν σκυλεύματ᾽ εἴσω τειχέων ἐπέμπομεν. ἄλλοι δὲ τοὺς θανόντας ᾿Αντιγόνης μέτα νεκροὺς φέρουσιν ἐνθάδ᾽ οἰκτίσαι φίλοις.

πόλει

δ᾽ ἀγῶνες

τῇδ᾽ ἐξέβησαν,

1475

ot μὲν εὐτυχέστατοι οἱ δὲ δυστνχέστατοι.

Χο. οὐκ εἰς ἀκοὰς ἔτι δυστυχία δώματος ἥκει: πάρα γὰρ λεύσσειν πτώματα νεκρῶν τρισσῶν ἤδη τάδε πρὸς μελάθροις κοινῷ θανάτῳ σκοτίαν αἰῶνα λαχόντων. Av. ov προκαλυπτομένα βοτρυχώδεος" ἁβρὰ παρηΐδος οὐδ᾽ ὑπὸ mapOevíας τὸν ὑπὸ Preddpas φοίνικ᾽, ἐρύθημα προσώπου, αἰδομένα φέρομαι βάκχα νεκύ ων, κράδεμνα δικοῦσα κόμας ἀπ᾽ & pas, στολίδος κροκόεσσαν ἀνεῖσα τρυῴφάν, ἀγεμόνευμα νεκροῖσι πολύστονον. alai, ἰώ μοι.

ὦ Πολύνεικες,

ἔφυς ἄρ᾽ ἐπώνυμος" ὦμοι μοι,

σὰ δ᾽ ἔρις, οὐκ ἔρις. ἀλλὰ φόνῳ φόνος, Οἰδιπόδα δόμον ὥλεσε κρανθεῖσ᾽ αἵματι δεινῷ, αἵματι λυγρῷ. τίνα προσῳδὸν

1480

1485

1490

Θῆβαι: 1495

7 τίνα μουσοπόλον στοναχὰν ἐπὶ

δάκρυσι

δάκρυσιν, ὦ δόμος ὦ δόμος,

1500

1465 del. Valckenaer 1481 δωμάτων plerique 1482 πτώματα Bal:ocouara W al. 1485 βοτρυχώδεος Ad al.:Boorpuywdeos fere codd. 1488 ἐρύθημα del.Burges 149] στολίδος... rpwbáv Porson: oroAl&a...tpugas codd. 1497 αἵματι δεινῷ del.Dindorf

144

the other that, as they were dead, victory belonged to neither. Meantime, Antigone went stealthily away from the army. The men rushed to arms. But fortunately, by some forethought, the throng of Kadmos had crouched under shields. We had the initiative over those not yet fenced with their armour, when we fell suddenly on the Argive army. Noone withstood: they filled the plains

1470

in flight, and blood flowed from countless corpses falling under spears. When we were winning in battle, some set up a trophy offering to Zeus; others of us, stripping the shields from Argive dead, began to convey booty inside the walls. Others, with Antigone, bring here

the dead, for their own people to mourn. For this city, some struggles have tumed out most happily; others most unhappily.

Ch.

The unhappiness of the house no longer

An.

touches hearsay. For I can see the bodies of three people already here, beside the palace; by shared death having met a dark fate. Not concealing my full-tressed

1480

cheek’s delicacy, nor in maiden way heeding the reddening under the eyes, face’s blushing, ©

I rush, a Bakchant of the dead, hurling the covering from my hair, putting aside the luxurious saffron robe: a leader, much lamenting, for the dead. Alas, alas for me. Polyneikes, you were aptly named. Alas for me, Thebes. Your strife — not strife, but killing upon killing — destroyed in fulfilment the house of Oidipous in dreadful bloodshed, destructive bloodshed. What fitting song or poetry of grief, for tears upon tears, house, house,

1490

1500

(1464-1500)

145

ἀγκαλέσωμαι, τρισσὰ φέρουσα τάδ᾽ αἵματα σύγγονα ματέρα καὶ τέκνα, ydppar’ Ἐρινύος; ἃ δόμον Οἰδιπόδα πρόπαν ὥλεσε,

τᾶς ἀγρίας ὅτε

1505

δυσξυνέτου ξυνετὸν μέλος ἔγνω Σῴφιγγὸς ἀοιδοῦ σῶμα φονεύσας. ἰώ μοί μοι,

τίς ᾿Ελλὰς ἢ βάρβαρος fj τῶν προπάροιθ᾽ εὐγενετᾶν ἕτερος ἔτλα κακῶν τοσῶνδ᾽

1510

αἵματος ἀμερίου τοιάδ᾽ ἄχεα φανερά; τάλαιν᾽ ws ἐλελίζει"

τίς dp’ ὄρνις, δρνὸς ἢ ἐλάτας

ἀκροκόμοις

1515

ἐν πετάλοις,

μονομάτορσιν ὀδυρμοῖς ἐμοῖς dyeot συνῳδός; alAvov αἰάγμασιν ἃ τοῖσδε

προκλαίω μονάδ᾽ al-

ὥνα διάξουσα

1520

τὸν αἰεὶ χρόνον ἐν

λειβομένοισιν δάκρυσιν [ἰαχήσωϊ. τίν᾽ ἐπὶ πρῶτον ἀπὸ xat

Tas σπαραγμοῖς

ἀπαρχὰς βάλω;

1525

ματρὸς ἐμᾶς ἢ διδύμοισι γάλακτος παρὰ μαστοῖς" ἢ πρὸς dóeX gav οὐλόμεν᾽ αἰκίσματα νεκρῶν; óroTOTOL λεῖπε σοὺς δόμους, ἀλαὸν ὄμμα φέρων,

πάτερ

γεραιέ,

Οἰδιπόδα,

1530

δεῖξον,

σὸν αἰῶνα μέλεον,

8g ἐπὶ

1501 ἀγκαλέσωμαι Tp, sicut coni.Herwerden: ἀνακαλέσωμαι IPB al. ἀνακαλέσομαι fere codd. 1502 τάδ' αἵματα W*, sicut coni.Musgrave: τάδε σώματα fere codd. 1508 ἰώ μοί

(uot) πάτερ fere codd. (μῆτερ Fal) πάτερ del.Hermann: Jor ΠΡ

1510πὶ

Ge

IPM:

προπάροιθεν Bal: πάροιθεν L 1513 davepa $avepa ID 1515 δρυὸς TPal.:8 δρυὸς fere codd. 1516 ἐμ πεταλοις IP:cf.Z δρυὸς (ἐμ πετάλοις-. ἀμφὶ κλάδοις ἑζομέμα fere codd. 1522

1517 μονομά ἰαχήσω

»ν ὀδώμοις

om. ΠΣ :del. Burges

Wilamowitz: μονομάτερος 1525

σπαραγμοῖσιν

ὀδύρμοις fere codd.

fere codd.

1527 γάλακτος

codd. μαστοῖς: ἀγαλάκτοις Headlam 1529 νεκρῶν fere codd.: δισσῶν IDal ὀτοτοτοῖ Kirchhoff: ór(or(rlor(r)ot vel sim.codd. 1533 en IP: ἐπὶ codd.

146

1530

shall I summon up

as I bring these three members of my family, in bloodshed, mother and her children, playthings of Erinys? Erinys, which destroyed utterly the house of Oidipous, when he solved the riddling song of the savage creature, the hard-nddling one, of the chanting Sphinx when he killed her. Alas for me,

what Greek or barbarian or, of nobles of a bygone age, who else endured so many ills — who of mortal blood such manifest woes?

1510

Unhappy me, how lament sounds — what bird in oak’s or fir’s top branches with its laments in lone motherhood

will join in my bewailing? Alas, with lamentations I weep, facing a solitary life, for eternity amid streaming tears. On whom first shall I cast hair, in offering, tearing it? By my mother’s twin milky breasts or the deadly mutilations of my brothers’ corpses?

1520

Alas, leave your

1530

home with blind eye, aged father. show, Oidipous, your pitiful life — you who in

(1501-33)

147

δώμασιν ἀέριον σκότον ὄμμασι σοῖσι βαλὼν ἔἕλκεις. μακρόπνουν ζόαν.

1535

κλύεις, ὦ κατ᾽ αὐλὰν ἀλαίνων γεραιὸν πόδ᾽ ἢ δεμνίοις δύ στανος ἰαύων;

OIAIIIOYZ

τί μ᾽ ὦ mapOéve, βακτρεύμασι ποδὸς ἐξάγαγες λεχήρη

τυφλοῦ

ἐς φῶς

1540

σκοτίων ἐκ θαλάμων

ol

τροτάτοισιν δακρύοισιν, πολιὸν αἰθέρος ἀφανὲς εἴδωλον ἢ νέκυν ἔνερθεν f πτανὸν ὄνειρον;

Αν.

δυστυχὲς

1545

ἀγγελίας

ἔπος οἴσῃ,

πάτερ, οὐκέτι σοι τέκνα λεύσσει φάος οὐδ᾽ ἄλοχος, παραβάκτροις; ἃ πόδα σὸν τυφλόπουν θεραπεύμασιν

«ὦ»

αἰὲν ἐμόχθει,

πάτερ, duo.

1550

Οι. ὦμοι ἐμῶν παθέων" πάρα ydp τρισσαὶ ψυχαί" ποίᾳ μοίρᾳ

πῶς ἔλιπον φάος;

στενάχειν

τάδ᾽

ἀντεῖν.

ὦ τέκνον, atéda.

Av. οὐκ ἐπ᾽ ὀνείδεσιν οὐδ᾽ ἐπιχάρμασιν ἄλλ᾽ ὀδύναισι λέγω: σὸς: ἀλάστωρ ἐίῴφεσιν βρίθων καὶ πυρὶ καὶ σχετλίαισι

μάχαις

ἐπὶ

1555

παῖδας

ἔβα

σούς,

ὦ πάτερ, ὦ μοι. Ot. αἰα. Or. Tékva.

Av. τί τόδε καταστένεις; Av. δι᾽ ὀδύνας ἔβας"

εἰ δὲ τέθριππά γ᾽ ἔθ᾽ ἅρματα ἀελίου τάδε σώματα νεκρῶν Οι.

λεύσσων

ὄμματος

αὐγαῖς σαῖς ἐπενώμας;

τῶν μὲν

ἐμῶν

τεκέων

d δὲ τάλαιν᾽ ἄλοχος

1535 uaxpómvovve Schoene: πόδα

φανερὸν xakóv:

τίνι μοι,

fere codd.: μακρόπουν

codd.

1537-8

1560

δεμνίοις

τέκνον,

1565

ὥλετο μοίρᾳ;

JPal.: μακροπόνον δύστανος

δύστανον δεμνίοις Pal: δυστηνοισι δέεμμοις IP

Nauck

L: δεμνίοις

1537 moó' ἢ

δύσταμον

1550 ὦ add.Hermann

fere codd.:

[1554 πῶς

ἔλιπον φάος ὦ fere codd.:.dws ελιπὸν rade por ΠΡ 1556 σὸς ΠΡΤ: ὁ σὸς fere codd. 1558 σχετλίαισι fere codd.: φονίαισι vel φονίαις Pal. 1559-60 ὦ μοι Ant.contin.7P: Oid.trib.codd.plerique 1560 τοῦδε IP: τάδε fere codd. 1562 δὲ Wilamowitz: τὰ codd. ἔθ᾽ Seidler: ἐς codd.

1563 σελιον $aog IP, om.rdde σώματα νεκρῶν

148

the house, having brought on your eyes murky darkness, drag out existence in longevity. Do you hear, you who in the courtyard

wander with aged tread or rest, unhappy, on your bed?

OIDIPOUS Why, daughter, with staff for blind

An.

tread, have you brought me into daylight, an invalid, from my dark bedroom, with most piteous weeping — a grey dim shadeof mere air, a corpse from below or a fleeting dream? You will receive an unhappy word of news, father: your children no longer see

1540

the light, nor does your wife, who ever took trouble

with staff and support over your blind steps, father, alas.

1550

Alas for my sufferings. It is the time to lament and bewail this:

OI.

three lives. By what fate, how did they leave the light? Child, tell me. An.

. .

Not with taunts nor in mockery but in agony I speak. Your avenging spirit heavy with swords, with fire and unhappy conflicts has come upon your sons, father, alas. Alas. An. What do you lament in this? Mychildren. An. You have gone through agony. But suppose, still seeing the four-horsed chariot of the sun, you were to see these dead bodies

1560

with the glance of your eyes? O1.

My children’s fate is evident to me. But my unhappy wife: tell me, child, by what fate did she die?

(1534. 66)

149

Av. δάκρνα γοερὰ φανερὰ πᾶσι τιθεμένα, τέκεσι μαστὸν ἔφερεν ἔφερεν

ἱκέτις ἱκέτιν ὀρομένα.

ηὗρε δ᾽ ἐν

Ἠλέκτραισι

λωτοτρόῴφον

κατὰ

κοινὸν

πύλαις τέκνα

λείμακα

1570

λόγχαις

ἐνυάλιον,

μάτηρ, ὥστε μαρναμένους

λέοντας ἐναύλους ἐπὶ τραύμασιν, αἵματος

ἤδη ψυχρὰν λοιβὰν φονίαν dv ἔλαχ᾽ Ἅιδας ὥπασε δ᾽ "Αρης"

1575

χαλκόκροτον δὲ λαβοῦσα νεκρῶν πάρα φάσγανον εἴσω σαρκὸς ἔβαψεν, ἄχει δὲ τέκνων ἔπεσ᾽ ἀμφὶ τέκνοισι. πάντα δ᾽ ἐν ἄματι τῷδε συνάγαγεν,

ὦ πάτερ, ἀἁμετέροισι δόμοισιν ἄχη beds ὃς

τάδε

1580

τελευτᾷ.

Χο. πολλῶν κακῶν κατῆρξεν

Οἰδίπουν δόμοις

τόδ᾽ fjuap: εἴη δ᾽ εὐτυχέστερος βίος. Κρ. οἴκτων μὲν ἤδῃ Aüíye0, ὡς ὥρα τάφον μνήμην τίθεσθαι" τόνδε δ᾽ Οἰδίπου, λόγον

ἄκουσον.

ἀρχὰς

τῆσδε

1585

γῆς ἔδωκέ μοι

Ἐτεοκλέης παῖς σός, γάμων φερνὰς διδοὺς Αἵμονι κόρης τε λέκτρον ᾿Αντιγόνης σέθεν.

οὐκ οὖν a’ ἐάσω τήνδε γῆν οἰκεῖν ἔτι: σαφῶς

γὰρ εἶπε

Τειρεσίας" οὐ μή

more

1590

σοῦ τήνδε γῆν οἰκοῦντος εὖ πράξειν πόλιν. ἀλλ᾽ ἐκκομίζου.

καὶ

τάδ᾽ οὐχ

ὕβρει

λέγω

οὐδ᾽ ἐχθρὸς ὧν σοι διὰ δὲ τοὺς ἀλάστορας τοὺς σοὺς δεδοικὼς μή τι γῆ πάθῃ κακόν.

Ot. ὦ μοῖρ᾽ ἀπ’ ἀρχῆς ds μ᾽ ἔφυσας ἄθλιον

1595

καὶ τλήμον᾽ εἶ τις ἄλλος ἀνθρώπων edu: ὃν καὶ πρὶν ἐς φῶς μητρὸς ἐκ γονῆς μολεῖν,

ἄγονον

᾿Απόλλων Λαΐῳ μ᾽ ἐθέσπισεν

φονέα γενέσθαι

πατρός" ὦ τάλας ἐγώ.

1569 ἱκέτην plerique: ὀρομέμα M al.: ópuuéva A al: αἱρομένα Val.: 1570-6 del.Diggle

1578 ἔβαψεν P al.: ἔβαλεν M: ἔπεμψεν Bal.

ayn μελαθροις ut videtur 7P,om.6eds

αἱρομένα O al.

1580 δώμασιν A al.

1ἔ[582-1766 paene omnes del. Fraenkel, tantum

1582-6a, 1590b-1, 1615-20, 1622-6, 1635-6, 1683-1709 (exceptis 1688-9, 1703-7, 1710-36) pro Euripideis habens: susp.iam Leidloff: alii alios iam deleverant 1582-3 susp.Geel 1582 κακῶν

ὑπῆρξεν

Οἰδίπου X al.: ὑπῆρξεν

τῶνδε δ᾽. «λόγων fere codd.

Οἰδίπου κακῶν Pal.

1586-90 ἀρχὰς... σαφῶς

1595-1626 susp.Paley

150

1585 τόνδε

ydp del.Fraenkel

δ᾽. λόγον

L:

1593 ods plerique

An.

Shedding bitter tears for all to see she reached, reached her breast to her children as a suppliant, holding it out in supplication. She came on her children at the Elektran gate in the meadow where lotus grows, with their spears, mutually embattled — their mother — like lions in their lair, savage over wounds, blood's cold murderous destruction which Hades received and Ares bestowed. Taking from the corpses a bronze sword, within

1570

her flesh she dyed it; mourning for her children she collapsed amid her (children.

On this day, father, the god who accomplishes these things brought to pass all woes for our house. Ch. Kr.

This day was the start of many misfortunes for the house of Oidipous. May life be more fortunate. Stop bewailing now, since it is time to give attention to burial. Hear this speech, Oidipous. Eteokles gave me command over this land,

your son, giving me marriage dowry

Οἱ.

for Haimon and as his wife your daughter, Antigone. Accordingly: I shall not allow you to live in this land any longer. For Teiresias told me clearly that never — as long as you lived in this land -- would the city prosper. Go away. I say this not in arrogance and not as your enemy; but because of the curse on you, fearing that the land may come to some harm. Destiny, from the beginning how miserable you made my existence and wretched, if ever any man was. Even before I came into this life from mother's womb, Apollo gave an oracle to Laios that yet unborn I should be my father's murderer. O wretched me.

(1567-99)

151

1590

ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ἐγενόμην, κτείνει

με

αὖθις ὁ σπείρας: πατὴρ

νομίσας

πολέμιον

πεῴυκέναι"

χρῆν γὰρ θανεῖν νιν ἐξ ἐμοῦ" πέμπει μαστὸν

ποθοῦντα

θηρσὶν

1600

δέ με

ἄθλιον βοράν"

οὗ σῳζόμεσθα: Taprápov γὰρ ὥφελεν ἐλθεῖν Κιθαιρὼν εἰς ἄβυσσα χάσματα

1605

ὅς μ᾽ οὐ διώλεσ᾽, ἀλλὰ δουλεῦσαί τέ μοι δαίμων ἔδωκε Πόλυβον ἀμφὶ δεσπότην. κτανὼν δ᾽ ἐμαντοῦ πατέρ᾽ 6 δυσδαίμων ἐγὼ

ἐς μητρὸς ἦλθον τῆς ταλαιπώρον λέχος, παῖδάς τ᾽ ἀδελῴοὺς ἔτεκον ols ἀπώλεσα ἀρὰς παραλαβὼν Λαΐου καὶ παισὶ δούς. οὐ γὰρ τοσοῦτον ἀσύνετος πέῴφυκ᾽ ἐγὼ ὥστ᾽ εἰς ἔμ᾽ ὄμματ᾽ és τ᾽ ἐμῶν παίδων βίον ἄνευ θεῶν tov ταῦτ᾽ ἐμηχανησάμην.

1610

elev’ τί δράσω δῆθ᾽ ὁ δυσδαίμων ἐγώ;

1615

τίς ἡγεμών

μοι

ἥδ᾽ ἡ θανοῦσα;

ποδὸς

ὁμαρτήσει

τυφλοῦ;

dod

γ᾽ dv σάφ᾽ οἶδ᾽

ὅτι.

ἀλλ᾽ εὔτεκνος ξυνωρίς; ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἔστι μοι. ἀλλ᾽ ἔτι νεάζων αὐτὸς εὕροιμ᾽ av βίον; πόθεν;

τί μ᾽ ἄρδην

ὧδ᾽ ἀποκτείνεις,

Κρέον;

1620

ἀποκτενεῖς γάρ, εἴ με γῆς ἔξω βαλεῖς. οὗ μὴν ἐλίξας γ᾽ dudl σὸν χεῖρας γόνυ κακὸς φανοῦμαι" τὸ γὰρ ἐμόν ποτ᾽ εὐγενὲς οὐκ Gv προδοίην, οὐδέ περ πράσσων κακῶς.

. σοί τ᾽ εὖ λέλεκται

γόνατα μὴ χρῴξειν ἐμά,

1625

éyo δὲ ναίειν σ᾽ οὐκ ἐάσαιμ᾽ ἂν χθόνα. νεκρῶν δὲ τῶνδε τὸν μὲν ἐς δόμους χρεὼν ἤδῃ κομίζειν, τόνδε δ᾽ ὃς πέρσων πόλιν

πατρίδα σὺν ἄλλοις ἦλθε Πολυνείκους νέκυν ἐκβάλετ᾽ ἄθαπτον

τῆσδ᾽ ὅρων ἔξω χθονός.

1630

κηρύξεται δὲ πᾶσι Καδμείοις τάδε" ὃς dv νεκρὸν τόνδ᾽ ἢ καταστέῴφων ἁλῷ

ἢ γῇ καλύπτων,

θάνατον

ἀνταλλάξεται.

ἐᾶν δ’ ἄκλαυτον,

dradov,

σὺ δ᾽ ἐκλιποῦσα

τριπτύχονς

κόμιζε

σαυντήν,

οἰωνοῖς βοράν.

᾿Αντιγόνη,

θρήνους νεκρῶν δόμων

ἔσω

1600 αὖθις codd.: αὐτὸς: Nauck: αὐτίχ᾽ Geel Dindorf)

1607 δουλεύσοντά με Porson

1635

1604-7 del.Hartung (1606-7, 1611 1612-4 delSchenkl 1620 ἀποκτενεῖς plerique

1634 del. Valckenaer, cf.S.Ant.29 : ἄκλαυστον plerique

152

When I was born, my father, who sired me, next tried to kill me, thinking that he had fathered an enemy; for he was to die at my hands. He sent me, seeking the breast, to be fodder for wild beasts in my misery. From that fate I was saved; and I wish that Kithairon would have gone to Tartaros’ gaping abyss, since it did not destroy me, but the god granted for me to be slave at the court of Polybos as master.

1600

After killing my own father, I came poor wretch to the bed of my miserable mother

and sired children as my brothers whom I destroyed,

1610

inheriting Laios’ curse and giving it to my children. J am not so utterly foolish

that on myself — my eyes ~ and on my children's life I did these things without the influence of some god. Well, what shall I do in my misery?

What guide for my sightless tread will accompany me? This woman, who is dead?

If she were alive, I know she would.

My pair of fine sons? But they are no more. Am I still young that I should myself find livelihood? Whence? Why do you destroy me utterly in this way, Kreon? For you will destroy me if you throw me from the land. But never, for all that, clasping my hands round your knees shall I appear a coward. For I would not betray my original nobility, even if I fare ill. Kr.

1620

Your own words have been well, not to touch my knees; but I would not allow you to live in the land.

Of these corpses, the first should now be brought to the house; the second, who came with others, intending to sack the city, his own country, the dead Polyneikes: cast him unburied beyond the boundaries of this land. This will be proclaimed to all the Kadmeans: if anyone is caught either tending this corpse or covering it with earth, he will meet death in return.

1630

— He is to be left unmourned, unburied, food for birds.

But do you, desisting from dirges, threefold, for the dead get yourself into the house, Antigone,

(1600-36)

153

καὶ

παρθενεύου

τὴν ἰοῦσαν ἡμέραν"

μένουσ᾽ ἐν ᾧ σε λέκτρον Αἵμονος μένει. Av. ὦ πάτερ, ἐν οἵοις" κείμεθ᾽ ἄθλιοι κακοῖς. ὥς σε στενάζω τῶν τεθνηκότων πλέον" ov γὰρ τὸ μέν σοι βαρὺ κακῶν, τὸ δ᾽ οὐ βαρύ, ἀλλ᾽ εἰς ἅπαντα δυστυχὴς ἔφυς, πάτερ. dTdp σ᾽ ἐρωτῶ τὸν νεωστὶ κοίρανον" τί τόνδ᾽ ὑβρίζεις πατέρ᾽ ἀποστέλλων γθονός; τί θεσμοποιεῖς ἐπὶ ταλαιπώρῳ νεκρῷ; Κρ. Ἐτεοκλέους βουλεύματ᾽ οὐχ ἡμῶν, τάδε. Av. ἄφρονά ye καὶ σὺ μῶρος ὃς ἐπίθου τάδε. Κρ.

πῶς;

τάἀντεταλμέν᾽ οὐ δίκαιον

Av. οὔκ, ἢν πονηρά

1640

1645

ἐκπονεῖν;

γ᾽ ᾧ κακῶς τ᾽ εἰρημένα.

Kp. τί δ᾽ οὐ δικαίως ὅδε κυσὶν δοθήσεται; Av. οὐκ ἔννομον γὰρ τὴν δίκην πράσσεσθέ νιν.

1650

Kp. εἴπει) γε πόλεως ἐχθρὸς ἦν οὐκ ἐχθρὸς dv. Αν. Kp. Αν. Κρ. Av. Κρ. Av.

οὐκοῦν ἔδωκε τῇ τύχῃ τὸν δαίμονα. καὶ τῷ τάφῳ νυν τὴν δίκην παρασχέτω. τί πλημμελήσας, τὸ μέρος εἰ μετῆλθε γῆς; ἀταῴφος ὅδ᾽ ἁνήρ, ὡς μάθῃς, γενήσεται. ἐγώ ade θάψω, κἂν ἀπεννέπῃ πόλις. σαυτὴν dp’ ἐγγὺς τῷδε συνθάψεις νεκρῷ. ἀλλ᾽ εὐκλεές. τοι δύο φίλω κεῖσθαι πέλας.

Kp. λάζυσθε Av. Κρ. Av. Kp. Αν. Κρ. Av. Kp. Av.

1655

τήνδε κἀς δόμους κομίζετε.

1660

ov δῆτ᾽ ἐπεὶ τοῦδ᾽ ob μεθήσομαι νεκροῦ. ἔκριν᾽ ὁ δαίμων, παρθέν᾽ οὐχ ἃ σοὶ δοκεῖ. κἀκεῖνο κέκριται, μὴ Φφυβρίζεσθαι νεκρούς. ὡς οὔτις ἀμφὶ τῷδ᾽ ὑγρὰν θήσει κόνιν. ναὶ πρός σε τῆσδε μητρὸς Ἰοκάστης, Κρέον. μάταια poybeis: οὗ γὰρ ἂν τύχοις τάδε. σὺ δ᾽ ἀλλὰ νεκρῷ λουτρὰ περιβαλεῖν μ᾽ ἔα. ὃν τοῦτ᾽ ἂν εἴη τῶν ἀπορρήτων πόλει. ἀλλ’ ἀμφὶ Tpatyar’ ἄγρια τελαμῶνας βαλεῖν.

1665

Κρ. οὐκ ἔσθ᾽ ὅπως

Av. ὦ φίλτατ᾽ Kp. οὐκ ἐς

σὺ τόνδε

ἀλλὰ στόμα

γάμους

σοὺς

Av. P γὰρ γαμοῦμαι Κρ. πολλή

σ᾽ ἀνάγκη:

τιμήσεις νέκυν.

ye σὸν προσπτύξομαι.

συμφορὰν

ζῶσα ποῖ

1670

κτήσῃ

γόοις.

παιδὶ σῷ ποτε; γὰρ

ἐκφεύξῃ

λέχος;

1637-8 del.Dindorf 1637 ἰοῦσαν L2W°: εἰσιοῦσαν Hal.: ἐπιοῦσαν Bal. 1639 ἄθλιοι Barnes: ἀθλίοις codd. 1644 susp.Valckenaer 1654-5 del.Nauck 1672 οὐκ codd. et 2 οὐδ᾽ Heath: οὐ μὴ Kirchhoff

154

and act as a maiden should, as you await the coming day

on which marriage with Haimon awaits you. Father, in what a predicament we are, miserable; for I lament more for you than for the dead. For of your woes there is not one heavy, another not; but you are unhappy in all respects, father. But I ask you, the ruler new to power:

An.

1640

why do you insult my father here, ordering him from the land? . . . . . . . . .

why do you give orders about a wretched corpse? This 15 the counsel of Eteokles, not of me. Itis senseless, and you are foolish to accede to this. How so? Is it not just to carry out a behest? No, not if it is immoral and wrongly uttered. What? Is not this man justly to be given to the dogs? You do not accord him justice in law. Yes, if he was an enemy to the city, though not naturally an enemy. Then he gave up his life to fate. Well, let him render justice to the tomb as well.

1650

. For what wrong, since he came to get a share in his land? . This man will be unburied, rest assured.

. Ishall bury him, even if the city forbids it.

. Then you will bury yourself alongside this body. . Itis fine for two who are dear to lie close by. . Seize this woman and take her into the palace. . No,since I will not give up this body. . Destiny, girl, ordained other than you resolve. . That too is ordained: not to treat the dead with contempt.

1660

. Noone will place dank dust over this body. . . . . .

I beg assent, by my mother Iokaste here, Kreon. Your effort is vain; for you would never achieve this. Atleast allow me to bathe the body. This would be one of the things forbidden by the state. Well, to place bandages around his dreadful wounds.

. Impossible for you to honour this body.

1670

. But my dearest, I shall kiss your lips. . DonotItell you bring bad luck on your marriage by mourning.

. What! Shall I ever marry your son in this life? . There is utter necessity for you; for where could you go to escape [the marriage?

(1637-74)

155

Av. νὺξ ἄρ᾽ ἐκείνη Δαναΐδων μ᾽ ἕξει μίαν. Κρ. εἶδες τὸ τόλμημ᾽ οἷον ἐξωνείδισεν; Av. ἴστω σίδηρος

ὅρκιόν τέ μοι

Κρ. τί δ᾽ ἐκπροθυμῇ

Av. συμφεύξομαι

ξίφος.

τῶνδ᾽ ἀπηλλάχθαι

τῷδ᾽ ἀθλιωτάτῳ

γάμων;

πατρί.

Κρ. γενναιότης σοι, μωρία δ᾽ ἔνεστί τις. Av. καὶ ξυνθανοῦμαί y, ὡς μάθῃς περαιτέρω. Κρ. ἴθ᾽ οὐ φονεύσεις παῖδ᾽ ἐμόν, λίπε χθόνα.

Οι. ὦ θύγατερ, Av. Or. Av. Ot.

1675

1680

αἰνῶ μέν σε τῆς προθυμίας.

ἀλλ᾽ el. γαμοίμην, σὺ δὲ μόνος φεύγοις, πάτερ; μέν᾽ εὐτυχοῦσα, τἄμ᾽ ἐγὼ στέρξω κακά. καὶ τίς σε τυφλὸν ὄντα θεραπεύσει, πάτερ; πεσὼν ὅπου μοι μοῖρα κείσομαι πέδῳ.

Av. ὁ δ᾽ Οἰδίπους

ποῦ

καὶ

1685

τὰ KAelv’ αἰνίγματα;

Or. ὄλωλ᾽- ὃν ἧμαρ μ᾽ ὥλβισ᾽, ὃν δ᾽ ἀπώλεσεν. Av. Qt. Av. Ot. Αν.

οὕκουν μετασχεῖν κἀμὲ δεῖ τῶν σῶν κακῶν; αἰσχρὰ φυγὴ θυγατρὶ σὺν τνῴφλῷ πατρί. οὔ, σωῴφρονούσῃ y, ἀλλὰ γενναιά, πάτερ. προσάγαγέ νύν με, μητρὸς ws Ψψαύσω σέθεν. ἰδού, γεραιᾶς φιλτάτης ψαῦσον χερί.

Oi. ὦ μῆτερ, Αν. οἰκτρὰ Οι.

ὦ ξυνάορ᾽ ἀθλιωτάτη.

πρόκειται,

Ἐτεοκλέους

1690

1695

πάντ᾽ ἔχουσ᾽ ὁμοῦ κακά.

δὲ πτῶμα

Πολυνείκους

Av. τὠδ᾽ ἐκτάδην σοι κεῖσθον ἀλλήλοιν

τε ποῦ;

πέλας.

Or. πρόσθες τυφλὴν χεῖρ᾽ ἐπὶ πρόσωπα δυστυχῆ. Av. ἰδού, θανόντων σῶν τέκνων ἅπτου χερί.

1700

Or. ὦ φίλα πεσήματ᾽ ἄθλι᾽ d0Mov πατρός. Αν. ὦ φίλτατον δῆτ᾽ ὄνομα

Πολυνείκους

ἐμοί.

Οι. νῦν χρησμός, ὦ παῖ, Λοξίου περαίνεται. Av. ὁ ποῖος; ἀλλ᾽ D πρὸς κακοῖς ἐρεῖς κακά; Οι.

ἐν ταῖς

Ar. ποῦ;

᾿Αθήναις κατθανεῖν μ᾽ ἀλώμενον.

τίς ce πύργος

Οι. ἱερὸς Κολωνός, προθυμῇ

Av. ἴθ᾽ ἐς φυγὰν πάτερ

γεραιέ,

᾿Ατθίδος προσδέξεται;

δώμαθ᾽ ἱππίου θεοῦ.

ἀλλ᾽ εἶα, τυφλῷ ἐπεὶ

1705

τῷδ᾽ ὑπηρέτει

τῆσδε κοινοῦσθαι

TáAawav:

πατρί, φυγῆς.

ὄρεγε χέρα

φίλαν,

1710

πομπίμαν

1684 φεύγοις M al.: φεύγεις fere codd. πέδῳ B al.: Gavuw O al. 1694 γεραίας fere codd.: παρειᾶς Schmidt 1702 ὄνομα codd.: ὄμμα Purgold 1707 ἱππίου A al.: ἱππείου fere codd.

156

. . . . . . . .

Then that night will have me as one of the Danaids. Did you see the effrontery in her making such a taunt? May the steel be witness and the sword by which I swear. Why are you so anxious to be free from this marriage? Ishall go into exile with my most unfortunate father here. There is nobility in you, but a kind of craziness. Yes, and I shall die with him, learn further. Go; you will not kill my son, leave the country. . Daughter, while I praise you for your resolve — . Whatif I were to marry, and you were to go into exile alone, father? |. Stay and be happy. I shall put up with my own troubles.

1680

. But who will look after you in your blindness, father? .

Ishallfall where my fate is and lie on the ground. . Where is the great Oidipous and the famous riddles? |. Gone; asingle day brought me happiness, a single day death. . Ought not I too to have a share in your troubles? Exile for daughter with blind father is shameful. . No, if she is prudent; rather, it is noble, father. Lead me up, so that I may touch your mother.

1690

. There. Touch with your hand the old woman, most dear to you.

.

Mother, most unhappy partner. . Pitiably she lies dead, with all her woes around her. . Whereisthe body of Eteokles and that of Polyneikes? . They lie outstretched before you, near each other. Put my blind hand on their unhappy faces. . There, touch your dead children with your hand.

1700

Dear fallen ones, miserable sons of miserable father.

. Dearest name to me, that of Polyneikes. Now the oracle of Loxias reaches fulfilment, daughter. . What? Will you tell of troubles upon troubles? . That in Athens I should die, a wanderer. . Where? What tower of Attica will receive you? Sacred Kolonos, home of the horse god. Well, come then, look after your blind father here, An.

since you are resolved to share this exile. Go into wretched exile. Reach out your dear hand, aged father, with me as escort

1710

(1675-1711)

157

Οι. Av. Οι. Αν.

Οι.

ἔχων ἔμ᾽ ὥστε ναυσίπομπον αὔραν. «ἰδοὺ» ἰδού, πορεύομαι" τέκνον, σύ μοι ποδαγὸς ἀθλία γενοῦ. γενόμεθ᾽ γενόμεθ᾽ ἄθλιαί γε δῆτα Θηβαιᾶν μάλιστα παρθένων. πόθι γεραιὸν ἴχνος τίθημι; βάκτρα πόθι φέρω, τέκνον; τᾷδε τᾷδε βᾶθί μοι τᾷδε τᾷδε πόδα τιθείς, ὥστ᾽ ὄνειρον ἰσχύν. ἰὼ ἰὼ δυστυχεστάτας φυγὰς ἐλαύνειν τὸν γέροντά μ᾽ ἐκ πάτρας.

lw ἰώ, δεινὰ Setv’ ἐγὼ

τλάς.

1715

1720

1725

Av. τί τλάς; τί τλάς; οὐχ ὁρᾷ Δίκα οὐδ᾽ ἀμείβεται βροτῶν ἀσυνεσίας. Or. ὅδ᾽ εἰμὶ μοῦσαν ὃς ἐπὶ kaX λίνικον οὐράνιον ἔβαν «μειξο» παρθένον κόρας

κακούς,

1730

αἵνιγμ᾽ ἀσύνετον εὑρών. Av. Σῴφιγγὸς ἀναφέρεις ὄνειδος. dnaye τὰ πάρος εὐτυχήματ᾽ αὐδῶν. τάδε σ᾽ ἐπέμενε μέλεα πάθεα φυγάδα πατρίδος diro γενόμενον,

ὦ πάτερ,

1735

θανεῖν mov.

ποθεινὰ δάκρνα παρὰ φίλαισι παρθένοις λιποῦσ᾽ ἄπειμι πατρίδος ἀποπρὸ γαίας ἀπαρθένεντ᾽ ἀλωμένα.

φεῦ τὸ χρήσιμον φρενῶν

1740

ἐς πατρός γε συμφορὰς εὐκλεᾶ με θήσει" τάλαιν᾽ ἐγὼ «σῶν»

σνγγόνον

θ᾽ ὑβρισμάτων,

1714 [Sov add.Hermann 1718 πόθι γεραιὸν fere codd.: πουθυ---Ἰ} τίθημι tyvos IP 1719 ποθι φέρω IP: mpóadep' ὦ fere codd. 1721 πόδα τιθείς Murray: πόδα τίθει πάτερ fere codd.: πάτερ om.JPM al. 1722 ἰσχύν ΠΡ sicut coni.Hermann: ἰσχὺν ὄχων fere codd. 1724 ἐλαύνειν Valckenaer: ἀλαίνειν Musgrave ἐλαύνων codd. 1725 δεινὰ 6civ' ἐγὼ τλάς P al.: δεινὰ ἐγὼ τλάς Bal.: ἐγὼ δεινὰ τλάς Aal. 1729 οὐράνιόν r’

plerique

1730 «μειξο»παρθένονυ Wilamowitz: παρθέμον del.Mastronarde (παρθένον κόρας

delHartung) 1731 αἴνιγμα συνετὸν P 1732del.Haslam 1737-66 om.JP: deleverat Kampfhenkel (1740sqq.del.Hartung, 1737-63 del.Wilamowitz) 1740 Oed.trib.codd.sed τινὲς καὶ τοῦτο τῆς ᾿Αντιγόνης X 1743 σῶν add.Matthiae

158

Οἱ. An.

Oi. An.

Οἱ.

like a breeze escorting a ship. Look, look; I begin my journey. Child, you must be my wretched guide. I am, I am wretched, most wretched indeed of Theban girls. Where am I putting my aged tread, where am I putting my staff, child? Here, here, come, I say; here, here placing your foot like a dream in strength. Alas, alas, in most unhappy exile

1720

to drive me, an old man, from my country. An.

Oi.

An.

Alas, alas, dread dread things I suffered. Why suffered, why suffered? Justice does not see evil men and does not requite mortals’ follies. I am the man who went in song to victorious heights; since I solved the half-woman maiden's riddle, hard to understand. You recall the shame of the Sphinx. Do not speak of previous good fortune.

1730

These piteous sufferings awaited you: becoming an exile from your country, father, to die just anywhere.

Tears of longing amid girls who are my friends I leave as I go far from my homeland wandering in unmaidenly fashion. Indeed my resources of spirit towards my father's misfortunes will make me famous. Wretched me for the insults against you and against my brother,

1740

(1712-43)

159

* ὃς ἐκ δόμων e * Οι. Av. Οι. Αν.

νέκυς ἄθαπτος

οἴχεται

μέλεος, ὃν εἴ με καὶ θανεῖν, πάτερ, χρεών σκότια γᾷ καλύψω. πρὸς ἥλικας φάνηθι σάς. ἅλις ὀδυρμάτων ἐμῶν. σὺ δ᾽ ἀμφὶ βωμίους λιτὰς -κόρον ἔχουσ᾽ ἐμῶν κακῶν.

1745

1750

Or. ἴθ’ ἀλλὰ Βρόμιος ἵνα τε σηκὸς ἄβατος

ὄρεσι μαινάδων.

Αν. Καδμείαν ᾧ νεβρίδα στολιδωσαμέμα ποτ᾽ ἐγὼ Σεμέλας θίασον ἱερὸν ὄρεσιν ἀνεχόρευσα, χάριν ἀχάριτον ἐς θεοὺς διδοῦσα; Οι. ὦ

πάτρας

κλεινῆς

πολῖται,

λεύσσετ᾽

1755

Οἰδίπους

ὁ ὃς τὰ κλείν᾽ αἰνίγματ᾽ ἔγνω καὶ μέγιστος ὃς μόνος

Σῴιγγὸς

κατέσχον

ὅδε

ἦν ἀνήρ,

τῆς μιαιῴφόνον κράτῃ,

1760

viv ἄτιμος αὐτὸς οἰκτρὸς ἐξελαύνομαι χθονός. ἀλλὰ γὰρ τί ταῦτα θρηνῶ καὶ μάτην ὀδύρομαι; τὰς γὰρ ἐκ θεῶν ἀνάγκας θνητὸν ὄντα δεῖ φέρειν.

Χο. ὦ μέγα σεμνὴ Νίκη, τὸν ἐμὸν βίοτον κατέχοις" καὶ μὴ λήγοις στεφανοῦσα.

17480m.O ἔγνων V al.

1765

1757 ἀχάριτον Elmsley: ἀχάριστον codd. 1758 κλεινοὶ plerique 1759 1758-9 del.Valckenaer 1762 ἀλλὰ ydp Pal: ἀτὰρ fere codd. 1764-6

susp. Valckenaer

160

Φ in that he has gone from the house an unburied corpse e pitiable — whom, even if I must die, father, * [shall bury secretly in the earth. Oi. Goto see your companions. An. Enough of my laments. Oi. Andsee to prayers at the altars — An. Iam wearied with my troubles. Oi. Atanyrate, go where is Bromios' precinct, sacred to the maenads in the mountains. An. Do you mean Dionysos, in whose honour I once put on the Kadmean fawnskin, when I danced in Semele's sacred band on the mountains; shall I render to the gods a service that is no service? Oi.* Citizens of a famous land: look, here is Oidipous, * who solved the famous riddles and was a very great man, * who alone checked the power of the murderous Sphinx; * now myself despised and pitiful I am driven from the land. * But why do I chant this dirge and lament in vain? * For being mortal one must endure compulsion sent by the gods. Ch. Victory, greatly to be revered, my life may you possess and never stop crowning.

1750

1760

(1744—66)

161

COMMENTARY Ancient Prefaces

Hypotheses to ancient plays are generally either brief summaries of plot, or sketchy essays in dramatic or literary criticism. (On their origin and history, see M. Haslam, GRBS 16 (1975), 149-74; J. Rusten, GRBS 23 (1982), 357-67.) In the case of Phoenician Women , there is a wealth of prefatory

material, evidently from commentators of different dates and acumen;

and not

all contained in all mss (see Mastronarde and Bremer, 1982, 78-88).

l.

This bald synopsis is uncritical, but reasonably accurate for the first part of the play; the ending represents Kreon denying burial to the Argive dead as well as to Polyneikes, perhaps through confusion with Suppliant Women . The critic makes three judgements: on the tenor of the play (highly emotional), on the cast list (large) and on the content (commendably sententious).

Three scenes are criticised as not being integral to the play (scene with Antigone, following prologue; scene with arrival of Polyneikes; scene of Oidipous' final departure): the critic seems to be troubled by interpretation rather than authenticity. Visual effects are praised; on the nature of these see Introduction II (d).

The oracle to Laios, in hexameters, is recorded in the mss of S.OT and elsewhere, in some sources with the last couplet relating to Pelops omitted. Laios' homosexual rape in some versions gives rationale to the curse on his family. In successive generations, relations of Thebes with Peloponnesian allies bring trouble at home: — Laios with Pelops, Oidipous with Polybos, Polyneikes with Adrastos. The riddle, in hexameters, is recorded in the mss of S.OT and elsewhere. On the form of the riddle see H. Lloyd-Jones in Dionysiaca , presented to Sir Denys Page, 1978, 60-61).

The solution to the riddle, in elegiac couplets, was originally scholiastic comment, then was incorporated in the prefatory material. From the fragments, it is evident that the hypothesis of Aristophanes of Byzantium was typically concise yet wide-ranging: outline of content

(ending with the death of Iokaste); observation that the plot covers the same ground as A.7h.; tantalisingly fractured note on date (see Introduction) and on related Euripidean plays; comment on identity of chorus and speaker of the prologue. On Aristophanes' hypotheses see Page, ed.Med. liii-lv. The "tutor" of the cast list is not so named in the course of the play. 162

Scene

The scene of the action is Thebes, before the royal palace, which is represented by a wooden facade (the skene), with a large central door and a flat roof (90).

Near the door is an altar of Apollo Aguieus (631, cf.274, 368).

The

audience is not required to envisage the interior of the palace, by implication lofty

(299),

old,

grand

and

extensive

(88-90,

100,

1069), but the

women’s

apartments (89, 194, 1275, cf.616) and the rooms occupied by Oidipous (64-6, 329, 1536-7, 1541, cf.615, 875) are mentioned. More realistic allusion is made

to the surrounding city of Thebes, with its buildings (temples, with altars and statues 604-6, 632, 1372, 1749) and landmarks (tombs 145, 159-60; Teiresias' place of divination 840; dragon’s cave and cliff 1010-11, cf.658sqq., 931sqq.,

1315); to the city walls (115, 182, 448, 451, 720, 744, 752, 809, 1103, 1357, 1475) with their gates (79, 115, 261, 698, 739, 741, 749, 1094, 1097, 1103-99) and towers (489, 710, 748, 1058, 1078, 1091, 1098, 1224, 1356);

to the adjacent

terrain — plain (101, 111, 643, 718), rivers (Dirke 102, 131, 647, 730, 826, 932, 1026;

Ismenos 101, 348, 795, 827;

Teumessos 1108) and mountains (Kithairon

24, 802, 1605) -- and also to the military installations (siegeworks 489, 733, 1173; trenches 714, 1100, 1188). This background, established early and sustained throughout, gives the play a strong spatial sweep and sense of locale, enhancing the presentation of the current action in the play's imagined territory and fostering visualisation of past Theban events. Possibly the description was supplemented by some actual representation (e.g. of walls and battlements) in

painted sets alongside the skene. Iokaste enters from the skene to speak the prologue, and again at 301, also 1072, joined by Antigone 1270; Oidipous too enters from the skene to join Antigone, 1539. But no one returns to the palace at the end of the play (unless perhaps Kreon at 1682) and all other exits and entrances in the course of it are made by the parodoi, side passages leading directly into the acting area, to or from the rest of the city, the plain or even beyond. Time The time of the action can best be defined as a point in the myth: the confrontation and combat between Eteokles and Polyneikes, sons of the

incestuous union of Oidipous and Iokaste (both of whom, now very old, are still alive); and the siege of Thebes, under Eteokles, by Argive troops brought by Polyneikes. The action begins early in the day.

163

1-201

Prologue

The prologos (technically, all that part of the play which precedes the entry of the chorus, Arist.Po.1452b19) here falls in two parts: (a) 1-87 monologue by Iokaste and (b) 88-201 dialogue between an old slave (paidagogos "tutor") and Antigone.

(a) The prologue (a term loosely used of the opening monologue alone) is typically Euripidean in form, content and purpose: Iokaste sets the scene (4), identifies herself (10-11), outlines anterior events (of the distant past, 1-9; of her own lifetime, 12-65) and indicates the present situation (66-83). The speech

begins and ends with an invocation. Though conventionally designed as succinct

and rapid narrative to orientate the audience within the myth and to adumbrate some of the changes Euripides is making, the prologue is not colourless exposition.

Use

of direct

speech

varies

the narrative

(17-20,

40),

as does

alternation of tenses, with vivid present tenses used to describe past events. The tone is one of pathos and apprehension, as Iokaste reviews her past with resignation (43) and faces the future with dignity and illusory hope (86-7).

(b) The prologue speech central door into the palace. As overhead, on a ladder unseen by unusually long prologos is played

ends with the exit of Iokaste leaves, there the audience, and the on a platform on top

Iokaste through the is a surprise entry second part of this of the skene. The

description from the battlements ("teichoskopia ", so called because it is similar

to and possibly based on Homer's description of Helen viewing the troops from the walls of Troy, //. 3) has often been considered spurious and criticized on linguistic and artistic grounds. There are several words of unique occurrence in extant Greek literature (the adjectives of 118, 129, 146, 175, 176, 191; nouns of 140, 165, 180; and verbs of 92, 173: but these are compound words of which the

components make the meaning clear and such coinages are common enough in tragic lyric, if not readily paralleled in dialogue); the phraseology is at times unusually bold (177), allusive (187-9) or otherwise idiosyncratic; and there are

some repetitions (98 with intensity and vitality of duplicated later 1104-40; presentation of Antigone portrayal later; the slave for his entry at this point.

143, 155 with 263): all these devices mark the poetic the scene. Certainly information presented here is but arguably with a different dramatic purpose. The here is different from, but not inconsistent with, the does not reappear, but we are adequately prepared (83)

Internally, the scene is well constructed, with short opening and closing

speeches framing an exchange in which Antigone sings in lyric metres and her companion intones trimeters in reply. It conveys atmosphere (excitement, tension, danger) and setting (surroundings of Thebes), as well as giving 164

information about the invading army. The slave is an old man (103sq., 135, 158, 168, 171), somewhat self-important and pompous (96-8), but deferential (95, 123, 173) and protective (93-5) towards Antigone, who 15 young (139, 154,

193), impressionable and in a state of ingenuous excitement.

Throughout, the

slave acts as informant and Antigone as interlocutor, asking “Who?” (119, 122-3, 133, 145, 171), “Where?” (156-8, 179) or other questions (114, 135, 141); and

her gaze needs direction (131, 161); suggested

(118).

Antigone

or she takes her cue and asks the question

evidently has some

advance

knowledge

composition and character of the invading army (179, 185sqq.); what she sees comes as a surprise, and a strange one (132, 138).

of the

but much of Emerging from

the dark interior of the palace, she is dazzled by a scene suffused with brightness, as armour glints in the sunlight (110-1, 129, 168-9; cf.146) and impressionistically picks out silhouettes and shapes rather than figures. (On brightness

as

a

dramatic

theme,

see

Podlecki,

1962.)

Perhaps

Euripides

deliberately uses metaphors from sculpture to suggest artistic representation of the same scene, which he himself lays out like a picture. (According to the ancient Life of Euripides, he trained as an artist and pictures by him were on display at Megara.)

Antigone’s invocations of Artemis (see on 109) initiate the

interlocking patterns of syncretism to become so important in the play. In theme, tenor and placing in the play’s structure, this scene, with its

evocative description of the dazzling sight and clanging sound of a huge enemy army with cavalry in motion, resembles the parodos of A.Th. and the parodos of S.Ant.

(See E.M. Craik, “Sophokles’ Antigone

100-109", Eranos

101-5.) Seneca imitates elements from the scene Ph.387-402;

1-2

84 (1986),

cf.544-8.

At once, a question of authenticity confronts us. These two lines, preserved in all mediaeval mss, are omitted in papyrus sources, and are apparently not followed by Latin poets imitating this opening. (Haslam,

1975, 1976; the

3

lines

but see also the contrary view of van der Valk, 1982.) are

intrusive,

they

may,

with

their

rather

If

recondite

astronomical content, be regarded as late editorial ingenuity rather than early histrionic invention. In favour of retaining the lines, it may be urged that they are thoroughly Euripidean, both in the appropriateness of their content and in their typically grandiose style. While the content of 1 is astronomical, referring to the sun’s (supposed) annual cycle, the terms of 2 are mythological, appropriate to the sun’s (apparent) diurnal motion. whirling flame: the phraseology resembles, perhaps in conscious

165

imitation, the prologue of Parmenides’ philosophical poem (fr.1.19 DK); but Euripides makes it his own, turning a favourite verb (234, 711, 1178, 1186, 1622; cf.314, 652 and see AIC) to punning wordplay. The jingle of Helie .

. heilisson

similar to that in some lines of Antiope praise by

argues

Longinus

(40.4);

unconvincingly

that

B.A.

in

—

“Sun... whirling” —

is

(fr.XXIX Kambitsis) cited with

Ramsden,

CR

pronunciation

18

such

(1968),

260-1

repetition

is

unobtrusive. Invocation of the sun as all-seeing, with reference to events of past (as here) or present (as S.7r. parodos) is conventional. Exploration of the supposed origins of the tragic situation is a dramatic commonplace.

It has been objected that the troubles began not with

Kadmos but with Laios’ disobedience to Apollo; however in this play the arrival of Kadmos and ensuing events are important thematic background (see on 6385sqq.). unlucky:

the motif of tyche

“luck” and especially dystychia

“bad luck"

is introduced early in the prologue, much repeated and stressed at end, 97 (cf.S.OT ). Tyche , literally "what happens", frequently translated "chance", is often synonymous rather with "destiny", the working together of apparent chance events, sometimes specifically dispensed by

the gods (S.Ant.155). land , . . country:

Different words for "land" are used for variation

here and throughout (cf.Rawson, 1970). Phoenician coastal country: The adjective enalios is used both of islands (Cyprus, Hel.148) and of coastal regions (Aulis, /A 165); the

reference here may be to the island of Tyre, or, rather, to Phoenicia generally. The mention at this early point of Thebes' "Phoenician" origins suggests rationale and relevance for the chorus" identity. Aphrodite's daughter: (cf. on 822-3).

That Harmonia's father was Ares is suppressed

fathered , , .: the vanation from one form to another is striking, as use of article as demonstrative demonstrative with preposition. traditions

unmentioned

(but

see

compound to simple verb and from is the mannered sound effect in the without preposition followed by Kadmos' son Polydoros, in many also

Hes.Theog.

978,

Hdt.5.59,

Apollod.3.4.2, 3.5.5), provides a convenient genealogical link, establishing a direct line between the present generation and Kadmos. Kadmos' daughters Semele (mother of Dionysos by Zeus, cf.650), Agave, Autonoe and Ino are generally more prominent in tradition; in Ba., Kadmos has no sons (1305) and Agave's son Pentheus is king of Thebes. Euripides favours genealogical openings, as in /on 166

(gratuitous) , Ba. (germane); cf.Ar.Ran.946. 11

The line has long been suspected and further doubt arises with the discovery that half of it is missing in one (though not in a second)

papyrus text (Haslam, 1976, 11 "apparently an interpolation half-way there"). In favour of retention, it may be urged that the parenthesis is not out of place in this paratactic sequence, that early mention of Kreon, an important character, is appropriate and that, as is indicated by the amplification “born of the one mother", the tie between Iokaste and her

brother is significant. The peculiarly close relationship of siblings is given prominence elsewhere: Iokaste and Kreon (47, 691, 761, 986-7, 1318,

1322,

1329, cf.1204-7,

1665);

Antigone

and Polyneikes

(156,

165, cf.1442); Eteokles and Polyneikes (436, 1291, 1369).

12

The name lokaste is explicitly given, after the oblique identification. Self-naming is a common, indeed necessary, feature of prologue speeches (but often postponed by Euripides, as Or.23); later characters are identified for the audience by chorus or actors already present.

13-15

Apollo replied: in the Aischylean version (Th. 746-9), Laios’ warning is repeated three times; in the Sophokiean (OT 711-4), the time of the warning seems to be after Oidipous has been conceived.

On the title

Phoibos, see on 958-9 and cf.253. 16

union:

koinonia

means

not "society",

"company"

but “union”

(of

marriage). The phraseology of Pl.Lg.772d (stating the purpose of a projected marriage) is similar: perhaps legal terminology is implicit. 17

Thebes

18

many chariots") is here perhaps paradoxical (see on 1124-6). sow ἃ furrow: the agrarian metaphor for sex within

19

of fine horses:

the conventional

epithet (cf.S.Anr.

149 “with

marriage

is

common, even commonplace, occurring not only in literary contexts (A.Th. 753, S.Ant.569, OT 1211, 1257, E.Med.1280 etc.), but in the legal formula of betrothal (Men.Perik.1013). In a Theban context, the verb recalls the early Spartoi, sown men, and the repetition is suggestive (18, 22, 1600). Successive births are much stressed in this speech, as in Oidipous' parallel speech 1595-1624. The construction of the conditional sentence with a future indicative regularly indicates a threat or warning (GMT 165-6). There is wordplay, with metathesis and assonance, in the two future indicatives;

and a heavy sigmatic sound in 19-20. 20

blood:

the theme of blood and bloodshed is prominent in the prologue

(see on 41-2, 61-2); and later haima “blood” words proliferate (172, 241, 247, 264, 625, 674, 784-5, 789-90, 870, 1149, 1152, 1161, 1368,

167

1415, 1471, 1495, 1497, 1502, 1512).

Here, as elsewhere (cf.241, 247)

there is an ambiguity between blood as bloodshed and as blood-kin:

the

secondary meaning here implied is, “your house will pass away through the agency of blood relations". See also on 938. 21

madness:

the

bakcheian

(emotional frenzy) is artificial;

reading

supposed

unjustified.

distinction between

Laios’

bakcheion

(wine)

and

and preference for the latter

sleeping with Iokaste may

be put down

literally to inebriation or metaphorically to some madness; for the expression, cf.228, 655. A connection between Dionysos (Bakchos) and 22

Apollo (god of prophecy) later emerges (see on parodos 202-60 and cf.Ba.298sqq. for link between these gods and Ares). The text is suspected, because of repetition (conception twice

mentioned, birth not at all;

but the repetition is pointed:

see on 18);

because of an awkward collocation of participles; and because the same

word "baby" ends this line as ends 25 (accountable perhaps to a slip of the eye).

23

24

The

emendation

adopted,

pater

“father”

(see

apparatus)

obviates this last dificulty and gives an attractive parallel with 1600. Laios, like many another tragic figure, realises his error when it is too late. For partial or belated knowledge and ineffectual attempts at understanding, cf.33-7, 48, 50, 59. Kithairon: Sophokleslocates similarly (OT 719, 1026), the exposure of Oidipous, not yet three days old (OT

717-8). Kithairon was a place of

gloom and doom (by contrast with the neighbouring Helikon, home of the Muses): the hideous deaths of Aktaion (torn apart by dogs) and Pentheus (dismembered by Maenads) were enacted there; like Oidipous the twins Amphion and Zethos were exposed on the mountainside. Seneca gives a powerful resume of the mythical horrors of the mountain (Ph.12-25) Leimon death (cf.1571).

26

iron spikes:

“meadow”

often

carnes

sinister

overtones

of

it is an anachronism, of a type readily tolerated in tragedy,

that iron occurs

in a heroic

Bronze

Age

context.

There

is no

real

inconsistency with the later expression “gold-bound pins" (see on 805). Iron is a key word in the expression of Laios' curse (68) evoked incidentally here (cf.517) and ultimately fulfilled (1393 etc.). The

27

aorist participle recalls in sound that in 22: Laios' connection with his son is limited to begetting and mutilation. For the mutilation, a central element in the myth, see S.OT 718, 1034, Apollod.3.5.7, Paus.10.5.3, Sen.Ph.254, Oed.812-3, 857-9. Greece: collective noun for the "Greeks", cf.871, 1509. The giving of 168

names is important in lokaste’s speech. Euripides is fond of etymologizing, especially in his prologues, and especially in his later plays. The primitive notion, related to sympathetic magic, that personal

names had a peculiar significance in the individual's actual (as in the case of Oidipous) or potential (as in the case of Polyneikes) destiny or character is pervasive in the literature and popular thought of the Greeks

and

Romans

(nomen

omen

).

Euripides

elaborates

and

intellectualises the popular idea, probably drawing on the linguistic and etymological teachings of such sophists as Prodikos and Protagoras (cf.366, 636-7).

Aristophanes pokes fun at the etymology “swollen-

foot" (Ran.1192); 397, 1036). 28

herdsmen:

Sophokles

plays with alternative derivations

LSJ s.v. hippoboukolos

(OT

— "horse-herd", "horse-keeper";

but

surely rather "herdsman-on-horse" ("cowboy") — te. like boukolos

οἵ

25, but mounted: cf.Lys.15.6, Th.2.13.8, hippotoxotes ὀ "mounted archer”. Polybos is king of Corinth in the most common version (OT

774,

Paus.10.5.3,

Apollod.3.57);

his wife

is Merope

(OT

775,

followed by Sen.Oed.272, 661, 802) or Periboia (Apollod.3.5.7).

Here,

Laios gives the child for exposure to his herdsmen; received

(the

verb

is

ambiguous)

by

herdsmen

it is taken up or of

Polybos.

In

Sophokles, Iokaste (1173) gives the child to a trusted herdsman (1125),

who in pity (1178) hands it to a fellow herdsman from Corinth (1041, amplifying 1026, cf.1156-7). A scholiast mentions a variant in which 29-30

the child is thrown out to sea in a chest and washed up at Corinth. The chiastic arrangement, with verbs at beginning and end of sentence (and opening successive lines) separated by parallel prepositional

phrases, lends emphasis. 30

painful result:

ponos

in this passage

"anything produced by work"; 31

LSJ

s.v.III as

but there are overtones of IL1 “distress”

and 2 (physical) pan’. _brea lactation, impossible.

is interpreted

without

previous

parturition,

is not

It is ; still occasionally stimulated in our own society by an

enthusiastic adoptive mother and was surely more commonly practised in antiquity by professional wet-nurses, in demand for wealthy families. Cf.Andr.224-5,

Hyps.

fr.60.

The

idea

of

the

nursing

mother

is

emotionally deployed (cf.987, 1434, 1527, 1568). 32

Oidipous’ troubles begin with adulthood, and so do those of his sons, 63: the analogous language suggests the replication of events in successive

generations. 169

33-8

reddish: cf.on 41-2, 1487; cheeks: cf.941 (of the dragon’s jaw), 1380 (of wild boars). The fated encounter results from the double mission (single verb and

destination serving both subjects) with similar motivation ("wishing 8, tautologously expressed with emphatic dual). Euripides implies that

the two separate paths of Oidipous and Laios came together, meeting a third road which led to Delphi (the destination of both, to be reached by neither). Pausanias (10.5.3-4) describes the memorial to Laios at the convergence of routes from Delphi (west), Thebes (east) and Daulis

(north). (The spot can still be located; see Frazer on Pausanias.) The route from the east would be that naturally followed both by Laios from

Thebes and Oidipous from the Peloponnese. It has been suggested that Laios was coming from the north, though no plausible reason is offered for the detour.

An alternative is that Laios, in his chariot, overtook

Oidipous, on foot, at the crossroads. A further possibility is that Oidipous came from the south on a rough track which met the three roads proper at the crossroads. Sophokles has Oidipous, coming from Delphi, meet Laios, coming from Thebes, at the crossroads (OT

716,

733-4, 787sqq., 800). Aischylos too placed the encounter at a crossroads, but near Potniai, on the road between Thebes and Plataia.

The descriptive language of the three tragedians is markedly similar. The "divided way" was, and remained (Sen.Oed.276sqq., 771-2), part

of the common stock of literary tradition.

It is simply and dramatically

useful, as a memorable spot to trigger later realisation; but has a further appropriateness as a place of ill omen, associated with Hekate and black magic; and may also symbolise a decisive turning point in the life of Oidipous. 40

Foreigner: contemptuous and ironical, as Oidipous 1s Theban born.

the royal entourage: tyrannos "royal" is a term commonly applied to the Theban dynasty — as S.OT -- and often colourless (cf.197). 1]

in his pride:

Pride, with impatient irascibility, is a trait of Oidipous'

41-2

dramatic character. bloodied.. . his feet:

it is surely pointed that it is Oidipous' feet, already

mutilated at birth by Laios, which are injured. The verb phoinisso “make red” (especially with blood, as Or.1285), close in sound to the title of the play, is here tellingly tumed to association with Phoenicia, origin of the chorus and through Kadmos of the Thebans; as the play proceeds bloodshed expressed as phonos “slaughter” with adjective 170

phonios

| or phoinios

“bloody”

is seen to characterise

events

in

successive generations (61, 252, 479, 594-5, 657, 664, 664, 673-4, 718,

820, 933, 935, 1006, 1031, 1297, 1304, 1306, 1354, 1378, 1487, 1495,

1507, 1575);

phoinix

or phoiniko- “blood red" (820, 1487) phoneus

"murderer" (1599) and the cognate verb (1682) are used with similar

resonances.

Similarly there is play on the place name Argos and the

adjective argos "white", sometimes as "not white", i.e.equally bloodied (625, 753, 1148-9). Sophokles makes a similar punning point in associating Haimon with haima “blood” (S.Ant.1175). The vivid present tenses, reinforced by the alliteration of dentals, mark acceleration of the narrative to its climax. The circumstantial and oddly irrelevant detail that Oidipous took Laios’ chariot and gave it to Polybos seems to come from a version where Oidipous returned to his former

45

50 51-2

home after the parricide. Obviously, Oidipous could not tum up at Thebes with the spoils; but in OT , where Oidipous, having already been to Delphi, goes straight to Thebes, the chariot is simply forgotten. Euripides gives no reason for the ravages and the riddle of the Sphinx, which are later extensively conjured up in lyric (806-11, 1018-42). The strident song of the Sphinx is here paradoxically associated with the tuneful muses; cf.1506, 1728-31. Both lines have been attacked, on the grounds of awkward repetition;

but both may be positively defended:

in 51 tyrannos echoes the usage of

Laios 40, and such parallelisms abound in this prologue, while in 52 the

53

unusual epathla “prize” anticipates 1262. That Oidipous acted in ignorance is stressed by the aged hero in OC (271, 273, 521, cf.523, 525);

55-8

Seneca too stresses Oidipous’ innocence

(Ph.204, 205, cf.216, 451-2). These lines are packed with antithetical devices.

The mother-wife

relationship of Iokaste with Oidipous is emphasised by juxtaposition

"children to my child".

There is a contrast between boys and girls (for

variation, noun and adjective followed by noun alone), two of each (for variation " two", "twofold"). The boys are directly named (with

variation, Eteokles simply and Polyneikes by a periphrasis), while the naming of the girls is amplified with further contrast between Ismene, given

her name

irrelevant

detail

by

Oidipous,

introduced

and

purely

Antigone,

for

named

antithetical

by

Iokaste

effect)

(an

Τῆς

affectionate naming of these four children at birth by their parents recalls by pathetic contrast the naming of Oidipous, who has a “fosterfather" (45), by Greece (27).

We are told that Antigone, named second,

171

is the elder sister (as is implied

relationship with Ismene);

also S.Anr,,OC

, by her dominant

in this play Ismene does not appear, and is

not mentioned again (except by implication, 616sq.). We soon leam that Eteokles, named first, is the elder brother (but in S.OC 374, 1295, 1422, Eteokles is younger). There is a peculiarly Euripidean play on the names of the characters here. Polyneikes ("much-strife", cf.636-7, 1493) is paradoxically given by the adjective kleinos an attribute appropriate to his brother Eteokles ("true-glory"). The descriptive

lingering

over

Polyneikes

has

been

held

to

indicate

maternal

preference; but Iokaste's preoccupation, if such it is, can be put down to

this son's long absence.

The expression bia

(lit." force") with proper

name in genitive is Homeric, and not necessarily favourable (see A.Th.571; S.Tr.38), while the adjective Aleinos (lit."glonous") is polite

61-2

64-5

rather than literal (cf.use of other members of the family: Antigone 88, Eteokles 283, Iokaste 1070 and see E.F/.327). The graphic language is reminiscent of the more extended and gruesome descnption, S.OT 1268-78; cf.esp.1268-9 and 1278. The word phonos "destruction", surprising in this context, is chosen for its overtones; see on 41-2. For koras "pupils" following koras “girls” cf. the juxtapositions of 1371, 1373. The reason for the imprisonment of Oidipous by his sons is very

allusively treated;

cf.the almost equally oblique narrative of Teiresias,

872-4. Teiresias, however, blames the sons; Iokaste does not. 66-8

Iokaste glosses over also the reason for Oidipous' curse on his sons, blaming neither him nor them.

69

The

use of the dual number in this sentence (participles 69, 71, 74 and

perhaps 70 — see apparatus — being loosely combined with plurals) indicates the identical situation of the brothers, and their common purpose. There is an explicit statement of the agreement to rule alternate years, and of Polyneikes' voluntary exile for the first year (72; cf.433-4,

476,

630

and

also

Supp.150:

Eteokles expels his brother, 7h.637sq.).

in

Aischylos,

by

contrast,

Without emotion, and without

taking sides (note parallelism of expression, 82), Iokaste makes it clear

that Eteokles is, by his violation of the agreement,in the wrong (cf.1545, 258-60). 74-5

seat

the metaphor is usually related to the bench of a steersman in a

ship; but may rather suggest the seat of a coachman in a chariot, with a reminiscence of the literal encounter between Oidipous and Laios: note the echo in verb, 40 and 75. 172

76

77

78

Iokaste lays as much stress on the exile of Polyneikes as on the usurpation of his rights, thus introducing the important theme of exile (cf.on 80 and exodos). after going . . .making

. . . collecting:

the three

participles,

with

asyndeton, give a rapid movement. The double marriage of Adrastos' daughters, Argeia to Polyneikes and Deipyle to Tydeus, is more fully treated later (137, 417-28; cf.Supp.135-50, S.OC 378-9). Argeia is not even named here, and the name is national rather than personal. She is not in herself a significant character, but gives Polyneikes convenient access to an army. (Statius elaborates her role, Theb.12.463.) Polyneikes' grievance is twofold: he has been exiled (72, 76, 167, 390, 474; cf.630) and deprived of a fair share in his inheritance (80, 478-87, 601-3, 610; cf.541-2). force: lit. “shield”, for "army": shields are peculiarly important in this case, as the Argives had distinctive white shields, and as the blazons on the shields of the warriors had a symbolic significance (cf.251, 796 etc.)

79

The seven gates of Thebes, with their seven attackers and defenders, are

a constant element in the tradition, found already in early epic (//.4.406, Od.11.263;

82 83

| Hes.WD

162,

historicity A. Schachter, The connection between common association of may be implicit. A harsh and grim note is

Sc.495;;

cf.on

108,

1104-40

and

on

"The Theban Wars", Phoenix 21 (1967), 1-10. Apollo and the number seven — or simply the the number with the sinister or supernatural — struck by alliterative sound effects.

The messenger, an old slave, who is described in cast list, though not in

text, as paidagogos

"tutor", to Polyneikes

(and who

is in the same

relationship of affectionate concem with Polyneikes as the later messenger is with Eteokles) appears in person immediately after the prologue and soon identifies himself (97-8, 143). 84-7

The

prologue

invocation.

speech ends

as it began

("ringcomposition")

Initially, the sun is invoked, finally Zeus.

like the sun, a home in the heavens (1, 84;

with an

Zeus is given,

cf.1006). But Zeus is called

upon for help, not merely for witness, and reminded of his obligation, 1f wise, to dispense misfortune evenly; not to allow the same mortal (i.e.herself, or perhaps Oidipous) always to be unhappy. Iokaste does not seriously question divine wisdom (cf.410;

also Hel.851

and 1441),

but is somewhat disorientated and pessimistic about the outcome of her intervention.

173

88-89

The

youthful

reference

to

dependence

of Antigone

her

(anticipating

father

is stressed,

the

with

this

initial

of

their

presentation

relationship at the end of the play) and her mother. Antigone leaves the

security

of

the

women

's

apartments

later

in

very

different

circumstances (12755qq.).

The

audience

is similarly

reminded

of the supposed

layout

of the

building “behind the scenes" in Alc. when Herakles is conducted to the "guests' apartments" and Ba. when Dionysos is imprisoned in the

"stables".

As to "the highest rooftop", two questions arise:

(1)

Where

(in the palace) are the characters? and (ii) Where (in the theatre) is the

scene played? (i) The terms are vague. Dieres is used adjectivally or substantivally for the "upper part" of a house, while the adjective eschaton is "ultimate", probably "highest" in this context (but see Roux,

1961

for

the

"conciergerie"

interpretation visited

"distant",

here

would

with be

the far

argument from

the

that

the

women's

apartments). It is clearly implied that the characters are visible from below, and clearly stated that they reach their vantage point by means of a ladder.

Tragic analogy

(esp.A.Ag.init., but also Or.1574)

indicates

that they are to be imagined as standing on the roof of the palace. (For "ladder" to roof, cf.Hom.Od.11.63-4 and of internal stair, Lys.1.9.) The translations "balcony" or "terrace" are misleading and belong to modern, not ancient, architecture. (ii) The lexicographer Pollux refers

to this scene, in giving instances of the use in comedy and tragedy of the

upper area of the skene, distegia

(4.129).

Comedy was staged in the

same theatre as tragedy, the skene which served as palace or temple for resources which were similar to those of tragedy, but somewhat more

realistic:

occasionally windows

(Wasps

, perhaps Ekklesiazousai ),

which may have been hinged flaps in the facade, folded back as required; more frequently a roof (Acharnians , Clouds , Wasps , perhaps Ekklesiazousai ), complete with chimney (Wasps ), perhaps a trapdoor. The skene roof was low enough for an actor to leap from it to

the ground, but high enough for this to be hazardous (Or.).

In tragedy,

the roof served as platform for the presentation of deities, in which case it was called theologeion. (Distegia and theologeion thus represent not

different areas, but different uses to which the same area might be put.) 9]

The troops are Argives (78, 285, 562, 708, 711, 732, 789, 882, 1086,

1099, 1188, 1191, 1221, 1233, 1238, 1469, 1474;

cf.717, 1251), from

Pelasgic Argos (256) and Pelasgic (107); but some or all are Mykenaian

174

(186, 430, 513, 862, 1082;

cf.125, 608);

also Danaan or Danaid (430,

466, 860, 1226, 1245) and Tydeus is Aitolian (134, 139, 1166);

92

94-5

1153. reconnoitre: the military metaphor (cf.Aen.Tact.15.5, E.Rh.296) comes oddly from the elderly slave, but is appropriate to the vantage point of the roof, used in the theatre (A.Ag.) as in real life (Lys.3.11) as a place to keep watch. The speaker evidently scans the parodoi (by which the chorus later approach). Α social inferior issues a warning to a woman on the impropriety of

venturing

from

El.343-A):

the conventions of the fifth century, strongly entrenched and

not 98 100

see also

readily

the

house

breached,

into are

public

view

(similarly, Andr.876-8,

anachronistically

imputed

to

heroic

characters. The fussiness of the slave is well suggested in this line.

Cedar, elsewhere the wood of storage chests (Alc.160) and coffins (Alc.365, Or.1053, Tr.1141), is applied to part of the stage set, supposedly

palace

architecture,

also

Or.1371.

Cedar-wood,

expensive and associated with the east, dignifies the "ladder"

(siege ladder, 479,

1173

sqq.)

Antigone

being

common klimax is instructed

ascend the ladder (unseen by the audience) and emerge into view.

to

The

moment and manner of her entry are precisely indicated (105). A scholiast alleges that this entry is delayed so that the actor playing Iokaste can reappear as Antigone: see Introduction II (d) on allocation of parts to three actors. 101-2

The strong visual presentation of this scene is verbally reinforced by repetion of verbs of seeing (91, 101, 118, 127, 131, 147, 161, 195).

103-92

amoibaion in speech (male voice) and song (female voice). The metre is

basically do, with many dr forms, and ia (including sync forms: etc);

but a double

short movement

occurs,

with

some

enop

cr, lec lines

elaborated amid simple an and da. The following lines are taken to be spoken:

106-8, 112-3, 117-8, 125-6, 131, 134, 139-40, 142-4, 150, 154-

5, 159-60, 170, 173-4, 180-1. But the distinction between these and the lyric iambic lines interspersed in this astrophic exchange is not always clearcut, as metre and diction are often ambivalent. Lines divided between the speakers are symmetrically placed some 20 and 30 lines from beginning and end (122, 133, 161, 171): these are regarded as lyric iambics, with the slave intoning his part of the line. (From the following line, which is lyric in character — anapaestic 5th foot and Doric dialect forms — itisclear that Antigone has not lapsed into a 175

speaking voice in 122; rather, the slave chants his portion of the line.) 103

reach out . . . reach out:

repetition, especially of single word tnbrachs,

is a much used, almost hackneyed, device of Euripidean lyric technique, particularly evident in the late plays. 106

The adverbial adaptation of the imperatival form is used idiomatically, perhaps rather colloquially, with the following imperative. The phrase is echoed as Antigone leads Oidipous to Iokaste's bier (1694), a verbal parallel with parallels of situation and staging.

108

companies: the term implies (cf.448, 739, 742-3, 1093, 1105, 1129, 1140; also A.Th.42) that the grouping of the army into seven companies, under sevencommanders,

is being established at this point,

in preparation for attack (cf.710-1, 1099-1100).

Euripides names the

commanders as Hippomedon (126, 1113, as Supp.881, A.Th.488, S.OC

1317), Tydeus

(134,

1120,

as Supp.901,

A.Th.377,

S.OC

1316),

Parthenopaios (150, 1106, as Supp.888-9, A.Th.547, S.OC Amphiaraos (173, 1111, as Supp.500, A.Th.569, S.OC . Kapaneus

(180,

1129,

as Supp.496,

861,

Polyneikes himself (156sqq., 1123sqq.);

and

incidental mention

160;

A.Th.423,

OC

1320), 1313),

1319)

and

the seventh is Adrastos (1134,

but Eteoklos Supp.872,

S.OC

1316,

A.Th.458). In deviating from the usual tragic tradition in the case of

Adrastos, Euripides may be reverting to an epic version, or aiming at variety, or simply avoiding the name Eteoklos, which might be confused with Eteokles. 109

Antigone utters four invocations: Hekate, daughter of Leto (109-110), Selene, daughter of the sun (175-6), Nemesis and thunder of Zeus (1912) and Artemis, daughter of Zeus (191-2); in addition, she expresses the

wish that Artemis would shoot down Parthenopaios (151-2). deities are one and the same

(cfJon

1048, Einodia

and Kore).

These By a

common syncretism, Hekate is equated with Artemis, daughter of Leto by Zeus; and both are lunar deities. Nemesis too is a manifestation of Artemis,

and

chaste

in character(Farnell,

Cults

of the Greek

States

II.487-98 and 594n.). It is appropriate that the young Antigone (whose status as an unmarried girl is stressed: 89, 194, 1275, 1430, with 14367 and 1637) invokes a virgin goddess (and the repeated indications of parentage serve as a reminder of Antigone's role as daughter; further,

the metaphor of 191 — “daughter” lit. “shoot” — recalls that of 88). Artemis is appropriate also as a civic deity of Thebes (invoked by the chorus in the parodos A.TA.147, 154). Artemis is later specifically associated with the sinister Kithairon (802; see also on 686sqq.) and the 176

conjunction Artemis-Hekate-Selene (Moon)-Nemesis evokes deities with a darker side, of which Antigone, uttering her apotropaic cry, and

113-4

using words suggesting brightness (175, 183, 191) seems innocently unaware. The contrast between cavalry and infantry is appropriate to a fifth century

114-6

rather

than

a

heroic

army.

clamouring:

for

Cf. A.Th.378. The aposiopesis is attributable to Antigone’s excitement.

the

verb,

The general

sense of these lines is clear — Antigone seeks reassurance on the security

of the city gates — but there are difficulties in the detail of expression and

interpretation.

exaggerated;

The

alleged

metrical

with

the

has

been

the configuration, keeping the mss reading, would be

acceptable in this free metrical context.

difficulties:

difficulty

Linguistically, there are two

firstly, the verb has two subjects and is more appropriate second

than

the

first;

secondly,

the

two

subjects,

not

equivalent, are linked as if they were. Murray’s emendation disposes of these

difficulties,

but

introduces

an

awkward

and

unparalleled

construction, with the repeated particle. As to interpretation, our problem arises from insufficient knowledge of the terminology of mechanisms of ancient door fastenings: are “brass-bound bolts” applied to walls equivalent to “bars” applied to doors?Either they are

equivalent; or — as is suggested by Or.1551-2 and 1571-2, where levers are applied to bars for greater security — the former term represents some supplementary mechanism such as a metal clamp on a wooden bar

119-21 120-1

or a metal prop added below the bar to make the door more impregnable. Perhaps the expression is best regarded as a poetic hendiadys, linking ideas which are separate but not entirely distinct. The walls of Thebes according to one tradition arose to the sound of Amphion’s lyre (see on 824; cf.Sen.PA.566-71). enoplian sequence, as also 128-31, 163-4, 191-2. The gesture recalls that of the same warnor as described by Aischylos

(Th.489-90). 122

The device of line division (here reinforced by repetition impatient imperative) conveys the eager tone of the exchange.

126

Lerna allusively identifies Argos, so also 613 and Inachos 574; as Dirke does Thebes.

and

the

(Similarly the river Eurotas poetically identifies Sparta,

and the spring Peirene Corinth.) 127-30

Two similes are used, the second negative and repeating in simpler terms the sense of the first. The arrangement 15 chiastic, with datives 177

embracing Aischylos

adjectives, expressed with anaphora. (7h.488, 490) in stressing the

Hippomedon's

133-4

huge

stature

and

silhouette

Euripides follows terror induced by

(“in

outline";

but

an

alternative interpretation is “in pictures"). For earth born giants see on 1020. Aitolian Ares: Oineus, father of Tydeus, ruled Kalydon in Aitolia. The phrase is best taken to refer to the warlike spint which typified people of the region (cf.HomJ/.1.529; Th.3.94.4). Altematively, there may be a more specific reference to the place of Ares in Aitolian genealogies,

notably

in the family of Tydeus

(Apollod.1.7.7,

1.8.1;

D.S.4.35.1);

or, with the meaning “on his chest" (not "in his heart”), to

a blazon depicting the war god. 135-7

For the double marnage of Polyneikes and Tydeus to Argeia and Deipyle, see 417-28. Tydeus always had a prominent place in accounts of the attack and of subsequent events such as the treatment of Antigone and Ismene.

139

shield-bearers:

140 141-4

wearers

of

the

Mykenaian

body-shield

(sakos

),

protection against missiles; not of the smaller shield (aspis ) carried by warriors engaged in hand-to-hand fighting. Thucydides too describes the Aitolians' effective use of the javelin (3.97.3, 98.1). Editors delete some

"padding".

or all of these lines as repetition (143297)

and

Also, a run of three trimeters is not found in this sequence

and breaks the flow of the exchange.

However,

141-2 give a slight

pause and introduce a theme to be important later (see on 1104-40);

and

143-4 serve as a reminder of the role, behind the scenes, of the slave. 145

The tomb of Zethos and his twin brother Amphion (sons of Antiope and

Zeus)

was

(9.17.4).

146

one

of the landmarks

It is used

by

Euripides

of Thebes (as Supp.663,

viewed

by Pausanias

cf.A.Th.528)

as a

realistic, yet picturesque, detail of the terrain. The location near a tomb (cf.Polyneikes' stance) may also be symbolically ominous. with flowing hair: the word (one of the scene's vivid coinages; the plethora

of these,

leading

to suspicion

of authenticity,

may

be

due

simply to the choice of superlatives to describe the new and vivid impressions of Antigone) conjures up a Parthenopaios in accord with

tradition: the name is variously etymologised as "girl-face", “girl-boy”, or (in more recondite fashion) “son of a mother long a virgin"; and the character

was

traditionally portrayed

as a sexually

attractive

youth

(Supp.889, 899-900, A.Th.528, S.OC 1320-2). Atthe same time, there 178

is a contemporary

touch:

long

hair

was

regarded

as foppish

or

ostentatious (Ba.235, 455; Ar.V.1317).

150

dazzling: gorgos is cognate with Gorgon, cf.on 455-6. Parthenopaios is in tragedy son of the huntress Atalanta (1106, 1153.

1162; Supp.888, A.Th.532), for other traditions see on 1153. 154

That Polyneikes' cause is just, here acknowledged by the old slave, is

asserted parodos).

also by the chorus

(258-60,

emphatic

position

at end

of

Polyneikes himself insists that justice is on his side (369,

cf.319) and the issue between the brothers is debated in terms of this

claim: see the agon scene, with Iokaste’s attitude, impartial in introduction (467), but later imputing injustice to Eteokles (532, 548, 549; cf. already 452); with Polyneikes' harping on the theme of justice

at the beginning and end of his speech (469-72 and 490, 492-3, 496) and return to it in the final exchange (608-9); with Eteokles’ implicit admission of injustice (524-5) given choral assent (526-7); although on his final departure Eteokles states his claim differently (781). The

question of injustice is debated further later, in dialogue with Kreon, Eteokles’ ally and representative, with regard to the suppression or falsification of oracles (926, 958) and again with reference to the edict against burial (1648-9, 1651, 1654) and in a final comment from Antigone (1726). Justice and wisdom may be equated (452) or differentiated (469-72, 1727). That the gods care about justice is here assumed (cf.491, 634), but often debated or denied (cf.86-7).

159-60

The tomb of Niobe's children, like that of Amphion and Zethos (145)

was seen by Pausanias (9.16.7). The myth went that Niobe, daughter of Tantalos and wife of Amphion, having a large family of sons and daughters, boasted that she had more children than Leto, mother of Apollo and Artemis;

Niobe (Apollod.3.5.6).

whereupon Leto's two children killed all those of

Niobe became a symbol of grief and misfortune

(cf. S. Ant.8235qq.). 161

165

The internal rhyme, with play on aspirated and unaspirated word, adds to the mannered effect of the paradox, a stylistic affectation favoured by Euripides (cf.272, 357). brother: the word (lit.^common

in birth";

cf.436,

1230 and, related

adjective, 1291, 1369 of the brothers) is chosen to stress the close blood

kinship of brother and sister; but also to achieve a sequence of short syllables (here, 11 in all), a device much used, especially in the metrical context

of dochmiacs

(cf.1291,

Antigone for Polyneikes is evident

179

1369).

The

physical

affection

(cf.1437, for both brothers;

1671,

of

when her wish to embrace Polyneikes is ironically fulfilled;

1702).

For

kinship terms see also 219, 239 sqq., 291, 319, 1230, 1447, 1502. 167 168

The exile theme runs through the earlier part of the play. golden: i.e. in appearance; the armour is of bronze (1243, 1359) and weapons of bronze (1577) or, evoking the terms of Oidipous' curse, of iron (1421 etc.).

169

The word aeliou

“οἱ the sun" may safely be deleted:

it destroys the

dochmiac metre and gives sense explicit to the point of tautology. 170

Euripides arouses expectations to be fulfilled in part (that Polyneikes

will come to the palace) but unfulfilled in essence: there is no joy; Eteokles vetoes a meeting (616-7);

brother and sister are reunited only

on the battlefield, as later reported (see esp.1447);

they are seen on

stage together only after Polyneikes is dead. 172

Amphiaraos has a team of white horses, symbolic of his goodness, to which Antigone responds positively; and their orderly progress is in contrast with the violence of Laios' team (41-2; cf.also 1124). But he

too is caught up in the impending defeat, presaged in sinister fashion by the sacrifices he is performing, where the blood of the sacrificial victims foreshadows the blood of the fallen warriors, received by Ge,

Earth, bloodthirsty in a special sense (cf.674, 1152, 1172).

play, 175

Earth

emerges

as

a force

frequently

sinister,

Later in the

and

ambivalent (see notes on stasima 638-89, 784-832 and 1018-66). daughter of the Sun. . .. a golden circle: Euripides makes

at best certain

modifications to suit his dramatic purpose: the moon is so described in metaphorical expression of the source of moonlight, here maintaining the aura of brightness in the passage; 180-1

182

the words suggest full moon, a

time of mystery and magic. Kapaneus calculates the height of the walls in order to bring up the appropriate scaling ladders, with horrendous consequences (cf.117386). Similar calculations were made by fifth century generals (Th.3.20, siege of Plataia). Alas: the exclamation stands extra metrum (contrast incorporation in metrical scheme 1290). Nemesis, in myth a personification of the idea

of retribution — and not nearly as common in Greek literature as later generations of poets and critics have generally supposed — was in cult honoured at Rhamnous, a northern Attic deme.

185-9

(For Euripides’ interest

in cults of Artemis, cf JT 1456sqq.) Antigone displays detailed knowledge of Kapaneus’

boasts: Theban

women are threatened with slavery (cf.Sen.Ph.571-6). This is obliquely

180

expressed, with reference to fetching water (a common task of slave women) and with some allusive mythological content. The Argive stream Lema

(cf.126) was created for Amymone,

one of the Danaids

who was searching for water, by Poseidon’s striking his trident on the ground (cf.Apollod.2.1.4). 190-2

The final prayer, again

invoking

Artemis, vividly indicates that the

fortunes of Antigone are bound up with those of the city. 193-201 The closing speech, as Antigone leaves the roof, nicely balances the

slightly longer one which opened the scene and marked her entry. Both begin with vocative and proceed to imperative and to “since” clauses (accounting for Antigone’s arrival and for her departure);

also, the

content 1s similar, with the theme of censure resumed (94, 198). The

tone of the slave’s speech is markedly colloquial, in expression of comprehensiveness 181, form of verb 193 and periphrasis 198 (Stevens, 1976, 11, 21, 63). The concluding generalisation is of a piece with the fulminations of such characters as Hippolytos and Jason, often cited out

of context to support the simplistic view, already current in antiquity, that Euripides was a misogynist. The entry of the chorus brings us back from the broad panorama to the immediate dramatic situation. The descriptive words (196, cf.Cy.100) imply that this was a disorderly and noisy advance, rather than a stately march. In comedy, scenes often end, as here, with characters announcing new arrivals and making themselves scarce: as in other respects, Euripides crosses the genres to borrow a convention.

202-60 orchestra.

Parodos With this song, the fifteen young

women

of the chorus enter the

The identity of the chorus would be known to the audience from the

name of the play;

but its precise relevance must have been a puzzle.

To some

extent, Euripides aims to surprise: his choice of chorus is a deliberate break with the citizen choruses of earlier Theban plays — women in A.Th. (there too parthenoi "maidens"), men in S.Ant. and OT. To some extent he aims at the

exotic and colourful, responding to the interest in travel stimulated by itinerant sophists (and perhaps specifically to an interest in the West Greek world, following the foundation of Thourioi) -- as in the setting of such other late plays as Hel. and IT. To some extent, also, he aims to impress: his title is the same as that of an old play by Phrynichos, parodied for literary cognoscenti in the first line of the parodos. Most strikingly, he turns the geographical term to punning 181

evocation of the colour of blood (see on 41-2). The Phoenician origins of the women (202, 204) ties in with the origins of Kadmos, founder of Thebes (6), while their “maiden” (224) status recalls that of Antigone (cf. also 189, 192 with

205).

Euripides plausibly contrives a chorus with intimate knowledge of past

events at Thebes — over which they range widely in ensuing lyrics —

and also

with concern and fellow-feeling for the present situation, the war which has delayed their own progress from Thebes to Delphi. But there is some implausibility over the occasion of their journey

(202, 214-5), the circuitous

route they have apparently taken (208-13) and indeed the very presence of a

boatload of foreigners in a war-torn city.

— Whereas the Theban

setting is

realistically presented in the dialogue of the play, in lyric it 1s allusively treated

and peripheral regions are suggested with selectivity. The first two stanzas give a general account of the origins, route, situation and ultimate destination of the women; the mesode elaborates the allusion to Delphi; the final two stanzas dwell on the circumstances of the war, thus bringing the lyric back to the immediate

dramatic context. War, which grips Thebes, and peace, which characterises Delphi, are symbolised by the gods Ares (240, 253) and Dionysos, associated with Apollo at

Delphi (228). The women imagine that their future life at Delphi will be one of happiness and stability, in contrast with their present position of fear and uncertainty (236). However, a parallel between Delphi and Thebes is suggested: in both places a dragon was killed in a primeval struggle.

It is implied that the

madness of war may merely give way to another kind of madness, that of Apollo, god of prophecy (so intimately connected with the hapless Laios and Oidipous) or that of Dionysos (significantly associated with Apollo here). A reprise of these ideas occurs in the later lyrics, the first stasimon (638-89) passing from Dionysos to Ares (and Ge) and the second (784-832) from Ares to Dionysos (and

Ge). At the same time, the parodos takes up ideas from lokaste’s prologue speech, notably the ineluctability of the bond of heredity (243-6, 248); and also

from the ensuing exchange, notably ominous flashing (250-1; and cf. the title of Apollo, Phoibos “bright one”, 205, 221, 225, 237) and the association of divine justice with the cause of Polyneikes (258-60).

Metre of parodos, 202-60 (202-13 = 214-25;

226-38;

239-49 = 250-

60): the metre is choriambic, with a preponderance of gl, in triad comprising 1st str, lst ant, mesode; ia-tr in 2nd str and ant. Many gl cola are res initially (202 =

214, 206 = 218, 208 = 220, 211 = 223, 227, 232, 234, 237), finally (208), or in the ch nucleus (206, 221, 227, 234, 237); 5 gl with 2 res occur. Several lines in which a ch is combined with another metrical unit (211, 223, 229, 231, 236) may

be labelled simply ch dim;

such loose combinations characterise choriambic

metncal schemes. 182

202

I have come:

see on 240 for significant arrivals at Thebes.

Throughout

the parodos the singular is used: perhaps each stanza is sung as a solo by a different member of the chorus, while the others dance.

203

Loxias: a cult-tttle of Apollo (meaning, probably, “slanting”, “riddling” and so appropriate especially to his oracular function), is commonly used substantivally in verse, as is Phoibos, 205; see on 9589. offering: akrothinia ht. "top, or best, of the heap" and so “booty” (cf.282) implies a war situation at home; but the reason for the dedication of the girls to Apollo is not precisely stated: they have been specially selected, apparently as an honour (214) to be slaves (205) in the god's service (221, 225) and conducted to Thebes (219).

The word,

however, implies captives in war, rather than an offering by victors. The exact status of the chorus, particularly with regard to anterior events, is unimportant; they are conveniently given past experience of war. 204 The chorus follow in the footsteps of Kadmos (6). 205 temple-slave: cfJon 309, 327. 206 Parnassos remained snow-topped even in summer (cf.234). 207 Apollo was not the first divine occupant of Delphi; he took over a site sacred to Ge, after killing the dragon which guarded it (cf.232). 208-12: the route apparently followed by the chorus, from the “Tyrian swell” and “Phoenician island" to Thebes via the Ionian sea (normally the Adriatic) and Sicily, is circuitous. Various suggestions have been made

to meet this difficulty: (1)

The starting point is not to the east, but to the south, of the Greek

mainland: Carthage. called insular, and geographical

Carthage, built on a peninsula, might loosely be it was in origin Phoenician (cf.Tr.221 for

relation of Phoenicia

and

Sicily.

Some

have

seen a

contemporary reference to Carthaginian intervention in Sicily. (ii) The “Ionian Sea” is the sea off Ionia in Euboia, and “Sicily” is an

islet between Euboian Chalkis and mainland Aulis. (11) The “Ionian Sea" is the Aegean, traversed by Io in her wanderings (see on 828).

None of these expedients is attractive. All entail supposing Euripides’ description is positively misleading, and the first has the disadvantage that the point of the relationship between chorus and Thebans 15 lost,

Kadmos being connected with Phoenicia, not with Carthage, in this play. (Elsewhere there is some suggestion of Egyptian origins,

183

contested, Paus.9.12.2.)

A Sophoklean hymn to Dionysos, setting up associations of the god with Italy, Eleusis, Delphi and Euboia as well as with Thebes may illumine

this passage (Anr.1115 sqq.)

The early mention of, and importance

evidently accorded to, Italy indicates that Italy was regarded as having a

peculiar importance in Dionysiac worship.

Euripides then locates the

travels of his chorus in terrain relevant to Dionysos, anticipating the significance of this deity, with Apollo, in their future. 209

having sailed:

the chorus sing as if they had rowed their own

ship.

There is no mention of their crew; and no mention either of their point of disembarcation or of their route and escort to Thebes. It would be natural for travellers following their route, especially with a following west wind (211; but this may be simply decorative, or a device to suggest calm) to moor off the west coast and proceed straight to Delphi. Thebes would represent a major detour, either by sea (with circumnavigation of the Peloponnese, by Cape Malea, notorious for its shipwrecks)

or

overland

(passing

close

to

Delphi,

their

actual

destination).

213

with a most delightful murmur: these words are accusative in apposition to the sentence, i.e. a descriptive phrase tacked on without syntactical link.

216

Kadmeans:

a common

synonym for Thebans (used throughout A.7h.);

here it has the special effect of stressing the common descent of chorus and people of Thebes. 217 218-9

222

See Family Tree for Agenor and Laios; also on 677. kindred: the towers of Laios, a relative, are said to be “related” (transferred epithet) to the Agenoridai. The stream of Kastalia flowed down the lower part of the hillside at Delphi. The water was used in purificatory rites, preliminary to temple service (cffon

94-7). That Euripides was familiar with the terrain and

topography of Delphi is evident from /on and Andr. 226

fire’s blaze:

the description of fires blazing on the twin peaks of

Parmnassos was a

S.Ant.1126,

229

literary commonplace

ArNu.603):

worshippers

(cfJon

714sqq., Ba.307sqq.,

of Dionysos

danced

on

the

mountains holding torches; and it was popularly believed that supernatural flames flared there. vine: the supposed existence of a magic vine, producing daily a fresh

cluster of ripe fruit, is related also of a Dionysiac shrine on Euboia (S.fr.255.4). 184

232

The cave of the dragon — drakon “dragon”, "snake", "serpent" — and the mountain vantage point (ie. the place where Apollo watched the monster and took aim to kill it) have their Theban analogue, anticipated here and explicitly developed later.

235

ss goddess': mss unanimously read a genitive, as here printed and translated. But who is the “deathless goddess”? (Cf.667 for such allusiveness.) A scholiast suggests Artemis, commonly associated with

her brother Apollo (and, it might be added, invoked extensively by allusion is surely rather to Ge, Gaia "Earth", who was very important at Delphi (see on 207, 237 and cf Jon 1220; A.Eum.1-2). All the gods are immortal, but Ge is oldest of them, and mother of them all (A.PV 90,

PlTim.40c etc.; and see esp. S.Ant.338-9, "Earth, the first among the gods, imperishable, unwearied"). In successive stanzas, and in the plot of the play, Ge is prominent (686, 818-21, 1019, cf.1290, 1296). Ecstatic dance was much associated with Ge in her eastern guise (cf.on 686). dancer: the collective noun choros with singular verb is awkward, but

explicable as a bold instance of the common use of the singular by the chorus

members

of themselves.

The

verb "whirling"

leads one

to

expect an object (cf.J.Diggle, Studies on the Text of Euripides , Oxford, 1981, 53);

but it is in the Euripidean manner to use such a verb, one of

his favourite catchwords (cf.on 3), in a novel way.

237

hollows . . in the centre of the earth:

stone called the omphalos

the Delphic sanctuary contained a

“navel”, supposedly the centre of the earth

(Or.331, fon 223), the term “hollows”, originally derived from the glens and ravines of Parnassos, was later applied to the temple itself (Jon 76, Andr.1093).

239 240

The chorus drop fantasy and illusion, leaving thoughts of the future to retum to their present unhappy situation. Ares, personified, is "War"; but the personification (made bolder with the participle "having come") has a peculiar relevance here. Arrivals are treated as sinister at several points in the play: the arrival of Kadmos was the start of the troubles (4), and further troubles were later

precipitated by the arrivals of the Sphinx (1018), of Oidipous (1043), and of Polyneikes (262, 295, 366). It is implied that the chorus arrived some time previously and were detained by the outbreak of war (cf.2835). 241

bloodshed: “blood”, ambiguously blodshed or the blood-kinship of the

185

243 248

brothers. 240 is attractively placed after 241 to achieve the same position in strophe and antistrophe of a repeated key word (Hermann). The truism that friends suffer with suffering friends emphasises the ties between Phoenicia and Thebes. Io: see Family Tree. Mention of the mythical ancestress is emphatically placed at the end of successive lyrics (677, 828). Io is generally associated with Argos rather than Thebes (cf.on 676sqq.).

250-1

255 257-60

a cloud

of shields:

the chorus’

impressionistic

conjuring up of the

battlefield recalls that of Antigone. Shields are significant descriptively in this play. The imagery is pregnant: against chiaroscuro effects ("cloud . . . flashes") is enacted a danse macabre ("configuration", a metaphor from the dance) controlled by Ares and suffused with blood. The reference is to the curse of Oidipous on his sons (cf. A.T/.720), in the implementation of which Ares is to play a part. The

last words of the song aptly introduce Polyneikes,

down

the parodos:

while

the chorus

(who

who arrives

did not hear lokaste's

prologue) do not know his identity (286-7), they refer to him, with a

subtle ambiguity, in terms both literal ("to this fight", “in armour", "approaches the palace") and metaphorical (“to this contest of words”, "with an army", "comes to recover his inheritance"). The chorus is operating on two levels: as detached observers, they have knowledge of Theban

events,

and

can

put

a moral

construction

on

them;

as

participants in the action, they fail to recognise Polyneikes and are unaware of the full significance of their remarks.

261-637

Ist episode This unusually

long episode is full of variety, with much

visually, aurally, emotionally and intellectually.

to appeal

It can be subdivided into five

sections: (a) 261-90, arrival of Polyneikes and exchange of information with the chorus. Stage directions are effectively incorporated in the text: tense and nervous, Polyneikes advances with drawn sword (267), starting at imagined

sounds (269); on reaching the orchestra with its stage altars, a potential refuge (274-5), he addresses the chorus grouped there. In the ensuing exchange, the girls repeat

in trimeters

information just given

in lyric about their origins,

identity and destination and in retum Polyneikes reveals his identity. (b)

291-354, emotional lyric reunion:

the chorus make obeisance to

Polyneikes and in a burst of song call for the door to be thrown open, 186

summoning lokaste, who emerges to welcome and embrace her son with a highly charged operatic monody, which in some respects resembles a dirge (see on 3226, 344-9).

This second appearance of Iokaste contrasts with her first:

now

emotional where she was previously rational (but with the same preoccupations, expressed in similar vein: 60-2 and 327; 68 and 350; 76 and 318-9; 77-80 and 337-49) she totters into a dance around her long-lost son (316), in mingled delight at his return (314, 316) and lament at his absence (344-9). The

summoning sequence is later repeated, once again to bring news of Polyneikes to

Iokaste but news of sinister tenor (1067sqq.). (c)

355-442,

rational dialogue between

lokaste and Polyneikes.

The

choral couplet, attributing Iokaste's extravagant outburst to maternal affection,

brings us down to earth, and the opening of Polyneikes' speech to Iokaste is emotionally low-keyed, with frigid rhetoric and antithetical expression (357, 360).

The

mood

rapidly

changes,

through

avowal

of trust,

in

spite

of

apprehensions (361-6) to a sentimental and resentful nostalgia (366-75). Iokaste responds with reflections on divine influence on her experience and proceeds to extract information, in a stichomythic exchange, about Polyneikes' past and present situation. Rather arid to modern taste, many passages of this were cited in antiquity (e.g.388sqq., with artificial question and contrived, antithetically

forced, reply quoted Stob.39.17 and Plu.de exil. 605) and may have contributed to the play's reputation for fine gnomai

(aphorisms). In Polyneikes' final speech,

legal and technical terms emphasise the quasi forensic character of the situation, as Iokaste seeks to arbitrate between her sons. (d) 443-587, arrival of Eteokles and agon, or debate, between the brothers, with Iokaste presiding: Eteokles arrives by the opposite parodos from Polyneikes and gives his mother an imperious impatient greeting; lokaste chides both men and sets up the agon. The rhetorical debate which follows is a conventional element in fifth century dramatic form, exploited and elaborated by Euripides.

The

symmetry

of the

brothers’

speeches,

balanced

in length,

arrangement and content, and the corresponding balance of Iokaste's response are typical of this stylised form.

Polyneikes’ speech of 28 lines falls into four

sections: proem, narrative, discussion, peroration (469-72, 473-83, 484-93, 4946). Eteokles’ answering speech of 27 lines has three sections: proem, discussion, peroration (499-502, 503-20, 521-5). Iokaste’s speech has 58 lines, 40 directed

to Eteokles and 18 to Polyneikes. To achieve the ratio 1:1:2, critics have deleted 1 line (e.g.487) from Polyneikes' speech and 4 (e.g.548, 558, 566-7) from Iokaste's; but the balance need not be numerically precise. Polyneikes as “plaintiff” speaks first, in a simulation of standard legal procedure; but, as is common in theatrical agon scenes, the second speaker has a tactical advantage.

187

Both deliver speeches which borrow forensic techniques of expression

and arrangement, familiar to us from fourth century oratory. In proem and peroration, Polyneikes claims to speak the plain unvamished truth of the honest man with justice on his side; in narrative and discussion his account of events is clear, consistent and in accord with Iokaste's prologue narrative. Eteokles’ answering speech has no narrative section: in evading the main issue, his alleged

violation of the agreement, Eteokles tacitly concedes that right lies with Polyneikes. (On the question of justice, see on 154.) Eteokles begins with an expression of the sophistic philosophy that there are no absolute ideas: all is relative. Good, wisdom, equality etc. vary with the individual’s perception of them. The speech, colourful throughout, reaches a crescendo in conclusion. As in the proem, sophistic ideals are embraced:

the end, Eteokles argues, justifies

the means; and to him tyranny is the supreme end. Iokaste responds with a long rhesis addressing each in turn, not recommending a particular course of action, but aiming rather to deter and dissuade her sons. By their reaction, calling on the gods for reconciliation, the chorus obliquely opine that the human attempt at arbitration has already failed.

(e) 588-637, slanging match in trochaic tetrameters: the tempo changes to a rapid and heated exchange in a line for line or sometimes divided line arrangement; an initial intransigent speech of Eteokles is balanced by a concluding one from Polyneikes, to which Eteokles retorts briefly. Repeatedly, Eteokles asserts his authority by ordering his brother to go (593, 603, 614, 636). Throughout the scene, attention is focussed on the characters. The choral contribution, serving to mark divisions between the sections, is restricted to brief

comments of a conventional yet not wholly non-committal character: 355-6, bromide on motherhood; 443-5, introduction of Eteokles; 497-8, approval of Polyneikes' speech; 526-7, disapproval of Eteokles' case; gods.

261-2

586-7, appeal to the

Polyneikes talks to himself as he enters (turning to the chorus only at 278), explaining that despite security at the gates (cf.114sqq.), he has

been

admitted

to the besieged

city.

His

grimly

realistic presence

contrasts with the romantic picture of him cherished by Antigone.

263

264

in the net: the metaphor of the hunter's net has a special significance, as both Eteokles and Polyneikes are likened to hunters or hunted beasts (699, 1169). Similar imagery of hunter and hunted, applied to both Dionysos and Pentheus, pervades Ba. without bloodshed: lit. *with unbloodied skin";

the recurrent verbal

pattern of blood and bloodshed is again evident, perhaps with a nuance 188

of colour, chros being I "skin" II “colour” (LSJ s.v.) — cf. chroma 1246 and perhaps also 138, 308. The scholiast’s comment that the original reading was ousted from the text in favour of one easier to pronounce gives us a rare indication of preferred sound effects. 269

Ah:

Greek

is rich in ejaculations expressing emotion

271

elsewhere grief, surprise, fear, pain etc.). enemy: the paradox that Polyneikes’ own

(here alarm;

city 1s enemy

territory 15

recurrent, cf.358; and, for expression of the common tragic paradox of echthra “enmity” between philoi “friends”, 374, 434, 1652 and on 1446; in this play the idea is allied with haima “bloodshed” among haima "kin".

272

trust. ..

version,

do not trust:

as

El.1230

the equivocation (cf.357, a peculiarly favoured

etc.)

is

a

Euripidean

hallmark,

parodied

by

Aristophanes (Ran.775 etc.).

274-5

The stage altars (which could be used for different purposes and given a

different focus in different plays) are indicated with a gesture. Polyneikes later calls on these appurtenances and the gods they represent (605, 606;

cf. 367, 632) and invokes divine witness to the

injuries he has suffered (491, 609, 626). Polyneikes, despite his continued trust in the gods (634) has now alienated the gods of his country by his action in attacking it, and Eteokles reasonably can deny him their support (5725qq., cf.608).

According to Polyneikes, Eteokles

took an oath by the gods to keep their agreement (481). admission, Eteokles now makes Tyrannis

his one god (506, cf.532).

On his own

— “Tyranny”, “Monarchy ’—

As in other respects, both brothers are

culpable.

276

278 280

The initial imperative is a colloquialism (Stevens, 1976, 42); the periphrasis for "sheath" is in highly tragic diction. On the adjective "dark", cf.on 1091. Polyneikes identifies the chorus as foreigners, presumably by their garb (cf.on 301). The idea of Earth as nurturer is recurrent, both in the dialogue (cf.Polyneikes' pathetic apostrophe 626) and the lyric of the play (introduced at 686); but Earth as a force is later seen to be potentially hostile (cf.on prominent.

281 288-90

172).

In

the

imagery

of

A.Th.

Earth

is

similarly

See Family Tree. The fulsome identification recalls the careful attention to the detail of names and naming in the prologue.

189

291-300,

choral

prelude;

301-54,

monody:

the metre

is ia-do, with

a brief

dactylic phase near the end (350-3), but reversion to do for clausula. 293-4

in prostrate position: prostration before a ruler (“lord” significantly used, cf.591, 697, 887) was viewed as an oriental custom and despised by the Greeks (who did, however, kneel in supplication, 923-4, 1622 etc.). The chorus may have separated into two groups, one prostrate

before Polyneikes and the other calling Iokaste. envisaged,

295 301

perhaps

glimpsed,

as

the

skene

The interior is briefly door

opens

(probably

outwards, as the verb of 297 implies). You have come (ebas ): Cf.1018, 1043 and on 202. While allusion is made (as 679, 1301) to the foreign character of the

chorus’ utterance, they speak Greek, in accordance with a natural and readily accepted dramatic convention. Similarly, Greek is spoken throughout A. Pers.

The Phrygian slave in

E.Or.(1369sqq.), with his

pidgin Greek, is akin to foreigners of comedy (Ar.Ach.100sqq.,etc.). 305

at last:

the pleonastically repeated time phrases (cf.310, 367) express

Iokaste's emotional longing for Polyneikes. The characters embrace (306-7), Polyneikes' dark hair brushing his mother's neck in pathetic contrast with Iokaste's ownn shomn hair (322-3).

:

311

replicate 318-9

each

other. Such

the adverbial accusatives emotionally

negated

words

(beginning

with

alpha

privative) recur 324, 341, 347, cf.327 and suggest a mood of despair. The exile theme is played up. Iokaste refers to Eteokles indirectly, not by name, but in terms of censure. Later (328), she links the pair.

320

longed for derived

... longed for:

from

hymns

(cf.339-40, where

such jingling repetition, perhaps originally

or folk poetry,

rhyme

is common

adds to the mannered

in Euripidean

lyric

effect) but here is in

accord with the play's interrelated thematic concern with family and city.

322-6

Shearing the hair and wearing black in mourning for the dead was commonplace; but Iokaste’s action in doing so for her absent son is extreme. Throughout, words of blindness and darkness applied to Oidipous and Iokaste contrast with the bright aura of the previous scene

(327, 336, 377). Words for “eyes”, “seeing” etc., natural enough with reference to Oidipous, are densely repeated also with reference to the brothers (265, 305, 363, 370, 454, 458, 462, 463, 596-7, 614, 616; cf.on 660, 949-51).

327-36

The actions of Oidipous (not directly named) are described. impression is given of one deranged, simultaneously longing for his 190

The

sons and cursing them (to avoid this inconsistency, some critics unjustifiably twist the sense of 334, to “moaning because he uttered

imprecations", i.e. regretting his actions); contemplating suicide but unable to effect it; given over to constant lamentation. Sophokles’ Oidipous wished for death by stoning (OC 435). Seneca echoes and elaborates the idea of an Oidipous with suicidal tendencies turning the question into a debate with Antigone and giving it a Stoic slant (Ph.89sqq., sword, fire or cliff contemplated; cf.also Oed.103, 868-75,

329

927-34). Iokaste’s perception of the brothers as a pair of tame creatures (cf.1085 and 1618) is at odds with their behaviour (cf.on 172, 947).

332

suicidal slaughter:

cf.880, aligning the brothers with their father and

1316, aligning Menoikeus with the brothers. 337

Iokaste regards this foreign alliance with suspicion (cf.Supp.134, 220sq., of the same marriage). The attitudes of classical Athens are anachronistically imported: citizen parentage on both sides was a prerequisite for citizenship. The adjective in 343 means “brought against" (cf.A.7h.583) as well as "brought in"; LSJ oddly translate, s.v.II, "brought upon oneself”.

339-40 34]

Assonance and rhyme are combined.

The use of Laios' name suggests that, because of Oidipous' derangement, Iokaste turns to the memory of her first husband to share her reactions to family misfortune.

344-9

Iokaste's lamentations are on a conventional theme of that she did not perform the usual rites at her (cf.Med.1027). Torches were carried in wedding ritual bath (represented here by the river Ismenos)

the bereft mother: child's wedding processions; the was an important

part of the ceremonial and the bride's arrival at her new home was the

349 350-3

355

occasion for noisy celebrations. there was silence: the impersonal use of the verb is unparalleled. Iokaste despairingly curses all possible causes of her misery. Iron is specified as effect rather than cause (cf.68 and A.TA.729). The final speculation on human versus divine causation 15 of a piece with Iokaste's sentiments at the end of the prologue. The god suggested by the verb is Dionysos (komos being a Dionysiac revel; cf.784sqq., Supp.390). a powerful thing: the nuance of deinon is "weird", "causing awe" cf.374. The sentiment is conventional and common (/A 917, 5.Εἰ. 770

etc); but its occurrence at A.7h.1031 may be echoed here. sentiments that mothers love their children follows, similarly

19]

Echoing the

expressed, the idea that people love their country (358-9). 357

mother.

the emotive vocative is repeated by both Polyneikes (374, 386,

436, 612) and Eteokles (446, 494, 503, 516, 588) throughout; striking phrase by the chorus (444, cf.298).

"child"

359-60

both

Polyneikes

And Iokaste addresses as

(412, 465, cf. use of name

458,

Eteokles (528, 532, 535, 576, 582); cf.on 1095. words , . . wit: the opposition is somewhat forced. common opposition between logos “word” and ergon implicit:

tr. “plays

direction";

but

with

the

words,

similar

but

phrase

in fact has

1418

also in a

tells

568)

and

Perhaps the “deed” is

his mind

against

in that

the

latter

interpretation.

361 362

The emendation proposed is close to A.7h.240, probably here echoed. The preoccupation with treachery is echoed from 266; similarly,

364 recalls 265 and 367 recalls 274-5. 366

with many tears:

Polyneikes may literally weep:

not demand a stiff upper lip (cf.370). 368

the heroic code did

Homer introduces Odysseus in

tears (Od.5.82sqq.) nurtured: the theme of nurture, lacking, futile or unnatural for many at

Thebes, is suggested (cf.45, 280, 626, 762). Polyneikes sentimentally lists places of nostalgia. These include gymnasia, a place of leisure for fifth century youth. 369-70

Cf.73-6.

The lines have been excised (West, 1981, 66) on the grounds

that a digression on exile is out of place; further 370 is "unworthy of Euripides". Musgrave’s emendation makes the expression easier: "stream" for "eye".

But in this scene, exile and eyes are stressed (cf.on

322-6). 375 376-8

The line, omitted in some mss used by a scholiast (on the significance of this, see Reeve, 1972 I, 253-6) and absent from a papyrus source, may be deleted. These lines have been much suspected, primarily because the questions

they contain are ignored by Iokaste, who proceeds to ask questions of her own.

However, Polyneikes' musings scarcely require an answer:

Iokaste has already in her monody given some account of Oidipous' actions and Polyneikes himself implicitly answers, with a speculative

suggestion,

his

question

about

the

sisters

(cf.Mastronarde,

1979,

121sqq.).

377

gazing on darkness:

the oxymoron

(cf. OT

419) maintains the pattern

of stress on blindness and darkness. 379

unhappily: the judgment (as 381) 1s not moral, but descriptive.

192

382

Cf. Andr.397-8, as Andromache recapitulates her past. Τῆς particle introducing a change of topic is colloquial and very common in Euripides (cf.1643;

Stevens, 1976, 44).

The resignation of Iokaste strikes the same note as in the prologue; cf.Oidipous' words, similarly resigned, in the exodos (1763) and other references to divine will (958, 1202).

389

to experience , , , to describe:

the antithesis between word and deed, or

theory and practice, is much favoured by Euripides, as by Thucydides and other writers influenced by the sophistic movement, and tends to

39]

become artificial and forced. freedom of speech: this was a political catchword in the late fifth century; the Athenians prided themselves on it (Hipp.422, Ion 672).

392, 395 slave: an emotive word, but used without hyperbole.

Under Attic law, a

man debarred from citizenship (typically because of disputed parentage, cf.628) might be demoted to slave status (see Demosthenes

393

57).

The

analogy is implicit here. Polyneikes 1s not criticising Adrastos, but making a general statement. Amathia

(lit." lack of education") is a favourite word of disparagement

in Euripides. lokaste replies in terms of sophia (lit. *wisdom"). Both terms have a range of meanings embracing "know-how", from social sophistication to emotional balance.

It is a common device to enliven a

stylised debate in stichomythia for a character to reply to the idea, rather than the words, expressed (or to use the same words, but with a different nuance).

395

for advantage:

Polyneikes seems here to acknowledge that he allowed

the end (the advantage of securing military help) to justify the means (acting contrary to instinct). Such realistic pragmatism is redolent of the sophistic morality embraced by Eteokles, and by Odysseus in S.Ph. (esp.111).

396 399

This proverb is quoted also A.Ag.1668. lovely

charm:

Aphrodite,

goddess

of

love,

is

here

seductive, meretricious character of illusory hopes.

405

used

for

the

The emendation

noted would gratuitously introduce the metaphor of hope as a "bright interval" in troubles. my lineage did not feed me: the cynical assertion that nobility is negated by poverty (reiterated emphatically in conclusion, 442) is to be seen in the context of the fifth century debate on the relative importance of physis

"nature"

and

nomos

“nurture”

in the

individual's

(similar to the modern debate on heredity versus environment); 193

makeup

cf.the

“nobility” of Oidipous and Antigone (1623-4, 1691-2) In Ph. produced 409 BC, Sophokles takes the view that a good physis — i.e.

eugeneia

— is inalienable:

the young Neoptolemos is ultimately true to

his physis as son of Achilles and Philoktetes — despite exile, poverty and physical agony — remains truly eugenes "noble". Euripides debates the 409

point in other plays, notably Εἰ. (362-3 etc.) and Jon (580-1 etc.). Loxias (Apollo, see on 203) gave Adrastos a riddling oracle, to the effect that he should marry his daughters Argeia and Deipyle to a lion and a boar. Eunpides here relates this to the ferocity of the fight for shelter

between

Tydeus

murder) and Polyneikes.

(banished

from

his

country

because

of a

Other explanations, given by scholiasts, are

that one wore a boar's skin, the other a lion's; or that each had an animal device on his shield, Tydeus the Kalydonian boar and Polyneikes the Theban

Sphinx.

The tale recurs, with some variation but with

certain common elements (e.g. that the encounter happened at night), elsewhere (notably Supp.132sqq.; Apollod.3.6.1). 412

413-4

name:

lokaste tries to understand the significance of the name of beast

(names still important, as in the prologue) repeated 420; its full horror is present in the choral song lamenting the brothers’ death (esp.1297), when their truly bestial character is apparent. The verb used 400, 405 is appropriate to beasts feeding rather than to people at table. fortune: daimon , the more general expression, relates to the fulfilment of the curse; theos “god” of the fcllowing line is fortune again, perhaps obliquely Apollo.

422 424

Adrastos was son of Talaos. happy or unhappy: the exhaustive expression, with opposites, typical Greek idiom.

427

two sons-in-law:

43]

433.4 437 438-42

is a

the identity of situation and relationship is stressed, as

at 423; cf.136. irksome but necessary: presumably there was an earlier undertaking to satisfy the honour of one chieftain: we may compare the expedition to Troy, with, as here, its origins in a marriage alliance. Polyneikes stresses that Eteokles is the aggressor, through breaking their agreement to rule alternate years; cf.72, 476, 630.. The alliterative effects of pi and sigma are striking.

Fraenkel's advocated deletion rests primarily on the argument that Polyneikes is not concerned with money (also that 437 is an appropriate end for the speech and that the arbitration idea is taken up by the chorus); but financial provision was a serious matter for exiles (cf.400194

403, 984-5) and there is realsism as well as pathos in the presentation of Polyneikes. See also on 528 sqq. 443

The chorus introduce the new character Eteokles, and urge Iokaste to embark on arbitration, a legal term repeated 436, 443, 445, 515. In wishing for divine aid in arbitration (468), Iokaste seems conscious of

her own inadequacy. The

short

sentences,

with

jerky

syntax,

indicate

Eteokles'

angry

impatience, immediately deprecated by Iokaste (452-3). He makes it clear that he has come only to please Iokaste. What

is to be

done?:

tragic characters

wondering

what

to “do”

or

proposing particular courses of action commonly use this verb, dran , regarded by Aristotle in Poetics

448-51

452-3

(1448a)

as root of “drama”

(cf.491,

505; also Eteokles' rather feeble questions to Kreon 734, 738, 740). These lines, which are infelicitous in expression and somewhat otiose in content, have often been suspected. 448 is particularly problematical, as "pairs of companies" (or "chariots belonging to companies" ) are not appropriate, and the location of Eteokles lacks rationale; without 4489, 450-1 are hard to construe ("in impartial arbitration" acus. of respect loosely attached to "exchange". wait: lokaste's tone is peremptory, and she speaks with abrupt, rather colloquial, imperatives to each son in turn. Iokaste, whose values would seem old fashioned in the late fifth century, tacitly equates dike "justice" and sophia

“wisdom”

(cf.86-7), and prizes the latter (460,

530); her sons seem touched by sophistic scepticism, Polyneikes apparently associating “wisdom” with unjust speech (471-2) and Eteokles denying that such abstract ideas have any common meaning (499-502). Similarly, Iokaste expresses a simple faith in democratic principles (538-41), while Polyneikes is sceptical (442) and Eteokles

seeks the repressive power of tyrannis .

454

Polyneikes' gaze is wild, and he refuses to look at his brother (cf.458,

462), despite Iokaste's prompting in repetition of a verb of seeing (4556). There is a reprise in the later presentation of death (1387, 1393, 1440-2, 1451, 1453) of the repeated imagery of sight and light, blindness and darkness which characterises this scene. The brothers

address each other only indirectly, through Iokaste, using not names but, as was common practice in litigation, a contemptuously dismissive pronoun "him", "this man here" (Polyneikes of Eteokles 474, 479, 487 and Eteokles of Polyneikes 511, 514, 520).

455-6

Euripides had a peculiar fondness (see AIC) for imagery of the Gorgon, 195

the mythical creature killed by Perseus (in an exploit the subject of Eunpides’ Andromeda) whose severed head turned all who saw it to stone. Here, the image has a homely quality, with reference to a

children’s bogeyman, appropriate in a maternal lecture; but there is a sinister undercurrent also, as the monstrous aspect of the brothers' character is suggested.

lokaste propounds the basic principle of negotiation: speaking and listening in turn. The need to confine oneself to the matter at issue, without reference to previous grievances, was a forensic commonplace. are parodied by the comic poet Strattis, in a couplet with 460 (verbatim) followed by, “when you boil lentils don’t pour on perfume" (Ath.160b), in his Phoinician Women , of which the longest extant fragment is a series of jokes on the Theban dialect. This account of events reiterates that in Iokaste's prologue narrative (69-

76). myself:

Polyneikes repeats emphatically autos

(self), twice of himself

(476, 478) and once of Eteokles (483). phonou “murder” as a key word is to be preferred to phthonou

“envy”

(see apparatus). monarchy: the word tyrannis anticipates Eteokles’ claim (506, 523, 534) and Iokaste’s reproof (549, 560-1). Polyneikes alleges that, even now, he is willing to withdraw, if Eteokles

will revert to the original agreement.

But this promise is as hollow as

Eteokles’ offer of negotiation, Supp.739sqq. The brothers’ death is inevitable, brought about by their mutual intransigence, which

cooperates with Oidipous’ curse. 488-9

490 494-6

Harsh

sound

and

sense

are

here

combined.

The

phraseology

is

Aischylean (7h.466).

if,, ,: the participle with negative is eqivalent to a conditional clause. Polyneikes reverts, in conclusion, to the tenor of his proem: his claim is

just, not urged with ingenuity. 499-502 Paradoxically, Eteokles’ own speech, in which he arrogates to himself virtuous qualities, reinforces his point that only names are constant, not

realities: the Polyneikes. puts forward in kind (553)

construction he puts on words is at variance with that of He does not attempt to rebut Polyneikes’ charges, merely a sophistic defence of his own conduct. Iokaste responds in urging him to desist from what is a mere name. In this

debate, the underlying significance of the giving of names, to characters

as well as ideas, is implicit. 196

503

concealing nothing:

the claim to speak with no concealment is common

in the lawcourts, especially where speakers are dissembling. 504

the sun up to the stars: i.e. the most distant parts of the heaven. The double gen. (lit. “of the stars .. . to the rising of the sun") 1s awkward,

and not alleviated by replacing mss reading with citation of Stob. (see apparatus). The reading anatolas found in many mss and giving a 5th

foot tribrach — as in 494, 509 — should perhaps be kept:

see Introduction

III on such clusters of metrical anomalies in 1a trim. 506

Tyrannis

is here OY

dh and deified, as Philotimia

(521), Isotes

noun (523-4). Euripides" penchant for deified abstracts, more marked in late plays (e.g. aidos "shame" Jon 337, as already HF 557; lethe "oblivion" Or.214) anticipates the growth of this usage, often allied with syncretism, in fourth century cult (cf. Jon

509sqq.

452 sqq., 1529, Nike

identified with Athena). unmanliness: —Eteokles twists the situation, alleging it would be shameful (510, 513) and cowardly (509, 514) to accede to Polyneikes’

claims. 515 518 519

Ironically, the Theban forces remain at arms in time of truce (1466-7).

on any other terms: lit. "otherwise"; the adverb "otherwise than should be", "wrongly" or "in vain". willingly:

the word

recalls Polyneikes’

often

offer (476), where

implies the same

conditions are very differently described. Geel's emendation

“learn” is to be rejected, because Iokaste echoes

Eteokles' choice of verb "relinquish" (584).

Reeve (1973) III, 155 supports deletion, on the grounds that the line

adds nothing and is syntactically separate from its context, 503-19. The expression is rapid and rhetorical, with balanced repetition of short syntactical units. The expression recalls the presentation of Odysseus in the prologue of S. Ph. (see on 395, 405). . Iokaste turns first to Eteokles in her reply, which is punctuated by a series of rhetorical questions: rather than persuading Eteokles to a

different course of action, she interrogates him on his present one (531, 548, 549sq., 553, 559-61). The style is mannered: clever sound effects abound (e.g.534, 539 syllabic repetition and variation), in conjunction with rhetorical antithesis and balance (e.g.536-7, ἃ triadic

construction). The content is philosophical: Iokaste advocates equity, presented as a cosmic principle of cyclic change, both desirable and 197

inevitable.

Perhaps this may be linked with her wish, at the end of the

prologue, for periodicity in human

happiness (cf.HF

101sqq., where

changes in human affairs and changes in the weather are listed in a general statement of the cyclic view).

The idea that a succession of

opposites governs the world is given sophisticated expression by such philosophers as Herakleitos, with his doctrine of the unity of opposites, and is embraced also in Greek popular thought. The notion of an inventor for number, and other concepts, ts also a popular one. In the late fifth century, when the rival merits of democracy and “tyranny”

were a live issue, isotes

"equality" became a political catchword.

The

debate in this play has some features in common with the more extended

and explicit debate in Suppliants

between Theseus, democratic ruler of

Athens, and a herald who represents Kreon, tyrant of Thebes (Supp.40962; see esp.406-8 with Ph.439-42 and Collard on Supp.212, also

Gomme on Th.6.38.5).

Statius represents Iokaste making a similar plea

to Polyneikes alone, not to both brothers (Theb.7.497sqq.).

Seneca has

two scenes where Antigone asks her parents to mediate, first Oidipous (already as in S.OC in exile when the quarrel breaks out, PA.288-94), then Iokaste (Ph.403-6);

538

the latter accedes, rushes off to the battlefield

and remonstrates with her brothers in terms which recall elements from this speech and other parts of the Euripidean model (cf. Sen.PA.505-10 with E.PA.344-9, 598 with 392-3 and 664 with 524-5). customary: the mss of Euripides are in agreement, but there is variation in the mss of Plutarch's quotation between nomimon

"customary" and

monimon "enduring": metathesis of this sort is a common type of ms error. The sentence is skilfully constructed, so that the hearer takes first fo ison "the equal" and only later to elasson "the less" as the subject

543.4

of the verb.

545

eye of night: a similar metaphor occurs A.7h.390 and S.Anr.103. ousted: lit. "defeated"; the verb is surprising in context,

548

appropriate to the situation of Eteokles and Polyneikes. It anticipates the stress on victory and defeat (see on 855). Emendation is adopted to correct the metre (see apparatus); but cf. on

549 549-67

504. happy injustice: the oxymoron is striking; injustice ought happiness. It has been argued that these lines should be deleted on anachronistic content and expression, more appropriate to fifth century, and of poor dramatic relevance (Kovacs, 1982); 198

but

not to bring grounds of fourth than and

some have fallen under suspicion on miscellaneous stylistic grounds, especially 558 and 552-8.

592

The configuration of this line is odd phonologically (four on pleon

. . . onom'

. . . monon

) and metrically

sounds in

(six successive

short

syllables). 555-6

Lines of this tenor no doubt contributed to the play's high reputation for its sententious content.

560

preserve:

The theme of soteria "safety", later important and developed

in terms of the survival or welfare of individual or state (cf.864, 890,

893, 898, 910, 912, 918 etc.), is introduced. The initial anaphora 15 striking, as 1s the rhetorical repetition in 456.

563-4 565 566:

forcibly taken:

568

The verb is changed for variation.

a euphemism for rape.

costly : the paradox of this reading given by scholiast, confirmed by a papyrus source, is preferable to the balder one of the mss., "painful" (v.1.“evil’’). For the construction of the line,

cf.778. 569-70

Iokaste blames Adrastos for actions precipitating the war (cf.584).

5715 46.: The rhetorical question recalls A.7h.586.

580

Polyneikes would be acting sacrilegiously in following the standard practice of dedicating spoils of war to the gods. The imputation of a question to an imagined speaker is a common device

583

in forensic oratory. See CR 7 (1957) 98-9 for Lloyd-Jones’

ingenious emendation from

infinitive to participle, tr. “by falling between the two” (a proverbial phrase); but rhetorically the change of constructon is unlikely.

584

The repetition of a word, to give a sequence of short syllables, a device common

scene.

in lyric (cf.on

103), is here remarkably

used

in a trimeter

The line, with its unusual conjunction of an, da and trib, and its

word play, brings this highly wrought speech (famous and much quoted in later antiquity) to a fitting close. 588

dispute: the agon of words is closed as explicitly as it was begun (259). For the remainder of the episode, the dialogue is in trochaic tetrameters, an old metre revived by Euripides, and used in his late plays, especially in scenes of rapid altercation (see Introduction III).

594-5 599

The manner of the mutual slaughter is ironically anticipated (cf.14212). prudent .. audacious: the terminology to dominate the long debate between Eteokles and Kreon is here anticipated. Suetonius says that 199

Augustus was fond of quoting this line (Aug.25), which has a proverbial ring (cf.Supp.508). 603sqq.

Sound and sense are intricately interrelated in these lines, split between two speakers in bitter argument. Each time it 15 Eteokles who interrupts, and scores a point; while Polyneikes continues with his

sentence oblivious of the interruption (cf.Mastronarde, 1979).

Parallel

relative clauses are used (604, 606) and there is much alliterative word

606 609

play (604, 607) and effective repetition (as anti- prefix 620, 622). The gods invoked are Amphion and Zethos. are:

lit.“are by birth", or "by nature";

membership

of the

doomed

family,

for the verb, implying

cf.619,

908,

940-1,

true

1595sqq.,

611sqq.

1612sqq., 1642. father... mother. . . city:

618

vocatives follow as Polyneikes recognises his helplessness (617, 618, 623). The pun, which is kept in translation, is typically Euripidean. The

the triple appeal has a grand pathos.

Further

particle (used ironically) is one of several colloquial expressions in this highly charged exchange: conjunction 598, expression 614, ellipse 621,

veiled threat 623 (Stevens, 1976, 45, 47, 17, 29, 53). 621-2

These

lines suggest that, as in Aischylos,

themselves

stationed at the same

expectation only to frustrate it.

gate;

the brothers

but Euripides

are to find

arouses this

Simply, each brother wishes to kill the

other (754-5); and their duel is directly motivated by this. 622

desire:

Eros, properly sexual passion, may be used of any mad desire

(cf.Ba.812). 623s4q.

As is commonly the case in dialogue with antilabe (split lines), there is scribal confusion over the attribution of speakers: see apparatus and on 985sqq. Aesthetically, it seems more pleasing for the brothers to

respond separately to Iokaste’s helpless final remonstrance, and the responses are in accord with their dramatic character. Polyneikes’

624 625

words, using a verb of oblique indication rather than direct communication (cf.955, 1441) express a cryptic threat (cf.Andr.265, Ba.976). Eteokles’ words are openly dismissive, as he carelessly invites the coming doom. Cf.A.Th.687 and note the alliterative effect Erinys . . . erreto. In Homer (Od.11.280) the Erinyes of his mother pursue Oidipous.

There is a pun on the verb: the sword will not delay, and will no longer be clean (here reinforced by the adjective "bloodied").

631

The physical presence of an image of Apollo on stage is a constant 200

reminder of his inexorable part in the action (cf.on 958).

Similarly,

Stage statues of Aphrodite and Artemis reinforce the verbal unfolding of the plot of Hipp. and Semele’s tomb the plot of Ba. The scene ends, as

it began, with an invocation of the terrain of Thebes. 636-7

The idea that the name

of Polyneikes contributes to his contentious

nature is later repeated (1293; cf.A.7h.829sqq., S.Ant.111). 638-89 1st stasimon This lyric is strongly tied to dramatic context. The opening words (638) recall the beginning of Iokaste’s prologue speech (5); the final words (call on goddesses for protection) recall the tenor of the teichoskopia scene; the metrical mix of iambic and trochaic rhythms recalls the switch from iambic trimeter to trochaic tetrameter in the preceding episode. Above all, the content looks back to the parodos and forward to the 2nd stasimon. The parodos explored the symbolic importance, in the present and future situation of the chorus, of Dionysos, associated with Apollo (peace and security) and of Ares

(fury and uncertainty):

this ode explores the importance of these gods in the

history of Thebes. The common antecedents of chorus and city are again stressed. The local sense is strong, with adverbs of place repeated (642, 645,

649, 657, 670). The structure 1s simple — strophe, antistrophe, epode — and the stanzas are sharply distinct in sense and mood. The strophe, describing in general terms the arrival of Kadmos and the birth of Dionysos, is happily evocative of a

verdant and fertile land, a place of peace and plenty. The antistrophe, turning to one specific event attending Kadmos’ arrival (the killing of Ares’ dragon and the ensuing struggles of the Spartoi) grimly describes a scene of violence, bloodshed and death.

Kadmos'

settlement is sanctioned by an oracle (642) — of Apollo,

concerned with Kadmos’ actions as with those of Laios, Oidipous, Polyneikes Menoikeus - and his subsequent actions are sponsored by Athena (666-9). In myth, as in the strophic and antistrophic presentation, calm and combat, fair foul, harmony and disharmony are inextricably interlinked in a pattern

and the and of

shifting ascendany (cf. Arthur, 1977).

The epode is a call on Epaphos, common ancestor of Phoenicians and Thebans, to intercede with Persephone and Demeter, equated with "Earth" to

protect the city. The role of Earth (ga, gaia personified or not) is ambiguous, rather as the role of Apollo was in the parodos. Hospitably welcoming to Kadmos (638), the Earth is mother to the dragon of Ares, and both origin and resting

place of the brood of Spartoi (670, 673), bedewed with their blood (674): 201

Earth

is simultaneously universal nurturer (686) and, narrowly, land of Thebes (688).

The ode has much tangential affinity with the 1st stasimon of A.7h.(287368): both invoke the gods for protection of the city (imperatives Th.init, Phfin.); both give an important place to personified Ares (7h.343sq., Ph.657sqq.); both treat the fecundity and beauty of primeval Thebes (Th.306sq., 357sqq., with a striking linguistic echo T7h.306 and Ph.648). The metaphor of mother earth occurs A.Th.16; cf.also 416, 584. Elements of this lyric (Kadmos’

arrival,

the monstrous

happenings

of dragons

or serpents

and

Spartoi)

are

imitated by Seneca, Oed.709-63, a play with plot based on S.OT.

Metre of Ist stasimon, 638-89 (638-56 = 657-75; la and tr, crossing in sync cola.

the metre is mainly

It may be noted that certain patterns are open to

analysis as either tr or 1a. Thus ith (cr ba)

as lec

676-89):

-

"^

»»--

may be viewed

.7--7 --.-iniacontextoras - - - - -.- intrcontext; and - ~ - ~ - ~ τ may be ambivalently akin with either tr (as tr cr) or with ia

(as cr ia) rhythms. 638

The

first word Kadmos

indicates the theme of the lyric;

the second

stasimon brings Ares to a similarly emphatic position. Kadmos, precursor of the chorus in his travels (and the parallelism is reinforced by verbal similarities between 6 and 204, 639 and 202), came from Phoenicia to Thebes searching for his sister Europe who had been courted and abducted by Zeus in the guise of a bull. (This is evidently a doublet of the Io story.)

Frustrated in his quest, Kadmos

consulted

Apollo and received the oracular guidance that he should follow a heifer and found a city where the animal lay down of its own accord. Kadmos complied and so Thebes in Boiotia (root bous “cow”) was founded (Apollod. 3. 4. 1, Paus.9.12.2). 639

|

if r

the apparently tautologous adjective is of the type

which has

given

late

Euripidean

bombast.

Here,

however,

there

lyric is

its reputation an

implicit

for sonorous

allusion

to

the

transformation into heifer form of Europe and of Io. 640

chosen:

lit. “unforced”, “unsubdued”;

in translation, the adjective is

taken with "fall"; with Bergk's emendation (see apparatus) it qualifies "heifer", with the meaning “untamed”, “unyoked”.

641

collapsed:

this verb, meaning “throw”, found in aorist forms only, is

common in Euripides (cf.Ba.600, HF 498). Here, the repetition in antistrophe (665, 668; but one of these may be corrupt) points to the similar yet antithetical positions of grounded heifer and dragon in

identical location

(stressed in first word of antistophe and by 202

echo

between 647 and 669): the one voluntarily succumbs in docile submission, the other falls after a violent struggle. Similar phraseology is used in the account of the brothers’ duel (1417; see also on 1401).

It 1s tempting but unnecessary to emend with Valckenaer, introducing

the name

of the Aones,

one of the prehistoric peoples

of Boiotia

(Paus.9.5.1).

645sqq.

Dirke in verse commonly merely indicates Thebes;

but in this ode the

stream has a special significance: in strophe, it is the birthplace of Dionysos (and cf.Ba.519sqq: Dirke received the new-born Dionysos in her waters) and in antistrophe, haunt of the dragon. Bromios, literally "roarer',

is a cult title of Dionysos, commonly used substantivally as

Pythios of Apollo or Kypris of Aphrodite. The choice of title suggesting the bestial rather than happy aspects of the god's character (cf.785) is significant. Dionysos was born to Semele, daughter of Kadmos, loved by Zeus (cf.1755).

In Ba., the birth is a miraculous one,

mystically described: Semele, who had rashly asked Zeus to appear to her in his divine form, was blasted by her lover's thunderbolt; Zeus

preserved her unbom child by secreting him in his own thigh, from which he was subsequently "born". Here, there may be a hint of this story in the mention of enfolding greenery, perhaps a screen for the infant from the jealous Hera. The association of Dionysos with all kinds 655-6

of vegetation, especially evergreens and the tender young shoots of spring, is prominent in cult and evident in many cult titles. Bakchic dance: ecstatic dance was a characteristic activity of the

657

devotees of Dionysos (for happy dance cf.236 and on the theme see Podlecki, 1962). The Theban dragon is an analogue to the sinister Delphic dragon of the parodos

(232).

The

motif of the vigilant dragon,

previous incumbent or régime, common in Greek myth. 658

of Ares:

and

driven

associated

with a

out by a newcomer

is

the genitive may mean either that the dragon was “son of" or

"sent by" Ares.

660

Eyes are recurrent in the play's imagery:

Oidipous' blinded eyes are

described in terms like those of the dragon's gaze 62, 870;

cf.on 322-6.

Drakon "dragon" is cognate with the verb derkomai "see". 662

Kadmos approached the stream to get water to perform a sacrifice (to

Athena, according to Apollod.3.4.1): that is, to kill and offer up the heifer on the spot it had lain down. Regular Greek cult practice required that a victim should bow its head in compliance for a sacrifice 203

663

to be regarded as auspicious. In this version, Kadmos kills the monster by throwing a boulder at its

head; in other versions he kills it with a sword. 665-9

The text is difficult and probably corrupt.

(i) Metrically, strophe and antistrophe do not correspond at 648, 667. (ii) The syntax is jerky and illogical: there is a harsh asyndeton in 666 and a sequence of relative clauses and participles where a main verb 15

expected; further, the aorist participle in 668 following (not preceding) the main verb of 663. (ii)

Aesthetically,

one

expects

the

same

relates to an event

placing

in strophe

and

antistrophe of a repeated phrase, surely a deliberate echo (648, 669) and the same placing of 2 lines of similar sound and semantic content (650, 667: involvement of the gods Zeus and Athena).

(iv) Repetition of the participle in 665, 668 is suspicious. (v) The name Pallas (667) has the air of a gloss. (1) and (v) are met by Wecklein's emendation of 667;

(iii) is met by

Murray's transposition (which, however, introduces an awkward word order); (iv) 1s met by Kock's emendation of 665 (but the corruption 15

667

likely to lie rather in 668); (i) is partially met by Rauchenstein's addition of a particle (but the syntax remains awkward). Other sources too involve Athena in the action of sowing the dragon's teeth:

she is instigator as in Euripides (Apollod.3.4.1) or herself sows

them (Stesichoros in Europeia , according to scholiast).

670

The story of Kadmos here closely resembles the story of Jason: Jason too sowed the teeth of the dragon he had killed (guardian of the golden

fleece) and watched as the armed men who sprang up killed one another. In the case of Thebes, five warriors survived, and from these the Theban aristocracy, the Spartoi “sown men", were descended 672 674-5

675

(cf. A.Th.412, E.HF 5sq.). Kreon's family was of this stock (942sqq.). steely-hearted: Cf.26, 68, 350, 1025 for the recurrent mention of iron or steel, associated with murder by the sword. The evocation of a sunlit and airy scene is not only fleeting but illusory: experience of the upper world by the Spartoi is quickly aborted with a retum to bloodshed and death. sunny winds: the expression recalls the zephyrs of the parodos, 211;

but the noun is used also in a pejorative sense of anger, 454; cf.the cognate verbs 789, 876, 1419, 1454 and related expressions 1438, 1440,

1535. 676sqq.

For the relationship of Io, Epaphos and Kadmos, see Family Tree. 204

The

introduction of Epaphos, born to Io in Egypt and a common ancestor of the Egyptian Danaos who settled Argos and the Phoenician Kadmos who settled Thebes, as intercessor for Theban protection against Argos 15 both paradoxical and indicative of Thebes’ predicament. (In A.Supp.41,

679-80

cf.168sqq., 531sqq., the Danaids invoke Epaphos to come to them at Argos as “avenger from overseas".) The stress on "barbarian" suggests the accompanying music would

6825qq.

sound alien and eastern (cf.301). founded... possessed: Atisan .. . ktesanto , falling at the end of clauses,

are remarkably similar in sound. 683

named

together:

The

adjective,

lit."double-named",

is

of

doubtful

meaning. Some interpret simply “two”; others take the word to refer to the two names of each goddess (Persephone or Kore, Demeter or Ge); others again suppose an allusion to the common

coupling in cult of

Demeter and her daughter, as at Potniai (Paus.9.8.1) a local place of sinister associations (see on 1124-6).

6865qq.

The syncretism of Demeter with Ge and treatment of both as having universal sovereignty recalls the oriental cult of a great mother goddesss, perhaps peculiarly appropriate to this chorus (cf.Ba.275, Hel.1301 sqq.).

Demeter and Kore are “torchbearing” especially in the

cult at Eleusis:

the mythological explanation is that Demeter carried

torches

in

the

long

search

for

her

symbolises the insight of the initiate. ominous

hint at the torches

of war;

daughter;

in

cult,

the

torch

But there may be an additional see on

1377.

Syncretism

of

Apollo-Dionysos linked with Ares (see on 2nd stasimon, 784-833) is allied with syncretism of Demeter-Ge, monsters (see on 3rd stasimon, 1019-66).

associated with chthonic Kithairon is used to evoke

Artemis, Dionysos and Sphinx (see on 801 and cf.on 109). According

689

690-783

to a scholiast, clearly at a loss to explain the allusions, Thebes

was a wedding gift from Zeus to Persephone. The ode ends on a sententious note of conventional piety.

2nd episode In contrast with the rich variety of the exceptionally long Ist episode,

the 2nd is simple and short, involving only two characters: Eteokles and his uncle

Kreon, the former making his last appearance (alive, at any rate) and the latter his first. The structure too is simple: after brief speeches of introduction and greeting, along section of stichomythia is followed by a long rhesis from

205

Eteokles. The action is not significantly advanced (Argive attack, led by seven Captains, 1s said to be imminent; the defence of Thebes is planned; Eteokles goes off into battle), but the scene maintains dramatic interest by the introduction of the new character Kreon and serves to flesh out the character of Eteokles (whose

youthful impetuosity gives way to Kreon’s superior grasp of military strategy in a military debate of rather anachronistic content, which must have engaged the interest of an audience accustomed to inflicting and suffering siege conditions;

see on 690sqq., 712-34); it also anticipates important future developments. In his final speech, Eteokles makes three requests: that, if he should die, Kreon will attend to the marriage of Antigone and Haimon; that Teiresias be consulted and, finally, that if he should triumph (but both expression and content imply mutual slaughter), the body of Polyneikes be left unburied, on pain of death. 690sqq.

Eteokles, who has remained on stage throughout the lyric song, orders one of his attendants (a silent extra) to take a message to Kreon.

This

action is forestalled by Kreon’s artificially convenient arrival, on cue. (For

similar

timely

entrances,

in

breach

of

dramatic

realism,

see

Supp.397-8, S.Tr.58.)

692-3

join

in

counsel:

conversation.

cognate

According

words

to Kreon,

occur euboulia

throughout “good

the

ensuing

counsel"

is a

prerequisite for victory, 721; he urges Eteokles to “counsel”, 735; tharsos “daring” and euboulia are both required, 746; he further stresses

the

crucial

importance

of keeping

a good

guard,

731

and

prudence, 735 echoed in pronoia “forethought”, 736. At the end of the episode, 782, Eteokles prays to Eulabeia “Precaution”, an abstract ideal treated as a deity, just as Tyrannis was in the previous episode. General debate on the relative merits of bold or cautious approaches to military Strategy in general and to siege warfare in particular were current in the late fifth century, in the context of recent Athenian experience in Sicily

and elsewhere.

In tenor, much in the exchange between the two men

recalls Thucydides’ presentation of the debate on the Sicilian Expedition

between the cautious Nikias and the flamboyant Alkibiades (Th.6.9sqq.). Eteokles undoubtedly displays some of the characteristics commonly associated with the “youthful” Alkibiades (Th.6.12.2; 6.17.1), who rejected “equality” and who was regarded by the populace

as courting “tyranny” (Th.6.15-16);

similarly, Kreon’s advocacy of a

slow, sure approach resembles that of the older and less charismatic

Nikias.

Some commentators go so far as to suggest that Polyneikes’

fearful return from exile is based on the return of Alkibiades (described

206

Th.8.81, X.Hell.1.4.18).

The concept of eulabeia

is bandied around in

other dramatic passages (especially in Supp., as at 161, 325, 509-10,

1062; cf. also Or.698, HF repressive régimes.

166) and tends to be suspect, associated with

domestic and public matters: the double theme of family and city (juxtaposed in words of related sound: οἱζ- and koi- ; cf.the similar

consonantal sound of the last two words in 693) is treated in the ensuing dialogue, but more attention is focussed on the latter; Eteokles turns to

family matters only in his final speech, where he instructs, rather than consults, Kreon. 696 697

my palace: the possessive is loaded in this context (cf.756).

Kreon as a character brings with him a penumbra of associations from earlier plays,

S.Ant.

and

OT

: these

are not helpful

in analysing

Euripides' complex portrayal here. In this scene, he is loyal to Eteokles, clearly taking this brother's side in the conflict, and speaks as a judicious man with experience in military command.

Later he is seen

as selfish but sincere; he is throughout a bluff military man rather than a statesman.

699 703

On the hunting metaphor see on 263. confidence: Polyneikes' motivation, pride, is described in similar terms to Oidipous' (41). As often in drama, the means by which a character

has come by information is conveniently left unspecified. 705 707 708

Like Iokaste and the chorus, Kreon makes a pious statement.

By this conventional phrase (cf.S.7r.78), Polyneikes elicits information and initiates a stichomythic sequence. aprisoner. the captive (an Argive spy, caught in Thebes at night, according to scholiastic suggestion) is not mentioned again. In view of what is already seen and known, the information elicited from him is hardly

startling;

but

it serves

to

recall

the

“companies”

earlier

mentioned (103sqgq.) and later described (1100sqq.).

709

The dialogue is rapid, animated and colloquial, especially on Eteokles’ side: particles with postponed interrogative 709, cf.1277; crasis 716; paratactic expression 722, cf.909 (Stevens, 1976, 46, 59, 61).

710-1

The text 1s suspect because the couplet breaks the even flow of the stichomythia; also the style is slightly awkward (adverb — cf.also 698

and 733 — and local dative in 710, further dative in 711). Wilawowitz' solution (see apparatus) is ingenious; but it seems preferable to delete 710, and to keep 711, to which 712 is a concise and precise response,

with Kadmeans and Argives balanced in position. 207

712-34

The three military proposals of Eteokles — attack by night, attack at

mealtime, cavalry charge — are appropriate to fifth century, rather than heroic age, warfare.

The suggestions have been speculatively related to

events at Atnens in 411 and 410, when the city was besieged by the Spartan Agis and alternative strategies were reviewed (Garlan, 1966); however,

the

debate

may

borrow

rather

studies of the art of war. Euripides' evident also in RA. 713

in your youth:

from

sophists'

theoretical

interest in military strategy 15

Kreon's comment is rather on Eteokles' immaturity than

on his actual age (cf.530, also Andr.184, 192: Andromache taunts Hermione on her childishness), as in this play Eteokles is the elder brother (71).

716

Polyneikes, the elder in S.OC ,

described as neazon "immature". The arrogant boasts of the Argives,

is there (373) similarly

especially

Kapaneus,

common element of the tradition (À.7/.425, S.Anr.127sqq., OC

were

a

1318-

9). 718-9

The exchange flows rapidly, and the rhyming ending, with its play on

aspirated and unaspirated consonants (pi and phi, ponos phonos

"trouble" and

"slaughter", the latter a key word and the former also much

721

repeated 30, 157, 249, 437, 979, 1409, 1434, 1648), Euripides' adventurous experimentation in sound effects. Victory (treated at face value) is a preoccupation 729, 781.

is typical of

724sqq.

Perhaps the most celebrated surprise attack on an enemy preoccupied

with food was that at Aigospotamoi, in autumn 405, when the Athenian army was overrun and the Peloponnesian War was effectively ended.

734 735-6 739

Night attack is the subect of Rk., derived from Hom.//.10. Eteokles' own ideas having been rejected by Kreon, he now asks what course of action to follow (cf.740). sensible: sophia here 15 military skill (cf.on 393).

commanders: the emendation adopted, substituting noun for verb (see apparatus) eliminates an awkward asyndeton; in 742 a corresponding emendation might be stylistically desirable, but is not necessary:

748

the verb may be retained with both nouns (for the latter, cf JA 1260). Gratuitous emendation of unexceptional Greek es polin to exodon Wecklein (cf. A.TA.284) and to es stoma

749

there

by

by Jackson (cf.S.Ant.119) is to

be resisted. This will be done: cf.753, "I shall go". These statements, as Eteokles makes plans for the disposition of his companies, recall the usage of a medley of tenses, including future, in the much discussed central scene 208

of A.Th. (369-685): in that play, as the warriors are despatched to successive gates till only the seventh is left, the tenses economically epitomise the cooperation of fate and freewill in Eteokles’ decision to face his brother there. In PA., Euripides continues (754-56) to tease the

audience with tbe possibility of such a fraternal engagement; but even the meeting of the champions (suggested by Kreon, not initiated by

750 751

Eteokles himself) does not happen. Cf. S.Anr.1415q. Eteokles' comment is surely intended by Euripides to be a reference to the long central passage in A.Th., where the warriors are individually named

and described, whether in ironic criticism, respectful deference

or literary display. Α more extended case of a similar allusion may be seen in the handling of the recognition scene in E.E1.5205qq., in relation to that in A.CA.183sqq.

753

delay: the much repeated idea of delay — of being too late, ineffectual or inactive — is here as elsewhere (cf.625, 766, 1148, 1387) represented by a root reminiscent in sound of Árgos, in association with a suggestion of the adjectives argos

"white" and argos, a-ergos "inactive".

753 (and with it 754-6)

has been damned by the deletors;

753 because,

after statements that they will go, formulated as here, characters normally do go (but surely there need be no hard and fast rule in such matters; cf. Menoikeus' departure, 1013sqq.). The lines significantly echo 621-3 and anticipate 765, 880, 1263, 1269.

Such repetitions are

artistic and integral rather than, as often suspected, 751sqq.

derivative and

intrusive. In asking Kreon to deal with the marriage of Antigone and Haimon and

"nurture" her, Eteokles bypasses Oidipous, who as father of Antigone would

767

normally

be

responsible.

This

is because

(as he explains)

Oidipous is deranged (763-5; cf.64-5, 327sqq. and exodos). Eteokles’ action is slightly at odds with his generally blasphemous stance (524-5 etc.), but the intent to summon Teiresias, a character ubiquitous

in Theban plays, will not surprise the audience, conditioned to expect him. Eteokles' professed reason for reluctance to meet him is not implausible, considering the common vituperation of Teiresias by the Theban royal family and Eteokles’ bluntly overbearing character; but there are practical reasons also for getting him offstage at this juncture:

the actor is required to play Teiresias.

773

Because the subject of the result clause is not the same as the subject of

the main clause, emendation of the infinitive to an indicative has been 209

mooted (West, 1981; see apparatus).

enjoin:

774

the verb used is that appropriate for a dying person, making his

final requests: cf.the injunctions of the dying Herakles to his son Hyllos, TT5sqq.

S.Tr.1221. On the relevance of the issue of burial (regarded by some critics as a late intrusion, based on S.Ant.), see Introduction and notes on exodos (1307-

1766). In S.OC , Polyneikes makes a similar request, before the battle (1409-10, 1435-6). 778sqq. Eteokles tums from Kreon to his attendants, evidently several in number (a fitting entourage for a stage monarch). His command that his arms

be

brought

out

(sc.from

immediately (cf.A.7h.675-6);

the

skene)

is presumably

executed

he will then put on his armour during

the first part of the lyric and leave by the parodos, to find Menoikeus

and proceed to the battlefield. (Alternatively, he may simply be followed by attendants carrying the armour, cf.O.Taplin, The Stagecraft

of Aeschylus

, Oxford,

1977,

160.)

Kreon,

meantime,

remains on stage. | ice: Eteokles' claim to justice (made only here, in a line which is somewhat suspect in expression, see Jackson, Marginalia

781

Scaenica

, Oxford,

1955,

117-8,

and

which

with

778,

a harmless

"filler", is omitted in a papyrus text) is endorsed by no other character. The *victory" he hopes for will be hollow (cf.1368 and on 855 kallinikos

"glorious in victory";

also Tr.353, 460

and Ba.1147 for the

notion of illusory triumph). The lack of resolutions in the last four trimeters (in 783, the prefix diais probably monosyllabic, by synizesis) brings the episode to a heavy close.

784-833

2nd stasimon

This ode is metrically simple, with runs of dactyls throughout; and verbally complex, with a plethora of polysyllabic compound adjectives and a

welter of oxymoron. Its sonorous, highly-wrought phrases, in the dithyrambic style, may seem merely “turgid” (so Powell) to modem taste; but arguably the rich decoration of the language contributes to the lyric intensity lying at the heart of the play, and complements its dense thematic patterns (pace

247,

"throws

the various mythical elements

Conacher, 1967,

at us with little regard for the

connections between them"; for more sympathetic treatments see Podlecki, 1962;

Arthur, 1977). 210

Each of the three stanzas begins with an invocation -- Ares, Kithairon, Gaia — all with ominous overtones established in earlier elements of the play’s

song cycle and, to a lesser extent, dialogue. In the strophe, Ares, who is ostensibly at odds with Dionysos, is invoked in language appropriate to Dionysos and especially evocative of Dionysiac cult hymns (dithyramb). The apparent antinomy of the two gods is turned into a paradoxical rapprochement, already hinted at in parodos and Ist stasimon. In the antistrophe, Kithairon is invoked, with the wish that sinister past events — the rescue of the infant Oidipous and the coming

of the Sphinx (a theme elaborated in the 3rd stasimon) — had never

happened; followed by rueful reflections on the continuing troubles of the family. Dionysos, not mentioned, is implicitly present: Kithairon, like other mountains, was a haunt of his devotees (Ba., esp.556sqq.), and the language of 802 recalls 206 and 234. In the epode, mention of Gata introduces the story of the dragon brood and leads to a wide-ranging treatment of other events, good

and bad, in the remote past, culminating in mention of Io and finally, in the context of changing fortunes, a return to Ares and the present. Throughout, the various disparate events of present (strophe), recent past

(antistrophe)

and

remote

past

(epode)

are

seen

to have

common

and

recurrent elements. The repetition of words of birth, genesis and nurture stresses the succession of phases (795, 803-4, 810, 816, 818, 820-1, 826, 829) affecting the same family and city (descendants of Kadmos 808, 811, 829) in the same

locale

(walls

of city 797,

809,

823;

mvers

793-4,

825-7),

while

the

repetition of words of music, tuneful or tuneless, and dance, especially danse macabre (785-8, 791, 807, 823) and of animality (793 with 808, 801, 805, 820) stresses their interludes.

sinister

and

unnatural

character,

punctuated

by

brief happy

In addition to its rich thematic evocation of choral Leitmotive, the stasimon has elements which recall actors' words (description of army, especially in terms of "bit", 792 and allusion to Artemis, 802 recall the teichoskopia (88-201); eris "strife", 811 and komos “revelry”, 791, recall

Iokaste’s musing (351-2) and the play’s later development is anticipated (Kithairon important in exodos). The stasimon has a strong contextual bearing also, as the strophe's invocation of Ares follows naturally on the martial debate

of the preceding scene and the epode's invocation of Gaia leads in naturally to Teiresias' ominous predictions. As in the case of the first stasimon, there are reminiscences of other Theban plays, notably 789, 795 of A.Th.343, S.Ant.136; 784sqq. of A.Th.4978; 792 of A.Th.A62; 798-9 of S.Ant.583sqq., esp.595, 596. Metre of 2nd stasimon, 784-32 (784-800 2 801-17; 818-32):

211

the metre is

mainly da, used with considerable freedom. Anandda(- -and as are la andtr( ~ - v -

- -

Some an verses occur in the epode.

- ) are in the same inverse relation to each other and - ~ - ~ ). The extensive interpenetration of

ia and tr in Ist stasimon is here followed by a similar manipulation of an and da. As is common, the clausula is in an arrestingly different rhythm (1a an) from that of the preceding lines. 784sqq.

The

image

association

suggested

between

350-3

Ares'

and

now

rampage

extensively

and

developed,

Dionysiac

of an

celebration,

is

elsewhere hinted at by Euripides (Supp.390, oxymoron similar to those of 791, 796; Ba.302; cf. also Ar.Ach.982sq.). The verb of 785 is

elsewhere used specifically of Dionysiac possession (Ba.1124); the gesture of tossing back the hair was typical of the Dionysiac devotee (Ba.864-5 and vase-paintings); the flute was the Dionysiac instrument par excellence; the komos was properly a Dionysiac revel (Ba.1167)

and the thiasos a band of worshippers forming an exclusive sect. In 792, the alleged contrast between Ares’ movement and the whirling movements of the Bacchant dressed in fawnskin and carrying the thyrsos (branch draped with ivy) piquantly heightens the inherent similarities (cf.Ba.65, 219). Latent violence was an aspect of the cult of Dionysos:

the

power

of

Dionysos

had

its

ugly

side,

obliquely

assimilated here to the cacophonous presence of Ares, as well as its happy and peaceful side, overtly described in words of music and dance.

786

789-90

garlanded: lit, “garland "of greenery wom by worshippers of Dionysos rather than metaph., “ring ” (poetic plural) of dancers. The word (and perhaps also the idea) is repeated at the end of the song; cf.imagery of 1369. There is strong literary reminiscence here of other Theban plays, in the vivid imagery of hostile blasts (A.7h.326 of Ares; S.Ant.136 of Kapaneus) directed against Thebes, cf.454.

repeated

from

784

may

mean

In 790, the word “blood”

“bloodlust”,

“bloodshed”,

or

(with

scholiast) the “blood relations” or family at Thebes.

791 792-4

lead the dance: the verb suggests dithyrambic performance.

Here and at the end of the antistrophe, it is impossible to extract sense from the Greek text as transmitted.

Most editors resort to the daggers

of desperation; I have tentatively offered a translatable to the ms tradition (see apparatus). Similarity with the A.Th.462 suggests that the verb in 792 (“whirl”) is than intransitive. The wheeling motions ofthe army, 212

text fairly close phraseology of transitive rather arrayed with

705 800

weaponry, are effectively likened to the whirling of the Bacchant. As before Ares was said to incite Argives against Thebans, so here he conversely incites Thebans against Argives. For metrical correspondence, the strophe 1s too long, or the antistrophe too short. There is some reason to delete the last two words of the strophe, as they are omitted in a papyrus source;

and as Labdakos,

father of Laios, is not particularly germane in this lync, which stresses Theban lineage from Kadmos. Repetition of the same word of suffering from the first line of the lyric is not a conclusive argument either for or

against deletion. With or without it, the initial idea is reiterated in pemata “troubles” (cf.Ant.594-5,OC 1234). 801

heavenly

foliage:

this expression

is suggestive

not only of Artemis,

specifically associated with the mountain, but simultaneously of Dionysos, god of greenery, worshipped on mountain tops; and the “snowy” epithet recalls the description of Parnassos in the parodos, with its evocation of Dionysos in association with Apollo. The Sphinx is suggested by the allusion to beasts of Kithairon. In attributing the rescue ("nurture", a repeated motif; cf.on 368) of Oidipous to the mountain, rather than to any human agency, the chorus

804

suggest supernatural intervention in the infant’s fate. For the idea that a child, cause of much trouble, should have been killed at birth cf.Andr.293-5, of Paris. Oidipodes: this collateral form of the name Oidipous, used in epic, is common in tragic lyric (as 813, A.TA.725, S.Ant.380). cast out: the cognate verb is a medical technical term for miscarriage or

abortion.

805

gold-bound pins:

it is disputed whether these words

refer to: (1) the

pins which pierced the feet of the infant Oidipous; (ii) the clasps used by the adult Oidipous to blind himself or (iii) jewellery left with the exposed infant on the hillside. Against (iii) it may be argued that there is no reference elsewhere to such an element in the Oidipous story (though tokens do play a part in similar stories, such as that of Ion, EJon 22); against (ii) a proleptic sense for episamon

“to become marked" is difficult, and in any case

allusion to this future event is out of place.

(i) gives the most natural

sense, and the objection that Iokaste earlier stated that the pins were of

iron (26) — not of gold, as here — is not cogent: the apparent discrepancy may be put down to the different conventions of iambic and lyric composition; it is not necessary to plead that an iron pin might be goldbound.

213

806-7

The cacophonous consonants of 806, with the alliterative play on pi and

the assonance of the syllable -teranticipates the designation of the Sphinx’s song as unmelodious (for which cf.50, 1028, 1506), with 806

“discordant verses”, a stnking oxymoron. winged maiden: for the term cf.S.OT 508; numerous vase-paintings depict the Sphinx in this form (see Index, ARV). The Egyptian Sphinx

is a wingless lion woman, while the Assyrian Sphinx is winged. Apollodoros (3.5.8) describes the Sphinx as an amalgam of woman's face; lion's trunk, legs and tail; bird's wings. Seneca describes the Sphinx with talons, wings and tail, "like a savage lion" (Oed.92-102; cf.Ph.118-20, 130-3); in Statius, Polyneikes' sword is marked with an emblem

of the sphinx,

symbolising

death

(Theb.4.84-7).

Euripides

stresses the wings (806, 1024) and plays up the bird-like character by mention of talons (808, 1025).

The Sphinx, here associated for density

of poetic effect with Kithairon, was regularly associated with another mountain to the north west of Thebes (Paus.9.26.2).

807

discordant verses:

this oxymoron is one of the most striking in the

lyric.

810

she whom:

the relative refers back to the Sphinx.

Hades is sender of the

Sphinx in the sense that those seized by the monster were doomed to die. 81 1sq.

further unhappy strife: there is a paradox in the assertion that a daimon "deity" can be dusdaimon "unhappy". On this interpretation, alla is Doric for Attic alle "other", "further". An alternative interpretation treats alla as adversative conjunction (normally used after a preceding negative, it here takes up the negative implied in the adjective, which plays on the idea of divinity, “Strife is unhappy, but still is rampant...” At the end of the antistrophe, the text is hopelessly corrupt. The Greek

printed gives metrical responsion and tolerable sense, without doing violence to the ms reading (see apparatus).

The "illicit brood" of 815

are Eteokles and Polyneikes. 818

Repetition, such as that in the first two lines of the epode, is a hallmark

of Euripides’ late style (cf.1018, 1287, 1350, 1500), parodied by Aristophanes (Ran.1352). It is also a common device of folk poetry, and so perhaps apt for the “once upon a time” theme of this stanza. Here, telling repetition of. a ritual and emphatic character (818:

819

verb,

vocative, verb) is combined with empty and sonorous doubling (819). Knowledge on the part of the chorus of events or circumstances not communicated to it in the course of the play is commonly

granted, as a convenient dramatic device. 214

taken for

The chorus need not explain,

as here, how it came by its information (but Euripides, with his leaning to realism,

favours

such explanation:

cf.El.452, Hipp.129-30;

also

S.Tr.526). 820

savage: lit.“of savage nurture”; the expression recalls the verb of 804 and the epithet of 801. On the term “of fiery crest” cf.on 41-2.

821

According to a scholiast, The Spartoi are simultaneously glory and shame (another oxymoron) because they were brave though of such ignominious origins;

but against this cf.Supp.579.

Rather the words

refer to their shortlived magnificence, soon ending in death; cf.670-5. Eteokles failed to see that oneidos “shame” could be glorious (513), and for Oidipous glory was shameful (1732). See also on 1369-71.

822-3

It was a mark of great Harmonia (cf.7, daughter Ba.1332 and 1338, is suggestion of similarity

felicity that the marnage of Kadmos and of Aphrodite; that her father was Ares, as deliberately left unmentioned to avoid any with the Ares-Gaia union, producing the

dragon) was attended by the gods, as was that of Peleus and Thetis, a

similar union of mortal man Pi.P.3.90sqq., Paus.10.12.2). 824

and minor

(cf.Apollod.3.4.2;

The story that the walls of Thebes rose to the music of Amphion's lyre is

rather extraneous to the myths of Kadmos. this alternative foundation

passages (cf.115, 145). risen

826

goddess

miraculously

story only

In this play, Euripides uses

incidentally and only in lyric

The walls of Troy were similarly said to have (cf.7r.820sgq.,

a

passage

reviewing

happiness, much as Theban happiness here). The luxuriant greenery of the early settlement

days

Trojan

is

again

nostalgically evoked, as in 1st stasimon.

828 830-2

Io as ancestress is familiar from 248, 677;

here the adjective recalls an

unhappy phase in her past, when, in the shape of a heifer, she was persecuted by Hera and wandered miserably. The ode ends with a problem of interpretation, already much debated by scholiasts; see Parry, 1967 and Bremer, 1980 for critical bibliography and discussion. The concluding phrase evidently echoes the first words of the first stanza and marks a retum to the dramatic situation,

symbolised preliminary, extremity", encircles.

by Ares; but the precise meaning is far from certain. Ás a it may be noted that akros may mean “on top” or “at an and that stephanos , lit. "crown", may mean anything which The two main contending interpretations are: “this city

which stands on the highest point of military success” or “on the brink

of war’s glory” (optimistic intone) and 215

“this city which stands on the

razor edge of war" (pessimistic in tone).

These two interpretations are

not mutually exclusive, but represent an extreme example of the lyrical

ambiguity skilfully practised in this play, where a kaleidoscopic presentation of Dionysos and Ares, peace and strife, leads to an impressionistic suggestion of interpenetration between apparent opposites. The epode has illustrated the cyclical interaction of good and bad tn Thebes’ past, with stress on the bad; the final words express these inexorable vicissitudes in ambivalent and paradoxical terms. (A third interpretation regards

stephanoi

as the city walls, tr."The city now

stands in dependence upon the crowns of Ares", ie. its walls. The battlements of Thebes are significant in the next episode, being the scene of Menoikeus'

death).

In conclusion, it may

be noted that crowns,

commonly associated with Dionysos, are here made appurtenances of Ares (cf.imagery of strophe).

834-1018

3rd episode At the end of the previous episode, before leaving armed for battle (779sqq., cf.861), Eteokles stated his intention of sending Menoikeus to bring Teiresias to Kreon for general consultation (767sqq.). The arrival of Teiresias escorted by Menoikeus is therefore expected, but the specific nature of his pronouncements — as indeed of Kreon's question (864) — and their startling content, that the sacrifice of Menoikeus 15 required to save the city, bring a new twist to the plot. Further surprises follow, in the successive reactions of Kreon and Menoikeus. As in the 2nd episode, visual detail is verbally realised. Teiresias, portrayed in accordance with tragic convention, is blind, aged and (837) infirm; he

slowly

(844)

reaches

the

"level

ground"

(836)

of the

acting

area

after

traversing the "steep" (851) parodos and is out of breath when he meets Kreon. He wears a golden diadem (856) and his daughter, in attendance, carries records of recent prophetic activity (838). Kreon lays hands on Teiresias twice; the first time imperiously, to detain him and elicit speech, the second in supplication, to entreat silence (896-8, 923-5; cf.S.OT 300 sqq.).

The

pace

heightening tension.

of the

episode,

slow

at first, quickens

gradually,

with

Teiresias’ faltering entrance speech leads to a leisurely

exchange of courtesies with Kreon;

then even after Kreon’s direct question

(864), Teiresias embarks on a prolix account of past events (already familiar)

and a prediction that Eteokles and Polyneikes are soon to die (already evident). This is evasive temporising, as Teiresias hesitates to come to his unpalatable point (891-2). After some cryptic hints (893) and an abortive attempt to leave without 216

speaking

further

(894sgq.)

or

at

least

to

get

Menoikeus

out

of

earshot (907) he capitulates to Kreon’s importuning and speaks out (913-4).

In

stichomythia with Teiresias, Kreon reacts with incredulity, horror and bewildered repudiation; Teiresias then gives an extended explanation of the reasons for the requirement (sacrifice of the last unmarried descendant of the Spartoi, in propitiation of Ares’ anger at the killing of the dragon), and departs with some rueful reflections on the occupational hazards of being a prophet (956-

9).

In a further flurry of stage business where

actions and departures are

anticipated only to be frustrated Kreon urges Menoikeus to escape, Menoikeus

pretends to accede (after a series of questions and answers excitedly expressed in split lines), but instead gets his father offstage on a pretext and expresses to the chorus his determination to die for the city.

The episode contains several obvious contrasts or parallelisms with the action of the play: the quiet selflessness of Menoikeus is a counterpoint to the feral selfishness of Eteokles and Polyneikes; Kreon, like Iokaste, tries to dissuade

his son from suicidal action; Kreon, with his arguments of selfish expediency, keeps before us the characteristics of Eteokles, whom

he now represents;

that

Teiresias is accompanied by his daughter (not by the boy of tradition) suggests, verbally and visually, the companionship of Oidipous and Antigone. Centrally placed in a balanced plot, amid an unusually dense concentration of choral lyric,

the episode with its emotional crescendo is effective and telling as it plays.

But

after it has passed, scant allusion is made to Menoikeus' sacrifice (by chorus, 1060sqq.;

by Iokaste, 1204sgq.), which

effect of "saving" the city.

seems not even to have the expected

Ultimately, Menoikeus'

altruistic heroism is just

another phase in the troubled history of Thebes.

834

Α scholiast gives the girl the name Manto (evidently cognate with mantis seer") and Seneca uses the same name (Oed.290; see also Paus.9.10.3); similarly, Andromache's child, anonymous in the text of Andr., is given

the name Molottos in the list of dramatis personae (evidently a late genealogical invention, in accord with Thetis’ prediction, 1247-8, that 835

Andromache and her child will settle in the Molossian land). eye, like a constellation: metaphor and simile, slightly confused, strike

a pompous note maintained in the different nautical metaphors of 846 and 859, the tautology of 839 and 941, the repetitions of 937 and 939, the grandiloquent patronymics of 852 and 855, the inconsequential gnomic sentiment of 890, the periphrasis of 928. 836

level ground:

comments

about the rough or steep terrain are made

other Euripidean plays by aged characters

217

(E1.487sqq., Ion 725)

or

in

chorus

(HF

107sgq.) as they enter:

this is inventive

realism, not

descriptive of actual stage conditions. 837

trip: the verb is often used metaphorically of humans' falling foul of the gods.

838 840

maiden: Antigone’s status as parthenos "maiden" is here recalled. sacred seat: traditionally, Teiresias carried out his prophetic activities in a particular place (S.Ant.999, E.Ba.347), which remained a landmark at Thebes in Pausanias" day (9.16.1).

84]

young ..

Son:

the otiose teknon

844

Menoikeus and the age of Teiresias. with many a step: the old man's gait with “dense-packed” (i.e. short)

steps is graphically described:

“child” stresses both the youth of

despite this effort (cognate accus. with

bainon "going", he cannot proceed at more than a snail's pace.

846

launched: ex-

the reading exormisai

15 doubted by some critics, because the

prefix indicates "out", and it is alleged that Teiresias has come into

harbour, rather than gone out to sea (West, 1981, 67; see apparatus). However, the reading is confirmed by scholiastic comment, and it can be argued

847

that to reach Thebes

Teiresias had to "launch" himself.

Perhaps there is a pun in poda , lit. "foot", but also part of a ship's sail (LSJ s.v. 11.2; for a pun on the word, cf.Med.679). The different nautical metaphors of 835 and 859 further exemplify this most common figurative language of the seafaring Athenians. every carriage: Hermann’s ingenious conjecture (see apparatus) "unfledged child", is unnecessary.

People descending from a carriage,

like old men on foot, needed a helping hand (cfJA suggestion

850 851

(Thompson,

1976)

that

Teiresias

617, E1.998).

actually

arrives

The in

a

carriage (as do tragic characters at AAg.906, EJA 610 and elsewhere) twists the natural sense of 844 and 851. not yet: i.e. in spite of the time it has taken. steep travel: aipos is literally "height" or metaphorically “weariness” (of the ascent);

the latter is perhaps supported by the first word of

Teiresias' reply. verse the patronymic Erechtheidai (sons οἱ Erechtheus; 8525qq. In cf.Kekropidai sons of Kekrops) is applied to Athenians of any era. The usage here is doubly anachronistic: firstly as the war in which Eumolpos of Thrace aided the Eleusinians in revolt against Erechtheus

of Athens took place four generations before the events of this play (but traditional chronology is bypassed also in /on : in normal tradition, Ion's main exploit was as ally of Erechtheus, whereas in the play 218

Erechtheus is already dead); and secondly as Erechtheidai logically postdate Erechtheus. (Seefon 277-82 and cf.Apollod.3.15.4, Paus.1.38.3.) | Though chronologically misplaced, the events are thematically apt. Generally, war at Athens reflects war at Thebes and, more specifically, Erechtheus like Kreon was told that he must sacrifice

family (in his case, one of his three daughters) for city. Euripides’ lost Erechtheus, which evidently explored this dilemma, 1s possibly here recalled.

Dramatically too the alibi has a point, conveniently explaining

why Teiresias was not consulted earlier. 852

indeed: 454);

the particle goun

here indicates an affirmative answer (DGP

but see for different usage 618 (ironical exclamation) and

1449

(limiting “at any rate").

855

gloriously victorious:

Applause might follow this line, calculated like

much in Euripides to appeal to Athenian chauvinism.

But in the context

of the play the adjective kallinikos “gloriously victorious” is ironical, repeatedly used to express the idea that victory is illusory or at best shortlived. Oidipous on solving the riddle of the Sphinx was briefly kallinikos (1048, cf.1729); Menoikeus is to make the city kallinikos, but fighting goes on after his death (1059); Eteokles on the brink of death is kallinikos (1253) and on the point of fratricide prays that his spear be kallinikos (1374). The adjective is much used by Pindar of athletic victory and victory songs (see LSJ), a usage simulated P.1729,

as Ba.1161. Cf.nikephoros “victory bringing" 781, 1368; the concern with nike 721,729 and the vain argument over nike 1461, 1464. 860 and 862 See on 91 for the terms Danaids and Mykenaians. In 861, basileus "king" is a loaded term, in emphatic position. 8605qq. These lines contain many elements recurrent in the tenor of tragedy:

finding out (too late);

helplessly contemplating various courses of

action (cf.734, 740); cherishing vain hopes of salvation.

8655qq.

According to Eteokles (772-3), Teiresias was hostile to him because of his expressed contempt for augury — plausible in view of Eteokles' character as here portrayed, and in view of the dismissive attitude to

Teiresias conventionally presented as characteristic of the Theban royal family (cf.954-9). Teiresias later gives a different reason for bad relations: his expressed reactions to and attempted intervention in the quarrel between Oidipous and his sons (878-9). The two accounts are not necessarily inconsistent, but may represent successive phases of a protracted dispute. Much of Teiresias’ speech has been suspected on the grounds that it gives conflicting explanations of the requirement that

219

Menoikeus be sacrificed. This argument ignores the element of suspense in the scene and the psychological state of Teiresias (see introduction to this episode).

The

fact that meleos

“pitiful” (869) is

rare in the trimeter (though very common in lyric) has been adduced (Reeve, 1972 I, 459) as additional grounds for deletion. 868 870

had issue: the aorist indicative passive is used in place of a middle form (teknoumai "have children").

Q

: is sight: for the expression, cf.S.OC 552, close to this colourful phrase and perhaps a conscious echo. Through the

semantic stress on blood and death (cf.61-2) Oidipous' self blinding is 87]

assimilated to the fate of the family. It is paradoxical that Euripides now applies to the divine agency in the

blinding of Oidipous the same word previously applied to the sons' efforts to conceal his condition (64-5;

cf.872sqq.)

The word sophisma

may imply a good or a bad contrivance; divine sophismata occur also IT 380 and fr.972; cfIJA 444. Here, the contrivance is the demonstration

to

all

Greece

(cf.27)

that

disobedience

to

a

god's

command brings fearful punishment. 8745qq.

The prerogatives denied to Oidipous were probably the prized parts of a sacrificial animal: e.g. haunch instead of the shoulder which was his by

right; so scholiast on S.OC 1375. (This interpretation is consistent with the one word "nurture", which precipitated his wrath in Aeschylus' version, Á.TA.783).

876

breathed out:

words of this root recur, in good and bad sense; cf.on

675. 877

Euripides makes it clear that Oidipous' curse was brought about by the

cooperation with divine will of his own circumstances (the human motivation of pique and mental instability, cf.66) and of his sons' conduct.

878

The

text

is probably

sound,

singular more commonly

the

initial relative

being

used

(as

the

is, cf.263) adverbially to mean "wherefore"

(cf.Andr.660). 880

at their own

hands:

the auto-

— "self" compound

brothers’ predicament is self-inflicted (cf.332, 1316;

stresses that the S.Anr.1175;

also

A.Th.681 and S.Ant.1). 881

For the different scansion of nekros in nekrois ), cf.S.Ant.1240.

882

limbs: there is perhaps a grim pun in mele meaning "limbs" or "cries" (the latter anticipating the lamentation of 883). The complementary 220

(first syllable long in nekroi, short

error (mele for bele ) occurs Ba.25.

884-6

someone: the expression fis (unspecified) has a note of menace; cf.S.Ant.751. The tenses are boldly changed for emphasis: dynamic or prophetic present in main clause, future indicative in protasis (indicative of a threat or warning, see on 19-20); then a past tense, “first of all was that... " (but no second condition is specified).

887

Antigone as a woman is apparently exempt from the ban on Oidipous' children,

888 892

who

cannot

remain

in Thebes

either as

rulers

or private

citizens (and must, by implication, go into exile). possessed: for the expression, cf.A.7h.1004. destiny: tyche has in this scene, as in the prologue, an implication of the divine plan, rather than of random "luck", good or bad (914, 993; cf.922). Other interpretations of this phrase are “those who are prosperous" and "those who have in their power the future of the city", i.e. Kreon.

893

sacrifice:

pharmakos

is a technical term for an individual, offered up

as a propitiatory victim sacrificed for the good of the community. Such propitiatory sacrifice, usually either of an outstandingly fine person or of someone seen as expendable, was practised regularly in some ancient cities (including Athens, at the Thargelia) and on extraordinary occasions in others (cf.969, "expiatory offering" — LSJ

“to set free" —

and A.Th.680, "purificatory blood" of fallen warriors).

According to

one interpretation of the Oidipous myth, with argument based on S.OT, Oidipous himself was a ritual scapegoat of this kind (J.-P. Vernant, "Ambiguity and Reversal", 87-119 in J.-P. Vernant & P. Vidal-Naquet, Tragedy and Myth in Ancient Greece ).

In this may be seen a further

recurrent pattern in the cyclical progress of Theban history; it may be noted that both Oidipous and the city are "sick" (867, 887; cf.65). Pausanias records a story that the Theban people at one time had to sacrifice a boy to Dionysos in propitiation of the killing of his priest , resulting in nosos "sickness" (9.8.2). On Menoikeus as a victim for the people, see Statius' rehandling of the myth (Theb.10.757). Sphage

"slaughter" (of sacrificial victim) and cognate words are used of successive phases of Theban bloodshed, actual and prospective (e.g.332, 933, 1431).

895

A

common

colloquial

expression

of utter perplexity

is here

used

(cf.Med.879; GMT 290; Stevens, 1976, 58).

896-7

The divided lines express the speakers' excitement.

In Teiresias' tart

and elliptical response, a verb must be supplied from the previous part

221

of the line: "[if I leave, as I threaten to do] your destiny evades you.” 899-900 The assentient mentoi and kai expressing an objection have a mildly 903 910

911 915 916

colloquial flavour. you may hear: the optative construction expresses a polite command.

salvation: the irony is heavy: there is soteria for the city (cf.898), but not for Menoikeus. Similarly, in 908, the silence of Menoikeus is to take a direction unforeseen by Kreon. The situation too is ironical: it was Menoikeus who brought Teiresias, who now condemns him to death. hear then: a formulaic opening gambit in Euripides (cf.1427). The final assonance, an unpleasing jingle to modem taste, can be readily paralleled, e.g. Ba.189.

what is revealed: the emendation pephene is adopted (see apparatus), as in the transmitted text the use of the verb pephuke , usually “is by nature", for "is ordained” is very odd — but perhaps the meaning “has befallen" (LSJ s.v. B3) is just possible here. Also pephuke would give a typically Euripidean allusion to contemporary philosophical thought in the combination of the concepts physis "nature" and ananke

919

“necessity”

(cf.Tr.886). listen , , , hear: the expression, with repeated negative, near synonyms (but with a change of tense, imperfect and aorist) and asyndeton is both emphatic and emotional

(cf.7r.403).

Eteokles' earlier words (624);

There is a striking similarity to

in this as in other respects Kreon keeps

Eteokles, whom he replaces and represents, in the mind of the audience.

930

The scene between Teiresias and Kreon is anticipated as a second (mini)

agon, though no true debate ensues; for the phrase cf.588. 9315qq.

The motivation for the sacrifice of Menoikeus is better expressed than

that

for the

sacrifice

expiation of Kadmos’

of Iphigeneia

in /A

(or indeed

in A.Ag.):

killing of the dragon is demanded of Kadmos’

descendants by Ares, as father of the dragon (cf.657) and by Earth as

mother (931) polluted by its blood. recalled:

Phrases of the first stasimon are

see esp.659-61 and 932, 673-4 and 933.

The Thebans need

Ares as ally (936) for victory in battle and Earth well disposed (938) for

sustenance.

In expressing his prophecy, Teiresias borrows techniques

of oracular utterance: there are emphatic repetitions (e.g. of words for "land", "earth"), telling juxtapositions (especially in 937-8), some

tautology (pais “child” 941) and punning wordplay (genous “race” and genuos “jaw” 940-1); also the metaphor implicit in spartoi (literally “sown men”) is explicitly reinforced by the preceding word stachus 222

(literally “ear of corn").

The portrayal in Ba. (266-327) of Teiresias as

a sophist figure, dabbling in etymology, is anticipated here.

934

That Plato quotes the phrase "ancient wrath" (Phdr.244d)

is indicative

of the play's early popularity. 938

human blood:

the adjective broteios;

here translated as if from brotos

"mortal" may be associated rather — or also — with brotos "blood that has run from a wound";

942

“gore”,

cf.Heraci.822, text of L (only ms

availble), commonly emended. of mother's line and male side: in Athens of the late fifth century, citizenship, which brought both duties and privileges, depended on citizen descent of both parents. Kreon was descended from Echion, one of the Spartoi. The exclusion of Haimon is somewhat specious, but is

required to allow development of the theme of his relationship with Antigone (anticipated 759).

Virginity and ritual purity were commonly

associated, and commonly demanded in sacrificial victims: it 1s implied in the following ode that the Sphinx chose victims on these lines, as did the

marauding

Teumessian

demanding human sacrifice Minotaur (Plu.Thes.17).

fox

(Apollod.2.4.6-7)

at Thebes

(Paus.9.8.2);

and

Dionysos

cf. the

Cretan

union... bride: both words mean lit."bed"; Teiresias' phrasing, with an artificially nice distinction between synonyms, resembles the etymological mumbo jumbo peddled in Ba. (esp.286-97; see above on 931sqq.).

947

For the expression "bed" as metonymy for marriage cf.414,

1558, 1638, 1674. The metaphor of the unyoked colt is sexual and more often applied to a woman than a man.

Menoikeus resembles such self sacnficing young

women as Iphigeneia and Makaria. The colt, a domestic creature (but see 41 and 1125 for maddened colts) contrasts with the wild boars and lions to which Eteokles and Polyneikes are likened (cf.1124); just as in

earlier lyric the cow followed by Kadmos contrasts with the dragon he killed (638-75).

There is a further implication of an animal "free" from

Work because consecrated to a god. 948

Paradoxically, Menoikeus dies to save his gaia

949-5]

personified demands his death. setting dark destruction . . . fame to Thebes .. .: in a bold syllepsis, the verb has two objects and a different force with each. The participial

"country", while Gaia

phrase is bleakly two-edged: bringing death to the Argives, or to himself (cf.Ba.950 for a similarly grim double entendre). Euripides here seems to echo his own phrasing of Supp.1209. The darkness of

223

death is a poetic commonplace, rather overworked in this play (1453,

1484 etc.); similarly the periphrasis “see the light", “live” is much used (1553, 1547 etc.); by such expressions Oidipous' blindness is assimilated to the fate of the other characters (1534,

1541 etc and cf.on 377)

and a chiaroscuro effect created. 951-2

choose one :

Kreon is directly presented with a stark choice between

two mutually exclusive alternatives, in a conflict between family and civic loyalties.

His preference for the former suggests a deliberate

deviation from the portrayal in S.Ant., where Kreon cares only for the state.

954

Divination by scrutiny of burnt offerings is here used (as is observing

omens from bird flight, cf.858) of all divination generally. 958-9

The

name

parodos,

Phoibos

202-60)

frequently given to Apollo

stresses

the brightness

in this play (see on

associated

with

this god.

Apollo plays a crucial role at different stages in the Theban myth, giving vitally important oracles to Laios, Oidipous, Adrastos and now,

959 965

through Teiresias as intermediary, to Kreon. As a god, Apollo can give prophecies, free from fear, as humans cannot. Such general statements abound in tragedy, and this play was particular-

ly praised for its fine sententious sayings. Here, there is a direct parallelism

with

Iokaste's

sentiments

(356):

the fortunes

and emotions

of

brother and sister are allied. 969

Iready: am

ellipse of the verb “to be" is common, especially in the first

person and especially with certain adjectives, of which one is here used.

970

to set... free: for the expression, cf.S.OT 392. But come: the expression of this line is echoed later in the scene (990).

This

particular

imperatival

phrase,

probably

colloquial

in

tone,

is

common in Euripides, but not found in other authors (DGP 14). 974

The line is not “otiose” (but on such scholiastic judgments, see Reeve, 1972 I, 249-50), as to escape Menoikeus must pass the city gates, where the leaders are on guard.

976

Menoikeus has been silent till this point, (841sqq., where a reply is forestalled by by Teiresias) and there is an element of belying the impression that he is to

even when directly addressed the presence of Kreon, unseen surprise in his belated speech, be a mute character. (See

Mastronarde, 1979, 93.)

977

Where? etc.: possible

similar rhetorical questions are put by the chorus about

destinations

for Medea

(Med.358-9);

see

also Ph.984

Med.848 and 992 with Med.758 for striking similarities in expression. 224

with

980-5

Tension is expressed by the antilabe, by the staccato question and answer sequence, by the frequent asyndeton and by the aposiopesis of 980. Scribal failure to recognise at the start that the lines are divided between

9805qq.

speakers accounts for the variants in 980. Some editors give the command at the beginning of 986 and all of 990 to Kreon, but, following Musgrave, I prefer to have Menoikeus speak throughout after 985. This gives Menoikeus an emphatic repeated command (986, 990), uttered as Kreon makes a slow and reluctant exit, supposedly to arrange finance. Menoikeus 15 instructed to proceed past Delphi to Dodona, an old and very sacred temple of Zeus in Epeiros. Presumably, Menoikeus must not stop at Delphi because he is contravening the recommendations of Teiresias, Apollo's mouthpiece;

also Zeus was god of suppliants.

And

commonsense dictates that he should put a long distance between himself and Thebes. 984 Menoikeus' question recalls Polyneikes' bitter remarks about the deprivations he encountered in exile, and reinforces the parallelism in their situation. 986sqq. Menoikeus' expressed intention to visit lokaste is a dramatic pretext to get Kreon offstage without him, thus allowing Menoikeus to express his true intention to chorus and audience. No cause 1s given for the death of

Kreon's wife in his son's infancy:

she appears as a character and

commits suicide at a later point in the myth (after the death of Haimon)

in S.Ánt.;

in Statius (Theb.10.793sgq.) Menoikeus' mother laments his

death (which is linked with that of Kapaneus) and contrasts her fate with

that of Iokaste.

The detail of adoption by Iokaste serves to bring

brother and sister into a closer relationship (possibly, in this incestuous

family, with a hint at an unnatural alliance), and adds another dimension to Iokaste's suffering. There is also a link established between Oidipous and

989

Menoikeus,

motherless

infants

pathetically

put

to an adoptive

breast; between the collateral branches and the two generations of the family. shall J] go on to speak _... the tenses are logically awry after the aorist participle "having gone" of 986, but Menoikeus' emotion may account for

this;

emendation

is

unnecessary

and

excision

undesirable.

Menoikeus allays his father's fears by an explicit assurance that he will save his life; but in similar words, with a sinister echo, is soon to espouse the diametrically opposed course of action, that of saving the city (997).

225

996

998 1000 1006 1009 1012

Menoikeus’

personification of his country recalls Polyneikes’

words

(626). Menoikeus voluntarily yields up his life, literally “breath of life"; the brothers do so reluctantly (similar phraseology 1291, 1297; cf.on 675). ~— divine constraint: Menoikeus thinks of his own position, but the words are applicable also to that of his cousins, and indeed of the entire family. Τῆς invocation of Zeus among the stars recalls Iokaste's earlier plea (845), and "bloody” Ares has a special relevance. The envisaged stance and location is later similarly presented (1091, 1223). my words are uttered: the formula for ending a speech is followed by six lines suspected by editors as histrionic addition. However, there is papyrus evidence for 1017-8 and 1015-8 are cited by Stobaeus (43.1). Also (Mastronarde,

commonly

1979, 115 n.4), “repetitiousness and looseness" is

found in such a speech of farewell.

The lines could be

effectively delivered as the parodos was traversed: evidently, Menoikeus leaves at once for the battlements rather than going into the palace. 1014

trouble: lit"disease"; Menoikeus.

cf.867, 877;

Teiresias’

words

are echoed by

1019-66

3rd stasimon This ode, of clearly simple structure and deceptively simple content, has been much criticised for its poor dramatic relevance — 1.e., for failure to comment on Menoikeus' sacrifice — as in a scholiastic comment, “This is to no purpose". The strophe is devoted entirely to the ravages of the Sphinx and it is not until the middle of the antistrophe, which begins with events after the arrival of Oidipous, that there is mention of Menoikeus (1054, and even then not by

name) and some praise for his actions.

Αἱ the end of the ode, an invocation to

Pallas leads to the sombre reflection that it was Pallas who induced Kadmos to kill the dragon (an advance on the earlier statement that she instructed Kadmos to sow its teeth, 667) and so caused ata "doom", an ominous concluding word

(cf.1306, also A.TAh.791, S.Ant.603, for similar placing of Erinys at the end of stasima).

Contrary to the view of its critics, the song has profound thematic relevance, though of an oblique rather than directly contextual kind. Euripides subtly insinuates the suggestion that successive episodes in Theban history, superficially different, have an underlying similarity and conform to an

226

inexorably recurring pattern.

It is teasingly significant that the first two words,

which would naturally seem to the audience to be directed at Menoikeus’ retreating back, turn out to refer instead to the Sphinx. Then, in the first words of the antistrophe, Oidipous’ coming is placed in counterpoint, by use of the same

verb in the same position, with the coming of the monster he was to kill. Oidipous like the Sphinx brought “troubles” (1030, 1046);

And

as he was “brood” of

Iokaste (803), the Sphinx is brood of the Earth (1019). Similarly, as Oidipous was once kallinikos , so now is Menoikeus (1048, 1059); the implication is that

Menoikeus’ glory will be equally shortlived. The ode further develops the idea of a numinous association between divinities apparently opposed to one another.

The apostrophe of the Sphinx at

the beginning of the ode is balanced by the invocation of Pallas at the end. Pallas, viewed favourably, precipitated ata for Kadmos just as surely as Apollo, viewed with Dionysos favourably in opposition to Ares, precipitated ata

for Oidipous in

sending him to Thebes (1044). Earth, earlier imagined to be life giving (686), is here a malevolent force, equated with a monstrous echidna (1202), spawning the Sphinx as well as the primeval dragon killed by Kadmos.

The Earth is in close

association with Hades, which sent the Sphinx (810). The earlier invocation of Persephone and Demeter (in that order and viewed as inseparable, 684-5) now

takes on a new and chilling aspect, allied with Antigone’s ingenuous invocations of Hekate-Selene—Nemesis—Artemis (109sqq.). Words recalling Ares are applied to the Sphinx (cf. 2nd stasimon, claws of Sphinx assimilated to hooves of

war horses): the Sphinx is unmusical and tuneless, as Ares was earlier; also hostile and bloody. The implicit convergence of apparent antinomies is allied with a further suggestion that all the gods are convergent. At the end of the ode, the ravages of all the gods, rather than just (as at the beginning) of the Sphinx are mentioned.

The ode evokes earlier components in the play’s song cycle. The concluding invocation of "dear" Pallas parallels in its position within the ode and in its tone of misplaced optimism (based on a fundamental misunderstanding of the gods’ involvement in human affairs) the invocation of “dear” Demeter at the

end of the 1st stasimon (685). More generally, the lyric reiterates the account of

the killing of the dragon from Ist stasimon (note echo of 658 in 1025);

repeats

and elaborates the description of the Sphinx from 2nd stasimon (esp.806-11) and maintains a strong sense of locale (Dirke in all three stasima), as well as an impressionistic aura of cacophonous discord (1022, 1028, 1033-40), of

bloodshed

with pollution

(1050;

cf.815sgq.) and

of a succession

of events

changing (1051, cf.831) with the passage of time. Metre of 3rd stasimon, 101866 (1018-42 = 1043-66): the metre is mainly ia and tr, crossing in sync cola; thus 1042-1066 is tr ith or cria ba. Cf.on 1st stasimon, 638-89.

227

1019

you went, you went.

the rapid repetitions impart a sense of urgency

(as 1022, 1030, 1031, 1033-4, 1035-6, 1054, 1060-1).

are suggestively combined:

Sound and sense

the repetition of words, reinforced by the

rhythmic crossing between iambic and trochaic metrical patterns (superficially dissimilar, but interrelated) suggests the repetition of events

with

interrelated

(again

superficially

dissimilar)

divine

influence. Like later mss, two papyri give different pterousa — as at 1042 the former is correct.

1020

spellings pteroussa

and

brood of Earth: this designation of the Sphinx suggests a parallelism with Kadmos' dragon. Earth is then further designated Echidna, a word applied to a chthonian power or earth demon or, personified, to one particular creature of this kind. According to Hesiod, Echidna (half

woman half serpent) was mother of the Phix, i.e.Sphinx (Theog.326, 928). In Boiotian cult Demeter was assimilated with Erinys- Medousa and worshipped in equine form (Farnell, Cults 1021

III 56-7).

(Cf. on 455-

6, 683 and 686 sqq., 1124-6.) seizing: the dative of the mss should perhaps be retained, for greater semantic correlation with the end of the antistrophe (1066; cf.also 46 and, perhaps echoing

this passage,

1079)).

Marauding

characteristic of the Sphinx's ravages (cf.A.TAh.776).

seizure was

The placing of

Kadmeans in strophe corresponds with Theban in antistrophe:

as often

1023 1025 1027

there is an echo of sense as well as sound. half woman: see on 806. 658 is recalled; see also 672. raisingup: ped- for met- is an Aeolism.

1028

(see ARV 231, 305, 1550); thus Menoikeus is a victim analogous to those of the past. with strident sound: lit."lyreless song"; the use of the preposition

amphi to A.Th.99. of nouns force with

mean "with", “in The usage seems governed by the each: “uttering”

The victims are young men

circumstances of" is rare; but similar to that more awkward because of the loose linking preposition, which has a slightly different (song) and “bringing” (fury). The lyreless

song is the riddle, cf.50, 807. The adjective may mean “joyless”, “gloomy”; but has a specific connotation in this context: as the lyre was associated with Dionysos, a song without the lyre is un-Dionysiac. In

the previous stasimon, the sounds of Ares Dionysos, and so now are those of the Sphinx. 1031-2

murderous:

the

chorus

designate

228

the

were

divine

dissociated

agent

with

a

from word

suggestive of Ares, so designated 1006. 1033-4

laments:

the laments of mothers and girls in the past anticipate the

laments

of Iokaste

and

Antigone

in the

next

scene,

and

the

next

1038

instalment in a series of calamities. The cry of 1036-7 takes up the sound of the word. i mentations: the verb is formed from the onomatopoetic cry

1039

otototoi. thundered:

1043

historic present of the verb “to thunder" rather than dative

singular of the noun "thunder". ! Ing: these words are a general reference to the intervention of Apollo in the career of Oidipous. Oidipous was not specifically sent to Thebes by Apollo, but the utterances of Apollo (that he would kill his father and marry his mother) led to his leaving his

putative parents in Corinth and going to Thebes.

The precise sequence

of events falls outwith the plot structure and is not explicitly given, but

may be reconstructed as5 follows: Oidipous set out for Delphi to find out (37sqq.);

he returned to Corinth with the spoils (4454) and perhaps (so

scholiast) for purification; he set out for Delphi again and on receiving the horrifying oracle — already, unbeknown to him, half fulfilled — 1048 1050

decided never to retum to Corinth; the proclamation of Kreon (47sqq.) did the rest. glonously victorious: see on 781, 855.

Teiresias’ warnings of 867 are repeated.

1054sqq.The

chorus’

praise of Menoikeus’

altruistic herotsm

is muted:

they

comment on Kreon’s grief as well as the city’s victory and the term used of this victory

has

children resembling

sinister overtones

Menoikeus,

(see

the chorus

on

855).

In wishing

for

invoke Pallas, a virgin

goddess with no interest in the sphere of motherhood (cf.Jon 452-4), thus symbolising the empty and illusory character of their hopes.

1058

Further, Pallas' relationship with Kadmos was of dubious and shortlived benefit. seven-towered barriers: the expression recalls 154. Each of the seven gates was presumably protected by a flanking tower (245, 287, 748, 1078;

1065-6

also 219 and cf.Ba.653).

The last lines refer to general divine havoc and destruction, of which the

ravages of the Sphinx, mentioned in similar terms in the first lines, were one part.

229

1067-283

4th episode

This short and static scene of balanced arrangement (initial semmons of Iokaste and final summons of Antigone framing two long messenger speeches) tantalises audience expectation. No deaths are announced. That of Menoikeus, expected after the previous episode, but given only belated and cursory mention (1090sqq. by the messenger; 1204sqq. by Iokaste) lies in the past and is set aside; while that of Eteokles — and with him of Polyneikes — anticipated immediately by

Iokaste because the messenger, who is Eteokles' loyal attendant, has left his side, lies in the future and is postponed.

Instead, the messenger speeches, rhetorical

set pieces vibrant with descriptive power, narrate events leading up to the fatal duel: the first is a leisurely account of the Theban view of the enemy champions and of the battle struggle; the second describes the brothers' meeting and challenge of mutual hatred, then asks Iokaste to intervene.

Whether

or not

Menoikeus' suicide has had the expected effect of saving the city, little is made of his sacrifice, summarily dismissed in a subordinate clause (1090-2).

note of cautious optimism

The same

is struck by conditional clauses at the end of the

messenger's first speech, and in the choral response (1197-8, 1200-1; 1089).

cf.on

After the long suspension of action, replaced by narrative, the scene ends, as it began, in a mood of urgency and excitement. The departure of the two

women for the battlefield is a rather shocking development (cf. Kreon's reaction, 1324sqq.). This is to be Iokaste's second attempt at intercession, just as it is the second time she has been called out of the palace.

The messenger, Eteokles' attendant, has no doubt been seen on stage already by the audience (or rather an extra wearing his mask and costume will

have appeared):

Eteokles as a stage king would have an entourage (see 690, 778

for orders given to attendants). The messenger is not an anonymous figure but deeply involved in the events he describes: this technique of the messenger as

character is used to great effect in Bakchai. The messenger speeches have a strong epic colouring in content and expression: after preliminary fighting with missiles, 1141-3, there are feats of heroic strength, 1158; Homeric terms for “army”

1227, 1235, 1239 or “chieftains” 1226, 1246 are employed;

Homeric idioms, 1128, 1142 and even grammatical forms, 1246; strong concentration of epic imagery — simile, 1153,

1145.

1169;

there are

and there is a

metaphor,

1105,

The narrative technique resembles that of epic, with interludes of direct

speech, introduced by some such formula as “this is what they said”, 1225-35,

1250-1, 1252-3, and such devices as rhetorical question, 1127sqq., used to enliven a battle scene debate. Here Euripides borrows from his own earlier

description of the same battle scene:

in the general situation of the rallying 230

speech, Supp.710-2 is similar to 1143, and with striking verbal parallels Supp.503 is recalled Ph.1143, 1145, 1159; 674 is recalled 1140; 692 is recalled

1151; 729 is recalled 1179; also, the proposal of a duel Heracl.804sqq. is echoed Ph.1225sqq. Repetition of the term “Ares”

for battle (1081,

1124)

is no ordinary

metonymy, but one which recalls the god’s sinister interest in this phase of Theban history. Allusion to Oidipous serves as a constant reminder of his continued presence (1070, 1088-9, 1205, 1243) and prepares the audience for his coming appearance. 1067sqq.The

dramatic

conventions occasion some artificiality:

the messenger

calls on a porter, then on Iokaste herself who emerges, as it were on cue (for such a scene, cf.A.Ch.642). (cf. DGP 6) and some difficulties

1069 is elliptical in construction in interpretation have arisen as a

result. The lines are spoken with pauses as the messenger waits for a response, hears the bolts rattle, then sees Iokaste emerge (cf. Reeve, 1972 I, 254). 1072

My

dear

the apparently effusive tone of Iokaste’s rejoinder to the

conventionally polite greeting may be put down to emotion. 1074

have ,. , stood: dead.

1075

This line, missing in many mss, breaks the sequence of thought. If kept, it should be transposed to follow 1071; that is, to be the first words spoken by Iokaste. (Cf. Mastronarde, 1979, 29.)

1076

my

child:

attendant;

the perfect tense may imply that Eteokles is already

Iokaste asks first about Eteokles,

but

soon

adds

enquiry

about

as she is talking to his

Polyneikes

(1083).

The

messenger's reply (“pair”, lit. of horses, used of children Med.1145, of Antigone and Ismene S.OC

895) makes it clear that in his eyes the fates

of the two men hang together;

domestication and conjunction.

see on 329 for the metaphor, implying

Ironically, words meant to reassure

must bring a frisson of apprehension.

1086

I bless you: the expression of thanks is conventional and rather colloquial in flavour; the verb is a favourite of Eunpides, but scarcely found in other tragedians (Stevens, 1976, 13).

1088-9

Mutual conjugal affection between Oidipous and Iokaste is implied here and throughout the exodos.

1089

d: the genitive absolute phrase at the end of the line might represent a causal, a temporal or a condiional oa

the city has been saved”, “now that the city. 231

(Le.,

“since

"if the city . . .”).

There

is a similar ambiguity

in 1092, where the final adjective may

refer to the intention rather than the effect of Menoikeus’ act. 1090-2

Typically,

the beginning

of a messenger

speech

deals rapidly with

anterior events (as Ba.1043-7, beginning with a temporal clause as here; also PA.1359), then sets the scene for the ensuing narrative (as Ba.104857, showing, like this speech, close familianty with Theban landmarks); and typically a report of battle describes combatants’ positions (as Supp. 650-730, and in many epic antecedents, such as 11.]11.47sqq.). Menoikeus' sacrifice, carried out before the start of the battle, is now irrelevant, and Iokaste is given no opportunity to react to it (cf. the cursory reference to Makaria’s death, Heracl.822). 1091

Taking

The

stance,topmost:

these words recall Menoikeus'

epithet "black-bound"

may

onginally

have

resolve (1009).

referred to strips of

dark leather on the handle; but in fifth century usage it has the double connotation, literally, “made of dark metal" and, metaphorically, associated with bad omen and death. 1094

guardians:

to watch

advice, 731sqq.

1095

1096

and

forestal

the Argives'

attack;

cf. Kreon's

For the formation in exact alignment, here expressed

with balance and variation, cf. Supp.664-7. your son: FEteokles, as 1164, 1169, 1213; similarly of Polyneikes, 1123, 1144, 1236; of both sons, 1219, 1260 1263. The motherhood meme is| prominent also in the second pair of messenger speeches. n_reserve: a metaphor from wrestling, with which Euripides shows some familiarity (cf. on 1407-8). shield bearers: prosaic and anachronistic hoplites balance shieldbearers

(as horsemen . . . horsemen in the previous line). The compound adjective aspidephoros recurs (Supp.390, Ba.781), as do other similar formations,

aspidouchos

(Supp.1144),

aspidophermon

| (Ph.796).

Shields are prominent in the ensuing narrative: the sakos "body shield" of Parthenopaios (1107) and Hippomedon (1114); the hopla “arms” of Amphiaraos (1112); the aspis “shield” of Tydeus (1120), Polyneikes (1124), Kapaneus (1130) and Adrastos (1135); cf. also the description

1097

of 1105, 1165 and the metaphor of 1435. troubled point: originally a medical metaphor, this is attenuated with much use (cf.1171, Supp.709).

with

white

shields:

this

recurrent

description,

peculiar

to

Argive

armour, generally interpreted as painted white or brightly polished, perhaps indicates rather covered with white linen: the Argives wore distinctive linen breastplates (AP 14.73). The intention may have been 232

to prevent excessive absorption of heat from the sun (see E.M. Craik, 1100

“Sophokles’ Antigone 100-109”, Eranos 84 (1987), 101-5). Teumesos, a low rocky hill some five miles North-East

of Thebes

(Paus.9.19.1) would be clearly visible over the intervening plain. It has mythical associations with the Teumesian fox (sent by Dionysos to harry the Thebans; see Apollod.2.4.6-7) and with the arrival of Europe. The

present tense may be kept: the troops as described are still forming and advancing. The "ditch" (cf.1188) is part of the Argive siege preparations. 1104-40 see on 108. The narrative is interrupted for a preliminary survey of terrain and troops. described

as:

The seven gates of Thebes (with attackers) are here Neitan

Ogygian (Hippomedon);

(Parthenopaios);

Proitidan

(Amphiaraos);

Homoloidan (Tydeus); Krenaian (Polyneikes);

Elektran (Kapaneus) and Seventh (Adrastos). Divergent accounts given

in

other

sources

(A.Th.375sqq.,

Stat.Theb.8.353sqq.)

are

commentators

especially

(see

discussed Frazer

X Paus.9.84,

and on

partially Pausanias

X Apollod.3.6.6,

reconciled and

by

Pearson

Appendix A5, 214-6). The ordering of the messenger is clearly not geographically sequential, any more than is Antigone’s impressionistic verbal tour of the warriors, where the order is Ogygian, Homoloidan,

Neitan, Krenaian, Proitidan, Elektran. For sketch maps see N.Demand, Thebes in the Fifth Century , London, 1983, 6 and 46-7. The lines have commonly (since Morus, 1771) been regarded as spurious.

For a history of the controversy, with appraisal and cautious

rebuttal of the arguments for deletion see Mastronarde, 1978. The main arguments for deletion are these: (i) Repetition: information already given in the feichoskopia is here otiose (but this direct account in rhesis serves a different purpose from

the earlier impressionistic sketch in lyric). (ii) Inconsistency: Euripides implied, 751, that, unlike Aischylos in Th., he would not linger over a description of the warriors (but he

describes them in a single speech after the battle, whereas Aischylos' description is more diffuse and precedes it). (11) Sequence of thought: the lines interrupt the narrative, and 1141 would readily follow on 1103. As 1104 and 1141 begin with the same phrase, allegedly used in a non-Euripidean

fashion in 1104, clumsy

imitation by an interpolator is postulated (but in context the repetition is entirely natural; the sense is non-temporal in 1104, temporal in 1141). (iv) Superfluity: the information is irrelevant, or irrelevant at this

233

point (but Euripides deliberately suspends the main offstage action to build up to the duel). (v)

Style:

some lines are obscure or un-Euripidean (but the fact that

Suspicion attaches to certain lines, notably 1116-8 and 1136, does not compel excision of the entire passage). 1104

The name of the Neitan or Neistan gate is variously derived from a son

of Zethos, brother of Amphion; string of the lyre; "newest". 1106

or from nete , meaning a particular

or explained as a superlative, meaning "lowest" or

son of the huntress:

Parthenopaios

was son of Atalanta, and so the

depiction on his shield of Atalanta killing the Aitolian boar (assisting

Meleager, Paus.8.45.2) is “a family motif".

The trimeter does not

readily accommodate either name (though with some licence both occur 150);

hence circumlocutions, avoiding the name of mother (as here), of

son (Supp.1153), of mother and son (A.7h.532), or placing the names in separate lines (Supp.888, S.OC 1320-2). 1110-12 see on 172. Amphiaraos’ arms are traditionally unmarked (A.Th.591). 1113

The Ogygian Gate ("most ancient", Paus.9.8.5) is generally identified

with the gate of Athena Onka attacked by the same hero (A.TA.487;

cf.

Apollod.3.6.8, where the text is somewhat uncertain). 1116-18 The description of the shield of Hippomedon is full of difficulties. Panoptes is Argos (so-called also Ar.Eccl.80), the many-eyed (lit."all-

seeing") herdsman charged by Hera with the task of guarding Io, changed into a heifer. The general sense is clear: as some of Argos’ eyes were closed at night, and some by day, he could always see. But the language, in particular the following features, is awkward: (i) the repetition of “eyes”, 1115-6 (11)

the participial collocations, m.sg.accus. of Argos, "seeing", 1115;

n.pl. of the eyes (or, in form, m.sg.accus. of Argos; but this leads to an impossible construction), "looking", "closing", 1117.

(ii)

the false antithesis, implying that the eyes which opened with the

appearance setting.

of the stars differ from

those

which

closed

with

their

(iv) the unparalleled expressions for nightfall and daybreak. 1119

detachment:

faxis

is synonymous with lochos

(108, 739 , 1105, 1129,

1120-1

1140) onhis shield: the phrase may refer to a lionskin depicted on the shield (a very odd emblem); or more probably to a lionskin thrown over the shield (cf. on 409: Polyneikes and Tydeus wore animal hides when they

234

fought at Argos). 1121-2

Torchbearing

Prometheus,

here

emblem

of Tydeus,

is emblem

of

Kapaneus in Aeschylus (7h.432sqq.). An alternative explanation, that Tydeus as torchbearer is compared with Prometheus, involves an intolerably bold metaphor; also Tydeus, traditionally small in stature (71.5.801), is unlikely to have been compared to a Titan. 1124-6

Potniad colts: at Potniai, a village near Thebes, animals who drank were maddened (Paus.9.8.2);

was a well where among the most

famous victims were the mares of Glaukos, who in frenzy devoured their master. The word “running around” is favoured by Euripides in later plays (Hel., Or., Ba.;

see AIC), used of a mad career, especially

one impelled by supernatural force.

The horses could be moved by an

ingenious interior mechanism. 1128

As in common Homeric idiom, the article is pronominal; name 1s then added as an afterthought (as 1442).

the proper

1130

iron-backed outline: by hypallage, the adjective properly belonging to

the shield itself is transferred. 1131

The gigantic aspect of the warriors is much emphasised:

to Antigone,

Hippomedon looked like a giant, 128; in A.7h.424, Kapaneus himself is called a giant. 1133

a hint:

1134

apposition to the preceding clause. Like Aischylos (75.627), Euripides does not give a name to the seventh gate, but leaves it to be inferred from the named six. That Adrastos,

the construction

is loose,

with

an accusative

tacked

on

in

here one of the seven attackers, is commander in chief of the army 1187

has needlessly been suspected: there is no inconsistency, merely change in emphasis.

1135-36 The lines are repetitious. If one is to be deleted, 1136 must go, with the awkward plural “arms” and the generally less colourful expression. The hundred snakes are the heads of the monstrous hydra of Lerna (the

stream of Argos, see on 126). The drakon “snake” or "dragon", generally emblem of Thebes (cf.S.Anr.100sqq., Ba.1330-2), is here the

city's adversary:

for the reversal cf.on 676sqq.

Kapaneus' boasts are a

stock element in tragic portrayal (A.Th.425sqq., S.Ant.133, OC

but elsewhere

Euripides

breaks

the mould

with a more

1318;

favourable

presentation, Supp.496-7). Like the old slave (142-4), whom he resembles in general respects, the messenger explains the source of his information.

1143

were winning:

the imperfect tense highlights the temporary nature of 235

Theban supremacy. _screamed:

the verb used is commonly applied to the cry of birds; here,

there may

be vestiges of the imagery of Theban

snake attacked by

Argive eagle, pervasive in the parodos of S.Ant. (100sqq.), and perhaps drawn from an epic source. 1145

1147 1149

1151

torn to shreds:

lit., “carded”, like wool.

To card wool is to tease it into

strands, for spinning; the homely character of this common (Hipp.274, Supp.503 etc.) metaphor heightens its gruesome effect. Note the rhetorical triad. Headwounds were a common hazard in ancient warfare. One Hippocratic treatise, apparently a manual for army surgeons, deals with the treatment of them. The heavy line, with only three words and no resolution, conveys the heavy thud of the death fall.

1152

the dry earth: (Ant.429).

1153

no Argive:

birth

the phrase recalls Sophokles' expression “thirsty dust" in tragic genealogies, Parthenopaios was an Arcadian by

(A.Th.547,

(Supp.890),

S.OC

1320,

but alternative

E.Supp.890),

tradition made

brought

him

up

in Argos

a true Argive,

son of

Talaus and Lysimache, and half-brother to Adrastos (Hecat., FGH

I F

32, Paus.9.18.6).

1155-6

The

killer of Parthenopaios

(Thebais

ibid.):

, according

was

variously

to Paus.9.18.6)

named

as Periklymenos

or Asphodikos

(local

tradition,

1n contrast with the rich detail of the attackers, no other Theban

champion is mentioned by Euripides. Statius uses the scene from the walls, book 7, to describe Theban warriors (the Argives being catalogued in book 4), among them Dryas who later kills Parthenopaios (7.255-8).

The seven gates are defended by Eteokles, Kreon, Haimon,

Menoikeus (a Eurymedon.

mighty

warrior

in

this

version),

Hypseus,

Dryas,

1159-60 The realistic description of the ugly and violent death of Parthenopaios is heightened by a reminder of his boyish good looks. life: this is the first meaning of bios here, but the secondary meaning 1161

"bow" is present, helped by the reminder in the next line that Atalanta (“with fine bow") was an archer. The same pun is found in S.PA.931; cf.on 524-5 for coincidences in these plays, close in date. 1165

Mainalos is a mountain in Arcadia, not a personal name, giving the

meaning “daughter of Mainalos" (pace Tydeus is dissyllabic, by synizesis.

236

Apollod.3.9.2).

The name of

1166 1174

Aitolian: cf. on 134, 139-40.

The line has a strikingly assonantal start, discussed B.A.Ramsden, “Euripidean Assonance", CR 18 (1968), 260-1; cf.on 3.

1176

1177

The unusual synizesis (the second two words of the line run together into a single syllable) recurs 1358, also a messenger’s line. The double negative is idiomatic after a negatived verb of hindrance. even as, , . lit, “at the same time he was saying this and . . .was climbing”

:

the two verbs in the imperfect tense, linked by “and”,

indicate two simultaneous continuous actions, while the two present participles

“being

struck"

and

“proceeding”

lend

immediacy

and

urgency. 1180sgq.The narrative reaches a climax with the vivid present tense followed by the aorist, two descriptive imperfects and a further present. In content, the description of the severed limbs going separate ways is almost grotesquely gruesome; but no more so than the death of Pentheus in Ba. where the dismembered corpse is reassembled on stage (and the body of Hippolytos in Euripides’ earlier, lost, play of that name may have been similarly

1185 1187

treated:

see E.M.

Craik, "Euripides'

Mnemosyne 40 (1987), 137-9). Ixion was tied to a burning wheel,

doomed

First Hippolytos

to revolve

”,

for ever, in

punishment for various crimes, including an attempt to seduce Hera. Zeus’ intervention — a personal one, prompted by Kapaneus’ boasts (1175-6) — is interpreted by Adrastos as hostility in a wider sense. After this line, the speech is free of resolution.

1190sqq.The triad given by Musgrave's emendation (see apparatus) is supported by the similar linking of infantry, chariots and cavalry (the first two being Homeric and the third an anachronistic addition) elsewhere (Supp.584-7, 654-8). 1193 The asyndeton gives emphasis, pathos and a sense of speed, cf.1434. The verb echoes Tydeus' rallying call, 1146; the troops did "fall" — their deaths. 1194-5 1200-1

Note the rhetorical repetitions. still

bet

uncertain.

]

:

the precise meaning of this choral couplet is

“If the gods Judge better" -must mean "if reconciliation, as

of the choral confidence i in the all, Thebes is defeated." The Pi.O.11.19-20) and the chorus happiness (though some critics

justice of Polyneikes' actions, “If, optative is potential (without an are expressing conditions for their regard this clause as a wish, "may

237

after , as own I be

happy.) The choral comment is highly ironic, given the play’s presentation of “victory” and of divine attitudes to the combatants. The will of the gods is inseparable from tyche , for which see also 1197 (while conceding the necessity of divine support, the messenger clearly regards the present victory as human), 1202, 1206, 1209 and on 892.

1202

Like the chorus, Iokaste is buoyed up by illusory hope, believing that Menoikeus' sacrifice has saved the city, 1206, and that her sons have not

met in battle. The brief stichomythia between the messenger reluctant to speak and lokaste determined to elicit information recalls the Teiresias -Kreon exchange, 896-903;

in both cases, a parent presses for

speech, unaware of its dire consequences.

After the epic colour of the

long speech, this exchange is markedly colloquial, notably in the phrases

1213

for "resume again", 1207; "to this point" (a locative phrase given a temporal sense, as in Aristophanes and Plato), 1209; “the subject cannot be forgotten", 1210; and "escape into thin air’, 1216. The messenger resumes his role as quasi-character as 1073-4, 1164, to find a plausible pretext for his attempted departure.

1214

Alliteration of kappa 15 followed by alliteration of sigma in a further expression of the darkness motif.

1215

Yes:

this translates the initial kai

(in crasis with the negative) and the

following ge. 1216

into thin air: the idea of another's escape into thin air is paralleled (Or.1593, Ar.Ach.177); but more commonly in tragedy characters themselves wish for a miraculous circumstances (Hipp.1290-3).

1217

disappearance

from

unpleasant

The messenger's professed reluctance to speak is conventional, not (pace Geel and other deletors) in contradiction with his final entreaty,

1218 1219 1223

1259-63. Much of the speech has been suspected (1221-58 by Paley); see on 1235, 1246. The length alone is not suspicious: in late plays, Euripides made much use of the long virtuoso messenger speech (cf.Ba.664-774, 1043-1152, a parallel pair). force: some such verb must be supplied. The dual number ominously implies the common purpose and fate of the brothers, as 1246, 1263, 1267, 1273; cf.on 69. Eteokles' stance on the battlements recalls Menoikeus' death stance, 1009, 1091. Statius has Polyneikes, not Eteokles, first propose single combat (Theb.11.150sqq.). Euripides! deviation from the Aischylean version, of the brothers' meeting at the seventh gate, is here most marked.

238

1225-35 As in Homer, direct speech breaks up the narrative. Interpolation of such introductory lines as 1225 is found in Homer as well as tragedy; e.g. 11.9.224a (Reeve, 1972 I, 254 n.23). The attacking forces are Danaoi, Danaids and Argives (cf.on 91), while 1226 the Theban forces are Kadmeans, 1221; people of Kadmos, 1227, 1239, 1399 (anachronistically “citizens”), 1467; or Spartoi, 1235, 1245. In this passage, the common origins of the warring Thebans and Argives are implied in words recalling their descent from the related Danaos and Kadmos (see ¢onn Epaphos, 678). | / : Eurjpides' predilection for this trading 1228 metaphor (same verb, ap-

1231-2

1235

compound, /T

1360, Cy.257, lon

1371,

Tr.973; and in par- compound, Med.910; related noun /T 1111, Hyps.fr.41.87) may stem from familiarity with his family's activities in the agora, if, as tradition had it, his mother was indeed a greengrocer. Sophokles, whose father was allegedly a bronzesmith, is fond of metalworking imagery. This two-line sentence is rhetorically constructed, with emphatic repetition of “alone” at line-end (also 1230, beginning) and with the two conditions, repeated for variation by “if . . ." clause and participle. The situation has changed since Polyneikes' offer to withdraw, 486-7, but the language here recalls it. This line may have been added for symmetry, to give an allusion to Thebans as well as Argives. Also, the collective use of nekros (usually "corpse") is difficult.

1240

made a truce: lit. “poured libations”, as was customary agreements (Th.1.18 etc.).

1242-3

The resemblance with 1359-60 has aroused suspicion; but a reminder of the curse, and of the pathetic relative ages of Oidipous and his sons is

when

sealing

in place.

1246

they stood:

this

epic

by-form

(for

estesan

— 3rd

person

plural,

aor.indic.act.) would be a rare licence in tragic lyric, and is even more

1247 1250 1253

remarkable in dialogue. colour: see on 264. savagely ready: the same verb is used of the same situation elsewhere

(A.Th.380, of Tydeus; Pi.N.9.19, of the seven). The proper name is balanced with that in 1252; similarly tade “this” is placed at the end of 1249, beginning of 1254. gloriously victonous: see on 855. The present tense suggests that Eteokles' supporters count on his victory. now,,,now:

the anaphora combines with the rhyme to suggest a shout

230

in unison.

1255-8

The supporters of both Polyneikes and of Eteokles put a good

complexion on their inglorious struggle: Polyneikes to win glory and pay homage to Zeus; Eteokles fighting for his city — a specious patriotic note — to gain a fair victory and win power. It was normal practice at any crucial point, such as prelude to battle, to have recourse to divination, performed by professional seers. The craft

was specialised, with several branches (one of the most common being observation of bird behaviour, as 767) and had its own technical terms (as the verb “scrutinise” 1256, also A.TA.25, S.OT 300) and jargon,

some of it obscure.

Here, preliminary omens are sought from the fire

lit to roast the sacrificial mutton. signs:

(1)

“the blazing

points"

The seers look for these different (flames

shooting

straight up);

(ii)

"fissures" or "clefts" with "unfavourable flickering" (flames failing to rise up properly) — an alternative, less likely, interpretation, with the translation “dampness”, "moisture" (the literal meaning of this noun)

instead of “flickering” is to refer this to the victim's bursting entrails, so scholiast; (iii)

“the topmost flame", a crucial indicator of victory or

defeat (presaging good or bad by some such sign as veering to right or left; rising high or remaining low; burning with a clear blaze or a smoky reluctance). Cf.sacrifice described Sen.Oed.309-13.

1259-60 power or wise words or spells to charm:

the triad suggests the three

possible ways to achieve any end bia , peitho and dolos —("force", "persuasion", "guile"). Perhaps here there is an ambiguity: as epode is literally “a song sung to or over" and as philtra several times in

Euripides means "something inducing affection" (Stevens on Andr.540) the phrase might imply an emotive monody, as opposed to rational discourse. The messenger’s appeal to Iokaste is a reminder of her earlier, futile, attempt at intervention and in particular of the way in

which “wise words" (460, 530) came to nothing; cf.Sen.PA.401-2, drawing on this Euripidean scene and also (in 387-402, esp.398) on the 1264

teichoskopia. daughter: lokaste's maternal role is stressed by the repeated form of address to Antigone,

1265,

1272,

1280, cf.1269, as earlier to Eteokles

and Polyneikes; and by Antigone’s form of reply, 1270, 1274, 1278. 1265-9

Deletion has been mooted, on the grounds of discrepancy (exaggerated) with Antigone's reference on emergence to a new terror, 1270-1;

and

because 1266 is oddly phrased. The translation "pattern of the gods" follows the scholiastic gloss "presence of fate". Perhaps this vague subject (lit. "state of the gods") simply amplifies the common 240

impersonal use of the verb with dat. of person, commonly with neg., "have success", LSJ s.v. Π.2. Or the text may be corrupt, due to scribal

1267-9 1268

misunderstanding of a metaphor from formations in the dance (so Mastronarde, 1979, following a suggestion of Fraenkel). fine: the Homeric tone of the messenger's narrative spills over into this brief exchange. bent on:

of Kreon;

1270

the verb, lit.“nod aside", is elsewhere used of persons (as 920,

17

1330);

but it is also the mot juste for animals tossing the

head (X.Eq.5.4, a horse; X.Cyn.10.12, a wild boar) and there may be an element of metaphor here. The successive reactions of Antigone — anxious interrogation, horror at

the information the duel is imminent, incredulity at the suggestion of intervention — are entirely realistic, and heightened through implicit contrast

with

her

earlier

situation,

when

she

needed

her

mother's

permission even to look out on the army, 88-91; and where the slave shielded her from contact with strangers and from any hint of scandal, 92-5, 193-7. Repetition of key words (“women’s rooms", 1275, cf.1265, from 89, 194; “crowd”, 1276, from 196) and reiteration of ideas (modesty and shame, 1276, recalling 94, 198-201) is telling. The way is paved too for Antigone’s final appearance, where the same words and ideas recur (esp.1486, 1489).

1272

Antigone's character does not change

in the course of the play; merely her circumstances. is waning: poignantly, the verb used by Eteokles to dismiss the city (624) 1s here used.

1279

1282

1283

1284-306

This abrupt command, attributed to Antigone in the vulgate, belongs rather to Iokaste (Jackson, Marginalia Scaenica , 1955, 174; approved

by Fraenkel, 1963, 50), addressed to an attendant, either the messenger (the natural escort; but his own words, especially 1259-61, imply departure without Iokaste; see also 1429-30) or to a mute. This line, identical with 976 and out of place here, is probably an actor's interpolation. Iokaste's final words are prophetic; see 1458-9.

4th stasimon

This song, unlike the earlier stasima, is closely tied to its immediate dramatic context; and repetition at the end of the lyric of a significant word from the end of the preceding episode (1305 of 1281) marks a return to the

action.

The chorus lament in anticipation, as they will not do after the event, 241

despite the future tense in 1302, the double fratricide (duality 1297-1300), now viewed as inevitable.

metrical pattern.

The two stanzas are of simple construction and simple

The first views events from the standpoint of others (Iokaste,

the chorus) and the second focusses on the brothers themselves.

The song is a threnos "dirge", a literary simulacrum modelled on actual ritual practice. There is a peculiar aptness in the Eastern character of the chorus, resembling the women of Caria (in Asia Minor) who were sought after for hire

as professional mourners.

Such devices as repetition of emotive words (1285,

1287,

1299,

refrain

1291, (1284,

1295,

1298,

1296),

use

1305;

of parallel

sometimes

with

isometric

or antithetical phrases

echoing),

with

assonance

(1291, 1292) or asyndeton (1297) typify the dirge, some of them, notably word doubling, being common to hymns sung on other occasions. (On the Greek threnos

see M.Alexiou, The Ritual Lament

in Greek Tradition

, Cambridge,

1974, esp.135-6, 151; and for a tragic parallel Supp.955-79). In sound and sense, the song recalls the emotional atmosphere of the parodos: cfesp.1285 with 257, 1289 with 247, 1290 with 249, 1291 with 218, 1297 with 252 (and at the beginning of the ensuing scene 1311 with 250). The song lightly adumbrates too the monstrous aspect of Theban history which has pervaded the lyrics of the play (1297) and continues the brooding stress on blood and bloodshed (1288, 1292, 1299). Metre of 4th stasimon, 1284-1306 (1284-95 2 1296-1306):

the metre is

mixed, mainly 1a and do, but 1285-6=1298 an. 1284

. Alas:

the different number of exclamations found in different mss is

probably 1285-7

1289

the result of scribal

doodling

(cf.O.

Taplin,

"Did

Greek

dramatists write stage directions?" PCPS 203 (1977), 122-3). quivering with dread: the expression is tautologous: the noun phrika

originally “shuddering”, then “shuddering from fear" does not need the adjective “trembling” (but cf.7r.1026). The mental agony of the chorus is rather artificially expressed in physical terms. . Euripides here imaginatively adapts a convention of threnodic song: in place of the rhetorical question, “Which shall I lament first?” (as 1294), he asks, “Which will kill whom?" (or “first”, if poteron

is emended to

proteron ). Didyma (cf.1297) is commonly used of twin brothers. Now that the end is near, the chorus does not differentiate between Eteokles and Polyneikes, neither of whom is named;

but stresses their

kinship (also 1291) and common fate (dual number 1299, 1300).

1290

| woes:

ponos

"slaughter";

"trouble"(in this play sometimes associated with phonos cf.on 718-9) is a clichéed word in lament.

242

The invocation

of the elemental powers Zeus and Earth is a typical one for tragic characters

1292

1296

or chorus

in moments

of extreme

emotional

stress

(cf.

Med.148, E1.1177). weapons: lit.shields, properly defensive arms, here weapons in general (cf.78, 1326). | | th: the first line of the antistrophe, like the first in the strophe, “has an emotional rather than semantic impact; but some sort of ritual formula underlies the exclamations.

Da, found only in such cries,

may be equivalent to Zeus, or to Ga, earth (cf.1290).

There may be a

conscious reminiscence in these words, given by Euripides to Io’s descendants, of the frantic lament of Io in A.PV -- pursued by the gadfly she calls out aleuada (568). The bestial character of the brothers already insinuated (263, 411-2, 420, 455-6, 699, 1169) is now openly asserted; cf.simile 1573. 1297

Pesea

(for ptomata

) is found only here, probably coined to give a

sequence of double shorts; there is a similar sequence 1291 (cf.on 165). 1301

1302

1305

1306

1307-766

with foreign shriek:

the chorus, while talking and singing in Greek, are

supposed to be foreigners: cf.301 and also Or.1384 (modal dative, as here). The convention is necessary and readily accepted, though perhaps made less so by having attention drawn to it. The text is awry, with stenaktan “groaning” variously placed, because this word was omitted, added in the margin, then replaced at different points by later scribes. suited to: there may be a pun between melomenan “appropriate to” and mellomenan ἡ impending he prese

'

re:

phaos

is taken to be nominative

and to mellon accusative; if vice versa the sense is, "The future will decide on life" — or with krinei absolute in use (but there is no parallel for this) "The coming day will be decisive". Like the 3rd stasimon, the song concludes on the ominous note of the curse which dogs the family of Oidipous. Exodos Properly all that follows the last choral ode, this long exodos is broken

by actors’song.

It falls in three parts:

(a) 1307-1479, (b) 1480-1581, (c) 1582-

1766. (a) 1307-1479.

"This section, like the 4th episode, is made up of two

long messenger speeches — or, in this case, one long speech briefly interrupted by

243

a choral couplet — framed by parallel striking entrances:

initially of Kreon,

bringing (or accompanied by attendants bearing) the body of his son and finally of Antigone, accompanied by attendants with the bodies of Iokaste, Eteokles and

Polyneikes. The bier of Menoikeus may have been set down in the orchestra, close to one parodos, leaving Kreon to direct his attention to the messenger, who arrives by the other, later traversed

also by the second

cortége.

Kreon

is

prepared for bad news by the chorus’revelation that Iokaste and Antigone have left for the battlefield, and by the gloomy appearance of the messenger. A short amoibaion of extreme emotion is sung. The first part of the messenger’s account then describes the brothers’ duel, while the second tells of the deaths of Eteokles, Polyneikes and Iokaste. As in the previous pair of speeches, there is a strong epic

complexion in vocabulary (“throng” 1460, 1467; "biting the dust” 1423); in phraseology (1382); in imagery (metaphor 1432, 1435; simile 1377, 1380sqq.) and in narrative technique (use of direct speech to break up a long passage of indirect narrative 1432-3, 1436-7, 1444-53) as well as in the content itself (detailed description of battle encounter, ending in death). At the same time, this

bipartite speech deploys many of the play's key ideas (duality 1428, 1436-7; and, obviously, blood and bloodshed, specifically as effected by "iron" 1383, 1393,

1420, 1458

and occasioned by a curse 1426;

1464, 1472);

also hollow victory 1416, 1461,

while the presence of the gods (Ares 1402 and Gaia 1417, 1423) is

not forgotten.

The engagement of the brothers culminating in simultaneous

death (1454) is described with fine balance: Polyneikes wounds Eteokles, Eteokles wounds Polyneikes, Eteokles mortally stabs Polyneikes (in the navel

symbolic of their common origin) Polyneikes mortally stabs Eteokles (symbolically in the organ regarded as the seat of the emotions). Through verbal iteration from the first stasimon Euripides implies that these new disasters at Thebes have analogues in the past (1401, 1417 and 663, 641, 668; cf.on 1377, 1405). (b) 1480-1581.

After a short sequence of choral recitative in anapaests,

as the three corpses are brought to the acting area, Antigone sings a lament for her family: she expresses a resigned recognition of the malevolent force of the Erinys

"curse" (1503), bringing strife and death (1495-7) following Oidipous'

encounter with the Sphinx (1504-7); lugubrious αἱ

and does so in words which are full of

sounds reminiscent of αἰαὶ

"alas" (1512, 1514, 1519, 1520, 1521,

1524, 1529, 1532, 1533, 1537), which echo the messenger (esp.1577 and 1456) and sustain the powerfully pervasive imagery of blood and death (1495, 1497; cf.1487) and of joyless dance (1489; perhaps also 1492, 1514). Antigone's monody

has

Polyneikes:

elements

in

common

with

Iokaste’s

Polyneikes is addressed (304 etc., 1493);

244

monody

of

greeting

to

dance is mentioned (316,

1489); (324,

both women 1491);

have put aside light coloured clothes to wear mouming

both speculate on the role of Eris

“strife” (350,

1495).

course of her dirge, Antigone lays a lock of hair on the biers (1524;

In the

cf. choral

words 1295) and finally calls on Oidipous to emerge. This summons of Oidipous

mirrors the choral summoning of Iokaste (296-300); both aged characters are called with the words "Do you hear?" (298, 1536) and in both passages the interior is envisaged (299, 1536-8). Oidipous, previously concealed by his sons (64, 872-3), is called upon to show himself (1532, perhaps an echo of divine revelation of his earlier fate, 871); to come into the light (1540), which they no longer see (1548, 1553): attempts to hush up the scandal (64-5, 873-4) are now

seen to be utterly futile, as the divine purpose is played out and, as is stressed in the following exchange, all is “clear” (1513, 1565, 1568; cf.1543, paradoxically Oidipous himself is "unclear", insubstantial). Oidipous emerges like one retuming from the dead (1543-5) to hear in a lyric exchange with his daughter the dread news of the three deaths: firstly of Eteokles and Polyneikes — which Antigone imputes to his curse, without blaming him (1555-8) — then, at greater

length, of Iokaste (1567-78). Various poetic images are here repeated, especially in the lion simile (1573-4), the stress on blood and bloodshed (1574-5) and the evocation of Hades and Ares (1574-5). (c) 1582-1766. The end of the play — iambic trimeters (1582-1709),

lyric exchange (1764-6)

—

(1710-57),

presents

trochaic

notorious

tetrameters

critical

questioned and interpolation suspected. Pearson, Powell, Méridier;

also

Erbse, 1966; Conacher, 1967;

(1758-63),

problems.

closing

Authenticity

anapaests has

been

(For discussion see introductions of

Meredith, 1937;

Reeve, 1972;

Kitto, 1939;

Fraenkel, 1963;

Mastronarde, 1979.) The passages

1499-1581 and 1710-36 are contained in a papyrus collection of lyric passages of

Euripides: this may be corroboration of the view that 1736 is the end of the Euripidean part of the play (Mastronarde, 1980, esp.19). In the ensuing note, analysing content and tenor, the fundamental integrity of the ending is defended. Overall thematic and dramatic coherence is further discussed in the Introduction II (b) and see also IV; and problems presented by individual lines and passages

are explored in the commentary. The exodos serves the usual function of outlining the future fortunes of

the surviving characters.

Here there are three strands, all anticipated in the

preceding action: exile (of Oidipous, accompanied by Antigone); marriage (of Antigone, renounced to accompany Oidipous) and burial (of Polyneikes, vetoed

by Kreon). Of these, the most important is the final destiny in exile of Oidipous, a pathetic figure after years of debilitating suffering (1723-5 etc.). Kreon, as Eteokles' nominated successor (1586-8, enlarging on the letter but not the spirit 245

of Eteokles’ commission of 757-65) sentences Oidipous to exile (1589-94, amplifying and perhaps in the process distorting Teiresias' statements of 886-8): with this there is a reprise of the exile theme prominent in the 1st episode, and much in Oidipous' plight recalls that of Polyneikes (e.g. 1623-4, the topic of the eugenes "noble man" in adversity). The betrothal of Antigone to Haimon precedes the action of the play.

It is ratified by Eteokles (757-60), mentioned by

Teiresias (944-6) and Antigone (1436-7) and taken for granted by both Kreon (1587-8,

1635-8,

1672) and Oidipous,

who

therefore does not even

Antigone as a prospective companion in exile (1616-8):

consider

to her decision to

repudiate the match Kreon reacts with bafflement (1674, 1678) and Oidipous with remonstrance (1683, 1685, 1691). | Antigone's status as parthenos

"spinster" is to be permanent. Like the themes of exile and marriage, the burial theme has been introduced: in his final speech on stage, Eteokles vetoes (775-7) and in his last words to Iokaste and Antigone, as reported by the messenger, Polyneikes requests (1447-50) burial in Theban soil. Kreon now repeats and

amplifies Eteokles’ veto (1628-34, 1646). The question of burial is unresolved. Antigone's declared intention of performing it (1657) seems to give way before Kreon's obduracy: refused permission even to wash the body or to bandage its wounds (1667, 1669) she simply kisses her brother (1671; on this diminuendo see Mastronarde, 1979): the renewed declaration in lyric that she will effect a burial is problematical (see on 1745-6).

With these three main strands in the

exodos are interwoven various other dramatic threads; among them justice (1648-51, 1654, 1726), divine will or destiny (1614, 1653, 1662), ineluctability (1762-3), oracular sanction (1598, 1703), futility of worship (1757), Dionysiac

dance (1751-57), shortlived and illusory happiness (1689), misery of the past, especially the Sphinx, (1688, 1728-34, 1759-60), curse on the family (1593-4, 1611), affection between family members

(Oidipous and Iokaste

1617, Kreon

and Iokaste 1665, Antigone and Polyneikes 1671), Theban locale (1605, 1751-6),

clevemess and folly (1612, 1647, 1680, 1688, 1727). Throughout the exodos, Oidipous is realistically presented: a blind old man, emerging from prolonged solitary incarceration into the light of day, in an emotional state, he clings pathetically to his dignity (1623-4) and to a belief in his reason, especially as evinced in solving the Sphinx's riddle, his finest but

transitory hour of triumph

(1612, 1728-31, 1759-60;

cf.also 1506, 1688-9,

1727, 1732: these passages recall 48sqq., 1045, 1689). Obsessed in self pity (1687) and with his own past and present miseries, he comments on Antigone's

renunciation of marriage only in so far as it affects him, and nowhere alludes to the burial question, which does not affect him at all. The portrayal of Antigone is convincingly developed: her innate qualities of strength and resolve (1678, 246

1683,

1709) emerge under stress (cf.the similar emergence

character

in S.PA.).

Conversely,

Kreon’s

innate

weakness

of Neoptolemos’ and

ineffectuality,

already apparent in his reaction to Teiresias’ utterances, come fully into the open; but he is capable of recognising the finer qualities of Oidipous and of

Antigone (1625, 1680).

While Kreon, implementing orders mechanically and

unfeelingly, prevails through his political power and muscle,

Antigone with

flexibility and resourcefulness of spirit is the moral victor. (This is a typically Euripidean confrontation between the sexes.) Kreon, the capable military man of the 2nd episode, is seen to be incapable of civic authority and the more

complex issues of peacetime; he still gives orders like a general. Staging presents certain problems, particularly with regard to the movements and actions of Kreon. After a choral couplet (1581-2 and there is oddly no further choral participation till the closing “tag”, 1764-6) Kreon, who has been on stage since 1310 but silent since 1355, i.e. throughout the messenger’s narrative, Antigone’s monody and kommos with Oidipous; or who in the view of some critics (Reeve, 1972 I, 460-1, concurring with Fraenkel, 1963) now enters unannounced, brusquely commands an end to lamentations and then proclaims sentence of exile on Oidipous. In a long responding rhesis, Oidipous first recapitulates the events of his lifetime (1595-1614, recalling Iokaste's prologue speech not only in narrative content, but also in placing of emphasis, with repeated verbs of birth and begetting, cf.esp.18-22 with 1595-

1601, 1612; echoed by Antigone 1642) and then addresses himself to his present situation (1615-24, proceeding from a series of pathetic rhetorical questions to a proud refusal to beg Kreon for mercy).

In answer, Kreon briefly reiterates his

sentence on Oidipous (1625-6), then turns to the three corpses. He orders that the body of Eteokles be taken inside (1627-8) and that of the traitor Polyneikes

be thrown unceremoniously beyond Theban territory, there to remain unburied (1629-34, belying his own earlier remark that the living must tend the dead, 1320-21); he further orders Antigone to go indoors, to await her wedding day (1635-8). These commands are all ignored and, instead, after a short speech addressing first Oidipous in pity and sympathy, then Kreon in defiance (and the order of address shows contempt, as does its manner), Antigone participates in a long stichomythic sequence with replies in reverse order:

first Antigone-Kreon,

then Antigone-Oidipous (1646-82, 1683-1706). In the first exchange, Antigone puts pressure on Kreon to rescind the veto on burial by moral argument (1647sqq., and she has the edge, 1655 being answered only by bluster); by bold declaration of intent to bury the body (1657, and although Kreon orders attendants to take her indoors she still clings to her brother in an emotional gesture repeated in the embrace of 1671) and by direct

247

entreaty (1665sqq., and again she wins on moral grounds, with Kreon’s

intransigent refusal even of tendance): finally, in frustration and goaded by Kreon’s further reference to her impending marriage, she retaliates by refusing to marry Haimon and threatening indeed to kill him.

With his last line on stage, Kreon abruptly capitulates, yet tries to

keep a semblance of control by himself ordering Antigone to leave the land (1682).

His departure is probably through the central door into the

palace. In the second exchange, Oidipous' objections to Antigone's resolve are quickly overcome and there follows some stage business of a rather melodramatic and tear-jerking kind, as Oidipous is led up to the

bodies of his wife and sons. Then rather suddenly Oidipous announces the fulfilment of the oracle of Apollo that he should die at Athens. (This technique of the delayed introduction of a relevant oracle, where the significance is belatedly understood, is used by Sophokles in PA. and Tr.)

At 1710, the two characters begin a further duet, with their slow progress into exile. While they sing, the bier of Polyneikes is carried away from the palace ("has gone" 1744) and, presumably, the bodies of Menoikeus, Eteokles and Iokaste are removed into it. Antigone leads her father off, towards Athens, in accordance with Apollo's oracle, as Teiresias, prophet of Apollo, was led from Athens by his daughter (834sqq.)

the parallel is reinforced by the nautical imagery used in

both passages (835, 846, 1710-12). vocatives

("father"

1711,

1736,

There is much iteration of pathetic

1745 and “child”

1715,

1719).

The

youth of Antigone (1717, 1737-8, 1747) and the age of Oidipous (1718, 1722,

1724)

are

stressed

literally

and

with

a

figurative

aura

of

impending sterility and death. Repeated adjectives meaning "wretched" (1710,

1715, 1716,

1723,

1734,

1745) express the mood of the song.

The play's prevalent theme, that of cyclical progress from apparent success to real disaster recurs:

in Oidipous' case this is symbolised by

the Sphinx, turning point in his fortunes, bringer successively of joy and misery

(1732-5).

The

final

reference

to the

mountain

precinct

of

Dionysos and the dancing worship of Semele are a highly germane reminder of the gods' part in the fortunes of Oidipous' family: the happiness and optimism of the ritual dance 15 as illusory and idle (1757) as is the wider human happiness it symbolises. In human affairs the gods

play an arbitrary and amoral part (1726-7). The

six

lines

of trochaic

tetrameters

which

follow

are not

unacceptable in content (apart from the initial address to "citizens", not 248

present), but other considerations render them suspect (see on 175863). A final reference from Oidipous to the contrast between the triumph over the Sphinx and his present predicament is in place, and the bromide on human powerlessness in the face of the gods is equally appropriate. The closing choral tag, as the chorus step out of character to pray for a dramatic victory is found elsewhere (Or, IT; cf.the closely similar ending of Alc., Andr., Ba., Hel., Hipp., Med.) like the Attic orators, the dramatists commonly utilised stock material in conclusion. Here, however, in a play where nike "victory" has turned out to be a highly

ambivalent benefit, there may be a final irony in the words of the chorus.

1308-9

On

the

unusual

use

of

trochaic

tetrameters

(also

1335-9)

see

Introduction III. 1508

frowning:

lit"clouded"

(for

the

metaphor

see

1311).

Fraenkel's

deletion (see apparatus) does away with Kreon's presence at this point. The messenger's report is then directed at the chorus: admittedly it is

they who briefly interject a reaction (1425-6) and there is nothing in the speech specific to Kreon;

but it is easier to suppose he comes on stage

here than that he enters silently at some point before his words at 1584. Also, some reaction from Kreon to Menoikeus' death is imperative. Indeed, Kreon's arrival with the body of his son is dramatically integral to the play's development, as a tangible display of the tragedy to his branch of the family as well as to that of Oidipous. The entry recalls the entry of the same character bearing the body of his son Haimon in the exodos of S.Ant. (note esp.1316 with S.Ant.1257-8): — typically, Euripides makes the vignette his own by innovation.

1310

What shall I do?: This was Eteokles' question to Kreon (734, 740); Kreon's bewilderment indicates his changed, now insecure, mental state.

The

question,

which

to bewail

first, is conventional

(cf.S.OC

1254sq.). Kreon is unaware of recent events other than the death of Menoikeus (1327-8): this was supposed to save the city (1313, cf.1090, 1206);

1312

but Kreon's question has a point in view of the continuing siege

conditions. So aS to, , . the expression of consequence is bold but not intolerably so, lit."such as to send [the city] through Acheron” (cf.HF

838);

and

deletion is unwarranted. 1315

dragon cliffs: 11).

i.e. the area where the cave was situated (931-2, 1010249

1316 1317

self-slaughtered: see on 332, 880. the whole house wails: the verb is used of any loud cry of physical pain, or emotions of grief etc. At this point keening probably was heard from

the stage building, to which the word “house” naturally refers. (The explanation that wailing came from Kreon’s house, not represented on Stage, is forced.) 1319

wash and lay out: the task of washing and laying out the dead normally fell to the closest female relatives.

herself already dead, to had a peculiarly close Menoikeus, pretending anticipate Kreon's denial

Ironically Kreon seeks out Iokaste,

care for the dead Menoikeus, with whom she relationship (987). His words recall those of to seek out Iokaste (989) and paradoxically of burial to Polyneikes (1628-30).

1321

the god of the underworld: lit."of the earth", Hades, but perhaps with an implicit reference to Gaia; cf.on 683sqq.

1323

daughter with mother: the phrasing stresses Antigone’s relationship with her mother (cf.58, 89-90) elsewhere that with Oidipous is highlighted (88).

Antigone

is presented as daughter of mother and

father separately, not together. 1324

Where? , , .:

the

staccato

rhythm

of Kreon's

questions

expresses

astonishment and his imperative (cf.1355) is impatient. 1327 1329

attending to: this is a technical term for tending the dead (as Supp.764). long: less than 50 lines previously; but according to convention time

1332-4

has supposedly elapsed during the choral ode. gloomy aspect: It is evident to those on stage (and to the audience) from the very appearance of the messenger that he brings bad news. (Cf. the contrary deduction

from Kreon's

appearance,

OT init.

There

is an

intemal rhyme (-opon -opon ) in 1333. 1335-9

This second

short burst of trochaic tetrameters is surprising.

More

commmonly this metre is used in a long sequence, which may begin (as lon 510sqq.) or end (as Ba.638-9) with an arrival such as that of the messenger here. 1335-6

account . . . words . . .speech: mythos “account”, logoi "speech".

there is a slight distinction between

“words” in

which it is couched and logos

happily expressed: Euripides repeats the root "expression" from 1333, perhaps in deliberate self mockery. Metre of amoibaion, 1340-51: the metre is ia and do. 1340-3, sung lines, are differently assigned in the ms tradition, to chorus or to Kreon. 1345, also sung, is given to Kreon with the following line (omitted in

250

some

mss).

Possibly

the entire

sequencel340-51

was

sung;

the

distinction between spoken and lyric iambics is seldom clearcut (cf.on 103-92). Alternatively, the messenger may speak his lines (1347, 1349). It is effective that Kreon breaks into emotional song at the news of the brothers’ death (1339), as the chorus do at the news of Iokaste's.

1342-3

Such emotional apostrophe of the house is not uncommon at moments of dramatic crisis (cf.Hipp.417-8, 1073-4, Andr.923sqq.); but from the

1350-1

chorus the comment is striking. Raise ...: The double object is remarkable.

1352-3

characteristic gesture of mourning. The metre (evidently 2 do dims) is restored by the emendation in order Seman). poor... proved: the play in sound tlemon . . . etles is characteristic of

1356-8:

the effects in this play. the narrative is resumed from 1196-9.

Beating the head was a

Certain elements naturally recur

in the two pairs of speeches, and the deliberate repetitions (1359 similar to 1242, 1244; 1360 similar to 1243) which tie the narratives together

serve as organic

links, not to be destroyed by deletion.

On

the

construction of 1357, with an idiomatic negative, perhaps influenced by the preceding negative, see GMT 598. The repeated elisions at the 1362

has been deleted as tautologous, because of the repetitions in "two" ' and "twin" and in the synonyms, “commanders” and “leaders”. The former of these repetitions is easily justified: emphasis on duality is particularly pertinent in the case of Eteokles and Polyneikes (found not

only

in Ph., but also A.TA.849,

972,

Euripides is fond of words meaning

see AIC s.v. diplous

S.Ant.13)

and,

in any

case,

“twofold”, “double” (cf.1354 and

etc.), a trick of style parodied by Aristophanes

(fr.558); elsewhere too numerical contrast or coincidence 1s stressed, at times with some artificiality (894, HF 328). The second repetition, of

synonymous nouns, gives a rhetorical emphasis. 1364-76 The symmetrical prayers of the leaders, Polyneikes referring to Argos

and Eteokles to Thebes, each praying for victory (1368,

1374) and

fratricide (1367, 1376), recall the exhortations of Argives and Thebans

1365

1368

in the previous speech. Hera, the main deity of Argos (which used the names of the priestesses of Hera, holding office for a year, in official state dating) has an additional relevance as patron of marriage. victory bringing: on nikephoros and "victory" are repeated.

251

see on 781.

The key words "blood"

1369-71 are criticised for odd features in language and expression (Fraenkel, 1963, 64-5); but the oxymoron (“shameful crown", i.e. "success") is telling and typical of this play (cf.821 and for ambiguous crowns 786, 832), and the expression “meeting eyes in turn” can be paralleled (Or.1267, Ba.1087); the description of the helpless misery of the onlookers is poignant. 1369 asking: if the present participle is read, the messenger's comment, expressing the view of the ordinary right-thinking man, shows him superior in moral perception to his leader (with a typically Euripidean reversal); if the present indicative ("I ask") is read, Polyneikes shows awareness that his blunt prayer is reprehensible, and so can still be viewed as a relatively "good" character — and even if his protestations of

reluctance, 431-4, 630 are dismissed, it must be remembered that others believed justice was on his side; see on 154. 1372

The chorus invoked Pallas, associated with the arrival of Kadmos at Thebes, 1062; and in Aischylos (TA.501) Onka Pallas or Athena Onka

was city protector. The epithet "golden-shielded" suggests the image of Athena on the Akropolis at Athens (cfJon 9, “with golden spear"). 1374

glonously victorious:

for the ironical implications, see on 855;

the

adjective is similarly used of weapons Tr.1221, HF 49, 570. 1376

Eteokles' prayer finishes with the same request as that with which Polyneikes' began; ultimately it is clear that the impending slaughter is mutually desired. In the event, both prayers are answered: Eteokles

mortally wounds Polyneikes with a blow of his spear, while Polyneikes' 1377

hand "set over against" Eteokles sheds his brother's blood. The scholiastic explanation, that before the invention of the trumpet

("Etruscan" from place of invention) the battle signal was given by hurling

a lighted

torch

into

no

man's

land,

is here

followed,

the

reference to the trumpet being regarded as an anachronism on the part of the messenger. This torch signal was given by priests of Ares, named pyrphoroi “torchbearers”;

cf.on 686sgq.

An alternative interpretation,

with changed punctuation in Greek as in translation, is, “When, clear as

torchlight, was given the Etruscan trumpet’s blare as a sign . . ." Diggle's emendation gives bold synaesthetic imagery, sight applied to

sound; tr. "when, like a torch, the blare of trumpet was kindled” (see apparatus and “Marginalia Euripidea", PCPS 15 (1969), 41 and n.1). 1379

While the textual tradition gives dromema arbitrarily prefers dramema (cf.L'SJ "dromema

Page on Med.1180 “dramema

editorial intervention 15 the later form", and

is the correct form"). 252

In fact, both forms

were current and elsewhere between them. 1380

the weight

of ms

evidence

is divided

The simile is drawn from //.13.471sqq. and followed by Statius, Theb.11.530sqq. ; here it may be a deliberate half-reminiscence of

Polyneikes’ fight with Tydeus (411). Valckenaer suggested on the basis of Greg.Naz.2.28d that a line had dropped out after 1380 (see apparatus, tr. “looking sideways with blazing eyes").

1385

to reach the mouth:

1.6.. of his adversary.

Altemative explanations of

“mouth” are “edge” (of opponent’s shield), or, regarding the dative as simply one of the agent, “with the point” (of the fighter’s own lance). 1386-7

directed their eves:

1388-9

holes in the top edge of his shield and so remained protected. ineffectual: argos , see on 753. These lines, with their splendid rhetorical expression and repeated sound effects in intricate patterns of assonance, are oddly condemned by some critics.

1.6. each fighter kept his eyes level with the small

Argive spear: This echoes 1387 (and see on 753). 1394 1396-403This account of the first engagement presents the leaders backed by their armies and attention is temporarily diverted from their status as doomed sons of Oidipous. The phrasing of 1402 1s ambivalent: on one level a comment on the battle honours, on another it evokes all the associations of Ares’ part in Thebes’ history. 1397 It has been objected that this passage is anatomically and realistically contradictory: that a blow to the shoulder should not reach the chest, and that a hero with a chest wound

fighting.

should not be able to continue

The situation is very similar to the breaking of Idomeneus'

spear on Hector's chest (71.17 .6055qq.).

140]

slab of rock:

marmaros

, later specifically marble (Thphr.Lap.9) here

has its original sense, of any sparkling crystalline rock, used as noun or, as here, adjectivally (//.12.380, 16.735). Kadmos killed the primeval dragon with a rock similarly described, 663. 1404

both:

1405

1404, 1405, 1406. Cf.38, the fateful encounter of Oidipous

— Note the dense use of the dual number in this passage

with

Laios;

once

1403,

again

successive phases in events are aligned by similar terminology. An emendation suggested by West would give a more vivid verb (as 1379,

1382, 1466). 1407-8

feint:

It has

plausibly

Thessalian sophisma

been

argued

(Borthwick,

1970)

that

the

“trick” was a particular feint in wrestling, where 253

the advantage stance:

was seized by a combatant’s adopting an unexpected

here, Eteokles

steps back with left foot, swivels, then steps

forward with nght to attack when Polyneikes, wrong-footed, least expects it. The name may stem from a general association of the Thessalians with trickery and deception, or from some particular wrestler from Thessaly associated with the manoevre. through visiting that land: a visit of Eteokles to nearby Thessaly may have been part of the tradition.

An alternative translation (Borthwick),

of the preceding verb knowing", “having got to know", pace also Pearson, “contriving, as a present expedient’), and the fact that Polyneikes too was on his home ground (cf.368). Chance — which may

1411-2

imply divine favour — is on the side of Eteokles, as later of the Thebans, 1466; cf.also 49. guarding his belly's hollow: this translation is to be preferred to the alternative, "watching his chance in (his opponent's) belly". Kreon's comments of 721, 731, 746 are here borne out. With the play koila... kolon (same place in successive lines) and anaphora of pro- the pace is quickened.

1412

Eteokles runs his sword right through his brother, as in epic warfare (lit. "fit in", perhaps with paradoxical play on the etymological suggestion of harmony;

1415 1416

but Euripides makes much use of the verb,

cf.1451,HF 179). with blood streaming: lit."with bloody drops". The noun is especially applied to blood, and especially common in tragedy. The vanity of Eteokles' belief is borne out by the verbal repetition,1424.

1417

cast sword to the ground:

the earth of Thebes, resting-place of heifer

and dragon, now receives the sword. 1421

Polyneikes thrusts his sword (“iron”, cf. on 350-3) into a vital organ (as

11.20.469, S.Ant.1315, E.Or.1063 etc.);

1423 1424

but significantly, iterating the

symbolism of the navel wound, into the part of the body regarded as the seat of the passions, including anger (S.Aj.938). The enjambement between 1421 and 1422 is striking: the meshing of the brothers' fate is indicated by the meshing of syntax and sense. For the idiom "with an effort" (but successfully) cf.S.Anr.1105. Alliterative lambda effects convey pathos. settled power-struggle: the political power, sovereignty.

the noun &ratos is used especially of Here there is a bleak irony, as the verb,

254

lit.“draw a boundary through", recalls Oidipous'

1429 1430

curse on the brothers’

division of the kingdom. rushes up: the same verb recurs, deliberately repeated with the more literal sense “fall on” 1433. with daughter and in haste: the unusual zeugma of abstract and concrete

nouns has impelled many editors to delete;

but the reading is confirmed

by scholiasts. 1431

death-blows:

this

word

is used

of sacrificial

slaughter,

cf.1010,

of

the uselessness of such effort is commonplace

in i

Nurture, lit. “breasts”, brings the recurrent image

of

Menoikeus and 332 of Oidipous. 1434

The asyndeton is emotional, as 1193. great effort of nurture:

maternal lament.

1436-7

the mother’s breast, denied Oidipous, given to the doomed Menoikeus, as to Eteokles and Polyneikes (cf.on 31). The brothers’ duties would have included looking after their mother in old age and attending to Antigone’s marriage, cf.757sqq. Antigone’s

words are ironically prophetic. 1439

clammy:

"wet",

perhaps

simply

“moist”

is the ordinary

meaning

of the adjective,

wet with blood, but applied elsewhere

(S.An:.1236)

with similar realism to the skin of one dying of a stab wound. It is to be preferred to the freer translation “languid”, “feeble” (LSJ s.v.II.2).

1440-1 1442 1446

eyes: see on 327; the metaphor is simple but vivid (cf.A Ag.240). see on 1128.

friend:

the adjective philoi “dear ones” is commonly used, especially in

verse, of family, who may be near rather than dear, bound by ties of

obligation rather than of affection. the stock

in trade

terminological

of tragedy

situation,

much

Relationships between philoi

(Arist.Po.1453b20)

exploited

and

are

an interesting

for paradox,

arises

when

philoi (family) are not philoi (friendly); cf.on 271.

1448-9 1449

if the city is angry: i.e., because of the siege (cf. A.Th.1044, 1046).

this much at least: the idea of gaining enough ground for a grave (1.6. a very little) was conventional in this myth (A.7h.730, S.OC

1453

1456

790) and

more generally (Ar.Ecci.592). The phrasing recalls the words of the dying Hippolytos (Hipp.1437, 1444). from the corpses or (sg.) corpse: literal-minded critics enquire whose sword was seized by Iokaste. If an answer is necessary, it is surely that of Eteokles, thrown down conveniently, 1417; that of Polyneikes is buried in Eteokles’ liver, 1421.

255

1460sqq.The construction is loose:

the “throng” (3 pers.sg.) is subdivided into

we" and “they” and an idiomatic participial accusative absolute follows (lit. “as if my master being victorious . . . as if he, sc.Polyneikes, being victorious”). Then “argument between the commanders” is amplified with a verb of saying understood: “the one group [alleging that]” with indirect speech expressed in accus.and infin. . . .“the other group [saying that]" with indirect speech expressed by "that" and optative

1464

1465

1466

(cf. Th.1.87 for change of construction).

belonged to neither: or, perhaps, “was irrelevant": lit.“was nowhere". This idiomatic use of the adverb is related to the use with verbs such as “say”, “regard”, with the meaning “of no account" (as E.Andr.210, S.Ant.183). This line is condemned on the grounds that mention of Antigone is out of place and inconsistent with 1476; but a line between 1464 and 1466, which begin with the same phrase, referring to different people, is essential. The Theban soldiers win in battle pos “somehow” because of their “forethought” (stance, with arms at the ready, which might be interpreted as shifty and unscrupulous) enabling them to surprise the

army. Similarly, Eteokles won by a trick pos “somehow”, 1466. 1470-2

The speed and thoroughness of the rout were regular elements in the

tradition. Cf.1250. Zeus Tropaios is the god who routs enemies.

1473 1477

The infinitive expresses purpose after a verb meaning “bring”,

1478-9

(GMT 770). The opening of the speech ,1356, is here recalled in ring composition.

3

The assonance at the end of these lines,

4€

send”

analogous to a Shakespearean

rhyming couplet, draws this section to a close (cf.Med.408-9, superlatives also). Elsewhere assonance at line end is used for emphasis (S.Aj.1085-6), or to establish a point of contact or contrast (S.PA.121-2,

S.Tr.1265-6). 1480-4

The choral anapaests (see Introduction III) draw audience attention to

the arrival of the casualties from the battlefield.

Antigone

is not

mentioned, but after the messenger's reminder of her presence (1465,

1476), she is expected. 1484

a dark fate; or, perhaps tr. “a long dark hideous lifespan”. 1485-587, amoibaion, preceded by choral anapaestic sequence: the metre is very

mixed, at times challenging schematic analysis.

E.g.1538-9a might be

viewed as do sync ph, or as do sp io or as 2 ba da sp; the overall metrical

256

context is so fluid that such distinctions become arbitrary.

It is evident,

however, that Euripides here experiments with the interrelated tempos of οὗ C » ~ - )andio(

~ - - ), and with the

interplay of both of

these with da(- ~ ~). 1486

1487

delicate cheek:

lit. “delicate things of the cheek”;

the phrase recalls

Sophokles’ description of a girl’s soft cheek, allusively Antigone’s, as haunt of love (S.Anr782) The adjective “full-tressed” used proleptically implies that a girl’s hair would normally hide her cheek. red: phoinix is the mascular singular form of the adjective of which the feminine plural form gives the play its title. Onginally “Phoenician” (geographically used 6, 204, 280 and ethnically used as designation of the chorus) it has a secondary meaning “crimson”, arising from the attribution to the Phoenicians of the discovery and use of the colour. This is implicit throughout the play, with the nuance of an association between red and blood (cf.Supp.76-7, combining the ideas of colour and

1489

bloodshed,7r.815, of fire and see also on 41-2). Here, it serves to align Antigone with the Phoenician chorus. eruthema is a medical term for redness of the skin; see LSJ for references to the Hippocratic Corpus. aidomena is an epic by-form, rare in tragic lyric. Antigone now throws aidos "shame", “modesty” to the winds; this is the turning point in her fortunes from the sheltered girl of the prologos to the young

woman of the exodos, dependent on her own resources. 1488-9

Bakchant of the dead:

Bakchic dance, which ought to be deliriously

happy (as implied in the parodos, 235-6) is perverted to association with Ares (see on 784-832) and now with death. (For the oxymoron in similar imagery, cf.“Bakchant of Hades” Hec.1077; also Or.319-20, 1492-3.) 1490-91 When a woman discarded her headdress in public, she abandoned “womanly” modesty with it Perhaps more than her head was bared by this action (cf.Hipp.201-3, 243-4; “Notes

on

Euripides’

Andromache

Andr.829-35, discussed E.M. Craik, , CQ

29

(1979),

65;

also

Theoc.15.134). It is possible that the actor playing Antigone suited the action to the words and while singing and dancing divested himself of the

yellow

costume

(lit.

"yellow

garment

genitive; cf. the saffron robes worn tragedy, JA 238, A.Ag.230) appropriate to continue the action dressed either in a handed to him. Certainly Antigone has palace and emerge in mourning. 257

of luxury",

descriptive

by other young princesses of to the part earlier in the play, shift or in some dark garb now had no opportunity to enter the

1492

aleader:

The -ma

noun, abstract for concrete, is a formation of a type

which became progressively more common in the fifth century (for usage, cf.Andr.261). Here Antigone is to lead the simulated funeral. There are overtones also of leading the choral dance (Poll.4.106).

1493

1405

1500 1502 1503

Play on the name of Polyneikes (as 636-7, 1702): Antigone’s suggestion that Polyneikes was true to his name, “much strifing”, does not imply that she has turned against him: eris “strife” is seen as endemic in the brothers’ situation by Antigone in her musing. killing upon killing: similar repetition for pathetic effect is affected elsewhere (Or.1257, Hel.195, IT 197). The repetition of vocatives is emotive (cf Andr.1186).

lit. "triple kindred bloods" (cf.HF 1076 for similar phrasing). Ennys:

later in the kommos (1556) Antigone returns to blame the curse

on the family, Oidipous' alastor, for events;

finally (1580) she blames

the (anonymous) god responsible (cf.lokaste’s similar questing attempt

1504

to apportion blame, 350-2). For the emotional register of Erinys and its placing in the song cf. Collard on Supp.837. propan “utterly”occurs only here: on the significance of such occurrences see on prologue.

1507

when he killed her:

The

aorist

participle

phoneusas

(lit.“having

slaughtered", phonos again) is coincident, indicating concomitant rather than anterior circumstances. Euripides here alludes to a version in which Oidipous killed the Sphinx (as in vase paintings and cf.S.OT 1198); in the more common version the Sphinx committed suicide after Oidipous had solved the riddle.

1509

Greeks: lit.“Greece”, place instead of people. (The interpretation of the word as masculine adjective, "Greek man" or feminine, "Greek times in this play (also 27, 871) is surely deliberate; the foreign character of the chorus is similarly stressed (278, 301, 497-8, 1301). That the structure of the question ("Who . . . either. ..or. ..”) is closely paralleled Hyps.I iv.6-10 need not indicate a thematic connection (cf.

also IT 895sqq.). 1514

lament

sounds:

elelizei

3rd

pers.sg.pres.indic.active,

used

impersonally; or perhaps -- as the impersonal use is unparallelled — 2nd pers.sg.pres.indic.middle, with the adjective vocative in self-address, tr.“unhappy one, how you till a lament” (cf.Hel.1111). A verb of identical appearance in the present tense, but rare in that tense, is elelizo “whirl”,

middle

elelizomai

"move

258

in

coils",

“tremble”,

an

epic

1515

reduplicated form of ἃ Euripidean favourite; cf.on 3. Perhaps here this verb is suggested, indicating Antigone’s helpless whirling in the dance. What bird?: the plaintive note of birdsong, especially the nightingale’s, is commonly illustrative of human sorrow in poetic imagery (cf.Hel.1111, such song “in tune” with a dirge).

exemplifying

deciduous

Oak and fir (or pine)

and evergreen trees are commonly

used as

examples of trees generally (Ba.109-110, Hom.//.23.328).

1517

in lone motherhood:

cf.Alc.906 for the common

poetic motif of the

mother bird bereft of nestlings. 1524

The custom of mourners' cutting off a lock of hair to lay as an offering on the dead or the tomb is well documented (E.7r.480, Hom //.23.135).

1526-7

twin

milky

breasts:

some

editors

(Pearson,

Méridier)

find

the

descriptive detail in bad taste; but Iokaste's motherhood, symbolised by the breast, is an important aspect of Euripides' portrayal

1529

1530 1533

1535

1539

(see on 31,

987, 1434, 1568). Seneca takes up the emotive detail: his Antigone urges her mother to set her bared breast between the brothers’ swords (Ph.405). deadly mutilations: i.c. the gaping wounds supposedly visible on the corpses, probably represented on stage by effigies, with the brothers' masks. Finally Oidipous is summoned, in terms stressing his great age (1532, 1537) and his blindness (1531, 1534). in the house:

the preposition epi

is very odd;

perhaps the papyrus

reading eti “still”, with “in the house" a locative dative, might be considered. ji» longevity: in this compound adjective, the two elements mean literally, "long-breathing"; such tautology is common in poetic compounds. On breath and breathing cf.876. with staff: alternatively, "as a staff" (metaphorical). Oidipous either leans on Antigone, as Iokaste previously assisted him (1548-50), or she

gives him a staff for support (cf.834, 847, 1719). 1543sqq.The imagery, likening the frailty of old age to insubstantial dreams or phantoms,

is

commonplace

(S.OC

109-110,

1211-48;

Tr.192-3;

AAg.82 etc.).

1549

your blind steps:

lit. your foot blind of foot, “a clumsy pleonasm”

1551

according to Pearson, but not unparallelled(Ba.169). lament and bewail: the use of synonyms in asyndeton connecting conjunction) is common (as A.Th.186).

259

(without

a

1553 1555

The double question 1s rhetorically emphatic. Antigone delays answering her father’s direct questions, prefacing her response with a disclaimer, taking up 1503, of a wish to hurt him (similar language, HF 459). Oidipous' alastor lit.“avenging spirit” (cf.1593, OC 788, A.Th.723;

1567

also Med.1333) is either the curse laid by

Oidipous on his sons or the curse on the family comes to be used loosely of the dangerous state of or further crime, following on bloodshed; it is victim, perpetrator and perpetrator's family: synonymous with Erinys or Ára "curse" (cf.1611). shedding: lit."placing", with a periphrastic use

in general. The term impending vengeance, variously attached to here, it is virtually of this common

verb

(cf.Or.1121, Med.66).

1568

The repetitions of verb and adjective exemplify a Euripidean stylistic

affectation. The emotive appeal by mother to child, with mention of the nurturing breast (singular, because of the action of extending one breast to an infant) is found elsewhere, especially in the tradition of Orestes'

matricide (A.Ch.896-8, E.E1.1206, Or.527, 839). 1571

1573 1575

The lotus flower and meadow (here leimax for the usual leimon ,so also Ba.867) are alike associated with death (cf.on 24). like lions: on the implications in context of this epic simile, see on 1296. cold: in death, which was imminent when Iokaste arrived (1428). The

phraseology

1578 1579 1582-3

is

grimly

ironical,

with

reference

to

the

libations

traditional in honour of the dead; but brings an additional suggestion of libations consisting of blood (cf.174, 1152). dyed: the same metaphor of bloodshed is common in tragedy e.g. A.PV 863, S.Aj.95. day: the words is similar in sound to, and perhaps evocative of, haima "blood". These lines have been suspected on the grounds that the troubles for Oidipous' house began long before the present day. The problem could be

mitigated by reading the verbal prefix hyp-

day has been one of many sorrows” (cf.Antiope

instead of kat- , tr. "this fr.VID).

But "on this

day" and the wish for greater felicity take up earlier phrases (from 1579, 1201) and also a new era of troubles is indeed beginning.

1584sqq.With two abrupt commands, one to Oidipous and Antigone, one to Oidipous, Kreon seizes the initiative and announces Eteokles' twin bequests of kingdom to Kreon and of Antigone, with dowry, to Haimon. It is true that Eteokles did not specifically name Kreon as new ruler in

his final speech (748-83), but this was surely implied throughout the 260

scene

between

the two

addressing Kreon);

men

(and

later assumed

by

the messenger

also, Kreon’s intermittent rule is one of the givens

of the myth (cf.S.Ant.174, “by neamess of kinship to the dead”).

It is

true also that Eteokles

was

said nothing

of dowry

(757-61),

but he

laying on Kreon, as Antigone’s uncle, the obligation to carry out the marriage; father than bestowing on him, as Haimon’s father, the dowry, which in any case would have been agreed on betrothal (and is entirely separate from the kingdom; but see Fraenkel, 1963, 88; Reeve, 1972 I, 460-3). The repetition of the verb “gave . . . giving” is natural (cf.1638), as Kreon asserts and perhaps exaggerates Eteokles’ commissions. 1590-1

Metrically, 1588 is remarkable, with res caused by two

proper names. Teiresias made no such clear statement as is here stated, on stage at any rate: he expressed a view about what would have been preferable in the past about Oidipous’ issue, rather than about what should happen in the future about Oidipous himself.

Kreon,

anxious

to bolster his own

authority, exaggerates the supporting sanction of Teiresias. 1595-614The language of this first part of Oidipous’ speech has been castigated as unworthy of Euripides. Nearly every line has incurred some suspicion and the speech has been criticised for excessive length and incoherence. (Paley went so far as to suggest deletion of 1595-1626; because 1626 repeats 1589 the intervening lines are viewed as interpolation or, if genuine, dislocated from their proper position elsewhere in the exodos.) But if the speech 15 rather long as it stands, wholesale deletion would render it implausibly short; and some

preliminaries about the past are required before Oidipous reverts to his present situation (1615).

Such bipartite reflections on past and present

misfortunes are common in Euripides (Andr.395sqq., where the logic is similarly fractured; HF 1340-93, where the tone is similarly disjointed and emotional). A telling argument for the genuineness of the speech is the Anstophanic parody (Ran.1185-6, most naturally referred to 15959 of this play, though some critics suppose a reference rather to E.Ant.); and it vindicates the very oddity of Oidipous’ complaint. Among the infelicities prompting excision are: authis (1600, translated "next" but normally meaning "again"; cfJon 312 “in turn", “in the next place"), hou (1604, antecedent);

probably Tartarou

translated “from that fate", but vague and without clear te ...d’ (1606, 1608, linking words where there is

corruption or a lacuna). The entire sentence (1604-7) is problematical, with a strange 261

beginning rhetorical

Oidipous was “slave” rather |than heir (as 30) to» Polybos (but see on 392-

1599 1603

3, 520). The aorist infinitive (where future might have been expected) is idiomatic in oracular report, expressing the will of the god. There is a double pathos in the deprivation of sustenance, and in the grim fate anticipated for the abandoned infant (cfJon 1493-4, 1494-5).

1604-7

The phraseology is somewhat similar to certain lines of S.OT

(457,

1349-50, 1391), though not so close as to seem definitely derivative (see

1611

on 1632, 1634, 1758-63) Murray supposes a lacuna (see apparatus). The idea that Oidipous' curse on his sons arose from a curse in Laios' generation would be inconsistent with the prologue narrative (67); but ara need not imply a specific curse. Rather, like Erinys (cf.coupling

A.Th.70) it may be used of such vengeful punitive treatment as the attempt to kill the infant at birth. Others, following scholiast, explain this previous curse as one placed on, not by, Laios:

the curse of Pelops

for Laios' seizure of Chrysippos. 1612-15 The final sentence, though acceptable in content (pace

Fraenkel), with

partial repetition from 1608, is oddly expressed. The expected construction in this result clause is with infinitive, not indicative and em' elided for ema "my" is odd. 1615

Well:

the first word, colloquial in tone, indicates a transition or change

in tack, "so much for that . . .", rather than resigned acceptance of a new situation. In 1617 the final elliptical adverbial phrase, lit."I know well that" is colloquial, as 1s pothen lit.^whence?" and so “of course not" in 1620 (Stevens, 1976, 34, 11, 38). The rhythms of rapid speech are simulated in the staccato series of questions.

1618 1622

Now that his sons are dead, Oidipous alludes to them without bitterness. clasping: — lit^winding" (see on 3) in a conventional posture of supplication. 1623-4 See on 405, Eugenes means primarily noble in birth, gennaios (applied to Oidipous S.OC 7) noble in spirit. 1627sqq.For the time being Kreon ignores the body of Iokaste (but we are reminded of her in the mention of three bodies, 1635) to give directions for the disposal of Eteokles and Polyneikes. 1628-9

the city his own country:

the collocation of the two nouns is awkward;

1630

an alternative interpretation is "to sack the city, came to his country." Kreon orders that the body of Polyneikes be cast beyond Thebes' boundaries. This was the normal treatment for traitors in the classical 262

period (X.Hell.1.7.22, — Plu.Phoc.37, Th.1.138.6, Pl.Lgg.9.873b). When Eteokles specifically vetoes and Polyneikes specifically requests burial in Theban soil, the issue is that of his treachery.

Kreon further

issues a proclamation forbidding burial of the corpse, on pain of death. This is not normal behaviour: by accepted Greek convention even enemies were normally allowed to recover their dead after battle for burial (Supp.526). But vengeful refusal of burial to enemies occurs or

is mooted elsewhere (E.E/.902, Aigisthos' body offered by Orestes to a

shrinking Elektra; cf.S.£/.1487-90, Elektra’s suggestion to Orestes that Aigisthos be thrown to the dogs and vultures; also S.Aj.1177). It is possible to argue that Antigone intends to perform burial of Polyneikes, but not within Theban territory, and that she could readily achieve this on her way with Oidipous to Athens (so Pearson); this solves some of

the problems of the exodos, but at the cost of admitting that Euripides left his intention unclear. In other plays, the body was left on the plain (S.Ant.) or buried by Antigone with help from an accomplice (E.Ant.). 1632 1633 1634

1635

1636

The unusual verb occurs also S.Ant.431, and copying is suspected.

cover with earth: a poetic penphrasis for "bury". This line, almost identical with S.Ant.29, and involving a change of construction from future indic. to infin., has found few defenders; but see Podlecki, 1962, 367 n.20 for the view that it is a deliberate Temembrance dir rec he dead: ἃ nice hypallage (transferred epithet) for "dirges for the 1three dead". The command is abruptly and peremptorily expressed: when disobeyed, it is repeated to attendants (1660).

1637

The remarkable anapaestic 4th foot has arou.ed suspicion : cf.1636, less

1640

exceptional as involving a proper name; and also 548, with anapaestic 2nd foot. Perhaps editors are too prone to eliminate "anomalies" in metre as in grammar and syntax. The sentiment, that the dead are better off than survivors, is a

1642 1643

1644-5

commonplace (cf. A.T7.336). Antigone echoes 1595-6, 1601, 1612. ruler: the article with noun in apposition to the personal pronoun (“you”) is contemptuous (cf.S.Anr441, | E.Med.271. Ar.Ran.171), and this tone is heightened by the adverb, implying that Kreon is an upstart in power. Of the two rhetorical questions referring to Oidipous and Polyneikes,

the first is disregarded; but there is no need to delete it. It is in accord 263

with Greek

idiom to respond to a second point first, and it would be

unnatural to revert to Oidipous, already discussed, after the prolonged argument about Polyneikes has changed the complexion of the situation.

Further, Antigone is remonstrating with Kreon, rather than putting questions which require formal answers, and Kreon is naturally

1645

evasive, as Eteokles had not in fact explicitly pronounced a sentence of exile. give orders: the verb is a coinage, and suggests an arbitrary ad hoc command. (Similarly, in Sophocles, Kreon regards his edict as "law" and unlike Antigone does not differentiate between levels of injunction,

binding to different degrees, S.Ant. 449, 452, 454-5.) prominent

earlier in the play (see on

Ideas of justice

154) are again bandied

about.

Kreon is concerned with “punishment”, Antigone with abstract “justice” (same noun, with a different nuance, stichomythia). 1646

counsel:

twisted by a regular trick of

the term might mean “wish” or “command”

(see also on 692-

3); Kreon seems to fudge the issue of the extent of his delegated powers. 1653

gave

up his life (daimon)

to fate (tyche):

“destiny” is recurrent in the prologue; is

unusual

(but

cf.PLR.617d).

tyche

daimon

Various

other

with the meaning

with the meaning “life” interpretations

of this

difficult line, which seems to lack point as a rejoinder to Kreon's gibe about Polyneikes' unnatural enmity, have been canvassed; to them might be added another: "He surrendered his will, or conscious mind,

to fate". 1654 1655

to tomb: the

1656 1659 1660-1

rest

1.e. through not having a tomb.

The question of reciprocity and fair shares was debated at length in the agon. assured: for such a parenthetical phrase cf.1681, Cy.143.

This line resembles S.Ant.73, but the closeness is hardly suspicious. Stage directions are clearly incorporated in the text: attendants approach Antigone, on Kreon's command, but shrink from dragging her away from Polyneikes' body. On the emphatic expression, "no, I will not" see DGP 275.

1662 1664

Daimon here has its more usual meaning "destiny" (see on 1653). dank dust: this may seem a contradiction in terms, dust being normally dry (hence “thirsty”, S.Ant.246, 429 or "fine", 256; in Sophokles' play the ground is hard and dry, 250-1, and there is a dust storm, 418). If explanation, other than Euripides' liking for oxymoron, is required, it may be suggested that this is a realistic description of a field of recent 264

1665

bloody battle; or that the ground is made wet by tomb libations. I beg assent: lit."yes", rare in tragedy but common in comedy, this is a

colloquial way of asking someone to relent from a refusal (cf.Hipp.605, Ar.Nu.784, 1468). 1667,

1669,

1671

The

lesser requests, to be allowed to wash the body

and

bandage its wounds (cf.7r.1232 for similar obsequies), are still refused by 1668 1672

Kreon,

but

he

cannot

stop

Antigone

kissing

her

brother

(cf.E.Med.1399-1400 for the gesture of kissing the dead on the mouth). by the state: cf.1657, dative of the agent; or on an altemative explanation “to the city” (cf.S.Ant.44). The ms reading of negative with future indicative can stand (as an abrupt exclamatory command. not a statement). Kirchhoff’s correction to a double negative gives the more idiomatic force of a strong prohibition (cf.Hipp.212-4). Heath's correction links Kreon’s rejoinder

with 1670 — as if Antigone had not spoken. 1673

in this life:

1675

rather than marry Haimon. one of the Danaids: there is a double entendre in Antigone’s threat.

the participle

“living”

implies

that Antigone

would

die

In

myth, the Danaids are the daughters of Danaos, reluctant brides who kill

their husbands on their wedding night; in the play the Danaids are the Argive troops (see on 91, 1226 and cf.Supp.130, 1151, 1190, 1220, also Hyps.fr.1 ii.15 for this peculiarly Euripidean usage with its implicit 1676

etymological derivation, made more explicit fr.228.8). Oidipous is here addressed, in anticipation of his coming part in the dialogue.

1677

The verb “see” is used for “perceive”, perhaps ironically, or

with the implication that even the blind must “see” the obvious (cf.on 949-51). Swearing by the sword or spear is common (cf.A.7h.529, A.R.1.466); perhaps Antigone seizes or touches the sword of Polyneikes in a solemn gesture. But as there is no demonstrative pronoun others understand this as the hypothetical sword of the murdering Danaids.

1678

are anxious:

1680

intensifying compound form of acommon verb; cf. on 1698, 1712. Kreon’s admiration for Antigone’s “nobility” (cf.EJon 237, Ion to Kreousa)

1682

this form occurs nowhere else, but is simply an innovative

is coupled with deprecation of her “folly”.

Kreon accuses

Antigone of folly in Sophokles’ play also (Ant.470, cf.754 and, Ismene to Antigone, 99). By his sudden and ignominious departure, Kreon leaves Antigone in possession of the stage (cf.Andr.746, Menelaos’ abrupt departure on a 265

pretext).

The argument that Kreon 15 so affected by Menoikeus’ death

that he wishes to preserve Haimon’s life at all costs reads too much between the lines. 1683

while . .. the particle men implies a following de not formally expressed because of Antigone's interruption but implied in the content of 1685.

1684

The form of the condition (ei

and optative, not ean

and subjunctive)

indicates that fulfilment is remote. The ellipse of the main clause is colloquially common, in expressing a supposition (cf.724, 732, Andr.845;

1685

Stevens, 1976, 31).

With Oidipous' suggestion that Antigone could now be happily married to Haimon, Euripides realistically depicts the inability of the old to react

quickly to a changed situation, and incidentally alludes to the very different plot of his own Antigone.

1686 1687 1688

The

tone

is scornful, as Antigone

answers

Oidipous'

point (DGP

3095qq.) For the motif of collapse on the earth, cf.on 641.

where?; ie."where now?", commonly used for rhetorical questions with varying tones of sarcasm, indignation, encouragement, as 77.428, Supp.127, HF 1414; Antigone's attempt to rally her father's spirits by reference to the Sphinx prompts his gloomy reflections on the transitoriness of his happiness, achieved and shattered on a single day

(that of his arrival at Thebes):

the parallelism between good and bad is

stressed by emphatic repetition of “one” and by repeated -olin the verbs. 1691-2

1693, 1694

1698 1699 1702

syllables

In these lines, the question of whether nobility is negated by hardship 1s resumed, Antigone steadfastly maintaining that she will be protected by her sophrosyne “virtue”, here perhaps primarily chastity, at risk for a woman without effective protector. 1695 _mother: Iokaste, described as mother

of Antigone,

is then so

addressed by Oidipous. There: lit."look", this colloquial expression is common in Euripides, especially in the late plays (cf.106, 1714; Stevens, 1976, 36). outstretched: ektaden is unique but the related verb ekteinesthai is the technical term of “laying out" a corpse (E.Hipp.786). blind hand: Transferred epithet (cf.834). With the ms reading, the meaning is "name" of Polyneikes;

with the

commonly adopted emendation "eye" of Polyneikes.

In a similar crux

(Or.1082)

in keeping

mss

have

both.

“Name”

266

is very

much

with

Euripides’

liking for play on names,

here giving

a pleasing paradox

along with the obvious periphrastic sense "person called Polyneikes"; but “eye” would be appropriate as the seat of affection. 1703-7

It is unreasonable to suspect these lines, simply because they refer to the

situation which underlies the plot of S.OC.

The alleged confusion with

other passages in the exodos has been much exaggerated (1687, sung by

Oidipous and 1734 by Antigone dwelling pathetically rather than literally on his misfortunes). It is in the Euripidean manner to add an allusive

detail

in outlining

the

eventual

fate

characters

of his

(for

instances more inconsequential than this passage, see Hec.1265-73, Hekabe to be turned into a dog; Ba.1331-9, Kadmos and Harmonia to be turned into snakes); and the tangential reference to local Attic cult is also in character (cfJT 1449sqq.). Antigone, unaware of this oracle, anxiously interrupts to ask its antecedents (cf.S.Tr.76sqq.). 1705 1707

The moira

“fate” of 1687 is now understood and defined.

The horse god is Poseidon, main deity of Kolonos (S.OC

Th.8.67, Paus.1.30.4).

The association of Oidipous'

54-5, 712-5,

ultimate resting

place with the horse-taming god may be seen as a counterbalance to the

association of his family with savage beasts, and especially colts, at Thebes. Metre of amoibaion, 1710-57:

1710

the metre is mainly ia and tr, crossing as

in 638-9 and 1018-66. wretched exile: cf.1723, Hipp.1177; exile in any case full of miseries, will be particularly so for the helpless and unprotected Oidipous and Antigone. Antigone's words to her father, initiating this final song, are strikingly similar to her words to the slave beginning her first sung lines

1712 1717

(103-4). following a ship: nausipompon occurs uniquely here. The

first two

words

show

a rare combination

of particles, the first

marking assent, the second repetition (DGP 278, cf.Supp.1098).

1718-19 With

these

lines,

as

literally translated,

Oidipous

moves

forward

tentatively, asking reassurance as he takes a step and reaches out his stick. An alternative interpretation, with the text of the medieval mss,

1721-2

not the papyrus source, is to regard baktra "stick" as metaphorical, "support". In Sophokles and Seneca, Oidipous addresses Antigone similarly in his blindness and exhaustion (S.OC init., Sen.Ph.init.) The transmitted text is awkward: it is helped but not solved by the elimination of the participle at the end of 1722 (see apparatus). With the

preferred

translation

"like

a dream 267

in strength"

the

last word

is

accusative of respect (but very loosely attached); alternatively, the word “strength” may be in apposition to “foot”: tr. “your foot, your strength

which is like a dream". The expression is odd, but the idea — that old age

1724

1726

has a feeble wraith like or dream like appearance - is a poetic commonplace (see on 15435qq.). to drive: the present participle of the mss could refer only to Kreon, who has left the stage; the change to an (exclamatory) infinitive (with double accusative) is an easy one. (Musgrave's further change, giving the meaning "to wander”, with "me" as subject, not object, is neat but unnecessary). Why suffered?: 1.e."What is the use of repeating the word?” or “Why (do you say) suffered?" with the implication that lament is useless, or

perhaps (but this would be out of character) in repudiation of his claim. This sung exchange has at some points — in this question and in the verb 1747 ("go'", lit.“appear”) - a colloquial character rare for lyric (Stevens, 1976, 40, 4).

1726-7

evil men. . , mortals’ follies: evil and folly are here aligned, as conditions not seen and punished by Justice. The reference is obscure: surely not to Oidipous himself (but he seems troubled by the charge of

folly, 1612-14, and his encounter with the Sphinx was a battle of wits, 1728-31, also 1506), and scarcely now to Kreon (though Antigone did accuse Kreon of folly and evil, 1647sqgq.). Perhaps a more general

comment is meant, in which case punctuation as a question has much to commend it, “Does not Justice see. ..?" rather than rueful. 1728 1732

The tone is then consolatory

The imagery is complex; Oidipous' victory over the Sphinx's riddling song is assimilated with songs of victory. shame: referring to the Sphinx this recalls the same word applied to the Spartoi in earlier lyric (821); there too a moment of glory gave way quickly to suffering. The victory of Oidipous over the Sphinx was the immediate cause of his marriage to Iokaste (48sqq., 1045, 1689), and a

time of apparent "good fortune" (1733). 1736

The argument foretold above

that this conflicts with Oidipous' death at Athens, (17055sqq.) is not cogent: Antigone here imprecisely

designates some location other than Thebes. 1737 1738

of longing: “longed for" would be the expected meaning, as adjectives of this formation are usually (but not invariably) passive. far from: apopro occurs after epic only in Euripides, who frequently uuses it in the lyrics of his late plays (Or.143, 1451 etc.).

268

1740 1743

indeed: this exclamation, here of admiration, is often "alas". insults: Antigone reiterates her view that the treatment of Eteokles and

Polyneikes

1745-6

is hybris

(denied by Kreon

1592, asserted by Antigone

1644). Antigone now reverts to her previously abandoned resolve to bury Polyneikes.

But lyric is not normally used to contradict dialogue, and

her intentions as presented are unclear. combine

burial of Polyneikes

Antigone might be able to

(at risk of death)

Oidipous (to die with him) if she performed

with attendance

on

the burial beyond the

boundaries of Thebes (see on 1630). 1746

secretly:

— ht"in

darkness",

adverbial

accusative

(cf.336)

Perhaps

Euripides hints here at a version where Antigone performed the burial

with assistance from an accomplice (Argeia, wife of Polyneikes; or Haimon).

1747-9

The instructions to Antigone, firstly to go to see her companions, secondly to proceed to the altars, much censured as abrupt and inconsequential, are not out of place: Oidipous is not suggesting

alternative plans to test Antigone's constancy (Powell, Paley) but rather makes her departure easier by naturalistic suggestion of acts of farewell. The impending departure of Antigone also recalls the arrival of Polyneikes in its reference to youthful friends and to the gods' precincts (274, 367-8). 1751

precinct:

Kithairon;

according

to

a scholiast

this

is the

tomb

of Semele

on

but the tomb is elsewhere said to be in the city (Ba.10,

Paus.9.12.3) and in any case, a reference to the mountain in general is

appropriate. These lines, contrary to the argument of some critics, are a fitting conclusion with reprise of the themes of Dionysos in conjunction with Apollo (see on 2nd stasimon, 784-833) and dance (see

on 1265-6, 1489). Seneca's Oedipus leaves the city for Kithairon (Ph.12sqq.), and expects to die there (815gq., 118). 1753

Kadmean fawnskin: Kadmos and Dionysos had a special relationship in Theban cult (Paus.10.12.4).

1758-63 The similarity with S.OT 1524-5 is suspicious, and the transition from 3rd person in 1759 to first in 1760 is very awkward; perhaps however 1760sqq. might be salvaged for this play. 1760 murderous: miaiphonos is a variant on the phonos motif. 1762 The particles alla . ..gar are elliptical; "but enough of this, for. . . $*5

269

1764-6

The final anapaestic lines, intoned as the chorus and remaining actors leave (in this case, Antigone and Oidipous by one parodos, that traversed earlier by Teiresias and notionally leading to Athens, and the chorus by the other) need not be suspected because they occur in other

plays: such conclusions convey stock sentiments not always closely tailored to context. The play is effectively over, and the attention of the audience no longer intense.

270

Epaphos

/

/

^

Danaos

^

2“

/

^

Agenor

p[—3j |

Phoinix

| | |

|

|

|

Argives

Aphrodite

|

| | |

|

0C

Europe

=

Ares

=

ΝΞ

|

— Kadmos = Harmonia

Gaia

dragon

—>

——À

|

Polydoros

Semele = Zeus

|

|

Phoenicians

Dionysos

,/

/A

A |

^

χ

|!

Antiope

/

7

|

|

»"

Labdakos

Spartoi

|

Amphion

Zethos

A Menoikeus

ΒΝ

Laios

=

|

|

|

lokaste

Kreon

2

Oidipous

|

|

Antigone

Ismene

|

| . Eteokles

| Polyneikes

Haimon

|

| Menoikeus

INDEX

actors

allocation of parts

46, 175,

[see

209

and

interpolation

name of Argive troops

174-

5 of city 209 of leaders 176, 233 and Thebes 186, 204-5, 239 dialogue antilabe, split lines

200, 221-

content

asyndeton

brightness and darkness

167, 222,

173, 208, 222,

225, 237, 242, 259 colloquialisms 181, 189, 193, 195, 200, 207, 222, 231, 238, 262, 266 epic 230 sqq., 244 sqq. metaphor

172,

175,

198,

217, 218, 231, 232, 239, 241 oxymoron 42, 192, 198, 210, 212, 252, 264 paradox 189, 199,214, 255 punning 45, 166, 200, 209, 220, 222 236 repetition (of lines) 50, 171, 178, 209, 235, 241 (of words) 168, 190, 214, 228, 242, 258, 260

beasts 167, 180, 188, 194, 195-6, 211, 223, 231, 235, 241, 243, 245, 267

and

47,

237, 242, 253, 256

imagery 41-2

sight,

165,

182, 190, 195, 203, 223-4, 238 blood (red, kin, murder) 1678, 170-1, 172, 185-6, 189, 208, 212, 220, 242, 244, 245, 251, 258, 269 dance and music 185, 203, 211, 214, 228, 241, 257 [see also themes]

interpolation

lines]

187, 191, 199, 224

assonance

ambivalence, syncretism 42, 168, 176-7, 181-2, 189, 201, 205, 210-1, 212, 213, 226-9 164, 166, 173, invocation 176, 201, 211, 226, 243

blindness

marked

language and style alliteration 47, 171, 173, 194, 200, 214, 238 ambiguity 186, 215-6, 2312 anachronism 175, 177, 191, 198-9, 206, 218-9 aphorisms, sententious

2, 225 formulaic 226 stichomythia 193, 205, 238 gods

apparatus

51-2,55n.8

mute, extras 217, 224, 230, 241 song: see monody Argos

critical

also

(significant) 202-

3, 215, 221, 222, 225, 226-1, 232, 238, 251, 253, 254, 256,268 rhyme 179, 208, 239, 250 simile

164 , 233-4, 261-2

177,253

(see also imagery]

273

metre

47-9 iatrim 164, 175, 199, 210, 234, 251, 263

trtet

188, 189, 248-9, 250

andim

256, 270

sacrifice

221

safety shields 3, 243 siblings

199, 222 173, 178, 186, 232-

victory

208, 210, 219,

see introductions to

stasima etc.

monody

46, 187, 240

Phoenicia and Thebes 204-5, 257

166, 184, 201,

contemporary

date,

colour

[see also imagery]

40-1, 44-5, 206, 208

structure

and

symmetry

43-4, 167, 181, 187, 217 title 45,171,257

sophists, sophistic ideas, philosophers 45, 166, 169, 181, 188, 193, 195, 197-8, 222, 223 staging 46, 163, 174, 175, 186-8, 190, 216-7, 226, 231, 244-8, 264 gates, walls

163, 173, 209,

215, 229, 233, 235 terrain 41, 168 themes, ideas

41-2

curse, destiny, doom, cyclical

progress passim arbitration 195 arrivals 185 167,211 births 173, 180, 190, 225, exile

245 sqq. iron justice

168, 191, 244, 254 — 179, 195, 210

motherhood

167,225

227, 229, 238, 239, 251, 252, 268, 270

Phoenician

Thebes

194,

196, 200, 201, 266-7 nobility 193-4, 246, 265 nurture 192,211, 213, 255

lync

Women

167, 171-2,

names

169, 192, 232,

259, 260, 266

274